Purchas his pilgrimes. part 4 In fiue bookes. The first, contayning the voyages and peregrinations made by ancient kings, patriarkes, apostles, philosophers, and others, to and thorow the remoter parts of the knowne world: enquiries also of languages and religions, especially of the moderne diuersified professions of Christianitie. The second, a description of all the circum-nauigations of the globe. The third, nauigations and voyages of English-men, alongst the coasts of Africa ... The fourth, English voyages beyond the East Indies, to the ilands of Iapan, China, Cauchinchina, the Philippinæ with others ... The fifth, nauigations, voyages, traffiques, discoueries, of the English nation in the easterne parts of the world ... The first part.

ENGLISH VOYAGES, [ 10] TO THE EAST, WEST, AND SOVTH PARTS OF AMERICA: MANY SEA AND LAND FIGHTS, INVASIONS AND VICTORIES AGAINST THE SPANIARDS IN those parts, and the Spanish Ilands, and coast Townes on this side; plantations in GVIANA, and many [ 20] strange aduentures of Englishmen amongst the AMERICANS. (Book 6)

THE SIXTH BOOKE. (Book 6)

CHAP. 1.

A briefe Relation of the seuerall Voyages, vndertaken and performed by the [ 30] Right Honorable, GEORGE, Earle of Cumberland, in his owne person, or at his owne charge, and by his direction: collected out of the Relations and Iournals of credible per∣sons Actors therein.

THe first Voyage of this Right Honorable Earle was intended to * 1.1 the South Sea: and begun from Grauesend, Iune 26. 1585. with three Ships and a Pinnace; the Red Dragon Admirall, of [ 40] 260. Tunnes, with 130. men, commanded by Captaine Robert Widrington: the Barke Clifford Vice-admirall, of 130. Tunnes, with 70. men, commanded by Captaine Christopher Lister (he had beene taken prisoner in Barbarie at the battell of Alcassar, in which King Sebastian was slaine) the Roe Rere-admirall, commanded by Captaine Hawes: the Dorothee, a small Pinnace of Sir Walter Raleighs (This voyage being published at large in Master Hakluyts printed voyages, I will here but briefly runne ouer) Septemb. 7. they fell with the Coast of Barbarie, haling in with the Road of Santa Cruce: after that they anchored in Rio del Oro, and searched vp the [ 50] Riuer, finding it fourteene or fifteene leagues vpward as broad as at the mouth, some two leagues ouer. The last of September they resolued for Sierra Leona, from whence they departed the se∣uenth of Nouember. The fourth of Ianuarie they fell with the American shoare in 30. degrees and 40. minutes South latitude, the weather temperate. Ian. 10. they tooke (a little short of the Riuer of Plate) a small Portugall ship, and in her Abraham Cock of Leigh neere London, married in that Country, who was brought home by the Admirall. They learned that in that Riuer were fiue Townes each of seuentie housholds or more. Buenos Aeres, fiftie leagues vp the Riuer, the rest fortie or fiftie aboue each other; Tuccaman the vppermost 230. leagues from the entrance: In which was store of Corne, Cattell, Fruits, but neither Siluer nor Gold. In this Barke were fiue and fortie Negroes. The next day they tooke another, in which were fiue and [ 60] thirtie Negro women, foure or fiue Friars, one an Irishman. Their Bookes, Beades, and Pictures, cost aboue 1000. Duckets. The Bishop of Tuccaman had sent for them to take possession of a Mo∣nasterie. They learned of Master Iohn Drake who went in consort with Captaine Fenton, cast

away neere the Riuer of Plate, his companie taken or slaine by the Saluages: of which Iohn Drake and Richard Fairweather escaped with two or three others in a Canoa to the Spaniards and liued in those parts. Here also they tooke Miles Philips left in the Countrey by Sir Iohn Hawkins.

After counsell taken they fell Aprill 3. with the Land of Brasil in 16. degrees and a Terse, and watered in the Road of Camana. They proceeded and anchored before the Towne of Baya, and found in the Harbour eight Ships and one Caruell. The next day they forced the Portugals * 1.2 to abandon foure of the best of those ships, and towed them forth in despight of infinite store of * 1.3 great and small shot from the shoare and ships: one Hulke hauing in her foure and twentie pieces of Ordnance. The least of these prizes was 130. Tunnes. After this they haled the Hulke and commanded the Master to follow them, which he did, together with a Caruell with fiftie Butts [ 10] of wine. They fetched reliefe from the shoare also in despite of innumerable Indians and all the enemies forces. May 24. they tooke a ship of 120. Tunnes laden with Meale and Sugar. But the voyage to the South Sea was defeated by some mens desire to returne, in which Captaine Delamour tooke a small Pinnace. The Fle••••••sish Hulke taken into the Fleet in stead of the George * 1.4 cast off, furnished with her men, suddenly tooke fire and perished, Ship, Men, and Goods. Septemb. 29. the residue reached the Coast of England after an vnprofitable and vnfortunate voyage.

IN the yeare 1587. when the Towne of Slewse was beseeged by the Duke of Parma, Sir Roger Williams being Gouernour there, the Earle put himselfe in person to make proofe of his valour * 1.5 [ 20] in that seruice, but at his arriuall found the Towne surrendred vnto the Duke, the said Sir Roger being not able to hold out longer. Anno 1588. amongst many of the Nobility which distributed themselues into diuers of her Maiesties Shippes vpon the approach of the Spanish Armada, the Earle put himselfe aboord the Bonaduenture commanded by Captaine George Raymond; when they wanne that honour that no Sea can drowne; no age can weare out. The Queene so accep∣ted * 1.6 this Noble Earles resolution, that she gaue him leaue the same yeare to goe as Generall, and for his greater honour and ability was pleased to lend him the Golden Lion, one of the Shippes Royall, to be the Admirall; which he victualled and furnished at his owne charge and aduen∣ture, hauing Commission to pursue his intended voyage towards the Spanish coasts, vnder the broad Seale of England, bearing date the fourth of October, 1588. Attended with many braue [ 30] Gentlemen he set forth about the end of October, and in the Narrow Seas met with a Shippe of Dunkerke called the Hare, laden with Merchandise for Spaine, which after some fight he tooke and sent home. But contrary windes first suspended, and after that a storme (which forced them * 1.7 to cut the maine Maste ouerboord) depriued him of further hopes and ability to prosecute his true designes.

HIs spirit remaining neuerthelesse higher then the windes, and more resolutely by stormes * 1.8 compact & vnited in it selfe, he procured a new of her Maiestie the Victory, one of the Royal Nauie, accompanied with the Meg and Margaret, two small Ships and one Caruell; which were set forth at his charges, and manned with 400. Mariners and Souldiers: the Admirall comman∣ded [ 40] by his Lordship, and vnder him Captaine Christopher Lyster: the Meg by Captaine William Mounson Viceadmirall: the Margaret by Captaine Edward Careles alias Write Rereadmirall: the Caruell by Captaine Pigeon. The eighteenth of Iune they set forth from Plimmouth and within three dayes met with three French Ships, Leaguers of New Hauen, and Saint Maloes laden with * 1.9 New-found land fish: two of them with the Margaret not able to endure the Sea, were sent for England. The thirteenth of Iuly his Lordship met with eleuen Dutch Ships which at first made shew to abide a fight, and after a few shot yeelded and sent their Masters aboord shewing their Pasports from Hamborough, Lubecke, Bream, Pomerland and Callice: who confessed that they had goods aboord to the value of foure thousand & fiue hundred pounds of a Iew of Lisbone; which be∣ing deliuered and distributed, his Lordship set saile for the Asores. The first of August he had sight * 1.10 of Saint Michael, and to disguise himselfe put forth a Spanish Flagge. Espying foure Shippes in [ 50] the Roade, he resolued that night to cut their Cables and to bring them away: which he accor∣dingly * 1.11 performed before he was descried. The Spaniards in three of them leaping into the Sea, with much noise and outcry gaue the alarme to the Town, which made many vaine shots at his Boate in the darke. The fourth was the Falcon of London, vnder the name of a Scottish Ship, ha∣uing a Scottish Pilot. The three Spaniards were laden from Siuill with Wine and Sallet Oyle. The Pinnace tooke a small Shippe wherein was thirty tunnes of Madera wines, same Wollen Cloath, Silke and Taffata. The Carracks were departed from Tercera eight dayes before. He manned his Boates and obtained refreshing at Flores professing himselfe a friend to their King Don Antonio. From thence rowing a shipboord, the Boate was pursued two miles together by a monstrous Fish, whose Finnes many times appeared about the gils aboue water foure or fiue yards a sun∣der, * 1.12 [ 60] and his iawes gaping a yard and a halfe wide, not without great danger of ouertur∣ning the Pinnace, and deuouring some of the company: but at the last they all escaped. Here his Lordshippe met and accepted into consort Captaine Dauies with his Shippe and

Pinnace, a Shippe of Sir Walter Raleighs, commanded by Captaine Markesbury, and the Barke Lime.

Hauing intelligence that the Carracks were at Tercera, he came vp to the road of Fyall the seuen and twentieth of August, and descrying certaine Shippes at anchor close aboord the shoare; * 1.13 he sent his Boates which boorded a Ship of 250. tunne armed with foureteene cast Peeces, and continued fight till a supply of Boates came from the Fleete to second them, and then recoue∣red the prize. The Spaniards (except Iohn de Palma) leapt all ouer-boord to swimme to the shoare, * 1.14 which was so neere that the Ship was moored to the Castle, from whence the great Ordinance plaied all the time of the fight: onely it was not a play to the Master of the Caruell, whose calfe of his legge was shot away. This Shippe came laden from Port-Racco with Sugar, Ginger, and [ 10] Hides. The Ship-boates fetched also out of the Roade some other small Ships laden from Guin••ee * 1.15 with Elephants teeth, Graines, Coca nuts, and Goate Skinnes: most of which prizes he sent for England. The next day, eight Englishmen prisoners stole from Tercera in a small Boate, hauing no other yard for their maine saile then two Pipe staues. These told his Lordship, that the Car∣rackes were departed a weeke before, which moued him to returne for Fyall with purpose to take that Towne.

He arriued, September the tenth, landing his men, the Platforme shot at them in their march, * 1.16 but they comming vp found it and the Towne ahandoned, and tooke thereof possession. This Towne containeth 500. housholds well and strongly built of Lime and Stone, well stored with fresh water, delicate Fruites and Grapes of diuers sorts. He set a guard to preserue the Churches [ 20] and Religious Houses, and staid there foure dayes till the ransome was brought him, which was * 1.17 2000, Duckets, most of Church Plate. He shipped from the Platforme eight and fiftie Peeces of Iron Ordnance. The Gouernour of Graciosa sent his Lordship sixtie Butts of Wine, but excu∣sed his want of fresh water. A Ship of Weymo••••h came thither with a Spanish prize worth six∣teene thousand pounds, and brought newes of the West Indie Fleete shortly to come; which af∣ter three or foure dayes playing to and fro in rough weather (I let passe a Shippe of Saint Malo, * 1.18 which he took laden with New-found-land Fish) he espied going into the hauen at Angra in Ter∣cera to the number of fifteene saile, being too farre to Leeward to come neere them: and they be∣ing strong and fortified with the Castle and Fort, he was forced to giue ouer. And although he le••t a Pinnace for aduice, intending to waite for them at Sea; yet she returned with newes that [ 30] they had taken off their sailes, and downe their topmasts with resolution of longer stay. Where∣fore he sailed to Saint Michaels, and being there repelled from watering, went to Saint Maries, where they found two Brasil Ships laden with Sugar, which the Ilanders fought to bring a ground: but Captaine Lyster hastning the attempt in the face of the enemie and danger of con∣tinuall * 1.19 shoare-shot, borded the vttermost, cut asunder her Cables and Hawsers and towed her away, whiles Captaine Dauies entred the other then a ground and abandoned, and was forced to forsake her. Two men were slaine and sixteene hurt. But a greater losse followed whiles the * 1.20 Earle in person sought to get the other ship, Captaine Lyster rashly disvaluing the enemies force, the Barre also detayning them on ground in the midst of danger from the enemie, to the losse and hurt of eightie men. His Lordship receiued three shot vpon his Target, and a fourth on the side, [ 40] not deepe, his head also broken with stones that the bloud couered his face, both it and his legs likewise burned with fire-balls.

The Meg being leakie was sent with the prize into England, and his Lordship held his course for Spaine. By the way he tooke a Portugal ship laden from Brasil, and after that another which was one of the fifteene which had before entred Angra, being a ship of 400. Tunnes, laden from * 1.21 Mexico and Saint Iohn de Vlhua with seuen hundred hides, sixe chists of Cochenele, certaine chists of Sugar and some Siluer. The Captaine was an Italian, and had in her fiue and twen∣tie thousand Duckets aduenture. Thus full of ioy they resolued homewards, but Sea-for∣tunes are variable, hauing two inconstant Parents, Aire and Water. His Lordship sent Cap∣taine Lyster in the Mexican prize for Portsmouth, which at Helcl••ffe in Cornwall was wracked, [ 50] the Captaine and all his companie drowned except fiue or sixe. Scarsitie of drinke caused by * 1.22 contrarie windes, caused his Lordship to seeke to recouer some part of Ireland for reliefe; but wayting for entrance was put off againe, their Beere and Water being all spent. Three spoonfuls of vineger were allowed to each man at a meale with some small reliefe squeezed out of the l••es * 1.23 of their wine vessels: which continued fourteene dayes without other supply then the drops of Haile and Raine, carefully saued with Sheets and Napkins. Some dranke vp the soyled running water at the Scupper-holes; others saued by deuise the runnings downe the Masts and ••arred Ropes; and many licked the moist Boards, Railes, and Masts with their tongues like Dogs. Yet was that Raine so intermingled with the sprie of the foaming Seas in that extreme storme, that it could not be healthfull: yea, some in their extremitie of thirst dranke themselues to death [ 60] with their Cannes of salt-water in their hands. Notwithstanding this extreme scarsitie, his * 1.24 noble charitie caused equall distribution of the small store they had aswell to all his prisoners as to his owne people. By this time the lamentable cryes of the sicke and hurt men for drinke was heard in euery corner of the ship: for want whereof many perished (ten or twelue euery night.)

more then otherwise had miscarried in the whole Voyage. The storme continuing added to their misery, tearing the ship in such sort, as his Lordships Cabbin, the dining roome, and halfe Decke became all one, and he was forced to seeke a new lodging in the hold. His minde was yet vndaunted and present, his bodily presence and preuentions readie. The last of Nouember hee spake with an English ship, which promised him the next morning two or three tunnes of Wine, but soone after vnfortunately came on ground. The next day hee had some supply of Beere, but not sufficient to enable him to vndertake for England. Hee therefore (the winde seruing) put into Ventre Hauen, in the Westermost part of Ireland, where hauing well refreshed, the twen∣tieth * 1.25 of December he set sayle for England. His Lordship in this Voyage tooke thirteene Prizes, but that which was worth more then all the rest was lost, yet the profit redoubled his aduentures. [ 10] At his arriuall in London, hee met with the vnfortunate newes of the death of his eldest Sonne Francis Lord Clifford, which died the twelfth of December, 1589. yet was comforted with the * 1.26 birth of the Ladie Anne Clifford (borne the last of Ianuary following (his Daughter, and by the death of Robert Lord Clifford, who dyed the fourteenth of May 1591.) his heire, now the ver∣tuous wife of the Right Honourable Richard Earle of Dorset.

THis Honourable Sparke was further kindled and enflamed by former disasters, and obtay∣ning of her Majestie a new ship called the Garland, a ship of sixe hundred tunnes, added the * 1.27 Samson Vice-admirall, a ship of his Lordships, of two hundred and sixtie tunnes, the Golden Noble Reare-admirall, and to them the Allagarta, and a small Pinnasse called the Discouerie. With these he set forth 1591. at his owne charge to the Coast of Spaine, where hee tooke good * 1.28 [ 20] purchase, a ship laden at Saint Thomas with Sugars, which he was forced to cast off by an irreco∣uerable leake: another also which after long contrary winds in her course for England, was dri∣uen to put into a Spanish Harbour for want of victuals. But in two other hee was more vnfortu∣nate. For Captayne Munson being sent to dispatch the goods, and the Golden Noble to accom∣pany them (which the nights calmenesse prohibited) the ships beeing thus seuered, were by the * 1.29 Gallies of Penocha set vpon, his Lordship being within hearing of the shot, but by reason of the calme not able to releeue them: so that the two ships were recouered, Captayne Bayly slaine, Captayne Munson and the rest carried Prisoners to Penecha, and thence to Lisbone. His Lordship wrote to the Archd••ke Albert, then Vice-roy, for their good vsage, otherwise threatning requi∣tall [ 30] to theirs of whom he presumed hee should take store. For feare whereof the common sort were returned a few dayes after new clothed, Captayne Munson with sixe others only detay∣ned. His Lordship hauing intelligence of a great Armada prepared in the Groyne; to bee sent a∣gainst the Lord Thomas Howard then Admirall of her Majesties fleet at the Asores, attending to * 1.30 surprize the West Indian fleet, sent the Mooneshine with aduise; otherwise the Lord Howard had runne the fortune of Sir Richard Greenuile, who lost his ship and life, or rather exchanged the one for honor, and for the other made the Spaniards the greatest losers in so deere a purchase. * 1.31 Thus weakned by disaduenture, he was forced to returne for England.

HIs Lordship considering the inconuenience of her Maiesties command, not to lay any Spa∣nish [ 40] ship aboard with her ships, lest both might together be destroyed by fire, rather chose * 1.32 to seeke out amongst the Merchants, then to make further vse of the ships Royall. And so hee hired the Tigre a ship of six hundred tunnes, furnished by the Owners for three hundred pounds a moneth wages, in which he went in person, thereto adding his owne ship the Samson, and the Golden Noble, with two small ships.

These in the yeere, 1592. were set forth, but so crossed with winds, as three moneths victu∣alls * 1.33 were spent in Harbours, before they could get to the Westward of Plymmouth: whereby al∣so one of his Lordships principall designes was frustrate, which was the taking of the Carrikes outward bound, as also the meanes to performe his intended Voyage to the West Indies. Where∣vpon, not like to satisfie that expectation which might arise from a personall expedition of his [ 50] Lordship, he transferred the chiefe command to Captayne Norton, and returned to London, lea∣uing * 1.34 instructions with the Admirall to goe for the Asores. Captayne Norton neere Cape Finister∣re, met two of the King of Spaines Gallions, returning from Brest in Brittanie; in fight with whom the Golden Noble receiued a shot in her fore-mast, which made them doubt of her further sufficiencie: but hauing fished it aswell as they could, Captayne Caue her Commander espied an Argosie bound for Lisbone, and gaue chase to her within shot of the Fort of Cascaijs within * 1.35 fiue fathome water of a shoald called Catchops, and there in sight of the men on shoare laid her a∣board, and returned into England with her.

The Admirall with the rest of the fleet arriued at the Asores, and hauing watered and refre∣shed at Flores (which that Iland permitted to all men of warre, as not able to withstand them) * 1.36 [ 60] put to Sea and spreading themselues, the Santa Cruce was descried, which made all the haste she could for Angra in Tercera. They hasted after, and being within halfe a league of her, they espied Sir Iohn Burroughs in the Ro-bucke, a ship of Sir Walter Raleighs of two hundred tunnes (which had ridden vnseene on the Easterne side of the Iland) standing to crosse the Carrickes way, so that * 1.37

now she was forced, the wind being Westerly to luffe vp, & recouer the Road of Lagow••a on the South end of Flores. The law and custom of the Sea, making al ships of war then together (though * 1.38 not formerly consorted) equall sharers according to their tunnage of the prizes gained, Captayne Norton out of ciuil respect (and not needing help) consulted with Sir Iohn Burroughs, and they a∣greed to board her the next morning. But a storme in the night forced them al from their anchors, which the next day being somwhat allaied they recouered the road & found the Carrike warped as neer the shore as they could, hauing indeuo••ed also to put ashore such goods as time would per∣mit) * 1.39 and fired, with all her sayles and flags vp and Ordnance laden, which went off on euery side when the fire came to them: a sight more pleasing to the Portugals then the English, whom those accounted now the Owners of that consumed substance. The surge also (issue of the late storme) [ 10] scarsly permitted their Boates to land, to seeke to get wrackes, and what the Portugals had car∣ried ashoare: e••••ry man (for feare of wracking the Boates on the Rockes) being vp to the neck, * 1.40 and some ouer head and eares before they could obtayne the shoare, where also they were forced on hands and knees to climbe vp a steep hill, on the top whereof stood many Ilanders tumbling downe great stones on them. But all difficulties were made easie by resolution and hope, which brought them to the Towne (now forsaken by her Inhabitants) and made them Masters of the wracked goods, which seemed to flye thither for refuge from the fire and water. * 1.41

Whiles they were thus employed about this burnt Carrike, Sir Robert Crosse Captayne of the Foresight of her Maiesties, Master Tomson Captayne of the Daintie (a ship of Sir Iohn Hawkins) Captayne Newport in the Golden Dragon came into this consort. They were much grieued with [ 20] this spectacle, but comforted that there had but one of the fiue Carrickes passed, this had fallen into this terrible Purgatory, and three were still expected. They spread themselues, & continued expecting from the nine and twentieth of Iune, till the third of August, at which time Master Tomson first had sight of the great Carricke, called Madre de Dios, and comming vp, gaue her a broad-side of Ordnance; & falling a sterne came (hauing laden his Ordnance) again and againe to * 1.42 deliuer his peal••s to hinder her way, till the rest of the fleet could come, the Carricke answering with the like. Sir Iohn Burroughes and the Golden Dragon came in about three a clocke, and Sir Iohn receiued a shot of a Canon Perier vnder water in the Bread-roome, which made him beare * 1.43 vp to stop his leake. Sir Robert Crosse was the next, who to giue her his broad side, came so neere, that becalming his sayles he vnwillingly fell aboard the Carricke, which hauing lashed her fast [ 30] by the Strowdes, sayled away with her by her side. The Earle of Cumberlands ships, worst of sayle, were the last which came vp, about eleuen aclocke at night, not minding then to boord * 1.44 her: But hearing the Foresight, calling to Captayne Norton, And you be men, saue the Queenes ship: he gaue order to the Samson, to lay her aboord on the one side, and promising to doe the like in the Tigre on the other, which about twelue a clock was performed. The Tigre running stemling aboord, broke her beake-head to the huddings; the Samson laid the Forefight aboord, and entred thorow her into the Carricke, whereby the Forefight without entring any one man, tooke op∣portunitie * 1.45 to free her selfe.

And now both ships companies beeing entred into the Fore-cheynes, the Fore-castle was so high, that without any resistance the getting vp bad ••••••ne difficult. But heere was strong resi∣stance, [ 40] some irrecouerably falling by the bo••rd, a•••• 〈…〉〈…〉ssault continued an houre and an halfe, so braue a bootie making the men fight like Dragons till the Fore-castle being gained, the Portu∣gals * 1.46 stowed themselues in holds. The English now hunted after nothing but pillage, and were readie to goe to the eares about it, each man lighting a Candle, the negligence of which fired a Cabbin, in which were sixe hundred Cartrages of Powder. The rumour hereof made them all readie to forsake the Carrike, when Captayne Norton with some others with buckets of water, aduentured the quenching of that fire: Feare of leake by the fight and neernesse of the shoare * 1.47 were great parts of his care. All these dang••rs freed, contention about so rich a pillage was wel∣nigh kindling in the Commanders, beeing so diuersly commanded and employed: but Sir Iohn Burroughes pretending the Queenes name, Captayne Norton yeelded that hee should take care of the Carricke, which he accordingly repayred, lands about eight hundred Negros on Coruo, de∣taynes * 1.48 [ 50] the ordinary Saylers, commits the Gentlemen to a ship of the Ea••le of Cumberlands to goe whether they would, who escaped not a second rifling by other Englishmen of warre, which tooke from them (thus negligently dismissed) nine hundred Diamonds besides other odde ends. The Earle of Cumberland had notice by a Pinnasse sent from Captayne Norton twentie dayes before the Carricke came into England, and had Commission from the Queene for her safe har∣bouring. Hardly she escaped the Rockes of Silly (the Tigre also participating in that danger) and came to Dartmouth, being so huge and vnweldie a ship, as shee was neuer remooued out of that Harbour, but there laid vp her bones. His Lordships share would haue amounted according to his employment of ships and men, to two or three Millions, but because his Commission large [ 60] enough otherwise, had not prouided for the case of his returne, and substituting another in his place, some adjudged it to depend on the Queenes mercie and bountie. Neyther yet by rea∣son of some mens imbezelling had her Majestie the account of the fifth part of her value; and

the Earle was faine to accept of sixe and thirtie thousand pounds for him and his, as out of gift.

THe next yeere 1593. his Lorship procured two ships Royall, the Golden Lion Admirall com∣manded * 1.49 by himselfe, the Bonaduenture Vice-admirall, and therewith employed the Backe Chaldon, the Pilgrime, the Anthonie, and the Disconerie: which three last when hee came to the Coast of Spaine hee sent for the West Indies. Hee tooke from the protection of fourteene great Hulkes, two French ships of Saint Malowes (which then held for the league, and v••••re therefore * 1.50 reputed in state of Spaniards) of great value, one of which he carried with him, and sent the o∣ther into England. The Spaniards hauing intelligence, set forth an Armada against him, which [ 10] waited for him at the Ilands, and the Earle hearing of their beeing at Flores, and within fiue leagues of them, lighted on a ship which they had sent to descry, which before shee could reco∣uer her fleet, he tooke. He learning by these that the Spanish fleet trebled the force of his, hauing * 1.51 kept company with them one day, quitted them and kept tenne or twelue leagues distant from them three weekes. In which space he fell sicke beyond hope of life, without returne or refre∣shing * 1.52 from the shoare. Captayne Monson with much hazard, procured him some refreshing from Coruo; and leauing the rest of the ships (which tooke one Prize after) hee returned for England, this proouing the most gainfull Voyage which he made before or after.

THe Anthonie of one hundred and twentie tunnes, commanded by Captayne Iames Langton, [ 20] Pilot Antonio Martino a Spaniard, which had long liued in those Indies, and wel acquainted * 1.53 with those Ports: the Pilgrime of one hundred tunnes, commanded by Captayne Francis Slings∣bie, Diego Petrus a Spanish Pilot, and the Discouerie: these three after fare well solemnely taken and giuen by shot on all hands, shaped their Course for the Antillas, and fell with the Iland of Saint Lucia, there and at Matinnio, refreshing themselues three dayes, they concluded to attempt the taking of the Rancherias, which are the Pearle-fishings of Margarita, contayning sixe or se∣uen * 1.54 seuerall small Villages, which for that purpose they inhabit but not aboue one of them at once, when their fishing failes there, remouing to another and so by course, hauing emptie hou∣ses standing alway readie for that purpose. The Pearles for more safetie are monethly carried to the Towne of Margarita three leagues from the waters side. They kept out of sight all day for [ 30] feare of discouerie, and at night landed and visited two emptie Rancherias: but taking a Spaniard which then came thither in a Boate with two Indians, they made him their guide to the inha∣bited Rancheria, fiue leagues off, commanding the Boates to row along the shoare, and not to double the point till euening. The two Captaynes with eight and twentie men, marched by land in the heat, which with want of water much annoyed them. They came thither in the beginning of the night, and agreed to assault the place in three places at once, notwithstanding their small numbers, lest they should gather head any where. The Spaniards at first thought it * 1.55 had beene some false alarme of the Gouernour, and bid away with this iesting, but finding it earnest, hastily fled to the woods. Thus did they take the Towne, with some two thousand pounds value in Pearle besides what other pillage the Souldiers gate. Their weapons they brake for feare of [ 40] pursuite.

In the morning they went aboord the fishing Boats, and tooke their Oysters gotten the night before: and gate aboord their ships (much in suspense for them, not knowing of this sudden en∣terprize) the fifth day after they had gone from them. The shippes now comming before the Towne demanded ransome for their houses and Canoas, to redeeme which from destruction they gaue two thousand Duckets in Pearle. But Caruels of aduice hauing euery-where giuen intelli∣gence of them, at Cumana they found them on their guard and returned, not without losse. Thence they coasted Terra F〈…〉〈…〉ma, till they came to the Ilands of Aruba and Corresao, where they landed and refreshed themselues: Thence to Rio de Hache, which they thought to haue ta∣ken, * 1.56 but found the enemy ready for them, with other intelligence that they had carried their [ 50] goods into the Mountaynes.

They therefore set saile for Hispaniola, came to Cape Tuberone, and thence to the Bay of Saint * 1.57 Nicholas, and thence to Fort Plat, and others on the North side: thence to Mona, and so Sauona, where they watered againe, in this manner. The Iland is low destitute of any Spring, and to the Sea a small fine Sand. Not twenty paces from the wash of the Sea digging a hole and set∣ting * 1.58 therein a Hogshead (the head knocked out) water is plentifully taken, seeming to be no o∣ther then the Sea water, losing the saltnesse in that passage. Thence they went to the Riuer of Socko, about 5. l. Eastward of Saint Domingo, and went in the night 4. l. vp and suddenly surpri∣sed an Estanca, that is, a Farme place, where slaues keepe the great mens cattle, make their Cas∣saui bread, dresse their Ginger and Fruites, and doe other offices of Husbandry. Being thereof [ 60] possessed, they came to parlie for ransome of their Houses, and for their Negros, for which they gaue them the flesh of thirtie Beeues with Cassaui and Fruites. Beefe will not keepe in those * 1.59 parts aboue foure and twenty houres, vnlesse first salted, and then dried in the Sunne, being first cut into two sides like Bacon, without any bone left in it, nor any peece of flesh thicker then

a mans hand. It must first be searched with a Knife, then rubbed ouer with Salt, and hauing so remained twelue houres must be dried in the Sunne: and foure hot dayes drying will saue it sufficiently.

Other Estanças being likewise taken yeelded like contributions. From thence they went vp∣on * 1.60 another Riuer called Marracaua, where there was an Ingenio of Sugars which they tooke for their prouisions and caused the owner to ransome it from burning. Thence they went to the mouth of the harbour of Saint Domingo, and rid there at the East side of the same, at Point Tor∣rosilio to intercept any Shipping comming forth. The Sergeant Mayor came hither to treat for ransome of some prisoners, and with him an Englishman of Captaine Lancaesters company of Captain Raymunds fleete, whose Ship was newly cast away comming out of the East Indres into * 1.61 those parts, a little to the West of Saint Domingo at Acoa. The Spaniards set forth two Caruels [ 10] to intercept the Boates, which they did, but the Ships recouered the taken and takers together. They brought foure brasse Falcons of Captaine Lancasters Ship, ten others of Iron they left for the heauinesse being somewhat farre from the water. They tooke also a fine Friggot hidden vn∣der the trees, which they brought for England.

Thence they went for Iamaica, and there found two Barkes laden with Hides and Canna∣fistula, * 1.62 one of which they manned and sent for England, taken by a French man of warre by the way. Thence they went to Cuba, to Cape Corientes, and Cape Saint Antonio, to expect shipping comming for the Hauana, but in vaine. Thus after eight moneths spent in the Countrey, the Antonie and the Frigot went to the Bay of Honduras; the Pilgrime at Hauana spent some few dayes, and then set saile for England, where they arriued in Plim∣mouth, * 1.63 [ 20] May 14. 1594.

The Antonie and the Frigot within foure leagues of Porto cauallo descried seuen Shippes in the * 1.64 Road, the least of ninescore tun. They anchored within Caliuar shot of the Spanish Shippes and moored their Ships a head and sterne, and bent their broad sides vnto them, and there fought all that day with those seuen Shippes and all night, now and then a shot: Captaine Langton sent * 1.65 the Boate and Shallop to the shore, from whence they brought a Frigot of twenty tunne. The next morning they fired the Frigot, and with their Boates purposed to bring her crosse the Ad∣mirals halfe. But when they saw them comming, they all ranne into the Boates and got ashore. The Admirall let slippe the other sixe, vnhanged their Rudders, and carried them ashore that * 1.66 none should saile away with the Shippes if they were taken. They laded the Admirall with the [ 30] best out of all the Shippes, and sent ashore to know if they would ransome the rest, which they delaying, they fired one of them laden with Hides and Logwood, and then another laden with Susaparill. But the King of Spaine had forbidden them any ransoming, and they came not. All their Ordnance was heaued ouerboord sauing two or three Brasse peeces, in hope some English∣men might be the better for them afterward. One of them was a Shippe of fiue hundred tunnes. They brought away the Admirall of 250. and came into Plimmouth the fifteenth of May, the next day after the Pilgrims arriuall.

ANno 1594. The Earle of Cumberland on his owne charge with the helpe of some aduen∣turers * 1.67 set forth for the Tercera Ilands the Royall Exchange, Admirall of 250. tunnes, com∣manded [ 40] by Captaine George Caue: the May Floure Viceadmirall, of like burden, commanded by Captaine William Antonie: the Samson Rereadmirall, commanded by Captaine Nicholas Down∣ton, a Caruell and a small Pinnace. They set forth from Plimmouth, April 6. In the way they tooke a small Barke laden with Galicia wines, &c. Iune the second, they had sight of Saint Michael; After ten dayes they descried the great Carricke of 2000. tuns, called the Cinque LLagas or Fiue Wounds. The May Floure first got vp to her and receiued an vnwelcome salutation. In the night * 1.68 the Samson came in and continued the fight, and at last the Admirall. They agreed that the Admirall should lay the Carrake aboord in the Prow, the Viceadmirall in the Waste, and the Rereadmirall in the Quarter. But it fell out that the Admirall laying her aboord at the looffe, recoiled a sterne, the Viceadmirall being so neere that she was faine to runne with [ 50] her bolt sprit betweene the two quarters, which forced the Rereadmirall to lay her aboord * 1.69 on the Bowe.

After many bickerings, fire-workes flew about interchangeably. At last the Vice-admiral with a Culuering-shot at hand fired the Carrick in her Sterne, and the Reare-admirall her Fore∣castle * 1.70 by a shot that gaue fire to the Mat on the Beake-head, from thence burning to the Mat on the Bolt-sprit, and so ran vp to the Top-saile-yard: they plying and maintayning their fires so well with their small shot, that many of those which came to quench them were slaine. These fires encreased so sore that the Vice-admiralls fore-saile and fore-top-saile were both burnt, the Reare-admirall being in like predicament, whiles the Admirall with much danger and difficultie * 1.71 quenched the fires throwne into her from the Carrick. To saue themselues in this heat and furie, [ 60] the Admirall and Vice-admirall fell off, leauing the Reare-admirall foule of the Carricks sprit∣saile-yard in great danger to haue beene consumed with her, had they not helped her off with their Boats.

In this distresse the companie brought the Commander Don Francisco de Melo to put forth a flagge of truce: but the Carricks Carpenter more desperate, comforted him with hope of quen∣ching * 1.72 the fire, whereupon he cryed, Coragio, I will neuer yeeld, notwithstanding the protestati∣ons, contestations, and obtestations of the lamenting out-crying companie. One ran ••••raged on him, charging him with this foule vncharitablenesse, threatning vengeance on him and his for this obstinacy in suffering so many soules to perish, rather then to accept the English assistance. Some of their chiefest, rich in chaines and jewels, cast off all, and naked as they were borne cast themselues into the Sea to aduenture vpon English mercy; amongst all which, was taken vp by the Reare-admirals Boat, two men of note and three of inferiour qualitie. These three were clothed and set on land: the other two were Don Nuno Velio Periera (who had somtimes bin Go∣uernour [ 10] of Mozambique and Sofala, and returning for Spaine in a Carrick of great value, lost neere Bona Speranza, was now here a passenger) and Bras Carero, Captaine of another Carrick cast away neere Mozambique, here also a passenger. These two were brought into England and ransomed. Three impediments happened to the Assailants, the Reare-admirall hurt with a shot * 1.73 and made in person vnseruiceable being a valiant man; the Vice-admirall slaine; and the Ad∣mirall himselfe Captaine Caue shot at the first thorow both the legs, whereof shortly after his returne hee dyed. The Caruell and Pinnace were accidentally absent: one and twentie were slaine in the fight. In the Carrick were many of qualitie; and before infection had fallen amongst them neere the Cape, their number of white and blacke men exceeded 1100. all which perished but those before named. The burden of this Carrick and her lading in wealth did farre exceede [ 20] the Madre de Dios, returning after a long voyage fraighted with pearles, jewels, drugs, silkes (her meanest lading pepper) besides the best of the Nazaret (lately cast away) her commodities, the Captaine whereof had beene Bras Carero aforesaid.

They set saile after this disaster for Flores and after some refreshing, on the nine and twen∣tieth * 1.74 of Iune descryed another Carrick of 1500. Tunnes, which they supposed to bee the Saint Philip one of the King of Spaines men of warre. After some more cautelous fight occasioned by that conceit, they sent their Boat to summon her to yeeld to the Queene of Englands ships vn∣der the command of the Earle of Cumberland, or else to vndergoe the fortunes of the Fiue wounds, the sorrowfull witnesses whereof they presented those two former Captaines: to whom the Generall Don Lewys de Costynio answered; As your Generall hath beene at the burning of the Fiue [ 30] wounds, so I haue beene at the burning and taking of the Reuenge of the Queene of Englands. There∣fore let him doe what he dare doe for his Queene, and I will doe what I am able for my King: comman∣ding the Boat instantly to be gone. The fight was renewed, but intermitted by the calme, and remitted by the remisser companie, their Captaines being slaine and wounded. Whereupon they gaue ouer and arriued in England in August and the beginning of September, hauing done much harme to the enemie, and little good to themselues.

THe Earle not liking his ill partage in the Madre de Dios, nor this vnhappier losse of two * 1.75 Carricks for want of sufficient strength to take them, builded a ship of his owne of 900. Tunnes at Detford, which the Queene at her lanching named The Scourge of Malice, the best ship [ 40] that euer before had beene built by any subiect. Shee made his Lordship three voyages, and after was sold to the East Indian Companie, whence shee made many returnes (before in the name of the Dragon related) and proued fortunate against the Portugals in the East. His Lordship had * 1.76 thought to haue gone in her in person, and prepared the Alcedo his Vice-admirall, commanded by Captaine Monson, the Antonio commanded by Daniel Iarret and the old Frigot. But when he had gone as farre as Plimmouth on his intended voyage, Her Majestie by Sir Francis Drake and Sir Iohn Hawkins, sent for him to returne, which commandement his Lordship obeyed, but the ships proceeded to seeke their aduenture, giuing command of the Admirall to Captaine Langton; which Captaine Monson misliking went forth seuerally to seeke his owne fortune in the Alcedo. The Scourge, the Antonie, and the Frigot, went together to the Asores, where first they tooke a [ 50] Saint Thome Caruell of 100. Tunnes laden with Sugars. After which neere the Iland of Flores in a fogge they espyed a great Ship lying by the Lee, which they conceiued to be a Carrick, but found it to be the Saint Thomas, Vice-admirall of the King of Spaines fleet, lying for the waftage of the East and West Indian fleetes: with whom they fell in so hot a fight that shee was glad to beare vp to recouer her selfe amongst the rest of her Consorts; which after the cleering of the fogge they discerned not farre from them. Thence they went to the Coast of Spaine, where they tooke three Dutch ships of the East-Countries laden with Wheat, Copper, and other mu∣nitions and prouisions for the King of Spaine. Hauing spent their victuals they returned.

AN. 1596. his Lordship set forth againe the Scourge of Malice, in which he went in person ac∣companied * 1.77 [ 60] with the Dread-naught of the Queenes, and some other small ships; and about thirtie or fortie leagues from England was incountred with a storme, wherein the Scourge spent her mayne mast, and was made vnseruiceable for that voyage: so that hee was forced to returne for England in the Dread naught.

THe same yeere perceiuing that the Earle of Essex and the Lord Admirall were to goe to the Coast of Spaine with a great fleet of the Queenes, together with a squadron of Flemmish * 1.78 men of warre, his Lordship thought good to a wait some gleanings in so great a Vintage, and set forth the Ascension of 300. Tunnes and foure and thirtie pieces of Ordnance, manned with 120. men, commanded by Captaine Francis Slingsby, chiefly to expect such ships as should come from Lisbone. The Ascension thus furnished, met with such a fret of winde that with all haste they handed in their sailes, and being within the Hooke of Godwine Sands droue with two anchors a∣head, * 1.79 till they were within two Cables length of the Sands. They then let fall their short an∣chor, which by Gods grace stayed them till the next day noone (hourely expecting their wrack) and at last cut their Cables. Hauing refurnished themselues at Plimouth they set forwards and [ 10] comming to the Rocke, say off and on. After some frustrated attempts by the Boat on a Caruell (in which the Captaine was sore wounded) the King of Spaines Admirall Sirago set forth sixe ships against them, and himselfe and another ship laid the Ascension aboard, the one on the Bow, the other on the Quarter, and now the mouthes of the great Ordnance (being neere in place to * 1.80 whisper) roared out their thunders and pierced thorow and thorow on all hands. Which ended, the Spaniards leaped into the fore-chaines and mayne-chaines, thinking to haue entred the ship, but were brauely repelled. The English seeing many Spaniards together vnder the Admirals halfe decke, discharged amongst them a Fowler laden with case shot to their no small harme: To that the Spaniards had enough and were content to fall off. Of ours two and twentie were slaine and hurt, which losse lighted asmuch on them which hid themselues as those which stood to the [ 20] fight. To preuent the like afterwards, they put safe in hold the Chirurgeon, Carpenter, and Cooper for the publike dependance on them, and made fast the hatches that others should not seeke refuge. But the Spanish Admirall making a brauado, and seeing them readie to receiue them, tacked about and went in for Lisbone without any further leaue-taking. The Ascension conti∣nued on the Coast till they had but fourteene dayes victuals left, and then returned with hurts to themselues, and losse also to his Lordship.

AN. 1597. the vndanted Earle hauing furnished and victualled his owne ship the Malice-Scourge, * 1.81 vndertooke a voyage in person. Vnder him in it commanded Captaine Iohn Wats outward, and Captaine Iames Langton homewards. The Merchant Royall was Vice-admirall, [ 30] commanded by Sir Iohn Barkley; Captaine Robert Flicke commanded in the Ascension, Reare∣admirall; Captaine Henrie Clifford commanded the Samson, after whose death at Porto Rico, Christopher Colthurst was her Captaine; Master Iohn Ley, and homewards Thomas Cotch Cap∣taines of the Alcedo; Francis Slingsby Captaine of the Consent; Captaine Iames Langton of the Prosperous, and homewards Captaine Iohn Wats; Captaine Henrie Palmer in the Centurion, and homewards after his death his sonne William Palmer; Hercules Folyambe Captaine of the Gal∣lion-Constance; Captaine Flemming in the Affection; Captaine Christopher Colthurst in the Guia∣na, homeward Gerard Middleton; Captaine Henrie Iolliffe in the Scout; Captaine Robert Careles, and after his death Andrew Andrewes in the Antonie; Captaine Edward Goodwin in the Pegasus; Captaine Henrie Bromley in the Royall Defence; Captaine Iohn Dixon in the Margaret and [ 40] Iohn; Master Iohn Lea Captaine of the Barkley Bay; William Harper Captaine of the old Frigot. To make vp the score we may reckon two Barges vsed for landing of men, as occasion required.

For the land Souldiers, Sir Iohn Barkley was Coronell Generall: Captaine William Mesey Lieu∣tenant Colonell: Captaine Hercules Folyambe Sergeant Major: Captaine Arthur Powell Lieute∣nant Colonell of the Earles Regiment: Captaines, Lewis Orrell, Thomas Roberts, Henrie Gyll, Thomas Coche, Hugh Starkie, Ralph Rookesby, Roger Tirwhit; Captaine Andrew Andrewes Lea∣der of the Earles Companie: Captaine Iames Tothill Leader of Sir Iohn Barkleys Companie: Captaines, Iames Euans and George Orrell Corporals of the field: Captaine Iohn Man Prouost Marshall: Captaine Arthur Milles Master of the Artillerie and Prouant Master.

The noble Earle thus attended and furnished (chiefly at his owne charges) set saile with this Fleet from Portsmouth the sixt of March. But you shall haue a better Relator. [ 50]

His Lordship hauing had the spoile of all things at his pleasure, prepared for the sending aboard the Ordnance, Munitions, Bels, Ginger, Sugar, &c. of brasse Ordnance hee tooke aboue sixtie peeces: setting saile for England Iuly 16. In which returne his Lordship lost a Barge, by his commandement sunke in the Hauen to the prejudice of the Enemie. Another Barge cast away in a storme at the Bermudas. The Pegasus wracked vpon Goodwin Sands, and the old Frigot vpon Vshent, with the losse of about seuen hundred men, whereof fix hundred dyed of the bloudie flix and Calenture at Porto Rico: sixtie slaine in fight, and fortie drowned in the wracks of the old Frigot and Pegasus. [ 60]

CHAP. II.

The Voyage to Saint Iohn de Porto Rico, by the Right Honorable, GEORGE, Earle of Cumberland, written by himselfe.

WOrthiest of your Sexe, my chiefe Commandresse, to giue content to your wish in bare plainnesse. I haue set downe the courses and fortunes of my late performed * 1.82 iourney. The sixth day of March, with my whole Fleet I set saile out of the Sound of Plimouth, the winde being prosperous though much. Wee kept altoge∣ther till the when the faire passage put mee in hope that God had pre∣pared [ 10] this an vnlooked for fortune, if it were well handled, in getting vpon the Coast of Spaine sure intelligence whether the Carricks were gone, and how neere they were readie if not gone. The doing of which vndiscouered, though I knew was hard, yet not impossible for him that * 1.83 could well worke: And considering the mightie importance, I tooke the course to doe it my selfe, taking with me the Guiana and the Skout; which two I meant should onely be seene vp∣on the Coast, and left the rest of the fleet, appointing them where to lye till I came vnto them. But God whose will is beyond mans resolutions, forced mee to alter this; for my Masts not made so sufficiently as I expected, both now began to shew their weaknesse, especially my mayne Mast, which I continually looked would haue gone ouer board. My Mariners were at their wits * 1.84 end: and I protest I would haue giuen fiue thousand pounds for a new one; the greatest part of [ 20] my strength both by Sea and Land hauing beene lost, if that ship had returned in this extremitie.

Hearing all that would, I heard many opinions to little purpose, and at length resolued (though many thought it dangerous) lest the winde should with a storme come vp at West North-west, to goe to the Burlings and there ride, till my Masts were fished, my selfe knowing the Roade, though not any else in my ship: the windes they spake of, I feared not; my onely * 1.85 doubt was that I should be discouered, being within three leagues of Penechia; Caruels comming off euery day to fish; but this extremitie forced deuice how to hide what I was. For goe thither * 1.86 I must, hopelesse otherwise to repaire those desperate ruines. My ship was black which well fur∣thered my deuice, and though shee were great, yet shewed not so afarre off. Wherefore I came in about eight of the clocke at night vpon Thursday, when I was sure all the Fisher-men were gone [ 30] to sell their fish at Lisbone, and from the mayne they could not make moe: this was the sixteenth of March. Before the morning I had downe my top-masts, my mayne yard vnrigged, and all things readie for my Carpenters to worke. The small ships with mee I made stand off to Sea all day, that not hauing any in my companie I should be the lesse suspected. And thus with a strange Flagge and Ancient vpon my poope, I rid without giuing chase to any, as though I had beene some Merchant, euery day diuers ships comming by me that were both good prize, and had beene worth the taking. Vpon Sunday night the Fisher-men returne to the Burlings; wherefore to goe away vndiscouered of them, and also soone to meet with my fleet, which I had appointed to tarry for mee in that heigth betwixt twentie and thirtie leagues off, and that they should keepe with them what ships soeuer they met, that were outward bowne: I ceased not working day [ 40] nor night, and by Saturday at night was readie to set saile, when within night I heard the Ord∣nance goe off betwixt me and the shoare, and well knew it was a small ship of Hampton and my little Pinnace the Skout, that were in fight with a ship which they chased to windward of mee before might, and fearing their match too hard, as in truth it proued. I, for losing time let slip mine anchor, and soone came to helpe the poore little ones much ouer-matched. At my first comming vp shee shot at me; yet forbare I, and went so neere that I spake to them, and deman∣ding of whence they were? answere was made, of Lisbone. Then assuring my selfe shee was a Biscaine, and would fight well, I came close to her, and gaue her my broad side, which shee so * 1.87 answered as that I had three men killed, fiue or sixe shot, and my ship in sixe or seuen places, some of them very dangerous. So I laid her aboard and tooke her, shee prouing a ship of Hamburgh, [ 50] laden with Corne, Copper, Powder, and prohibited commodities. I made the more haste to end this fight, for that I would be out of the sight of the Land before day, which as I desired I * 1.88 was, and there met with a French man laden with Salt going into Lasbone: which small Barke was very fit to serue my purpose. For putting some of my men into her, I sent her into Cales Road, commanding them to fall with it by day in the morning, and keeping themselues close to shew none but the French, and make a waft to call some Portugall to them for Pilotage vp the Riuer. This deuice succeeded well: for betimes in the morning they were fast by a Caruell that was going to fish, which (not suspecting them) came close to them, so as the men I put in shot at them with Muskets so fast, as not any of them durst stirre to handle their sailes till their Boat went aboard, and so brought them off to me. These men came that night from Lisbone, and assu∣red [ 60] me that the next farre winde there would come forth fiue Caracks, with more treasure then e∣uer * 1.89 went in one yeere for the Indies, and fiue and twentie ships for Brasil. This welcome newes was accompanied with the meeting againe of my whole fleet, which at that very instant I des∣cryed. * 1.90 So none being ioyned, I wished for nothing but an happy houre to see those long-looked∣after

Monsters, whose wealth exceedes their greatnesse, yet bee they the greatest ships in the world. My fleet being thus ioyned, I called all the Captaines and Masters aboard, and gaue dire∣ctions where and in what order we should lye, and how we would fight, not doubting to meete them being vndiscouered, and well knowing the way they would come. Being drawne from our rests with our ioy in our hope, wee so long continued gasing for that which came not, as I began to feare some vnluckie accident, and leauing my fleet alone, with a Caruell I went in with the shoare, and with her and my Boat got another Caruell, by whom I vnderstood that the very * 1.91 same day that I tooke the first Caruell at the Rock, there came into Lisbone a ship that brought Spaniards out of England, and was in Plimouth when I came by, which assured them that I was comne forth, and they verily beleeued was looking for them, so as they sent Caruels of aduice to [ 10] search euery where for me, one of which when I returned to my fleet, I vnderstood had comne by them to windward and discouered them all. So I feared it was vaine to tarry there any lon∣ger; for either they would shift their course or not come at all. So knowing that their seeing of * 1.92 me could not hurt, I went to see if they were comne so low downe the Riuer, as that it were pos∣sible to lay them aboard in the night where they rode. Now againe I left my fleet at Sea, and (the winde something fauouring me) got in betwixt the Cat-ships, from whence I saw them ri∣ding in the Bay of Wiers. Here had I too much of my desire, seeing what I desired to see, but hopelesse of the good I expected by seeing them: for they were where no good could bee done vpon them, riding within the Castle of Saint Iulian, which hath in it aboue an hundred peeces * 1.93 of great Ordnance; so as though I could haue got in (which I verily beleeue I could) it had not [ 20] beene possible to haue returned, the winde being euer very scant to come forth withall, and hang∣ing for the most part so farre Northerly, as that for feare of the Cat-ships, I must of force haue comne close by their platformes. With this vnpleasing fight I returned to my fleet, and that night being the fift of Aprill, wee went altogither for the South Cape. The eight day I went from thence towards the Canaries, and the thirteenth day I came to Lancerota, where by diuers both * 1.94 Englishmen and Spaniards I had beene informed that there dwelt a Marquesse, that was worth 100000. pounds, if he could be taken suddenly: which I doubted not, hauing aboard mee three or foure which had beene prisoners there, who assured me they could bring me into the Road by night: and being on land could guide me to the Castle where he dwelt, how darke soeuer it were. But they fayled in all: for when I came to the land, they knew not where the Road was, so as I * 1.95 [ 30] was forced to anchor finding ground, but where it was they knew not. And in truth, it was so neere a ledge of Rocks, as if we had gone any further, the ships had beene in danger. In the mor∣ning, though then I had no other hope left me to catch the Marquesse, saue onely that perhaps he would hold his Castle; yet I thought it meete to set all my Souldiers on shoare, for that till this * 1.96 time I neuer had giuen them any trayning, and well knew many of them to bee very raw and vnpractised to seruice at land. Wherefore my selfe then fearing an ague, tooke physick, was let bloud, and sent Sir Iohn Barkley with them, knowing for certaine that place could make no resi∣stance * 1.97 against such a force. So being landed they marched to the Towne, which the guides said, was but three miles from the landing place. But it proued more then three leagues, the most wic∣ked marching for loose stones and sand that euer I saw. That night I heard not from them, nor [ 40] the next day till night, when I had word brought that they had taken the Towne and Castle * 1.98 without resistance. Onely as they marched the people of the Countrie (I meane the Mountay∣ners) would watch if any straggled, and would most desperately assault them with their Lances, being so swift of foot, as when once they runne, not any could come neere them. In the Castle was not any thing but some few peeces of Ordnance dismounted. In the Towne (whose houses were most beggarly) some little wine onely, which little was too much; for it distempered so * 1.99 many, that if there had beene a strong enemie to haue attempted, they should haue found drun∣ken resistance; the meaner sort being most ouer-throwne alreadie, and the Commanders, some di∣stempered with wine, some with pride of themselues, or scorne of others, so as there were very few of them but that fell to most disorderly outrage one with another. And Sir Iohn Barkley with [ 50] much griefe told me, if I tooke not some seuere course to remedie those things, he assured himselfe it would be the ruine of our voyage. Whereupon the next day I went on shoare to see my men trayned, and calling all the Commanders before me, rebuked them for those faults, and gaue Ar∣ticles * 1.100 both for their courses at Land and Sea, reading to them my Commissions, that they might know I had full power to execute those punishments I set downe for euery offence; and assuring them I would not be slow in doing it if they offended. The next day being the one and twenti∣eth of Aprill, I set saile, and betwixt the Grand Canarie and Tenerife met with the Royall De∣fence, a ship which should haue comne with mee out of England, but being not readie followed me; and thwart the Rocke, after I was comne from thence met with a Caruell, which by ten English men that were prisoners in Lisbone, was stollen forth in the night. They assured me (word * 1.101 [ 60] being brought thither that I was gone off the Coast) they resolued to send forth the Carracks, and that within a few dayes they would come forth. Which I making knowne to all my Com∣manders, they agreed with me that it was fit to spend some few dayes and looke for their com∣ming; so did we: but not seeing them, the yeere was so farre spent that I assured my selfe they

were either gone by, or would not goe this yeere, their time for doubling the Cape of Buo∣na Speranza being now past; for they neuer went out so late but once, and then were all for∣ced * 1.102 to returne.

Though many would imagine the missing of this faire fortune should much haue troubled me; I assure you it did not: the reason I will let you know hereafter. Now againe, calling all the Captaines and Masters aboard me, I first asked them whether they thought it was fit to tarry a∣ny longer vpon that hope, telling them mine opinion how little reason there was in it, and that longer stay might much hurt our other purposes, to which all agreeing, we resolued to proceede. Then I asked whether they thought the time was not too farre spent to get Farnanbuco? to which many answered; No. And though I well knew what it was, I would not reply till I had called two Portugall Pilots, which I brought with me out of England, old men that had at [ 10] the least beene twentie times a piece there out of Portugall: And asking their opinions, they * 1.103 told vs that they had gone it at that time of the yeere, but diuers times put backe, and at their best passage beene sixe or seuen weekes in getting one degree. To which there were that an∣swered, though sometimes it happened so, yet it might fall out otherwise: and if not, though we should be long in getting thither, yet there was assurance to win that place with ease, and * 1.104 getting it to haue wealth enough. Till this I kept secret, what now euery occasion gaue mee fit time to vtter. Hauing dispatched from mee a ship that was in Trade at the Canaries and bound for England, and being so farre shot to the Southwards, as I was sure not to meet with any going to the Northwards; so as not any newes where I was could come into Spaine, till it came out of the Indies: which winning of time would giue me so good leisure to fortifie my selfe in the place * 1.105 [ 20] whither I meant to goe, as hardly I would bee supplanted till either wee honorably quitted the place, or had supply; you may see, too griedie desire is a dangerous enemie, for where I should haue but lightly touched this as yet, I was almost entring into the bowels of my intention, the time ripe I saw to speake more freely then I had done. I told them I had aduisedly considered, of all these things now pleaded, and could, as I thought, before their speech haue giuen them so sufficient rea∣sons * 1.106 for the shaping of some other course then Brasil, as would haue stayed all these pleadings. But I thought it better first to heare euery one speake his minde, and then to vtter my conceit. Which though I assured my selfe was the best for vs, yet if any amongst them could giue reason against it, I would not onely take it well, but be drawne to them. Then layed I before them how our men were alreadie many of [ 30] them sicke; and that vndoubtedly the crossing the Line would keepe those from recouering, although the passage were as good as man could wish. Besides, I remembred them of intelligence giuen vs both vpon the Coast of Spaine and the Iland, that the King had sent thither to defend the place against me six hun∣dred Souldiers; and also it was likely that he had giuen order, that if they saw not themselues strong e∣nough to resist, that with their portable goods they should fle•• into the Mountaines, and set their Sugar and Brasill wood on fire; then were we sure to haue nothing: and lastly, if wee beat long vnder the Line, vndoubtedly the most of our men would fall sicke, and then should we be forced to returne without doing any thing, for to no other place could we goe, once bearing vp vpon that occasion.

With this I pawsed, to heare if there would be any thing said by them: but not any speaking, I told them I well perceiued by their silence the doubts my wordes had driuen into their mindes: but not to conceale any longer from them, that which hitherto I had for all their goods done, the truth was I ne∣uer [ 40] had intention after I found I could not get out of England before Christmas, to goe for Brasil, but onely for the west Indies, where there were many possibilities to make a voyage by: as first, the sacking of * 1.107 Margarita, which they knew was rich; then Porto Rico, after that Saint Domingo, then in Iuly the outward bound fleet would be in the Acoa, where we could not misse them: and if these gaue vs not con∣tent, in the end of Iuly or August, wee should meete the fleet at Cape Saint Antonio. Many of these reasons I vttered, more to carry my men with good liking thither, then for any thought I had of diuers of them. And my speech had desired successe, for they all went with greedie desire, and hopefull expectation, I appointing them to make what haste they could to Dominica, where we would stay one for another, thinking it better to goe straggling thither then to goe togither, [ 50] there being possibilitie to meete some purchase by the way, which we were in most likelihood * 1.108 of when we spred furthest. Therefore we spred thus till we met at Dominica, wee straggled all sauing the Alcedon, the Centurian, and two Flemmings, laden with Corne, which I tooke vpon the coast of Spaine, and still carried alongst with me, as chiefe meanes to effect my most desired purpose. These with all the rest came safely to Dominica, where wee carried our sicke people a∣shoare * 1.109 the three and twentieth of May, and tarried till the first of Iune.

This Iland is onely inhabited by Indians that mightly hate the Spaniard, but loue the English very much. They brought vs great store of Potatoes, Pines, Plantins, Tabacco, Mammyes, Indies-pepper, and other of their Countrie commodities to trade. They most desired to haue Swords, Hatchets, or Kniues, and very much Clothes. But if they could get none of these, they would sell their commodities for glasse beades, and such trifling things. From hence I went to [ 60] the Virgines Ilands which are not inhabited, and there purposed againe to muster my men, the * 1.110 Iland of Dominica being so wooddie as that there I could not doe it; and in the euening the third day I came there to an anchor. The next morning early I had them on shoare, and after muste∣ring

them for many respects, found it meet to speake to them, which as neere as I can remem∣ber, was thus: Kinde Countrimen and fellow Souldiers, I am sure there is none here but haue marked, * 1.111 and the wisest wonder at my light regarding the many grosse faults committed amongst you since my comming to Sea; suffering euery man to doe what he would, vrging no man further then he listed: Ma∣ny courses drew me to this patience, onely one I will now vtter, the rest being fitter to conceale to my selfe, then to make so many acquainted with. The great hope of meeting the Caracks made me hope for a short iourney; which hapning, I thought it better to returne with euery mans good word, then by iust punishing of any to haue their ill word at my returne. But that hope as you now see is altogither passed, and now we are settled to another course, which though it may be will not proue altogither so rich, and must of force keepe vs longer abroad; yet I assure you vpon my honour and conscience, I doe constantly beleeue [ 10] there will spring out of it more glorie to God, more seruice to our Prince and Countrie, and more honour to our selues, then could haue done by the Caracks if we had taken them all. For the better performance we must fall to another course; I in gouerning, you in obeying; I in directing you what to doe, you in fol∣lowing my direction. To which end I haue already deliuered you certaine Articles, wherein you may see how the breach of them shall be punished. And though these twentie dayes at the least you haue had them amongst you, yet heare I, there are some which wish they could but light vpon so much as they would conceale from me. Base conditions be hatefull things in men professing Armes, there is none baser then theft; and no theft so base as for a man to steale from his owne companion. And he that concealeth any thing gotten in this iourney, stealeth from euery man in it, all going to haue their part of what soeuer is * 1.112 gotten. This I thought not vnfit particularly to touch, because the speech hath giuen great offence to [ 20] the whole Armie, and no doubt may encourage some men of lewd and base humours amongst vs to doe the like: but let the warning I now giue you driue those thoughts out of their thoughts that hold them: and be also a warning that they beedfully obserue the rest of the Articles. For I assure you, my ouer-patient and forced sluggish humour is shaken off, and I will neither ouer-see, nor suffer to passe vnpunished ill deseruers.

This deliuered, I presently shipped my men which were by muster and gaue order to set saile. Now hauing set all things in order, and wanting nothing but sure knowledge, where might bee our safest and most commodious landing, there were many of my Masters and Sea Captaines that would willingly haue gone through the Virgines, as Sir Francis Drake did, when * 1.113 hee was there. But I finding the way though the passages more certaine and safe tooke that [ 30] course; more desiring to be the first that tooke Porto Rico, then the second that passed through the Virgines. And the fift day in the morning, I sent for Captaine Lanckton, and Knotsford, who was Master of the Gallion, very expert in those Countries, and was Pilot with Iohn Hawkins when hee dyed, and putting either of them into a small Pinnace, sent them before that they might make the landing place before night, and my selfe with the fleet did linger, and so when it was darke, putting out all our sailes, came to them vndiscouered, which was about one of the clocke that night. But they did mee no good, for the place they went to discouer was further * 1.114 from them then they expected, so as it was darke before they came to it, and for feare of carry∣ing me to leeward stayed, and told me they had done nothing. Wherefore I stood close vpon a winde off and on, vntill the morning, when being close by the shoare there was to my seeming * 1.115 [ 40] a smooth landing place, which by all them in my fleet that were there with Sir Francis Drake, I was told was impossible to get, the winde ouer-blowing all day out of the Sea. Wherefore I tooke my Boat and Sir Iohn Barkley with me, rowed thither, and found it not onely smooth, but * 1.116 by the view of our eyes a most goodly sandie Bay, to march all alongst by the Sea side till wee came to the Towne. Being well pleased with this sight I returned aboard, and gaue order to all the Commanders presently to land there. But by diuers of them many obiections were made a∣gainst landing there. First, that the march seemed to be great: Then, that none knew the way: * 1.117 and lastly, if the Towne stood in an Iland, as they often had heard it did, we should be forced to returne to our ships, not hauing meanes to get vnto them. Gentlemen, said I, a willing minde makes long steps with great ease: I haue been sickae and am not now strong; you shall goe no further nor faster * 1.118 then I will doe before you: for guides wee need no better then our eyes; the Towne standing by the Sea [ 50] side, and we landing from the Sea see no other but faire sandie Bayes all the way thither: so as much nee∣rer we might land if we were sure there were any where to leeward such a head-land as this that maketh smooth landing within it. But that being vncertaine I meane to take this, which I doe assuredly beleeue God hath directed vs vnto; for I am sure, it is better then any euer told me of. And for your last ar∣gument, that if it be an Iland we shall not get into it, that reason is nothing; for you see our Boats may row by vs, and when we shall come to any water they may set vs ouer, if it be deepe: in shallow places we shall passe our selues. So all you haue or can say being now throughly answered, let me haue no more spea∣king, but get your men all into your Boates, and follow in order as I haue directed you. I will goe before in my Boat, and when you see my Colours displayed, make all the haste you can to land. This doe with [ 60] good heart and courage, assuring your selues you haue the mayden-head of Porto Rico, and so possesse the keyes of all the In 〈◊〉〈◊〉. And though there bee not so many millions in it as there was when a greater force then we went without it: yet assure your selfe the Towne is rich. The last yeere there were eighteene ships laden with Ginger and Sugar from it. I assure you there are mynes of gold in it. And though these

be motiues to draw you to fight, yet haue I not told you of one. You being Souldiers and carrying the mindes of Souldiers, will, I doubt not, carry you beyond all profit. It is thought by men of indgement too strong for this strength to carry, because it hath alreadie resisted a much stronger force: so as we should haue iust cause to be proud of taking it, and (beleeue me) assured we are to take it, now we see where to land quietly, the Indian Souldiers liuing too pleasantly to venter their lines: for if they line two or three yeares, they get with the labour of their slaues (without taking any paines themselues) whatsoeuer they loose; so as they will make great showes, and it may be indure one brunt; but if they doe any more, teare me in peeces.

This said, the Captaines that were there went for their men, telling all the rest my resoluti∣on. And as soone as they saw me rowe towards the shoare all followed as I had directed. Thus [ 10] landed we the sixt day in a most fine place, where not any wet his furniture nor saw any ene∣mie. * 1.119 By which meanes all our troopes were put in good order, and we made much stronger; then a small resistance before we were martialled would haue made vs. This place was leagues from the Towne, towards which we marched in the extreame heate of the day, the way being sandy, and would no doubt haue tired many, but that going all alongst by the Sea, we at plea∣sure marched in it when we listed; and besides had the place wee went to, still in our fight, which standing vpon the top of an hill shewed much nearer then it was. When wee had gone some three leagues, we saw six or seuen Horsemen; which (the forlorne hop••) comming within sixteene or twenty score of, presently turned their Horses and galloped away. Not long after there came a Negro willingly offering his seruice, which I was most glad of; assuring my selfe he would haue guided me to the Towne: but he not speaking Spanish nor vnderstanding it, we * 1.120 [ 20] were led by him to the entrance of the Sea that maketh the Iland, where I imagined with Boates to get ouer. But of that we were hindred by a bulwarke standing on the Iland side close vpon the mouth of the entrance, and hauing in it fiue peeces of Brasse. The entrance is not aboue sixtie yards ouer, and a little within it is stopped quite ouer with piles driuen in; so as it was not possible to get in there so long as the enemy possessed it. Then were we at our wits end, but I assured my selfe there was some other good way ouer where those Horsemen rid which we saw before; and with much a doe made this dumbe guide vnderstand that I would haue him carry me to the place where they went ouer. When I perceiued he vnderstood me, I followed him through the most wickedest wood that euer I was in in all my life, & at length he brought me to the reare part of all my troope. And for that it grew late, and I was loath to loose any time, I made them [ 30] march, being Sir Iohn Barkleys Regiment; and gaue order mine owne should come in the reare, not hauing place nor time then to shift them. We had not gone farre, but we crossed the footing of the Horsemen we saw before, and following them were about Sunset brought to a narrow Bridge, whereon three might goe a front about two score ouer, and to our seeming about the * 1.121 midst of it a strong Gate of wood close shut; and at the further side of the water a Block-house with Ordnance, by which there stood fiue Spaniards. When I and Sir Iohn Barkley had viewed this place, we vnderstood by another Negro, that comming thither, at a low water we might passe ouer wading besides the Causie. And he telling vs that it was not low water till two of the clocke in the morning, we returned to a little plaine (that we passed by before) to rest our men and giue them some refreshing, for the better inabling them to fight in the morning. [ 40]

THus farre the same honourable hand hath beene our Actor and Anthour: but here when hee comes to doing, breaks off speaking, and (tam Marte quàm Mercurio) exchangeth words for swords, and Mercuriall arts into Martiall acts; of which we haue another Relator, as of the rest of this Voyage: a man neere in attendance to his honourable Master. But I cannot giue him that which yet this giues hims, a name * 1.122 It is a copious discourse, which we haue somewhat abridged; both in that former part of the Historie, which you already haue from Him which best know it and in the rest, in some superfluities or di∣gressions (seeming such at least to me, who hauing so much worke, make my selfe more to make the Reader lesse) prouiding neuerthelesse that not a drop of necessary bloud be lost, or strange iniected, how often soeuer [ 50] we seeme to open a vaine to our redundant Auhor bleed. It was another cause which made me leaue out a politicall discourse and State-morall mysterie of this History, written by the same Noble Commander, whose worth here we honour. The times are altered, and howsoeuer Planets haue their peculiar course fixed Stars must moue with their Orbe, and follow the first Moueable. The men of Bethshemesh bought dearely their prying into the Arke: and I know not how I may be tolerated to vtter now in publike, those State-mysteries which he then in priuate counselled for his Countries good. I could also be willing, as I know the world would be greedie of such morsels: but Aesops Dogge snatching at the shadow of a mor∣sell in the water, lost that which he had in his mouth; and his Crowe gaping to sing to please the Foxe dis∣pleased her selfe with losse of all her other wealth and purchase. Euery where in this vaste worke we haue beene wary, and yet scarce wary enough of this danger, in our wariest warinesse; wherein yet (if any such [ 60] fault be) it is not an itching finger, busie in things aboue vs, but store of businesse in so multiforme a taske perhaps hath occasioned ouersight to eyes, otherwise dimme enough. Once; whatsoeuer the King and State disclaime, I disclaime also as not mine, because I and mine are theirs; and no farther desire to be or see mine owne then in the publike, of which, and for which (vnder God) I am, haue, can, write, do, speake, acknowledge all things. I will pry in the East and West Indies rather then state it at home.

CHAP. III.

A large Relation of the Port Ricco voiage; written, as is reported, by that learned man and reuerend Diuine Doctor LAYFIELD, his Lordships Chaplaine and Attendant in that expedi∣tion; very much abbreuiated.

§. I. [ 10]

The Shippes emploied in the Voyage and accidents on the Coasts of Spaine, in the Canaries, and the Nauigation thence to Dominica.

HIs Lordship being authorised by Letters Patents giuen at Westminster the foure∣teenth * 1.123 of Ianuary, to leuie Forces seruiceable by Sea and Land, came downe to Portesmouth the eight of February, wherein nothing memorable happened till Munday, being the thirteenth of March. While we were at Morning Prayer, his [ 20] Lordship happened to see a Gallant of the company (purposely I name him not) reading of * 1.124 Orlando Furioso; to whom himselfe in person went presently after Seruice, all the Company being by, and hauing told him that we might looke that God would serue vs accordingly, if we serued not him better; bad him be sure that if againe he tooks him in the like manner, he would cast his Booke ouer-bo••••d, and turne himselfe out of the Ship. The next day by obseruation it was found, that towards the euening we had runne within fiue or sixe and twenty leagues of the North Cape: whereupon his Lordship gaue direction to the Vice-admirall, that he should carry his Flagge in the Maine-top, and with a peece of Ordnance should hale in the rest of the Fleete to his Lee, and that they all with him as their Admirall for the time, should this night winde South and by West; and there they should ride off and on scattering themselues to the North and South, [ 30] in the height of the Burlings, till his Lordshippe should come to them. In the meane season him∣selfe attended onely with the Guiana, and the Scourges sco••t, run to fall in with the North Cape, meaning by the taking of some Caruell or some Fisherman to haue some certaine intelligence in what forwardnesse the fiue Carracks were which at this very time his Lordship knew were outwards bound, The defect of his maine Maste caused him to stand in for the Burlings.

The Burlings is an Iland something longer then broad, and by the violent beating of the Sea, * 1.125 it selfe almost made two Ilands, and within few yeares it will be so; exceeding rockie it is and barren aboue measure. We found no liuing thing in it, but Lysards and some few Conies.

Vpon thursday, being the thirteenth of Aprill, we had sight of the Ilands. The first that was * 1.126 within kenning, was Alegrança, the most Northerly of the Canaries: we left it on the star-boord [ 40] side, as also three little hils rather then the Islands hauing all one name of the Grange. In the af∣ternoone we had Lancerota, one of the six great Canaries, in cleere kenning. The next morning twixt fiue and six, we were come to an anchor in the Roade, which beareth East South-east of the Iland. His Lordship had taken colde with watching the last night, whereupon he found himselfe so ill the next morning (being good Friday) that he kept his Cabbin, and was glad to take some strong Physicke: He sent therefore for Sir Iohn Barkley his Lieutenant generall, and gaue him order to land with certaine Companies, to the number of betweene fiue and six hun∣dred men. They were in their March by ten that morning, and marched the next way (as they thought) to the chiefe Towne of the Iland, but their foremost desire was if they might, to haue surprised the Marquesse, who commandeth both that and the next Iland called Fortenentura, as [ 50] his owne possession. The Towne is from the place they landed at, as they coniecture, some ten miles at the least. By fiue in the afternoone they entered the Towne, which besides the expe∣ctation * 1.127 they found clearely quitted of the enemy, and nothing in a manner left, sauing good store of very excellent Wine and Cheese. After the Towne was assured, Sir Iohn sent a troope to a strong Hold some halfe a mile of from the Towne, called the Castle; a place which the Mar∣quesse had fortified with good store of Munition and Ordnance. When our Troopes were come vp the Hill, they found twixt 80, and 100. Ilanders and Spaniards within and about the house, * 1.128 but without fight they quitted the place, so that our men entered it without losse or danger. They found in it a dozen or more cast Peeces of Brasse, the least Bases, the most whole Culuering and Demiculuering, and an innumerable company of Stones laid in places of greatest aduantage. [ 60] The House it selfe built of squared stone, flanked very strongly and cunningly, both for defence and offence: the entrance thereunto not as in our Forts of equall height with the foundation and ground, but raised about a Pikes length in height, so that without the vse of a Ladder, there

could be no entrance there. I haue heard sundry of our wisest Commanders say, that if they had drawne in their Ladder and onely shut the doore, twenty men victualled might haue kept it a∣gainst fiue hundred. The Towne consisteth of somewhat more then a hundred houses, whose * 1.129 building is rude, being commonly but of one Storie; their Roofes flat and something sloping to cast of raine, couered onely with Canes or Straw laid vpon a few rafters, and very dirt cast vpon all, which being hardned by the Sunne, becommeth of showre-proofe.

The Inhabitants are of very able and actiue bodies, their stature commonly tall, of swiftnesse (in that Mountainous Countrie) not farre behinde their Horses and Cammels: their Armes * 1.130 are Pikes and Stones; when a Peece is presented to them, so soone as they perceiue the cocke or match to fall, they cast themselues flat to the ground, and the report is no sooner heard, but [ 10] they are vpon their feete, their stones out of their hands, and withall, they charge with their Pikes, and this in scattered incounters or single fight (for either they know not or neglect or∣derly ba••talion) oftner giueth then receiueth hurt. The Iland it is not round, but stretched * 1.131 somewhat in length to the North-east and South-west, parted by a ridge of Hils from end to end, as Italie is by the Mountaines-Apennine. These hils are barren, otherwise then that in prettie store they feede flocks of S••eepe and Goates. Their Vallies promise no fruitfulnesse, be∣ing * 1.132 very sandy and dry, something like Rye-fields in England, and yet they yeelde passing good Barley, and Wheate. Their beasts be Sheepe and Goates, few Neate, many Asses, fewer Camels, but fewest Gennets, and these of no great stature. The Iland is thought to exceede the Wight both in breadth and length: of the Temper a man may iudge (besides that it lyeth in [ 20] 28. deg••ees, and some minutes) by the complexion of the Inhabitants, which is blackish, and by their Haruest-time, which was past before the middest of Aprill, and looke for a second a∣bout * 1.133 Michaelmas, their landing there was vpon good Friday. The next day, the fifteenth of Aprill, Sir Iohn Barkeley, being out of hope to finde the Marquesse, not knowing where to seeke him, whom feare had taught to hide himselfe closely, marched backe to the Nauie, without farther ••arme to the Towne or Castle, then borrowing some necessaries. There is in the Towne * 1.134 a Church of old, and a Frierie not yet finished. Their Church hath no windowes, nor admit••eth light otherwise then by the doores, it hath no Chancell, but is one vndeuided roome, stone seates along the sides, and in the one end an Altar with the appurtenants: for the people see∣meth full of ignorant Superstition, many Buls and Pardons being found in diuers houses. The [ 30] Friery is a prettie square, with more commodities of fresh water and Gardens, then any other place of the Towne, euen the Marquesse his house.

They came that night to the waters side, yet thought it better to lodge abroade then aboord, though there were Boates to receiue them. The next day being Easter day, his Lordship hauing something recouered his strength, after dinner went ashore to the Companies, hauing seene them trained, knowing that the enemy watched for aduantage of scatterers, saw all his men shipt first, and then himselfe tooke Boate. The next day, being Munday, all the Captaines dined aboord the Admirall, and after dinner his Lordship caused his Commission (which was exceeding large in many points) to be openly reade; and Articles of gouernment were giuen for Sea-matters to the Captaine of euery Ship, and for seruice by Land to the Captaine of euery company; besides [ 40] which Articles to the Sea Captaines, was deliuered a sealed letter, which they should open, if vpon any accident they lost the Fleete, and thereby learne direction where to seeke his Lord∣ship. But withall it was expresly articled, that in no other case they should aduenture to open it; and that if they came into any danger of being taken by the enemy, they should not faile to cast the Letter ouer-boord sealed, as it was deliuered; for in no sort would his Lordship haue his purpose disclosed, no not by examination nor torture.

While his Lordship was coasting neere Teneriffa, the breathes rather then windes were so di∣uers, that it was doubled on euery side almost and came so close aboord the shore, that we did ea∣sily see into Santa Cruz, and some other coasting Townes, and might discerne the men vpon the hils, the rather by coni••cture, by reason of the eminencie and height thereof; among which [ 50] there is one aboue the rest incomprable, generally held to be much higher then the Pyke of the Açores, being then couered with Snow, when the bottome was as hot as at Midsummer it is in * 1.135 England. The Iland though to the Sea a very high land, yet is full of many very fruitfull Plaines, and Vineyards, yeelding to the King yearely (by credible mens report) 28000. Buts of Cana∣ry-Sacke. Certaine it is, that in common reputation it is held richer not onely then the rest, but * 1.136 euen then the grand Canaria it selfe (though it seeme not so goodly a champion Countrie (for we had that also in very neere kenning.) And that the King esteemeth it more, no man can doubt seeing he keepeth a farre greater Garrison there, then in the Canaria.

Captaine Charles Leigh which hitherto had commanded of the Alcedo, on the fourth of May last, the Fleete and in his owne Barke, called the Blacke Lee, runne himselfe alone for the Riuer [ 60] of Orenoque. His Lordship after diuers consultations determined that the Fleete should goe for Dominico. (His speeches, Captaine Slingsbies employment, and other particulars, are here for bre∣uity omitted.

An old Portugall Pilot told his Lordship that he had beene in eight and twentie voyages into

Brasil, but at this time of the yeere onely in one; wherein, hee saith, the windes were so con∣trarie, and they had so many other difficulties, that they were forced to put in againe and loose that yeeres voyage; so that the windes being in these parts at set times of the yeere, themselues also constantly set, we might well thinke wee should bee encountred with the same difficulties. All this while we held on our course for the West Indies, running West and by South, and West South-west, but bearing still to the Westward, both because we are likelier to keepe the fresher gale that way (though some were of contrarie opinion) and because the later wee entred within the Tropick, we should bee the likelier to meet with the Brasil fleet, whose course homewards must of necessitie be much to the North. By Wednesday the tenth of May (for till then wee met not with any memorable accident, seeing to tell of the flocks of flying fishes, might iustly [ 10] seeme triuiall) we were come so directly vnder the Sunne, that none could see euidently the sha∣dow * 1.137 of a stile set perpendicularly, but if there were any it inclined rather to the due South. For by obseruation by the Astrolabe (the vse of the staffe now fayling) we were found to haue passed our Tropick three degrees and a halfe, and the Sunnes declination that day was precisely twentie degrees. This was more cleerly perceiued at night by taking the height of the Crosier (a starre which of all other distinctly to be perceiued neere the Antartick Pole, serueth for those Souther∣ly * 1.138 parts, as the lesser Beare doth to the Northerly countries.)

It is a long step from the Canaries to the West Indies, which first of all wee had in our kenning vpon Sunday being the one and twentieth of May. But to lay, if it be but a handfull of peeble stones, in this gap. Vpon Saturday being the thirteenth of May, we had the first gust, and it had * 1.139 [ 20] many followers, for few dayes passed without raine. When this raine began, immediately wee all felt a very noysome sauour, it was very sulphurous, and lasted so long as the raine did. Whe∣ther * 1.140 this proceeded of the nature of the water that fell from so neere the Sunne, or from the ship being very drie (as on land after a great drought there will rise a hot sauour) it is not cleerly knowne, nor yet determined, but that others may the better, this obseruation is expres∣sed. This sauour was not felt vpon the decks, or any where else besides the Cabbin, or at least not any where so much. The reason whereof may happily bee, that the aire being sud∣denly beaten in, and that by narrow passages, came the more violently, and by consequent the more sensibly into the Cabbin, then into other parts of the ship, and therefore what∣soeuer qualitie it bore with it, it was there the strongliest felt. In the following of as great gusts [ 30] as that which came first, there was no such sauour felt, the fleet going still farther and farther from the Sunne. And which may be most to the purpose, not any of them that felt it, found any distemper after it, onely the sense was much displeased therewithall; his Lordship had at this time aken much physick, but still rather to preuent sicknesse, then for to recouer health (for God be thanked, his body was very able to obey his minde) finding no difference in the world in the working of physick there and in England. Nauigators may helpe themselues by his Lord∣ships obseruation: That vpon Friday being the ninteenth of May, the colour of the Sea began * 1.141 sensibly to alter, that whereas before it was of a cleere azure, it then began to incline to a deepe blacke. We were that day a hundreth and sixtie leagues (or thereabouts) from the West Indies and held our selues so certainly in the height of Dominica, that wee runne a due Westerly course. [ 40] It is not vnlikely but this colour will be found in the same place at another time. And in such a course, wherein (besides the great difference of Cardes) a man must bee forced to trust to a dead reckoning; this may bee some helpe to a heedfull man. Vpon Sunday in the euening his Lord∣ship directed the Master to runne that night with an easie saile, because he tooke himselfe neerer land then most of the Mariners would consent to, being himselfe the first that both spyed and cryed land; they were but few that did assent at the first: some desired it so much, that they durst not let themselues be ouer credulous; others happily would haue had themselues the first discry∣ers, but his Lordship still made it land. Wee set saile for the land, and within two houres it was * 1.142 made to bee Matinino. Leauing it therefore on the larboard side, wee stood for Dominica, and within an houre or thereabouts had it in kenning. [ 50]

§. II.

Description of Dominica and the Virgines. Their landing on Port Ricco, march, fights, and taking the Towne.

BY two in the afternoone wee were come so neere aboard the shoare, that wee were met with many Canoes, manned with men wholly naked, sauing that they had chaines * 1.143 and bracelets and some bodkins in their eares, or some strap in their nostrils or lips; the [ 60] cause of their comming was to exchange their Tabacco, Pinos, Plantins, Potatoes, and Pepper with any trifle if it were gawdie. They were at the first suspicious that wee were Spa∣niards or Frenchmen, but being assured that wee were English they came willingly aboard. They are men of good proportion, strong, and straight limmed, but few of them tall, their wits able

to direct them to things bodily profitable. Their Canoes are of one Tree commonly in breadth, but containing one man, yet in some are seene two yonkers sit shoulder to shoulder. They are of * 1.144 diuers length: some for three or foure men that sit in reasonable distance, and in some of them * 1.145 eight or nine persons a rowe. Besides their Merchandise for exchange, euery one hath common∣ly his Bowe and Arrowes; they speake some Spanish words: they haue Wickers platted some∣thing like a broad shield to defend the raine, they that want these, vse a very broad leafe to that purpose, they prouide shelter against the raine because it washeth of their red painting, laid so * 1.146 on that if you touch it, you shall finde it on your fingers.

That night, hauing with much a doe found land, within a quarter of a mile of the shore, we ankored for that night onely, for though there were a good watering place, and a very sweete [ 10] riueret fast by vs, yet his Lordship ment to way ankor the next morning, and to beare in to ano∣ther watering place, wherewithall we certainly looked for a hot Bathe. Their Oares wherewith they rowe are not laid in bankes as Ship-boates haue, but are made like a long Battledoore, sa∣uing * 1.147 that their palmes are much longer then broade, growing into a sharpe point, with a rising in the middest of them a good way; very like they are to blades of bigge Westerne Daggers, that are now made with grauing. The shankes of these Oares are of equall bignesse, and at the top crosset, like a lame mans crutch. These they vse alwayes with both their hands, but indifferent∣ly as they finde cause to steere this way or that way. The next morning wee bore in to the North-west end of the Iland, where we found a goodly Bay able to receiue a greater Nauie then hath beene together in the memorie of this age. There his Lordship found the hote Bathe fast by the side of a very fine Riuer. The Bathe is as hot as either the Crosse-bathe or Kings∣bathe [ 20] at the Citie of Bathe in England, and within three or foure yards runneth into the Riuer, which within a stones cast disburdeneth it selfe into the Sea. Here our sicke men specially found * 1.148 good refreshing. In this place his Lordship staied some six dayes in watering the whole Fleete, which in that time was all come sauing the Frigat, one of the blacke Pinnaces, and one of the Flemmings (which we hoped to be before vs, for they haue directions.) It was held conuenient here to take a Muster of our companies, and something better to acq••aint euery one with his owne colours; but the weather was so extreamely foule, that in three or foure dayes spent to this purpose, there could be nothing done. Vpon Wednesday therefore, being the last of May, it was resolued to stay no longer there, but to come againe to ankor at the Uirgines, and there be∣stow one day in training our men. For that was our way to Saint Iohn de Puertorico, whether * 1.149 [ 30] his Lordship now declared it was his purpose to goe first of all. By this time (for his Lordship would not haue any thing done in that foule weather) the other blacke Pinnace was taken down for a long Boate to serue for the more conuenient landing of our men.

That euening and the next morning all our men were brought aboord, and on thursday night our sailes were cut for the Virgines. To describe this Iland, it heth North-west and South-east, * 1.150 the soile is very fat, euen in the most neglected places, matching the Garden-plats in England for a rich blacke molde: so Mountainous (certaine in the places where we came neere the Sea∣coasts) that the Vallies may better be called Pits then Plaines, and withall so vnpassably wood∣die, that it is maruailous how those naked soules can be able to pull themselues through them, [ 40] without renting their naturall cloathes. Some speake of more easie passages in the Inland of the Iland, which make it probable that they leaue those skirts and edges of their Countrie thus of purpose for a wall of defence. These Hils are apparelled with very goodly greene Trees, of many sorts. The tallnesse of these vnrequested Trees make the hils seeme more hilly then of themselues happily they are: for they grow so like good children of some happy ciuill body, without en∣uie or oppression, as that they looke like a proud meddow about Oxford, when after some irrup∣tion, Tems is againe cooched low within his owne banks, leauing the earths Mantle more ruggie and flakie, then otherwise it would haue bin; yea so much seeme these natural children delighted with equalitie and withall with multiplication, that hauing growne to a definite stature, with∣out desire of ouertopping others, they willingly let downe their boughes, which being come to [ 50] the earth againe take roote, as it were to continue the succession of their decaying progenitors: and yet they doe continually maintaine themselues in a greene-good liking, through the libera∣litie partly of the Sunnes neighbourhood, which prouideth them in that necrenesse to the Sea, of exceeding showres; partly of many fine Riuers, which to requite the shadow and coolenesse they receiue from the Trees, giue them backe againe, a continuall refreshing of very sweete and tastie water. For the Inhabitants of this Countrie. A Captaine or two watering neere the place where his Lordship first anchored, found a leasure to rowe vp a Riuer with some guard or Pikes * 1.151 and Musketers, till they came to a Towne of these poore Saluages; and a poore Towne it was of some twenty cottages rather then Houses, and yet there was there a King, whom they found in a wide hanging garment of rich crimson Taffetie, a Spanish Rapier in his hand, and the modell of [ 60] a Lyon in shining Brasse, hanging vpon his breast. There they saw their women as naked as wee * 1.152 had seene their men, and alike attired euen to the boring of their lippes and eares, yet in that nakednesse, they perceiued some sparkes of modestie, not willingly comming in the sight of strange and apparelled men; and when they did come, busie to couer, what should haue bin bet∣ter

couered. The Queene they saw not, nor any of the Noble wiues, but of the vulgar many; and the Maidens it should seeme they would not haue so squemish, for the King commanded his Daughters presence, with whom our Gentlemen did dance after meate was taken away. This withdrawing of their wiues seemeth to come of the common ielousie of these people; for (it is * 1.153 reported) that though they admit one man to haue many wiues, yet for any man to meddle with another mans wife, is punished with death, euen among them. And no meruaile if the se∣ueritie of law be set instead of many other wanting hinderances. It seemeth that themselues are wearie of their nakednesse, for besides the Kings apparrell, they are exceeding desirous to exchange any of their Commodities for an old Waste-coate, or but a Cap, yea or but a paire of Gloues.

It is pretie that they say is the difference twixt the habit of a Wife and a Maide. The Maide * 1.154 [ 10] weareth no garter (and indeede she needeth none) but the Wife is the first night she is married (which is not done without asking at the least the consent of her parents) so straightly gartered, that in time the flesh will hang ouer the list. The haire of men and women are of like length, and fashion. But of all other things it is most memorable, that whereas their Houses are priuate to all other vses, yet they haue one common place, where all their men at least take their diet, * 1.155 nature teaching them that Law which in Licurgus his mouth was thought strange and perhaps needelesse. The King sitteth in the same great roome with the rest, but withdrawing himselfe * 1.156 into some more louely part, accompanied onely with three or foure of the best esteeme; their meates are their fine fruites, yet haue they Hennes and Pigges, but it should seeme rather for delight, then victuall: their drinke is commonly water, but they make drinke of their Ca••••ain, [ 20] better of their Pines (and it should seeme that might be made an excellent liquor) but the best and reserued for the Kings cup onely of Potatoes: their Bread is Cassain. The last report of them shall bee what I haue seene in experience, namely their great desire to vnder∣stand the English tongue; for some of them will point to most parts of his body, and hauing told * 1.157 the name of it in the language of Dominica, he would not rest till he were told the name of it in English, which hauing once told he would repeate till he could either name it right, or at least till he thought it was right, and so commonly it should be, sauing that to all words en∣ding in a consonant they alwayes set the second vowell, as for chinne, they say chin-ne, so ma∣king most of the monasillables, dissillables. But it is time to leaue them who are already many leagues of. [ 30]

On thursday night his Lordship set saile for the Uirgines, and on saturday morning had * 1.158 them in sight: and in the afternoone we were come to an ankor. On Whitsunday in the mor∣ning betimes (for there was a fit place sought out the euening before) our land forces went on * 1.159 shore, and there his Lordshippe tooke a perfect muster of them. The Companies indeede were (though after much sicknesse) goodly, in number one might well say not so fewe as a thousand. When the Companies had bin trained into all sorts, and faces of fights, at length his Lordshippe commanded the Drummes to beate a call, and the troopes being drawne in the nearest closenesse * 1.160 that conueniently they might be, that he might be heard of all, his Lordship standing vnder a great cliffe of a rocke, his prospect to the Seaward, stept vpon one of the greater stones (which [ 40] added to his naturall stature, gaue him a pretty height aboue the other company) so commanding audience, made a speech to them.

After which, the Fleete then within one dayes sailing from Puertoricco, his Lordship pre∣sently * 1.161 appointed Officers for the field. They all made vp a dozen Companies: whereof if any wanted the full number of 80. they were plentifully supplied, by a large ouerplus of gallant Gentlemen that followed his Lordships colours, borne by Captaine Bromley; and Sir Iohn also had more then 80. so that the whole Armie appointed to Land, was neere vpon a thousand, spe∣cially seeing the Officers of seuerall Companies were not reckoned in these numbers. The Of∣fices thus bestowed, his Lordship forth with commanded euery man to be shipped in Boates, and to goe aboord, where after dinner it was debated, whether it were better to passe through the [ 50] Uirgines, a way not clearely vnknowne (for diuers of our company both Souldiors and Marri∣ners had gone it before with Sir Francis Drake, in his last voyage) or else to hold the old course * 1.162 through the Passages. It was acknowledged that the Virgines was the neerer way, but withall none can denie, but that it was the more dangerous; for the way is very narrow (about the breadth of Thames about London) and we durst not promise our selues the continuance of a lea∣ding winde. The way through the passages was found to be farther about, but withall it was without danger, and therefore hauing no great haste choose the safer way by the passages; for (said his Lordship) I choose rather, to be the first that shall take Puertorico, then the second that shall passe the Uirgines. The Uirgines are little Ilands not inhabited; some thinke for want of * 1.163 water, some thinke that is no cause, and that there is store of water. They are very barren and [ 60] craggie, somewhat like the Burlings, but being much more sandie, as it is much more hot. A∣mong these many scattered Ilands there is one called the Bird-Iland, by reason of the incredible * 1.164 store of Fowle. So stored is it with plentie of Fowle, that neuer was English Doue-coat more willing to yeelde her increase then that hillocke, for you may take with your hands onely, as

much as you will to the filling of Bushels and Quarters. That euening we cut sailes, and ranne through the Passages in the night time. * 1.165

Vpon Monday afternoone, we made our selues to be not farre from Puerto rico; and our de∣sire was to beare in with it in the morning before day, that by that meanes we might least of all be discouered. For this cause therefore the Scout and the Anthony were sent before to make our landing place, and that done to returne, which was about midnight. His Lordships greatest care was and had bin some dayes to set his men safely and well on land, for he doubted not to make them a way, if once they were landed without impeachment. Himselfe therefore hauing commanded that Sir Iohn Barkley should come aboord with him, tooke a Boate and w••nt him∣selfe no otherwise accompanied then with Sir Iohn and the Cocksons gyng, to discouer a landing [ 10] place. Without long stay he returned againe, so wet, that he was forced to change his apparell, but withall gaue present commandement that euery Captaine and Ship should put their men in∣to Boates, and that they should follow his bloudy colours, which he would haue presently landed.

By eight of the clocke that tuesday, being the sixt of Iune, his Lordships regiment, and most * 1.166 part of Sir Iohn Barkleys were landed, which amounted neere to the number of a thousand men. We began to march as soone as we could be brought into any order, & the forlorne hope drawne out, which was led by Captaine Andrewes the Commander of his Lordships priuate Company, which that day was brought vp in the the Battell by Captaine Powell, Lieutenant Colonell of his Lordships regiment. The way we marched was along the Sea side, commonly on firme, some∣time [ 20] on loose sand, but yet it was a faire march, for three leagues at the least, till we met with a blacke-Moore, who we hoped should haue bin our Guide (and so he was willing to be) but he neither spake good English, nor good Spanish, and besides was affrighted, so that a great while he did mislead vs; for through most vnpassable rocks and clifts he brought vs: for betwixt the clifts where we stood, and the Iland wherein the Towne stood, there we saw an arme of the Sea, in breadth not Calieuer shot, but on the other side was a fort with fiue peece of great Ord∣nance, and some, though not many, Musketeers; for both the euening before they had disco∣uered our Nauie, and this morning our landing, as we were sure by diuers Horsemen, whom we saw come forth to view our strength. Here there was offer made by some, so to plant a num∣ber of Musketeers in these rockes, as that they might beate them in the fort from their Ord∣nance: [ 30] this was thought possible, and afterwards was done but now deferred, because though we had no annoyance of the fort, yet we knew not how to get ouer, for the depth of the passage meerly vnknown, and our Boats yet had not found any landing place neere the fort. And while here we were at a flat bay, euen at our wits end, what course we might take to come to the Towne, there was sent a Peece or two of great Ordnance (but without any hurt) from another fort, which standeth vpon the narrowest part of the same arme of the Sea, and was the onely passage that was vsed from the maine Iland where we were, to the Iland where the Towne is. Here the Nigro was so nething comforted, and brought to the little wit he had; at length, with * 1.167 much adoe, being made to vnderstand, we tooke our selues to be out of the way, because wee could not passe that way; partly with threatning and partly with promises if he brought vs in∣to [ 40] a better way to the Town; he began againe to leade, and we to follow with as nimble mindes as weary bodies, for we had marched from morning till now that it was euen in the edge of the euening; but we would not be weary.

At length through many vntroden pathes, or rather no pathes, but such wodden holes, as would haue taught the most proud body to stoope very humbly; he brought vs into a beaten * 1.168 sandy way. But for all this we were not neere the Bridge which must be passed, and diuers euen of our leaders began after so long and troublesome a march to faint, so that order was giuen to stay the Vantgard, when it pleased God to helpe by one meane or other to as many Horses, as kept vs from staying our march. There might be seene a poore tyred Iade, without Saddle or Bridle, onely with a match in his mouth very welcome to them that commanded the best Hor∣ses [ 50] of England. But at length we ouercame the length of the way, and euen to the Bridge were come, but it was so late, that that night we were out of hope to passe it, being (as we had great reason to thinke) fortified against vs. Onely the Companies were commanded to keepe their guard, till his Lordship in person with Sir Iohn Barkley went as quietly as they could to take view of the place; which they found to be narrow and a long Cawse-way leading to a Bridge reaching from the one Iland to the other. The Bridge they perceiued to be pulled vp, and on the other banke was there a strong Barricado, a little beyond which was a Fort with Ordnance. But how much or what we could not learne, nor by how many men it was held, yet perceiued * 1.169 they it absolutely not to be passed but at a low water. Our Mariners and Sea-men could say lit∣tle to the ebbing and flowing in this Countrie, and therefore the onely way to know the fit [ 60] time of assault, was to set a continuall watch to giue present information of the ebbe. The meane time the Armie was led backe to repose themselues a while.

In a great Lawne we all sat or lay downe, and with fresh water, which the first Negro, and another, that was afterwards taken in this wood, led our men to, they refreshed themselues;

some had some Bread, his Lordship was no niggard of that he had. His lodging that night was his Target; I lay at his head, and to my remembrance, neuer slept better. In the morning (two houres at least before day) the allarum was giuen very quietly, and was readily taken, for we needed not but to shake our eares. The Companies were streight ranged, and euery man had forgotten how weary he had bin the last night, so forward they were to be in seruice. Euen betwixt his Lordship and Sir Iohn Barkeley there grew a little question; whether of them should haue the point that day. Sir Iohns answer was, that his Lordship might command them all, and therefore it was at his pleasure to haue or leaue the point; but since it had pleased him to * 1.170 diuide the Armie into two Regiments, and his Lordshippes Leaders had all the last day had the Point, he tooke it to be neerer the order of the Warres if the other Regiment this day were re∣spected. This reason together with request to his honour to remember himselfe to be the Gene∣rall, [ 10] and therefore his place should not be so full of danger, so farre moued his Lordship that Sir Iohns Regiment had the Point; neuerthelesse his Lordshippe would be at the seruice in person. Thus the manner of the enterprize being vpon the present resolued on, his Lordship put himselfe into his Armour, so did all the Commanders, and who else had Armours, for they looked that the seruice should be hot, as indeede it proued.

By and by the enemies Centinell had discouered the approach of our Companies, and they * 1.171 tooke the Alarum. It may be well said it was well fought by the Engli••h, and if it had bin day that euery one might haue seene what he did, it is to be thought so many would not haue de∣serued so much commendation. The assault continued aboue two houres, during which time the [ 20] Spaniards were not idle. For though the assalants left no way in the world vnattempted, yet no way could they finde to enter the Gate. The Cawsey, which was the ordinarie way of passage, was purposely made so rugged: that our men to keepe them on their feete, made choise to wade * 1.172 in the water besides it. Here his Lordship was (by the stumbling of him that bore his Target) ouerthrowne, euen to the danger of drowning; for his Armour so ouerburdened him, that the Sergiant Maior that by chance was next had much adoe at the first and second time to get him from vnder the water: when he was vp, he had receiued so much Salt water, that it droue him to so great extremity of present sicknesse, that he was forced to lye downe in the very place vp∣on the Cawsey; till being somewhat recouered, he was able to be led to a place of some more safetie and ease; in which place the Bullets made him threatning musicke on euery side. His [ 30] Lordshippe being brought to this little safe place (whence yet he would not be remoued till the fight was done) Sir Iohn Barkeley led on his Regiment, from whom there were not lesse then 3000. English Bullets sent among the Spaniards, who had not so many hands as we, yet were not much behinde vs, in sending these heauy leaden messengers of death. For besides fix peece of great Ordnance, which were bent and played iust vpon the Cawsey, and some pretty store of Musketeers; at a port fast by the gate lay there a fowler, or a cast peece, that did more skathe, then all the rest, for that at once shot many murthering shot, whereupon the peece is also called a murtherer; for all this our Soldiers came to the very gate, and with Bils, some two or three that they had, wanting other fitter instruments, began to hewe it. At their ports and loope holes they were at the push of the Pike, and hauing broken their owne, with their naked hands * 1.173 [ 40] tooke their enemies Pikes, and perforce brake them.

But for all this no entrance could be got. Sir Iohn Barkeley attempting to discouer if any * 1.174 passage might be found of either side of the gate, twice waded so farre, that if he could not haue swamme, he had bin drowned. They that were come to the gate called to their owne Companies, that some Pikes should be drawne to them: this word was giuen farther then was intended, for by and by all the Pikes were called for. Then his Lordships colours began to march, and to the Cawsey came, where hee was very exceeding sicke lying vpon the * 1.175 ground in a place, no lesse dangerous then if he had bin vpon the Cawsey; a place so peril∣lous that it had bin as safe being at the entry of a breach by assault.: but the end was, it could not then bee taken; the tyde came in so fast, that what was at our knees before, was now * 1.176 [ 50] come vp to our middles: and besides the day began to breake, which though some thought would be aduantagious for vs, yet certainely it would haue bin the death of many a man; their Ordnance being bent to scoure the Cawsey, and the ruggednesse which they had made to hinder our approach, had made vs forsake it; which if the day had once discouered to them, they might easily haue bent their Artillery to our much greater losse. But God would not haue more bloud shed, nor ours as yet to haue our wils. The Companies therefore were brought off to the place where we lodged all night, before where the Chirurgians were presently to looke to the hurt, which were not many, and the slaine much fewer, all vnder fiftie of both sorts. No Commander slaine or hurt but two Lieutenants. Lieutenant Cholmley, that had ser∣ued excellently well, and Lieutenant Belings. The losse that the enemy had was much like, [ 60] sauing that of the assaults there were some few more slaine: from this place our Companies marched to the Sea-side, whether his Lordship had appointed victuals to meete them.

His Lordship hauing giuen the Souldiours some time to refresh themselues, in the meane time * 1.177 went himselfe aboord so sicke that in truth he was to be feared, with purpose to r••pose himselfe

for that night, but his thoughts were so busied and restlesse, that within few houres he came a∣shore againe, and presently put in execution a purpose, which his Lordshippe had this meane time digested: it was to land men at the other Fort. For effecting whereof he gaue direction that one of the Ships should beare in close to the shore, though it were (as indeede at proued) with * 1.178 apparent danger of casting her away: But the seruice was to be done whatsoeuer it cost: Withall there were in the rocks on the other side ouer against the Fort (I meane that which we first came to see, but could not come at) some fifty Musketeers placed, to beate the enemy from their Ord∣nance: meane while there were shipped in Boates Captaine Coach, and Captaine Orrell with two hundred Pikes and shot to land on the other side the Fort, twixt it and the Town, that they hauing made good the place, might either make a stand till the rest of the forces were landed (if [ 10] it were thought needefull) or else might march and charge the other Fort on that side, when our men should assault it on this side. This plot tooke very good effect; for within an houre that the * 1.179 attempt was giuen, partly the Ship, and partly the Musketeers had so beaten the Fort, that the Boates had good leisure to land; whereupon within short space the enemy quitted the place without losse to be spoken of to our Companies: for of all ours there were not aboue three hurt, and one slain, onely the Ship was driuen vpon the rockes, and finally cast away. Their dire∣ction * 1.180 was that the Souldiers should make the place good (for there was no doubt of their sufficient strength) the Boats were commanded to come backe againe to his Lordship, who appointed to * 1.181 tarry at a Conduit which is in the maine Iland but from whence men might be landed betwixt the point or the Bridge, and the red fort, called Mata-diabolo. [ 20]

Our men were safely landed some pretty distance beyond the red Fort; where the Spaniards were ready to receiue them, and a while they skirmished gallantly, but finding themselues ouer∣weake, they made an honorable retreat till they were fallen into the wood, in the edge whereof * 1.182 they made their first stand. Ours marched directly to the Fort, which they found quitted, and there lodged all that night. By that time that the Boates were come backe to his Lordship, the * 1.183 Moone was growne so light, and the water fallen to so dead an ebbe, that there was no hope of passge till the next floud. There was not so much as a candle or a match to be seene in the Fort, whereupon his Lordship told Sir Iohn Barkeley that he tooke that Fort also to be quitted, the rather because some were seene passing from the Fort to the Frigat. Hereupon himselfe ac∣companied with Sir Iohn Barkeley, went to the Cawsey to see if they could perceiue any more * 1.184 [ 30] certaintie, and Captaine Rukesby was sent and brought certaine intelligence, that the enemy was gone.

By this time it was growne very late, and our men needed some refreshing: the Companies therefore were drawne vp to the place where we had lodged the last night, where hauing eaten something they were within a while brought downe to the point, where meeting with Cap∣taine Coach and Captaine Orrell, all began to march directly towards the Towne. And now our men made but little doubt of all hauing once set safe footing in the lesser Iland. It was night when we began to march, and by breake of day we were at the Towne. This day was thursday, * 1.185 Iun. 8. The passage is wooddie on either side, and so narrow that not passi••g three at the most can march in ranke; and from the Towne this Fort is a mile and a halfe: yet all this way being so fit for Amb••skadoes, or for the Irish manner of charging by sudden comming on and off, there [ 40] was not a Dogge that barked at vs, so that in great quietnesse wee came to the Towne, * 1.186 and found it quitted of all able to make resistance: fo. besides women and men, whom ei∣ther age or wounds had disabled for the warres, all the rest had quitted the Towne, and be∣taken themselues as to their last hope, to one of their Forts to the Sea-wards, called Mora.

§. III.

The Fort Mora beseeged and taken. The Towne described: the Mines. Pur∣pose [ 50] to hold the place; altered by the death and sickenesse of many.

AFter that the place was assured with sufficient guards, and euery Company quartered: first of all the Spaniards that were left were deliuered to the Prouost, and then his Lord∣ship sent a Drum to summon the Fort to be deliuered to him for the Queene of England, * 1.187 who had sent him thither to take it. The Gouernour made answere ••hat the King of Spaine had sent him thither to keepe it, and that so long as he liued it should not be deliuered. * 1.188 After this summons his Lordship tooke exceeding care for the taking in of this hold with the least losse of men that possibly might be; for he considered that he was to leaue a strong Garri∣son [ 60] there, and that he must himselfe goe home well guarded. His purpose therefore was to take it without fight, onely with a straight siedge to force them to yeelding: his Lordships speci∣all purpose and desire was by hunger to driue them to a yeelding (as in the end hee did) but * 1.189

withall he prouided a batterie, if their victualls should last longer then he wished and hoped. At one time therefore he tooke order to cut off all possible meanes of reliefe of victualls, by sen••ing Boates, which continually lay twixt the Fort and their Mayne; and withall hee prouided two plat-formes, and seuerall Gabions, that from two place•• at once their wall might bee beaten. To this purpose there was brought from the Scourge two whole Culuerings, and two Demicul∣uerings, and about the Towne were found foure other peeces that would serue for batterie, a∣mong the which one was that which had slain Sir Nicholas Clifford there not long before. By Sa∣turday * 1.190 the seuenteenth of Iune the Ordnance was readie to batter. But his Lordship would not haue them begin on the Sabbath day; so that it was deferred till Monday.

All this while the noise of warre was not so great among vs, but that the still voice of Iu∣stice * 1.191 was well heard. It is no newes that in such companies there will bee outrages committed, [ 10] and so was it there: for his Lordship publikely disarmed a very good Souldier, for ouer-violent * 1.192 spoyling a Gentlewoman of her jewels. But because this was not terrible enough to the rest, and he was desirous to arme Iustice with the authoritie of all the Commanders, forthwith hee caused a martiall Court to bee called. Whereupon the Article of defacing Churches or Houses of Religion, and of offering force to Women, there were two condemned to die. Hee that had done violence to a Spaniards wife, was a Souldier, and had giuen very good proofe of his va∣lour, so farre, that his Lordship had taken speciall notice of him, but being conuicted of this crime, there was no place left for mercy, but hanged hee was in the market place; the Spa∣niards as many as would come, being suffered to be present at the execution. The other fellow was a Sayler and an Officer in the Vice-admirall, for defacing some things in the Church, with∣out [ 20] order from the Generall, hee was brought thrice to the Gibbet, and at length his Lordship was intreated to grant him mercy. These few but indeed notable examples of justice haue since held vs in much better termes of ruly obedience.

Vpon Monday the batterie began to speake very loud: both the Gabions beat vpon a Caua∣lero which they had made vpon the Point next to the Towne. The Ordnance which they had planted thereon, by dinner time was iudged to bee dismounted, and though that were the thing specially respected in the batterie, yet because the Wall and the Caualero that stood vp∣on it began to nod, they beat that place till towards the euening. All this while scarce was there a Spaniard to be seene vpon any part of their wall, whereas before the Ordnance began [ 30] to play, there could not within the sight and reach of the Fort, foure or fiue of the Souldiers come together, but there would a shot of great Ordnance be sent to scatter them. In the eue∣ning the Canoneers found that they had spent all the Culuering shot, and therefore shut vp that day with the lesser peeces. Against the morning there was more prouided; but in the meane season it was perceiued, that the Caualero was alreadie sufficiently beaten, and that with the next raine (which in that Countrie and time of the yeere, is neither seldome nor little) it * 1.193 would fall, being (as all the Countrie is) of a sandie earth, it did but crumble into dust. The Canoneers therefore were appointed in the morning to beate the other Point neerer the Sea. For that so flanked the Gate, and the breach alreadie made, that without great danger there could not any approch be made, and his Lordship was growne exceeding niggardly of the ex∣pence [ 40] of any one mans life.

This wrought so with them in the Fort, that about one a clocke, they sent forth a Drum to * 1.194 demand parley. His motion was, that two of their Captaines might be suffered to speake with two of the English. It was granted; and they met in a place of the greatest indifferency that could be found, so that neither partie should discouer others strength. The demands were deli∣uered * 1.195 in Paper, written in Spanish: the summe whereof was; for themselues they desired that with Colours flying, match in their cocks, and bullets in their mouth be set beyond the Point at the Bridge, to goe whither they would. Further, they demanded all the prisoners to bee de∣liuered without ransome, and that no mans Negroes and Slaues should be detayned from them. His Lordship vtterly refused any such composition, but told them because hee tooke no pleasure [ 50] in s••edding Christian bloud, hee would deliuer them some Articles, which if they liked, hee would without more adoe receiue them to mercy. Which Articles were these, deliuered vnder his Lordships owne hand to the Gouernour.

A resolution, which you may trust to.

I Am content to giue your selfe and all your people their liues, your selfe, with your Captaines and * 1.196 Officers to passe with your Armes: all the rest of your Souldiers with their Rapiers and Dag∣gers onely.

You shall all stay here with me, till I giue you passage from the Iland, which shall bee within thir∣tie [ 60] dayes.

Any one of you, which I shall choose, shall goe with me into England, but shall not stay longer there then one moneth, but being well fitted for the purpose, shall bee safely sent home into Spaine without ransome.

It was doubted whether there were any in the Fort that spake English, and therefore some were wishing the Articles were translated into Spanish. But his Lordship peremptor••ly refused to seeke their language, but would haue them to finde out his; but because it was now growne late, he gaue them respite to thinke what they would answere till eight a clocke the next day, and promise was giuen on either side, that neither should practise to put things out of the state, they now were in. The next morning rather before then after the time appointed, there re∣turned to his Lordship, besides the two former Captaines, both hee that now was, and hee that had beene last Gouernour, and withall they brought with them one of good place in his Lordships seruice whom they had taken prisoner, while he was viewing a peece of Ordnance that lay neere the Fort. These also required (as Captaine Lansois and the Sergeant Major before) [ 10] priuate audience who without much difficultie yeelded vpon the foresaid conditions; and farther desired they might haue two Colours left them, & in lieu hereof they made promise that nothing * 1.197 should be spoyled in the Fort. That day the Gouernour and his Companie dined with his Lord∣ship, and after dinner the Gouernour went and brought out his Companies out of the Fort (which of all sorts were neere foure hundred) and deliuered the keyes to his Lordship, who * 1.198 immediately brought in his owne Colours, and Sir Iohn Barkleys, and placed them vpon the two Points of the Fort. The Spaniards without being pillaged (for beside all promises his Lordship suffered them to carry their stuffe away) conueyed safely into a strong Castle in the Towne called Fortileza. This Fort was taken in vpon Wednesday being the one and twentieth of Iune, and vpon Thursday our fleet was commanded to come into the Harbour, for all this [ 20] while it had rid without. This Fort is to the Sea-ward very strong, and fitted with good∣ly Ordnance, and bestowed for the most aduantage to annoy an enemie that possibly could bee deuised. It is held absolutely impossible that any shippe should passe that Point without sinking instantly, if the Fort doe not graunt her passage: And the riding without the Har∣bour is very dangerous as wee found by the losse of many Anchors and Cables, to the extreme danger of many of the Ships, and the finall casting away of one of them. The Fort to the land∣ward is not altogether so strong as towards the Sea, but yet being victualled able to abide a long siege.

The Towne consisteth of many large streets, the houses are built after the Spanish manner, * 1.199 of two stories height onely, but very strongly, and the roomes are goodly and large, with great [ 30] doores in stead of windowes for receit of aire, which for the most part of the day wanteth ne∣uer. For about eight in the morning there riseth ordinarily a fresh breese (as they call it) and bloweth till foure or fiue in the afternoone, so that their houses all that while are very coole, of * 1.200 all the artificiall day the space from three in the morning till sixe, is the most temperate, so that then a man may well indure some light clothes vpon him; from fixe till the breese rise is very soultering, from fiue in the afternoone hottest of all the rest till midnight, which tim•• * 1.201 also is held dangerous to be abroad, by reason of the Screnaes (they call them) which are ray∣nie dewes. And indeed in the nights the Souldiers which were forced to lie abroad in the fields, when they awaked found as much of their bodies as lay vpwards to bee very wet. The Towne * 1.202 in circuit is not so bigge as Oxford, but very much bigger then all Portesmouth within the for∣tifications, [ 40] and in sight much fayrer. In all this space there is very little lost ground; for they * 1.203 haue beene still building, insomuch as that within these three yeeres, it is augmented one fourth part. The Cathedrall Church is not so goodly as any of the Cathedrall Churches in Eng∣land, * 1.204 and yet it is faire and handsome; two rowes of proportionable pillars, make two allies besides the middle walke, and this all along vp to the high Altar. It is darker then commonly Countrie Churches in England. For the windowes are few and little, and those indeed with∣out * 1.205 glasse (whereof there is none to be found in all the Towne) but couered with Canuas, so that the most of the light is receiued by the doores, the greatest whereof is iust in the West end * 1.206 to the Seaward, so that out of it a man walking in the Church may behold the ships riding in a very faire Harbour. The other two doores (besides that which is priuate from the Bishops [ 50] house) are on either side, a little aboue their Quire. For that of all other things is the most singular and differing from the fashion in England, that their Quire is in the very lowest and Westermost part of their Church, wherein is the Bishops seate raysed three good steps aboue * 1.207 the rest, and pompously built. On either side of him seeme to sit sixe Prebends, and vpwards are places for singing men and Quiristers. Their Church wanteth no necessarie implement. On the North side a faire paire of Organs; at either side-doore a poore mans boxe: aboue the Or∣gans on the same side, there is a decent Pulpit very conueniently placed; on the other side of the side-doores, there were two Lauers for holy water, to sprinkle the Incommers, and in the South-west corner fast by the great doore is there a place seemly inclosed with Ioyners worke, where is a faire Font placed. This Church is sacred to Saint Iohn Baptist, as is all the [ 60] Iland; besides his Image there were many other in particular shrines, which the Souldiers could not bee held from defacing vnorderly. There are in the Citie three or foure little Chappels to * 1.208 Saint Anne, Saint Barbara, and others.

Besides the Fort, which held out those few dayes, and is of some twice twelue score re∣moued

from the Towne: there is in the West and by South side of the Towne a strong Castle, * 1.209 built of squared stone, commonly called the Kings house, named before Fortileza, wherein was found good store of Munition. Betwixt this Castle, and the Fort Mora, there is another peece of fortification of squared Stone and battlemented, it also coasteth along the Sea, and may beate the harbour. So that all things considered, it was the mightie hand of God, which with the losse of two men onely at one shot slaine with a peece of Ordnance, deliuered a place of such strength, to so small a troope of men, the rather if it be considered, that we came not thither vn∣looked for; for they had particular warning a moneth at least before, and to the waterside where Boates vse to land out of the harbour, they had cast vp a strong ditch to impeach landing there, but God brought vs a better way. There is also a faire Frierie standing on the North side * 1.210 of the Towne, but little distant from it: it is built of Bricke in a good large square, with a [ 10] Church and Hall, and all necessary roomes for a Pryor and Couent of Fryers, it seemeth not to be perfected yet, for they are beginning of a Cloyster not yet couered. The Couent was fled all, sauing one old Fryer, who in the little broken Latine that he had told me, that they were Dominicani ordinis praedicatorum mendicantium. The scituation of this place is exceeding delight∣full: it standeth vpon the easie hanging of a hill, inclosed on three parts well neere by the Sea. The soile sandie and very light, like to our Rye-fields in England: the temper as in that height hot, and yet rather effectually and in operation, then to the sense. There books haue their glewed backs, there melted and loosened; Flowers or Fruites candied in England, there lose their crust, and English Comfits grow liquid. But after some little acquaintance, it is likely it would proue [ 20] a very healthfull place; for though they speake of some mortality (as what place in the world is alwaies free from that scourge of God?) that hath bin there of late, yet haue I bin told by them that haue liued there, in seuenteene moneths there haue not aboue two bin buried, and those of extreame age. And at his Lordships comming hither people of 80. and 90. yeares old were of good abilitie of body.

The rest of this little Iland (at the least halfe of a league in length) is for the most Woods com∣plaining * 1.211 of the want of dressing and industrie, yet are they all youthfully greene, and none with∣out some fruite or other, but so strange as would pose the professors of that skill in England: and in these woods Horses and Oxen grow fat, if they be suffered to rest. Therein be also some large inclosures carefully dressed, not vnlike to our manner of dressing Hop-yards, and euery hillocke [ 30] laden with the fruites of the Countrie. Lemmons or rather Lymes, and the goodliest Orenges that euer I saw are ordinarily to be found where no man set them. In and about the Towne there is store of Coker-nut-trees, which, beside the excellencie of the Fruite, giue a very delightfull gracing to the Towne. There is not in this little Iland any knowne Riuer or Spring', but hard beyond the point in the other Iland there is an excellent Conduit of very good fresh water, handsomely ouerbuilt with squared Stone; and in the Towne euery house hath a large Well, and some two, so as they cannot want water in such plentie of raine, which is there both often and abundant. And if men will not lose themselues with ouermuch ease and pleasure, there will be no necessarie thing wanting. But the eminent and knowne profits of this place are Ginger, Sugar and Hides, besides the secrets of the Gold Mines, howsoeuer of late yeares neglected. Some [ 40] reasons haue beene giuen, why the King left working though he knew there were exceeding store of Gold. The first is, the very store of Gold; for say they the sweetenesse he found, made him vnwilling to haue any copartners, and therefore knowing this place to bee the neerest to the Indies to * 1.212 those Countrimen, whom he most feared that they would in time become sharers with him, he would not lay such a baite to entice them to set footing there, where being once entered, they would not onely guild their fingers, and pay their Souldiers for the present with his Trea∣sure, but would make this their baiting place in the longer iourney to the other Ilands, and con∣tinent of the Indies, which are the very coffers whence he feedeth his warres. And if it be ob∣iected, that the working in these Mines was ceased before the King had cause to feare the Eng∣lish or French inuasions thereinto, there being then no warres twixt him and them; let them [ 50] rest satisfied, that with the answer made by a Spaniard to his Lordship, obiecting the same, that the warres were then a brewing. Secondly, they say that the King left working in this, because he would haue all not onely this, but the other Mines also; for he saw that all men, as they doe loue wealth, so doe they also seeke after ease, And if with lesse labour they may get the same profit, none will vndergoe needlesse trauell. From which generall, the descent is very easie and direct to this particular. That if in a shorter voyage and lesse time his subiects were sure to make them∣selues Masters of as much gold, as if they went farther and should come no heauier home; hee should finde but few that would fetch gold from Peru, or the other more inland parts of the In∣dies, when as they might haue it with halfe the trauell, and in halfe the time. Besides, the Spa∣niards great lands and pouertie of men will not suffer all workes goe forwards at once. There [ 60] are among the Spaniards whom God hath deliuered to his Lordships hands, the same Lansois of whom was spoken before. In what reckoning hee is held by the Spaniards, may bee percei∣ued, by their imploying him, in time of so great necessitie. Once it is confessed, that hee al∣most onely was hee that held the rest from present yeelding, and who after yeelding (which

yet they say was without his consent) taketh the losse of the Spaniards most of all to heart. He seemeth truly to be wise aboue the common pitch of Souldiers which is his profession, yet hath he beene heard say and protest by the faith of a Souldier, that there is not so rich and good a myne in all the Kings Dominions to the Westward, as that of Puerto Rico. Others whose fathers were imployed in the workes, report what their dying fathers told them. But that which maketh most of all to the purpose, is the present preparation which the King is euen now a making, for the reuiuing of these workes afresh in Puerto Rico, by setting two hundreth Negroes to worke, and for that purpose had sent great store of Mattocks and Spades thither, there found in his store-house, and for what other vse they should haue needed, is not well conceiueable. [ 10]

Much time was spent in taking order how the Spaniards might be dispatched to Carthagena; (for thither it was resolued they should bee sent) being a place so farre to the leeward of Puerto Rico, as that they neither could in haste themselues make any head, nor send newes to Spaine, to procure the le••••ing of any forces thence: and in prouiding victuals for this place, and repayring ships that were first to come for England. Vpon Thursday being Saint Peters day, there was a saile discryed at Sea in the morning, and by noone shee was come into the Harbour, which * 1.213 with much astonishment shee found turned English. The Spaniards had some few dayes before reported that they looked for a ship to bring from the Hauana much of the Souldiers pay that was behinde. This held vs for the time in great suspence of hope and doubt, whether this might bee shee or no; the rather because this seemed to bee of the same bignesse that they had spoken of, but when shee was fallen into the trap, it was found indeed to bee a very Mouse, [ 20] where we looked for a Mountaine. For her lading was a number of poore naked Negroes from Angola to bee sold there. Yet was shee a pretie Boat, and of her lading likely to bee made of * 1.214 good vse. Within few dayes after there was another saile almost taken after the same manner, yet perceiuing a greater fleete riding there, then shee could hope to finde Spanish shee got her tack aboard, and went away lasking, so that though the Affection was sent away in chace af∣ter her, yet shee escaped.

Vpon Friday being the seuenth of Iuly, all things being made readie for their passage, the Spaniards were imbarked in a Caruell, and in another ship, which during the time the ships rode without the Harbour, for feare of them whom shee could not passe, or enuie that they [ 30] should receiue good by her, ranne her selfe desperately ashoare, but shee and most things in her were saued, and here shee saued the sending away of a better ship. With these two, wherein the baser Spaniards were put, there were two other ships sent to waft them, wherein also went the Gouernour and some few others, who deserued some respect. And for themselues it was permitted them to come directly home for England. The next day being the eighth of Iuly, there came to his Lordship two Negroes from the mayne Iland with a flagge of truce, and a let∣ter from one Seralta, an ancient Commander in that Iland, and who vpon a wound receiued in the first fight at the bridge had with-drawne himselfe into the Countrie. The effect of his de∣sire was, that being in great distresse through feare of the English, that daily marched vp and downe the Countrie, he desired his Lordship to grant him and his protection to trauell without danger. Whereunto his Lordship made this answere to be written, and sent him. That he must [ 40] absolutely denie his request, but yet if himselfe, or any of his Nation, or any dwelling with him or them would within eight dayes come vnto him to Puerto Rico, he should by the vertue of that his Letter bee protected from being taken or spoyled, by any of his Souldiers: and this hee willed him to signifie to them neere about him, that they might giue notice of the same throughout the whole Iland. And further, his Lordship promised that to as many as would come, that they should both come safely, and if they so would should bee imbarked, and sent away as the Gouernour with the rest of the Spaniards were alreadie.

His Lordships honorable resolution and intendment was, not to come so farre from home, to take onely or spoile some place in this other world, and then run home againe: but hee had de∣termined [ 50] (by the leaue of God) to keepe Puerto Rico, if it pleased God to giue it into his hands. That was the place he meant to carry, whatsoeuer it might cost him, being the very key of the West Indies, which locketh and shutteth all the gold and siluer in the Continent of America and Brasilia. He knew that Saint Domingo might with much lesse losse bee taken, and would bring much greater profit for the present; in regard whereof, and of the desire hee had his Aduenturers should become gayners, his thoughts sometime tooke that way, but finally they stayed at Puerto Rico, and there setled themselues. As this was his resolution before hee had it, so was it also after * 1.215 he had it, and then not onely his, but euery man of worth or spirit saw such reason in his Lord∣ships designments, that some thought themselues not so graciously dealt withall, that they were passed ouer, when others were named to stay. But God had otherwise disposed. For within a while that his Lordship had beene in Puerto Rico, many of our men fell sicke, and at the very first [ 60] not very many dyed. The Spanish as well as the English were both sicke and dyed of the sicknesse, as besides Seralta was seene in diuers others. O h••rs suspected their bodily labours to haue pro∣cured * 1.216 it, and both seeme to haue concurred.

In Iuly and August is their Winter, so called for their great raines at those times, which to bo∣dies alreadie rarified by the heat of the Sunne then ouer them, and yet rather where vehement * 1.217 exercise hath more opened the pores whereby inward heat is exhaled, must needes be very dan∣gerous. It was an extreme loosenesse of the body, which within few dayes would grow into a flux of bloud, sometimes in the beginning accompanyed with a hot Ague, but alwayes in the end attended by an extreme debillitie and waste of spirits: so that some two dayes before death, the armes and legs of the sicke would be wonderfull cold. And that was held for a certaine signe of neere departure. This sicknesse vsually within few dayes (for it was very extreme to the number of sixtie eightie, and an hundred stooles in an artificiall day) brought a languishing weaknesse ouer all the body, so that one mans sicknesse (if ••ee were of any note) commonly kept [ 10] two from doing duties. And this was it, which rather then the number alreadie dead, made his Lordship first thinke of quitting the place. For though towards the beginning of Iuly, there were not much aboue two hundred dead, yet was there twice as many sicke, and there was no great hope to recouer the most of them. The ships were left weakly manned, for when we lan∣ded we landed about a thousand men, of which the greater part was dead or made vnseruiceable for the present. There were aboue foure hundred reported dead when his Lordship left the * 1.218 Towne, and surely as many so sicke, that most of them could not bring themselues aboard, before his Lordship left the place. After that it was once openly giuen out what his Lordship purposed, then was order taken to make readie the ships, in which time these things happened. Vpon Fri∣day the seuenth of Iuly, there was a saile discryed, which being come in was found to bee one of [ 20] our owne, though made ours by purchace. Heretofore it was noted, that at our comming from the Canaries, wee wanted the Frigat and one of the black Pinnaces, which being sent vpon a piece of seruice with Captaine Slingsby in the Consent, had left him, and were gone after a chace, but how farre or whither none knew till this saile came in, which told vs that they had taken that chace, whose lading was Muttons onely and Hennes, passing from one Iland to another, but withall they had so irrecouerably lost the fleet, that after they had there stayed fiue or sixe dayes, beating vp and downe to finde vs againe, but withou•• effect. Captaine Harper that commanded the Frigat, was forced to breake open his Letter, to know his direction whither his Lordship had appointed him to come to him. According whereunto they first stood for Margarita, where not finding his Lordship, nor hearing any newes of the fleet; they put off againe for Puerto Rico, [ 30] according to the direction they had receiued. But by reason of the violence of the Current there not so well knowne to them, they were driuen to the leeward of Puerto Rico, and so had beene at Domingo before they came to vs. There they heard newes of his Lordships being at Puerto Rico, and that he had taken the Towne, but the Fort held out still. Making therefore all the haste they could, bearing vp as high as the Passages, they got thither at last. The men in this ship were they which had beene in the black Pinnace, but because shee began to bee leakie, and not to brooke * 1.219 these Seas, they had sunke her, and put themselues into the prize, which being of better saile then the Frigat, had out-gone her some dayes sayling, for they told vs shee would also bee there within few dayes, and so shee was on Tuesday next after, hauing lost one man of their compa∣nie, all the rest were very strong, and in good liking. Vpon Wednesday the nineteenth of Iuly, [ 40] there came into this Harbour a Caruell: Shee was found to bee of Margarita, laded onely with passengers that were bound for Spaine. There were also found some rags and medicine pearle, to the value of a thousand Duckets; the men were not many, and it should seeme they had not * 1.220 further furnished themselues, then might prouide them necessaries at their arriuall in Spaine, and to present their friends. Vpon interrogatories therefore he found it very certaine by the agree∣ing confession of them all, that they were so farre from hearing of any fleet of the English in these Westerne parts, that in much securitie the Kings Chist was yet remayning in Margarita, with no more then the ordinarie guard. For besides the old Garrison of about thirtie Souldiers, there * 1.221 was not any new supply. Onely they had receiued direction from the King, that seeing the Chist was very rich, they should not aduenture to send so great treasure without assured strength; and therefore his pleasure was signified to be, that it should attend his sending of some Gallions [ 50] or Frigats for the safe wafting of the same. The Chist had not beene stirred some yeeres, and therefore rich it must needes be, in a place which so plentifully yeelded pearle. Triall was made by his Lordship with three ships; but Margarita lying South-east or South-east by South from Puerto Ricco, and the windes at that time of the yeere constantly blowing East South-east or South-east by East, they were forced backe frustrate of their hopes. [ 60]

§. IIII.

Purpose of returne. Treatie with the Spaniards. His Lordships departure. Description of the Iland, the Beasts, Fruits, Plants, &c.

HIs Lordship after he saw it was not Gods pleasure, that this place should yet bee kept by the English, had made some offers afarre off to the Teniente, and other chiefe men that were in the mayne Iland, for ransomming their Iland and Citie. To this pur∣pose he vsed one Antonio Robles, a Licenciate in physick, that had beene taken in the ship of Angola, whereof I noted something before. This Robles is a man, whom some learning [ 10] and much experience added to his naturall wit, had made very subtile and craftie. Hee once re∣turned, but soone after gaue the slip, as also did two others. By reason of this accident, the old Gouernour and the rest of the Spaniards, were restrayned of much libertie they had, and were kept in closer durance: which wrought with them in such sort, that at his Lordships returne in∣to the Harbour, the Gouernour Pedro Suarez made offer to his Lordship, that if it would please ••im to send one Vincent Lopez (that was in restraint with him) againe to negociate with the Teniente touching the ransome of the Citie and Stansies, he would become suretie for his returne. His Lordship refused to write any more to men so vnworthy of his curtesie, which they had much abused; Marry if you, said my Lord, doe see likelihood that any thing would bee ef∣fected, and would your selfe and as from your selfe write to them to perswade them for their [ 20] owne good, I would vpon your word and suretiship, be content that the said Lopez should passe. * 1.222 Thus vpon Tuesday the first of August, was Lopez dispatched with one Letter to the Bishop, and another to the Teniente, both from Pedro Suarez. Vpon Thursday the third day, Lopez re∣turned. And brought his Lordship a Letter in shew from the Licenciate in physick, Antonio Robles, but indeed it was an answere from the Teniente, Pedro Garcia, and the rest, into whose hands the gouernment fell, vpon the sending away of the present Gouernour Antonio Muschere. In this Letter, besides many idle excuses for his owne treacherous breach of promise (the conue∣nient doing whereof was in likelihood the cause, that he specially was deputed to write for the rest) there was offer made, that if it would please his Excellencie, to set downe and send them a definite summe, which he would accept, they would looke into their present abilitie, and accor∣dingly [ 30] would send his Lordship assurance, that within seuen dayes it should be sent to him, to be receiued at the Point, where hee held continuall guard. Concluding, that in these sendings they sought nothing but delaies, his Lordship determined not to send them any more, but withall speed to make himselfe and the fleet readie for a happy, and by many much desired returne, since it was cleere, that it was not Gods pleasure, that yet this Iland should bee inhabited by the English. All the Hides therefore, and Ginger and Sugar, which either was alreadie readie or in time could be gotten, was forthwith shipped, and so was all the munition in the Towne, all the Ordnance in any place of that Iland, which amounted in all and of all sorts very neere the full number of fourscore cast peeces, some of them the goodliest that euer I saw. But when they saw his Lord∣ship * 1.223 resolute to send no more to them for negotiating touching the ransome of their Citie; they [ 40] now begin to send againe and againe to him. His Lordship neuer meant to deface their Citie, or to make it vnfit to be inhabited. But withall he tooke the likeliest wayes, to conceale this from the knowledge of the enemie, whom hee could not so well rule with any other bit, our owne strength being now growne so weake. His Lordship therefore entertayned their offers, and so farre granted their desires, that some in the name of them all, might with his Lordships Passe come to the Citie to goe through with his Excellencie. There came two, Imma••••el Corder•• and Don Pedro de Pantoia, who without the Bishops consent, they said, offered fiue hundred kintals of Ginger; at whose returne (which should bee within three or foure dayes) they did thinke that thrice so much would be giuen. The fleet was not yet altogether readie, and Sir Iohn Bark∣ley not yet so well recouered of his the common disease, as that it was deemed fit hee should pre∣sently [ 50] commit himselfe to the Sea, being to bee so long without a bayting place; and hee by his Lordships directions left him, might dispatch the matter. These two therefore were licensed to returne to Luisa to their friends vpon Saturday being the twelfth of August, with promise to be againe with vs on the Tuesday following. But before their appointed day his Lordship set saile: yet it is not vnlikely his returne was something hastened, by an accident that fell out. The old man Pedro Suarez had a countenance that promised an honest minde, and in regard of his age and weaknesse, he was not so narrowly looked to, as for sometime hee had beene. This old sicke man found a meanes to escape the Sunday-night after they were gone to Luisa, certainly not without practice with his Countrimen; and it is thought with the priuitie of his Keeper. Now this mans departure onely therefore misliked, because it was traiterous and without leaue, did [ 60] more and more confirme his Lordship in his opinion that the Spaniards dealing with vs was trai∣terous, and for some other end, then was pretended. And therefore seeing his owne stay should not be needfull (for he knew Sir Iohn very sufficient to dispatch any thing that was to bee done) he presently commanded that his owne ship should weigh, and with her, of great ships onely

the Samson; of the lesser, the Royall Defence, the Frigat, the Scout, the Elizabeth, the Guiana, and two little ones that were found in the Harbour, one a Frenchman, and the other a Spanish Fri∣gat, which were rigged during our aboad there. So that his Lordship left with Sir Iohn the * 1.224 strength of the Nauie, the Ascention, the Gallion, the Alcedo, the Consent, the Pegasus, the Centurion, two strong flie-boats, and the Anthonie. The true reason of his Lordships desire to be gone from Puerto Rico quickly, was indeed a longing he had to be quickly at the Ilands. For hee had so plotted the voyage, that still hee would haue a string left in store for his Bow. And now hee had intelligence that the fleet of Mexico, which hee knew was to goe this yeere, was euen * 1.225 now vpon their dispatch. For vpon very good aduertisements he was giuen to vnderstand, that the fleet meant to disimbogge the first light Moone in their September, which falleth out to bee the seuen and twentieth of our August, and his desire was to be at the Ilands before them, which [ 10] he might well hope for being in the height of the Bermuda by that time they should put forth of the Bay. Besides this he had reason to looke for the meeting of a Carack, if by the middest of September hee were at the Ilands. For though they, which are homewards bound hauing made their voyage in the East Indies, ordinarily haue timelier passage, and are at home by August, yet if any of them, which this yeere were to goe from Lisbon, should be put backe againe, September is the moneth, wherein they were to bee expected at the Açores. And for their more certaine meeting againe with his Lordship, that so all the fleet might come home together, his Lordship left them this direction, which was giuen to euery ship vnder his hand. You shall steere in with the Southward part of Flores: if you finde me not in that course, then seeke me betwixt ten and four∣teene [ 20] le••gues of Fayal, West South-west. If there you finde mee not, then come through betwixt Fayal and the Pike; and seeke me in the Road at Gra••iosa; if you finde me in none of these places, you may be assured I am gone from the Ilands for England. And for the Towne, Sir Iohn had order giuen to leaue it vndefaced, sauing that the Fort Mora should bee razed to the landward. Thus wee left Puerto Rico, and steered as directly to the Ilands as the windes would suffer vs, which are there continually Easterly, yet serued vs so fauourably, that blowing much at East South-east, wee tooke our selues to hold a North North-east course, allowing our ships to driue one point to the leeward; which course it we could hold, we hoped to weather the infamous Iland of Bermuda, notorious with vnmercifull and incredible stormes of fearfull thunder and lightning. It was the * 1.226 sixt day after our departure from Puerto Rico, being Saturday the nineteenth of August, when I [ 30] writ out this note, then were wee a great way from the height of the Bermuda, which lyeth in thirtie three degrees.

Now we are in the way from Puerto Rico to the Ilands of Açores, which must needes be found a long passage, and the way being not much beaten with resort of the Passengers, puts me in hope that this may be a leisurefull place, to pay a piece of a promise that I made before, to say some∣thing more of the nature and qualitie and largenesse of the mayne Iland of Puerto Rico. The meanes which I did most wish and hope for, to enable mee the better for the payment of this debt, I could neuer with conueniency come by. For I alwayes waited if his Lordship would passe ouer into the Mayne. For without him I had no great desire, and indeed I should haue beene quickly missed, seeing it pleased his Honor to vse mee in the dispatch of all things, which were * 1.227 [ 40] to be done by warrant or direction vnder his hand. So that whatsoeuer I shall say here, I must be content to report vpon the report of others; and I will not tell you any thing, which (mee thought) my selfe did not first see reason to beleeue. The plat and figure of the Iland is a square, * 1.228 altera parte longius, the length exceeding the breadth neere the proportion of seuen to foure; for it is told me, to be sixe and thirtie leagues long, and twentie leagues broad, bearing it selfe out from end to end neere in the same distance. It lyeth East and West: at the West end the two corners doe so jut out, that they make a goodly Bay betwixt them, but yet not so profitable, because a goodly Riuer, which would gladly disburden it selfe into the Bay, is choaked with sands, which the Sea casteth vp into the mouth of the Riuer, which being nauigable a good way vp into the Land, is within a stones cast of losing his old name, and being called the Sea, made shallow and vnfit for the receit of Vessels of burthen. There are indeed in the same Bay other [ 50] lesser Riuerets, whereat Passengers vse to take in fresh water, as Sir Francis Drake did, after hee was beaten from the Citie of Puerto Rico, and put forth thence to Nombre de Dios. Vpon this part of the Iland, which is commonly called La Aquada, in English, The watering place, the greatest Commander, and of largest possessions, is, or of late hath beene, one Chereno; whose proper land, is thought to containe in compasse and circuit neere the quantitie of ten leagues. The other end, the Easterly end is knowne by the name of La cabeça de San Iuan, in English Saint Iohns head. The Citie of Puerto Rico is his right side or arme: and the South side about the Countrie of Choama (whither the Bishop at our comming had carried himselfe) will be answer∣able to the left side or left arme, as being lesse fit for action, and his feet is the watering place. The [ 60] most famous Riuers of this Iland are Toa and Baiamond, the rather because they runne into the Harbour of the Citie of Puerto Rico; whereof Toa is by much the greater, and falleth more with * 1.229 the West of the Towne: This Riuer riseth out of a Mountaine, called Guiamo, being on the South side of the mayne Iland, some fifteene or sixteene leagues from Puerto Rico ••o the Eastward;

from Guiamo it runneth North in one streame, till it come to another Mountaine, called Cawas, and though in this way it receiue many Riuerets into it, yet it cannot bee said either to lose or retaine his name, for thus farre it is not knowne certainly what name it had, as they say; but here parteth it selfe into two streames, the one whereof runneth Northerly to Luisa, a Towne not great but somewhat fortified, standing some sixe leagues to the Eastward of Puerto Rico. Whether the Towne doe giue or take his name of this arme of the Riuer, it is vnknowne. But well knowne it is, that they haue both one name. The other streame being once diuorced from Luisa, runneth North North-west and falleth into the Harbour of Puerto Rico, where it is cal∣led Toa.

Baiamond riseth betwixt the parting of Toa and Luisa, and runneth a Northerly, but more Ea∣sterly * 1.230 [ 10] course withall, till it mingleth it selfe with salt water on the South-west side of Puerto Rico. The Iland is watered with very many other Riuers, and Riuerets and Springs without number, or names, but those that giue or take names of the Villages and Townes which stand vp∣on them, for the most part runne Northerly. For besides Guiamo, which riseth in the Countrie of Coama, and runneth into the Southerly Sea, and the Riuer whereon Saint German (which al∣so is called Salamanca and Guadianilla) is situate towards the West end of the Iland neere to Cape Roxo; all the other of name runne to the leeward of the Iland, and fall into the Norther∣ly Sea. As first and next to Puerto Rico to the Westward, the Riuer and Towne of Sa••uco: next to it Guiamo, then the Recibo, twixt which and the Laguada is another, whose name I could not learne. The Laguada, whereof I spake before, and which giueth name to the Westerly end of [ 20] the Iland, where Sir Francis Drake (as I said) watered, is next vnto the choaked Bay before men∣tioned; in which Bay at the North-west Point is the Gawaraba, which the Seas violence hath made something vnprofitable for nauigation, so that the passage to Saint Domingo, and the other leeward parts of the West Indies, are most ordinarily from the Laguada, if they of the Westerly part of the Iland haue any businesse that way. For as Saint Germans or Salamanca, though I haue heard it to be a Harbour and a Sea-faring Towne, yet I am told so much to the contrarie, as makes me doubt of the former report, though I dare not absolutely assent to this later, though a Spaniard of good vnderstanding told it me. Now, in euery one of these Riuers which I haue named is * 1.231 there gold found ordinarily before it be sought. And (I know it to bee true) when the Spaniards perceiued by his Lordships manner of leauing the Citie of Puerto Rico, that hee went not away [ 30] without purpose to returne, one of them told his Honor in plaine termes, that he could not thrust his spade into any of these named Riuers, and many other besides these, but hee should finde gold. This certainly is true, and I haue seene the experience, that some of the grauell of one of these Riuers being brought to his Lordship because it looked rich, when triall was made, onely by washing away the sand and grauell, there was cornes of very good gold found in it, and that for the quantitie and proportion in great measure. Where, because we are againe fallen into this ar∣gument, I will report vnto you a certaine truth, whereby the richnesse of the mynes in Puerto Rico may be esteemed. One Ioancho de Luyando, a Mint-master in this Iland, dwelling in the Guadianilla neere to Saint Germans, or at the least hauing workes there, tooke a bullion or masse of gold so pure, as it needed no further triall, that being sent to the King it was found worth three [ 40] thousand and fiue hundreth Duckets, and diuers times he found such plates, that onely splitting them, he made himselfe trenchers of gold to eate his meat on. This man may bee judged to haue beene of no great either wit or care; for it is certainly reported, that oftentimes meeting his owne slaues comming out of the Countrie to his house in Puerto Rico with store of gold, hee did not know them to be his owne, till themselues told him so; and yet this man dyed so very rich, that he left euery of his three sonnes a hundreth thousand Duckets; insomuch that the youngest of them being in Spaine vpon the dispatch of some businesse, which his father had left vnsettled, was there thought of state so good, that a Marquesse thought his daughter well bestowed vpon * 1.232 him in marriage, But see how nothing will last where God with his preseruing blessing doth not keepe things together. For at this day, scarce is there any remainder left of all his riches, and [ 50] this now most poore though great Lady, not being able to proportion her selfe to the lownesse of her fortune, and besides vexed with her husbands ill conditions, hath by authoritie left him, and hauing entered religious profession, is at this present in a Nunnerie in Saint Domingo.

I haue beene very inquisitiue of the best obseruers, and most able to judge among ours, that haue vpon occasion trauailed into the inparts of the Iland. They doe agreeingly tell me, first that their wayes are very myrie, or rather dirtie, as proceeding of mold rather then grauell or sand; * 1.233 now, the prouerbe in England is, that that Countrie is best for the Byder, that is most cumbersome to the Rider. Secondly, the grasse and herbage they meet withall euerywhere is very proud and high, though somewhat course, which argueth a lustinesse, and strength of fatnesse in the soile, and which wanteth onely store of mouthes to ouer-come that luxuriant pride, and to bring it to [ 60] the finenesse which we most commend in England, which is made most probable, by that, which in the third place they report of their experience, that the soile is a black mold, vnderlaid with∣in some two foot, with a laire of reddish clay, which is one of the most infallible marks by which our English Grasiers know their battle and feeding grounds. The whole Iland is delightfully and

pleasurably diuersified with Hills and Vallies. Among the Hills there is one eminent aboue the rest, called the Loquilla, commended with the greatest plentie and riches of mynes. And yet * 1.234 none of the Riuers that I can heare of, haue their heads from thence, which perhaps may bee the reason, why it aboue the rest is lesse wasted. For they say that in the other Hills also there are veines found, of whose pouertie no man needeth to complaine. This Hill which they call Lo∣quilla, is placed Easterly aboue Luisa. The Vallies are much wooddy, but in very many places interlaced with g••odly large Playnes and spacious Lawnes. The woods are not onely vnderlings * 1.235 (as in the lesser Iland for the most part they are) but timber trees of goodly talnesse and stature, fit for the building of ships, and of euery part of them. For not to speake of a ship which wee our selues found here a building towards the burthen of a hundreth, the great Bougonia; a ship of a [ 10] thousand, hauing lost her Masts at Sea, had them all made here of the timber of this Iland, her mayne Mast being of two trees onely, and being there and all other wayes fitted for Spaine, was euen vpon the point of putting forth of this Harbour, when Sir Francis Drake and Sir Iohn Haw∣kins came hither with an honorable intent to take her and the foure Millions, which shee brought hither from the Hauana. For this ship was the Admirall of the fleet, which that yeere went from Tierra firma; and being taken with a storme at Sea, and hauing lost her Masts, with much adoe recouered this Harbour, and here was againe fitted. But the Queenes Nauie (vpon aduertise∣ment * 1.236 of this accident) came so just in the nick, that they were forced to sinke her in the Harbour, and that with so great haste, that the passengers had not time to fetch their clothes, but lading and victuals and all was lost. Some of the ribs of this great Beast we found here, but the marrow [ 20] and sweetnesse of her was gone; for shee brought in her foure millions and a halfe of treasure, for the wafting whereof those Frigats, which Sir Francis burned in this Harbour, were purposely sent. For while Sir Francis was watering at Guadalupe, some of his fleet discouered the passage of these Frigats by Dominica; which good newes (as truly they were very good) assured Sir Fran∣cis (as he openly told the fleet) that the treasure was not yet gone from Saint Iohn de Puerto Rico, for as much as he assured himselfe that these ships were going to fetch it home. The Playnes and * 1.237 Lawnes of the mayne Iland ••re graced with much varietie of many kindes of fruit: for besides the great Countries of ground where their Heards roame with such vncontrolled licence, as that * 1.238 they grow almost wilde, the champaine which they haue chosen to place their Stancies and In∣genios vpon, are richly laden with Ginger and Sugar-cane. Their Ingenios are commonly vpon * 1.239 [ 30] some Riuer, or neere some moore-marrish and waterish places, for in places of that qualitie doe their Sugar-canes prosper best. And besides, there is much vse of water for their Mills, and other works, though most commonly their Mills goe with the strength of men and horses, as I vnder∣stand, like our Horse-mills in England, which if I had seene my selfe I should haue beene better able, and conseq••ently more willing, to haue reported to you the manner and cunning of the same. They that haue beene eye-witnesses, doe with great wonder and commendation speake of them. Their Stansias are more inwardly placed in the Countrie, and yet a conuenient neere∣nesse * 1.240 to some Riuer is desired, for more conuenient carriage of their Ginger to Puerto Rico, whence they vent their commodities into other Countries; which I take to bee some part of the cause why more follow Ginger then Sugar workes, because their Stansias doe not need such choise of [ 40] place, and therefore the poorer may more easily come by them, which yet also more easily they set vpon, because much needeth not to set vpon the commoditie of Ginger. I haue heretofore said * 1.241 in generall, that Sugar and Ginger are the greatest knowne commodities of this Iland.

A third commoditie of the Iland besides Ginger and Sugar, I did before note to bee Hides. Whereof without contradiction there is very great store. I haue beene told by the Spaniard, that that same Chereno, whose Countrie is neere to the Laguada of the quite contrarie side to Cape Roxo, is generally reported to feede to the number of twelue thousand head of Cattle. Where∣vpon * 1.242 we may easily coniecture, how infinite the number of Cattell in this Iland is, seeing in the Westerly end thereof, which is held farre worse for feeding then the Easterly, neere Saint Iohns head, there is so incredible abundance. Once, it is generally spoken and beleeued, that by rea∣son of this ouer-flowing of Beeues, it is lawfull for any man to kill what he needeth for his vse, [ 50] if onely hee bee so honest as to bring the skins to the proper owners. Now, these Hides must rise to a huge summe of riches, considering that their Cattell are farre larger, then any Countrie that I know in England doth yeeld. For their Kine that I haue seene here, are for goodlinesse both of heads and bodies comparable with our English Oxen. And I wot not how that kinde of beast * 1.243 hath specially a liking to these Southerly parts of the world, aboue their Horses, none of which I haue seene by much so tall and goodly as ordinarily they are in England. They are well made, and well metalled, and good store there are of them, but me thinks, there are many things wan∣ting in them, which are ordinarie in our English light horses. They are all Trotters, nor doe I remember that I haue seene aboue one Ambler, and that a very little fidling Nagge. But it may [ 60] be, if there were better Breeders, they would haue better and more goodly increase, yet these are good enough for Hackneys, to which vse onely almost they are imployed. For Sheepe and Goates I cannot say that there are any great flocks, and of the two, fewer Sheepe then Goates. For I haue seene and tasted of many Goates, but to my remembrance, I did not see one Sheepe,

yet (say they) that the Iland is not without reasonable flocks: and I haue beene told so, by them who haue receiued information from their owne eyes. Neither can this scant of sheepe be * 1.244 laid vpon the nature of the soile, as being vnfit or vnwilling to feed that sober harmlesse creature, * 1.245 but it proceedeth rather of a wooluish kinde of wilde Dogs which are bred in the woods, and there goe in great companies together. This commeth to passe, by reason that these Dogs finde * 1.246 in the woods sufficient sustenance, and preferre that wilde libertie before domesticall, and to themselues much more profitable seruice. These Dogs liue of Crabs; I meane not fruits of trees: * 1.247 but an Animal, a liuing and sensible creature, in feeding whereupon, euen men finde a delight, not onely a contentednesse. These woods are full of these Crabs, in quantitie bigger then euer I saw * 1.248 any Sea-Crabs in England, and in such multitudes that they haue Berries, like Conies in English [ 10] Warrens. They are in shape not different from Sea-Crabs, for ought I could perceiue. For I speake not this out of report, but of my owne sensible experience. I haue seene multitudes of them both here, and at Dominica. The whitest whereof (for some are vgly blacke) some of our men did catch and eate with good liking, and without any harme, that euer I heard complaint of. At our first comming to Puerto Rico, the Dogs of the Citie, euery night kept a fearfull how∣ling, and in the day time, you should see them goe in flocks into the woods along the Sea side. This wee tooke at first a kinde bemoaning of their Masters absence, and leauing of them: but * 1.249 when within a while they were acquainted with vs, who at first were strangers to them, and so began to leaue the howling by night, yet still continued their daily resort to the woods, and that in companies. We vnderstood by asking, that their resort thither was to hunt, and eate Crabs, [ 20] whereof in the woods they should finde store. This then is the sustenance which the wilde Dogs of Puerto Rico finde in their woods; which either fayling them sometimes, or our of a wooluish disposition they get by liuing apart from men, they fall vpon the sheepe, whereof they haue made great waste; but which easily might be repayred, if the Spaniards would bee content, to sweat a little, or to be a little wearie in killing of these Dogs. Their Goates liue more securely, because they loue cliffes of Rocks, or the tops of Hils, and therefore they are out of the ordinarie * 1.250 haunt of these murderous Dogs, by reason that their ordinarie foode the Crabs are most vsually in bottoms, and along the Sea side. Besides Sheep and Goats there is reasonable good store of Swine, which in these Westerly and Southerly Ilands yeeld most sweet Porke. I doe not remember * 1.251 that I haue seene here either Hare or Conie, but here is store of excellent Poultrie, as Cocks and [ 30] Hens and Capons, some Turkies and Ginny-hens, Pidgeons in meruailous abundance; not in * 1.252 Doue-houses as with vs, but which breed and build in Trees, they are both of great number and goodnesse. For besides other places, there are two or three little Ilands hard by Puerto Rico, neere to the mouth of Toa, where a Boat may goe in an euening or morning, and suddenly take nine, ten, or a dozen dozen; the chiefest of these three is called (as I haue heard) the Gouernours Iland. I haue not marked any store of Fowle vpon this little Iland, nor haue I heard of more by any that haue beene in the mayne Iland. Parrots and Parrachetoes are here, as Crowes and Dawes in England; I haue ordinarily seene them flie in flocks, and except it bee some extraordi∣narie * 1.253 talkatiue, they are not here much regarded, as it should seeme.

Now, fruits of the Iland are abundant in number and measure, very excellent; Potatoes are [ 40] ordinarie. Their Pines are in shape like a Pine-apple, and of this likenesse, I thinke, these had * 1.254 their names, but neither in feeling or taste are they any thing like; for that wherewith this Pine is inclosed is not wood, but soft, that you may squease it in your hand, and so apt to bee mellow, that it will not keepe long, whereas a wooddie Pine-apple is of an exceeding durance and la∣sting. The taste of this fruit is very delicious, so as it quickly breedeth a fulnesse. For I cannot liken it in the palate to any (me thinks) better then to very ripe Strawberries and Creame, the rather if a man haue alreadie eaten almost his belly full: for then they much resemble a Pine; I haue seene some a quarter of a yard long at least, and in proportionable thicknesse, to bee like a Pine-apple; it groweth vpon an hearb like an Artichoke. Their Mammeis are of the colour of a very darke russitting apple, or a leather-coat, of the bignesse of a great Costard, the rinde of it as * 1.255 [ 50] thicke or thicker then the barke of a Sallow, which being easily pulled off discouereth a yellow, but well tasting meat, something like a Carrot roote, but much better. Within this meat, there are two or three great rugged ill-shaped stones, which (as I remember) haue kirnels in them. Their Guiauas are a lesser fruit, as bigge as a Peach, and without not much vnlike, but within not solid as the Mammeis, or as an Apple is, but full of such little seedes as a Goose-berry hath, * 1.256 not so greenish, but inclining to a sanguine colour, the taste of this is (me thought) like to a very ripe great white Plum: this fruit is (which a man would not thinke) a remedie against the flux, and so are their Papaies, a fruit like an Apple of a waterish welsh taste. They haue Plums blacke and white, their stones much bigger, and their meat much lesse then in England, and these also * 1.257 stay the flux. And so doe their wilde Grapes, which are a fruit growing in Clusters, and therein [ 60] onely (me thinkes) like Grapes, they are round, and as great as a good Musket-bullet, and yet haue they very little meat vpon them, for their stone (if that which is not hard may bee called a stone) is exceeding great for the proportion of the fruit, insomuch that the meat seemeth to bee but the rinde of this stone. A stone I call it though you may put it together with your finger, but

it hath a bitterish kirnell in it, and that which is without: it is meat, and that of a del••ightfull sa∣porous taste. Their Plantines are a fruie which grow on a shrub betwixt an hearb and a tree, but * 1.258 it is commonly called, a tree of the height of a man, the stem of it as bigge as a mans thigh, the fruit it selfe, of the bignesse and shape of a Goates horne, it groweth yellowish and mellow: be∣ing ripe either vpon the tree, or with keeping, and then eaten raw or roasted, it is a good meat, comming neere to the rellish of an Apple-Iohn, or a Duson that hath beene kept till it is ouer∣ripe, sauing that me thought I still found some taste of a roote in it, the meat of it is lapped vp in a thin skin, which being, scored the long way with a knife, easily deliuereth what is within it. Their Coker-trees please the eye, as well as their Nuts doe the taste. The body of them is but * 1.259 slender, no where so bigge as a mans middle, and vpwards growing proportionably lesse, till they [ 10] are risen some thirtie or fortie foot high without sprig or bough, then breake out their boughs all at once, euery one whereof is iust like a goodly Ostridge feather; their leaues are so cunningly set together, euery one whereof alone is something like a Sedge or the leafe of a wilde Lilly. Vn∣der this bush which is the head of the tree, doe the Coker-nuts grow, some fortie on a tree round about the Bole, some yard downward from where the branches breake out. These trees are a ve∣ry great grace to the Citie of Puerto Ric••, and very many there were found in it: and he that hat•• seene this may somewhat conceiue of the forme of a Palme to tree, for in shape they are not vn∣like. This Palmeto tree, while it is young (and yet of good yeeres) is much of it selfe meat, and * 1.260 tasted (me thought) like a Wall-nut, but some what bitterish; when it is old they say it beareth fruit, the Date, one of the best fruits in my iudgement; I saw not any fruit vpon any of the Pal∣metoes [ 20] that I saw, and therefore this shall be said onely vpon the report of others. Besides these fruits the Iland yeeldeth Figs, Pomegranates, Muske-millions, Po••e-cit••ons very 〈◊〉〈◊〉 (as my * 1.261 selfe saw) but it is incredible almost that is reported of them by men of good credit; that their Pome-citrons grow to so huge greatnesse, as that a very little number three or foure of th〈…〉〈…〉 will * 1.262 lade a horse. Limons I did not see any, yet they say there are some, but of Limes the number is numberlesse; and as for Oranges, truly I thinke they are the best tasted, and most goodly in the * 1.263 world. For both their sweet and sowre Oranges are full of most delicate and 〈◊〉〈◊〉-pleasing juyce, and besides they are the goodliest both in colour and greatnesse, that euer I saw. They haue Pepper also growing vpon trees, the Pepper it selfe is a little seede of colour ••••ixt white * 1.264 and yellow, and inclosed in a bagge which sometime is round like a B••ll, sometime it runneth [ 30] o•••• in a picked length like a fruit, which we gather in our Gardens in England, and eate as a sal∣let with Mutton. This pepper is much hotter and stronger then the blacke pepper vsed with vs in our Countrie. These fruits and many more grow vpon trees, and common to them all it is, and I thinke to all the fruits of the Iland, that the same tree at once beareth buds, greene fruit, * 1.265 and ripe fruits, and often withall seedeth.

Now if any man thinke that wee haue found meates in good store, but yet want bread and drinke, it may at one word bee answered, that the industrious and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 can want 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 of either. For first of all their Cassauie specially new, and carefully dressed is good bread ••••ead 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈…〉〈…〉ll keepe so well that ships that goe hence to Spaine are victualled with it to the good lik〈…〉〈…〉 of ••••s∣sengers. This Cassauie is the roote of a small tree, like, me thought, to an ouer-growne Hyssope * 1.266 [ 40] stalke, or a young Sallow, but that the leaues are not so broad, but by much 〈…〉〈…〉ker vpon the branches of Cassauie: this roote is very full of liquor, which must be carefully pressed forth, be∣fore the dryer part bee fit to make bread. For the roote eaten with the juyce, or the juyce by it selfe, bringeth a painfull swelling in the belly, whereof death doth oft••n follow. Wher••fore the * 1.267 Spaniards generally hold it for a kinde of poyson. Yet our men (I am told) meeting with the rootes vnpressed, and mistaking them for Potatoes (whereby you may coniecture their shape) haue eaten them without after feeling any mortall distemper. And to a body whose naturall heat is able to ouercome their cruditie and rawnesse, there is happily no present danger, for they tell me that of this juyce sodden, there is made a prettie kinde of drinke somewhat like small Ale. The bread which they make of this roote is very passing white, not ••neaded into loaues, but rolled out in Cakes of a reasonable thicknesse, yet may they be better called thin, and of ••••••h [ 50] breadth that they lap them in ••oldes one vpon another. Besides their Cassauie, they haue Mais, * 1.268 which maketh a much ••••ner bread, and vsed of the better sort. There are two sorts of Maiz, the lesser they say not vnlike to Rice, in proportion and bignesse and taste; this I neuer saw either growing or raw, but I haue seene it in the dish, and at first did take it for Rice, sauing that mee thought it was something ouer-swollen; they that eats it said, it tasted like Rice. The bigger sort of Maiz I haue seene growing, and it is either the same or exceeding like to the graine which we call Ginny wheat; it groweth vp with a knotted stalke like a Reed, with large scattered leaues; it riseth to a fadome and a halfe at least in height, and at the very top shooteth out the graine. Besides Maiz and Cassauie, there is good store of Rice growing in the Iland, and where * 1.269 [ 60] Rice will grow, who will make a question of Corne. But to put it without contrad••••••••on, that Corne will come vp with good increase, experience hath determined the question. For that same Mulato Cheren•• (whom I mentioned before) did make experience ••nd did sow Corne, which he reaped with good increase. But because it was painefull to follow husbandrie and til∣lage,

and (forsooth) Cassauie and Maiz would serue, the Spaniards would none, nay this Molato halfe borne a slaue, would not bee at the paiues to continue tillage. For drinks, the * 1.270 Spaniard doth here, as in Spaine hee doth, vse water for most of his drinke, which in so hot a climate, would well agree with the English after some acquaintance; yet the Spaniard hath two other sorts of drinke, the one called G••acapo, made of Molasses (that is, the coursest of their Sugar) and some Spices; the other kinde, and vsed by the better sort of them, is called Al••: which is a kinde of Bragget made with many hot spices. And if both these fayled, yet haue they good store of wines, indeed brought in from other Countries; not that this Iland will not nourish Vines: for I haue seene some grow here in P••erto Rico very flourishingly. But I haue heard the King will not suffer them to plant and dresse Vineyards, as a matter of policie. [ 10]

I might here, and so would I make an end of speaking of the fruits of this Iland (for me thinks what hath beene said, sheweth it to be selfe sufficient to liue well and happily) but their Yerua vina will not haue me forget it. This hearbe is a little contemptible weed to looke vpon, with a * 1.271 long woodden stalke creeping vpon the ground, and seldome lifting it selfe aboue a handfull high from ground. But it hath a propertie, which confoundeth my vnderstanding, and perhaps will seeme strange in the way of Philosophers, who haue denyed euery part of sense to any plant; yet this certainly seemeth to haue feeling. For if you lay your finger or a sticke vpon the leaues of it, not onely that very piece which you touched, but that that is neere to it, will contract it selfe, and run together, as if it were presently dead and withered, nor onely the leaues but the very sprigs, being touched, will so disdainfully withdraw themselues, as if they would slip them∣selues [ 20] rather then be touched, in which state both leafe and sprig will continue a good while, be∣fore it returne to the former greene and flourishing forme. And they say, that so long as the par∣tie which touched it standeth by it, it will not open, but after his departure it will, this last I did not my selfe obserue: and if it be so, it must be more then sense, whence such a sullennesse can proceed; but for the former, I haue my selfe beene often an eye-witnesse to my great wonder, for it groweth in very many places in the little Iland. His Lordship made some of it bee put in pots with earth, and yet it liueth, and how farre it will so continue is vncertaine. There hath beene Cinamon and something else giuen me as fruits of the Ilands, but: I doe thinke they are but * 1.272 rarities at the most, and therefore they shall not come in my bill. But now to returne to the slow steps we made towards the Ilands of the Açores. [ 30]

§. V.

Accidents by Sea in their way to the Azores and there.

ON Saint B〈…〉〈…〉es eue wee had store of lightning and thunder, which besides the obseruation, put vs more out of doubt of our neerer approach to the Bermuda. The next day about noone wee began to steere East North-east and better. Vpon Friday the fiue and twentieth, wee were melted with a greater and more smothering calme [ 40] then any time before; and yet (which made it strangest) wee had out of the North-west higher * 1.273 Seas, then before that time I had euer seene, in the greatest windes that we had had. The huge∣nesse of this Sea was perceiued not onely by the view of our sight, but rather by the extraordina∣rie heeling of our ship, certainly as much or more impatient of a high Sea in a calme, as of any o∣ther weather. This calme was so extremely hot, that wee were in hope it would bee like other * 1.274 extreames, of no long continuance; but behold it lasted obstinately thirteene dayes, sauing that sometimes there would be some shew of a gale, but it would so instantly and frowardly leaue vs, as if it had beene come onely to let vs see wee needed not to despaire. There had beene often spench of a Current, that wee were to haue, and some thought that they had found it, the most durst not be ••pprehensiue. But vpon Wednesday the thi••tieth; it began to be cleere: for though [ 50] the winde was not worthy to be called so, nor scarce by the name of a breath, and besides so nar∣row, that we stood vpon abowling, yet we were found in that last passed artificiall day, to haue run aboue fiftie leagues at the least. For whereas vpon Tuesday wee were by obseruation found to bee almost precisely in thirtie two: vpon Wednesday at noone, wee had the Sunne in thirtie * 1.275 three, and two terces, and eight minutes. So that in foure and twentie houres we had raysed one degree and fortie eight minutes, which if we had run due North or South; had risen to about foure or fiue and thirtie leagues. But seeing our course was three parts of the time at East North-east, and East and by North, the ship could not bee allowed lesse way, then fi••tie leagues at the least; and this being without winde, argueth a violent Current, and the rather because for the time we had a hard Sea. This was made yet more certaine by obseruation of the Pole-star vpon Thursday [ 60] at night. This opinion for a Current, was vpon Saturday Sept. 2. made vndoubted, for the substance of the thing, I meane that there was a Current, but the circumstance seemed ••o varie somthing. For the Current was then iudged to set rather to the East & by South, though this would fill the former obseruations with greater difficulties. This was perceiued by many drags, which howsoeuer

the ship scaped, yet they still runne or were carried to the East Southerly. And then many other things purposely cast into the Sea to make further triall, all went the same way and that a good pace though directly ahead the ship. And yet farther if there were any breath at all, it was at South-east, so that they went against the winde that was.

And now I come to that the remembrance whereof rather then present apprehension yet ma∣keth me quake, like the man that dyed vpon the fearfull knowledge of how great danger he had passed at Rochester bridge. It was a fearfull storme, which I truly not knowing how dangerfull it was, feared not much while we were in it, but since hearing old Sea-men and of long experience speake of it, I perceiue it is good to be ignorant sometime. Vpon Thursday the seuenth of Sep∣tember, * 1.276 the gale began to be very fresh and to keepe the sailes stiffe from the Masts, and so conti∣nued [ 10] all that day. Vpon Friday it began to speake yet lowder, and to whistle a good in the shrowdes, insomuch that our Master made the Drablers bee taken off, and before night it had * 1.277 blowne the fore-top-saile in pieces by the board; this was taken for the beginning of a storme, and the storme it selfe was looked for: which came indeed about the shutting in of the day, with such furie and rage, as none could say it stole vpon vs vnawares. For I am out of doubt that I had neuer heard any winde so high. One of our Bonnets had beene taken in in the euening, and the other was rent off with the furie of the storme. And thus (for our mayne-top saile was taken in and the top-mast taken downe) bearing onely a bare corse of each, if the ship had not beene ex∣ceeding strongly sided, shee could not haue indured so rough weather. For oftentimes the Sea would ship in waues into her of three or foure Tunne of water, which (the ship being leakie [ 20] within board) falling often, was as much as both the pumps were able to cast out againe, though they went continually all night, and till noone the next day were neuer throughly suckt, so that if any leake had sprung vpon vs vnder water, it could not haue beene chosen, but shee must haue foundered, seeing the pumpes were hardly able to rid the water that was cast in aboue hatches. The Missen-saile had beene in the euening well furled (for the winde came vpon the starboard quarter) and yet the storme had caught it, and with such violence and furie rent it, that with much adoe the Misse•• yard was halled downe, and so the quarter decke and poope saued from danger of renting vp. All this was in the night, which made it much more hidious, specially in the fore-end of the night before the Moone got vp. The winde continued in this excesse of vio∣lence till midnight, and then abated hee something, but then began the effect of his blowing to [ 30] shew it selfe, for then the Sea began to worke, and swell farre higher then before. His Lordships ship is a very goodly one, and yet would shee bee as it were in a pit, and round about vast moun∣taines * 1.278 of water, so that a man might leaue out the rest of the verse, and say onely vndi{que} pontus. For I protest, besides that which was ouer our heads, our prospect any other way was quickly determined, with waues, in my conscience, higher then our mayne-top. And that (which is strangest) round about vs: for the Sea came vpon euery point of the Compasse, so that the poore ship, nor they that directed and cunned her, could not tell how to cunne her to bee safe from the breaking of these vast waues vpon her. This continued all night: and though the winde fell by little and little, yet the Sea was so light, that all Saturday it was not quieted, so that though out of a storme, yet were wee still in a stormy Sea, insomuch that our mayne-top mast was broken. [ 40] By Sanday we were come to haue reasonable weather, and rather too little then too much wind. And vpon Monday being the eleuenth of September, wee were not much from a new calme, which wee could not with much more patience haue endured then a good storme; for then wee began to looke out for land, and now to come so neere, what so long wee had longed for. After the storme, the Admirall found himselfe all alone, and so were we the most part of the next day, but towards euening, came the new Frigat to vs. And a sterne her there was a ship seene, which within a day or two afterward, the Samson came and told vs, was her selfe. With day the fif∣teenth * 1.279 of September, we had the South-west side of it in sight, and bore in therewith till noone. His Lordship had no meaning to make any forcible attempt against it, nor to stay longer, then to take in some fresh victuals; for which purpose, hee sent the Boat off with an old Portugall, [ 50] and an African of Mozambique, who bearing a flagge of truce, should giue the Ilanders to vn∣derstand what his Lordships pleasure was, that if they would let him haue things for his money, he would not vse them worse then in former times, they had had experience of him. Withall he gaue the Boat commandement, that shee should bring him answere to the East North-east side of the Iland, where he meant to come to anchor, and tarry for the newes they could learne either English or Spanish. This stay in hoysing the Boat out, gaue the Samson time to get a head vs, and within awhile shee was at anchor. When, behold, at the opening of the Point, first there came one saile, then two, and then three sailes, and within a little the fourth was seene; it was not at first knowne what these might be, yet because the Samson being much neerer, made no haste to weigh, we thought shee made them to be friends. And within awhile we perceiued them to [ 60] haue pendents in their fore-top-mast heads: this put vs out of doubt, that they were of our owne fleet. For his Lordship at his departure from Puerto Rico, had giuen them direction that euery ship should so beare a pendent, for a marke to be knowne of their friends, and which would make stra••gers neuer a whit the wi••er. These foure were the Merchant, the Ascention, the Consent,

and the Pegasus, which by and by came to an anchor with vs. Now were wee growne a prettie strong fleet againe, either part receiuing new strength of other, each hauing formerly lost their owne. For the storme had scattered Sir Iohns companie as well as ours, though it should seeme not to haue beene altogether so great with them, as vs. Of Sir Iohns we had not yet, the Gallion, the Alcedo, the Centurion, the Anthonie, the Kesar, and the Doue, which were the Flemmings. The first newes that the Boat brought vs, made these though friends yet more welcome if that might be. For the Boat hauing told his Lordship that they could not be suffered to land, yet had promise that his Lordship should haue any thing that the Iland would affoord. Mary (said they) we are ill prouided, by reason of the Kings men of warre, nine and twentie of them haue within these few dayes beene here, and taken almost all our prouisions, for they were great ships, and full of gallants, fiue of them being the fiue Caracks, that should this yeere haue gone for the East [ 10] Indies, but being by the Condes lying on the Coast kept in till it was too late for them to haue a∣ny hopefull passage, they were of Merchants made men of Warre, and with the rest or rather the rest with them, were sent to these Ilands to waft the Caracks which were looked for at home this yeere. But the Caracks (said they of Flores) were gone by, before their comming hither, for the safetie whereof, they had commandement to stay if need were, till the end of this moneth. Whither this Armada was gone they said they knew not, nor whither it would returne, but the very last day a great Gallion was within kenning. These newes, as they gaue great cause of circumspection and care, not to meet with them, whom we could not doubt to be too strong for vs, and therefore made vs wish they were finally gone from the Ilands; so on the other side, if [ 20] knowing that the Caracks were passed, if yet they staid, it made the intelligence of the Mexico fleet more probable. And therefore if this were the cause of their stay, our hope to make some purchace of it, made vs more willing, to haue their neighbourhood. Mary, it might bee, they were sent to looke for our comming home, which they might thinke would be straggling and weake, and yet on the other side the vncertaintie of our comming either at this time or certainly this way, made this something vnlikely. His Lordship therefore commandeo Captaine Slingsby (a fine Gentleman) to goe ashoare and to learne more certaintie what was become of the Kings fleet, and why they came. This relation was from the men of Santa Cruz: but the intelligence which Captaine Slingsby brought the same night late, was from Uilla de la punta Delgada, ano∣ther Towne of the Ilands. The summe of his report (for I was by when he made it) was, that [ 30] his Excellencie should haue any thing where withall they could doe him seruice, and if it would please him to come ashoare, they would take it as a great fauour. For the Kings men of Warre, they said, that they iudged them certainly to bee gone home, for they were gone hence vpon a fortnight before. The cause of their comming was to waft the Caracks, which all foure were gone by, before the Kings fleet came hither, with purpose indeed to stay till the end of this mo∣neth for them. But since the Caracks were come home, there had beene sent a Caruell of Aduise to recall them. As for the Mexico fleet, there was not at the Ilands any newes of their com∣ming this yeere. This report made by Captaine Slingsby ouer-night, was confirmed early the next morning by the Gouernour himselfe of the place (a poore Gouernour scarce so good as an English Constable.) But this Captaine Iuan de Fraga de Mandoça, came himselfe and made the same offer to his Lordship, and withall brought both Hennes and Muttons with him, which hee [ 40] knew hee should not giue for nothing, though hee would seeme vnwilling to receiue any thing. He hauing beene sometime with my Lord, and told all the newes hee remembred, was licensed, hauing first asked and obtayned a Passe for himselfe, and a Protection for the Ilanders, to keepe them from spoile by ours. His Lordship granted his suit, and (which hee farther desired) that they might bee conceiued in the same forme as those were which the Earle of Essex had giuen * 1.280 him, within two dayes of the same day twelue moneth; and which himselfe had carefully kept euer since.

When this fellow was gone, the flagge of Counsell was hanged out, &c. The returne of this fleet vpon consultation after the newes aforesaid, I forbeare to mention in regard of the length of this * 1.281 [ 50] discourse. They set forth from Flores Septemb. 16. 1598. On Michaelmas day they sounded, and the ground on the fallow did still more assure vs of being in the sleeue: and the Scollop shells confirmed their opinion which held vs rather on the Coast of France, by the Master and others iudged otherwise: whose iudgement if his Lordship out of his iudgement and authoritie had not contradicted and caused them to take a more Northerly course; all had perished in all likelihood on the Vshent and Rocks. For the next morning we saw the land of Normandie. [ 60]

CHAP. IIII.

The first Voyages made to diuers parts of America by Englishmen, Sir SEBAS∣TIAN CABOT, Sir THO. PERT: also of Sir IOHN HAWKINS, and Sir FRANCIS DRAKE, and many others: collected briefly out of Master CAMDEN, Master HAKLVYT, and other Writers.

SIr Sebastian Cabota wee haue alreadie mentioned in the former Booke, as a great Discouerer of that, which most iustly should haue beene called Columbina, and a [ 10] great deale better might haue beene stiled Cabotiana then America, neither Ue∣sputius nor Columbus hauing discouered halfe so much of the Continent of the new World North and South as be (yea, the Continent was discouered by him, when Columbus had yet but viewed the Ilands) this Herrera for the South part hath mentioned in his Relation of the Riuer of Plate before, naming him an Englishman: and for the North is by vs in the fourth Booke deliuered. A second time Sir Thomas Pert and the said Cabo∣ta, * 1.282 were set forth with a fleet to America, by King Henrie the eighth in the eight yeere of his reigne, the same perhaps which Herrera hath also mentioned, of an English ship at Hispaniola, and other American Ilands, in the yeere 1517. Master Hakluyt hath published the Voyages of many English into those parts: as namely of Master Robert Tomson Merchant, and Iohn Field, * 1.283 [ 20] which together with Ralph Sarre and Leonard Chilton in a ship of Iohn Sweeting dwelling at Ca∣diz, all Englishmen An. 1555. sayled to Hispaniola, and thence to Mexico in New Spaine, where they found Thomas Blake a Scottishman, who had dwelt there twentie yeeres. At Mexico, Robert Tomson and Augustine Boatio an Italian, were imprisoned many moneths by the Inquisition, and * 1.284 then brought out in a Saint Benito (or fooles coat) to doe penance, a thing neuer seene there be∣fore; which caused much concourse of people, giuen to vnderstand of I know not what enemies of God, and expecting to see some Monsters of vncou•••• shape. They were much pitied by the peo∣ple * 1.285 seeing such personable men, but sentenced by the Archbishop to be sent back to Spaine, where Tomson did his three yeeres enioyned penance at Siuil. Boatio found the meanes to escape and [ 30] dyed after in London. Tomson after his libertie married with a rich Spanish heire. The historie at large and his description of Mexico, with the cause of his imprisonment about speaking freely of Images (his Master had made an Image of our Ladie of aboue 7000. pezos price, each pezo being * 1.286 foure shillings and eight pence of our money) the Reader may see in Master Hakluyt.

Where also is deliuered the voyage of Roger Bodenham Englishman 1564. to Mexico: also of Iohn Chilton 1568. thither and from thence to Nueua Bisca••a, and to the Port of Na••idad on the South Sea: to Sansonate in Guatimala, to Tecoantepec, to S••conusco, to Nicaragua, to Nombre de Dios; to Potossi. Cusco, Paita; to Vera Paz, Chiapa, three hundred leagues from Mexico. From Chiapa he trauelled thorow Hills till he came to Ecatepec, that is, The Hill of winde, in the end of that Prouince, supposed the highest Hill that euer was discouered, from the top whereof are seene [ 40] both the North and South Seas; deemed nine leagues high. They which trauell vp it, lye at the foot ouer-night, and about midnight begin their iourney, that they may trauell to the top before the Sunne rise the next day, because the winde bloweth with such force afterwards, that it is impossible for any man to goe vp. From the foot of this Hill to Tecoantepec the first Towne of New Spaine are fifteene leagues. From Mexico he trauelled againe to Panuco, and there fell sick, which sicknesse in his returne benefited him: for he fell amongst Caniball Indian which afraid to eate him for feare he had the pox, let him goe. Hee went to R. de las Palmas, and to the Mynes of Sacatecas, the richest in all the Indies. After his returne to Mexico he trauelled to other parts, spending seuenteene yeeres in his American peregrinations. Henrie Hawkes liued fiue yeeres in those parts, and his obseruations are recorded by Master Hakluyt. [ 50]

AN. 1567. Master Iohn Hawkins Generall in the Iesus, departed from Plimouth with fiue o∣ther ships, the Minion, of which Master Iohn Hampton was Captaine; the William and Iohn, Thomas Bolton Captaine; the Iudith, of which Master Francis Drake was Captaine; the Angel also and the Swallow. Hauing on the Coast of Guinea taken some fiue hundred Negroes, they sayled with them to the Ilands of the West Indies, to sell them to the Spaniards. By tem∣pest they were driuen to the Port of Saint Iohn de Vllua, where the Spanish ships with 200000. pounds in treasure were at his mercy, but hee dismissed them; which they repayed him with treacherous dealing, the Spaniards perfidiously setting on the English contrarie to the Couenants betwixt them concluded. For after that, when as the whole fleet with their new Vice-roy com∣ming [ 60] thither had perished, if Master Hawkins had not permitted them to enter the Hauen, out of which he could easily haue kept them: they practised secretly and against agreement to certaine Articles, assaulted the English perfidiously and treacherously, vsing both fraud and scorne, in which fight two ships of the Spaniards were sunke, and one burnt; Some of ours were

slaine, others taken and dispiteously tortured, all distressed; all their ships also sunke and burnt, sauing the Minion and Iudith, which were by a storme ensuing be trayed to famine at Sea, which forced the Generall to set 114. men on shoare to the cruell mercies of the Sauages and Spaniards. Yea, one Boat not being able to get to shoare, two were drowned, the rest getting a mile thorow the Sea thither as they could, as Miles Philips one of that forlorne companie hath recorded. * 1.287 Some were dead in seeming two houres space with abundant drinking of fresh water, others swolne exceedingly with salt water and fruits they found; a shower also leauing them not one drie thread, as if Heauen had pursued the Seas challenge, without; and partly hunger, and part∣ly the water and fruits of the Earth, within their bowels, had conspired against this poore crue.

The Chichemici Indian Sauages added their inhumanitie, killing eight of their companie in [ 10] the first onset, but they yeelding (hauing neither weapons nor hearts to resist) the Sauages per∣ceiuing them not to be their Spanish enemies pointed them to Tampice, saying, Tampice Christia∣no, * 1.288 which they vnderstood not: but diuided themselues into two companies, one going West∣ward, of which Philips was one, the other Northward, and with them Dauid Ingram, which re∣couered his Countrie. After the stingings of flies, deaths by Indians, and manifold miseries, this Westerne companie got to Panuco where the Gouernor stripped them of the little which they had, and of their libertie, calling them English Dogs and Lutheran heretikes, and when they de∣manded * 1.289 helpe of their Surgeons for such as the Indians by the way had wounded, hee said, they should haue none other Surgeon but the Hangman: and after foure dayes sent for them out of the Prison, and with many new Halters (wherewith they expected hanging) bound and sent them [ 20] to Mexico ninetie leagues distant West and by South, with a great guard of Indians. At Mèstitlan they receiued kind vsage. One of their keepers vsed them kindly, the other would strike them to the ground, and bid them, March, march English Dogges, Lutherans, enemies of God. Thus marching they came within two leagues of Mexico, where was our Ladies Church, and therein her Image of Siluer guilt as large as a tall woman, and before it as many Siluer * 1.290 Lampes as are dayes in the yeere, which on high dayes are all lighted. Neither Horseman nor Footman will passe by this Church without entring and praying. After their comming to Mexi∣co many dyed, the rest had kind vsage in the Hospitall, Thence they were carried to Tescuco, to be vsed as slaues, but by one Robert Sweeting (sonne of an Englishman by a Spanish woman) were holpen much from the Indians, or else had all perished. [ 30]

After this they were put to Spaniards as seruants, and had meanes to get somewhat for them∣selues, till they became a prey to the Inquisition, which seised their goods and persons, shutting them asunder in dungeons a yeere and halfe. By frequent examinations they would haue pumped * 1.291 somewhat out of them in matters of faith, and not being able, they yeelding to their Assertions in that kind, crauing mercie as men which came into that Countrey by distresse of foule wea∣ther: they neuerthelesse racked them to extort confession that way, which made some to say that which cost their liues. After solemne Proclamation that all might come to this sight, they * 1.292 were brought in fooles Coats, with ropes about their neckes and candles in their hands to the Scaffold. George R••nely, Peter Mo••••frie, and Cornelius an Irishman were burnt, others condemned to 200. or 300. blowes on Horseback with long whips, and to serue in the Gallies, sixe, eight, or [ 40] ten yeeres: others to serue in Monasteries, in the S. Benito, fooles-coates, diuers yeeres, of which Philips was one. The whipping was cruelly executed on Good Friday, two Cryers going before proclaiming, behold these English Lutherans, Dogs, enemies of God: the Inquisitors themselues and their Familiars, crying, Strike, lay on those English Hereticks, Lutherans, Gods enemies. All bloudie and swolne they returned to prison to bee sent into Spaine to performe the rest of their Martyr∣dome. Philips and the rest hauing serued their times (in which hee learned the Mexican tongue) they had their fooles-coats hung vp in the chiefe Church. The rest married there Philips escaped a second imprisonment and after many trauels in the Countrey and dangers in Spaine, returned to England 1582.

Iob Hortop another of this company hath related like aduentures. He saith, that he and some * 1.293 [ 50] others were sent Prisoners into Spaine, by the Vice-roy with Don Iuan de Uelasco de Uarre, Admirall and Generall of the Spanish fleet, who carried with him in his ship to bee presented to the King of Spaine, the Anatomie of a Giant, sent from China * 1.294 to Mexico, to the Vice-roy Don Martin Henriques. The skull of his head was neere as big as halfe a bushell; his neck-bones, shoulder-plates, arme-bones, and all other lineaments huge and monstrous; the shanke of his skull from the ankle to the knee, was as long as from any mans ankle vp to his waste, and of bignesse accordingly. At this time were also sent to the King two chists ful of earth with Ginger growing * 1.295 in them: The Ginger runneth in the ground like to Liccoras; the blades grow out of it in length & proportion like to the blades of wild Garlick, which they cut euery fifteen daies, and water them twice a day. They put the blades in their pottage, and vse them in other meates, of pleasing taste [ 60] and good for appetite.

When they came in the height of Bermuda, they discouered a Monster in the Sea, who shewed himselfe three times vnto them from the middle vpwards: in which parts he was proportioned * 1.296 like a man, of the complexion of a M••llato, or tawny Indian. The Generall commanded one of

his Clerkes to put it in writing to certifie the King thereof. Presently after for the space of six∣teene dayes, the weather proued very foule. Offering to make an escape they were descried and seuerely stocked, and imprisoned a yeere in the Contractation house in Siuill, and breaking pri∣son were taken, and by the Inquisition were sentenced: Robert Barret and Iohn Gilbert to bee * 1.297 burnt, Iob Hortop, and Iohn Bone to the Gallies for tenne yeeres, and after that to perpetuall pri∣son. Others were adiudged to the Gallies some eight, some fiue yeeres. Hortop serued twelue yeeres in hunger, thirst, cold and stripes, and after foure yeeres imprisonment in his Fooles coat, was redeemed to the seruice of Hernando de S••ria, from whom after three yeeres seruice more, he stole away and landed at Portsmouth in December 1590. after three and twentie yeeres mi∣serable bondage. [ 10]

As for Dauid Ingrams perambulation to the North parts, Master Hakluyt in his first Edition * 1.298 published the same, but it seemeth some incredibilities of his reports caused him to leaue him out in the next Impression, the reward o•• lying being not to be beleeued in truths. And for Sir Iohn * 1.299 Hawkins himselfe, he had made one Voyage with three ships and three hundred Negros gotten on the Coast of Guinea to Hispaniola, 1562. and other Ports; and returned with a rich gaine: This encouraged him to a second Voyage with the Iesus, Salomon, Tigre, and Swallow, 1564. And hauing visited diuers Ports be returned by Florida. Anno 1567. their vnfortunate Voyage before mentioned was set forth, in which his vniustice to Sauages was chastised by vniustice of Christi∣ans, in manner as you haue heard. Himselfe with his remayning company were first endangered with an extreame storme, after that with famine his men dying continually, so that the rest [ 20] being not able to manage the ship, and the winds crossing, seeking to releeue themselues at Pon∣te Vedra, with fresh meate, they grew diseased and many of them died, and thereby were also in danger of a second Spanish betraying, which they hardly escaping arriued in England, Ianuary the twentieth 1568.

The Spanish indignities and treacheries were deeply lodged in the wronged minds both of Sir Iohn Hawkins, and of Captayne Drake: men borne for the honour of the English name and Na∣tion * 1.300 in Marine affaires. Sir Iohn Hawkins was sonne to Master William Hawkins of Plimmouth, a man much esteemed by King Henry the Eighth, as a principall Sea-captaine. Hee had long be∣fore armed a ship of his owne of two hundred and fifty tunnes, called the Paul of Plimmouth, wherewith he made two Voyages to Brasill, one in the yeere 1530. and the other 1532. in the [ 30] first of which he brought a Brasilian King (as they tearmed him) to present him in his wilde ac∣cou••rements to King Henry. It seemed, that Sea affaires and arts remayned an Inheritance, from the Father to the Sonne; and from him also to the Nephew, as shall after be seene: neither did the West of England yeeld such an Indian Neptuni•••• paire as were these two Ocean Peeres, Haw∣kins * 1.301 and Drake.

A briefe Historie of Sir FRANCIS DRAKES Voyages.

OF Sir Francis Drake Master Camden reports that he hath heard him say of himselfe, that he was borne in the County of Deuon, of meane condition; his God father was Francis Russell * 1.302 [ 40] afterwards Earle of Bedford, who gaue him his name Francis. Whiles he was young, his father being called in question for Religion, by reason of the sixe Articles set forth by King Henry a∣gainst * 1.303 the Protestants) was driuen to shift, and withdrew himselfe into Kent. After King Hen∣ries death, he obtayned a place in the Nau••e Royall to reade Seruice, and soone after was orday∣ned Deacon, and made Vicar of the Church of Vpnor on the Riuer of Medway: where by rea∣son of his pouertie he put this his sonne to serue a Neighbour Mariner which traded with a small Barke into France and Zeland, who brought him vp in the Mariners art, and tooke such liking of him, that at his death he bequeathed (being a B••chelour) vnto him his Barke. This Barke, vpon the report of Sir Iohn Hawkins his preparations for that disastrous Voyage 1567. hee sold * 1.304 and ioyned to him in societie aforesaid, and at Saint Iohn de Vllua lost all, and hardly brought [ 50] himselfe backe. Hereupon seeking by his Mariners practice to repaire his losses, and thereby, and as a man of warre, hauing gotten store of money together, he made a second Voyage to reco∣uer in the Spanish Indies what there he had lost (quod licere Theologus classiarius facilè persuaserat) * 1.305 and with a ship of warre called the Dragon, and another ship and a Pinnasse, none knowing it but his owne consorts, Anno 1572. sayled to Nombre de Dios, which Towne he suddenly surprised and lost. For hauing landed one hundred and fiftie men, and leauing seuentie of them in a Fort, with the rest he went to the Market place, and there discharged his Calieuers and sounded a Trumpet, answered in like manner from the Fort. The Townesmen hereby terrified, fled into the Mountaynes. But fourteene or fifteene would backe with their Harquebuses to see what the matter was, and discouering the Englishmen, shot and by hap killed the Trumpeter. Hereupon [ 60] they in the Fort not seeing their Trumpet answered, after they had heard the Calieuers, suppo∣sed all those which had entred were slaine, and fled to their Pinnasses. The Captayne comming and seeing his men all gone, was surprized with a new feare, and leauing their furniture they swamme and waded to their Pinnasses and departed the Port. In the Sound of Dariene heehad

intelligence by certayne fugitiue Negros of Mules comming Ioden with treasure from Panam•• to Nombre de Dios; and guided by them, intercepted two companies of Mules, and carried a∣way * 1.306 the Gold only; for they were not able to carrie the Siluer thorow the Mountaynes. Two dayes after he came to the house of Crosses, and burnt aboue 200000. Duckets in Merchandize, and so departed. When he trauelled ouer those Mountaynes hee beheld thence the South Sea; and thereby inflamed with desire of glory and wealth, was so rapt with desire of sayling there∣in, that he fell there on his knees, and begged of God, and besought the fauour of God to assist * 1.307 him in that exploit, and made a solemne vow to that purpose, one day to sayle on that Sea, which euery day and night lay next his heart, pricking him forwards to the performance.

Whiles hee was musing and hatching these haughtie Designes, Iohn Oxenham, who in the for∣mer * 1.308 [ 10] Nauigations, had serued vnder Captayne Drake, both Souldier, Mariner, and Cooke, be∣came a Captayne also, and with a ship of one hundred and fortie tunnes, and seuentie men came to the said Sound of Dariene, Anno 1575. and had conference with those Negroes. But hearing that the Mules were now conducted with Souldiers, hee resolued on a new Enterprize, which * 1.309 neuer any had attempted, and landed in that place where Captayne Drake had had conference with the Negros: and hauing brought his ship aground, and couered her with boughes, and hid his Ordnance in the ground, he tooke two small Peeces of Ordnance and Calieuers, with store of victuals, and went twelue leagues with sixe Negros into the mayne Land, to a Riuer which runneth into the South Sea. There he cut wood and made a Pinnasse fortie fiue foot by the keele, and therewith went into the South Sea, to the Iland of Pearles, fiue and twentie leagues distant [ 20] from Panama, to watch for shippes comming from Peru thither: he tooke a Barke with 60000. Pezos of Gold, comming from Quito: and staying sixe dayes longer, tooke another which came * 1.310 from Lima with 100000. Pezos of Siluer in barres, and delaying somewhat long sent away his Prizes, and went with his Pinnasse vp the Riuer. This delay gaue opportunitie of intelligence, and Iohn de Ortega was sent to pursue him: at a partition of the Riuer into three, when he was taking vp the greatest, feathers of Hennes which the English had plucked, diuerted him vp the lesser streame, whereby hee lighted on the treasure first, Oxenham beeing gone to get Negros to * 1.311 helpe him carrie his treasure, his owne men quarrelling for larger pay. Some of the English were taken, which bewrayed the ship, and the rest were betrayed by the Negros, whiles they were making Canoas for the North Sea, there to take some Barke. They confessed that they had no [ 30] license from the Queene, and were all executed, but two Boyes. Thus perished Oxenham a man, if his Case had beene iust, worthy of lasting memory for an attempt so difficult, Quem sinon tenuit, magnis tamen ex••idit ausis. The King of Spaine sent Souldiers to take those fugi∣tiue Negros, which had assisted the English, and two Gallies to guard the Coast. This and Cap∣tayne Barkers frustrated attempts giue greater lustre to Drakes glory.

Andrew Barker of Bristoll, much wronged by the Inquisition, Anno 1576. sought to right * 1.312 himselfe in those parts, and came with two ships to Nombre de Dios, and the Riuer of Chagre, eighteene leagues distant to the North-west, landed ten men to seeke intelligence of Negros, which they could not find, and most of the men also died of the Calentura. Betwixt that and Ve∣ragua he tooke a Prize, and another in the Gulfe of Honduras. Mutuall quarrels betwixt Coxe [ 40] and the Captayne betrayed them to the Spaniards, which assayling them, slue the Captayne and * 1.313 eight men at the Ile Francisco. After this Coxe went with his Pinnasse, and tooke the Towne of Truxillo, but eight men were (by reason of men of warre chasing the ship, thus forced to shift for themselues) left there to their fortunes. Fourteene others and the Frigat with the treasure were cast away. Diuers of the rest after their returne were long imprisoned.

These indeed are pettie things to Captayne Drakes expedition in December 1577. wherein * 1.314 he encompassed first of any Generall, and except Candish more fortunately then all of them to∣gether, this whole Terrestriall Globe. He set forth with fiue ships, and one hundred sixtie three Mariners. The whole Voyage you haue before at large. The Carkasse of the shippe; or some bones at least of that glorious Carkasse, yet remayne at Deptford, consecrated to Fame and Poste∣ritie; [ 50] in which Queene Elizabeth being feasted, Knighted this noble Mariner: at which time a bridge of boords made for her Maiestie to passe, fell with one hundred men thereon, of which none were hurt, as if Good Fortune had both sayled abroad, and feasted at home in that ship. The goods taken were sequestred by her Maiestie, for answere to the Spaniard if need should bee. Some principall Courtiers are said to haue refused the offer of some of this, as Piratically gotten. Bernardine Mendoza made demand for the King of Spaine, (whose Embassadour hee was) and receiued answere from the Queene, that the Spaniards had vniustly prohibited com∣merce * 1.315 to the English, that Drake should legally answere if any thing were prooued against him, the goods being to that purpose sequestred, howsoeuer the Spaniard had put her Maiestie to grea∣ter charges against the Rebels, which the Spaniard had raised in England and Ireland: Neither [ 60] did she know why her subiects and others were prohibited the Indies, which she knew no reason to thinke proper to the Spaniards, by vertue of the Popes Bull (which could nothing oblige Princes which owed him no obedience) nor by reason that the Spaniards had arriued here and there, had directed Cottages, and giuen names to Capes and Riuers. Neither might these things

hinder other Princes from commerce, or to transport Colonies to places not inhabited by the Spaniards (the Law of Nations not infringed hereby, seeing prescription without possession is nothing worth) the vse of the Sea and Aire being exposed to all. Nor might any people or per∣son challenge right ouer the Ocean, whereof neither nature, nor course of publike vse permit∣ted possession. Yet a great part of the money was repaied after to Peter Sebura the Spanish A∣gent, which he repaid not to the owners, but made vse thereof against the Queene in the affaires of the Spanish Netherlands, as was afterwards found. Thus farre briefly collected out of Master Camden and Lopez Vaz a Portugall. Men noated to haue compass••d the world with Drake, which haue come to my hands are Thomas Drake, brother to Sir Francis; Thomas Hood, Thomas Biacco∣ler, Iohn Gripe, George a Musician, Crane, Fletcher, Cary, T. Moone, Iohn Drake, Iohn Thomas, Ro∣bert [ 10] Winterly, Oliuer the Gunner, &c.

A little before this the Prince of Orange had beene murdered, and Parry had vndertaken the same on her Maiestie, hauing the Cardinall Comensis instigation, and the Popes absolution to that purpose. The Spaniards had giuen great distaste in English and Irish rebellions, and had lately arre∣sted the English Ships and goods in Spaine, with other vnkindenesses in Belgian businesses. The Belgi∣ans had offered the confederate Prouinces to her Maiesties Protection and dominion. This she refused, but their Protection she accepted, hauing discouered the Spaniards hatred to her Religion and Nation, which how easie were it to put in extreamest execution, if the Low-Countries were subdued to his full power (their ancient priuiledges being all swallowed vp) and so England should be exposed to Spanish machinations with such opportunities of neighbouring Forts, Forces, Harbours, and Shippings. She [ 20] therefore to remoue present warre and future perils from her owne Countrie, with masculine magna∣nimitie aduentured, not for vainglory but necessitie, to vndertake a businesse which made the world to wonder; being little lesse then denouncing warre to so mighty a Monarke. She agreed with the States to minister to their aide 5000. foote, and 1000. horse at her owne charge, to be by them after repayed, the first yeares charges in the first yeare of peace, the rest in the foure following, Flushing and the Rame∣kins and Brill to remaine ••ers in caution, &c. Her Maiestie set forth a Booke also for her iustificati∣on by the ancient leagues with the Belgian Prouinces for mutuall defence, the Spanish crueltie on the poore Belgians, and their nefarious deuises against her: neither had she any intent in administring these aides, but that the Low-Countries might enioy their ancient liberty, she and her subiects their securitie, and both Nations peaceable commerce. And to the end that warre might not first be brought home to [ 30] her owne doores, she set forth a Fleete to finde the Spaniard worke abroad.

Hereupon An••o 1585. Sir Francis Drake with a Fleete of fiue and twenty saile, and 2300. Souldiers and Sailers was set forth from Plimmouth Sep. 12. Christopher Carlile his Lieutenent * 1.316 Generall, Anthonie Powell Sergeant Maior, Captaine Matthew Morgan and Iohn Samson Corpo∣rall of the field: Land Captaines Anthonie Plat, Edward Winter, Iohn Goring, Robert Pen, George Barton, Iohn Merchant, William Ceuill, Walter Bigs, Iohn Haman, Richard Stanton, Captaine Mar∣tin Frobisher Viceadmirall in the Primrose, Captaine Francis Knolles Rereadmirall in the Gallion Leicester, Captaine Thomas Venn••r in the Eliz. Bonaduenture vnder the Generall Captaine Ed∣ward * 1.317 Winter in the Aide; Christopher Carlile in the Tigre, Henry White Captain of the Sea Dragon, Thomas Drake Captaine of the Thomas, Thomas Seely Captaine of the Minion. Captaine Bayly [ 40] of the Barke Talbot, Robert Crosse of the Barke Bond, George Fortescue of the Barke Boner, Edward Carelesse of the Hope, Iames Erizo of the White Lyon, Thomas Moone of the Fancis, Iohn Riuers of the Vantage, Iohn Vaughan of the Drake, Iohn Varney of the George, Iohn Martin of the Benia∣min, Richard Gilman of the Scout, Richard Hawkins of the Ducke, Captaine Bitfield of the Swallow. They tooke a Shippe of Saint Sebastians laden with fish, entred the Iles of Bayon, and sent to the * 1.318 Citie to know whether there were warres betwixt England and Spaine, and why the English Merchants and their goods in Spaine were embarged or arrested. The Gouernour professed his ig∣norance in both, and that this later was the Kings pleasure. After some spoiles done about Vi∣go, they fell with Hierro, but the Iland being poore, departed without harme. Thence they went to the Iles of Cape Verde, and at Saint Iago entred betwixt the Towne called Playa or * 1.319 Praya and Saint Iago, landed 1000. men, and (the men being fled) entred the Towne and shot off [ 50] all their Ordnance, being 50. peeces, answered from the Ships to honour the Queenes day, the 17. of Nouember. No Treasure was found but Wine, Oyle, Meale, &c. They possessed it foure∣teene dayes. Nouember the foure and twentieth, they marched to Saint Domingo, twelue miles within land, and found the people fled.

After foureteene dayes they departed hauing burned the Towne of Playa, none of the inhabi∣tants hauing offered to intercede, which seemed to happen from their guiltinesse towards old * 1.320 Master William Hawkins, whose men perfidiously they had murthered foure or fiue yeares before, against their promise, putting off to the West Indies, they could not put off the effects of the aire of that Iland, which by a Calentura killed two or three hundred of their men. The first I∣land [ 60] which they fell with was Dominica, the next Saint Christophers, and hauing there spent * 1.321 their Christmas, they resolued for Hispaniola: and hauing receiued intelligence by a Frigot which they tooke in the way, they landed nine or ten miles to the Westward of Saint Domin∣go on New yeares day. About noone they approached the Towne vnder the conduct of Master

Carlile, and 150. horsemen presenting themselues from the Citie being retired, they diuided their forces to assault both the Westerne gates at once. The Ordnance being discharged on them, they * 1.322 ran in to preuent a second charge and entred with them pell mell into the Gates, the enemy al∣tering their fight into flight, which they made by the North gate. Both troopes met in the Mar∣ket-place and there barricadoed themselues. The Castle was abandoned the next night. They held the Towne a whole moneth. They burned many houses before they could bring the Spa∣niards to a price for the ransome of the rest, for which at last they paid after much spoile 25000. Duckets. The pray was not much. In the Towne-house were the Kings armes, and in the low∣er part of the scutchion was painted a globe of the Sea and Land, a horse standing thereon with his hinder legges, the forepart without the globe, with this motto ascribed to his mouth, Non * 1.323 [ 10] sufficit Orbis.

From Saint Domingo they set saile for Carthagena on the Continent, landing some Compa∣nies with Captaine Carlile fiue miles of, which were led on by night, the Generall with this * 1.324 Fleete presenting themselues before the chained Port: and hauing gotten the Citie, held the same six weekes. They tooke Alonso Brauo the Gouernour. After many houses burned 11000. Duckets were paid for ransome of the rest from burning. The Calentura continued, killing some * 1.325 (being a pestilent spotted Feuer) and spoyling others of their strength and memory for a long time. The Serena or Euening ayre is said to cause it to them which are then abroad, if not of that Countrey: so that by holding their watch, the English were thus infected. This forced them to giue ouer their intended voyage to Nombre de Dios, and Panama, sailing therefore alongst * 1.326 the coast of Florida, they tooke and fired two garrison Townes of the Spaniards, Saint Anthonie * 1.327 [ 20] and Saint Helena, and the Fort of Saint Iohn. Then passing alongst the Virginian shore they tooke home the English Colonie there remaining with Master Lane their Gouernour, sent by Sir Wal∣ter Raleigh. These are said by Master Camden to haue beene the first bringers in of the vse of Tobacco, since so frequently abused by our Nation. They arriued at Portsmouth the 28. of Iu∣ly 1586. They got Ordnance of Brasse aboue 200. peeces, and about 40. of Iron. They prey was valued at 60000. li. English. There dyed (most of the Calentura) 700. persons. The industry of the Generall in all places is remakeable, whose vigilance and bodily presence, and labour in all businesse was much, that had he beene in the meanest he had merited the highest place. To [ 30] this is fittest in next place to adde his Cadiz exploit Anno 1587. and the taking of the rich Ca∣racke, called Saint Philip.

HEr Maiestie being informed of that inuincible Armadas preparing in Spaine (which did come and was ouercome the yeare after) sent a fleete of 30. saile vnder the command of Sir * 1.328 Francis Drake: the Bonaduenture, the Lyon, the Dread-naught, and the Rainbow were out of her Nauy Royall chosen to this seruice. The 16. of Aprill two Shippes of Midleborough which came from Cadiz (with whom we met in 40. degrees) gaue him to vnderstand that there was great prouision in Cadiz and thereabout prouided to come to Lisbone, whereupon the Generall with all possible speede bending himselfe thither to cut of the forces and prouisions, the 19. of Aprill, one houre before the Sunne setting, entred the harbour of Callz, and the Spanish Fleete there checked vs, at the entring thereat with the Towne Galleyes, but in short time retired vnder [ 40] the Fortresse.

There were in the Roades 60. Ships, and diuers other small shipping vnder the fortresse. There fled 20. French Shippes to port Riall, and some Spaniards, which could not be hindred of the Fleete by reason of the sholdnesse. There were sunke by vs at our comming in with shot, one Orgasey of 1000. tun, furnished with thirty peeces of Brasse, and richly laden. There were two Gallies more came presently from port Riall, and two other from Saint Mary port, but all in vaine the expenses of powder and shot, the greatest gaine to themselues.

There were to the number of 38. Shippes taken before night, and the English victours of the Roade: the Galleyes retyring vnder the Fortresses. Twenty Hulcks Hollanders confiscated to [ 50] the King, and their goods sold to the Kings vse: foureteene of them were fired the other six were at port Riall laden with Wines and Bread, and to be presently full laden for Lishburne one Car∣ricke of foureteene hundreth tun appertaining to the Marquesse of Saint Cruce; fiue great Bis∣kainers fired, foure of them lading and taking in of victuals for the Kings prouision for Lishburne, the Saint was a Ship of 1000. tuns, bound for Lishburne hauing in her great store of Pikes, much * 1.329 Iron, Nailes, Spikes, Iron hoopes, and such like, fired. One Shataya laden with Wines of 250. tuns for the Kings prouision, which we brought to Sea with vs, and discharged at Sea a part of their Wines, for the prouision of the Fleete, and there fired her. Three Flye-boates of foure hundreth tunnes laden with Bisket whereof the one being of two hundred tuns and vpwards, we halfe vnladed and then fired her, the other two are yet with vs in company. Some tenne [ 60] Barkes more laden with Wines, Raisons, Figges, Oyle, Wheate, with such like, fired. By sup∣position the eight and thirtie Shippes and Barkes fired, sunke, and brought away with vs, amoun∣ted in iudgement to thirteene thousand tuns of shipping. There rid in sight of vs at port Riall, by estimation, aboue fortie saile, besides those that fled from Callz roade.

They gaue vs little ease during our aboade there, which they shot from the Galleyes, as also from the Fortresses and from the shore, where continually they planted new Ordnance at pla∣ces conuenient to offend; notwithstanding their Ships we continually fired as the floud came, thereby to bee cleared of them, which terrible fire was pleasant vnto vs to behold, and mittigated the continuall burthen of trauaile, which lay vpon vs day and night in dis∣charging, firing, and vnlading, such prouisions, with obseruations for good and gardable de∣fence of the enemie. It pleased the Generall, after his great care and paines day and night, to finish this happy Action in her Maiesties seruice, in one day and two nights, and hee came forth againe the Friday in the morning, with very little losse, thankes be to God.

Of twelue Galleyes, and those that came from port Riall, and Saint Mary port, tenne of them came forth after vs, as it were to make some pastime with their great Ord∣nance. [ 10] At length, the winde standing, wee cast about againe and strooke in for the shoare, and came to an anker within a league of Cales, where their Galleyes suffered vs to ride quietly. There were also three Flye Boates more at Mallegai laden with By••ket, bound for Calez, and so for Lishborne. We vnderstood of their great prouisions and forces prouided with∣in the straights. We doubt not, but as God hath begunne this worke in great happinesse, to the daunting of the enemie: so God will blesse this Armie in cutting daily their forces shorter, to the great annoyance of the enemy, and to the honour of our Prince and Countrie.

Wee haue had the experience of Galley fights (wherein I can assure you) that these onely * 1.330 foure of her Maiesties Ships wil make none accompt of twenty Galleyes; so as they were alone, [ 20] and not driuen to guard others.

There were Galleyes had place fitter for their aduantage in fight vpon shot they recei∣ued, they had present succour to ground vnder the towne, which they sundry times did waye, riding in a narrow gutter, the place yeelding no better, in that wee were dri∣uen to maintaine the same vntill wee had discharged, and fired the Shippes, which could not conueniently be done but vpon the floud; that thereby they may driue cleare of vs.

We rest now victualed with Bread and Drinke, for six moneths in our Ships, and Bread be∣sides in two flye Boates to maintaine a good Armie three moneths. We rest all in good loue with [ 30] our Generall and vnitie in all the whole Fleete.

After this, they came before the hauen of Lysbon, where the Marquesse of Sancta Cruz was with his Gallies, whom the Generall inuited to some exchange of Bullets, but he refused. Thence they sailed to the Azores, and met with a Portugall Carracke, called Saint Philip, which had in her voyage outward carried the three Iaponian Princes into the Indies. This Carracke he tooke, the first of that kinde taken by the English, ominous in the name: and so it proued not onely by the losse of so great wealth to King Philip, both in leading the daunce to others after taken, and in opening the eyes of the English to visite the Indian fountaines, whence such wealth issued; wherein also the Hollanders quickly imitated them.

To omit other braue exploits neerer home, as that most glorious of 88. and the rest: our pur∣pose * 1.331 [ 40] is to giue you the remote Voyages of this worthy Sea-man; and now lastly that last and fa∣tall expedition Anno 1595. with sixe of the Queenes Ships and one and twenty other Ships and Barkes, containing 2500. men and boyes, intended for some speciall seruice in the West Indies. Sir Francis Drake and Sir Iohn Hawkins were ioyned in Commission. They set saile from Plim∣mouth the eight and twentieth of August. Nouember the twelfth, neere the Eastermost end of Saint Iuan de Puerto Rico, Sir Iohn Hawkins died. The hauen of Saint Iohn they found strongly * 1.332 fortified against them, but yet they fired their fiue Shippes each of 200. tunnes, hauing in euery of them twenty Peeces of Brasse, and richly laden. Much harme was done on both sides. The fiue and twentieth they passed by Mona. In the beginning of December, they tooke Rio de la Ha∣cha. * 1.333 They tooke also the Rancheria or fisher towne for Pearles. The Spaniards offered to ransome [ 50] their Towne at 24000. Ducates which they brought in Pearle so dearely rated, that the General sent them backe, and both were burnt. The seuenteenth they tooke Tapia, and after that Saint * 1.334 Martha, and the Spanish Lieutenant Generall. The seuen and twentieth Nombre de Dios was ta∣ken, a Towne subiect to raine, and very vnhealthfull: the roade faire, hauing on each side as you * 1.335 come a ledge of rocks. The nine and twentieth, Sir Thomas Baskeruile with 750. Land-soldiors went for Panama, a sore march thorow the woods, the way cut out of the woods and rocks, very mirie, the Spaniards playing on them out of the woods. After ten leauges march, they came to a fort on the top of a hill: two such more were betwixt that and Panama, that also strongly forti∣fied, * 1.336 the enemy hauing knowledge before of this designe. Hereby was he forced to returne. Ia∣nuary the eight and twentieth. Sir Francis Drake died of a fluxe. He made his brother Thomas [ 60] Drakes sonne his heire. Sir Thomas Baskeruill succeeded. The six and twentieth of February the * 1.337 Spaniards fleete of twenty sailes, and the English met; a fight followed, & continued two houres, and then they parted. A great Ship of the Spaniards that night was burned. In Aprill following * 1.338 they arriued at Plimmouth.

In this Voyage I haue followed the printed Relation: but because another hath comne to my hands, written (as it seemes) by one offended therein, I haue to thy other eare permitted him to speake, that freedome of iudgement may remayne to euery Reader.

THe seuen and twentieth of August, hauing our dispatch from her Maiestie, wee brought all our fleet into the Sound of Plimmouth, and the eight and twentieth day wee set sayle for our pretended Uoyage. I•••• our course alongst the Coasts of Spaine, was diuers meetings with our Generals, where pas∣sed * 1.339 many ••••nkind speeches, and such as Sir Iohn Hawkins neuer put off till death. In this tract was put on a resolution with Sir Francis Drake, and Sir Thomas Baskeruile to take the Grand Canaria, where∣vpon a counsall was held, and therein propounded by Sir Francis, how great a benefit, much honour, and * 1.340 [ 10] good refreshing was offered vs, and therefore would stand on most voyces. Sir Iohn Hawkins to whom hee spake this vtterly refused, with these reasons following. First, there could bee no need considering our small time out. Secondly, not possible to carrie it without hazarding all, and Thirdly, not good to lose time, which would neuer be recouered. To this last reason Sir Thomas Baskeruile answered. First, for time, hee would require but foure dayes in this manner, In foure houres he would take it, and in the rest would hee burne it downe, except they would compound, thus the fourth day would he be shipped readie for our Voyage.

In this controuersie Sir Francis would goe for the Canaria with such as would follow him, and Sir Iohn Hawkins with the rest for the Indies, yet after this hard debating, at the earnest request of some friends, Sir Iohn Hawkins vpon the confessing of need, was content to assist them, yet in his iudgement [ 20] labour lost with much hazard of all. Thus altogether standing alongst, the sixe and twentieth of Sep∣tember we came to anchor afore the Fort that guards the landing place at Grand Canaria, where were * 1.341 put into our Boates and Pinnasses, all our land men vnder the conduct of Sir Thomas Baskeruile Co∣lonell Generall, who drew head neere the middest of the Beatche. Betwixt the Fort and the Towne, as most safely for our landing. To this place euen then did the Spaniards draw two or three very small Pee∣ces of Ordnance, with which, and with some companies of Souldiers made some shew of resistance, where∣vpon notwithstanding most of our smaller shipping, who accompanied our Boats with their Artillery, Sir Thomas made his retraite without putting foot on land, and then to know, as it was reported, if our Ge∣nerals would put their Voyage thereon or no. With this better consideration were all our men shipped a∣gaine, and stood alongst to the Westermost end thereof. Here went many ashoare some for water, some for [ 30] pleasure, amongst whom, the eight and twentieth day was Captayne Grimstone with two more in his company slaine, and by Peasants as was thought? with this euill beginning, this night wee weighed and stood alongst for the Indies.

The eight and twentieth of October, wee came faire by the Southermost end of Dominica: and the * 1.342 thirtieth day we came all to safe anchoring at Guardalupa, onely the Delight and the Francis, two of our smallest Pinnasses, who being to leewards out of fight, was there chased by fiue Spanish ships, in which chase the Francis was taken, the other escaped with this newes. The last of this moneth Sir Iohn Haw∣kins * 1.343 not able to beare his griefes out longer, sickned. Here we built seuen Pinnasses. The fourth of No∣uember were they lanched, and we stood of for Porto rico, the eight day in the way we anchored among the Ilands Virgins, where all our Souldiers were appointed to their land Captaines. The twelfth day [ 40] we came to anchor afore the Harbour at Porto rico, where dyed Sir Nicholas Clifford, by a shot from * 1.344 a platforme, sitting at supper in the Defiance, with this shot was likewise Master Brewt Browne hurt, who liued but few dayes after, and this day also died Sir Iohn Hawkins, whose death of many was much * 1.345 lamented.

In this Harbour rid those fiue Frigats of the Kings, which came for the treasure. This place beeing well viewed by our Generall, and Colonell Generall, a counsell was held and therein agreed, That first and most necessariest these Frigats should bee burned; and for that seruice was named out the next night thirtie of our Boates and Pinnasses with fire-workes, and with warlike weapons, these Frigats were so well defended aboard, and with the Ordnance ashore, that our men returned with consuming onely one of them, out of which were saued some of the Spaniards, who reported certainly, that there the Treasure of * 1.346 [ 50] two Millions was, and so were our men taken in the Francis.

Notwithstanding all these quickning newes after some few dayes, we weighed and stood alongst to the Westermost end of this Iland, where we contented vs with some refreshing of water, Oranges and Plan∣tanes, here were built foure Pinnasses more. At this place sent hee aboord me with his Warrant fortie Souldiers out of the Defiance. The foure and twentieth day we weighed and stood alongst for one Iland, called Knaw-saw, with which wee fell the nine and twentieth day, but stayed not; thus standing alongst. * 1.347 The first of December we arriued at Cape dela Vela, the second in the morning was put into our Boats and Pinnasses, all our Souldiers for Rio dela Hatcha. This was taken, the people being all fled, yet here * 1.348 with search in the Woods, and intelligence of some Negros, was found great store of Pearle, Plate, Iewels, Rials of Plate, Bolts of Silke, rich apparell, with much other luggage. The sixt of this moneth [ 60] brought in Sir Francis from one other Towne called Rancharia, great quantitie of Pearle and luggage. The ninth day came in some Spaniards, with intent to ransome their houses, Negros, and some Spa∣niards Prisoners, and concluded for 24000. Pezos, euery Pezo worth fiue shillings sixe pence. The thirteenth day, came in the same all in Pearle, and the fourteenth day came in their Lientenant for the

deliuery. But in the valuing, their quantity and quality would not be taken, wherefore departed they with foure houres respite for further answere from their Gouernour Don Francisco Manso, his answere was himselfe would come to conference, which hee did the sixteenth day. After dinner our Generall and Colonell Generall, with the Spaniards had secret conference about this Ransoms, whereupon concluding, they absolutely broke of, and therefore in all haste was fire put 〈◊〉〈◊〉 some of the houses, and the Gouernour had two houres time to cleere him of our Army.

Thus hauing burnt Rio dela Hatcha, Rancharia, and Tapia. The eighteenth day wee weighed and stood alongst for Sancta Marta, to which we came thetwentieth day, here we onely tooke some fiue Pri∣soners, whereof one was the Lieutenant there. The one and twentieth, it was put to fire, and we set sayle * 1.349 for Nombre de Dios, to which we came the seuen and twentieth day, where in like manner the people had acquited the Towne, yet here was found by intelligence of some Negros, as I heard, two and twentie [ 10] Sowes of Siluer, Gold in Bullion, some Iewels, great store of Plate, and Riall of Plate, with much o∣ther luggage. The nine and twentieth day, Sir Thomas Baskeruile, Colonell Generall with all his a∣blest * 1.350 Captaines and Souldiers tooke their iourney for Panama, now the marke of our Voyage: who neere the mid-way being empea••hed by some Spaniards and Negros, made their retreite to the Ships at Nom∣bre de Dios, at this encounter were few of our men slaine, some hurt, some of the which there left to the mercie of the Spaniards.

The fifth day of Ianuary, all our men being shipped, the towne and Galliots put to fire, we set sayle then by the aduice of a Spaniard, for the Riuer Nicorago, in which way we fell with one Iland called Escudo, a place which affordeth nothing good, yet here wee stayed from the tenth day vntill the three and twentieth, * 1.351 when we set sayle and plied to the Eastward, which by Gods speciall fauour, the eight and twentieth day [ 20] we came in with Porta la••bella. This morning died our Generall Sir Francis Drake. This is the place where the people of Nombre de Dios meaneth to dwell at. Here found we a beginning of a strong plat∣forme * 1.352 with three Brasse Peeces vnmounted. In my opinion, this was our best remoue, for if God had not preuented our Generals purpose for the Riuer Nicorago, it would haue hazarded all her Maie∣sties Ships, farre with the rest. Here tooke we in ballast, water, mended our sayles, and calked our ships, such as had need.

The eight of February, Sir Thomas Baskeruile taking vpon him Generall, we all set saile for Santa Marca homewards, but not able to recouer higher then Carthagena, as wee ghesse in the Bonauenture, with the splittng of all our sayles, put ouer for Iamaica. In this course lost we the Fore-sight, the Su∣san Parnell, the Helpe, and the Gregory. The fiue and twentieth day came we faire by Canaria gran∣da, [ 30] which bore ouer vs in the morning East North-east, and this day was all our flesh and fish spent. The second of March, making this our miserie like to be known to Sir Thomas Baskeruile, who hath giuen mee his promise to relieue mee at my need, his answere was carelesly for vs, and with all said, hee would goe in with the Iland Pinos to water, which I vtterly misliked, the winde then being good to stand alongst, very ill to lose, and more for that no Englishman in our fleete either knew or euer heard of any watering or other good there.

In this reasoning betwixt vs, we descried twentie sayle of ships a head vs, who were the Kings men of Warre, wayting our home comming, it was my fortune in the Bonauenture to take to taske the Vice-admirall, one of the twelue Apostles of the Kings, for so I thought by a great golden Saint, which manned her Poope. The manner of our fight and my deseruing, I leaue euen to the report of mine enemies, [ 40] yet thus much vnderstand, their Admirall with the rest, all the next day being in the winde, was content we should passe in peace. Thus being quietly, and we all disimbogued some two hundred leagues, I made a second demand of Sir Thomas, his promise for victuals, which he vtterly refused, wherefore aswell in regard of our Generals lacke as mine owne danger, with a shot in our fight, wherein it was indiffe∣rent with mee to liue or die, I told him I must make more haste home then I presumed hee would, yet wee stayed with him two dayes longer, when in a storme I left him, and this was the fourteenth day of March.

Now for these two English Sea-worthies, as wee haue begunne their American Aduentures, and ended them together, so I haue thought good to insert this following censure of a Gen∣tleman in a Letter of his, touching them both, as an Epitaph dedicated to their memory. [ 50]

SIr, I haue according to your request, and my owne plainnesse sent you here the comparison betweene those two Commanders Sir Francis Drake and Sir Iohn Hawkins. They were both much giuen to trauell in their youth and age, attempting many honourable Voyages alike; as that of Sir Iohn Haw∣kins to Guiny, to the Iles of America, to Saint Iohn de Vlua. So likewise Sir Francis Drake after many Discoueries of the West Indies, and other parts, was the first Englishman that did euer com∣passe the World, wherein, as also in his deepe iudgement in Sea causes, he did farre exceed not Sir Iohn Hawkins alone, but all others whomsoeuer. In their owne natures and disposition they did as much dif∣fer; as in the managing matters of the Warres, Sir Francis beeing of a liuely spirit, resolute, quicke, and sufficiently valiant: The other slow, iealous, and hardly brought to resolution. In Councell [ 60] Sir Iohn Hawkins did often differ from the iudgement of others, seeming thereby to know more in doubt∣full things, then he would vtter. Sir Francis was a willing hearer of euery mans opinion, but common∣ly a follower of his owne: he neuer attempted any action, wherein he was an absolute Commander, but hee

performed the same with great reputation, and did easily dispatch great matters; Contrariwise Sir Iohn Hawkins did only giue the bare attempt of things, for the most part without any Fortune or good suc∣cesse therein. Sir Iohn Hawkins did naturally hate the Land-souldier, and though hee were very po∣pular, yet he affected more the common sort, then his equals; Sir Francis contrarily did much loue the Land-souldier, and greatly aduanced good parts, wheresoeuer he found them. Hee was also affable to all men and of easie accesse. They were both of many vertues, and agreeing in some. As patience in enduring labours and hardnesse, Obseruation and Memory of things past, and great discretion in sud∣den dangers, in which, neither of them was much distempered, and in some other vertues they differed. Sir Iohn Hawkins had in him mercie and aptnesse to forgiue, and true of word; Sir Francis h••rd in re∣conciliation, and constancie in friendship; he was withall seuere and courteous, magna••imious, and libe∣rall. They were both faultie in ambition, but more the one then the other; For in Sir Francis was an in s••∣tiable [ 10] desire of honor▪ indeed beyond reason. He was infinite in promises, and more temperate in aduersity, then in better Fortune. He had also other imperfections, as aptnesse to anger, and bitternesse in disgracing, and too much pleased with open flattery: Sir Iohn Hawkins had in him malice with dissimulation, rude∣nesse in behauiour, and passing sparing, indeed miserable. They were both happy alike in being Great Commanders, but not of equall successe, and grew great and famous by one meanes, rising through their owne Vertues, and the Fortune of the Sea. Their was no comparison to bee made be∣tweene their wel-deseruing and good parts, for therein Sir Francis Drake did farre exceede. This is all I haue obserued in the Uoyages, wherein I haue serued with them.

R. M. [ 20]

A briefe recitall or nomination of Souldiers, other English∣mens Voyages related at large in the printed Works of Master HAKLVYT.

OTher Voyages might here be inserted, made by Englishmen into the Bay of Mexico, as that by Captayne W. Michelson, and William Mace of Ratcliffe, in the Dogge 1589. * 1.353 which there tooke three shippes. They held fight with a Spanish man of Warre, who by fraud [ 30] sought perfidiously to obtayne that which they could not by vnspotted Fortitude. They put out a flagge of Truce, and after kinde entertaynment aboord the English, inuited them to their shippe, where they assaulted them, stabbing Roger Kings••old the Pilot to the Heart, * 1.354 staying others, and forcing the rest to trust God and the Sea rather then the Deuill and the Spaniards; thus swimming to their ship.

The valiant fight of the Content, a small ship of Sir George C••reys, (Lord Hundsdon, Lord * 1.355 Chamberlaine) 1591. Iune 13. with three great Spanish ships, each of six or seuen hundred, and one small shippe and two Gallies, farre more beeing slaine of the enemies then the English had to fight: I leaue to Master Hakluyts report: as also Captayne Christopher Newport his Voyage * 1.356 with three ships and a Pinnasse the same yeere, which tooke and spoyled Yaguana and Ocoa in [ 40] Hispani••la, and Truxillo, besides other Prizes, and in the way homeward, were at the taking of the Madre de Dios.

The next yeere Captayne Lane Gen. of Master Wats his fleete, Captayne Roberts in the Exchange of Brist••ll, and Captayne Beniamin Wood with foure shippes set forth by the Lord * 1.357 Thomas Howard, Captayne Kenell of Lime-house, and Captayne King of Ratcliffe Road, with thirteene sayles before Hauana, wayting for purchase.

Anno 1594. the Honourable Sir Robert Dudley set forth with two ships and two Pinnasses, and made his Voyage to Trinidada, and the Coast of Paria, returning by the Iles of Granata, Santa Cruez, Santa Iuan de Puerto Rico, Mona, Zacheo, and Bermuda. In which Voyage he and his company tooke or sunke nine Spanish ships; of which one was a man of Warre of sixe hun∣dred [ 50] tuns. The particulars are related by himselfe in Master Hakluyt. * 1.358

In him also the Reader may find the victorious Voyage of Captayne Amias Presten, and Cap∣tayne George Summers (both since Knights) Anno 1595. in which the Iles of Puerto Santo, and of Coche neere Margarita, the Fort and Towne of Coro, the Citie of Saint Iago de Leon, were sac∣ked and burnt; the Towne of Cumana ransomed, and Iamaica entred.

Sir Antonie Sherley. Anno 1596. set forth from Hampton, with nine ships and a Galley, to Saint Iago Dominica, Margarita, Iamaica, Bay of Honduras, and homewards by New foundland. This and Captayne Parkers Voyage 1596. to the same parts and Ports, with his taking of Cam∣peche the chiefe Towne of Iacatan, and bringing thence a Frigat, laden with the Kings Tribute: Also the Voyages of Sir Walter Raleigh to Guiana, and other intelligences of that Nation: likewise Master William Hawkins his Voyages to Brasill, and those of Re••iger and Borey, Puds••y, Stephen [ 60] Hare, Sir Iames Lancasters taking of Fernambuc: Fenton and Ward, and Iohn Drakes Voyage after his departure from Fenton vp the Riuer of Plate, and liuing fifteene moneths with the Sa∣uages, Anno 1582.

All these I referre to the painfull labours of Master Hakluyt, who hath well deserued of the English Nation, and of these Neptunian Heroes; that I mention not the many Voyages of others in those times of difference betwixt England and Spaine, which here and there you shall finde mention of in these Relations. Also, Anno 1589. three ships were set forth by Master Chidlie and others for the Magellan Straites, one of which arriued there and tooke there a Spaniard, one of the foure hundred which had beene sent thither to inhabit, which had long liued there alone, the rest being famished. They spent sixe weekes there with contrary winds, and sixe only of their company teturned, they also being racked on the Coast of Normandie, as W. Magoths one of the sixe hath related.

These I doe but summarily mention, as an Index rather to Master Hakluyt•• labours, then with any intent to giue the discourse thereof. But the strange fortunes of Peter Carder (not hitherto [ 10] published) compell me to take speciall notice thereof, which himselfe hath thus related.

CHAP. V.

The Relation of PETER CARDER of Saint Verian in Cornwall, within seuen miles of Falmouth, which went with Sir FRANCIS in his Voyage about the World, begun 1577. who with seuen others in an open Pinnasse or Shallop of fiue tuns, with eight Oares, was separated from his Generall by foule weather in the [ 20] South Sea, in October, An. 1578. who returning by the Straites of Magellan toward Brasill, were all cast away, saue this one only afore named, who came into England nine yeeres af∣ter miraculously, hauing escaped many strange dangers, aswell among diuers Sauages as Christians.

AFter Sir Francis Drake had passed the Straites of Magellan, the sixt of Septem∣ber 1578. and was driuen downe to the Southwards in the South Sea, vnto the latitude of fiftie fiue degrees, and a terse, with such accidents as are mentioned in [ 30] his Voyage, and returning backe toward the Straite againe. The eight of Octo∣ber we lost sight of the Elizabeth, one of our Consorts, wherein Master Iohn Win∣ter * 1.359 was, who returned by the Straites againe, as wee vnderstood afterward at our comming home into England; according to his Voyage extant in print. Shortly after his se∣paration from our company, our Generall commanded eight men to furnish our small Pinnasse or Shallop with eight men, whose names were these, my selfe, Peter Carder aforesaid, Richard Bur∣nish of London, Iohn Cottle and another, both seruants to Master Iohn Hawkins, Artyur a Dutch Trumpetor, Richard Ioyner, seruant to Vincent Scoble of Plimmouth, Pasche Gidie of Salt Ashe, and William Pitcher of London. [ 40]

This company was commanded to waite vpon the ship for all necessary vses, but hauing not passed one dayes victuals in vs, nor any Card nor Compasse, sauing only the benefit of eight oares, in the night time by foule weather suddenly arising we lost the sight of our ship, and though our ship sought vs and we them, for a fortnight together, yet could we neuer meet together againe. Howbeit within two d••••es after we lost them, we recouered the shoare, and releeued our selues with Muscels, Oysters Grabs, and some sorts of Roots in the Woods, and within a fortnight af∣ter the losse of our con〈…〉〈…〉s, wee returned backe into the Straites of Magellan, and in two pla∣ces came on land on the mayne of America, to relieue our selues in certaine Bayes, where wee found Oysters, Muscels and Crabs as before, and filled our Barricos with fresh water, and in one of these places we found Sauages, but they fled from vs.

Afterward we came to Penguin Iland in the Straites, and there wee salted and dryed many [ 50] of the Penguins for our sustenance. Thence we shaped our course for Port Saint Iulian, where Sir Francis Drake not many moneths before had beheaded Captayne Doutie: In this Port we stayed a day or two, and tooke fish like Breames and Mackerils, with hookes and lines. Then costing the land for some fortnight, some hundred leagues beyond the Riuer of Plate, wee found a small Iland three leagues from the mayne full of Seales, whereof wee killed good store to our suste∣nance, the young ones we found best and eate them roast. Then passing ouer the Riuer of Plate to the North side, we put into a small Riuer, and went vp into the Woods sixe of vs: other two remayning on the shore to looke to the Boat.

While we were thus seeking food in the Woods the people of the Countrey, called Tapines, some sixtie or seuentie armed with Bowes and Arrowes shot fiercely at vs, and wounded vs all [ 60] very grieuously, and foure of vs were taken by them, and neuer recouered: the rest of vs they pursued to our Pinnasse, and wounded vs all: but in the end we put them to flight. Thence we went to an Iland some three leagues of in the Sea, not aboue a league in compasse. Where wee

cured our selues as well as we might, yet so, that two of vs died of our late wounds, and that, which was worse for want of helpe. Through foule weather our Pinnasse was dasht against the * 1.360 Rockie shoare and broken, and now there remayned aliue of vs eight, no more but my selfe, Pe∣ter Carder and William Pitcher.

Here we remayned the space of two moneths, in all which time for our victuals, wee had a fruit somewhat like vnto Oranges, growing vpon a high Tree, the leafe whereof was somewhat like the Aspen leafe, and small; white Crabs creeping vpon the sand, and little Eeles which we found vnder the sands, but in all this Iland we could not find any fresh water in the World, in∣somuch that we were driuen to drinke our owne vrine, which we saued in some sheards of cer∣taine * 1.361 Iarres, which we had out of our Pinnasse, and set our vrine all night to coole therein, to drinke it the next morning, which thus being drunke often, and often auoyded, became in a [ 10] while exceeding red, in all this time wee had no raine, nor any good meanes to saue it, if it had * 1.362 fallen, whereupon, seeing our selues in so great extremitie, wee deuised how we might get vn∣to the Mayne, and by good fortune, found a planke of some ten foot in length, which of likeli∣hood had driuen from the Riuer of Plate, whereunto with withes, wee bound some other wood, and furnishing our selues with the foresaid fruit, Eeles and Crabs, wee committed our selues to God; hoping with the setting in of the tyde, and with the helpe of two poles, which we vsed in stead of Oares to attayne vnto the Mayne, which was some three leagues off, but wee made * 1.363 it three dayes and two nights before we could come to the Mayne.

At our comming first on land, we found a little Riuer of very sweet and pleasant water, where William Pitcher my onely comfort and companion (although I diswaded him to the contrary) o∣uer [ 20] dranke himselfe, being pinched before with extreame thirst, and to my vnspeakeable griefe * 1.364 and discomfort, within halfe an houre after dyed in my presence, whom I buried aswell as I could in the sand.

The next day following, as I trauelled along the shoare towards Brasill, hauing mine Arming Sword and Target with me, I met with some thirtie of the Sauages of the Countrey, called Tup∣pan * 1.365 Basse, which being armed with Bowes and Arrowes, and hauing two or three great Rattles with stones in them, and a kind of Tabrets that they vsed in stead of Drummes, they went dancing before me about a Musket shot off, and then they stayed and hanged vp a piece of a white Net of Cotton-wooll, vpon a sticks end of foure foote high, and went from it about a [ 30] Musket shot off: then I comming vnto it, tooke it in my hand, viewed it, and hung it vp againe, then many of them, beckning and weauing with their hands, cryed vnto mee, Iyorie, Iyorie, * 1.366 which (as afterward I vnderstood, by liuing long among them) was as much as Come hither, Then I came to them, and they friendly led me a long some halfe a mile, all the way dancing, aswell men as women, whereof there were some eight in the company, vntill we came to another Ri∣uer side, where they hanged vp their Beds, tying them fast to a couple of Trees, being a kinde of white Cotton Netting, which hanged two foot from the ground, and kindled fire of two sticks, which they made on both sides of their Beds, for warmth, and for driuing away of wilde beasts, and hauing fed me with such as they had: we tooke our rest for that night.

The next day earely in the morning they tooke downe and trussed vp their beds, crying ti∣asso, tiasso, which is to say, away, away, and marched that day towards Brasill some twentie [ 40] miles, and came to their Towne where their chiefe Gouernour was. This Towne was built foure square, with foure houses onely, euery house containing aboue two Bowe shot in length, and the houses made with small trees like an Arbour, being thatched ouer downe to the ground * 1.367 with Palme tree leaues: they haue no windowes, but some thirtie or fortie doores on euery side of this squadron, by which each Familie passeth in and out; their chiefe Lord, whose name was Catou, being a man of some forty yeares old, had nine wiues; but the rest haue onely one wife, ex∣cept such as are counted more valiant, then the rest which are permitted two wiues, one to looke * 1.368 to their children at home, and the other to goe to the warres with them. This Towne contained very neere 4000. persons of all sorts. The next day the Gouernour sent diuers of his people a∣broad to bring in all sorts of victuall which the Countrie yeelded, and offered them vnto me to [ 50] see which of them I liked best, among which there was great store of fish, as well Sea-fish as * 1.369 fresh water-fishes, many sorts of Fowles, many sorts of Rootes, and diuers Land-beasts, as Ar∣madillos, which afterward I found to be very good meate. Of all these at the first, I onely tooke one Fowle, and a couple of fishes, and bestowed the rest among their children, which procured me no small good will among them.

Here I stared among them (being well entertained) for certaine moneths, v••••ill I had learned most part of their language, in which meane space I noted their manners, which were as fol∣loweth. * 1.370 They went out to the warres armed at my first comming, onely with Bowes and Ar∣rowes, some three or foure hundred at a time, and when they had the victory of their enemies, * 1.371 they tied one of their Captiues to one of their company with Cotten cords fast arme to arme, [ 60] and bringing them home, within two or three daies after they would tie them to a poast, and with a madie club of red wood one of the strongest of the company (after they haue drunke a certaine strong drinke with dancing round about him) at one blow slits his head a sunder: this * 1.372

drinke is made by their women of a certaine roote called I. P. which first they seeth, and after∣ward chew in their mouthes, and then spit it out againe into a long trough and mingle it with * 1.373 water, and there let it worke two or three daies, and gat•••••• yeest vpon it, like to our Ale: which done, they take the liquor and put it into broad mouth Iarres of earth, and of this both their men and women doe drinke at their feasts, till they be as drunke as Apes.

I could obserue no Religion amongst them, but onely that they reuerence and worshippe the Moone, especially the new Moone; whereat they doe reioyce in leaping, dancing; and clapping * 1.374 their hands. The Merchantable commodities of this Countrie, are Brasill-wood, Tobacco, red Pepper, and Cotten Wooll. They haue also great store of Apes, Monkies, Armadillos, Hogges without tailes as bigge as ours; their Birds are Parrats, Parraketos, blacke Fowles as bigge as * 1.375 Doues, and Ostriches as high as a man. After I had liued about halfe a yeare among stithem, and [ 10] learned their language, the King requested me to goe to the warres with him against his ene∣mies the Tapw••es, which I granted, but before we set out, I shewed them a way for making of certaine Targets of the barke of a Tree some three quarters of a yard long for defence against Arrowes, whereof we made some hundred; and withall I wished them to make some two hun∣dred of Clubs. Which being done we marched forward some 700. in number, which by mine ad∣uice were all marked with a red kinde of Balsome from the knee downeward vpon one legge, to be known from our enemies (by the way it is to be noted that there are three sorts of Balsamum in that Countrie, to wit, White, Red and Blacke very odoriferous and excellent good for a * 1.376 greene wound, and the White I esteeme to be best.) In three dayes march we came to another Towne built foure square, as before I haue declared, but much lesser; we set vpon the Towne [ 20] about foure of the clocke in the morning, the enemy standing vpon defence of their Arrowes, were much deceiued by reason of our Targets, which being seconded by our Clubbes, wee im∣mediately knocked downe to the number of two hundred, the rest, except some twenty priso∣ners escaped into the woods. Here the King staied one day, and caused many of thir carkases to be broyled vpon the coales and eaten. The chiefest riches which we found here was their drinke * 1.377 which they vsed to make themselues drunke withall; their Cotten Beddes and their Tobacco. As for Gold and Siluer they neither seeke, nor make any accompt thereof. This is to be noted, * 1.378 that how many men these Sauages doe kill, so many holes they will haue in their visage, be∣ginning first in their nether lippe, then in their cheekes, thirdly in both their eye-browes, and lastly in their eares. Those twenty prisoners which we brought home, were afterward kil∣led, * 1.379 [ 30] rosted and eaten.

While I remayned here amongst these people, certayn Portugals accompanied with certayn Ne∣gr••s and Brasilians, came within some ten leagues of our town, to see whether they could surprise any of our Sauages, and to harken what was become of me, for that they had heard by this time that some of Sir Francis Drakes company were east ashoare amongst the Sauage people, but there comming was not so secret, but that two of the Portugals and certayne Negros were taken, and after their confession, of the intent of their comming thither, they were brained with clubs, * 1.380 broyled and eaten. These things thus passing, I became sutor to the King to giue mee leaue to de∣part his Countrey, and to goe to some Riuer of Brasill not planted by the Portugals, to see if I [ 40] could spy out any English or French ship to passe me into my Countrey, which hee in the end fa∣uourably granted; and sent foure of his people with me to furnish me with victuals, which they * 1.381 did very plentifully of Birds, Fish, and Roots, for the space of nine or ten weeks, all which time they did accompany me, and I desiring to goe toward the Line, they brought me into the towne of Bahia, Detodos los Sanctes.

But about foure or fiue miles before we came to the towne, I yeelded my selfe to a Portugall, * 1.382 called Michael Ionas, declaring vnto him that I was an Englishman, and enquired whether there were any Englishmen dwelling in the towne, hee told me that there was one Antonio de Paua in the towne which could speake good English, and was a louer of our Nation, and brought mee directly vnto his house. This Antonio de Paua, pittying my case, and aduising mee not to bee knowne, that I vnderstood the Portugall Tongue, brought mee to the Gouernour, whose name [ 50] was Diego Uas, this Gouernour told me by Antonio de Paua, which became my Interpreter, that seeing I was found in the Inland of their Countrey Westward, being a stranger, contrary to their Lawes, he could doe no lesse then commit me to Prison, and send me into Portugall to be committed to the Gallies for tearme of life, to this I answered by the aduice of my good friend Autouio de Paua, that I came not willingly into those Dominions, but beeing by casualtie once come there, I was not taken Prisoner, but sought them out and came and yeelded my selfe into their hands, laying downe my weapons at one of his Nations feet.

Neuerthelesse he sent me to Prison, whereby the meanes of Antonio de Paua, and other of * 1.383 his friends, I was sufficiently relieued, and within one fortnight after brought againe publikely to the barre in the Towne-house to mine answere. There I answered the second time by Auto∣uio [ 60] de Paua, my Interpreter, that I thought it sufficient, that when I might haue kept our, yet of mine owne free will I had made a long journey, with great hazard of my life through the Coun∣tries of Sauages, being Man-eaters, which fauoured me to seeke the Portugall Christians out, and

peaceably to put my selfe into their hands. Hereupon the Gouernor and his assistants consulted and concluded together, that I should be committed to the house of Antonio de Payue, & there re∣maine * 1.384 vntill they might write into Portugall to know the Kings pleasure concerning me. With∣in one yeare they receiued answer from Lisbon concerning me, that I should be forth comming, and that hereafter the King would send further order for my transporting into Portugall. But a∣boue two yeares passed before this order came: In which meane space, first I spent part of my time in going into the fields as ouerseer of my friends Negros and Sauages in their planting and * 1.385 dressing of their Sugar Canes, and in planting of Gingers, which grow there exceeding well, but is a forbidden trade to be transported out for hindering of other places, and in cutting downe of Brasil-wood, and in bringing it downe by Riuers vpon rafts vnto the Port where the Ships doe [ 10] lade it, and in seeing them gather their Cotten wooll, and picking the seedes out of it, and pack∣ing the same, and in gathering of the long Pepper both white and red.

After I had spent, some yeare and an halfe in this businesse, my friend Antonio de Payue ha∣uing a small Barke of his owne, which he employed in carrying of wares from Port to Port, and for bringing of Sugars to places where Ships should lade, vsed me, knowing I had bin brought vp to the Sea, in these his businesses. Our first Voyage was to Ilheos, where we left some wares, * 1.386 and staied there some moneth: then we went to Puerto Seguro, and there tooke in some Sugars for Linnen Cloath, Bayes, Wine and Oyle. Then returning home, shortly after we were set forth againe in the same Barke to Spirito Sancto, and Saint Vincent, and the Riuer Ienero, where discharging our wares to certaine Factors, and receiuing Sugars and Cotten Wooll aboord, we re∣turned [ 20] safely home. In my first Voyage one Master Dauid Leake an English Surgeon, lost there out of an English Shippe in the Countrie, being much sought for because of his skill, had passage with vs from Bahia to Spirito Sancto. Vpon my returne of my second voyage, my good friend Antonio de Payue aduertised me, that a Shippe was shortly to arriue there to carry me into Por∣tugall prisoner, telling me that he should not be able any longer to helpe me, and therefore wish∣ed * 1.387 me to looke to my selfe; but kindely offered me his helpe to conuay me away: whereupon I tooke his Boate and foure of his Negros, pretending to goe on fishing to the Sea; and so of purpose going much to Leeward of the place, I put in to Feruambuc: where the Negroes being examined whence we came, and for what cause, being vtterly ignorant of mine intent, answered that they * 1.388 were drawn thither by force of weather, and for their Masters sake were well intreated, and re∣turned [ 30] home with the next winde, my selfe remaining secretly behinde them.

Within certaine moneths there came thither a Hulke with eight English men and foureteene Portugals, who after some three moneths had laden the same with English and Portugall goods to * 1.389 come for England. The English goods belonged to M. Cordal, M. Beecher, and M. Sadler, worship∣full Merchants of the Citie of London; which had bin left in the Countrie before by the Mer∣chant * 1.390 Royall. Thus passing homeward in our course as far as the Iles of the Açores, within sight of the Ile of Pike, being fiue Portugall Ships in consort, we met with Cap. Raymond, and Cap. George Drake of Exeter, with two English Ships of warre, who because the peace betweene England and Spaine was broken the yeare before, commanded vs to yeelde our selues to them as their lawfull prises, which we did al fiue accordingly without any resistance. But by contrary weather we [ 40] were driuen into Baltimore in Ireland, and within a while after we arriued in the narrow Seas in the hauen of Chichister, in the end of Nouember 1586. nine yeares and foureteene dayes after my * 1.391 departure out of England with Sir Francis Drake in his Voyage about the World.

My strange aduentures, and long liuing among cruell Sauages being known to the right hono∣rable the Lord Charles Howard, Lord high Admirall of England, he certified the Queenes Maiesty * 1.392 thereof with speede, and brought me to her presence at White-hall, where it pleased her to talke with me a long houres space of my trauailes and wonderfull escape, and among other things of the manner of M. Dowties execution; and afterward bestowed 22. angels on me, willing my Lord to haue consideration of me: with many gracious words I was dismissed; humbly thanking the Almighty for my miraculous preseruation, and safe returne into my natiue Countrie. [ 50]

To the Reader.

HEre ma••st thou read that dismall and fatall voyage of Master Thomas Candish, in which he con∣summated his earthly peregrination. In the former voyage of his (which amongst our Circum••auiga∣tions * 1.393 of the Globe, we haue presented thee) thou findest a perpetuall Sunshine, no man euer hauing in neere so little time compassed that huge circumference, or taken his choise of so much more wealth then he could bring home, or reuisited his natiue soile with greater pompe and triumph. The clearest day hath a night, nor doth Summer last alway; the Sea hath his ••bbing as well as flowing: the Aire hath calmes and * 1.394 [ 60] stormes: the Moone ••••deth sometimes the Suns lustre from vs by her interposition; sometimes is her selfe meerely darkened by the Earths shadow. And if the Elements, Seasons, and Heauens two Eyes be sub∣iect to such vicissit••des; what is this little m••lchill of earth, this modell of clay, this moueable circum∣ference

of constant inconstancie, immutable mutability; this vanishing centre of diuersified vanitie, which we call Man; that herein also he should not resemble this samplar of the vniuerse, as becommeth a lit∣tls map to be like that larger Prototype. This we see all, and feele daily in our selues: this in Master Candish here, in Sir Francis Drakes before, the Seas two darlings, there and thence both liuing and dy∣ing; if dissolution of the body may be called a death, where the soule arriueth in heauen, the name fils the earth, the deedes are presidents to posteritie, and England their Countrie hath the glory alone that she hath brought forth two illustrious Capta••••es and Generals, which haue fortunately embraced the round waste of their vaste mother, without waste of life, reputation, and substance; yea victorious ouer elements and enemies, illustrious in wealth and honour, they haue comne home like the Sunne in a Sum∣mers day, seeming greatest neerest his euening home, the whole skie entertaining and welcoming him in festiuall scarless and displayed colours of triumph. No Nation else hath yeelded one, which in all these * 1.395 [ 10] respects may be matchable. Magalianes hath left himselfe odious to his Portugals for offered seruice to the Spaniard, and like Phaeton thinking with Phebus his Chariot to compasse the World, perished mid∣way. Midway was Schoutens Ship and men attached, and be and his had a seruile returne. Cano came or rather ••••••d homes like Magalianes ghost, hardly and with a few escaping. Noort scarsly escaped taking, drowning, firing, trechery, and hostilitie. Spilbergen got blowes in the South Sea where Drake and Candish were made rich, and returned an Indian Merchant. Three Dutch worthies: but all lighted their candles at these two English Torches. Thus may we magnifie Drakes swimming, and can die the memorie of our Candish. But where it is said ye are Gods, it is added, ye shall dye like men. The Sea is a ••a••ing wauering foundation, the windes theatre both for Comedies and Tragedies. You haue seene Drake acting both: and in both you here finde Candish. Christ is yesterday, to day, the [ 20] same for euer; God is without shadow, (without passibilitie or possibilitie) of change, a light in whom is no darkenesse: but sublunarie things are like the Moone their neerest Planet, which neuer viewes the earth two dayes together with one face. God hath made our way to him so full of chances and changes, that our vnstedie, slippery way on this earth, and calme-storme-voyage in these Seas, may make vs more to meditate and thirst after that hauen of instabilitie, and heauen of eternity. Some passionate speeches of Master Candish against some priuate persons not employed in this action, I haue suppressed, some others I haue let passe; not that I charge Captaine Dauis or others, but that it may appeare what * 1.396 the Generall thought of them. Master Hakluyt hath published Master Ianes report of this Voyage, which makes more fauourable on Captaine Dauis his side. If hee did deale treacherously, treacherie [ 30] found him out, as in his last Voyage before is declared. If any thinke the Captaine here to conceiue a∣misse, I shall be willing to haue the most charitable conceit, and therefore remit the Reader to Master Hak∣luyts Relation afore said, for his apologie: the sum whereof, and of that Voyage is this.

Master Iane there relateth, that Aug. 26. 1591. Captaine Candish set forth from Plimmouth with three tall Shippes, the blacke Pinnace, and a Barke. Nouemb. 29. they fell with the coast * 1.397 of Brasile. They tooke the Towne of Santos, and burnt Saint Vincent. After a cruell storme they arriued at Port Desire, and after fell with the Magellan straites. Occasionally (saith Iane) they lost Captaine Candish, and went backe to Port Desire to seeke him: and whiles Captaine Dauis further intended to seeke out the Generall, a dangerous conspiracie was plotted to murther him by Parker and Smith. There is also a testimoniall subscribed by fortie men. Thence they [ 40] returned to the Straits, and had sight of the people, which were very strong, nimble, and naked. Sep. 13. they came in sight of the South Sea, and being forced backe, the next day put forth a∣gaine, and being eight or ten leagues free from land, were repelled into the Straits. Octob. 2. they put into the South Sea againe, and were free of all land, and there in a storme lost the blacke Pinnace. The Shippes company were in despaire of life, but by Gods grace recouered the Straits, and a third time came to Port Desire; and there lost nine of their men (of which Par∣ker and Smith were two) being on Land for Wood and Water: they knew not what became of them, but guessed that the Saluages had deuoured them. For the eleuenth of Nouember, while * 1.398 most of the men were at the Ile of Pengwins, onely the Captaine and Master with sixe others left in the Shippe, there came a great multitude of Sauages to the Shippe (there on ground on the [ 50] oaze) throwing dust in the ayre, leaping and running like bruite Beasts, hauing vizors on their faces like Dogges faces, or else their faces are Dogges faces indeede. We feared they would set our Shippes on fire, for they would suddenly make fire, whereat wee maruelled, setting the * 1.399 bushes on fire, but scared with Peeces they fled. Here they found much Scuruie-grasse which re∣couered them; and dried 20000. Pengwins, making some salt by laying the salt water on rockes in holes. The sixt of February, many reported to each other their dreames of killing, and the like, and that day they lost 13. men at Placentia. Their dried Pengwins, when they came neerer the Sun, began to corrupt, and there bred in them a most loathsome and vgly worme which deuoured their victuals, cloathes, timbers, and all but Iron, not sparing their flesh when they were asleepe, so that they could scarcely sleepe. Their multitude was such that they could not destroy them. [ 60] Another disease tooke them with swelling in their anckles, two daies after which, shortnesse of breath, then falling into their cods and yards, so tormenting them that diuers fell mad and died: on fiue onely did the labour of the Ship relye; and Iune 11. 1593. without victuals, sailes, or men God guided them to Beare-hauen in Ireland.

But let vs heare Master Candish himselfe more then acting his owne part. Discite justitiam moni∣ti. Let not prosperitie poyson the soule, with the sting of the old Serpent, swelling in pride, ingratitude, or contempt of God, or Man: let not any magnifie himselfe in whatsoeuer exploits, or trust in vncertaine * 1.400 riches, or promise to himselfe the perpetuall smiles of the world; and then it shall seeme no new thing, nor cause of despaire, if shee hites in stead of kissing. Shee is a Witch which transformeth men into Swine with her Cyrcaean cups, if the minde learne not by Religion to fasten it selfe to God, to account him her treasure, and make her selfe the treasurie, as a Pilgrime pressing toward the prize of our high calling, that inheritance of the Saints in light; for which Robes, to bee stripped of these Rags is a blessed purchase; meanwhile knowing that nothing doth, shall, can happen but by his providence, which is a Father, most wise, louing, bountifull, and mercifull, which alreadie hath giuen vs his Sonne, doth now giue his Spirit, and [ 10] will giue vs himselfe. No Rocks can wrack that Soule, no stormes oppresse, no Seas can sinke, no for∣tunes can either puffe vp with successe, or sinke and make to shrinke in it selfe by any pressures to despaire, which hath thus made God her portion: yea the worst of aduersities by a holy Antiperistasis doe contract and more vnite the soules forces to greater acts of fortitude in doing and suffering his Will, to whose ours ought alway to be subordinated. It is the voice of a Pagen, but the vertue of a Christian, Omnia mea mecum porto, and with Iob to say, The Lord hath giuen, the Lord hath taken, blessed bee the Name of the Lord. I haue giuen Master Kniuets Relation after this of Master Candish, as before Peter Carder after Sir Francis Drake; that at both serued vnder them in their Discoueries, so they may in this our Discouerie of those Discoueries, as Pages to those Worthies; the one a Mariner wayting on a Mariner; the other a Gentleman following a Gentleman; both vnmatchable by any English for the [ 20] rare aduentures, disaduentures, and manifold successions of miseries in those wilde Countries, and with those wilder Countrimen of Brasilia; especially Master Kniuet, who betwixt the Brasilian and Portu∣gall, as betwixt two Mill-stones, was almost ground to poulder: whom Colds, Sicknes, Famine, Wandrings, Calumnies, Desertions, Solitarines, Deserts, Woods, Mountaines, Fennes, Riuers, Seas, Flights, Fights: wilde Beasts, wilder Serpents, wildest Men, and straight passages beyond all names of wildnesse (those Magellan Straits succeeded by drowning, fainting, freesing, betraying, beating, staruing, hanging Straits) haue in various successions made the subject of their working: whom God yet deliuered, that out of his manifold paines, thou maist gather this posie of pleasures, and learne to bee thankefull for thy natiue sweets at home, euen delights in the multitude of peace. [ 30]

CHAP. VI.

Master THOMAS CANDISH his discourse of his fatall and disastrous voyage towards the South Sea, with his many disaduentures in the Magellan Straits and other places; written with his owne hand to Sir TRISTRAM GORGES his Executor.

MOst louing friend, there is nothing in this world that makes a truer triall of friend∣ship, [ 40] then at death to shew mindfulnesse of loue and friendship, which now you shall make a perfect experience of: desiring you to hold my loue as deare dying poore, as if I had beene most infinitely rich. The successe of this most vnfortu∣nate action, the bitter torments thereof lye so heauie vpon mee, as with much paine am I able to write these few lines, much lesse to make discouerie vnto you of all the aduerse haps, that haue befallen me in this voyage, the least whereof is my death: but because you shall not be ignorant of them, I haue appointed some of the most sensiblest men that I left behinde me, to make discourse vnto you of all these accidents. I haue made a simple will, wherein I haue made you sole, and onely disposer of all such little, as is left.

The Roe-bucke left me in the most desolate case that euer man was left in, what is become of * 1.401 [ 50] her I cannot imagine: if shee bee returned into England, it is a most admirable matter; but if shee bee at home, or any other of my goods whatsoeuer returne into England, I haue made you onely Possessor of them. And now to come to that villaine that hath beene the death of me, and the decay of this whole action, I meane Dauis, whose onely treacherie in running from me, hath * 1.402 beene an vtter ruine of all: if any good returne by him, as euer you loue mee, make such friends as he of all others, may reape least gaine. I assure my selfe you will bee carefull in all friendship, of my last requests. My debts which be owing be not much, &c. But I (most vnfortunate vil∣laine) was matched with the most abiect minded and mutinous companie, that euer was carried out of England by any man liuing. For I protest vnto you, that in going to the Streits of * 1.403 Magellan, after I was passed to the Southward of the Riuer of Plate, and had hidden the furie of [ 60] stormes, which indeed I thinke to bee such as worser might not bee indured: I neuer made my course to the Straits-ward, but I was in continuall danger by my companie, which neuer cea∣sed to practise and mutinie against me. And hauing gotten the appointed place called Port De∣sire, * 1.404 I met with all my companie, which had beene there twentie dayes before me: and had not

my most true friends beene there (whom to name my heart bleedes) I meane my cousin Locke, I had been constrayned either to haue suffered violence, or some other most disordered misse-hap. I came into this Harbour with my Boat, my ships riding without at Sea: where I found the Roe∣bucke, the Desire, and the Pinnace, all which complayned vnto mee, that the Tyde ranne so vio∣lently, as they were not able to ride, but were driuen aground, and wished me in any wise not to come in with my ship, for that if shee should come on ground, shee would be vtterly cast away: which I knew to be most true.

And finding it to bee no place for so great a ship without her vtter ruine: I forthwith com∣manded them, to make themselues readie to depart: they being fresh, and infinitely well relee∣ued with Seales and Birds, which in that place did abound, and my companie being growne [ 10] weake and feeble, with continuall watching, pumping, and bayling. For I must say truly vnto you, there were neuer men that endured more extremities of the Seas, then my poore companie had done. Such was the furie of the West South-west, and South-west windes, as wee were * 1.405 driuen from the shoare foure hundred leagues, and constrayned to beate from fiftie degrees to the Southward into fortie to the Northward againe, before wee could recouer neere the shoare. In which time, we had a new shift of sailes cleane blowne away, and our ship in danger to sinke in the Sea three times: which with extremitie of mens labour wee recouered. In this weaknesse, wee departed for the Straits, being from that Harbour eight leagues, and in eighteene dayes, * 1.406 wee got the Straits: in which time, the men in my ship were growne extreamly weake. The other ships companie were in good case, by reason of their late reliefe. [ 20]

And now we had beene almost foure moneths betweene the coast of Brasile, and the Straights, being in distance not aboue sixe hundred leagues, which is commonly run in twentie or thirtie dayes: but such was the aduersenesse of our fortunes, that in comming thither wee spent the Summer, and found in the Straits, the beginning of a most extreame Winter, not durable for * 1.407 Christians. In despight of all stormes and tempests, so long as wee had ground to anchor in, and Tydes to helpe vs, we beate into the Straits some fiftie leagues, hauing (for the most part) the * 1.408 windes contrarie. At length being forced by the extremitie of stormes, and the narrownesse of the Straits (being not able to turne wind ward no longer) we got into an Harbour, where wee rid from the eighteenth day of Aprill, till the tenth of May: in all which time, wee neuer had other then most furious contrarie windes. And after that the moneth of May was come in, no∣thing [ 30] but such flights of Snow, and extremities of Frosts, as in all the time of my life, I neuer saw any to be compared with them.

This extremitie caused the weake men (in my ship onely) to decay; for in seuen or eight dayes, in this extremitie there dyed fortie men, and sickened seuentie, so that there were not fif∣tie * 1.409 men that were able to stand vpon the hatches. I finding this miserable calamitie to fall vpon me, and found that besides the decay of my men, and expence of my victuall, the snow and frost decayed our sailes, and tackle, and the contagiousnesse of the place to bee such, for extremitie of * 1.410 frost and snow, as there was no long staying, without the vtter ruine of vs all. What by these extremities, and the daily decay of my men, I was constrayned forth with to determine some course, and not (for all this extremitie of weather) to tarrie there any longer. [ 40]

Vpon this, I assembled my companie together, and shewed them that my intention was to * 1.411 goe for China, and that there were two wayes thither, the one through the Straits, the other by the way of Caput bone spei; which course shewed them, as was well knowne to mee, as the way I had vndertaken. And although that fortune had denyed vs this passage, yet I doubted not, but soone to recouer to this Cape, where I shewed them, I made no doubt, but we should releeue our selues, and performe to their contents our intended voyage. These perswasions with many others, which I vsed, seemed to content them for the present: but they were no sooner gone from me, but forthwith all manner of discontents were vnripped amongst themselues, so that to goe that way, they plainly and resolutely determined neuer to giue their willing consents. Some of the best and honestest sort hearing this their resolution, wished them rather to put vp a supplica∣tion to me, then thus priuately among themselues to mutinie and murmur, which course might [ 50] cause an vtter ruine to fall vpon them all: affirming, that they knew me to be so reasonable, as I would not refuse to heare their petition. Vpon this, they framed an humble supplication vnto me (as they termed it) the effect whereof was: That first they protested, to spend their liues most wil∣lingly for my sake, and that their loue was such to me, as their chiefest care was for mee, and they grieued very much to see mee put on a resolution, which (as they supposed) would be the end of my life, which was their greatest griefe. And next their owne liues would immediately follow, both by reason of the length of the course, all which they must performe without reliefe. And further, we had not left foure moneths victuall, which might very well be spent in running a course not halfe so long. But if it would please me to returne againe for the Coast of Brasile (where they knew, my force being together, was able to take any [ 60] place) there we might both prouide victuall to returne againe, and furnish our selues of all other such wants, as these extremities had brought vpon vs, and at a seasonable time returne againe, and so per∣forme our first intention.

Now, I knowing their resolution, and finding, that in some things their reasons were not

vaine, began more seriously to looke into all my wants. First, I found my greatest decay to bee in ropes, and sailes, wherein (by meanes of such mightie extremities) I was vtterly vnfurnish∣ed, for I lost a new shift of sailes comming thither; and further the Desire had bidden the like extremitie, which I furnished: so as I had left no store at all: for no ships carry three new shifts of sailes, all which, had beene little enough for me: and last of all, our victuals to be most short, I was to fall into consideration what to doe. I knew well that the windes were such, and so con∣tinually against vs, as by no meanes it was possible to passe through: for the violent snowes were such, as in two dayes together we should not be able to see fiue houres, the place not a league * 1.412 ouer in breadth, our ships not to be handled in such extremitie of winde: no, nor Canuas to hold the furie of the winde, our men so weake, as of one hundred and fiftie men, I had not in my ship [ 10] fiftie in health. And this ship comming with all her companie, was like three times to haue been vpon the shoare, by reason of her vnyarie workings. These causes made mee vtterly despaire of any passage at this season: so I resolued the companie I would put out of the Harbour, and beat to get through, so long as the furious and westerly windes would suffer vs: but if they came vpon vs, so as we could not hold it vp, wee would then beare vp againe, and so (according to their request) goe for the Coast of Brasile, which they so much seemed to desire, and I so much hated.

But in truth I was forced to take that way, for that there was no place, where this ship could come into, to tarry out a winter. For Port Saint Iulian is a barred Harbour, ouer which two of my ships would not goe; and Port Desire hath neither wood, nor water: and besides that, the * 1.413 [ 20] Tyde runneth so extremely, as it is not possible for anchors to hold, the ground being so bad. But the last cause of all to be considered, was the sicknesse of my men, hauing no clothes to defend them from the extreme cold. These causes, and their ardent desires of being out of the cold, moo∣ued me to goe backe againe, for that most wicked Coast of Brasile, where I incountred all manner of misfortunes, which as I haue vnripped these former, so I will briefly declare the latter.

We were beaten out of the Strait with a most monstrous storme at West South-west, from which place we continued together, till we came in the latitude of fortie seuen, in which place * 1.414 Dauis in the Desire, and my Pinnasse lost me in the night, after which time I neuer heard of them, but (as I since vnderstood) Dauis his intention was euer to run away. This is Gods will, that I should put him in trust, that should be the end of my life, and the decay of the whole action. For [ 30] had not these two small ships parted from vs, we would not haue miscarried on the coast of Bra∣sile: for the onely decay of vs was, that we could not get into their barred Harbours. What be∣came of these small ships, I am not able to iudge, but sure, it is most like, they went backe againe for Port Desire, a place of reliefe, for two so small ships. For they might lye on ground there without danger, and being so few men, they might releeue them selues with Seales, and Birds, and so take a good time of the yeere, and passe the Streits. The men in these small ships were all lustie, and in health: wherefore the likelier to hold out. The short of all is this: Dauis his onely intent was vtterly to ouerthrow me, which he hath well performed.

These ships being parted from vs, wee little suspecting any treacherie, the Roe-bucke and my selfe, held our course for Brasile, and kept together, till wee came in the latitude of thirtie sixe, [ 40] where we incountred the most grieuous storme, that euer any Christians indured vpon the Seas to liue, in which storme we lost companie. Wee with most extreme labour, and great danger, * 1.415 got the Coast of Brasile, where we were fifteene dayes, and neuer heard of the Roe-bucke. Wee came to an anchor in the Bay of Saint Vincent, and being at an anchor there, the Gentlemen de∣sired mee to giue them leaue to goe ashoare, to some of the Portugals Farme-houses, to get some * 1.416 fresh victuals, which I granted: willing them to make present returne, knowing very well, the whole Countrie was not able to prejudice them, if they willingly would not indanger them∣selues. They went to a Sugar mill hard by mee where I rode (for that was my speciall charge, that they should neuer goe a mile from the ship) where they got some victuall, and came aboard againe very well. [ 50]

The next day in the morning betimes, an Indian came vnto me with Captaine Barker; which Indian ran away from his Master, at my last being there: this Sauage knew all the Countrie. He came vnto me, and said, that beyond a Point, not a Culuering shot off, there was a very rich farme-house, and desired ten or twelue men to goe thither. Captaine Barker being one whom I most trusted in the conduction of men, and (who euer was the most carefull in such matters of seruice) I appointed to goe, and to take some twentie or thirtie men with him: and willed him (as he had any respect or regard of my commandement) not to stay, but to come presently away, finding any thing or nothing. He forth with tooke fiue and twentie men of the most principall men in the ship, and then your cousin Stafford would by no meanes bee left behinde. They de∣parted by foure of the clocke in the morning, so as I did not see their companie. But what should [ 60] I write more then this vnto you? they were all such, as neither respected me, nor any thing that I commanded. Away they went, and by one of the clocke, they sent my Boat againe with Ginny wheat, and sixe Hennes, and a small Hogge. I seeing no returne againe of the companie (for they had sent away the Boat onely with men to row her aboard) was very much grieued, and

presently returned the Boat againe with message: That I much maruailed they would tarry at a place so long, with so few men; and further, that it was not a Hogge, and sixe Hennes could re∣leeue vs: and seeing there was no other reliefe to bee had, I charged them straightly to come a∣board presently. Thus hauing dispatched away my Boat for them, I still expected their present comming aboard: all that night, I heard nothing of them, the next morning I shot Ordnance, yet I saw no Boat come. Then I waighed anchor, and made aboard into the Bay, yet for all this, I heard nothing of them: then I doubted with my selfe very greatly, knowing there were no meanes left to make any manifester signes to them to hasten away. All that day I heard nothing of them, in the euening I set sailes againe, and ran into the shoare: all that night I heard no newes of them. [ 10]

The next morning, I saw an Indian come downe to the Sea-side, and weaued vnto the ship: we being desirous to heare some newes, caused a raft to be made, for Boat wee had none, and sent it ashoare, and set the Indian aboard. When we saw him, we found him to bee our owne Indian, * 1.417 which had escaped away, being soare hurt in three places: who told vs, that all the rest of our men were slaine with three hundred Indians, and eightie Portugals, which (in the euening) set vpon them suddenly. Then I demanded, why they came not aboard? the Indian answered mee, that some were vnwilling to come, and the rest, did nothing but eate Hennes and Hogs, which they had there in abundance, and that they minded nothing to come aboard. I leaue you to iudge, in what griefe I was, to see fiue and twentie of my principall men thus basely and wilfully cast away: but I leaue you to inquire of others, the practises of these men, lest in writing vnto you [ 20] it should be thought I did it of malice, which (I protest) is farre from me, they being now dead, and my selfe looking imminently to follow them.

Thus I was left destitute of my principall men, and a Boat, and had I not (by great hap the day before) taken an old Boat from the Portugals, I had beene vtterly vndone. This Boat I sent to an Iland fifteene leagues off, to see if they could heare any newes of the rest of my ships: shee returned within eight dayes, all which time I remayned without a Boat. Thus I was sixe dayes before I heard newes of any of my consorts. The seuenteenth day came in the Roe-bucke, hauing * 1.418 spent all her Masts, but their Mison, their Sailes blowne cleane away, and in the most miserable case that euer ship was in: all which misse-haps falling vpon me, and then missing my small ships wherein (vpon that Coast) consisted all my strength, hauing no Pinnaces nor great Boats left to * 1.419 [ 30] land my men in, for they were all cast away going to the Strait. I (notwithstanding the want of Boats and Pinnaces) determined rather then not to bee reuenged of so base Dogs, to venture the ships to goe downe the Riuer afore their Towne, and to haue beaten it to the ground, which forthwith I put in execution. And hauing gotten downe halfe the way, wee found the Riuer so narrow by reason of a shoald, as all the companie affirmed plainly, it was both desperate and most dangerous. For the Riuer is all Ose, and if a ship come aground, it is vnpossible euer to get off, for there riseth not aboue a foot water, and no anchors will hold to hale off any my ships, in so narrow a place, as we were almost aground in wending.

Seeing this apparant danger, I forthwith bare vp out of the Riuer, where we escaped no small danger to get well out, for we had not little more water then we drew: and if shee had come a∣ground, [ 40] it had beene vnpossible euer to haue gotten her off. By these meanes of not passing the Riuer, we were constrayned to let our reuenge passe: for our Boats were so bad and small, as wee durst put no men in them. Notwithstanding wee landed, and did them much spoile vpon their Farme-houses, and got some quantitie of fresh victuals. This place being not for vs, considering our ships were not able to passe to their Towne; and further our great wants did constraine vs to seeke some course of reliefe, which being not to bee had there, both for that wee had spoyled it a little before, and also for that we could not conueniently come to doe them any preiudice, with∣out most losse to our selues: I determined to part from thence, and to goe to a small Iland some * 1.420 twentie leagues off, and there to haue fitted all my necessaries, and to haue cast off the Roe-bucke, for that by no meanes her wants could by mee bee furnished, and so at a seasonable time, to haue gone for the Straits of Magellan againe. [ 50]

Which intention (I must confesse) I kept most secret, for feare of some mutinie, but shewed * 1.421 the whole Companie, that I would goe for Saint Helena, where wee should meet with the Car∣racks: which course I well knew did not much please them; for they desired nothing more then returning home into England, and if I had but named the Straits, they would forthwith haue fal∣len into a most extreme mutinie: for such were the miseries and torments they had indured, as all the best sort had taken an oath vpon a Bible, to die rather then euer to yeeld their consents to goe backe that way againe. I knowing this, seemed to speake nothing of that course, but com∣forting their despairing mindes as well as I might, seeing their greatest griefe was for the wants of the small ships, without which, they all affirmed (and that truly) wee were able to doe no∣thing. [ 60] For the Ports where their Townes stand, were all barred Harbours, and that it was not * 1.422 poss••ble to get any of these ships ouer them, whereby we could releeue our selues of such wants, as we were in. These things being alleaged, I seemed to passe ouer as slightly as might be, but yet comforted them, that we would presently seeke some place of reliefe with all speede.

There was a Portugall aboord me, who tooke vpon him to be a Pilot, who came vnto me, and told me vpon his life, that he would take vpon him to carry both my Shippes ouer the barre * 1.423 at Spiritus Sanctus, a place indeede of great reliefe, and the onely place in Brasile for victuall, and all other wants, that we were in. I knowing very well, that if I could bring my Shippes within shot of the Towne, I should land my men, and further, it could not be in them to make resi∣stance. The whole company desired this course, affirming that there was no way left to relieue all our wants but this: and that there they were in hope to finde some Shippes, to repaire the Roe-bucke againe. I finding their willingnesse, and charging the Portugall vpon his life, to tell me truely, whither the Ships might passe ouer the barre without danger; he willed me to take his life, if euer the Shippes came in lesse water then fiue fathome, with such constant affirmations [ 10] as he desired not to liue, if he should not performe this. I considering the greatnesse of our wants, and knowing right well, the place to be the onely wished Towne on all the coast to relieue vs, forthwith gaue my consent, and thither we went, leauing all other intentions. We anchored before the barre, and sent my Boate to sound the barre, and found the deepest water to be but fifteene and seuenteene foote (the Portugall himselfe going with them, all ouer the bar) the most water to be but three fathome. They comming aboord, brought me word of the truth, I cal∣led * 1.424 for the Portugall, ••nd demanded of him why he had so lied vnto me? who affirmed that he neuer sounded the barre before, and that he had brought in Ships of 100. tuns, and that he made accompt, there had not bin lesse water then fiue fathome.

This mis-hap was no small amazement to me, and all the company, considering our distresse for water and other necessaries, and that the roade was so ill, as we were scant able to ride there, so [ 20] as we could neither take in water, nor doe any other businesse. In this meane time while wee were scanning of these matters, the Roe-buckes Boate rowing further into the Baye, saw where three Shippes were at an anker, not farre from ••he Towne, and came aboord, and brought mee word thereof: at which newes the Companie seemed much to reioyce, and all affirmed * 1.425 that they would goe with our Boates, and bring them out of the harbour. I shewed them how much the taking of them imported vs, and told them, that although the day was spent, yet I thought the night not to be altogether inconuenient, if they would put on mindes to performe it. Resolutely my reasons were these: first they were not so sufficiently prouided to defend [ 30] themselues at that instant, as they would be in the morning; and further I told them, that if * 1.426 they were not able to defend them, they would take the principall and best things out of them, being so neere the shoare, and that if they had where with to defend themselues, it would be lesse offensiue to vs in the night, then in the day, and we in greatest securitie, and more offensiue to the enemy, especially this exploit being to be done on the water, not landing.

These perswasions seemed a little to moue them, for they all desired to stay till morning: yet some of them prepared themselues. Comming amongst them, I found them, all, or for the most part vtterly vnwilling to goe that night: vpon which occasion (I confesse) I was much moued, and gaue them some bitter words, and shewed them our case was not to make detractions, but to take that opportunitie which was offered vs, and not to feare a night more then a day, and told them plainely, that in refusing of this, I could stay there no longer, for ouer the barre we could not goe, and the roade so dangerous, as neuer Shippes rid in a worse. And further, we saw [ 40] all the Countrey to be fired round about, and that to land we could not without vtter spoile to vs all, for our Boates were naught; and further, we could by no meanes be succoured by our Shippes, so as I intended to depart. The next morning, there was almost an vproare amongst * 1.427 them, the most of them swearing that if I would not giue them leaue, they would take the Boats and bring away those Shippes of themselues. I comming among them, beganne to reprehend them for their rashnesse, and told them that now all opportunity was past, and that they must be contented, for goe they should not. They much importuned me, and some of the chiefest of them desired me with teares in their eyes, that they might goe, affirming, that there was no danger to be feared at all; for if they were not able to take them, they would returne againe, [ 50] and that to depart without attempting to doe this, was a thing that most greatly grie∣ued them.

I knowing right well, that if they landed not they could receiue no preiudice: for if their Ships had beene able to withstood them, it was in their power to goe from them, being starke calme. And further I knew that no Shippes vse Brasile that be able to defend themselues from a Cock-boate: much lesse that they should be of force to offend those Boates, wherein there were so many Musketteeres as could sit one by another. I seeing their great importunitie, was con∣tented to giue them leaue to goe: and this was my charge to Captaine Morgaine (to whom at that present I left my directions) that first, vpon paine of his life, he should not land at all what opportunitie soeuer was offered; and that if he saw any danger in comming to these Shippes, [ 60] he should attempt no further, but returne aboord againe; but contrariwise, if he saw that the * 1.428 place was such, as we might land without too much disaduantage, and if we might land on plain ground, free from woods or b••shes, hard before the Towne, that then he would presently repaire vnto me againe, and I, and so many as these bad Boates would carrie, would presently land vp∣on them.

Thus my Boates departed from me, hauing some eightie men, as well furnished with wea∣pons, as it is possible to sort such a number withall. Now you shall vnderstand, that in the night the Portugals had hailed the Shippes hard afore the Towne: the Riuer where the Towne stood was not aboue a Bird-bolt-shot ouer, and halfe a mile from the Towne where the Shippes rode: the night wee came in, they had new cast vp two small trenches, on each side the Riuer one, * 1.429 where they had planted some two small bases a peece vpon an hill. Right ouer them were thicke woods, and great rockes, so that if any were possessed of them, they might but tumble stones downe, and beate away 1000. men. The trench on the Wester-side of the Riuer shot at our Boats, once or twice; vpon that they began to thinke with themselues what to doe, Captaine Mor∣gan affirming the place to be verie narrow, and that they could not well passe it without danger, considering the many men in their Boats, and also the charge which I had giuen, was such, if [ 10] they saw any danger, they should presently repaire aboord, and certifie me, and not to passe any further, till they had vnderstood my further determination: This Master Morgan made knowne * 1.430 amongst them, whereupon some of the harebraine Sailers began to sweare, that they neuer thought other, but that he was a coward, and now he will shew it, that durst not land vpon a bable ditch, as they tearmed it. Vpon this, the gentleman was very much moned, and answe∣swered them, that they should finde him to be none such as they accounted him, and that, come what could happen him, he would land.

Vpon this, in they put the Boats betweene the two sconses (that on the Easter-side they had * 1.431 not seene) and the Boats being hard vpon it, were shot at, and in the biggest Boat they hurt two, and killed one with that shot. Vpon this, they determined, that the smallest Boate with their [ 20] company should land on the Wester-side, and the other to land on the Easter-side. The small Boate landed first, and that place hauing but few in it, they being not able to defend themselues, ranne away, so that our men entred peaceably without hurt of any. The other Boate drawing much water, was aground before they came neere the shoare, so as they that landed, were faine to wade aboue knee high in water. Now the place, or Sconse, was in height some ten foote, made of stone (Captaine Morgan more resolutely then discreetely) scaled the wall, and ten more with him, which went out of the Boate together. Then the Indians and Portugals shewed themselues, * 1.432 and with great stones from ouer the trench, killed Morgan and fiue more, and the rest of them be∣ing sore hurt, retired to the Boate, which by this time was so filled with Indian arrowes, as of 45. men being in the Boate, there escaped not eight of them vnhurt, some hauing three arrowes stick∣ing * 1.433 [ 30] in them, some two, and there was none which escaped without wound. The furie of those ar∣rowes comming so thicke, and so many of them being spoiled, they put the Boat from the shoare, leauing the rest on land, a spoile for the Indians.

By this time, there came two Boates full of lustie Portugals, and some Spaniards, who know∣ing the sconse on the Wester-side to be weakely manned, came with their Boates to the forts side: one of them ran ashoare which was fullest of men, then our men let flye their Muskets at them, and spoiled and killed all that were in that Boate. The others, seeing their fellowes speede so ill, rowed backe againe, with all their force, and got the Town againe. In this meane time the great Boat being gotten of, they called to them in the Sconse, and willed them to forsake the Fort, and to come and helpe them; for they told them that all their men were spoiled & slaine. [ 40] Vpon this they strait came out of the Sconse againe, and retired to their Boat; who rushing in all together into the Boat, she came on ground, so that off they could not get her, but some must goe out of her againe: tenne of the Iustiest men went out, and by that time the Indians were come downe into the Fort againe, and shot at our men. They which were a land (perceiuing the ar∣rowes * 1.434 flye among them) ranne againe to the Forts side, and shot in at the lower hold with their Muskets. By this, the Boat was got of, and one that was the Master of the Roe-bucke (a most cow∣ardly villaine that euer was borne of a woman) caused them in the Boat to rowe away, and so * 1.435 left those braue men a spoile for the Portugals, yet they waded vp to the necks in the water to them, but those mercilesse villaines in the Boate, would haue no pitty on them. Their excuse was, that the Boat was so full of water, that had they come in, she would haue sunke with all them [ 50] in her; thus vilely were those poore men lost.

By this time, they which were landed on the other side (the great Boate not being able to rowe neere the shoare to relieue them) were killed with stones by the Indians, being thus wil∣fully and vndiscreetely spoiled, which you may well perceiue, if you looke into their landing, especially in such a place, as they could not escape killing with stones. They returned aboord a∣gaine, hauing lost fiue and twenty men, whereof tenne of them were left ashoare, in such sort * 1.436 as I haue shewed you. When the Boates came to the Shippes side, there were not eight men in the biggest Boate, which were not most grieuously wounded. I demanded of them the cause of their mishappes, and how they durst land, considering my strait commandement to the contrarie; they answered mee, that there was no fault in Captaine Morgan, but the [ 60] greatest occasion of all this spoile to them, happened vpon a controuersie betweene the Cap∣taine and those Souldiers that landed with him, and were killed at the Fort, for their ill speeches and vrging of Captaine Morgan, was the cause that hee landed contrary to my com∣mandement,

and vpon such a place, as they all confessed fortie men were sufficient to spoile fiue hundred.

I leaue it to your selfe to iudge, what a sight it was to mee, to see so many of my best men, thus wilfully spoiled, hauing not left in my Shippe fiftie sound men: so as wee were no more then able to waye our Ankers, which (the next morning) wee did, and finding it calme wee were constrained to come to an Anker againe; for my onely intention was, to get out of that bad roade, and to put of into the Sea, and there to determine what to doe, for that place was not for vs to tarrie in, for the roade was so bad, as wee were not able to helpe our selues with a Boates loading of fresh water, whereof wee stood in no small want. In this dayes stay in the Roade, I comforted these distressed poore men, what I might, and found most of their desires, to returne againe into England. I let them vnderstand, [ 10] how wee would goe backe againe to the Iland of Saint Sebastian, and there wee would water, and doe our other necessary businesses, and there make a resolute determination of the rest of * 1.437 our proceedings. This course seemed to like them all very well, but the companie in the Roe-bucke, instantly desired nothing more, then to returne home, all affirming, that it was pittie such a Shippe should be cast of. But in truth, it was not of any care of the Shippe, but onely of a most cowardly minde of the Master, and the chiefest of the company to re∣turne home.

Now you shall vnderstand that the Captaine was verie sicke, and since the time that the Ship lost her Ma〈…〉〈…〉s, she became the most laboursome Ship that euer did swimme on the Sea, so as he was not able to indure in her, and at that present he lay aboord my Shippe, so as there was none [ 20] of any trust, or accompt left in her. But such was the case of that Shippe (being without sailes, masts, or any manner of tackle) as in the sense & iudgement of any man liuing, there did not liue that desperate minded man in the world, which (in that case she was then in) would haue ven∣tured to haue sailed in her halfe so farre as England: and if she doe returne, it is (in my opinion) the most admirable returne that euer Ship made, being so farre of, and in her case. These villaines hauing left in my Ship, all their hurt men, and hauing aboord of them both my Surgeans, I, ha∣uing not one in mine owne Shippe, which knew how to lay a plaster to a wound, much lesse to cure any by salues: and further, hauing in their Shippe three times the proportion of my victuall (wherein consisted the onely reliefe and comfort of all my company) these most [ 30] hard harted villaines, determined that night amongst themselues, to loose mee at their next conuenient time they could espie, and in this case to goe for England, leauing vs in * 1.438 the greatest distresse that euer one Christian left another in: for wee had all her hurt men in vs, and we had taken out of her the best part of her men not long before: so as in running from vs, they not onely carried away our Surgeans, and all their prouision, but also our victuall, wherein consisted all our reliefe and comfort: hauing in them at their departure but six and fortie men, carrying away with them the proportion for six moneths victuall of one hundred and twenty men at large.

I leaue you to consider of this part of theirs, and the miserable case I was left in, with so many hurt men, so little victuall, and my Boate being so bad, as sixe or seuen men continually bailing [ 40] water, were scant able to keepe her from sinking; and mend her we could not by any meanes, before we recouered some shoare: for had not these villaines in the Roe-bucke (that night wee rode in this Baye) suffered their Boate to run ashoare with Irish men (which went to betray vs) I had taken her Boate, and sunke this great naughtie Boate. Such was the greatnesse of our mis∣haps, as we were not left with the comfort and hope of a Boate to relieue our selues withall; we not hauing left in the Ship scarse three tuns of water for 140. men, the most part whereof being hurt and sicke. We putting out of the road the next day, they, the same night in this case left vs, * 1.439 and (as I suppose) they could not accompt otherwise, then that wee should neuer againe be heard of.

The next morning looking for the Roe-bucke, we could no where be seene. I leaue to you to [ 50] iudge in what plight my companie was, being now destitute of Surgeans, victuals, and all other reliefe; which in truth was so great a discomfort vnto them, as they held themselues dead men, as well whole as hurt. The scantnesse of water made vs that we could not seeke after them, but were inforced to seeke to this Iland, with all possible speede, hauing to beate backe againe thither two hundred leagues: which place, God suffered vs to get with our last caske water, the poore * 1.440 men being most extreamly pinched for want thereof. Where (after we had a little refreshed our selues) we presently mended our Boat in such sort, as with great labour and danger, we brought fortie tunnes of water aboord. And in the meane time searching our store of ropes, tackle, and sailes, we found our selues vtterly vnfurnished both of ropes and sailes: which accident pleased the company not a little, for by these wants, they assuredly accounted to goe home. Then making a suruay of the victuall, we found to be remaining in the Shippe (according to the rate we then * 1.441 [ 60] liued at) foureteene weekes victuals large.

Hauing rigged our Shippes in such sort, as our small store would furnish vs, which was most meanely, for we had but foure sailes (our sprite-saile, and foretoppe-saile being wanting)

which two, the Ship (most principally loueth) and those which we had (except her maine saile) were more then halfe worne. In this poore case being furnished, and our water taken in, my com∣pany knowing my determination (which was to haile my Boate a ground, and build her a new) they forth with openly began to murmure, and mutinie: affirming plainely, that I neede not * 1.442 mend the Boate, for they would goe home, and then, there should be no vse of her. I, hearing these speeches, thought it was now time to looke amongst them, calling them together, and told them, that although we had many mishaps fallen vpon vs, yet (I hoped) that their mindes would not in such sort be ouercome with any of these misfortunes, that they would goe about to vndertake any base, or disordered course; but that they would cheerefully goe forward, to attempt either to make themselues fa∣mous, * 1.443 in resolutely dying, or in liuing, to performe that, which would be to their perpetuall reputation: And the more we attempted, being in so weake a case, the more (if we performed) would be to our ho∣nours. [ 10] But contrariwise, if we dyed in attempting, we did but that which we came for, which was either to performe or dye.

And then I shewed them my determination, to goe againe for the Straits of Magellanus: which words were no sooner vttered, but forthwith they ••ll with one consent affirmed plainly, they would neuer goe that way againe; and that they would rather stay ashoare in that desart Iland, then in such case to goe for the Straits. I sought by peaceable meanes to perswade them, shewing them that in going that way, we should relieue our victuals, by salting of Seales, and Birds: which (they did well know) we might doe in greater quantitie, then our Ship could carry. And further, if we got through the Strait (which we might now easily performe, considering we had the chiefest part of Summer before vs) we could not but make a most rich Voyage, and also meete againe with the two small [ 20] Ships which were gone from vs: and that it was but six hundred leagues thither; and to goe into England they had two thousand. And further that they should be most infamous to the world, that being within six hundred leagues of the place, which we so much desired, to returne home againe so farre, being most infamous and beggerly. These perswasions tooke no place with them, but most boldly, they all af∣firmed, that they had sworne, they would neuer goe againe to the Straits; neither by no meanes would they.

And one of the chiefest of their faction, most proudly and stubbornely vttered these words to my face, in presence of all the rest: which I seeing, and finding mine owne faction to be so weake (for there were not any that fauoured my part, but my poore cousen Locke, and the Master of the * 1.444 Ship) I tooke this bold companion by the bosome, and with mine owne hands put a rope about [ 30] his necke, meaning resolutely to strangle him, for weapon about me I had none. His companions seeing one of their chiefe champions in this case, & perceiuing me to goe roundly to worke with him, they all came to the Master, and desired him to speake; affirming they would be ready to take any course that I should thinke good of. I, hearing this, stayed my selfe, and let the fellow goe: after which time, I found them something conformable, at least in speeches, though among themselues they still murmured at my intentions. Thus hauing something pacified them, and per∣swaded them, that by no meanes I would take no other course, then to go for the Straits, I tooke ashoare with me thirtie Soldiers, and my Carpenters, carrying foureteene dayes victuall with me for them. Thus going ashoare, I hailed vp my Boate, to new build her in such sort, as she might [ 40] bee able to abide the Seas, leauing aboord all my sailers, and the rest, to rigge the Ship, and mend sailes, and to doe other businesse.

And now to let you know, in what case I lay ashoare among these base men, you shall vnder∣stand, that of these thirtie there were v••rie few of them, which had not rather haue gone to the Portugals, then to haue remained with me; for there were some, which at my being ashoare, were making rafts to goe ouer to the maine, which was not a mile ouer, where the Portugals had con∣tinuall watch of vs, looking but for a fit opportunity to set vpon vs: being in this case, alwaies expecting the comming of the Portugals, against whom I could haue made no resistance, and fur∣ther the trecherie of some of my companie, which desired nothing more, then to steale ouer, so to betray me, I protest, I liued hourly, as he that still expecteth death. In this case I made all the speed I could to make an end of my Boate, that we might be able to rowe her aboord, which in twelue [ 50] daies we mainely finished, which being done, I came aboord, and found all my businesse in good forwardnesse: so I determined with all possible speede to dispatch, and be gone for the Straits of Magellane.

But ere euer we could get in all our water, and timber-wood, and other necessaires an Irish man (a noble villaine) hauing made a raft, got ouer to the maine, and told the Portugals which * 1.445 were there (watching nothing but an opportunitie) that if they would goe ouer in the night, they should finde most of our men ashoare, without weapon, and that they might doe with them what they would: vpon this, the next night, they came ouer, and hauing taken some of our men, they brought them where the rest lay, which they most cruelly killed, being [ 60] sicke men, not able to stirre to helpe themselues. Those which were ashoare, more then the sicke men, had stolne out of the Shippe, for it was all my care to keepe them aboord, knowing well, that the Portugals sought to spoile vs, the place being so fit for them, all ouergrowne with woods and bushes, as their Indians might goe and spoile vs with their arrowes at their pleasures,

and we not be able to hurt one of them. In the morning perceiuing their comming, I sent my Boate ashoare, and rescued all my healthfull men, but fiue, which they found out in the night, without weapons to defend them: whereof (besides the losse of our men) we hauing but foure sailes, left one ashoare, which was no small mishap among the rest.

The Portugals went presently againe ouer to the maine, but left their Indians to keepe in the bushes. About the watering-place, our men going ashoare, were shot at, and hurt, and could by no meanes come to hurt them againe, by reason of the wood, and bushes. Wherefore finding my men hurt, and that by no meanes I could doe any thing there, without more losse of men * 1.446 (whereof I had no neede) for I had not abou•• ninetie men left, or little ouer, notwithstanding my wants of wood and water, and my Boate (not being sufficiently mended) was in no possibilitie [ 10] to doe me pleasure, in this case was I forced to depart; fortune neuer ceasing to lay her greatest aduersities vpon me.

But now I am growne so weake and faint, as I am scarce able to hold the penne in my hand: wherefore I must leaue you to inquire of the rest of our most vnhappy proceedings, but know this, that (for the Straits) I could by no meanes, get my company to giue their consents to goe. For after this misfortune, and the want of our sailes (which was a chiefe matter they alleadged) and to tell you truth, all the men left in the Shippe, were no more then able to weigh our ankers. But in truth I desired nothing more, then to attempt that course, rather desiring to dye in going forward, then basely in returning backe againe; but God would not suffer me to dye so happy a man, although I sought all the wayes I could, still to attempt to performe somewhat. For, after [ 20] that by no meanes I saw they could be brought to goe for the Straits, hauing so many reasonable reasons to alleadge against me, as they had: first, hauing but three sailes, and the place subiect to such furious stormes, and the losse of one of these was death: and further, our Boate was not suf∣ficiently repaired, to abide the Seas: and last of all, the fewnesse, and feeblenesse of our company (wherein we had not left thirty sailers) these causes being alleadged against me, I could not well answere: but resolued them plainely, that to England I would neuer giue my consent to goe, and that (if they would not take such courses as I intended) I was then determined, that Shippe and all should sinke in the Seas together. Vpon this, they began to be more tractable, and then I shewed them, that I would beate for Saint Hellena, and there, either to make our selues happy, by mending, or ending. This course (in truth) pleased none of them, and yet seeing my determinati∣on, * 1.447 [ 30] and supposing it would be more danger to resist me, then in seeming to be willing, they were at quiet, vntill I had beaten from 29. degrees, to the Southward of the Aequator to 20. At which time, finding that I was too far Northerly, to haue good winde, I called them to tacke about the Shippe to the Southward againe. They all plainely made answere, they would not, and that they had rather dye there, then be starued in seeking an Iland, which (they thought) that way we should neuer get.

What meanes I vsed to stand againe to the Southward, I leaue you to inquire of themselues: but from the latitude of 20. I beate backe againe into 28. with such contrary windes, as (I suppose) neuer man was troubled with the like, so long a time together. Being in this latitude, I found the winde fauourable, and then I stood againe to the Northward, willing the Master & his com∣pany [ 40] to saile East North-east, and they in the night (I being a sleepe) steered North-east, and meere Northerly. Notwithstanding all this most vile vsage, we got within two leagues of the I∣land, and had the winde fauoured vs so, as that we might haue stemmed from 18. degrees to 16. East North-east, we had found the Iland: but it was not Gods will so great a blessing should be∣fall * 1.448 me. Being now in the latitude of the Iland, almost eighteene leagues to the Westward of it, the winde being continually at East South-east, the most contrary winde that could blow: I presently made a suruay of my victuall, and found, that according to that proportion (which we then liued at) there was not left in the Ship eight weekes victuall; which being so farre from re∣liefe, was (as I suppose) as small a portion, as euer men were at in the Seas. * 1.449

Being so vncertaine of reliefe, I demanded of them, whether they would venture (like good minded men) to beate to the Southward againe, to get this Iland, where we should not onely [ 50] relieue our selues, but also to be in full assurance, either to sinke, or take a Carracke: and that by this meanes, we would haue a sufficient reuenge of the Portugals, for all their villanies done vn∣to v••: or that they would pinch, and ••ate halfe the allowance they had before, and so to goe for England. They all answered me, they would pinch to death, rather then goe to the Southward againe. I knowing their dispositions, and hauing liued among them in such continuall tor∣ment, and disquietnesse; and now to tell you of my greatest griefe, which was the sicknesse of my deare kinsman Iohn Locke, who by this time was growne in great weakenesse, by reason whereof, hee desired rather quietnesse, and contenteduesse in our course, then such continuall disquietnesse, which neuer ceased mee. And now by this, what with * 1.450 [ 60] griefe for him, and the continuall trouble I indured among such hel-hounds, my Spirits were cleane spent; wishing my selfe vpon any desart place in the world, there to dye, rather then thus basely to returne home againe: which course, I had put in execution, had I found an Iland, which the Cardes make to be in 8. degrees to the Southward of the line. I sweare to you, I sought

it with all diligence, meaning (if I had found it) to haue there ended my vnfortunate life. But God suffered not such happinesse to light vpon me, for I could by no meanes finde it, so as I was forced to goe towards England: and hauing gotten eight degrees by North the Line, I lost my most dearest cousin. * 1.451

And now consider, whether a heart made of flesh, be able to indure so many misfortunes, all falling vpon me without intermission. I thanke my God, that in ending of me, he hath pleased to rid me of all further trouble and mis-haps. And now to returne to our priuate matters, I haue made my Will, wherein I haue giuen speciall charge, that all goods (whatsoeuer belong vnto me) * 1.452 be deliuered into your hands. For Gods sake, refuse not to doe this last request for mee, I owe little, that I know of, and therefore it will be the lesse trouble: but if there be any debt, that (of [ 10] truth) is owing by mee, for Gods sake, see it paid. I haue left a space in the Will for another name, and (if you thinke it good) I pray take in my Cousin Henrie Sack••ford. hee will ease you much in many businesses. There is a Bill of Aduenture to my Cousin Richard Locke (if it happen the other ship returne home with any thing, as it is not impossible) I pray remem∣ber him, for he hath nothing to shew for it. And likewise Master Heton the Customer of H••••p∣ton, which is 50. pounds, and one Eliot of Ratcliffe by London, which is 50. pounds more, the rest haue all Bills of aduenture, but the ruine in the victuall, onely two excepted, which I haue written vnto you. I haue giuen Sir George Cary the Desire, if euer shee returne, for I alwayes promised him her, if shee returned, and a little part of her getting, if any such thing happen, I pray you see it performed. [ 20]

To vse complements of loue (now at my last breath) were friuolous, but know: that I left none in England, whom I loued halfe so well as your selfe: which you, in such sort deserued at my hands, as I can by no meanes requite. I haue left all (that little remayning) vnto you, not to be accomptable for any thing. That which you will (if you finde any ouerplus of remayned, your selfe specially being satisfied to your owne desire) giue vnto my sister Anne Candish. I haue written to no man liuing but your selfe, leauing all friends and kinsmen, onely reputing you as * 1.453 dearest. Commend me to both your brethren, being glad, that your brother Edward escaped so vnfortunate a voyage. I pray giue this Copie of my vnhappy proceedings in this Action, to none, but onely to Sir George Cary, and tell him, that if I had thought, the letter of a dead man would haue beene acceptable, I would haue written vnto him. I haue taken order with the Ma∣ster [ 30] of my ship, to see his peeces of Ordnance deliuered vnto him, for hee knoweth them. And if the Roe-bucke bee not returned, then, I haue appointed him to deliuer him two brasse peeces, out of this ship, which I pray see performed. I haue now no more to say but take this last fare∣well. That you haue lost the louingest friend, that was lost by any. Commend mee to your wife, no more, but as you loue God, doe not refuse to vndertake this last request of mine. I pray forget not Master Carey of Cockingto••, gratifie him with some thing: for hee vsed mee kindly at my departure. Beare with this scribling: for I protest, I am scant able to hold a pen in my hand.

CHAP. VII. [ 40]

The admirable aduentures and strange fortunes of Master ANTONIE KNIVET, which went with Master THOMAS CAN∣DISH in his second voyage to the South Sea. 1591.

§. I. [ 50]

What befell in their voyage to the Straits, and after, till he was taken by the Portugals.

WE departed from Plimmouth with fiue saile of ships, determining to goe for the South Sea (the names of our Ships were these) the Gallion Leicester, which was our Admirall; the Roe-bucke, Vice-admirall; the Desire, the Da••tie, and the Blacke Pinnasse. Sixe or seuen dayes after that wee were departed from the [ 60] Coast of England, we met with nineteene saile of Flemmings in the night. Not regarding what they were, our Vice-admirall tooke one of them, and all the rest escaped. In * 1.454 the morning the Master of our Flemmish prize was brought before the Generall, and of him wee had newes of a fleet of ships, that was departed out of Lis••one for Brasile, the which newes we

were very glad of. The Flemmish sh••p was laden with Salt, whereof the Generall tooke three ••unne for his prouision. This Flemming also shewed vs a licence that hee had to passe the Seas, vn••er her Maj st••es hand and seale, the which as our Generall had seene he presently comman∣ded, that euery man should returne all such things as they had taken from the Flemming, and hee himselfe payed for the Salt that he had taken, and so we departed from them with a sa••e winde, holding our cour•••• from the Coast of Portugall to the Ilands of Canaria. Thus in twen••ie dayes we had sight of the said Ilands, which when our Generall knew of ••roth to be the same, he co••∣m••nded his two smallest ships, the Daintie and the Blacke Pinnasse, to be sent along the shoare, to see if they could espie any Caruels fishing, or any ships betweene the Ilands, and not discrying any thing, the next morning they returned backe vnto vs. [ 10]

Vnder the Equinoctiall ••••ne, we lay seuen and twentie dayes driuing too and fro without puffe of winde: In which time most of our men fell sicke of the Scuruie by reason of the extreme heat of the Sunne, and the vapours of the night; notwithstanding our great danger of sicknesse did * 1.455 not appause the hardnesse of our hearts, being in as great extremitie as euer men were, it happe∣ned that two men of Iapon which the Generall had taken in his first voyage (be••ring enuie to a poore Portugall that went with vs from Plimmouth, accused him to the Generall) hauing before * 1.456 conspired his death in this sort: The Generall being at dinner, these two Iaponers came to his Cabb••n, telling their tale so loud that euery one might heare the report (which was thus) that the Portugall of the ship was a Traytor, and that he had often giuen them counsell to run away wi••h him at Brasil: moreouer (quoth he) if it so had pleased God wee had taken the Towne of * 1.457 [ 20] Santos, as our Generall had pretended, from thence that hee would guide them to the South Sea, where they should be well rewarded for their intelligence; vpon the which accusations, the poore Portugall was hanged. And as for his going from Santos by land through America, to the South Sea, had beene a thing impossible, for the Countrie is all Wildernesse, and full of Sauag••s.

After we had beene so long becalmed vnder the Line, we had a faire North-west winde, and in twentie dayes saile we had sight of Land on the coast of Brasile, but no man knew certainly what part it should be. At length comming neere the shoare, we espied two small ships, the one * 1.458 of them we tooke, the other escaped; that wee tooke was laden with Blackamores, and some merchandise; they came from Fernambaquo, and were determined to ••aue gone to the Riuer of Plate. By the Pilot of this ship we knew we were at Cape Frio, that is, Cold Cape. This Cape * 1.459 [ 30] lyeth twelue leagues from the Riuer of Ienero, and thirtie leagues from Santos, which was the Towne we meant to take. In this ship we tooke a Friar that hid himselfe in a Chist of meale; the night following by the directions of our new taken Pilot, wee came to a place called Ilha Grande, twelue leagues from Santos, at this place we tooke fiue or sixe houses with Portugals and Sauages of the Countrie. Here wee had good store of Potatoes, and Plantons, diuers kindes of * 1.460 good rootes, with some Hogs and Hennes, which was very good and comfortable for the refresh∣ing of our men. Here we had such disorder amongst our selues, that if the Portugals had beene of any courage, they might haue killed many of vs, for our men would fight for their victuals as if * 1.461 they had beene n•• Christians but Iewes, and they that got the best, would get them into some [ 40] hole, or into the Wildernesse vnder some Tree, and there they would remaine as long as they had meat. For mine owne part (there was such sha••king) I could in that place get neither meat nor mony, and pure hunger compelled me to goe into the Woods, to see if wee could kill any thing with our p••eces, or if we could finde some Potatoes. And as wee went, wee encountred with se∣uen or eight of our co••panie, that were together, by the 〈…〉〈…〉es abou•• a Hogge they had killed, and the st••ife was, who should▪ haue the best share, we comming in at that time, when euery one vsed their fists, stole away a quarter, and went a good way into the Wildernesse, where we were merry for that night; the next day wee came backe ••g••ine with good store of Potato rootes; and going into the house where the Generals musicians were, wee found them dressing of eight yong Whelpes for their dinner; wee giuing them of our rootes they were contented that wee [ 50] should dine with them.

In the afternoone we set fire on a new ship, and burned all the houses, leauing the Merchant and all his Moores ashoare, we departed from thence, and hauing a faire winde about sixe of the clocke we came to the Iland of San Sebastian, where wee anchored, being fiue leagues from San∣tos. * 1.462 As soone as the ships were in the 〈◊〉〈◊〉, euery Master and Captaine came aboard of the Generall, to know how hee pretended to take the Towne of Santos, and they all resolued that our long Boat and our Shallop onely with one hundred men was enough for the taking of it. F•••• the Portugall Pilot told vs, that it was of no strength. On Christmas-eue about ten a clocke in the night, when the Boats were to goe ashoare there were so many that would ha••e gone, that wee began to fight and cast one another ouer-board into the Sea; but as soone as our Generall * 1.463 heard the noise, he commanded euery man to come aboard the ship againe. I fearing the General, [ 60] and being desirous to goe ashoare with the first (for I had seene before that they which came last got nothing) crept vnder the seate of our Shallop, where I was for the space of two houres, and the Boat being full of men, I could not get out, but there had beene smothered, if it had not

beene for William Waldren that was our Boatsman, and steered the Boat, who hearing me crie vn∣der him, tore vp the boords, and saued my life. About three a clocke in the morning, wee met with a Canoa (which is a Boat that they make of a whole Tree) in which wee tooke foure Por∣tugals and two Women; the one of them was going to be married that morning. After we had taken this Boat we went close to the shoare; and hauing tarried for our Boat an houre, we heard the Portugals ring a Bell, presently Iasper Iorge the Portugall Pilot told vs, that now was the time to land, for he knew by that Bell that they were in the middle of their Masse, and at that instant the Friar was holding vp the Bread of Sacrament before the people to worship it.

He had no sooner spoke, but we were all on shoare, and so marching to the Church, we tooke * 1.464 euery mans sword without resistance, and there we remayned till it was seuen of the clocke, for the comming of our long Boat, and the rest of our companie (for we were but twentie three in all) [ 10] and we durst not take sack of the Towne with so few. By that meanes some of the Portugals that were in their houses escaped with their persons and mony. Here was good store of victuall and great store of Succats, Sugars, and Cassauie meale, of the which wee made very good bread. In the Church there were three hundred men beside women and children. Assoone as wee had ta∣ken the sack of the Towne, and placed all our men in order, word was sent to our Generall of all that had beene done. After the Generall had sent answere againe to the Towne, all the Portu∣gals were set at libertie, and we fortified our selues in the Towne, keeping onely seuen or eight of the chiefest and principall prisoners, Master Cooke Captaine of the Vice-admirall, went Cap∣taine of all the companie that went a••hoare; he fauoured me very much, and commanded mee to take a Friars Cell to lodge in, in the Colledge of Iesus, where hee himselfe lodged with many [ 20] Captaines and young Gentlemen. It was my chance going vp and downe from Cell to Cell, that I looked vnder a bed standing in a darke hole, where I found a little chist fast nayled, and the * 1.465 seames thereof were white with wheat flower. I drew it forth, and finding it of great waight, broke it in pieces, wherein I found 1700. R••als of eight, each whereof contayneth foure shillings English. This hole I tooke for my lodging, and no man knew of my good purchase; cloth, shirts, blankets, and beds, and such stuffe no man regarded.

The next day following, being S. Steuens day, the Portugals gaue vs a false alarum; the Ge∣nerall came also with all the ships into the Road, and presently landed with two hundred men, and commanded all the outward part of the Towne to bee burned. Then hee gaue order for the [ 30] building of a Pinnasse to row with twentie Oares, and commanded all the ships that were in the Harbour to be set on fire. At this Towne we tooke an English man, called Iohn King, which had * 1.466 beene there fifteene yeeres. Our Generall lay in the Colledge of Iesus all the time that we were at Santos. This Colledge had many back-wayes to the Sea-side, and it happened one night, that two Sauages being abused by the Portugals ran away, and knowing the passages of the Colledge, came in the night to the Generals bed-side, and brought with them Turkies and Hennes: The * 1.467 Generall being awaked by them cryed out for helpe. One of them that could speake Portugall, fell downe on his knees, and said, that hee came to cra••••e his fauour; and not to offend him. The morning following the Generall had discourse with these two Sauages, and by them he knew of what strength the Portugals campe was, and how that at his going out of the Towne they were [ 40] determined to giue battaile: likewise they told him of three great bags of mony, and a jarre, that was hid vnder the roote of a Fig tree, and guided vs where we had three hundred head of Cattel, which serued vs all the time we were there.

The Daintie being a small ship made a good voyage to Santos, for shee came in before any of our fleet, by the which meanes they laded her with Sugar, and good commodities of the Portu∣gals ships that were in the Harbour; this ship went voluntarily with vs, and hauing made a good voyage, the Captaine told the Generall that he would returne for England, the Generall answe∣red, * 1.468 that he was determined to send him into the Riuer of Plate, and then with all his heart hee should returne. We continued two moneths at Santos, which was the ouerthrow of our voyage. In the time that we were there many Canibals came vnto vs, desiring the General that he would [ 50] destroy the Portugals, and keepe the Countrie to himselfe, protesting to bee all on his side; the Generall thanked them for their kindnesse, and told them that at that time he had a farther pre∣tence. We found store of gold in this Towne, that the Indians had brought from a place, called by the Indians, Mutinga, and now the Portugals haue mynes there. Many of our companie coun∣selled * 1.469 the Generall to winter at this Towne, but he would not by any meanes.

From our first setting forth from England, till we came to Santos, I had great loue to Christo∣pher the Iapon, because I found his experience to bee good in many things. This Indian and I grew into such friendship one with another, that wee had nothing betwixt vs vnknowne * 1.470 together. I a long time hauing found him true, I told him of the money I had found vnder the Friers bed; with that hee told mee of some money that hee had got, and wee swore to [ 60] part halfe from thenceforth whatsoeuer God should permit vs to obtaine: some foure dayes af∣ter that, when we were ready to depart, he told me that that time of the yeare was past, where∣fore it was best to hide our money in the ground, and remaine in the Countrey. I beleeuing his perswasions, agreed to doe what he thought best; thus we determined both, that the same

day we were to goe a shipboord, that then he should take all the money in a Canoa, and hide it by a Riuer side; in the morning I deliuered all the money into his hands, and he swore that in lesse then two houres he would returne, but I staied aboue fiue houres, and might haue tarried all my life, for he was gone aboord the Ship, afterward by good meanes I got mine owne againe, and so our former friendship was parted. Our men marched by Land from Santos, to another Towne called San Uincent, and in the way our men burned fiue Engenios, or Sugar-mils, the disorder of our men was such at their imbarking, that if the Portugals had beene of any courage, * 1.471 they might easily haue cut our throates, the two Indians which came at night to the Generals chamber went with vs to the Straits.

We departed from Santos, with a faire winde for the Straites of Magellan, fourteene dayes we had faire weather, the fifteenth day all the Masters and Captaines of the fleete comming aboord, [ 10] the Admirall wonne a great summe of money. Two dayes after wee were becalmed, and the Pilotes taking their height, found it to be in the altitude with the Riuer of Plate. And we being farre from the shoare did beare roome for Land, determining to send the Daintie, the Blacke Pin∣nasse, and the into the aforesaid Riuer of Plate, but it was not the will of God that we should execute our pretence. For the same day wee thought to haue descried Land, the winde beganne to blow South-west, and the Seas were very darke, swelling in waues so high, that we * 1.472 could not perceiue any of our accompanied ships, although we were very neere one to another, the Seas brake ouer the Poope of our shippe, and washed our men astonisht with feare into the Skippers, the Roe-bucke in this storme ranne her against our Poope, and brake downe all our Gallerie: all things were cast into the Sea that stood aboue Hatches, heere miserable For∣tune [ 20] began to frowne on vs all, especially on mee, for all that I had, both in clothes and money, were cast into the Sea, all our ship with the Seas that brake ouer her sides. Here our Generall shewed himselfe to bee of a noble courage, for hee did nothing but runne vp and downe encouraging his men which were all amazed, thinking that to bee their last houre, this storme continued three dayes, in which time wee lost most of our sayles blowne away from the yards.

It was the will of God, that after we had been three dayes in the storme, the wind ceased, but the Seas continued so great, that wee were not able to beare any sayle. We lying thus tost with Seas, without sight of any of our fleet, the company murmured, and wished themselues againe at [ 30] Santos, and indeed we al thought that the rest of our company were driuen back with the storme to the Coast, thinking it best for vs to returne againe. The Generall hearing what speeches passed in the shippe, came forth vpon the halfe decke, and commanded all the company to come before him, and after he had heard them speake, he answered that he had giuen directions to all the Ma∣sters and Captaines of the fleete, that what weather soeuer should part them, that they should vse their indeuour to take Port Desire, and that they should tarry a fortnight, so if none of the company came, they should leaue some marke on the shoare, and goe on their Voyage, with that euery man was satisfied, the Generall promising twentie pounds to whomsoeuer could first spie a sayle, we made our course to Port Desire, and in ten dayes we safely arriued at our desired Port, where we found all our fleet but the Daintie, which was no little comfort to vs all, because the * 1.473 time of our yeere was almost past, we stayed here but two dayes taking a few Penguins, from an [ 40] Iland right before Port Desire.

When we came to the mouth of the Straits wee found the winde contrary, and were forced to lye beating before the Harbour of Port Famine, three dayes ere wee could double that Cape, * 1.474 for many times we did cast anchor without the Cape in twentie fathomes water, but on a sud∣den, the current would carrie away the ships with Cables and Anchors afloat in the night, in this current the Roe-bucke driuen with the current, fell crosse ouer the haze, there wee had no o∣ther * 1.475 remedy, but were forced to cut our cables, and so lose our Anchors. In the end with much adoe we doubled the Cape, and got into Port Famine, where wee lay a seuennight for want of winde and weather to goe forward. It the time that wee were at Port Famine, euery day our [ 50] men went on shoáre, to get Muscles and Fruits of the Countrey to eate, and the barke of a tree that was like Sinamon. One day the Boate being ashoare, there came to vs aboue a thousand Canibals naked, with feathers in their hands, but they would not come so neere vs, as we could * 1.476 touch them. If we offered them any thing, they would reach to vs with a long Pole, and what∣soeuer we gaue them, they would returne vs feathers for it, wee made our signes to them for vi∣ctuals, and they would shew vs by signes, that they had none, but what they could kill with their Darts. I haue told you how my chist, and all my clothes were cast ouer-boord, now com∣ming to this cold Climates, and wanting clothes my hope of life was little, for here men were well at morning, and by night frozen to death. It was my fortune to goe ashoare to get some food, for the allowance of our ship was little, and comming aboord againe with my feete wette, and wanting shift of clothes, the next morning I was nummed, that I could not stirre my legs, * 1.477 [ 60] and pulling off my stockings, my toes came with them, and all my feete were as blacke as soote, * 1.478 and I had no feeling of them. Then was I not able to stirre.

Thus I continued for the space of a fortnight, till wee came into a faire Bay, where there were many faire Ilands, and on the rockes of some of these Ilands, wee found Scouts made of the barkes of trees, and afterwards wee found many Indians, but none of them would come to vs. On the South-west side of the Mayne we found a Riuer, which wee thought had gone to the * 1.479 South Sea: Our long Boate was sent vp this Riuer, and found it to be very straite and deepe. On the sides thereof they found great Muscles, and in them good store of Pearles, and we named it the Riuer of Pearles; the Bay had the name of the Master of our Pinnasse, because he first found it and did discouer it, called it Tobias Bay. From this place wee went further into the Straites hauing the winde against vs, and with the cold there died euery day out of our ship eight or nine men. Here one Harris a Gold-smith lost his Nose: for going to blow it with his fingers, cast it * 1.480 [ 10] into the fire. This Iohn Chambers, Caesar Ricasen, and many that are now in England can testi∣fie. The Generall hauing experience, that the wind would tarry at the least two moneths, his men died so fast, that hee thought best to returne for the Coast of Brasill, and there to separate our fleete to the Hauens, of Santos that lye on the Coast, Riuer of Iennary, Spirito Santo, determi∣ning by this meanes, to furnish himselfe with Ropes, Sayles, and Victuals of such prices as hee * 1.481 did not doubt but to take, and likewise determining to take Santos againe.

The Generall came backe with this pretence for Brasill, came to Port Famine, where wee an∣chored two dayes, and there tooke a note of all his men, that were liuing, and finding some of them very sicke, commanded them to be set on shoare, I was so ill in the Straites that no man thought I would haue liued, and twice I was brought vpon the Hatches to bee cast into the Sea; [ 20] but it was the will of God, that when they had said Prayers, as they accustomed when any man died, and that they laid hands on me to cast me ouer-boord, I spake, desiring them not to cast me ouer-boord, till I was dead. At this Port Famine comming backe, the Generall would haue set me on shoare, but Captaine Cocke entreated for me; so I remayned in the ship. I had very sorie clothes, the toes of my feet full of Lice, that (God is my record) they lay in clusters within my flesh, and of many more besides my selfe; I had no Cabbin, but lay vpon a chist. Now we come out of the Straits with all our fleet, but the Dainty that lost vs in the Riuer of Plate, in the storme that we had, and the Crow that was sunke. After that we came out of the Straits, wee came be∣fore Port Desire againe, and there our Boats went to Penguin Iland for Penguins; at this place the Generall tooke a Chirurgion who cured with words; This man comming aboord our ship, said [ 30] some words ouer my feet, and I had feeling in my legges and feete which I had lost before, for the space of a fortnight, many times before this man came, I had hot Irons laid to my feet, but I had no feeling were they neuer so hot.

That day that we departed from Port Desire, the Generall sent for all the Masters of the ships, and commanded them that till midnight they should keepe there course with him, and that when he should shew them two lights, then they should cast about and beare in with the shoare, but Dauis which was Captaine of the Desire, and Tobie Master of the Pinnasse did deceiue vs, and went for the Straits, as I was enformed afterwards by some of there men that were taken at * 1.482 Brasill, after that I was taken. Three or foure dayes after this wee had a great storme, in the which the Roe-bucke lost her mayne Mast, and we lost her. Now were wee all alone in a great [ 40] ship, and we knew not what wee were best to doe, but in the end wee determined to come for Santos, hoping there to find the rest of our company. In this storme I sate on a chist, and was not * 1.483 able to stirre, for still as the ship seeled on one side, the chist went from starboord to larboord, and it was the will of God, that it fell betweene a piece of Ordnance, and the Carpenters Cabbin on the one side, and on the other side betweene another Peece, and the Chirurgions Cabbin. Thus all the night I lay very cold, and it was the will of God that the chist neuer turned ouer, for if it had, I could not haue escaped death, the next day the storme ceased, and most of our young Saylers, which we call men of top a yard, being wearied with their nights worke that was past, were vnder Hatches asleepe, and would not come vp to doe some businesse that was to bee done. With that the Generall came downe, with the end of a Rope as bigge as mine arme, and one of the Saylers hid himselfe behind me; the Generall spying him, strooke at him, and hit me on the [ 50] side of the head, and halfe an houre after, finding me in the same case that the Generall had left * 1.484 mee in, they tooke me, and would haue cast mee out of one of the parts of the ship, but it was the will of God that I spake and was saued. Here one of the Indians that came to the Generall in the night at Santos, fell ouer-boord by a mischance and was drowned.

Wee with much adoe in the end got to the Harbour of Santos, where wee found none of our company, we anchored right before a Sugar-mill, that stood hard by the Sea side, the Generall as∣ked * 1.485 if there were any that would goe ashoare, then Captaine Stafford, Captaine Southwell, and Captaine Barker offered themselues to goe on shoare, and twentie more with them, the Boate that they went in was made of Sugar chists and barrell boords, they landed and tooke the Sugar-mill, [ 60] at the which they tooke a great Barke, and sent it laden with victuals, aboord our shippe, which was more welcome vnto vs then if it had beene gold. Here wee continued all that day, and the next day they sent the great Boate againe laden with Sugars and Guinee Wheate, then the Generall sent them word that they should come away, but they sent him word againe, that

they had more prouision on shoare, and before all was aboord they would not come. The third day, that our men were on shoare, the Portugall set on them. They had the little Boate ashoare, * 1.486 but the wind being from shoare, the great Boat went not from the ship side that day, the next day that our men were slaine, our long Boate went ashoare, and brought vs newes how the little Boat was broke and how all our men were gone. One of the Indians that I haue told you of landed here with our men, and hauing experience of the Countrey, when our men were in the hottest of their fight ranne away, hauing one Arrow shot thorow his necke, and another in his mouth and out at his poale, this Indian swamme aboord vnto vs vpon a logge, and told vs that all our men were slaine.

The Generall thought good to goe from hence to the Iland of San Sebastian, and there if he * 1.487 [ 10] did not meete with some of the ships, that then he would returne for England, the same day that we were to depart from Santos, the Roe-bucke past by the mouth of the Riuer of Bertia: where * 1.488 we were, and shot a Peece, and we answered with another, then the Roe-bucke came into vs with her Masts broken. After the Roe-bucke came to vs, we went neerer the Towne, determining to haue beaten downe the Towne with our Ordnance, but wanting water, the Gallion Lecester toucht ground, and we had much adoe to get her cleere againe. Then wee landed eightie of our men, at a small Riuer neere the Towne, where we had great store of Mandiora Roots, Potatoes, Plantons, and Pine Apples. The Portugals seeing our men going into the Riuer, sent six Canoas to meete them, we seeing them, made a shot at them with the chaine of our Pumpe, with that they returned, and our Boats came safely aboord with good store of the aforenamed Roots. In [ 20] our ship there was a Portugall whom we tooke in the ship taken at Cape Frio, this Portugall went * 1.489 with vs to the Straits of Magellanus, and seeing of our ouerthrow, told vs of a Towne called Spirito Sancto, this Portugall said that we might goe before the Towne with out ships, and that without danger, we might take many Sugar-mils, and good store of cattle.

The words of this Portugall made vs breake off our pretence that wee had for San Sebastian, and we went to Spirito Sancto, in eight dayes we got before the mouth of the Harbour; at length * 1.490 we came to an Anchor in the Roade, and presently we sent our Boats to sound the Channell, and we found not halfe the depth that the Portugall said we should finde, the Generall thinking that * 1.491 the Portugall would haue betrayed vs without any triall caused him to bee hanged, ••he which was done in a trise. Here all the Gentlemen that were liuing, desired that they might go ashoare [ 30] to take the Towne. The General was very vnwilling, & told them of diuers inconueniences, but all would not suffice them, they were so importunate, that the Generall chose out one hundred and twentie men, of the best that were in both the ships, and sent Captaine Morgan a singular good Land-souldier, and Lieutenant Royden, for choise Commanders in this action. They lan∣ded before a small Fort with one of the Boats, and draue the Portugals out of it, the other Boate went higher, when they had a very hot skirmish, and their liues were quickly shortned, for they landed on a Rocke, that stood before the Fort, as they leaped out of the Boate, they slid all armed into the Sea, and so most of them were drowned. To be short wee lost eightie men, at this place, and of the fortie that returned, there came not one without an Arrow or two in his body, * 1.492 and some had fiue or sixe. [ 40]

When we saw we could doe no good at this place, wee determined to come againe for the I∣land of San Sebastian, and there we meant to burne one of our ships, and from thence we deter∣mined to goe for the Straits againe, the company that was in the Roe-bucke, hearing of it, in the * 1.493 night runne away from vs, and we were left alone againe, well we came to San Sebastian Iland, all this while I lay vnder Hatches lame, sicke, and almost starued: I was not able to stirre, I was * 1.494 so weake. After we came to this Iland, the first thing that was done, the sicke men were set on shoare to shift for themselues, twentie of vs were set on shoare, all were able to go vp and downe although very weakly, but (I alas!) my toes were raw, my body was blacke, I could not speake nor stirre. In this case I was layed by the shoare side, and thus I remayned from fiue of the clock * 1.495 in the morning, till it was betweene eleuen and twelue of the clocke, that the Sunne came to [ 50] his highest, and the extreme heate of the Sunne pierced through my bodie, whereby I came to my selfe, as a man awaked from sleepe; and I saw them that were set on shore with me, lye dead and a dying round about me: these men had eaten a kind of Pease, that did grow by the Sea side * 1.496 which did poyson them. When I saw all these men dead, I praysed God that had rid them out of their miserable estate, and cursed my hard fortune, that Death it selfe did refuse to end my tormented and most miserable life. I looked towardes the shoare, and saw nothing but these Pease, and if I did eate them, I was sure of death, if I did not eate them, I saw no remedie but to starue.

Seeing in this manner, I looked towards the ship, to see if the Boate came ashoare, but (alas) all my hopes were with speed to end my life, but that it was the will of God, I saw things stirre [ 60] by the Sea side, and it was a great ebbe: then I went creeping on my hands and my feete like a childe, and when I had gotten to the Sea side, I saw many Crabs lye in the holes of the mudde. I pulled off one of my stockins, and filled it with Crabs, and as well as I could, I carried them to a hollow figge tree, where I found a great fire made, so casting them on the coles, I did eat them,

and so I lay downe to sleepe till the next day; and then I watched for the ebbe to get some more meate. Thus I liued eight or nine dayes without sight of any man, the stinke of some of the dead men that the Sea came not to, was so noysome that I was faine to remooue from that place, and as I went along the shoare to seeke some place to abide in, I passed by a faire Riuer that went into the Sea; where I thought it good to make my abode because of the fresh water, I had not beene there scarce the space of halfe a quarter of an houre, but I saw a great thing come out * 1.497 of the water, with great scales on the backe, with great vgly clawes and a long tayl; this beast came towards me, and I had not the power to shun it, but as it came towards me I went and ••et it, when I came neere it, I stood still amazed to see so monstrous a thing before me. Hereupon this beast stood still and opened his mouth, and thrust out a long tongue like a Harping-Iron. I [ 10] commended my selfe to God, and thought there to haue bin torne in pieces, but this beast tur∣ned againe, and went into the Riuer, and I followed to the Riuers ••ide.

The next day I went farther into the Iland, fearing to tarrie in this place, and I found a great Whale lying on the shoare like a ship with the keele vpwards, all couered with a kinde of short mosse with the long lying there. At this place I made a little house, and fed on the Whale for the space of a fortnight. In this time the Generall set forty men more ashoare, at the place where I * 1.498 was set first on land, likewise the Generall trimmed his Boate at this place, and had a Net con∣tinually a fi••hing, of which Iohn Chambers his Cooke had charge, who is this day liuing in London. After that these men came ashoare, I left the place where I was with the Whale, and came to our men and liued with them, beeing at this time reasonable well, and able to goe very well, for the [ 20] vse of going into the Sea did heale my toes. After these men had beene on shoare seuen or eight dayes, we had taken wood and water for the ship, the Portugals of the Riuer of Ianuary, landed on the North point of the Iland hard by the Whale, they took two of our men and one escaped, who came to vs in the night, and told vs that the Portugals and the Sauages were landed. That day wee had taken a great Tortois ashaore, and wee did bid the Sayler to bee of good cheere, for if it were true, it was the better for vs, for wee were sure, that the Generall would not take vs a∣gaine into the ship, with that we all commended our selues to God, and dranke to our friends in faire water, and so we determined to march along the shoare with a white shirt instead of a flagge of truce, but the Sea was so high that we could not, then we determined to watch quarterly, till such time as we could espie them, I had the first watch, and watched till I was wearie, so called [ 30] one of my fellowes, to watch, and lie answered angerly, Tut, tis a lye: with that I lay downe by the fire as well as the rest. Before I was asleepe, the Portugals were at our doore, then I started * 1.499 vp, and one of them tooke me by the legge, presently wee were all led to the shoare side, there all that were taken with me, were knocked on the heads with fire-brands, the Indian that had hold of me, strooke twice or thrice at me with a short Bill, but I striuing, cryed out in Portugall, * 1.500 That if they would saue mee I would tell them newes, with that a Portugall passed by, an I caught hold of him, so well as I could I told him a Tale which saued my life at that time, this Portugall gaue me againe to a Sauage, & I cryed to him that I would go whersoeuer he went then he bid me not fear, for that Sauage was his slaue, and that he would carrie me to the Captayn, so I was content perforce to goe I knew not whether, this Caniball carried me along the ashore, and [ 40] when wee came where any Rockes reached into the Sea; hee would take mee on his backe, and swimme with mee round about the Rockes, till wee were free from the Rockes, thus we went almost all night, til at length we came by a great Cliffe that stood by the shore. Then the Sauage whistled, and another Sauage answered him from the Cliffe, wherupon fiue or six Portugals came forth, and amongst them came the Captaine with a piece of bread and Marmallet in his hand, and as soone as he saw me, he asked me what newes, I answered that I was very hungry, and desired him that hee would giue mee some meate, and then I would tell him all the newes that I could, with that all the Portugals brake out in a laughter, and gaue me bread and fish to eate, after I had eaten that which they had giuen me, I told them the truth of all that they asked me, heere they killed eight and twentie of our men, and saued only my selfe, and Henrie Barrawell, who was saued by my meanes. [ 50]

§. II.

ANTHONY KNIVET his comming to the R of Ianero, and vsage amongst the Portugals, and Indians: his diuers trauels thorow diuers Regions of th••se parts.

THe next day our ship weighed Anchor, and whether shee went I knew not, wee were [ 60] carried by the Portugals to the Riuer of Ianero, I went with a Mestizo, which is halfe a Portugall, and halfe a Sauage that saued my life in the night w••en I was taken. When we came to the Citie of San Sebastian in the Riuer of Ianero, the Portugals in the Ca∣noas, made such a noyse, with Pipes and Drummes, that all the people of the Citie came to shoare

to see vs, with that the Canoas going round, as if they were in fight, two Portugals tooke mee, and cast me towards the shoare, saying, here is our prize; the tyde being strong carried mee to the mayne, where I had beene drowned had it not beene for a woman, who seeing the tyde carry me away, sent two or three slaues, and they saued mee. When I came ashoare, all the Portugals were at the Church of our Lady, and I would haue gone into the Church, but the Portugals would not let me, saying, that I was not a Christian. Then I was brought before the Gouernour, and he gaue me to the man that had saued mee, and I was very well contented, for hee vsed mee very kindly as I came with him from the Iland of San Sebastian. For the space of three moneths that I was with this man, I kept a house, and went to the Sea-side with his Hogs, and there I e∣uery day brought him home a basket of great Crabs that lie in the holes of the mud, as deepe as [ 10] you can thrust in your arme. This w••s a good life, my Master called me sonne, and I dined and supped with him: also I had a hanging Net to lie in, and lay in the same roome which hee lay in.

It happened one day being by the Sea-side washing of little Dogs, there came a Canoa full of Portugals, and they tooke me to the Towne with them, but as soone as I landed I remembred my Masters house and ran to it. As I went I met with Henrie Barway: the next day the Gouernour * 1.501 sent for mee and examined me what I was, I told him that I was a poore ship boy, with that Henrie Barway reproued me, asking what I meant to say so to the Gouernour; I replyed, that I was no other but what I had told him, then the Gouernour commanded mee to bee carried to the Sugar mill, where I was three moneths, till all the clothes that I had were torne in peeces, with * 1.502 working in a Barke going day and night vp and downe for Sugar canes and wood for the Mill; [ 20] the miserable life that I was in made me carelesse what I did. I had neither meat nor clothes, but blowes as many as Gally slaues. Then I determined to run away into the Wildernesse, for I was ashamed to be seene naked of the Portugals. I made me a Cottage in a great Caue in the Wilder∣nesse, * 1.503 where I was seuen moneths. In the day I fished for to liue, and in the night I came to some Indians houses, and for fish they gaue me Cassauie meale, and many kindes of Rootes, that serued me for bread. In the end the Gouernour caused me to be sought out, and gaue mee a sute of blue clothes, and commanded me to worke in a Garden, where I carried earth, and digged the ground to plant Cabidges and Turneps.

After that I was commanded againe to take charge of the Sugar boat, where I was worse vsed [ 30] then euer I was before, for the Factor was a man that hated English men, and would vse me more like a Dogge then a Man. When I had continued foure moneths in the Barke, it happened that one of the Gouernours sonnes, called Martin de Saa, came from Spirito Santo. This man pitty∣ing my poore and miserable life, desired his father that he would giue mee vnto him, which his * 1.504 father granted, and I was very well vsed of my new Master, two yeeres after I had serued him. It happened that hee and his Mother in law fell out, whereupon the Gouernour his father sent him to a Towne, called Wyanasses, which were in peace with the Portugals, and for Kniues and * 1.505 Hatchets, they sell their Wiues and Children. This iourney I went with him, and we came to a Towne called Iawarapipo (that is to say) Is this the Dogge? He seeing me forward to doe him ser∣uice, * 1.506 sent me from this Towne with eight of his slaues laden with Hatchets and Kniues, to ano∣ther [ 40] kinde of Canibals, called Pories, which had beene likewise friends with the Portugals, but it was long before any Portugall had beene there, I came to the Towne of Pories, where I was * 1.507 saluted in this sort.

As soone as I came into a great house, which I thought was their Kings, which they call Mo∣rouichaua; presently, they had hanged vp a faire Net betweene two postes, in the which I was commanded to sit downe, and as soone as I was set, there came at the least twentie women, and * 1.508 some laying their heads on my shoulders, and others on my knees, they began to crie out making such a pitious noise, that I was amazed: yet I determined to sit still till they had done. As soone as the women were gone, an old man came in, all painted with red and blacke, and hee had three great holes in his face, one in the vnder lip, and one on either side of his mouth, and in euery hole [ 50] stood a faire greene stone. This Caniball came through the house where I was, with a woodden sword in his hand, and as hee came hee spake very loud, and looked as though hee had beene mad, striking his hand on his breast, and on his thighs; still crying out, he walked vp and downe. Af∣ter this Sauage had ended his speech, he stroke me on the head, and bad mee welcome; and com∣manded such things as were in his house to be set before me to eate. After I had beene there two or three houres, newes went through all the Towne of my being there, and from this Towne to others that were bard by.

Whilest I continued in this Towne a Sauage called Way••••••buth, who bare a great grudge to * 1.509 the Portugals, came where I was, with two women, and when hee came into the house where I was, he laid his hands on their necks, and so came dancing before mee, thus after hee had danced some quarter of an houre, he spake to me, saying, Doest thou see th••se women, by my valour I g••t [ 60] their loues, and now their desire I am sworne to fulfill, which is to kill thee, as I haue done many more. I answered him that I came not as an enemie against him, or any of his, but as a friend that brought him many things that I was assured hee wanted, and that if nothing would satisfie him but my

life, I assured him, that hee and all his Countrie would pay for it. To this hee made no answere, but went to separate my things that lay by mee to his Concubines, withall I started out of my bed, and tooke my sword in my hand, and thrust the Caniball from my things, that I had almost ouerturned him, and he durst not touch them nor me any more, but stood rayling, and threatning to kill mee, and with the noise that hee made, the old man came into the house, and seeing mee stand with my sword in my hand, asked mee what was the matter, and I told him all that had passed betwixt mee and the foresaid Caniball. After hee had heard mee, hee turned to the Caniball that had offered me abuse, and asked him what reason he had to doe him so great a discredit, and to meddle with any friend of his in his Towne, and ange••ly commanded him to auoid his Town, if not he would make him repent that euer he came thither; with that, for feare of afterclaps, he went away with his Concubines: the next morning newes came to the Towne, that Wa••ambuth [ 10] was comming with three hundred Canibals, and that perforce he would haue me to his Towne, and that there I should be killed according to the order of the Countrie; and how hee left order with his wiues to prepare wine through all the Townes in readinesse.

When the old man heard of this, hee presently commanded all his people to take their wea∣pons, and desired them to goe with him into the field to meet them that were comming to wrong him; whereat they all gaue a great hoope, saying, that they would all die rather then they would bee disgraced. The old man embraced mee many times, and desired mee that I would * 1.510 tarry in his house. I thanked him for his loue, and told him that in any wise I would not tarry behinde him; so I went with him to meet the Caniball in the field; we being a great many more then they, they sent three or foure vnto vs as messengers, that they came to be merry, and to buy [ 20] and sell such things as they had, then the old man gaue leaue for them all to come into his Town, except the Caniball that had mis-vsed him the day before; that night I gaue all my merchan∣dise to the old man, and desired him for it, that hee would cause mee to bee conducted out of his Countrie: the next day following the old man gaue me seuentie slaues, and caused three hundred Bow men to goe with me till I was past the Riuer of Paraeyua; from whence they returned to * 1.511 their Towne, and in forrie dayes iourny with ease I came againe to Ilha Grande, where I found my Master, Martin de Saa, who was v••ry glad of my returne, and for recompence of my paines, he promised me one of them to bee my slaue, bu•• when hee came to the Riuer of Ianero, hee sold them, and gaue me nothing.

After wee had beene at home two moneths, hee would haue sent mee againe into the sauage [ 30] countrie for more slaues, but I knew that thereby I should get nothing and refused to goe. Where∣vpon hee returned me againe to his father, thinking I would rather choose to goe then serue his * 1.512 father in the Sugar boat. But I was contented to goe againe to his father, hoping to be better v∣sed then I was before: then his father commanded me to goe a fishing in a small boat, for to make oile for the Sugar m••ll. One night being vpon a Rocke fishing for Dog-fish, which the Portugals * 1.513 call Tubarones; I tooke my line, laid it vnder me and fell asleepe: about mid-night with the be∣g••nning of the floud a Dog-fish tooke my hooke, and the line being vnder mee, I awaked, tooke the line in my hand, and running about the Rocke (I know not how) the line tangled about my ••egge, and the fish drew me into the Sea; and assoone as I fell into the water the Sharke swam at me as if he would haue deuoured me, but assoone as I saw him come neere mee, I caught hold on [ 40] the hooke that was in his mouth, and striking downwarke with my hand the Sharke swam a∣way againe. I now remembred a knife, that I had about my necke tyed with a string, as the Ca∣nibals vse, and there with cut the cord, or else there had I ended all my miseries; all my body was torne with the Crags of the Rocke, so that for the space of a fortnight I was not able to stirre.

After I was healed the Gouernour commanded mee againe to goe a fishing: wee had newes in the R••uer of Ianero that Master Hawkins was at Cape Fri••, which made me the more desirous to * 1.514 be on the Coast in hope to get to him. It happened that one day being a fishing by an Iland that lay two leagues from the shoare, Master Hawkins passed by the Sea as farre as well hee could bee descryed, but it was a very faire day: assoone as I saw the ships I set the Indians that were with [ 50] me on shoare on the Iland, commanding them to seeke prouision for vs for that night I did assure my selfe that Master Hawkins would refresh his men at the Iland of San Sebastian, and seeing the * 1.515 winde faire, and all the Indians ashoare, I hoysted saile, and tooke my course towards the Iland of San Sebastian, but fortune was so crosse to me, that being in sight of the ships, a contrarie winde blue with such a storme, that perforce I was driuen vpon an Iland so full of Rocks, that my Boat was broken all in peeces, and my selfe all cut and bruised with the Rocks. Getting to the shoare vpon this Iland I remayned three dayes without meat, or meanes to get away from the Iland, the Indians that landed vpon the Iland where we were a fishing, got to the Towne and told the Gouernour how I had beguiled them. Presently vpon that newes the Gouernour sent two Ca∣noas to descrie the ships, these Canoas came on shoare at the Iland where I was, and there they [ 60] found me almost starued, and all my face hurt beaten vpon the Rocks.

From this place they went to the Iland of San Sebastian, and Master Hawkins was gone; then they returned againe to the Riuer of Ianero, and I was brought bound with my hands behind me,

all the Towne rayled at me, calling me Run-away, then I was brought before the Gouernour, and he looking very angerly vpon me sent me to prison, where I was vsed like a Dogge for the space * 1.516 of a fortnight: for I lay on the ground, and had no meat giuen me, but Cassaui meale and water. After I had endured this miserie, I was condemned to be hanged for a Run-away and a Lutheran, * 1.517 and as I was going by the Colledge of Iesus, all the Friars of the Colledge came forth with a great Crucifix, and falling on their knees before the Gouernour they craued pardon for me, and I was carried againe to prison, where I remayned three dayes longer, then I was brought forth on a Market day, with my hands and feet bound, and there in publike beaten with cordes, that I had not a whole spot of skin on all my body. After they had punished mee, as you haue heard, I was commanded to be put againe in prison, where I was for the space of a fortnight, with no meate * 1.518 [ 10] but Cassaui meale and water, my lodging was the earth, my body was all bruised and full of wormes with lying on the ground.

After this the Gouernour commanded great hoopes of Iron to bee clinched to my legge, of thirtie pound weight, the which I carried nine moneths, continually working in the Sugar mill like a bond-slaue. The Factor vsed me more like a Dogge then a Man, for his hatred was so much to me, and to all strangers, that I neuer came by him but I was sure of blowes. Now was my life so intolerable, that I grew desperate and carelesse what I did to end my life. Many times I would tell the Gouernour ••ow like a Tyrant the Factor vsed me, but for all that he saw my body black, and bruised with blowes, he had no compassion on me. I had no meanes nor hope of any release of my miserable life, but to kill the Factor. Now occasion came fitly to execute my pretence, and * 1.519 [ 20] it happened thus; I comming in the night with a Barke laden with Sugar canes, after the Ba••ke was vnladen, the night being cold, I lay vpon the boards before the F••rnaces, and had not rested halfe an houre, when the Factor came into the Sugar house, so finding me asleepe (as you haue heard) hee strooke mee with a withe on the naked ribs, with such force, that I thought hee had broken all the bones of my body. I started vp, and seeing him before mee readie to second his malice with another blowe, I embraced him in mine armes, and with a great knife that I had, I hurt him in the side, the backe, and the arme; hee cryed out I had slaine him.

I thinking no lesse ran away into the chiefest of the wood, and the fauourable night being * 1.520 darke, no man knew which way to follow mee. When day came I went wandring vp and downe, praying to God to send some Leopard, or Lion, to deuoure mee, rather then to bee [ 30] taken againe by the Portugals, for I knew if the Gouernour once got mee againe, I should en∣dure the most extreame torture that euer was inuented for man. Wandring in the Wildernesse, I did heare a great noise of people, then I was amazed, knowing not what to doe to saue my life, sometimes I run like a mad man, then would I sit downe and listen if I could heare any noise, and which way soeuer I went I heard still the noise of people neerer me. Thus seeing my selfe at the last cast, I espyed a great Tree, in which grew a thing of thick long leaues, cal∣led * 1.521 by the Indians, Carauala; as bigge as the nest of an Eagle, I got me into that, hauing not beene there a quarter of an houre, many Indians came to seeke mee, and shot many times with their arrowes at the thing where I was, when they saw that I did not stirre, they went their wayes, and I remayned all that day in the Tree, the night following, and the next day and night, [ 40] I came downe very weake, for in two dayes I had eaten nothing, then the night being darke, I came to the Sea side, so going along by the shoare side, I espyed a Canoa drawne to shoare, and hard by it on the ground lay three Sauages asleepe, by them lay bowes, arrowes, and rootes, with hookes to fish with, of those things I tooke what I thought best, and went along the Sea side till I came to a Point of the Iland, where I found a Sa••age asleepe vpon the sands, when I had viewed him well I knew him to be one of my Masters slaues, who killed one of his fellowes, * 1.522 wherefore hee d••rst not goe home, I tooke his bow and arrowes lying by him and awaked him, when he saw me he began to lament, and desired that I would not carry him home to my Ma∣ster, I answered him that my cause was ten times worse then his, and desired him to tell mee if he knew any place whither wee might goe to saue both our liues, and with that told him what [ 50] had befallen me.

This Sauage was a great man in his Countrie, his name was Quarasips iuca, that is, the yellow Sunne. Neuer man found truer friendship of any then I did of him. This Caniball and I after ma∣ny discou••ses determined to swim from the Iland to the mayne. When we had escaped the dan∣ger of passi••g the arme of the Sea, at least two miles in breadth, we both landed very feeble, with * 1.523 the long being of our naked carkasses in the water. Now wee are at the foot of the Mountaine called Paranap••aca••o, a desart, where many haue beene deuoured with Leopards, Lions, Croco∣diles, and Surococous, and diuers other Serpents. Notwithstanding all these fearfull inconue∣niences, we chose rather to fall into the pawes of a Lion, and the clawes of the Serpent, then in∣to * 1.524 [ 60] the bloudie hands of the Portugall. Seuen and thirtie dayes we two trauelled through this de∣sart, euery day we were in danger of our liues, for we met many Leopards, Lions, and huge Ser∣pents, but God deliuered vs from them. In this iourney we eate wilde Honie and Palmetos, and a kinde of Snakes, called by the Canibals, Boa••yua. After we had passed this desart, we came into

a champaine Countrie, where we had great store of Pine nuts. Wandring vp and downe in this Countrie, one morning we espyed smoke in a wood not farre from vs. Then wee trauelled that wayes, and comming neere, I knew where we were, and presently I told Quarisisacupa, that the Towne was called Pianita, and that this was the place where Iawaripipo had vsed mee so well, when Wana••buth would haue killed me. Now come we to the Towne, where we are very kind∣ly * 1.525 receiued, especially of mine old friend Iawaripipo. * 1.526

After we had rested a little while among these Canibals, I desired them that they would ioyne themselues together; for in publike I would rehearse somwhat vnto them of my comming into their Countrie. Now when they were all together, I began to rehearse vnto them, how cruelly * 1.527 the Portugals did vse their Nation, in making them bond-slaues, marking them like Dogs, whip∣ping [ 10] and tormenting them, as if they were not of flesh and bloud. I rehearsed vnto them the course of mine owne life, and desired them to remember how my Countrimen had vsed them in former times, encouraging them to bee valiant, and to pull vp their spirits, and perswading to defend themselues against such Tyrants, who vnder the colour of friendship vsed them most vil∣lainously. Then I told them that I had killed a Portugall, and that I was determined to end my life with them, if they would promise to defend mee and themselues from the Portugals. With that many of them embraced me, all together giuing a great hoope, saying, as long as their liues lasted, and their Bowes brake not, that they would defend themselues and me. Here I continued nine moneths, till it happened that Martin de Saa came againe to buy more slaues. He came to a Towne hard by the Iland of San Sebastian, called Iaquerequere, where vsing the Canibals kindly, * 1.528 [ 20] and giuing them Kniues and Hatchets and Beades, hee won their hearts so much vnto him that they gaue him their Sonnes and Daughters to bee his slaues; and moreouer told him, that I and Quarisisacupa was at a Towne hard by. Then Martin de Saa sent foure Portugals and twentie Sauages for me to the Towne. When the Sauages of Iaquerequere came to Pianita, they gaue such * 1.529 report in all the Towne of the liberalitie of Martin de Saa, that without any deliberation they bound my hands, and brought me backe againe to my Masters sonne.

When the Canibals brought mee before Martin de Sa••, all those that protested before most friendship vnto mee, are now become my greatest and most mortall enemies, and with hoo∣ping and hollowing deride mee, striking mee on the head, and declaring to the Portugals, how I vsed great perswasions to haue them become their enemies. Martin de Saa made no an∣swere [ 30] to all their exclamations, but commanded certaine Portugals and Indians to see that I runne not away. Being brought the next morning before him, hee told mee that hee did pit∣tie my hard fortune to come to so bad an end as I was like to come to, making mee beleeue that the Factor was dead, and therefore hee thought that the Law would condemne mee. When hee had spoken, I desired him to bee fauourable vnto mee, and that hee would consider what seruice I had done him and his father, and to thinke how vnreasonably the Factor had vsed mee a long time. Then hee promised mee, that wherein hee might hee would stand my friend; then I entreated him to giue mee leaue in that desart to end my life amongst the Canibals, where hee might well bee assured I could neuer hurt him nor any of his Nation: hee would not condescend thereunto, but promised hee would saue my life, if I would but goe to a place in that Countrie, [ 40] called Paraeyua Wereob, and there to trafficke with the Canibals for Women, Boyes, and Girles. * 1.530

Although the danger of going into the Countrie of wild Man-eaters where I neuer had beene, was no lesse then the value of my life, yet considering with my selfe that my offence deserued death among the Portugals, I chose once againe rather to stand to the Heathen mercy of ••auage Man-eaters, then at the bloudie crueltie of Christian Portugals. And seeing my selfe in such extremitie, I shewed my selfe very willing and diligent to doe the Captaine seruice; but God * 1.531 knowes, my hope was neuer to haue seene him againe. Now goe I alongst in the Wildernesse, with twelue Sauages, I know not whither, but as they guide mee ouer huge Mountaines, and many great Riuers, passing many dangers of our liues by land of Lions, Leopards, diuers great Snakes: in the Riuers, Crocodiles, Iararaquas, and Capucaras, with many other Serpents that vse the water. After wee had trauelled fiue and twentie dayes in the Wildernesse, wee [ 50] came to a faire Riuer as broad as the Thames, and the Canibals that went with mee said that the * 1.532 Towne stood by that Riuer side, where wee were to trafficke, but certaintie they knew not where about. Then wee made vs a Boat of the barke of a Cedar Tree, going downe the streame in it. Wee had not beene there long a going with the swiftnesse of the Current, before wee espyed a Boate of the same fashion that ours was, with two Canibals in it, who as soone as * 1.533 they had espyed vs would haue runne away, but wee beeing better manned then they ouer∣tooke them before they got to the shoare. With mee there went one of their owne Nation, by name Morosoeij, who had beene taken by the Wayanasses, and they sold him to the Por∣tugals. This Morosoeij spake the language of the Taymayas, which I vnderstood very well. [ 60] The two Canibals that wee tooke in the Boate, were amazed to see men apparelled, inso∣much * 1.534 that they knew not their owne Countriman that was with mee, when they saw him apparelled like a Portugall; if they were amazed at vs, I was no lesse at them, for in all my trauell I neuer saw the like fashion of Canibals. For when I saw them first I thought * 1.535

they had beene borne with feathers on their heads and bodies, like fowles of the aire, they had ano••nted their bodies with gumme of the oiletusees of Balsome, and couered themselues so arti∣fi••••••lly * 1.536 with f••athers of diuers colours, in such order, that you could not haue seene a spot of their skins but their legs: after wee had beholden them well and they vs, I commanded Morosoeij, their Countriman to disclose himselfe to his Countrimen, and to tell them the cause of our com∣ming, desiring them to goe to their Towne, and tell of our being there, lest our sudden comming should raise an vprore among them, the which they were very willing to doe; so giuing either of them a knife, and a few b••ades, they departed very ioyfully.

Two houres after that they were departed from vs, there came at the least fiue hundred of * 1.537 them singing and rejoycing, shewing themselues very glad of our comming to traffick with them, [ 10] entreating vs to goe to then Towne, the which we did, where wee were receiued with dancing and singing of great and small, and in euery house I was receiued with great ceremonies, and long speeches of the chiefest that were in the Towne. The next day I began to traffi••k with them for slaues, and I bought ninetie, all which I brought to Martin de Saa, who remayned at Ilha Grande till I returned ••gaine. Assoone as I came vnto him, I deliuered all vnto him, desiring him to stand my friend, and to giue mee leaue to ta••rie among the Canibals, till such time as hee had spoken with his fat••er in my behalfe. Laughing, hee answered that I neede to feare to * 1.538 goe home, for the man was recouered, and gone to the R••uer of Plate, and that his father was ve∣ry sorry, thinking I had beene eaten by some Serpent, Leopard, or Lion. When I came before the Gouernour, he blessed himselfe to see mee, meruailing where I had beene so long, and sent me againe to his Sugar mill, where I continued a twelue-moneth, and I had the charge to ch••stall [ 20] the Sugar, in which time I got two hundred crownes. I determined to goe to Angola in Aethio∣pia; and the Gouernour gaue me his word that I shoul••, and that what fauour he could-shew me, I should bee sure to haue, but when the ship was readie to depart, the Gouernour sent mee out of Towne on a sleeuelesse errand, and I remayned ashoare, and lost all that I had scraped together for my voyage.

A monet•• or two after this, it happened that the Wayanasses were set on by a kind of Canibals, called Taymayas, the Wayanasses haue traff••ck and friendship with the Portugals▪ and the most mor∣tall enemies that the Portugals haue in all America, are the Taymayas. The Wayanasses hauing lost * 1.539 a great many men in a battell, not being able to make any head againe of themselues, craued [ 30] succour againe of the Portugals. My Master being Gouernour of the Towne, sent his sonne Martin de Saa with seuen hundred Portugals, and two thousand Indians. The Wayanasses cer∣tified * 1.540 vnto vs that the most that wee should bee, before wee come to the Taymayas, would bee a moneth.

Thus the fourteenth day of October 1597. we departed on our way with sixe Canoas by Sea, some thirtie miles from the Riuer of Ianuarie, for a Port called Paratee. The first day that we de∣parted, we had a great storme, where we thought we should all haue beene drowned, but it was the will of God to saue our liues, with the generall losse of all we had, the Canoas turned vpside * 1.541 downe with the storme, wee holding fast on the bottom of them, were driuen on shoare with great hazard of our liues. From the place where we droue on shoare to the Riuer of Wareteena it [ 40] was three miles, which we went by land, and sent the Canoas to the Riuer of Ianuarie for vi∣ctuals. We tarried two dayes at Wareteena till the aforesaid Canoas returned, the third day wee went to a place of Great Iland, called Ippoa, where there dwelt two or three Portugals. Here we * 1.542 had great store of Po••ato••s & Plantons to eat. At this place we remayned fiue dayes for fiue hun∣dred Canibals, that were to come from an Iland called Iawaripipo. When these Indians were come we dep••rted in our Canoas for our desired Port called Paratee. As we went in the night wee cut a great Bay of the Sea, where a Whale did ouerturne one of our Canoas, notwithstanding wee * 1.543 tooke the men that were in the Sea, and went on for the Harbour aforesaid. The next day the Captaine commanded all the Canoas to be pulled out of the water, and to couer them well with boughes, determining immediately to depart by land. [ 50]

That night that we came to Paratee, there came a Caniball to vs, called Alecio, from a Towne called Iequerequere, this Town lyeth by the Sea-side right ouer against the Iland of San Sebastian. * 1.544 This In••ian brought eightie Bow-men with him, offering himselfe with all his companie to goe with our Captaine. The next day we departed on our voyage, through the Mountaines, at night the Captaine seeing Alecio the Caniball lying on the ground, tooke away the Net that I had to sleepe in, and gaue it to the Caniball, I being faine to lie vpon the earth. I complayned to some of the Portugals of the wrong that the Captaine did vse vnto mee: they answered, that his father sent me in that voyage onely to be made away; I replyed, Gods will be done. After wee had gone on our iourney three dayes, we came to the bottom of a great Mountaine, called by the In∣dians, Paranapeacano, that is in our language▪ The sight of the Sea; this Mountaine is so high, that * 1.545 [ 60] wee were three dayes going vp, and three dayes also going downe. Two dayes after wee were descended we came into a faire champaine Countrie like meadow ground with long grasse, and great store of Pine trees, where we lodged that night in a bottom, in which we killed aboue sixe hundred Snakes; it was the will of God that one Indian, called Ieronimo, was bit by them, and * 1.546

not any more. This Indian presently swelled, and his bloud sprung out of his eyes and his nailes, and so he died.

After that we came to trauell againe through the Mountaynes some forty dayes, then wee came to a great Riuer called Paracuona; which Riuer wee passed with things made of Canes tyed * 1.547 together with withes, which the Portugals call Iangathas. We were foure dayes before we pas∣sed ouer this Riuer it was so great, and ranne so swift. After that, wee tr••uelled againe some 20. dayes till we came to a great Mountayne called Panaç•• y••aw•• ••pacon••, we were foure dayes go∣ing vp this Mountayne by reason of the great showres of raine that we had, besides wee were very weake, and all our victuals were done. But hoping to find our enemies very soone, we did * 1.548 our best ••o hold out comming vp this hill, from sixe of the clocke in the morning, till it was two [ 10] of the clocke in the afternoone on a rainie day, the Captaine commanded euery man to make his abode for that night; whereupon I set downe my burthen, and went into the Mountaynes to cut some boughes of a Tree called Sa••••ambaya, to couer vs from the raine, the weather was so cold, and I hauing trauelled all day without meate was so feeble, that going to cut a bough, my * 1.549 sword fell out of my hand, and I sate vnder a Tree, where I had made mine end, if it had not bin for my deere friend Henry Barrawell; who seeing that I tarried long came to seeke me, and found me in such case, that I was not able neither to speake nor stand. After he had brought me to the Campe, he layed me by the fire, I recouered and was very well.

After we had passed this Mountayne of Pareena▪ wee trauelled in a kind of low wash ground; there were great store of Canibals called Pories. Vpon a sudden there would come one 100 of [ 20] them out of the Wood, and assoone as they had gotten any thing from vs, would be gone, wee knew not whether: and presently there would come as many more. There we kept very good order, and had alway very good watch, for feare they should worke vs any Treason; for all our men were very weake; within foure dayes iourney from the aforesaid Mountayne, we came to the Riuer of Par••••ua, where we had great store of fish, but nothing else to eate withall. At this Riuer, one day I going a fishing, being a very rainie day, three Indians that went with mee retur∣ned * 1.550 againe, and left me alone. As I would haue come backe, I lost my way that I had gone with the Indians through the Wildernesse, then I returned againe to the Riuer side, knowing thereby I could not misse my way, still going by the Riuer sid•• homewards where the Captaine was, being somewhat late, suddenly I came to a place where there were at least a 100. men and wo∣men * 1.551 of those Pories. I thought I should haue died no other death, but these Canibals did mee no [ 30] harme, but only tooke away my Knife and my fish-hooke, and gaue me of their meat they were eating, which was rosted Monkeyes. After I had eaten as much as I would, they made mee a thing of dry Canes that they had to swimme vpon the water, which in a meane space carried me where the Campe lay by the Riuer side. These Canibals told vs of a Towne within two dayes iourney, where we might get Pease and G••••nie Wheate, and some Roots of Cassam.

In one day we passed Paryeua; and the next day wee came to trauell towards the Towne that the Pories had told vs of. We were seuen dayes betweene the Riuer and the Towne, and when we came there, we found almost nothing but women, and asking for their Husbands, th••y told vs that they had gone to warre against the Taymoyes, and that they had killed them all at this Towne. We found a little Ginnie Wheate, but it was not ripe, of the which we fed a weeke be∣ing [ 40] there, these Canibals are called Tapuyas. Wee went forward to other Townes of a kinde of * 1.552 Canibals, called Waanawasons, that were hard by the ••apuyas. Comming to one of their Townes, there came twentie old men with woodden Swords in their hands, whooping and reioycing, which is (as I haue said) their manner of bidding welcome. After they had done, they asked what was our determination; wee told them that wee came to warre against the Tamoyes, then there came an old man vnto vs all painted with red and blue, with Bow and Arrowes in his hand, and a paire of slippers on his feete, and with one of his Daughters that had beene captiue to a Portugall of Santumsence, which had runne away from her Master, with other Captiues, and so came againe to her father. This old man, by name Carywason, came before our Captaine, and at this * 1.553 Towne, all our men both Indians and Portugals fell sicke by eating of a kinde of sweete pleasant [ 50] fruit that was poyson, and had it not beene for a Gentleman called Enefrio de say my Master•• Kinsman, who had a piece of Vnicornes horne, we had all died. At this Towne we had nothing to eate but a few Potatoes. As we came through this Towne, all the Canibals Waanass••es ranne a∣way from vs, with all our clothes. Now the old man with tenne lustie young men went with vs, and guided vs betweene two Mountayns▪ continually vp a Riuer•• from morning till night, for * 1.554 the space of forty dayes, we were neuer out of the water from morning till night that we should make our abode, and entred in the morning againe.

Our men were very weake, and almost starued with hunger. The Indians died, amazed (as * 1.555 some of them said) with a Spirit which they call Coropio, which did kill them, many would complaine that they were possessed with Spirits called Auasaly. Those that were tormented [ 60] with this Spirit, would command themselues to be bound hand & foot with their Bow strings,

and then desire their friends to beat them with the cords, that they hang their beds withall, but for all their Ceremony, I saw not one of them escape after they came to that estate. The most of our Indians died with a kinde of sicknesse, that is common in all hot Countreyes, that is, with a sweate and wearinesse of the body; with Wormes in their fundament, that consume their guts, and they so consume away, knowing not what hurteth them. Against this the Indians do take slices of Lemons, and greene Pepper, and put it in their fundament, likewise Salt-water is good, questionlesse all our Englishmen that died on the Coast of Guin•••• and Brasill perished of this Dis∣ease: it breedeth with head-ache and burning Feuers, then wee presently let bloud, and that killeth vs.

After we had done trauelling vp the aforesaid Riuer, wee came into a faire Champion Coun∣trey, * 1.556 [ 10] all full of Pine Trees, but the Apples were not ripe, and we could find nothing to eate, but here and there a little wilde Honey; wee trauelled at least a moneth; the Portugals beganne to dispaire, and threw away their Peeces, being not able to carrie their clothes. In all this misery, the Captayne made me carry two Muskets (as I hope to be saued) and I was faine to waite vpon * 1.557 him euery day to helpe to make his lodging, and my friend Henry Baraway, was so ill, that I was many times faine to carry him on my backe, and continually to leade him by the hand. In this march wee were forced to eate all our Targets, which were made of raw Hides of Buffe; * 1.558 likewise we did ea••e a Cowes skinne, which the Frier carried with him (as he went with vs) to couer his things which ••ee said Masse withall from the raine, happie was hee who could get a Toad or Snake to eate. After wee had passed those Champion Countreyes, where wee lost ••80. * 1.559 [ 20] of our men, we came againe into the Mountaynes, and trauelled a great Hill called Etapuca; that is to say, the Mountaine of long stones, for there we found blacke stones of a yard long, as round * 1.560 as if they were made of wood. When we came to the top of this Mountayne, wee were not a∣ble to goe downe, but as you shall heare. In those Mountaynes there are great store of withes that hang from the sides and the Iaquety••a Trees, wee tooke of those withes, and making them fast to a great Tree, wee were faine to slide by them at the least one hundred fathomes. In * 1.561 those Mountaynes, we had great store of Palmitos and wilde Honey, and many kinde of Fruites.

The Canibals that guided vs told vs, within foure dayes wee should bee with our enemies the Tamoyes, but wee were aboue twentie dayes, wee came into a dry blacke Champion Countrey, [ 30] not hauing in it almost any grasse, there we found good store of Honey that the Bees made in * 1.562 the ground, likewise we found a kind of great Beast as bigge as a Beare, and like a Beare in the bodie, but it hath a nose of a yard long, and a faire great tayle all blacke and gray, this beast put∣teth his tongue through Ant-hils, and when the Antes are all vpon his tongue, hee swalloweth them vp. After we had passed this place, we came to a Mountayne called Etaowb••, that is to say, the Mountayne of greene stones; we were in as great misery as euer we were. Then the Portugals * 1.563 assembled together, and told the Captayne that they thought that the Canibals did leade them vp and downe of purpose to destroy them. The Captayne called the old Caniball, and told him how long we had followed him, and how he told vs before, that in twenty dayes we might ea∣sily goe from his Towne to the Towne of our enemies the Tamoyes. The old man answered, that [ 40] within two dayes he would bring vs to the Towne of our enemies, if not he would lose his head, and that all his company should be our slaues.

Within two dayes according as the old man said, wee came before the Towne by a Riuer side, which Riuer is called Iawary, it taketh the head from the Mountayne Potosin in Peru, the Towne * 1.564 was on the farther side from vs, and on the side that we were on, they had good store of Man∣dioqua and Peasen. Wee came before the Towne in the Euening, and lay all night in ambush, thinking to take some of them the next morning comming for their meate. That night our men eate so much Mandioco, that when we thought we should haue had some skirmish, they lay all vomiting that they were not able to stand, and thirteene of them died. The next morning, * 1.565 when we saw no bodie stir, we maruelled, thinking that they were in ambuth for vs, the Portu∣gals [ 50] durst not goe ouer the Riuer, for feare thereof. Then the Captayne commanded me to passe ouer the Riuer, the which I did vpon a woodden Target, when I came into the Towne, there was nothing but a few great pots that the Canibals had left full of greene Wheate, great store of Pumpions, and two great Estridges, I tooke most of the prouision that I found, and layed it alto∣gether * 1.566 for the Captayne, then I called for the company that they might not feare, for there was no body. At this place wee remayned two moneths, here the Captayne reaped the grounds, that the Indian•••• had planted with Mandioque, commanding euery man to make meale for his prouision homewardes, for hee said that from thence hee would returne. Wee had nothing to eate at this place but Potatoes and Casa••i Meale that wee made our selues, and of that very little. [ 60]

By this Towne there was a bogge, and when it rained, there would bee great store of Frogges, of them wee would take in the night with Torches of Waxe to light vs, It fell out one night that I should haue beene Sentinell at midnight, and about eleuen of the clocke it rained, then I sayd to my friend Henry Barrawell, I would to God that one night you would goe and take

some Frogges, for you know presently I shall bee called to watch, with that hee went and presently returned againe without any thing, and told vs, that a great Snake was by the bogges, and that it leaped vp and downe after him. Then the Indians said, that it was a kinde * 1.567 of Snake that flyeth at the fire, I asked Henry Barraway where I might finde the Snake, hee told me at such a place, then I tooke the handle of an Axe beeing of a heauie blacke wood, and a little Waxe Candle in a guard, because the Snake should not spie mee, and made it very readie. When I came to the place that my friend had told mee, I lighted my Torch, and was so neere the Snake, that if I would, I could not shunne her, this Snake had a great Frogge in her mouth, and assoone as shee saw the fire, shee put the Frogge out of her mouth, and raysing vp her skinne like the scales of a great fish with her mouth open, shee offered to flye at mee, as soone as her mouth was open, I strooke at her, and hit her on the head and the teeth, that I [ 10] crushed her braines. Assoone as I had strooke her, I threw my Torch one way, and ranne halfe a doozen steps another way, the Snake made a great noyse in the water, but I looked still to∣wards my Torch, to prooue if it were true that they would flye in the fire, but when I saw no such thing, I went and tooke my Torch againe, and very warily went to the place, where I had strooke the Snake, where I saw all her head bloudie, and her eyes broken, and so I killed her. When I had done, I tooke a withe and bound it to her forequarters, and dragged her home to the house where I ••ay, when I came home I asked if I had beene called to watch, the Portugall * 1.568 and Henry Barraway said that no man had asked for me, then I tooke a Knife, and beganne to cut a piece of the Snake for the Captayne, and would haue parted the rest among the rest. As I was parting, the Ensigne of our company came to the doore, I went and opened the doore, and [ 20] as••oone as hee came to mee, hee strooke mee with a cudgell. I not knowing why hee should vse mee so, came and closed with him, so both of vs went to the ground, with that the Por∣tugals * 1.569 that were in the house came and parted vs, and asked him wherefore hee strooke mee, then the ensigne answered that the Captaine had risen and found no body in the watch, to that they all answered, that no man had called mee, then hee commanded mee to goe before the Captaine; hee without hearing me speake, commanded two Indians to binde mee to a poste, and commanded them to take the cords of their beds and whip me, I desired that the Captaine would heare the truth, and if hee found any fault in mee, I would according to Marshall Law bee hanged. Before the Indians had vntyed their beds, there came in an ancient old man, by name Iohn de Soso, Captaine of our Rere-guard, and with him some twentie Portugals, [ 30] that lay in the same house where I lay. When they saw mee bound they told the Captaine that I was not in fault, for no man had called mee. Then the Captaine commanded mee to bee vn∣tyed, and bade mee goe to my Watch, I went home and fetched my Sword, and presently came againe where I should haue watched, and when I came there, I found him that had gone his way before, and said to the Captaine before my face, that hee had called mee, and that I made him no answere, when I saw him there, I asked him if hee was not asha∣med to auouch that which was a Lye? with that hee beganne to abuse mee in vile words, calling mee English Dogge and Heretique, when I saw my selfe disgraced by a paultry Me∣stizo, I tooke my Sword with both my hands, and strooke him on the head with the Hilts, that [ 40] I made a great wound.

Then the Captaine commanded mee to bee set in the Stockes, and bound my hands, where I * 1.570 lay all that night, and the next day in the afternoone, there came two Portugals and read cer∣taine Articles against mee, which the Captaine had caused to bee made, saying, that I had kil∣led many sicke Indians when I had found them alone, and that I had deserued death by making a mutinie in the Court of Guard by striking, that was sufficient to make an vprore. After they had read all this, they bid mee prepare my selfe for death, and so went their wayes. Within halfe an houre after the Frier came to mee, and asked mee whether I would confesse or no, I told him that I had stolne nothing from no man, and as for my sinnes God knew the secrets of all hearts, wherefore I had nothing to confesse to him. With that after many Orations that hee made to mee, hee went his way. All the Portugals went to the Captaine entreating him to pardon me, [ 50] but hee would not heare them, desiring God that he might neuer come into Christian Countrey if hee did not hang mee. I lay all day and night in the Stocks, till it was foure of the clocke the next morning. Then the Frier came to me againe, and told mee that my houre was very neere, and desired mee to prepare my selfe to dye like a Christian, I told him I hoped the Lord would haue mercie vpon me.

Betwixt six and seuen of the clock, there came the ensigne, and a Scriuener, and two or three Portugals with them, and an Indian with a cord in his hand, and by the command of the Por∣tugals * 1.571 put it about my necke, then I was carried to the place of execution: all the Portugals being about me, I said, Gentlemen, the Captaine putteth me not to death for the offence that [ 60] lately I haue done, but a grudge he holdeth against me falsely rumered by his Cosen, who is now present, because I would not saue him; and for that, and no other matter I am condem∣ned at this present. As I was speaking, the Indian that should haue beene my executioner, came from the top of the house, where I should haue bin executed, and thrusting me on the side of the

head said, What doest thou prate, knowest thou not that the Captaines Father sent thee hither, that thou mightest neuer returne? with that the Portugals checkt the Indian, and Iohn de soso standing with * 1.572 Graned del Galbo, and ••ost••o Abanos, yea, a great many Portugals said, what authoritie hath the Captaine to hang this man, we come not in the Kings seruice, but for our owne profits, and he is but the Gouernours bastard Sonne; so they commanded the execution to be staied, then Iohn de Soso went to the Captaine, and told him, Sir, we know not where we are, and many of our men are dead, wherefore it is not conuenient at this time, that we should weaken our selues, for we know not if any of vs shall returne againe or not, wherefore wee desire you to pardon this Englishman, for he is as good a Souldier as any of vs, and the man that is hurt is not in danger. The Captaine swore a great oath, that I should dye; then Iohn de Soso, and the rest of the Por∣tugals, bid him shew what authoritie he had to put me to death, and if he shew not authoritie [ 10] from the King, I should not dye at that time, for they were to answere for me as well as he. The Captaine came out very angerly, and made great protestations against Iohn de Soso, that hee was an vpholder of mutinies. Iohn de Soso said, that he would answere to all that he alleadged, and so I was released from death.

After we had beene at this place, two moneths making our prouision, we went forward to another Towne, we found great store of Ginnie Wheate newly planted; here we remained three moneths, till the Wheate was ripe, from thence all the Company returned home but my selfe, and twelue yong men; we asked leaue of the Captaine to goe to seeke our aduenture, the * 1.573 Captaine gaue vs leaue to doe what we would; for mine owne part, I asked leaue onely for feare to goe homewards, lest the Captaine should worke me some mischiefe; likewise wee did all [ 20] thinke we should hardly get home, for we knew not where we were, and the way that we did come, we durst not returne againe, for feare of the Pories, and Lepos Tominenos, and other Cani∣bals, left they seeing vs weake, should betraie vs.

§. III.

His strange trauailes with twelue Portugals, whom the Sauages did eate. His life with the Canibals: and after that with the Portugals, from whom hee fleeth to [ 30] Angola, is brought backe, and after manifold chances, is shipped to Lisbone.

I And the twelue aforesaid, tooke our leaue of the Captaine, determining to goe to the South Sea, rather then returne againe without any thing. The names of the Portugals were these, Francisco Tauares, Lewes de Pino, Gonsalo Fernandes, Tomas Deluare, Lewis Loello, Matheas del Galo, Iohn de Siluesa, Petro de Casta, Antonio fernandes Gorgedias, Manuell Caldera, and my selfe Anthony Kniuet. After we had departed from our Captaine, we made a great Canoa of a barke of a tree, and went downe the Riuer called Ianary for the space of a weeke, that we came where we found a little Village of sixe houses, and it seemed it had beene [ 40] a long time sithence any inhabitants were there; when we came to this Village we left our Ca∣noa, and determined to goe by land. In this Towne we found great store of earthen Pots, and in some of them peeces of Gold tied at lines that the Indians fish withall; likewise we found * 1.574 Stones as greene as grasse, and great store of white glistering Stones like Christall, but many of them were blew and greene, red and white wonderfull faire to behold: when we saw the pee∣ces * 1.575 of Gold and those Stones, we made accompt that we were very neere Potasin, then we tooke our way South-west, and went vp a great Mountaine of Wildernesse. After that, we came to a place of dry Browne earth, full of hils, rocks, and many small Riuers at the head; by many of * 1.576 these Riuers we found little peeces of Gold, as bigge as an Hasell nut, and great store in dust like sand. After which, we came into a faire Countrie, and we saw a great glistering Mountaine be∣fore [ 50] vs, ten daies before we could come to it, for when we came into the plaine Countrie, and were out of the Mountaines, and the Sunne began to come to his height, wee were not able to * 1.577 trauaile against it, by the reason of the glistering, that dazeled our eyes. At the last, by little and little we came to the foote of this Mountaine, where we found great store of Tamandros.

We went along by this Mountaine at the least twenty daies, before we could finde any way to passe ouer it; at last we came to a Riuer that passed vnder it, here we determined to make some shift to get through, some of our company said that they thought it best to goe still along by the foote of the Mountaine, rather then to venture to goe through; for they said, if this wa∣ter goe not through, we are all cast away, for it is impossible to returne againe against this cur∣rent. [ 60] Then I answered, friends, we may as well aduenture our liues now as we haue done here∣tofore * 1.578 in many places, if not, we must make accompt to liue here like wilde Beasts, where we shall haue life as long as pleaseth God, without credit, name, or Religion: wherefore I thinke that our best way is to goe through if we can, for no doubt but God that hath hitherto deliue∣red

vs from dangers infinite, at this time will not forsake vs, and questionlesse if it be our fortunes to passe on the other side, we shall finde either Spaniards or India••••, for I am sure, that each of you haue heard, that on a faire day it is to be discerned from the top of Potasin to this Mountaine. After I had thus spoken, the Portugals determined to venture to goe through; we made a great thing of great Canes, three yards and a halfe broad, and six yards long, that we might lye downe and sleepe vpon it: we killed good store of Tamandroes, and rosted them very dry for our proui∣sion, for we knew not how long we should be in the vaute.

After we had made all ready, taking good store of wood with vs, commending our selues to God, we put our selues into the vaut, which made such a noise with the running of the water, that we thought it had beene some inchantment. We went in on munday morning, and we * 1.579 came out on a morning (whether we were two dayes or one in the vault I know not.) As soone [ 10] as we perceiued light we were very glad, but when we came out, we saw on euery side houses, then we tooke counsell what was the best for vs to doe, to hide ourselues, and see if we could passe the Townes in the night, or to goe and submit ourselues to the Indians: we all agreed, that the best was to goe to them; then I said, well friends, sithence we haue agreed, let vs fully deter∣mine here what we shall doe and say, for questionlesse, they will examine vs what we are, and from whence we came; then the Portugals said, we will tell them that we are Portugals, then I answered, I will tell them that I am a French man. We went towards their houses, who as soone as they had perceiued vs came out hooping and hollowing with their Bowes and Arrows; and when they came vnto vs they bound our hands, and tied cords about our middles, and so led vs to their houses: presently there came two or three old men, and asked what we were, then [ 20] the Portugals answered, that they were Portugals, and I, that I was a French man.

Within two houres after they had examined vs, they tooke one of the Portugals, and tied a * 1.580 new roape about his middle, and carried him into a yard, with three Indians holding a cord on the one side, and three on the other side, and the Portugall in the middest, there came an old man, and bid him looke on all things, that he liked, and told him that he should bid them farewell, for hee should see them no more: then there came a lustie yong man, with his armes and face died red, and said vnto him, doest thou see me, I am he that hath killed many of thy Nation, and will kill thee. After he had spake all this, he came behinde the Portugall, and strooke him on the nape of the necke, * 1.581 that he felled him to the ground, and after hee was downe gaue him another that hee killed him; then they tooke the tooth of a Conie and opened all the vpper skinne, so they tooke him [ 30] by the head and the feete, and held him in the flame of the fire: after that, rubbing him with their hands, all the vpper skin came of, and the flesh remained white, then they cut off his head, and gaue it to him, they tooke the guts, and gaue them to the women, after which they iointed him ioint by ioint, first hands, then elbowes, and so all the body. After which, they sent to eue∣ry house a peece, then they fell a dancing, and all the women made great store of Wine: the next day they boiled euery ioint in a great pot of water, because their wiues and children might eate of the broth; for the space of three dayes they did nothing but dance and drinke day and night: after that they killed another in the same manner as you haue heard, and so serued all but my selfe. [ 40]

When I saw all the Portugals dead, I looked for the same, but after the Indians had done with * 1.582 the Feasts, they came vnto me and said, Feare not, for your ancestors, haue beene our friends, and we theirs, but the Portugals are our enemies, and make vs slanes, wherefore we haue done with them as you haue seene. After I had heard what they said, I told them I had no reason to feare, for I knew they were my friends, and not mine enemies, and that I had bin a long time prisoner to the Portugals.

When I had bin two moneths with these Indians called the Tamoyes, they went to warre a∣gainst Tomominos, and comming to fight, we had almost lost the field, for the Tamominos were a * 1.583 great many more, so that we were faine to take the Mountaine: when I saw the rusticall manner of their fight, that without any order they would set vpon their enemies like Buls, I taught them how to set themselues in Battaile, and to lye in ambush, and how to retire and draw their ene∣mies [ 50] into a snare: by this meanes, we had alwayes the vpper hand of our enemies, and I was * 1.584 held in great accompt amongst them, for they would neuer goe to the field, except I went with them: in a short time we gaue so many battailes to the Tomominos, that we made them leaue their Countrey, and flye further from vs: so wee liued in peace. The Tamoyes offered mee many wiues, but I refused, saying it was not our custome to take wines out of our Coun∣trey. After wee had conquered the Tomominos, wee liued in peace for the space of foure moneths, and then there came another kinde of Canibals, called Topinaques. These made their Towne very neere vs, at a Mountaine called by the Indians Tamiuua (that is) the Mountaine * 1.585 of Gold.

When we heard of them, we prepared to make warre against them, wee went fiue thousand * 1.586 [ 60] strong, in fiue dayes iourney we came before the Towne; but we being espied, they left their Towne and fled, we followed them tenne daies, taking many old men and women, which as we tooke them we killed: we followed them till we came to a great Riuer side, where we durst

not passe for feare lest the enemy should ouercome vs at the landing, so we returned home againe, from the Riuer called Morgege, where we remayned still in peace, for the space of eight moneths till we remoued our selues.

At this place I went all naked with out any thing, onely a few leaues I tied before mee for shame. One day going all alone a fishing for pleasures sake, I sat downe remembring my selfe in * 1.587 what state I was, and thinking what I had beene, I began to curse the time that euer I heard the name of the Sea, and grieued to thinke how fond I was to forsake my naturall Countrey where I wanted nothing: then was I out of all hope either to see Countrey or Christian againe; sitting by the Riuer in these passionate thoughts, there came on old Indian one of the chiefest of them, and beganne to talke with me saying. It was a good time with them when they dwelt at Cape Frio, for then they had trade with the Frenchmen, and wanted nothing, but now they had ney∣ther [ 10] Kniues nor Hatchets, nor nothing else, but liued in great necessitie, with that I answered I did heartily wish, that he and his company would goe and dwell by the Sea-coast, without * 1.588 danger of Portugals, whereupon hee and I went home together, and the Indian reported in the Towne what I had said vnto him: the next morning there came (at the least) twenty of the chie∣fest of them into the house where I lay, and asked me if I knew my Place certaine, where they might finde any French Ships: I told them that I was sure betwixt the Riuer of Plate, and a Ri∣uer called by the Portugals Dos Patos, we should finde French men, and if we did not, that here the Portugals could not hurt vs. Moreouer, it were better to dwell by the Sea side, where we should haue plenty of al things, then where we did, where we had nothing to liue vpon but roots. These old men went and told the people, which all desired to see the coast, so they resolued, and [ 20] making prouision, we departed from our abode, being thirty thousand of vs.

After we had passed many a Hill, all Wildernesse and Riuers, where wee found many precious stones, we came to a faire sandie Countrie, through which we trauelled some twentie dayes, and * 1.589 we went Northward for feare of comming into the Countrie where there are great store of Spa∣niards, and this Countrie is it selfe very populous, and are friends with the Spaniards. Therefore we changed our course and trauelled all Northward, till we came into the Countrie of the Ama∣sons, which the Indians call Mandiocusyanas, then we tooke our course Southward againe. I would haue perswaded the Tamoyes to haue warred against the Amasons, but they durst not, for they said, we know that their Countrie is very populous, and we shall be all killed. After wee came * 1.590 [ 30] to the head of the Riuer, called Patos, there we found Canoas of barkes of trees that came downe the Riuer some eight dayes, then wee found the Riuer very broad, and many trees cut by the Ri∣uers side, whereby we suspected that we were neere the Sea side, or some Town of the Waanasses, for the Waanasses neuer inhabit far from the coast. When the Indians saw these tokens of abidance; they asked me what I thought was best to doe: I answerd, I thought it best to hide our selues, and to send some nine or ten yong men to see if they could spie any Towne, so we to circle them in their houses in the night: to that they all agreed, and ten of them were sent, they returned again at night without sight of any Towne, but they said there went a great path by the Riuer side, and brought peeces of Cords that they found in the way with them. Hence we iudged that we should finde some Towne by the Riuer side, and determined to goe downe the Riuer in the night with our Canoas, to see if we could finde the Towne. [ 40]

About foure of the clocke we came to a faire Bay, and saw the Sea; and doubling a point of the shoare we espied a Towne, then as fast as we could we landed our men, and the day began to be cleare, and one of the Town comming out to the Sea side, espied vs, whereupon all the Town * 1.591 rose vp in armes, and we had a great skirmish. We were many more in number, and had farre better order, so we put them to flight killing a great many of them: wee tooke three hundred prisoners men and women, which the Tamoyes killed and did eate afterwards. These Indians are called Carijos. After we had put them to flight they went to Saint Vincents by land, and craued * 1.592 succour of the Portugals. At this Towne of the Carijos we found great store of prouision, Cassaui, Ginnie Wheate, Potatoes, Plantons, Pumpions, and all other such like that the Countrie yeeldeth, and in great plenty: there likewise we found great store of Ryals of eight, for there had beene a [ 50] Caruell cast away in that place not long before, and the Spaniards were gone before by land to Bonas Ayres in the Riuer of Plate: with these Indians the Portugals had peace, but now they are in warre with them againe.

Some of the Carijos went to the Riuer of Plate to craue succour, others, as I said before, came to the Town of Saint Vincents: from Saint Uincents, newes was sent to the Riuer of Ianero, from * 1.593 thence the Portugals made a Nauie of Canoas and Caruels, of the which the Gouernours sonne Marten de Sasa (which was come home from the Riuer of Iauary, where I departed from him) was come againe as Captaine of all the Portugals, and comming vpon vs in the night, they sei∣zed our Towne: about three of the clocks, an Indian that came with the Portugals beganne to speake very loud to the men of the Towne, that they should not stirre, for if they stirred they [ 60] should be all put to the sword. When the Tamoyes heard the Indian speake, they began to russell with their Bowes and Arrowes, making a great noise, with that the Portugals shot of a Peece, then they all lay downe in their beds, like men without liues or soules; when the day was

cleare, and my Masters Sonne saw me aliue, he blest himselfe, and asked me what was become of my companions, I told him that the Indians had killed them, and eaten them. After that, about * 1.594 ten of the clocke, all the Indians were brought out of their houses, and being examined, some of them said that I bid them kill them, & if many of them had not been, I had died for it, but it was * 1.595 Gods will to discouer the truth by their own mouthes: then the Portugals killed all the old men and women, and all those that had beene particuler actors of the Portugals deaths, which were in all 10000. and 20000. were parted amongst them for their slaues.

I came againe to my old Master, and was sent with the Tamoyes to a Sugar Mill that my Master had newly made. There I went still to the woods with the slaues to draw out great peeces of Timber for the space of three moneths: then was newes brought from Cape could, that the Ca∣nibals [ 10] called Vaytacasses, were come to make their abidance a little Southward of the Cape, in * 1.596 certaine places, where before the Tamoyes had inhabited. The Saluador Coria de Sasa sent his Sonne Gonsalo Corea de Sasa, vvith vvhom I vvent against my vvill. We trauelled eight dayes by the Sea side, vvhere vve had alwayes great store of Fish. After that vve came to a place, called Etaoca, that is to say, the Stone house, as strong a thing as euer I saw, for it vvas a great huge rocke, and it hath an entrance like a great doore, vvithin it, as any Hall in England: the Indians say that * 1.597 there Saint Thomas did Preach to their forefathers there: hard by standeth a Stone as bigge as foure great Canons, and it standeth vpon the ground vpon foure stones little bigger then a mans finger, like stickes; the Indians say that vvas a miracle vvhich the Saint shewed them, and that that Stone had beene Wood: likewise by the Sea side there are great Rockes, vpon them I saw [ 20] great store of prints of the footing of bare feete; all vvhich prints vvere of one bignesse. They say that the Saint called the Fishes of the Sea, and they heard him.

From thence we went through the Wildernesse, foure dayes till we came to a great Moun∣taine, called Abousanga retam; by the Sea side of that Mountaine, we found a small Towne of Tamoyes, that had escaped in the time of the first conquest, that Saluador Corea de Sasa made a∣gainst that kinde of people, and neuer were heard of till now that wee found them by chance. * 1.598 The Captaine of them was (as they shewed by signes) one hundred and twenty yeares old, and yet was very lustie: he had in his lippe a great hole, and on either side of his cheekes a great hole, and in either of them a faire greene Stone. After we had taken this small Towne, wherein there were fiue hundred soules, we asked if they knew where the Waytacasses were, they told vs all that [ 30] they knew very well, so in three dayes they guided vs into a low seggie Countrie, where the Waytacasses were: when we came to their habitation, this Abousanga came among the thickest of the Portugals, and said these words; He that neuer saw Abousanga let him looke on me now, and they that dare follow me shall see my valour: and so with his Bowe and his Arrowes, he ran amongst the thickest of the enemy, where he was shot with one and twenty Arrowes. In that enterprise we all saw him kill three of the Waytacasses. When we came to the fight, all the Wayta∣casses ranne away, & we tooke but one of them: for all that Abousanga was so hurt, he liued foure houres: the Portugals asked him why he had beene so desperate? he told them that he had liued all his life a free man, and that he had beene a great warrier, and would rather dye then be their Captiue. Then he asked Baptisme, and desired them that they would tell him somewhat of God, * 1.599 [ 40] for he said whatsoeuer they told him he would beleeue; the Portugall Frier told him that God was the sauer of soules and the giuer of life, and that if he truely repented and would be Bapti∣sed he should be saued; he answered, that all that was told him he truely beleeued, and de••••red that with speede he might be Baptised, and so died, calling to God for mercy till his last houre: from this place we returned home.

After we came home again, his son Gonsalo Corea de Sasa, reported so well of me, that his father commanded me to waite on him whither soeuer he went: newes came at that time from Portugall of a Nauie of Shippes out of England, that were come to Brasil; whereupon the Gouernour com∣manded a Fort to be made of his owne cost vpon a rocke that standeth on the mouth of the ha∣uen, so neere the Riuer side, that three moneths after it vvas done, the Sea carried it away, with all the Ordnance in it. I haue told you before that three moneths after I was taken, the Desire * 1.600 [ 50] came from the Straits to a great Iland, where sixteene of her men were slaine, and one taken, by name Andrew Towers: this man was a Phisitian, and did many cures, the Portugals tooke him for a Sorcerer, for he would prognosticate many things; he had but one eye, and the Portugals said that in his eye which was out, he had a familier: this man tooke vpon him to make a deuise to take the peeces of Ordnance out of the Sea, which was this; he caused to be made a suite of Leather all greased and pitched, that no water could enter into it, then he caused a great head to be made all pitched, with a great nose, & at the nose were three bladders, and at the mouth two; he intised me to vndertake to goe down into the Sea in that, saying it was very easie to be done. I told him, that if I might be well recompensed, I vvould venture my life to doe it; then he made * 1.601 [ 60] it knowne to the Gouernor, that if I were well paid, I would venture my life, then the Gouer∣nour called me and said, I vvill giue you ten thousand Crownes, and a Pasport to goe for your Countrie, or vvhether you vvill, if you put a Ring into the eare of one of the Peeces. I told him, I would doe my best by Gods helpe.

After the deuise of Leather was made, most of the Portugals went to the place, where the pie∣ces were lost with great solemnitie, praying to God to send me good lucke. Putting on the sute of Lether, I was cast into the Sea in eighteene fathome deepe, with a mightie great stone tyed about me. The head was so bigge, all pitched and tarred, that the weight of the stone (for it was * 1.602 great only) carried me downe, and it was a great paine vnto me, for the weight of the stone car∣ried me downeward, and the water by reason of the head bare mee vpward, that I thought the cord I was tied withall, would haue cut me in pieces. When I felt my selfe so tormented, I tooke a Knife that was tyed in my hand, and cut the cord, and assoone as I came aboue water, I tore the bladders from my face, and cut my sute before, for I was almost stifled, and for the space of a moneth, I knew not what I did. [ 10]

Continually I desired my Master, to giue me leaue to get my liuing, intending to come into my Countrey, but the Gouernour, would not let me goe from him. When I saw no meanes to get leaue of my Master, I determined to runne away to Angola; for to serue the King as a Soul∣dier in Massangano, till such time that I might passe my selfe to the King of Anyeca, which war∣reth * 1.603 against the Portugals, and so haue come through Prester Iohns Countrey into Turkie. On the seuen and twentieth day of Iune 1597 I embarked my selfe vnknowne to my Master in a small ship of one Emanuell Andrea, for to come for Angola. In this Voyage wee were driuen so neere the Cape of Good Hope, that we thought all of vs should haue beene cast away, the Seas are there so great; and by reason of the current they brake in such sort, that no shippe is able to endure. There we brake both our mayne mast and our Mesen. I•• pleased God to send vs the wind East∣ward, which brought vs to our desired Harbour Angola. Wee had beene fiue monethes in our [ 20] Voyage, and by that meanes other shippes that departed two monethes after vs were there be∣fore vs, when I heard that there were ships of the Riuer of Ienero, I durst not goe ashoare for feare of being knowne of some of the Portugals, the next day after that wee came into the Har∣bour; there came a great Boate aboord vs, to aske if wee would sell any Cassaui meale, wee told them we would, and asked them whether they went with their Boate, they answered, that they tarried for the tyde to goe vp to the Riuer of Guansa Tomasongano, then I thought it a fit time for my purpose, and so embarked my selfe in the Barke, the Portugals maruelled to see mee goe willingly to Masangono; for there men dye like Chickens, and no man will goe thither if he can choose. [ 30]

Nine dayes we were going vp the Riuer of Guansa, in which time two Portugall Souldiers dyed, the Countrey is so hot that it pierceth their hearts, three dayes after I had beene in Ma∣sangano, Don Francisco de Mendosa Fortado, the Gouernour of the Citie of Congo, hauing re∣ceiued a Letter from Saluador Coria de Sasa, who was his great friend, sent a Pursuiuant for me, who brought me by Land through the King of Congos Countrey, and in sixe dayes we came to a Towne called Saint Francis, (where the Gouernour was) hard by the Kingdome of Mani∣congo, when I came before the Gouernour hee vsed mee very kindly in wordes, and asked mee, what I meant to cast my selfe away wilfully in Masangano, then I told him, how long I had serued Saluador Coria de Sasa; and in how many dangers I had beene for him and his Sonne, without euer hauing any recompence of any of them, and there∣fore [ 40] I thought it better to venture my life in the Kings seruice, then to liue his Bond-slaue. The * 1.604 Gouernour commanded me to be carried to Angola, and charged a paire of bolts to bee put vpon my legges, because I should not runne away. About a fortnight after I was sent backe againe in a Car••ell of Francis Lewes, and in two moneths we arriued in the Riuer of Ienero, and I was car∣ried * 1.605 with my bolts on my legges before the Gouernour; when he saw me, hee beganne to laugh and to ieast with mee, saying, that I was welcome out of England. So after many ieasts hee spake, hee bade pull off my bolts from my legges, and gaue mee cloth, and vsed mee ve∣rie well.

After I had beene with the Gouernour againe some two monethes, then came a small man of Warre to great Iland, the Captaines name was Abram Cocke, he lay in waite for the ships of the [ 50] Riuer of Plate, and had taken them if it had not beene for fiue of his men, that ranne away with his Boate, that discouered his beeing there, for within a seuennight after hee was gone, three Caruels came into the same Road where he was. These fiue men were taken by a Frier that came from San Uincents, and were brought to the Riuer of Ienero, I being at this time in some account with the Gouernour, fauoured them aswell as I could, especially one of them, by name Richard Heixt, because that they all said, that hee was a Gentleman, after that wee had beene in the Towne together about some three moneths, one of them called Thomas Cooper, being married, had his house by the Sea side, where he vsed his Trade, we were then nine Englishmen, and three Dutchmen, and wee determined when the shipping came from the Riuer of Plate, that wee would take one of them comming into the Harbour, this Heixt alwayes went with me to a Por∣tugals [ 60] house where I was very well beloued. One night hee comes into the house, and steales a∣way * 1.606 a boxe; that had sixtie Rialls of eight in it, and two or three pieces of Holland, I desired him to restore the same, but this Heixt being a swaggering companion vsed me most vilely in words, and went and told the Gouernour, what wee all had determined, and said that wee were Here∣tickes,

and that he himselfe was a Catholicke, that day at night I should haue stolne the Key of the Kings Store-house to haue taken Muskets and Powder, and haue carried it to Thomas Coopers house, but it was Gods will that he had accused vs before I had done it, or else we had beene all hanged for it. We being all before the Gouernour, and denying that we had euer meant any such matter, Heixt said, Sir, send to Thomas Coopers house, and you shall find 20. Muskets and powder, that Anthony hath stolne out of the Kings Score-house for that purpose, if your Worship find it not so, say that I am a lier, and a false dealer. Then the Gouernour sent vs all to Prison, & himselfe and Heixt, went to T. Coopers house, where they found no such matter. He went to the Kings Store-house and saw that nothing was stirred: whereupon hee was some what angry with Heixt, because he had taken him with an vntruth, and said, that he neuer saw men of so peruerse and vile condition as we were to seeke the destruction of each other. Vpon occasion of this Heixt * 1.607 [ 10] his ill demeanure not long after, the Gouernour sent him to Angola, and from thence Don Fran∣cisco sent him to Masangano, where he dyed in a miserable es••••te. Presently after that Andrew Towres, was accused for eating flesh on the Friday, and for that was put in prison, and paid 100. Rials of eight, and was set at libertie, within a moneth af••er he had bin out of prison, he ran away to Fernambucke, the Gouernour being informed of it sent two small Caruels after him to bring him back againe: in one of the small Caruels went his sonne Gonsalo Coreade Safa, and the High Priests Nephew, and a great many more young Gentlemen. After they were out on the Mayne, and almost aboord of the ship that Andrew Towers was in, on a sudden, there came a great storme, that the small Caruell that the Gouernours sunne was in, could not endure the Sea, but was fain to run on shore on the Coast, where three of their company were cast away, one of them beeing [ 20] the High Priests Nephew, and I thinke that they had bin all drowned, if it had not bin for Mar∣tin de Safa, that was at that place with 100. slaues making Brasill ready for a ship of his Fathers, the other Caruell followed him to Fernambuquo, and brought him backe againe to the Riuer of Ienero, where hee was put in prison and should haue bin hanged, but that all the Towne begged him, he was sent to Masongona where he dyed.

Anno Dom. 1598. there came two Dutch, ships being Captaine of them, Iasper Fernandes a * 1.608 Dutchman, and leaue of the Gouernour after he had shewed his Licence out of Portugall, set all his goods on shore, and had bought and sold for the space of three monethes in the Towne, and made great store of money. At the time of his going away, the Kings Officers said that his Li∣cence was not good, and would haue stopped his ships, then the Gouernour said, why looked [ 30] you not to that before, seeing I gaue them leaue to come in vpon your words, saying, that his dispatch was good, answere it how you can, for seeing he came in with leaue and vpon my word he shall goe out without any hearing, and so he departed for Angola.

After that, the Gouernor General of all the Coast of Brasil, Don Francisco de Sasa, came to the Riuer of Ienero, with two Hulkes, and being enformed that Iasper Fernandes was at Angola, hee sent a Caruell thither, that his ships should bee kept for the King, hee hearing of it went aboord his ships, and went away in spight of the Portugals; the same yeere there came Francisco de mon∣dunsa de vesconsales for Gouernour to my Masters place, that day the Hulke which the new Go∣uernour was in, came to the mouth of the Hauen, the Gouernour Saluador Corea de Safa; was at a Sugar-mil that he had newly finished. The aforesaid, when she came to the mouth of the Hauen [ 40] beganne to shoot off her Ordnance, the Gouernour not knowing what it should bee, presently caused a great Canoa to bee made readie, for immediately, hee would goe to the Towne to see what was the matter, within halfe an houre after we had 〈◊〉〈◊〉 out at Sea, to come to the Towne, a great tempest rose and ouerturned the Canoa, there my Master had bin cast away, if God first, and I had not laid hands on him, for all his slaues swamme away to the shore, and Henry Barra∣way * 1.609 with them, only I, and Domingos Gomes a Molato slaue that my Master carried with him in the Sea, and betweene vs, we got him to the Canoa, where he held fast, till wee drew neere the shore, where the Sea brake like Mountaynes, there we had like to haue bin all cast away, for the Sea would cast vs against the Hils of sand, and carrie vs backe againe to the Sea; after I had got my selfe ashore, I looked towards the Sea, and saw my Master come in a great waue, and as [ 50] the waue brake, I and my deere friend Domingos Gomes tooke hold of him and dragged him out of the Sea; but we both thought that hee would haue dyed, for hee could not speake, then wee tooke him betweene vs by the legges vpon our shoulders, and made him vomit a great deale of water, and so recouered him, when I saw him well, I told him that the Sea knew no Gouernours better then other men, the next day the Gouernour went home by land, and found the other Gouernour in the Towne, for whose comming I did not a little reioyce, for then I thought the time was come that I long had desired, hoping shortly to come into my Countrey.

In the same yeere there came foure Hollanders, and anchored before the Citie in the mouth of the Hauen, then all the Towne rose vp in Armes, my Master was at his Sugar-mill, and I re∣mayned * 1.610 [ 60] in the Towne to wayte on my Mistris. When shee saw the Portugals runne vp and downe with their Armes, she commanded me to take a Musket, and bade mee goe to one of the Forts, the which I did according to her command: the new Gouernour came to the Fort where I was, and viewed the men that were in the Fort, and commanded one of his men to giue vs

Powder and shot. After I had spoken with the new Gouernour (who liked mee very well, be∣cause he said I was ready with my Peece, and praysed the English Nation to be very good Soul∣diers.) One Iohn de Seluera told him, that he were best take heed of me, that I ranne not away to the Hollanders, for I had done greater matters then that, and that he knew I made no account to swim aboord of them in the night vpon any piece of wood, and rehearsed many things that I had aduentured in the time that my Master was Gouernour. The new Gouernour came and tooke me by the hand, and carried mee to Prison, where I lay 27. dayes, till the Hulkes were depar∣ted from the mouth of the Hauen, and went to Great Iland, then I was set at libertie. After that the Gouernour Generall had beene at San Uincents some two moneths, there came a great Hulke of Amsterdam, called the Golden World, and a Captaine that was called Lawrence Bitter, the Hulke had beene at Saint Thomas Iland, and an Iland called the Prince, and from thence to the [ 10] Straits of Magellan, where many of her men dyed, and by contrary wind they were compelled to returne to the Coast of Brasill, this Hulke comming to San Vincent, sent her Boate to tell the Gouernour that they were Merchants, and that if they would giue them leaue, they would traf∣fique * 1.611 with them, the Gouernour Generall made them a Certificate vnder his hand and Seale, that they should haue no wrong, but pay the Kings Custome and goe their wayes when they would, and whether they would: with that the Captaine of the Hulke put into the Harbour; & comman∣ded his goods to be set on shore. Euery day he was visited by the Gouernour Generall aboord his ship, and promised him great courtesie. After that the Captayne had landed all his goods, and most of all the Hollanders were ashore, a great many Portugals went aboord the Hulke with Git∣ternes singing and playing. When the Flemmings saw them come in that sort they mistrusted no∣thing, [ 20] the Portugals danced in the ship and dranke with the Flemmings, and vpon a sudden when the Flemmings thought least of them, they drew their Swords and killed two of them, and pos∣sest * 1.612 themselues of the Hulke for the King.

In the beginning of the yeere of the Lord 1599. there came nine Hulkes before the Citie of Bacia, but they could do no good. After the Gouernour Generall had been some foure moneths at San Vincents, my Master had some businesse thither, and I went with him, when we came to San Uincents the Gouernour Generall was departed fiftie leagues within the land, at a place where he was enformed of some Mynes of Gold, but when he came thither, he found that they were not worth the working, then he determined to send farther into the Land to a place called Etapusick, [ 30] I being there, and knowing the place was commanded by the Gouernour Generall to goe thi∣ther, when we came to the aforesaid place, we found very singular good Mynes, and wee brought * 1.613 of the soyle to the Gouernour Generall, and many small peeces of Gold that we found in ma∣ny places where the water washed away the Earth, the Gouernour Generall tooke it, paying vs for it more then it was worth, and sent it to the King with a Sey, for to consider whether it should be wrought or not, the Gouernor Generall sent likewise 40000. pounds worth of Plate, that he had wrought out of the Myne of Saint Paul, which is twelue leagues from San Vincents, * 1.614 In the time that I went to Etapusicke, my Master was gone home, then I serued as a Souldier for the space of three moneths, that shipping went to the Riuer of Ienero; then the Gouernour Ge∣nerall requited my paines very honourably, and sent me backe againe to my Master. After that [ 40] my Master sent to a place called the Organs, which Hill is to bee seene from the Riuer of Ienero, * 1.615 where we found a little Myne of Gold, and many good stones. There came a Hulke out of Spaine that brought a Bishop, and a Spanish Gouernor to goe from thence in small shipping to the Riuer of Plate, and from thence to Somma. A little after that, this Hulke arriued at the Riuer of Ienero, * 1.616 where fell a disease in the Countrey like the meazels, but as bad as the plague, for in three mo∣neths their dyed in the Riuer of Ienero, aboue three thousand Indians and Portugals: this disease was generally in all parts of the Countrey. At this time going vp and downe from the Sugar∣mill to the ship, in the night with a Barke lading of Brasill for the Hulke, with the Ayre one of my legges swelled, that I could not stirre: it is common and very dangerous in those Countries when a man is hot, to come in the Ayre, especially in the night, for being a hot Countrey, it hath [ 50] a piercing ayre, and suddenly striketh in any part of the bodie. I was very ill for the space of a moneth.

The fourteenth of August 1601. Saluador Corea de Sasa; Gouernour of the Riuer of Ianuary, embarked himselfe in the aforesaid Hulke with his Wife Donenes de Soso, determining to make his Voyage to Fernambuquo, we sayled East to Seaward. The fifteenth day wee kept still East∣ward to the Sea. The sixteenth day we kept North-east, and about tenne of the clocke we had sight of the Cape

The seuenteenth, eighteenth and nineteenth, hauing the wind North-west, we kept stil East∣ward for feare of the sands and cliffes called Aborollas, they lye betweene the Cape and Spirito Santo. The twentieth day hauing the winde South, wee sayled our course North-east. This course we kept till the fiue and twentieth of the moneth, then the winde turned Northward, [ 60] we made East to Sea; this course we were faine to keepe till the last day of the moneth, the first of February, the winde being at South-west wee sayled North-east along the Coast, till the se∣uenth day of the moneth. The eight day the Master and the Pilot tooke the height of the Sun,

and were ten degrees and an halfe Southward of the Line. As the Master and the Pilot were talking together concerning the Voyage, there came a Sea-foule, and sitting vpon the backe stay, cast out two or three little fishes, with that a Spaniard called Iasper Conquero, who had some ex∣perience of the Coast, said to the Master take heed, for I am afraid you are neerer the shoate, then you take your selfe to bee, for you know not how the current driueth you Westward vpon the Coast, the Flemmings bade him meddle with his owne businesse, and that they knew what to do without his counsell, the Pilot made himselfe forty leagues from the shore, & directed his course North. The ninth day at midnight wee descried Land, the Pilot presently cast his Lead, and found but eight fathomes water, then he commanded the Saylers to cast about, the which they * 1.617 did, the wind being at North-east, and wee being neere the shore, could not beare vp to Sea; for [ 10] wee saw Clifts both on the starboord and larboord side of vs, and before wee could get out our Anchor, we were driuen so neere the Clifts on the lee side of vs, that wee had no other remedie, but to runne vpon the Rockes, where we had beene all cast away, but that it was the pleasure of God to deliuer vs, for wee lay with the Prow of our ship vpon one of the Rockes for the space of halfe an houre, and we were faine to cut off both our Masts, and to cast many chists ouer-boord, thinking it had beene impossible to saue any thing, but it was the will of God when wee least thought of it, that a great Sea brake ouer the Rocke, and put vs into eight fathomes water, be∣tweene the Rockes and the Cliffes, so by the prouidence of God, wee were deliuered out of the aforesaid danger.

The next day we saw Canibals along the shore, then the Gouernour commanded mee to be set [ 20] on shore to talke with the wilde people, and to know of them vpon what Coast wee were, or if we might goe to Fernambuquo by land, the Captaine commanded a Mamaluke, called Antonio * 1.618 Fernandes to goe with me ashore, but when we came to land, this Mamaluke durst not goe on shore, for feare of the wilde Canibals, so I went alone, and saluted them according to the fashion of the Countrey, then I enquired of them, how they called the place where they were, they told me that it was called Cororeyespe, which is the Riuer of Toades, likewise they said that we were very neere the Riuer of Saint Francis, and Northward, we had the Riuer called Saint Michell, and * 1.619 that they were slaues to the Portugals of Fernambucke, hauing driuen cattle to Baya; and now they returned home againe. One of these bond-slaues went aboord the shippe with mee, and tal∣ked with the Gouernour, the next day, the Gouernours Wife entreated her husband, that hee [ 30] would leaue the Hulke, and goe by land, the which he did at his wifes request, so commanding all his Treasure to be set on shore, we left our ship, the Gouernour commanded the Master to take Fernambuquo if it were possible, if not that he should goe to Baya, and from thence into Portu∣gall, with any ships that should depart from thence, this Hulke had nine tunnes of Siluer in her, * 1.620 the which incharged to Diego de Guadro, by the Gouernour Generall Don Francisco de Sasa; and at Fernambuquo, the charge of it was giuen to my Master Saluador Corea de Sasa, from the place where we were driuen on shore to Fernambucke, is fortie leagues. In this iourney from the Riuer of Toades, or from the Clifts called Bayshas Deamrobrio did I and Domingos Gomes alway carrie a Boxe of pure Gold of my Masters, some twelue leagues, from the aforesaid Riuer of Toades to a place called by the Indians Vpauasou; are three leagues, this Vpauasou; is a very singular good place [ 40] to take flesh water, from Vpauasou to another Riuer called Casuays, is one league from the Ca∣suayes, * 1.621 to the Riuer of Saint Michell are foure leagues, at this Riuer dwelleth a very rich Mama∣lucke, Iohn de Recho, at this Riuer we rested three dayes. The Gouernour Generall fraughted a small fisher Boate at this place, and determined to goe to Fernambuquo in it.

The same day that wee made sayle in the smal Barke from the Riuer of Saint Michell, there arose a great storme from that North-east, and we were faine to take the Riuer of Saint Michels againe with great hazard of our liues, for the winde being very great, wee were driuen vpon a * 1.622 Rocke that lyeth South-west from the mouth of the Riuer very neere the shore, all those that could swimme leaped into the Sea; and so the Barke was lighter, and swamme off the Cliffe, then the Gouernour and his Wife said that they would goe by Land, so the day after we depar∣ted [ 50] from the Riuer of Saint Michels to another great Riuer called Vno, this Riuer is three leagues from Saint Michel, heere my small ship may enter and take fresh water, and kill great store of fresh fish, from thence we went to another Riuer called Iaquareaficke, from this place the Gouer∣nour sent me and Antonio Fernandes before to a small Village to prouide some prouision against his comming, there was in our company a Portugall called Rafiel Penera, that perforce would go with vs, we told him that we had many great Riuers to passe, and that it were better for him to tarrie with the Gouernour and his Wife, he not regarding our words went with vs, so we de∣parted all three of vs, the next day after wee had departed from the Gouernour, wee came to a very faire Riuer called Saint Antonio, that which we passed vpon a Iangarie made of Canes, from thence wee went to a place called by the Indians Amrecuua Prisema, this is the Harbour of [ 60] Frenchmen, from thence wee came to a great faire Riuer called Camarijiuua, wee went on to the Riuer of Stones. We departed from thence vp the Riuer on a Mangada, made of three dry posts pinde together, the next morning we landed in a faire Champaine Countrey, where we saw great store of Cattle, and a Sugar-mill grinding of Canes, to which wee went, the Owner of the Mill

was a high Dutchman, to whom we deliuered the Gouernours Letter, the which as soone as hee had read, presently he commanded two Beeues to be killed, and sent away with tenne bushels of Cassaui meale, and many Hens and Turkeyes, and wee two were very honourably vsed for the space of a weeke that we were there, from thence wee departed to a place called Porto do Calu••, three leagues from the Aresee••e, this is an excellent Hauen for all weathers, and all the yeere long, there is at the least two thousand chists of Sugar. At this place Manuell Masquerennas met vs with two hundred Horse, and then after two dayes rest we came to Fernambuquo.

Twentie dayes after we had beene in the Towne Ielisiano Cuello, sent word to Manuell Mas∣querennas, how that he was beseeched in Rio Grande, by the Putewaras, and that if he were not presently ayded by him, he should be forced to lose the Kings Towne, with the losse of all their [ 10] liues, Masquerennas presently determined to goe himselfe, and left the Towne of Fernambu∣quo in charge to my Master Saluador Corea de Saa; and thus we departed from Fernambuquo with foure hundred Portugalls, and three thousand Indians, and in seuen dayes iourney we came to Rio Grande, hauing many a braue skirmish, with diuers Canibals in the way. As soone as wee were come before the Towne our Captaine made a long speech to all the Portugals and Indians, incou∣raging them against those Infidels whose Armie was at the least fortie thousand strong, and desired * 1.623 them all to confesse to their Ghostly Fathers and to take the Communion, for the next morning he was resolued to giue the onset on his enemies, the which was very brauely performed, for the Canibals the ••ay before in a skirmish that they had, did take two hundred prisoners, and hauing killed many of them to eate, not expecting our comming in the chiefest of their feast, and their [ 20] drinking we set vpon them, the people of the Towne on the other side, hearing the rumour, is∣sued for••h, thus taking them on the sudden, wee made such slaughter among them, that they were forced to remooue their siege, with the losse of three thousand prisoners, and fiue thousand that were slaine. The King of these Canibals was called Pirai••wath that is to say, the ••inne of a fish, when this Heathen Prince saw himselfe ouerthrowne with so small a number as wee were, in comparison of his multitudes, he sent certayne of his men to Manuell Masquarennas to treate of peace, vpon these conditions, that if he would release all those prisoners, and admit him and all his Nation to liue as free men, that then hee and all his would submit themselues as subiects vnto him and be baptized, which offer indeed was accepted of by Masquarennas, and thus one of the greatest Prouinces of all the North part of Brasilia, became subiect to the King of Spaine. [ 30] This conquest beeing ended, our Captaine Generall Masquarennas presently built two strong Forts hard by the Towne, on the Riuer side, and sent to Fernambuquo for forty cast Peeces of I∣ron, placing twentie in either Fort, many Souldiers, got at this conquest very rich stones, both Diamonds, Rubies, and great store of blue Saphires, in some small Villages that stood by the Sea side. We found great store of Ambergreece, which the Indians call Pi••apoun Arep••ty, here fortune was somewhat fauourable vnto me, for I got aboue fiue hundred Crownes in this iourney. * 1.624

After this co••quest was ended, Manuell Masquarennas returned againe to Fernambuquo, where I found my Master Saluador Corea, de Saa, readie to ship himselfe for Portugall, in the same ship that brought him from the Riuer I••nero, which by this time was come from B••yey••, after wee were set ashore at the place, called Ous Busshos de don Rodrigo, where we had all like to haue beene cast away, at my returne from Rio grand•• to Fernambuquo, I met with two Englishmen, the [ 40] one of them a Gentleman called Thomas Turner, the other Musgraue, Pilot of a Fly-boate of Master Newtons a Merchant of London, Master Turner by my aduice, went to the Riuer of Iane∣ro, * 1.625 and from thence to Angola, where he made great profit of his Merchandize, for which hee thanked me after we met in England. Now to my storie. The thirteenth of August 1596. Sal∣uador Corea de Saa, Lord Gouernour of the Riuer of Ianero, Captaine Generall of Spir••to Santo, Porta Segura, Santos, and San Vincent, departed from Fernambuquo, with fifteene Hulkes of Hamborough, seuen Fly-boates of Omd••n and Hamborough, and at the least twentie Caruels, all of them being laden with Sugars. The old Mary of Hamborough wherein the Gouernour came was Admirall, a ship of seuen hundred tunnes, the Owner whereof was called Hans Burgo, the [ 50] new Mary Vice-admirall a ship of fiue hundred tunnes, the Owner called Adrian Cornelias, Rere-admirall a ship of fiue hundred tunnes, the Owner called Conrado, likewise another great ship came with vs, called the George of one Ha••s Duke, the Dauid and others, with this fleete we departed from Fernambuquo, the fifteenth of August 1599. and in two monethes sayle wee arriued at Lisbone, where I continued with the Gouernour in his house for the space of nine moneths, after which time I fell very sicke, and by this time hauing spent all that I brought with me from Brasill, my misery great, and had beene a great deale greater, had it not beene for a vertuous English woman, which I met withall in a Nunnery, and in that time that I was there, shee made her approbation. By God first, and by her meanes I was saued from dying a most * 1.626 miserable death. [ 60]

After my comming to Lisbone, I fell very sicke in my Masters house, where I lay in a backe roome hauing only a piece of an old mat for my bed, thus I lay for the space of sicke weekes, in the greatest misery that could be, for first I was sicke of a burning Feuer, none came at mee but a poore slaue of my Masters, for before this time my deare friend Domingos G••mes was dead, this

slaue in loue to me, sometimes would bring me meate and water, sometimes I was two daies without either meate or drinke: in the end of this sixe weekes, Thomas Musgraue and Master Thomas Turne•• came to me with some Dutchmen, and they amongst them gaue me twelue shil∣lings: I had receiued so many bountifull gifts before of my vertuous friend Mistris Foster, that I would haue chosen rather to haue died, then she should haue knowne my want; but Thomas Musgraue of Ratcliffe, knowing how much she fauoured me, did perswade me to write vnto her, the which (although vnwillingly) I did; presently vpon the receit of my letter, I receiued from her fiftie Crownes, and euery day was visited from her, yet for all this my sicknesse grew to be such, that those that saw me thought that I could not escape, except I had the helpe of some Doctor, then by her meanes, reporting that I was her kinsman, I was carried to the Kings [ 10] Hospitall, where in two moneths I recouered, being one and twentie times let bloud, and short∣ly after that I was past all danger, I was very kindely discharged out of the Hospitall, with ten shillings in my purse.

After I came forth of the Hospitall, I thought with my selfe, that the best way was to leaue my Masters house, and determine how to get my liuing by some other meanes: with this deter∣mination I went to the Kings Custome house, where I met with many men of all Countries, there I met with some Scotchmen, seeking of one that could speake the language; I hearing them, offered my seruice, & after that, I had as many customers as I could turne my hands vnto, and got by them for interpreting verie good maintenance: many Dutch Merchants would haue had me gone backe againe in their affaires for Brusil, and the Indies, but I still had a desire first to come [ 20] to England, thinking that there I should finde some meanes to set forth my selfe in some good fa∣shion, but alas I finde that want hath no preferment: now for my comming into England, my de∣termination was to haue tarried somewhat longer then I did, but that my fortunes were and are euerlike to be crost, for liuing as I haue told you in verie good fashion, maintaining my selfe ve∣rie well by foraine Merchants, that could not speake the Spanish tongue: one day amongst the rest in the Kings Custome house I met with one who told me that my Master Saluador Corea de Saa, did command me to come to him againe, if not, that he would make me be brought whi∣ther I would or no: in briefe, I made little account of his message, and held on my course with them by whom I liued, but now my old friend, imprisonment, and miserie comes againe, and I am as farre from my long desired home as euer I was, for Saluador Corea de saa, seeing I would [ 30] not come at him, incenst the Viceroy Christopher de Mouco against me, telling him what harme I might doe if I got into my Countrie, I presentl•• vpon this was taken in the streete as if I had beene some notorious villaine, carried to prison, cast in a dungeon, where I lay (God be my wit∣nesse) three daies without meate, or sight of light; in the end I espied a little glimpse of the light, and clambering vp the wall, in despaire and halfe madde, I broke downe a peece of a boord that stood before an Iron grate, there I cried out in such sort that a great many came to the window, where many pittied me, but none could helpe me, &c.

§. IIII. [ 40]

The diuers Nations of Sauages in Brasil, and the adioyning Regions: their diuersities of Conditions, States, Rites, Creatures, and other things remarkeable, which the Author obserued in his many yeares manifold peregrinations.

THe Petiuares are not of so wilde and barbarous conditions as many other Prouinces are * 1.627 in Brasil; for if you come as a Merchant vnto them, they will trafficke with you, if as a Warrier, they will fight very valiantly. They are men of good stature, their bodies [ 50] are all carued with very fine workes, and in their lips they make a hole with a Roe-bucks horne, and when they come to mans estate, they cut the hole of their lippes with a Cane, and then the hole being bigge they weare a greene Stone therein, and he that hath not this fashion is counted a pesant. These Canibals haue no religion, they may take as many wiues as they will, or as they * 1.628 can get: the women can take no more husbands but one, except her husband giue her leaue in publike before them all, then she may take whom she will. When these Indians goe to the wars, * 1.629 their wiues carry all their prouision in Baskets on their backes: these Canibals goe all naked, and inhabit on the Northerne parts of Brasil from Baya to Rio Grande: they haue no certainty of meate but rootes, and if they kill any wilde Beast or Foule in the Mountaines, when he comes [ 60] home, looke to which of his wiues he giueth that which he bringeth, with her he will lye that night; then she presently goeth to the water, and washeth her selfe, and lying downe in a net, commandeth all the rest of her husbands wiues to serue her; which they doe very obediently for that day. When the time commeth that any woman is to be deliuered of Childe birth, she * 1.630 〈2 pages missing〉〈2 pages missing〉

with any kinde of Nation, but doe eate all kinde of people, Frenchmen, Portugals, and Blacka∣moores. Many times whilest I was at the Riuer of Ianuarie, some ships were cast away at this Cape, and all the Portugals and Blackamoores were eaten. I haue seene them take great dog-fishes by the taile, and dragge them ashoare. In this place I haue seene very great water Aligartos * 1.631 (which we call in English Crocodiles) seuen yards long. This Crocodile hath great scales, and long clawes very vgly to be seene. The Portugals, when they know where any of these great ones are, doe fish for them with a c••aine, and a great Iron hooke, and for bait they tie a Cock or a Hen to the hooke, they take this paines to take him because his Cods are very great, and better then any muske. At this place, the Mountaines are so full of Crab-lice, that wee knew not what to doe, * 1.632 they would stick in our skins that we could not get them off, but were faine to take drie straw and singe our selues, as you would singe Hogs, and so rid our selues of them. Here also wee had [ 10] great store of wilde Hogs, and a kinde of wilde Fowle as bigge as Turkies, called Mutas.

Abausanga, is the name of a valiant Caniball, that is adioyning hard by the Wataquazes, these * 1.633 Canibals are a kinde of the Tamoyes. Some twentie yeeres agone there was a Gouernour among them, called Mendesaa, in the Riuer of Ianuarie, who made warre against the Tamoyes, and in the end ouer run all their Countrie or Prouince; onely this Abausanga remayned hidden in Dun∣geons and gr••at Holes with some fortie or fiftie of his Cou••trimen. It was our chance going to warre with the Wataquazes to come through this Towne, and there we had newes by Abausan∣gas people, that he was at warre against the Wataquazes; whereupon we made Spies to see if we could take him, before that we would set vpon the Wataquazes. One euening, we heard a great [ 20] noise of Canibals, then the Captaine sending out some Spies, my selfe being one, wee saw that it was Abausanga, and his companie, that had taken fiue Wataquazes, and with great stirre were killing of them to eate. Assoone as we had espyed all that we could, wee returned againe to the Captaine, and told him what we had seene, and that night cir••led Abausanga, and tooke him pri••oner, with sixtie young men of his companie; wee asked of him our best course, to warre a∣gainst the Wataquazes, he told vs, that he was rather to take our aduice, then we to aske his, that he vsed no policie but to fight in open field, and if we would, we should see how he made warre ag••i••st his enemies: the nex•• day, we being hard by the Inhabitants of the Wataquazes; Abau∣sanga * 1.634 came forth, and ioyned all his companie together with leaue of our Captaine, and assoone as they were all readie vvith their bowes and arrowes, hee ran into the thickest of his enemies, [ 30] with all his companie, where eighteene of his companie were presently killed, and most of them sore hurt, he himselfe being shot in one and twentie parts. In our sight he killed three Wataqua∣zes before hee fell; the Portugals kept still by the woods side, and with their peeces killed one hundred and thirtie Wataquazes, the wilde people were so amazed when they heard our peeces goe off, that they thought the Deuill had beene amongst them, and euery one began to flie as fast as he could, the Portugals following them, found Abausanga in the field hurt, as you haue heard. This Abausanga assoone as he perceiued the Portugals to stand amazed at him, desired them to tell him somewhat of God, for he said, that Frenchmen had told him that there was a God, and that he which beleeued in him should be saued. The Portugals telling him of their faith, hee said that hee beleeued in that God, and desired to bee baptised, and had his name giuen him Iohn. For the [ 40] space of two houres that this Indian liued, hee did nothing but call vpon God, and so ended his life, being one hundred and twentie yeeres of age, as he shewed vs by signes.

The Wayanasses, inhabite eighteene leagues Southward of the Riuer of Ianuarie, at a place cal∣led * 1.635 by the Portugals, Ilha Grande, that is to say, The great Iland. These Canibals are of low sta∣ture, great bellies, and broad feet, very Cowards, of a reasonable good complexion. They doe not carue their bodies, neithe••r doe they glorie so much to eate mans flesh, as the Tamoyes, the Tomymenos, and other Canibals doe. The Women are bigge in the body, and very vgly, but they haue very good faces. The Women of this Countrie doe paint their bodies and faces with a thing * 1.636 called in their language Urucu; it groweth in a round Cod like a beane, and that maketh a red inke like Oker; which maketh them seeme most vgly. The haire both of men and women [ 50] groweth long by the sides, and on the crowne all shauen like Franciscan Friars. These Canibals lye in Nets made of barkes of trees, and likewise when they trauell through the Wildernesse, such prouision as they haue, they carrie in little Nets at their backs; they are neuer without Tabacco, * 1.637 they esteeme it more then any thing that they haue in their Countrie, and with it do heale their wounds, when they are hurt. When the Portugals doe stand in need of slaues, they doe come to Ilha Grande, and there they shall be sure to meet with some of the Wayanasses a fishing, then they shew them Kniues, Beades, and Glasses, telling them what they would haue for merchandise, and presently they will goe to a place called in their language Iawarapipo, which is their chiefest Towne, and from thence bring all such as they meane to sell to the Sea side, and as good cheape as you can you may buy of them. [ 60]

The Topinaques inhabite at Saint Vincents, they are men of good stature, and of reasonable good complexion; their women are all painted with diuers colou••s, and on their heads, they * 1.638 weare a thin barke of a tree like a Ribband: the Canibals eate mans flesh as other Canibals doe, they adore no Idoll, neither haue they any kinde of Religion, onely when they kill any man,

they all paint their bodies with a kinde of fruit, called Ianipauo, and all their heads are set with feathers, and great stones in their vnder-lips, with Rattles in their hands, and thus they will dance for three dayes together. I was amased to see how they would drinke a filthy drinke with∣out breaking of their bellies, and asked them how they were able to stand so long and drinke so much of that filthy drinke: they answered me, that Tabacco did make them as fresh as if they had done nothing. Among these Canibals there is great store of gold in many Hills hard by the Sea side, and now the Portugals haue some of those places, I would wee had the rest. Here I end to discourse any farther of the Canibals that dwell by the Sea side, till I haue told you of such Nati∣ons as I met withall when I went through the Countrie, and how I came againe to the Sea; I haue told you in the first booke of my trauell, how that fiue or sixe yeeres after I had beene [ 10] taken by the Portugals, I went to warre against the Canibals with the Portugals. Now by the grace of God, as neere as I can I haue told you of all the Nations, that I saw, and conuerst with in nine moneths, that I trauelled through the Wildernesse with the Portugals, and a yeere and eleuen moneths that I passed with the Canibals themselues.

THe Canibals called Pories, inhabite at the least one hundred miles within the land, they are * 1.639 most like vnto the Wayanasses, men of low stature, they liue onely on Pine nuts, and small Cocos that are as bigge as Apples, but they haue sh••lls like Wall-nuts, somewhat harder, the In∣dians call them Eyrires. They are of good complexion, and esteeme very much of clothes if they can get them; the women are all painted with diuers colours, as red, blue, and yellow; they are [ 20] in peace with the Portugals, and warre with no Nation, neither will they eate mans flesh, if they haue any other meate; they lie in little Nets made of barkes of trees, they haue no houses but two or three boughs tyed together, couered with Palme leaues if it happe•• to raine. In this part of the Countrie I saw great store of Leopards, and Lions; the Indians call the Leopard, Iawaryle, and the Lions, Iawarosou; and many great Cats of mountaine, which the Indians call Mar∣cayahite, here you may haue of the Indians for a Knife or a Combe, fiue or sixe Gallons of Bal∣some oile.

After you haue passed the famous Riuer of Paraeyua, you shall come into a Countrie of Cani∣bals, * 1.640 called Molopaques; they are much like vnto Dutchmen in bignesse, very faire of complexi∣on, they haue all beards like other men; so hath not any other kinde of Canibals, except it bee here and there one. Most of them doe couer their priuie parts, they are very ciuill in their beha∣uiour: [ 30] their Townes are very strong, all circled with walls made of earth and great logs, they haue houses seuerall euery man with his familie. They haue one amongst them whom they call * 1.641 Morouishaua, which is their King, but we saw no difference betweene him and the rest, but on∣ly the name, and he had (as I remember) thirteene wiues, and no other had so many. Amongst these Canibals we found good store of gold, the which they doe not esteeme, neither doe they vse * 1.642 it for any thing, but to tie on their fishing lines, when they goe a fishing in the Riuer of Para, where they take great store of good fish. Para is beyond Paraeyua eightie leagues: these Indians * 1.643 doe not worke in the mynes for gold, as the Spaniards doe, but onely take such peeces as they * 1.644 finde when the raine hath washt away the earth: for where the mynes of gold are there are no trees, but are drie Mountaines of black earth, which the Indians call Taiuquara; and the Moun∣taine [ 40] where the Molopaques doe finde this great store of gold, is called E••epararange: if these Ca∣nibals had the knowle••ge of God, I might bol••ly say, that there are not any in the world like them. The women are goodly of person, faire of complexion, as our English women are, they * 1.645 are very modest and ciuill in their behauiour, you shall neuer see them laugh, they are people very capable to conceiue any thing, they haue their haire so long, that they tie it about their middles with the barke of a tree, wherewithall they couer their nakednesse, they esteeme very much of it. Their haire is of colours like our English women, some yellow, some white, some browne: the women that haue not long haire, to couer their nakednesse, doe weare a kinde of Furre, which they call Sawyathwaso••. These Canibals doe eate mans flesh, I was not past nine or ten dayes among them, therefore I cannot resolue you further of their customes. In that time [ 50] I was with them I saw no manner of Religion among them, they doe keepe very good order, ob∣seruing times to eate their meate, at noone, and at night, and that doth not any other Nation a∣mongst * 1.646 them, they are very cleanly in whatsoeuer they doe.

Then wee came to a faire champaine Countrie, where wee found a kinde of Canibals, called * 1.647 Motayas. Assoone as these Canibals heard of our being in their Countrie, they all left their hou∣ses, and came to meet vs dancing and singing, telling vs that they were very glad of our comming into their Countrie; they brought Ginny Wheat, Pepper, and diuers kinde of rootes to present vs, and craued our friendship, desiring vs, that we would aide them against the Tamoyes. We de∣siring nothing more, told them that to that purpose we were come. Assoone as wee came to the * 1.648 [ 60] houses of these Can••bals, all the women would sit about vs, and laying their hands on our bodies, they would weepe most bitterly. After that, euery one of them would bring such victuals as they had; some brought boyled Frogs, others brought Serpents, and Snakes, which wee found very good; other some brought Munkeis, and a kind of wilde Dogge that they kill in the Moun∣taines. * 1.649

The men brought vs mans flesh rosted, drie, as black as a coale, and told vs that it was of a Tamoya that they had killed, and desired vs that we would eate of it, thinking they had presen∣ted vs a great and daintie dish. When they saw that wee refused to eate mans flesh, they fell a laughing and some of them said that we knew not what was good meat. These Canibals are men of small stature, browne of complexion, they goe all naked, they weare their haire (as now we doe in England) below their eares, and so doe the women. As their haire g••oweth long, they burne it with fire, making it equall so artificially, that you cannot perceiue but that it was cut with Sizors. They will not haue any haire grow on their eye-browes, nor on their chin, but still as it groweth they pull it away with a shell: their food is Ginny wheat, and Roots, Frogs, Snakes, Serpents, Crocodiles, Monke••s, Dogs that they kill in the Wildernesse, Leopards, and Cats of [ 10] Mountaine; all this ••s good meat amongst them, and we found them very good, and were very glad when we could get them to eate.

Then we came to a kinde of Caniball, called Lopos, the Portugals call them Bilreros, these Ca∣nibals * 1.650 are alwayes in the Mountaines of Pine trees, and haue not any other thing to liue on: I neuer saw any houses that they dwell in, but boug••s tyed together with rines of trees, these Ca∣nibals would come to vs, and tell vs of many things, and would goe with vs two or three dayes, and then would run away from vs, and many times when they did meet with any of our Indians, or our Portugals, they would take away such things as they had about them, and send them away without any hurt to their persons. As wee went through this Countrie we found many mynes of gold, and amongst these Indians our Captaine got good store of it, and many good stones. In * 1.651 [ 20] all America, there is not a richer part then this, but it is so farre within the Land, and that Countrie is so populous that as yet neither Portugall nor Spaniard can inhabite there. They are men of small stature, and very browne of complexion, their bodies are all painted as the other Canibals before named. The women are as browne of complexion as the men, and very rude and shamelesse, for in their behauiour they differ not from wilde beasts, but in all things liue like them.

After we had passed this Prouince, we came into the Prouince of the Wayanawasons, where we * 1.652 found them in small Townes built by a Riuers side, and found these the simplest Nation of all o∣ther: for these Canibals would stand and gaze vpon vs like herds of Deere, and neuer say any thing vnto vs. Here we found great store of Gi••ny wheat, and pompions that wee did eate. In [ 30] many Bogs hard by their Towne we killed good store of Crocodiles, and did eate of them, for in this iourney we were almost starued. These Canibals are of a good stature, bigge, and tall of bo∣die, and very cleane made of their lims, very sufficient to behold; but they are a kinde of lasie people, that care not for any thing, but will lie all day lasing in their houses, and neuer goe abroad but for their victuals. The women are of good stature, they are of a dunne pale complexion, and they doe prouide Pompions and Rootes for their husbands. Here we were all, or most of vs very sicke with eating of a kinde of fruit, which the Indians call Madiopuera, this fruit is as bigge * 1.653 as a Horse plum, as yellow as gold, the kirnell of it is as sweet as any Almond, of this fruit did most of our companie eate, and of them dyed sixteene, and many others sicke for a fort∣night after. [ 40]

Assoone as our companie had recouered we went on our way to seeke out the Tamoyes, hauing for our guides sixe of the Motayes, who carried vs at the least two moneths vp and downe the Wildernesse, euery day making vs beleeue, that we should come vnto our enemies Countrie. They brought vs at last to the sight of two Townes along by a Riuer side. The Portugals after they had seene how great the Townes of the Canibals were, durst not aduenture to passe ouer the Riuer, for feare lest the Indians had espied vs, and were layne in ambush. There was not any of all the com∣panie, Portugall nor Indian, that durst to goe ouer the Riuer; the Captaine and the chiefest of the Portugals agreed together and made me goe to the Towne, whether I would or no. When I saw that there was no remedie, I tooke my leaue of them all: for I thought verily that I went to the slaughter house, or at least to haue liued a Caniball with them during my life. With these * 1.654 two extremities in my thought, commending my soule and bodie to Almightie God: I swam o∣uer [ 50] the Riuer vpon a little Target made of Corke, and assoone as I had landed I went straight to the Towne, where I found nothing but two tame Estridges: he people had espyed vs, and were run away. When the Portugals had newes from me that there was no body, then they were so * 1.655 valiant as Lions, striuing who should get first into the Towne, this was the Riuer of Iawari••, the Towne is called Menuare. Here it was that I should haue beene hanged, for striking of An∣tonio Martines in the Court of guard, after I had killed the great Serpent, called Sorocueu. In this Towne we found great store of Gi••••y wheat, and Pompions dried in the smoke. In this Towne likewise we had great store of drie Tabacco, and Potato rootes: wee found great store of gold in peeces, and also store of Cristall, and many other good stones; some found Diamonds, and a kind * 1.656 [ 60] of blue stones that the Portugals did esteeme of very much, and called them Pedras de Sangua, bloud-stones.

The Serpent that I killed was thirteene span long, it had foure and twentie teeth, as sharpe as any naile, about the necke it had greater shels then the other parts of her body; the shels were

blacke and russet like a coller, and on her body they were russet and darke greene; vnder her belly all speckled with black and white. It had foure sharpe feet, no longer then a mans finger, it had a tongue like a harping Iron, her taile was like a straight Bull horne, all black and white listed. From one of these did the Lord defend me, and permitted me to kill one of them with the helue of an axe in the night. The Indians dare not goe to kill one of them except they goe fiue or sixe of them with bowes and arrowes. All kinde of wilde beasts, Lions, or Leopards, all kinde of Snakes, but only this, doe feare the fire, and if they come where the Indians leaue any fire trauel∣ling through the Wildernesse, if any of these Serpents doe finde it, they neuer leaue beating them∣selues in it, till they either kill themselues or put out the fire. These Serpents when they seeke their prey will stand about a small tree or a bough, and when any wilde beast passeth, hee falleth [ 10] vpon him, thrusting his taile into the fundament of whatsoeuer it seizeth on.

After we had remayned at this place a fortnight, or three weekes, the Portugals did resolue to come back againe without any purchase, there the Captaine gaue vp his authoritie, and ioyned himselfe with his friends to seeke the neerest way home, then did I and twelue young men of the Portugals determine to goe to the South Sea by land, for we knew by the Notes of the Motayes, that we were not farre from Peru, and Cusco, and we knowing how poore our estates were, and the great famine we had passed comming to the Towne of Menuare, made vs afraid to goe back againe, that way which we had come, and for mine owne part, I encouraged the twelue young Portugals all that I could to goe forward, for I had surely beene knocked on the head if I had gone back in my Captaines companie. With much adoe, wee thereon resolued to seeke our fortunes in [ 20] the Wildernesse. After we were departed from our companie, wee came to many Mountaines, where we found good store of gold, and many precious stones; when wee came into this Coun∣trie, wee thought wee had beene in the Prouince of Peru, wee had such plentie of mynes, and there was not one of vs but had store of stones, that those which we tooke as to day, wee would throw away to morrow to take other better then them which we had before. Thus wee trauel∣led some two moneths in the golden Countrie, till at the last wee came to that great and most * 1.657 strange Mountaine of Cristall. This Mountaine is of a huge height, that it seemeth to be within the cloudes, and so steepe that it is impossible to goe ouer the top. Here it was that wee passed through the Vault, and in truth it was one of the greatest dangers, and the most desperate that euer I was in. [ 30]

Assoone as we had passed this danger, it was the pleasure of God to deliuer vs into the hands of our mortall enemies the Tamoyes, where my twelue companions were killed and eaten, onely my selfe remayned among these Canibals a yeere and eleuen moneths, in the which time I went many times to warre against other Prouinces that were ioyning vpon the Countrie of Tamoyes, and (I thanke God) prospered so well that I was very much esteemed of them, and had a great comm••nd ouer them when they went to the field. These Tamoyes be as proper men as any bee in all Europe; they vse to make holes in their vpper-lips like the Petewares; most of them are of a * 1.658 very faire complexion. The men haue their heads alwayes set with feathers of diuers colours which sheweth very pretily, they goe starke naked. The women are as proper as any Nation can be, tall, comly, well legd, cleane made of body, very small in the waste, very faire of com∣plexion, [ 40] fine handed, and very comly faces. They vse a kinde of caruing ouer their breasts, which becommeth them very well. Here the Canibals esteeme not any more of gold, or precious stones, * 1.659 then wee doe of any stones in the streets: if the Spaniards had knowne of this Countrie, they needed not to haue gone to Peru, there is not like vnto this for all kinde of rich metals, and many kinde of precious stones. In this place I liued eighteene moneths, and went naked as the Cani∣bals did. After I had liued with these Canibals the time that you haue heard, I was in great fa∣uour and credit with them, insomuch that they would not doe any thing before they had made me acquainted withall: I haue told them many times of the comming and going of our English ships to the Straits of Magellan, and how well we did vse all kinde of Nations, and what kinde of all things necessarie wee had for their vse. These wordes made the Canibals desire to come to the Sea coast, and asked of mee how it were possible for them to come to dwell by the Sea with∣out [ 50] being slaues to the Portugals: I told them that I knew many places where English men and French men did vse to come, but that neither Portugall, nor Spaniard was neuer there. After I had * 1.660 told them what I thought best, we all agreed to come through the Prouince of Tocoman, and so to the Sea, betweene the Riuer of Plate and Saint Vincents. This Countrie of Tocoman is all san∣die, and in it inhabite the Pigmeys; I haue seene many of them amongst the Spaniards at the Ri∣uer of Plate. They are not altogether so little as wee speake of them here in England: their inha∣bitation in Tocoman is in Caues of the ground. In this Countrie the Inhabitants in many places haue such Wheat as we finde in England, and Cassaui meale.

This Tocoman is iudged by the Spaniard to be the end of Brasill, and the entring into Peru; for [ 60] in Tocoma there are all kinde of Brasila Rootes, and all kinde of Corne, aswell as Peru; this Countrie yeeldeth nothing to the Spaniards, but wilde Horses, and the Indians of Tocoman are mortall enemies to all the Inhabitants of Peru; therefore the Spaniards doe keepe this Countrie because they keepe the Prouinces of Peru in feare, or else they would rise vp against the Spa∣niards.

After we had passed this Countrie, we came to a Riuer that runneth from Tocoman to Chile, where we tarried foure daies making Canoas to passe the R••uer, for there were so manie * 1.661 Crocodiles, that we durst not passe it for feare of them: after we had passed this Riuer, we came to the Mountaine Detodas Metalas, that is, of all Mettals. At this pl••ce diuers Spaniards and Por∣tugals haue beene, and certain lawlesse men were set on shoare on this coast by one Pedro d•• Cha∣ramento, * 1.662 which came to this place, and set vp a great Crosse, and on it writ, that the Countrie was the King of Spaines; the which I put out, and w••••t that it was the Queene of Englands. This hill is of diuers kinde of Mettals, Copper and Iron, some Gold, and great store of Quicke-siluer. It is verie high, and all bare wit out any Trees. Here likewise was a little Church made, where we found two Images, one of our Lady, and another of Christ crucified. When the Tamoyes [ 10] saw those signes, they thought that I had betraied them, and (indeede) I was amazed, thinking that we had beene in some part of the Riuer of Plate, and because the Indians should not be dis∣couraged, I shewed my selfe to be very glad, and told them that I knew those were signes tha•• my Countrie men vsed to make when they came into strange Countries: with these perswasions I made the Tamoyes to come on their iourney to the Sea; where otherwise if I had told them it had b••n set vp by the Spaniards, the feare that the poore Canibals stood in of them had bin enough to haue made them all returne againe from whence they came. At the last we came to the Sea, as I haue told you, to the Towne of the Cariyohs: this Towne standeth in a fine pleasant place, hard by the coast in a faire Bay, where one hundred Ships may anker without any danger. And in this place you shall alwaies haue great store of fish. In this Countrie, for a Knife or a ••••sh hooke, [ 20] you may buy a dozen of skinnes of very good Furre; and if you will, these Indians will goe (for any tr••fle) and fetch two or three baskets of Mettals, and some haue had such good lucke, that for two or three Glasses, and a Combe or two, with some Kniues, they haue got the value of foure or fiue thousand Crownes in Gold and Stones. The Towne stood vpon a hill, but we puld it down. But when we were taken by the Portugals, and that the Cariyohs were restored againe to their Countrie, they did scituate againe with in the same place where they were when we draue them out of their Countrie. Here the Portugals did binde mee, and would haue hanged mee for the twelue Portugals that the Canibals had killed and eaten:

The Caryi••hs are men of good stature, and very valiant: they make holes in their vnder lippe as the other Canibals doe. These Canibals likewise eate mans flesh, and speake the same language * 1.663 [ 30] that the Tamoyes doe: the women are very comely, the most of them are o•• a faire complexion; they weare their haire loose about their eares, and all their bodies are died with blacke, and their faces withered, and yellow, their brests are all carued with diuers colours, which be seemeth ve∣rie well. Here is the end of my trauell through America, with the Canibals, from whence I returned againe to my Master Saluador Corea de Sasa; where I was worse then euer I was before.

The Giants of Port Desire, and inhabitants of Port Famine: also Angola, Congo, and Massangana, and Angica, Countries of Africa.

AT Port Desire, which is the next hauen to the straits of Magelan, inhabited Giants of fif∣teene [ 40] or sixteene spans of height. I affirme, that at Port Desire I saw the footing of them, by the shoare side, that was aboue foure foote of one of our mens in length; and I saw two of them that were bur••ed newly, the one of them was foureteene spannes long. After I was taken with the Spaniards, the Desire, one of our Shippes that had beene all alone at Port Desire, lost nine men and a boy, and two or three of them that had beene taken on the coast of Brasil, said that these Giants did throw stones of such bignesse at them out of strings, that they were faine to weigh anker, and to lye further from the shoare. I saw another of these in Brasil, that was taken by A∣lonso Dias a Spaniard, that with foule weather was driuen out of Saint I ul••ans; this was but a * 1.664 young man, yet aboue thirteene spannes long. This Port Desire is a faire pleasant Countrie, it hath many fine Riuers, and the Spaniards doe affirme, that from this place it is easie to goe to [ 50] the Indians Chele, which is a very rich Countrie. In Port Desire, in many small Riuers there is * 1.665 great store of Pearle, and Currall. Here you may haue great store of Penguins and Seales at an Iland that lieth a mile Southward of the mouth of the hauen. These Giants whereof I haue spo∣ken, goe all naked; they weare their haire long to the shoulders. He whom I saw at Brasil, was * 1.666 a man of faire complexion, and very well proportioned according to his long stature: and this is all that I can report of them, for I know not their behauiour, but as the Portugals and Spaniards iudge, they are no better then the Man-eaters of Brasil.

At Port ••amine the Generall would haue left mee. Here inhabit a kinde of strange Canibals, * 1.667 short of body, not aboue fiue or six spans high, and very strong and thicke made: their mou•••• es [ 60] are verie bigge, and reach almost to their eares; they eate their meate in a manner raw, for they doe nothing but scorch it a little in the fire, and so eate it, and with the bloud that runneth from their mouthes, they smeare all their faces, and their breasts, and lay yong feathers on their bo∣dies to the bloud that clingeth to their skinnes like Glue. When we were at the straits in this

place, there came aboue foure or fiue thousand vnto vs of them, but they neuer brought vnto vs any thing but Feathers and Pearle as much as we would (for there is great store in this Port Fa∣mine) all the while that we were at it. These Canibals would neuer let vs come so neere them, as to touch any of them, for feare we should take them; when they would giue vs any thing, they would tie it at the end of a long staffe, and so likewise we did to them. Here our Generall left seuen sicke men ashore: the Snow lyeth all the yeare on the Mountaines, and it is so cold in Iune, and Iuly, that our men did freeze, and many of them lost their toes, as I my selfe for one, for in * 1.668 one night that I lay moist of my feete, I lost three of my toes on one of my feete, and foure of the toppes of the other foote; some had their feete frozen, some their noses, as Harris a Gold-smith, Henry Barrawell, that was taken with me, lost his haire from his head, and was all bald for a yeare or two in Brasil: yet for all this cold, all the Inhabitants goe naked, except here and there * 1.669 [ 10] one weare seale skinnes, or the skins of some wilde E••asts, of the which there are many, as Leo∣pards, Lions, and a kinde of Beasts bigger then Horses, they haue great eares aboue a spanne long, * 1.670 and their tailes are like the tailes of a Cowe; these are very good, the Indians of Brasil call them Tapetywason: of these Beasts I saw in Ethiopia, in the Kingdome of Manicongo, the Portugals call them Gombe: farther within the Straits at Tolisbay, we found many barkes of trees, that the Indians of the Straits doe fish in, these Indians would not come neere vs, but still as they spied our Boates they would runne away, but we plainely saw that they were men of good stature, and of white skinnes; they goe all naked both men and women. And thus I end my trauell of America. [ 20]

Angola is a Kingdome of it selfe in Ethiopia, where first the Portugals did begin to inhabit: the Countrie of Angola commeth along the coast, as Portugall doth vpon Spaine, so doth Angola * 1.671 runne vpon the Kingdome of Longa and Manicongo. In Angola the Portugals haue a Citie, called the Holy Ghost, where they haue great store of Merchandise, and the Moore doe come thither with all kinde of such things as the Countrie yeeldeth, some bring Elephants teeth, some bring Negro slaues to sell, that they take from other Kingdomes which ioyne hard by them: thus doe they vse once a weeke, as we keepe Markets, so doe all the Blackamoores bring Hens and Hogs, which they call Gula, and Hennes they call S••ng••, and a kinde of Beast that they take in the Wildernesse l••ke a Dogge, which they call Ambroa: then they haue that Beast which before I haue told you of, called Gumbe, which is bigger then a Horse. The Blackamoores doe keepe good Lawes, * 1.672 [ 30] and feare their King verie much: the King is alwaies attended with the Nobles of his Realme, and whensoeuer he goeth abroad, he hath alwaies at the least two hundred archers in his guard, and ten or twelue more going before him singing and playing with P••pes made of great Canes, and foure or fiue yong Moores comming after him as his Pages, after them follow all his Noble∣men. When there falleth out anie contro••ersie among them, they craue battell of the King, and then they fight it out before him. They come before the King and fall flat on their breasts, then * 1.673 they rise vp and kneele on their knees stretching out their armes, crying Mahobeque benge, benge; then the King striketh them on the shoulders with a Horse-taile, then they goe to the Campe, and with their Bowes they fight it out, till they kill one another. After the battell is done, if any liueth, he that liueth falleth downe before the King in the same manner as he did when he [ 40] went to the field, and after a long oration made, he taketh the Horse-taile from the Kings shoul∣der, and waueth it about the Kings head, and then l••••eth it on his shoulder againe, and goeth a∣way with great honour, being accompanied with all the Nobles of the Court: the Moores of Angola doe know that there is a God, and doe call God Cari pongoa, but they worship the Sunne and the Moone.

The Countrie is Champain plaine, and drie blacke earth, and yeeldeth verie little Corne, the most of any thing that it yeeldeth is Plantons, which the Portugals call Baynonas, and the Moores call them Mahonge, and their Wheate they call Tumba, and the Bread A••ou; and if you will buy * 1.674 any Bread of them, you must say Tala C••na a••en t••mbola gimbo, tha•• is, giue me some bread, here is money. Their money is called G••llginbo, a shell of a fish that they finde by the sh••are side, and from Brasil the Portugals doe carrie great store of them to Angola. These Moores doe esteeme ve∣rie [ 50] much of red, blew, and yellow cloathes, they will giue a slaue for a span of cloath in breadth I meane, and the length of it of the breadth of the peece, those peeces of cloth they weare about their middles, and vnder it they hang the skin of a great Weasell before them, and another be∣hinde them, and this is all the garments that they weare. A Weazell in their language is called P••cc••. You can doe a Blackamoore no greater disgrace, then to take away his Skinne from be∣fore * 1.675 him, for he will dye with griefe if he cannot be reuengéd: the Portugals doe marke them as we doe Sheepe with a hot Iron, which the Moores call Crimbo, the poore slaues stand all in a row one by another, and sing Mundele que sumbela ••e Carey ••a belelelle, and thus the poore rogues * 1.676 are beguiled, for the Portugals make them beleeue that they that haue not the marke is not accounted a man of any account in Brasil or in Portugall, and thus they bring the poore [ 60] Moores to be in a most dam••able bondage vnder the colour of loue. The Countrey of An∣gola yeeldeth no stone, and very little wood: the Moores doe make their houses all couered with earth; these houses are no bigger then a reasonable Chamber, and within are many partitions,

like the Cabbins of a ship, in such sort that a man cannot stand vpright in them. There beds are made of great Bulrushes sowed together with the rindes of a Tree. They doe make cloth like Sparke of Veluet (but it is thinner) of the barke of a Tree, and that cloth they doe call Mol∣lelleo. The Elephants doe feed in the Euening and in the Morning in low marishes as there bee * 1.677 many. The Moores doe watch which way they come, and assoone as the Elephants are at meat, they digge great holes in the ground, and couer them with sticks, and then they couer the pits with earth, and when they haue made all readie they goe to the Elephants, and shoote at them with their Arrowes, and assoone as the Elephants feele themselues hurt, they r••nne at what soe∣uer they see before them, following after the Blackamores that chase them, then they fall into the deepe pits where after they are once in, they cannot get out. The Moores of Angola are as blacke as ••et; they are men of good stature, they neuer take but one Wife, whom they call Mo∣casha. [ 10] These Moores doe cut long streakes in their faces, that reach from the top of their eares to their chinnes. The women doe weare shels of fishes on their armes, and on the small of their legges. The Law amongst them, is, that if any More doe lie with an others wife, hee shall lose his eares for his offence. These Moores doe circumcize their children, and giue them their names, as wee doe when we baptize. Angola may very easily be taken: for the Portugals haue * 1.678 no Forts to defend it of any strength.

The King of Congo is the greatest King in all Aethiopia; and doth keepe in the field continual∣ly sixtie thousand Souldiers, that doe warre against the King of Vangala▪ and the King of Angola; * 1.679 this King is a Christian, and is brother in Law of Armes with the King of Spaine, his seruants of his house are most of them all Portugals, and hee doth fauour them very much. The King is of a [ 20] verie liberall condition, and verie fauourable to all Trauellers, and doth delight verie much to * 1.680 heare of forreigne Countries. He was in a manner amazed to heare how it was possible her Ma∣iestie had liued a Maiden Queene so long, and alwaies reigned in peace with her subiect. When I was brought before the King, and told him of my Countrie; what plentie of things we had, if the Portugals had not liked of it, they would interrupt my speech, and the King would shew himselfe verie angrie, and tell them that euerie man was best able to speake of his Countrie, and that I had no reason but to tell him that which was true. The King of Congo, when hee goeth to the Campe to see his Armie, rideth vpon an Elephant in great pompe and maiestie, on either side of the Elephant he hath six slaues two of them were Kings, that he himselfe had taken in the field; all the rest were of noble birth; some of them were brothers to the King of Ancica, and [ 30] some of them were of the chiefest bloud of the great King of Bengala. These noble slaues at eue∣rie command of the King of Congo; doe fall flat on the ground on their brests. When the King doth ride as you haue heard, they carrie a Canop••e as it were a cloth of State ouer his head. His two Secretaries, the one a Nobleman of Spaine, the other a More, doe ride next after him. Be∣fore him goeth at the least fiue hundred Archers, which are his Guard, then there followeth a More, which doth nothing but talke aloud in praise of the King, telling what a great Warriour he hath beene, and praising his wisdome for all things that hee hath accomplished verie honourably to his great fame of such as knew him. When this King of Congo commeth to his Host, all the Souldiers as he passeth, fall flat on their faces to the ground. He neuer commeth into his Host after any battell, but hee dubbeth at the least twentie Knights Portugals, and as many Moores, gi∣uing [ 40] them verie great liuing according to their callings, and the seruice that they haue done. The brother of this King was in Spaine, at my comming from thence for Ambassadour from his brother.

Here the Portugall Captaine would haue taken mee perforce, to haue beene a common Soul∣dier, but the King commanded that they should let mee goe whether I would, and my deter∣mination at that time was to haue gone for the Countrie of Prester Iohn, for I had a great desire to see the Riuer of Nilo and Ierusalem (for I accounted my selfe as a lost man, not caring into what Countrie or Kingdome I came) but it was not the will of God, that I should at that time obtaine my desire. For trauellin•• through the Kingdome of Congo, to haue gone to the King∣dome of Angila, It was my fortune to meete a companie of Portugall Souldiers that went to a [ 50] Conquest, that the King of Spain had newly taken, called Masangana; which place is on the bor∣ders * 1.681 of Anguca. Here they made me serue like a Drudge, for both day and night I carried some stone and ••ime to make a Fort. It lieth right vnder the Line, and standeth in a bottome in the middle of foure hils, and about are many fogges, but not one Riuer. It is the vnfirmest Countrie vnder the Sunne. Here the Portugals die like Chickens; you shall see men in the morning verie ••ustie, and within two houres dead. Others, that if they but weat their legges, presently they swell bigger then their middle; others brake in the sides with a draught of water. O, if you did know the intollerable heate of the Countrie, you would thinke your selfe better a thousand times dead, then to liue there a weeke. There you shall see poore Souldiers lie in troupes, gaping * 1.682 [ 60] like Camelians for a puffe of winde. Here liued I three moneths, not as the Portugals did, ta∣king of Physicke, and euerie weeke letting of bloud and keeping close in their houses when they had any raine, obseruing houres, and times to goe abroad morning and Euening, and neuer to

to eate but at such and such times. I was glad when I had got any thing at morning, noone or night, I thanke God I did worke all day, from morning till night, had it beene raine or neuer so great heate. I had alwaies my health as well as I haue in England. This Countrie is verie rich, * 1.683 the King had great store of Gold sent him from this place: the time that I was there, the King of Angica had a great Citie at Masangana; which Citie Paulas Dias, gouernour of Angola, tooke * 1.684 and scituated there, and finding hard by it great store of Gold, fortified it with foure Forts, and walled a great circuit of ground round about it, and within that wall, now the Portugals doe build a Citie, and from this Citie euerie day they doe warre against the King of Angica, and haue * 1.685 burnt a great part of his Kingdome.

The Angica•• are men of goodly stature, they file their teeth before on their vpper Iawe and * 1.686 [ 10] on their vnder Iawe, making a distance betweene them like the teeth of a Dogge; they doe eate mans flesh, they are the stubbornest Nation that liues vnder the Sunne, and the resolutest in the field that euer man saw; for they will rather kill themselues then yeelde to the Portugals: * 1.687 they inhabit right vnder the line, and of all kinde of Moores these are the blackest; they doe liue in the Law of the Turkes, and honour Mahomet, they keepe manie Concubines as the Turkes doe, they wash themselues euerie morning vpwards, falling flat on their faces towards the East. They weare their haire all made in plaits on their heads, as well men as women: they haue good store of Wheate, and a kinde of graine like Fetches, of the which they make Bread: they haue great store of Hennes like Partridges, and Turkies, and all their feathers curle on their backes: their houses are like the other houses of the Kingdomes aforenamed. And thus I end, shewing [ 20] you as briefe as I can, all the Nations and Kingdomes that with great danger of my life I trauel∣led through in twelue yeares of my best age getting no more then my trauell for my paine. From this Kingdome Angica, was I brought in Irons againe to my Master Saluador Corea de sa sa, to the Citie of Saint Sebastian in Brasil, as you haue heard. Now you haue seene the discourse of my trauels, and the fashions of all the Countries and Nations where I haue beene, I will by the helpe of God, make you a short discourse in the language of the Petiwares, which language all the Inhabitants of Brasil doe vnderstand, especially all the coast from Fernambucquo to the Riuer of Plate, the which I hope will be profitable to all trauellers, and of them I trust my paines shall be well accepted of.

First, you must tell them of what Nation you are, and that you come not as the Portugals doe, [ 30] for their wiues and children to make them bondslaues.

We are Englishmen, as you all know that in times past had peace with you.

Now knowing the neede and want that you haue of all such things as before your Fa∣thers had, for the loue that both your ance∣stours and ours did beare one to another, and for the loue and pittie that we haue of your want, we are come to renew our anciēt amity. [ 40]

Ore aqureiuua que se neering peramoya werisco Catadoro wareuy orenysbe beresoy.

Coeu pecoteue Cowauere pipope pewseua bare∣sey opacatu baye berua oweryco coen pecoteue sou se-Core mandoare peramoya waysouba, ore ranoya waysonua reseij eteguena rescij pecoteue pararaua, oro in ibewith ore ramoya pereri socatumoyn go pacum.

§. V.

The description of diuers Riuers, Ports, Harbours, Ilands of Brasil: for instruction of Nauigators.

RIo Grande, is called by vs the great Riuer, lately was conquered by a Portugall, called * 2.1 Manuell Masquarenhas. It is aboue two leagues broad in the mouth, and on the South-east side standeth a great Fort made by the foresaid Manuell Masquarenhas: that Coun∣trie is plaine and sandy in many places, especially neere the Sea, and yeeldeth Sugar Canes in [ 50] abundance. On the coast are many great Bayes, where the Indians doe oftentimes finde great store of Ambergreese: within this place, there is also store of Wood, Pepper, Ginger, and Waxe. * 2.2 Here inhabit a kinde of Canibals, called Petywares: these Canibals haue had trafficke a long time with France, and amongst them there are many that can speake French, which are Bastards, be∣gotten of Frenchmen.

On the coast of Brasil there are three Riuers of Paraeyua: one is this that lieth next to Rio * 2.3 Gande, the other is a great Riuer that runneth through the Countrie almost as farre as Lymo, and commeth out betweene Cape Frio and Spirito Sancto: the third is a faire Riuer that lieth be∣tweene the Riuer of Plate and Saint Vincents. This Pareyua whereof we speake, is a faire great [ 60] Bay, where shipping being neuer so great may enter, within this Bay vpon a hill, you shall see a faire Citie, and on the Sea side standeth two small Forts. You may anker neere the shoare, at the entrie of this Bay, you shall see three hils of red earth on either side of the harbour, which the Portugals call Barer as Mermeth••es.

Guyana, is a small Riuer that lieth by Paracua, it belongeth to Iasper Desiquerd, who was chiefe Iustice of all Brasil. In the mouth of this Riuer standeth a great rocke, which is continu∣ally * 2.4 couered with Sea Foules. This Riuer hath two fadome water in the mouth, a quarter of a mile within this Riuer, on the South-west side, you may take fresh water, and great store of Cattell: vpon this Riuer there are great store of Sugar Mils, and continually you shall haue in this Riuer small Caruels that fish, and carry Sugar from thence to Fernambuquo: likewise here is great store of Brasil, Pepper, Ginger, and Cotten, Cocos, Indian Nuts, here likewise inhabit Pe∣tywares.

Etamariqua in the Indian language is a bed, it is a point of the land like a Cape: the point runneth halfe a mile into the Sea, and vpon it the Portugals haue built a Towne, you may anker * 2.5 [ 10] very neere the shoare, both on the South-west and on the North-east side of the Towne, in seuen and eight fadome water. All the Countrie till you come to Cape Augustin, is low land, and to saile from thence to Fernambuquo is no danger, but the clifts which lye along the coast, as farre as the Riuer Saint Francis, which are alwayes seene, the Seas when there are any Spring tides, doe ouerflow the land behinde: moreouer if any winde blow from the East, it beateth the Sea into hils of the Clifts, that it maketh a great noise. Wherefore the Indians call it the Land of the Bell. Here are reasonable store of Sugars, and great store of Coco Nuts.

On the North side of Fernambuquo, you shall see white Downes, and when you are past all the Downes on the South, you are by Capignramirinij, which is a place where alwaies you shall * 2.6 see Fisher-men in small Boates or Iangades; and from thence to Fernambuquo, are fiue or six miles, [ 20] and so if you be vnder 8. degrees, you shall see a flat land euen and bare, called Capituya; then you must take heede you runne not Southward, for then you runne vpon a point of the land, called by the Portugals Punto de Olynda, which is foure leagues from the Cape, and stretcheth into the Sea as farre as Cape Augustin. As soone as you haue doubled this point, you must take heede you put not in with the Towne of Olynda, which you shall see; for if you doe, you will runne vpon the Sands, called by the Portugals Bayhos de S. Antonio, which lye at least foure or fiue miles into the Sea, being neere the shoare, you shall see the Shippes that lye at anker ouer the Clifts, called by the Portugals Arecias: this place is a league from Fernambuquo, being the harbour where all the Shipping that goes from Fernambuquo doe arriue: from this place to the Cape you shall see the Clifts, as if it were a wall made by Bricklayers, no higher in one place then in another, but all [ 30] euen. The Towne of Fernambuquo is scituated vpon a hill, and very strongly entrenched round about, on the Sea side euery twelue score, standeth a small Fort or defence for Soldiers, with foure cast Peeces, and so they scowre all the shoare from the Arecias, where the Shippes lye to the point of Olynda, which is the farthest part of the Towne Northwards, from the Arecias where the Ships lye commeth a Riuer through the land, a Harquebusse shot from the Sea coast, and runneth right behinde the Towne from the South to the West and East, which maketh the Towne almost an Iland, all but a little part of the North side.

The Cape of Saint Augustin is a Point of land that runneth into the Sea two or three miles: * 2.7 from the Sea you shall see three hils, called by the Petiwares, Aquare Wason Remitum, they will seeme vnto you like the backe of a Camell, and now you may easily know it, for you may see [ 40] a Church that the Portugals haue built; and halfe a league towards the South, you shall see the I∣land of Saint Aleyxo.

The Iland of Saint Aleyxo is long and narrow: it lieth within a league of the shore, and stretcheth North-east and South-west, you may anker betweene the shoare and it all weathers, * 2.8 for the Iland hath very faire Baies, where you may lye in ten or twelue fadome water. Vpon this Iland you may take wood or fresh water.

Porto Docalno lyeth Southward of the Iland of Saint Alyyxo, it is a flat land, you neede not * 2.9 feare the comming in by the rockes, for hard by them you shall haue foureteene fathome weater. Here you shall haue great store of Cattell, and Sugars. This Countrie is plaine low land, and all planted with Sugar Canes: you shall know this harbor very easily from the Southerne point of [ 50] the Iland Saint Aleyxo, for when it ebbeth, you shall see a faire Bay, and all the shore bare almost to the Cape, being blacke ground.

Eight leagues Southward from the Porto de calno, is the Riuer of stones. Southward of it you * 2.10 shall see three great red Hills, which stand ouer the Riuer of Camarysu••a, which is a league from this Riuer, you shall see from Sea a great Bay run within the Land, and before the mouth of it many great Rocks, to come to this Bay you must come close to the shoare on the South-west side, and after you bee in the Bay keepe full West, and it will bring you to a Riuer that runneth into the Land at the least twentie leagues. In the mouth of this Riuer dwell sixe or seuen Portugals, that keepe Cattell for Iohn Pays, but they are of no strength. Here you may take water at plea∣sure, and alwayes in those houses, that stand in the mouth of the Riuer, you shall haue good store [ 60] of Cassaui meale. If you be of any strength, that you dare goe ten or twelue miles vp the Riuer you shall take good store of Sugars, for there standeth three or foure Sugar mills onely, an other on the Riuer side; likewise here is good store of Brasill, and Pepper, Cotton, and many o∣ther merchandise.

Camaryi•••••• (as I haue said) lyeth a league Southward from the Riuer of stones, to know it * 2.11 you shall see three Hills of red ground, called by the Portugals, Bare••s Vernellios, this place is not inhabited: the mouth of this place is narrow, and hath not aboue fiue foot water, but you may anchor in the Bay hard by the Riuer, and send your Boat safely for fresh water without danger, or to fish with your Net, for there is great store of fresh fish of all kindes.

The Riuer of Saint Antonio lyeth seuen leagues from Camaryi••••a, it is a faire great Riuer, ly∣eth * 2.12 some fiftie leagues within the Land, hath foure fathom water at the comming in, but is so narrow that no ship can come in. It is a very good place for you if you stand in neede (hauing salt) to make your prouision, for there you shall haue great store of all kinde of fish, especially of * 2.13 a kinde of fish, called by the Indians, Vara••••, which is as bigge as an Oxe. After you are within [ 10] this Riuer, you shall haue high land on both sides, and you must be carefull and keep good watch, for vp this Riuer dwelleth a kinde of people, called Caray••••, these people if they see you vnpro∣uided will fight with you, but if they see you able to defend your selues, then will they bring such things as they haue to traffick.

The Harbour of French-men, called by the Indians, A〈…〉〈…〉 pi••s••••e, lyeth two leagues South∣ward * 2.14 from the Riuer of Saint Antonio. It is a small Bay, that may be knowne by a high Hill that standeth ouer it, which is all full of Brasill trees. To enter into this Harbour, you must marke the Cliffes, and when you are to the North of them all but one, you may safely come within a stones cast to the shoare. When you haue landed if you want fresh water, you must seeke on the South side of the Hill, and you shall finde a streame that runneth out of the Hill into a great Ci∣sterne [ 20] of stone, which is made out of a Rocke, you cannot misse of this place if you seeke for it, for all the way you shall see small Rocks, and mens names written in them.

This Riuer in our language is called the Riuer of Crocodiles, for in it there are many, which the * 2.15 Indians call Faquares; it is narrow, and in the mouth of it standeth a white Rocke. To enter it you must take heed you keepe on the North side of this Rocke, and you shall finde nine and ten foot water; after you be within it you shall come to a great Bay, and on the North-east side you shall finde a small Riuer, where you may take fresh water, but let euery man take heed how hee leapeth into the water, for the Crocodiles lie by the banke-side hidden, and if any thing fall into the water presently they kill it. Here is nothing to bee had vnlesse you will fish for the Croco∣diles, and take the Bladders or Cods of muske from them: here you need not feare any Inhabi∣tants, [ 30] except you be espyed by some passengers that goe to Fer••ambuqu••.

Alaqua is a very faire Riuer, that lyeth foure leagues Northward from the Riuer of Saint * 2.16 Michael, and three leagues Southward from the afore said Riuer of Crocodiles. On either side of it you shall see a great Hill, called by the Portugals, Os Cai••••••. You shall finde but seuen or eight foot water at the comming, and very cleere from any Rocks, but after you bee within, you shall finde many bankes of sand, where you shall kill good store of fish, and alwayes you shall bee sure to haue Caruells fishing in this place, at the comming in on both sides you may take fresh water.

Before the Riuer of Saint Michael you shall see the Cliffes like Arecines of Fernambuquo; you * 2.17 must enter at the end of the Cliffe, hard by the shoare on the South-west: and you must marke a [ 40] small Cliffe that lyeth betweene the mouth of the Riuer and the shoare, this Cliffe you leaue be∣tweene you and the shoare, and betwixt this Cliffe and the great Rocks you may enter it; three fathom water. But take heed when you enter, that you saile not towards the North-east, al∣though you see the Bay great, for you shall run vpon many great bankes of sand, therefore you must keepe West still within a stones cast of the shoare, so shall you be sure to keepe in the Chan∣nell. Thus you must saile till you discouer a house, that you shall see doubling a Point full South from you, then your best is to anchor, for if you goe farther, you are in danger except you know the Channell very well. In this place dwels a Portugall, called Iohn de Rocho: and vp a Riuer that you shall see runne into the Land dwell many Portugals, where they haue a Church with Friars to say Masse. Here you shall haue good store of Cattell if you need, and Brasill wood, Cas∣saui [ 50] meale: and in this Riuer you shall haue good store of Oisters, and in them you shall find ma∣ny great Pearles: likewise here is good store of Balsom oile, and trees of All Nesico, which is a very precious and rich wood, singular good for bruises, or old hurts: also here is good store of Ta∣bacco. This place is eight leagues from the Riuer of Toades, where we were driuen on the Rocks, because we knew not where wee were, for it is a singular good Harbour to enter, if a man know the comming in betweene the Rocks, called, Os Bayos de Don Rodrigo.

Because the Indians indeed doe kill many Toades, therefore they call it Cororoen, that is to * 2.18 say, the Riuer, or water of Toades, I tell you the name in the Indian language. Because in all pla∣ces you shall haue of them, and so you may know when they tell you where you are. When you are in ten degrees and an halfe Southwards of the Equinoctiall Line, you shall see fiue hils and [ 60] the three that standeth on the North side of this place whereof wee speake are round and high, the other two that stand on the South, not farre in distance one from another, are long and lower then the other, if you come neere the shoare, you shall see a great many of small Rockes, and a great Bay which is the place I speake of, right before this Bay you shall see two great Rockes, to

goe into this Harbour, you must passe betweene these Rockes which are called Bayos de don Ro∣drigo, when you are ••ntred you may anchor hard by the Rockes, and sound the Channell, which will lye Nor••h-east from you. Here you may haue fresh water vp the Riuer, but it will be hard for you to find therefore your best is to goe a quarter of a mile by the Sea side, and you shall see a fa••re Riuer, where you may take water at pleasure, and kill good store of fish. At this place comming from the Riuer of Ienero, in the night we were driuen vpon the Rockes for want of a Pilot that knew the Coast.

I doe not set downe the places betweene this and the Cape Frio, because I know them not, but by report of other Trauellers, and therefore I leaue it to them, for I will write no more but what I haue seene, and am able to proue when time shall serue, and thus▪ I end shewing you all that I [ 10] haue seene on the Coast Northward of Cape Frio, which is in our Language Cape Cold.

Cape Frio is a point of the Land that runneth into the Sea at least twelue mile, it lyeth vnder 22. degrees. At this Cape you may haue sight of a great Mountaine, that you may see ouer it called Abausango Re••ambuera, here you may anchor on the East-side of this Cape in a Harbour called Aba••••a formozo. Here you may haue great store of Brassell-wood, and in this Bay you shall find oftentimes good store of Ambe••-greece, and on the North side of this Bay you shall see a great Riuer called vparason, where you may kill good store of many kinde of fishes, and in the mouth of this Riuer you shall haue great store of Corall, if you will dragge for it.

Saquarema is a Riuer, where the Frenchmen did traffique with the Canibals called Tamoyes; it floweth foure leagues Southward from the Cape. This Riuer is n••rrow at the comming in, you * 2.19 [ 20] shall find twelue foote water, till you be three or foure leagues vp the Riuer. You shall find fresh water on either side of the Riuer, and great store of Brassell-wood, all along the Riuer side. On the South side of this Riuer you shall ••ee a great hill which the Indians call Boype••a, that is, The rotten Whale, for you shall see the top of it like a dead Whale. If you want refreshing, you may haue good store of Potato Roots there, Plantons, Lemons, Orenges, and many other good Roots as bigge as great Tu••nips, which the Indians call Carauasou.

Etioca is a league Southward of the Riuer of Saquarema, It is (as I haue said in the descripti∣on * 2.20 of my trauell) a great and huge Rocke, hollow within, where the Indians say that the seruant of God did preach vnto them, which they call Topa••uayaper••, before the mouth of this Rocke to∣wardes the Sea standeth another flat Rocke, that reacheth somewhat into the Sea; vpon it [ 30] you shall see the prints of bare feet, here if you fish with Lines, you may quickly lade your shippe. A little behind this stone house, you shall see a fine Riuer of water, where you shall finde many pretie greene stones that Indians doe vse to weare in their lips. You may anchor within a Musket sho•• of the shore, but it is verie dangerous if the wind be in the East.

Piratening•• is fiue leagues to the Southward of Etioca, right before it standeth a small Iland, it is inhabited by the Portug••ls, It is a Bay that runneth betweene two Mountaines a mile and * 2.21 more within the Land. There I haue seene a Mermaid and many other strange fishes. You may * 2.22 lie with your shipping at the Iland, and send your Boates ashore, where you shall find great store of Cattle; and you may take good 〈…〉〈…〉ore of all kind of fishes i•• you will, either with Hook or Net. Here you may haue Oranges, Lemmons, and Cassaui Meale, and all other such things that the [ 40] Countrey yeeldeth, but you must be alwaies sure to keepe good watch, for feare of the Portugals of the Riuer of Ianuary, which are hard by you.

The Riuer of Ianuary lieth three leagues from Pirate••inga, it is a great Arme of the Sea, that runneth into the Land at the least fourteene miles; on the mouth of this place, stand foure Ilands, * 2.23 and now the best marke that it hath to be knowne, is a Fort that standeth on the North side of the comming in of the Harbour, vpon a Rock. On the South side standeth a Hill that reacheth into the Sea, which the Portugals call C••••o, that is, The top of a ship, for it seemeth like the maine top-saile of a ship from Sea. Hard by the Sea side on the foote of this Hill on the North side of the Hill as you saile into the Harbour; standeth a Rocke of great height made like a Sugar-loafe, and is called by the Portugals the Sugar-loafe. In the midst of the going in, in the mouth [ 50] of this Riuer lieth a Rocke plainly to bee seene, to goe in you must keepe betweene the Rocke and the Fort, that standeth on the North side of you. When you are entred the mouth of the Riuer and are past the Fort, you shall see an Iland lie right before you, and euen with a Church cal∣led Santa Lucia, this Iland is called the Iland of Brigalion. You must be sure to passe on the North side of this Iland, and assoone as you haue passed it, you shall see all the Citie both on the Hill, and on ••he Sea side. Then you must take heed that you goe not right to the Towne, for you shall run vpon certaine shelues of sand, that lie right before the Towne all along to a small Iland called the Iland of Saint Bent, this Iland l••eth a quarter of a mile from the Iland of Bragalion, and East∣ward * 2.24 of this Iland of Saint Bent, standeth a great Rocke, you may saile betweene the Rocke and the Iland, and assoone as you haue entred, betweene them you may anchor hard by the Iland, and [ 60] then you shall see a Church standing vpon a Hill which is called Saint Bent, then you need not * 2.25 feare to goe right before the Towne, within a Caleeuer shot of the shore from the Towne, you shal see on the North-east shore a towne of Canibals, called Saint Lorenzo, which is in peace with the Portugals, and within the Bay you shall finde many Riuers and Sugar-mils, where there is great profit to be made.

Waratiua lieth three leagues from the Riuer of Ianuary, you may know it by two Ilands that lie right before the mouth of the aforesaid Riuer. At the mouth of the Riuer likewise standeth a * 2.26 high Hill, and on either side both on the South-west and North-east is low Land, in this place you cannot enter with any ship, but you may anchor betweene the Ilands, and send your Boats ashore. If you goe vp, you shall find good store of Potatoe Roots, Plantons, great store of Oran∣ges and Lemmons, and many other kind of f••uits, which are very good to releeue sicke men. If you will fish with you•• Net, heere you shall kill all kinde of good fishes, but alwayes bee sure to keepe good watch, for the Portugals are very neere you.

From the Riuer of Warati•••• for the space of foure leagues is all s••ndy low Land, you shall see * 2.27 a high Hill which the India••s call M••rambayap••••••, that is in our Language, the end of Warre; right ouer against this point you shall see a great Iland at the comming in of this Harbour, you [ 10] need not feare, for hard by the shore, you shall haue tw••nt•••• fathome wate••. When you are in the mouth of this Harbour right before, you shall see a whi••e Rocke, which will lie full West from you: you must leaue the Iland Southward from you, then shall you descrie another great Iland called Ep••oya; at a point of this Iland that lieth full West, towards the firme Land, you shall see two small Ilands, and when you are right against those two Ilands you shall see a faire Bay, where you may anchor at pleasure to come into this Bay, you must enter between those two Ilands that I haue spoken of. I doe describe this Harbour vnto you aboue many good Harbours that you may find, because you may depart from hence with any wind, for the mouth of Marambaya lieth So••th-ea•••• ••rom you, when you are in this Harbour, then you haue another going out that lieth North-east from you, from this Port where you shall anchor called Epeoya. If you want victuals [ 20] for your ships, you may take your Boat or your P••nn••sse, and goe out betweene the two Ilands that you entred, and when you are betweene those Ilands you shall see a flat broad Iland, which will lye f••••t South-west from you; this Iland the Indians called S••peawera; that is, the morning, and this is the Iland that I was driuen vpon, when I runne away to Master Hawkins, as I haue told you in the discourse of my troubles, you must come with your Boat to this Iland, and you must be sure to passe betweene the West shore and the Iland; and assoone as you haue passed the point of this Iland, you shall see three Hils of red Earth one hard by another. You must leaue one of them West from you, then may you land your men at pleasure, when you haue landed, you must goe through a little Copps, for the sp••••e of a Harquebusse shot, then shall you come into a [ 30] faire Lawne, where you shall find great store of Cattle, and a house or two that standeth vpon a Hi••l where you shall haue alwayes good store of C••ssa••i meale, if you will haue Rootes and Planton•• vpon the Iland where you anchor there are good store, but there is an Iland called the Long Iland, where you shall haue of all these things in abundance. To know this Hand, ••ow with your Boate to the Iland of Epeoya that lieth full South from your ship, and then you shall see a long Iland hard by the firme Land, which is this whereof wee speake, and because you shall bee sure not to misse it, be attentiue. When you come neere the shore, beholding a Rocke that lieth a quarter of a mile from the shore, vpon which Rocke standeth a Crosse, this is the place where a Portugall called Manuell Antones dwelleth, but now there is no bodie, but a kinde of Canibals that come and goe, therefore be sure alwaies in those parts to keepe good watch and be carefull; [ 40] if you can speake their language you may haue many things. From this Iland Southwards you shall see two small Ilands halfe a league from you, these Ilands are called Am••••buq••••••o, right against them lieth a faire Riuer, where you shall haue alwaies great store of fish, and by the Riuer side you shall see the Mandioca plainly, and many other Roots very good to refresh your compa∣nie. Southward from this place some two leagues you shall see a faire Bay called P••rat••••y there dwelleth a kind of Canibals called V••••••asses, of them you may buy skins of diuers wilde beasts, and sometimes they haue good store of Amber, which they call Pira p••ni•• ergaty.

Saint Sebastian lieth some three leagues from Great Iland, It is a long and a faire Iland, you * 2.28 may anchor betweene it and the shore. After you haue entred at the North point of this Iland, you shall see a great white Rocke, right ouer against this Rocke, you shall see a point of the fi••me Land runne into the Sea, and right before this point lie three Rockes, where commonly [ 50] you shall see Indians shooting fishes with their Bowes and Arrowes, if you goe with your Boate to that point, you shall see a great Bay called by the Indians Iequerequere. There like∣wise standeth a great Towne of Canibals, such as those that dwell at Great Iland, halfe a league from Saint Sebastians standeth a small Iland right into the Sea, called by the In∣dians Uraritan, and by the Portugals Alquatrasses, heere you shall finde great store of Sea∣foules and Seales, Alegators that liue on the Land called by the Indians Fisew••so••. Right o∣uer against the South point of the Iland of Saint Sebastian standeth a great white Rocke called by the Portugals Paidemilio, that is, the life of Ginnie Wheate; then shall you see an Iland hard by the shoare call••d by the Indians Bo••souconga, that is, the Whales head, this Iland standeth in the mouth of Pertioqua, which is, the Riuer that goeth to Saint Vincents, as you goe to this place after [ 60] you haue passed the Iland, you shall see North-east from you certaine houses where there dwell a kind of Canibals called Ca••••oses, there you may haue good store of Cattle, Orenges, Lemmons, and many kinds of R••ots and Fruits.

Right against this Towne of Canibals called Caryhos, standeth the Towne of Saint Uincents called by the Indians Warapiu••ama; as you goe farther vp the Riuer you shall see a small Iland * 2.29 Southward, where you shall see a Sugar-mill of the Captaines of Santos called Ieronimo Let••••, where our Gentlemen were slaine. Farther vp the Riuer, you shall see a Castle stand at the foote of the Hill▪ then you come to the Towne of Santos, which standeth ha••d by the water side. Right behind the Towne of Sa••••os standeth a Hill wher Brascubas had a house, from the top of this Hill did Iohn Dauies make a Plate of the Countrey. Now the Portugals haue found Mynes of siluer in this place.

The third Pariena is a good Harbour for ships, and here are great store of Canibals and Carij••os, * 2.30 which very lately are inleagued with the Portugals, you may buy of them great store of Pep∣per [ 10] and Ginger, very rich Furres, and Cotton-wooll, and Waxe, this is the place that I came vn∣to after I had beene taken by the T••m••y••s within the Land. Here the Tamoyes were taken by the Portugals, and I was giuen againe to be my Masters slaue, when 10000. of the ••••••oyes were slaine, and 20000. of them parted among the Portugals for slaues.

The mouth of the Riuer of Plate is wide, and within it there are many Downes of sand, you must bee sure to keepe very neere the North shoare, till you shall see a high Mountayne white at the top; then must you saile Southward at least foure leagues, and shall you see another small Hill on the Northside, you must saile right with it; then shall you come into a faire Bay, where you must be sure to keepe still along the shoare, and after you haue passed the Westerne point of this Bay, you shall haue the Riuer Maroer; then you need not feare any shallowes till you [ 20] come before the Towne of Bon••s Ayres. There the Riuer runneth full Southward, and along the Riuer side from Bonos Ayres is a small Village built by the Spaniards of Lime and stone that they brought from Brasill, for all the Countrey is sandie: the Indians doe make their houses all couered with earth. Here are great store of wilde Horses and Cattle, sheepe and Goats, but for siluer and gold, there is none but that which commeth from Cordi••a and Potasin. Here likewise the Indians haue great store of Wheate, twentie leagues within Land lyeth a Prouince called Tocoman, now it is a Bishopricke, this Countrey is the diuision of Brasill, and all the Prouinces of No••a Hispania. Here the Indians haue Wheate and Cassa••i, Apples, Peares, Nuts, and all other fruites of Spaine, likewise they haue all the fruites of Brasill. But after you trauell Southward of this Countrey, you shall not find any thing that groweth in Brasill, nor any wild beasts, as Leo∣pards, * 2.31 [ 30] or C••pi••••ras, Iawasenings, Cat of Mountaines, Aq••eq••es, Wari〈…〉〈…〉s, M••r••q••ies, Ioboyas, Su∣r••c••o••s, ••••rarcas, Boy••e••a, Boyseninga, Boybeua. Brasill is full of all these wilde and dangerous beasts, and diuers others; But the Prouinces of Peru are cleere of them, except it bee some chance. From T••coman to Saint I••go is eightie leagues, and you shall trauell it as you doe by Sea with a Compasse, for the Countrey is all sand, and as the wing bloweth, so shall * 2.32 you haue the Mountaynes of sand, to day on one side of you, to morrow on the other, in this passage you shall passe through many Riuers, which to your thinking are not aboue a foote deepe, but if you haue not good guides and great experience, your waggons and horses will quick∣ly be cast away in them, and at an instant be couered with quicke sand. After you haue passed this Countrey, you shall come to Saint Iago, then till you come to Potosin, you shall trauell [ 40] through great Mountaines and Valleyes, and all the way as you goe, you shall haue great Townes of Indians, who are all in peace with the Spaniards, you shall haue fiue hundred of these Indians by the way as you trauell readie with Nets to carrie you, tyed one a Cane from Towne to Towne, for a fish-hooke or a few beads of glasse, or any such trifle; and there is no trauelling in the World so easie as this, for you may lye, or sit, and play on a Gitterne all the way if you will, for so the Spaniards doe; you shall passe by many Mynes of Gold and traffique with the Indians for Gold, and diuers kinds of precious Stones, but not in that plentie as you shall at Po∣t••sin, by reason that there the Mynes are open and wrought on, and those betweene Santiago and Potossin are not. At Potossin there is no want of any thing, although the Countrey of it selfe bee very barren, but by reason of the great traffique that they haue from Lyma, and all the Townes [ 50] of the South Sea; they haue alwayes prouision enough, for from those Townes, they bring Oyle and Wine in great Iarres of earth vpon great sheepe, which are called sheepe of fiue quarters, for their tailes haue almost as much as a quarter. To tell the particulars of the Mynes, would bee a new Storie, only this: they find the Oare like blacke Lead, then they grinde it in Ingines, then they wash it through fine Sieues in paued Cisternes that are made for the purpose; the Moores are all naked as long as they worke, because he shall not hide any precious stone. The Spaniards her•• are all very rich, and in truth as gallant fellowes as can be. The Francisco Friers carrie a great sway in this Countrey, by reason that they were the first that preached in this part of India. [ 60]

CHAP. VIII.

Relations of Master THOMAS TVRNER who liued the best part of two yeeres in Brasill, &c. which I receiued of him in conference touching his Trauels.

IN Saint Michael one of the Açores, they ascend vp in a forenoones iourney vnto * 2.33 a hill into a Chappell, wherein they need a fire in Summer for the cold: there being a little off three Springs, the one whereof casteth vp waters in a continual boyling with a terrible noise, and of great heate, the second of heate intolera∣ble, [ 10] which in short time scaldeth any liuing thing to death, the ground also hote to stand on: but the water calme. The third is warme, and a fit Bathe. In these Ilands in Caues bee found men buried before the Conquest, whole, &c. Brasilian Indians are Ca∣nibals, * 2.34 and not for reuenge only, but for food also deuoure mans flesh. The Portugals make not slaues of them, nor can enioyne them worke, by reason of a commission to the contrarie obtai∣ned * 2.35 by the Iesuites: neither doe they winne of them ought but by faire meanes. They are most excellent Archers, goe starke naked, the womens haire long and blacke, barsh as a Horse-taile. He * 2.36 did see vp the Riuer of Plate, one twelue foot high, and report was of higher in that Countrey. Their Weapons are two massie bowles at the two ends of a string cast, &c. He saw also men there with the hinder parts of their heads, not round but flat, (and a little before this Relation, about [ 20] Anno 1610. he said that at London he had seene carried to the Court a thigh bone of a man a yard * 2.37 and halfe in length.)

Their beasts in Brasill are great Apes with beards and Mustachioes. Kine like vnto ours of both sexes, but liuing in the waters and resorting to land to feed. Hauing no Vdders, nor hornes, long legs, harmelesse, lesse somewhat then ours, their flesh like beefe, but eaten in the name of fish. * 2.38

Tigres like Grey-hounds spotted like Ounces exceeding swift, the force of whose paw at a blow killeth his prey. Their beast by some called Hay, which yet he saith, eateth leaues of trees and not Aire only: the louely prettie Segouin. The Serpent Cobrus: whereof he saw one almost * 2.39 as bigge as himselfe, twentie foot long, killed by their Indian boy, of colour like an Adder. Of [ 30] whom they report (and a Father gaue him instance of the proofe) that watching his prey', that is whatsoeuer commeth by, it windeth about and getteth the taile into the fundament drawing the guts after it: and so preyeth on the same, deuouring all, till that it be not able for fulnesse to stirre, but rotteth as it lyeth, the flesh quite away, the head and bones remaining, in which the life continuing recouereth at last his former ••••ate. One was thus found in the rottennesse, and being bound for proofe by the Portugals, with a withe to a Tree, at their returne was so found repaired. The beast that baggeth vp her young ones, &c. (as in others Relations, heere therefore omitted.)

The Indian is a fish in the Sea, and a Foxe in the Woods, and without them a Christian is nei∣ther for pleasure or profit fit for life or liuing.

Out of Angola is said to bee yeerely shipped eight and twentie thousand * 2.40 slaues and there [ 40] was a Rebellion of slaues against their Masters, tenne thousand making a head and barraca∣doing themselues, but by the Portugals and Indians chased, and one or two thousand reduced. One thousand belonged to one man, who is said to haue tenne thousand slaues, Eighteene Ingenios, &c. his name is Iohn de Pa••s, exiled out of Portugall, and heere prospering to this incredibilitie of wealth.

There are Apples called Ananas, pleasant in colour and exceedingly in taste, and holesome, but eating Iron as Aquafortis.

Brasill is full of Mines, if the King would suffer the digging them.

CHAP. IX. [ 50]

The taking of Saint Vincent and Puerto Bello, by Captaine WIL∣LIAM PARKER of Plimmouth, the seuenth of February 1601.

IN the beginning of Nouember 1601. I departed from Plymmouth with two ships, one Pinnasse and two shallops in quarters toward the West Indies. My chiefe ship wheie••n I went my selfe as Admirall was named the Prudence, of an hundred [ 60] tuns, wherein I had an hundred and thirtie tall men, the second was the Pearle, a small ship of sixtie tonnes, wherein went as my Vice-admirall Master Robert Rawlin, accompanied with sixtie lustie fellowes, my Pinnasse of twentie tuns was manned with eighteene men. In this Consort were Master Edward Giles, and Philip Ward

Gentlemen Captaines by Land, with Captaine Antonie Fugars, Captaine Loriman, Captaine Ashley, and diuers other Gentlemen of much towardlinesse and valour as they made good proofe in the successe of this Voyage. In our passing by the C••pe of Saint Vincent in Spaine, commonly called the South Cape, I was encountred with such a terrible Ternado or gust of winde that my Pinnasse with fifteene of our men, to our great griefe was vtterly cast away, wee being not able * 2.41 with the vttermost of our endeauours to saue aboue three of the rest. From thence I shaped my course to the Iles of Cape Verde, and immediately vpon my arriuall there, I set vpon one of them called Saint Vincent, with an hundred men, and tooke the Iland and the Towne thereof, which * 2.42 was a prettie place, the spoile w••e••eof I gaue to my Souldiers, which after they had pillaged it, set the same on fire. [ 10]

Hence we haled ouer to the Coast of Tierra firma, and arriued first at the Ile of Margarita, and comming to the Rancheria or fishing of Pearles in the small Iland of Cubagua, we found the Go∣uernour of Cumana, there with a company of Souldiers: neuerthelesse we made bold to land, and in our landing we receiued a great fight wherein diuers of our men on both sides were wounded; but in the end I tooke the place with diuers of the stoutest of our Enemies Prisoners, and thir∣teene Periaguaes and Canoes, which are Barkes and Boats of the Countrey: for ransome of all which I receiued fiue hundred pounds in Pearle. This done I proceeded on my iourney, sayling directly for Cape dela Vela, and there meeting with a Portugall shippe of two hundred and fiftie * 2.43 tuns laden with three hundred and seuentie Negros, brought from Congo or Angola, and going to Cantagena with little resistance I tooke the same. And sayling along with my prize West∣ward, [ 20] not able to double the Iles, called Las Cabeças; I was driuen farre downe to the Southward * 2.44 into the Gulfe of Acle, in Spanish called Eusenada de Acle, where we landed all our Portugals and Negros, keeping only the Captaine which afterward paid ••••e fiue hundred pounds for his owne and their ran••omes. Within a while after we stood Westward with our shippes, and went into the Iles called the Cabeças, where I embarked an hundred and fiftie of my men in two small Pin∣nasses and two fine shallops, and went for the Iles de Bastimentos, and landing there vpon the said Ilands which are peopled and very fruitfull, I tooke sixe or seuen Negroes for guides, and so pre∣sently * 2.45 with our Pinnasses and Boates entred the mouth of the Riuer of Porto bello, the seuenth of Februarie about two of the clocke after midnight, the Moone shining very brightly.

At our first entrance into the Hauen, which is aboue twelue score ouer, and very deepe at the [ 30] mouth and farre vpward, we were halled by the strong and stately Castle of Saint Philip, hauing thirtie fiue great pieces of Brazen Ordnance and fiftie Souldiers in the same, to know whence * 2.46 we were: wee hauing aboord vs such as could speake Spanish excellent well, answered that we were of Cartagena: then they commanded, vs to anchor, which we did accordingly. About one houre afterwards with my two shallops which lay close by my Pinnasses, and some thirtie of my principall men, I went vp the Riuer hauing some of the smaller Fort, called the Fort of Saint Iago, which is directly ouer against the great Castle of Saint Philip, running still on the shoare, and crying out on me to stay: but neglecting their out-cryes, I landed at the first Towne called Triana, where the alarme was presently giuen: which neuerthelesse I set on fire, and marched o∣uer * 2.47 a little Brooke into the great rich Towne of Porto bello; and comming directly vp to the [ 40] Kings Treasure-house, which is very faire and large, we found a squadron of souldiers (whereof there are two hundred and fiftie alwayes belonging to the Towne and another company of the Inhabitants) with two brasse Pieces of field Ordnance well mounted on their carriages, which we presently possessed, and fiercely set vpon the Souldiers.

At which alarme Captaine Antonie Fugars, and Captaine George Lawriman of Ratcliffe, came vp with my two Pinnasses with an hundred and twentie men to my rescue, which was very hardly laid vnto. At this house at our first comming into the Towne, my Lieutenant Samuel Barnet was shot on the side of his head, and through his eare, and Captaine Giles comming to se∣cond him, was likewise shot ouer the brest and through his arme. In this meane space Pedro Me∣lendes * 2.48 the Gouernour of the Towne, had gathered sixtie Souldiers together, and was comming [ 50] toward a certaine bridge to encounter me, I hauing not then aboue eight or nine men with mee to withstand them: but God did prosper our proceedings mightily. For the first two shot that went from vs, shot Melendes through his Target, and went through both his armes: and the o∣ther shot hurt the Corporall of the field. Whereupon they all retired to the house, which they made good vntill it was almost day. Against whom I sent Captaine Ward with some Souldiers, who entred the house, killing diuers of them, and wounded Melendes in eight places more: himselfe being shot through both his thighes in entring, and some of his men hurt: but in the * 2.49 end he tooke Melendes Prisoner, and became Master of the house.

My selfe with others went to the Kings house, wherein were many of the Souldiers, who would not come to any composition, but stoutly defended the same against Captaine Giles and [ 60] our Lieutenant Samuel Barnet: who in the end flue diuers of them and hurt many others, ta∣king the Kings Scriuano prisoner. This fight endured for the space of foure or fiue houres. The fight being ended, and we being Masters of the Kings Treasure-house and all the Towne, and ha∣uing the Gouernour Melendes, and the Scriuano with many others of the chiefest my Prisoners,

except the Alcalde which fled out of the Towne with a chaine of Gold about his necke. Such Treasure as was found in the Kings house to the value of some nine or ten thousand Duckets, I reserued to my selfe, which was nothing to that which wee did expect (that being the receite at one time of the yeere of all the Treasure that commeth from Peru and Chile, amounting at least to fiue or sixe Millions of Duckets) and had I come but seuen dayes sooner, I had taken heere an hundred and twentie thousand Duckets which were newly laden in two Frigats for Cartagena. The rest of the spoile of the Towne, which came to no small value in Money, Plate, and Mer∣chandize, I gaue wholy to my Souldiers: which being done, I disposed my Corpses du guard in diuers places, for keeping the Towne all that day: and at the end of the streete leading toward Panama on the South Sea, being full of all Artificers, we made a barricado where Captaine Giles stood with another Corps du guard being diuers times assaulted by the enemy? whom still hee va∣liantly [ 10] repulsed and put to the worse.

Pedro Melendes the chiefe Gouernour of the Towne being my Prisoner, in regard that he had valiantly carried himselfe in making resistance vntill he had tenne or eleuen wounds vpon him, I * 2.50 did not only at length dismisse without any peny for his ransome, but also caused my Chirurgion very carefully to dresse and trimme his wounds: vsing him and his, farre otherwise, then Pedro Melendes his great Vncle vsed Iohn Ribault, Landoniere, and the French Nation in Florida, whom they most cruelly murdered and massacred as many as they could lay any hands vpon.

Thus being Master for one whole day of the stately and new builded Towne of Porto bello, * 2.51 which had two goodly Churches in it fully finished, and sixe or seuen faire streets, whereof two [ 20] were full of all necessarie Artificers, and of Merchants, with three small Forts on the Townes * 2.52 sides, besides the great Fort of Saint Philip on the other, when I might haue speedily haue con∣sumed it all with fire, I willingly abstained from the same: knowing that though I could haue done the King of Spaine exceeding great hurt, and haue vndone a number of the Inhabitants, yet the good that I should haue done my selfe, and mine thereby should haue beene very small in comparison of their damage. Only certaine out houses wherein their Negros dwelt, I caused to be burned to amaze and put them in feare: I also tooke two Frigats of theirs which roade far * 2.53 vp within the Riuer, the one of them hauing in her three pieces of Ordnance, the which I like∣wise tooke and brought away from thence with mee, with the which Ordnance we beate vpon the enemy marching vnto vs from the Wester Fort. [ 30]

The day being spent, at the beginning of the night I embarked my men, enriched with the * 2.54 chiefe spoile of the Towne, and set saile to depart with my owne two Pinnasses and two shallops and the foresaid two Spanish Frigats which I had wonne: but in going out I was shot in at the elbow, and out at the wrist with a Musket shot which came from the Wester shoare, whereof there were many shot ouer vs: besides eight and twentie great shot from the chiefe and Easter Fort, which did endanger vs often. But God so wrought for vs, that we safely got forth againe contrarie to all our enemies expectation, who made full account to sinke vs in going forth. Be∣ing safely come forth wee rode with our Pinnasses, and shallops behind a small Iland which lay betwixt vs and the Wester most Fort of Saint Iago, vntill my Vice-admirall Captaine Rawlins brought two ships thither, which rode somewhat to the Eastward of the Castile of Saint Phi∣lip, * 2.55 [ 40] vnder the Rocke where Sir Francis Drake his Coffin was throwne ouer-boord, all the while that we were busied in gaining, sacking, and possessing the Towne. Our whole fleet beeing assem∣bled together in the place aforesaid, I set the Kings Scriuan••, and the rest of my prisoners on shore, suffering them to depart without paying any kind of ransome.

And the next day being the ninth of February, I set saile and stood off to Sea, leauing the goodly Hauen and beautifull Towne of Porto bello, which standeth in ten degrees of Northerly latitude: and directed my course backe againe toward Cartagena, and about twelue leagues to the Eastward thereof, I came into a good Bay called Sambo, where I watered and staied some twelue or thirteene daies, and riding there tooke certaine Frigats which were bound for Cartage∣na. Whereupon the Gouernour Don Pedro de Coronna, armed out two Gallies and a Brigandine, * 2.56 with some two or three Frigats, with a purpose to assault vs; but beeing better aduised they [ 50] would neuer come neere vs. When he heard that I had taken Porto bello, one of the chiefest pla∣ces of the West Indies, with so small forces, he pulled his beard, and sware that he would giue his Mules lade of siluer, but to haue a sight of mee and my companie. From this Bay of Sambo wee * 2.57 stood ouer for the Iland of Iamaica, and so doubled the Cape of Saint Antonio, beeing the most Westerly part of Cuba, and disimboked through the Gulfe of Bahama, the last of March 1602 and came with good weather to the Iles of the Açores, where victualling my Vice-admirall and two Pinnasses ou•• of mine owne ship for two moneths, and leauing them at Sea to take some far∣ther purchase, with mine owne ship I tooke my course for ••limmouth, and arriued there in safetie the sixt of May 1602. [ 60]

CHAP. X.

Certaine Notes of a Voyage made by mee DAVID MIDDLETON into the West Indies with Captaine MICHAEL GEARE, An. Dom. 1601.

THe fiue and twentieth day of May, wee set saile from the Lyzard, and the tenth day of Iune we fell with the Grand Canarie: the Towne standeth on the North-east * 2.58 point of the Iland, and the Road is one league to the Northward of it. [ 10] That night we stood of South South-west. And the fiue and twentieth day of Iune we were in the latitude of twentie two degrees thirtie minutes.

The sixe and twentieth day of Iune wee came in companie of seuen saile of Hollanders, that were bound for the West Indies, to Punta delaraya to lode Salt, and the seuen * 2.59 and twentieth day we lost sight of them.

The second day of Iulie we fell with Saint Vincent. When you came from Saint Uincent to the * 2.60 Testogos, you must make the way South-west by West, or else you shall not fetch it, for the Cur∣rent sets North and by West from them.

Being to leeward from Caracus, two leagues we stood ouer North North-west, the wind be∣ing at East North-east, we fell twelue leagues to the Eastward of Boinara, beeing the twelfth of Iulie. If you stand ouer from Boinara to Qurasao, minded to goe to the South ward of the Iland, * 2.61 [ 20] you must stand South and by West, or else you cannot get about, because there is a Current that sets North-west, and may set you vpon the Iland.

The three and twentieth day of Iulie wee anchored to the Westward of Qurasao, and there the Land lies North and South.

The nine and twentieth of Iulie we landed vpon Aruba, for to get fresh water, and there we * 2.62 had seuen men slaine by the Indians of the Iland: and we rid with our ship in fiue fathomes wa∣ter, halfe a mile from the shoare. One point of the Land bare North, the other South-east and by South, and there is an high Hill in the mid••le of the Iland, and that bare East and by South. Betwixt Coque and the Maine the course is East and West.

The shoale of Puntall lieth two leagues off: the best of the Channell betwixt that Point, and * 2.63 [ 30] Coque is in eight, nine and ten fathomes.

From Bracheo to the Parretaes is fiue leagues course West and by South.

From the Parretaes to Cape Caldera is twentie fiue leagues course North-west and by West, * 2.64 and betwixt the Parretaes and the Maine, you shall haue foure, fiue, six and seuen fathoms water,

The Road of Morecapana lieth betwixt the Maine and Boracheo, within the Ilands.

The eight day of August we set saile from Aruba, and we stood ouer South for the Maine, the * 2.65 wind being at East and by South, wee fell with Mecola, being nine leagues from Aruba. Saine Ann is an high Hill vpon the Maine neere vnto Mecola. * 2.66

The seuen and twentieth day of August we came to anchor at Portete, that is to the Eastward [ 40] of Cape La uela, foure leagues. The Cape bare West a little to the Southwards, at the going to * 2.67 Portete. And on your Larboord side going into Portete, there is a round Hill: being in the offing it sheweth verie blacke. The going into this Harbour is verie narrow, but within it is a verie broad Sound, and two thousand saile of ships may ride there in verie good ground, and you may ride from fiue fathomes to twentie, but wee ridde in three, a little within the point, on our Lar∣boord side going in.

The eighteenth of Ianuary wee parted from our Man of Warre at Cape Saint Anthony, and set saile for England, in a Prize, a ship of some one hundred and fortie tunnes, laden with Campe∣che * 2.68 Wood and Hides, the Master of the Prize, was William Goobreath: and from Cape Saint An∣thony we stood off North-west and by North. [ 50]

The nine and twentieth day at noone, we had sight of the Westermost Land of the Organes, being East South-east from vs, and then we stood North-east, and the twentieth day we were in * 2.69 latitude 23. degrees 15. minutes, the winde being at East North-east, we stood off North, and from the twentieth day to the one and twentieth day wee made our way West and by North, and this day we were in latitude 23. degrees 20. minutes, then we stood to the Eastward.

The two and twentieth day, we were North-west and by North, from the Crowne in Cuba, * 2.70 fourteene leagues, then we stood to the North-ward: these fourteene leagues we turned vp and downe with the winde Easterly. The three and twentieth day, wee were in la••itude of 24. de∣grees no minutes, the wind being at East North-east, and we lay North with the stemme, and this night we came in twelue fathomes, being then in latitude of 24. degrees 35. minutes, the [ 60] winde being at East and by South we stood to the Southward. The fiue and twentieth day, wee fell with Cobey twelue leagues to the Eastward of the Hauana, and this day about foure of the clocke in the afternoone, we had the Pam of the Matanças South-east, and by South from vs * 2.71 some sixe leagues, the winde being at East, and we stood North North-east three Watches, and

brought the Pan vpon the Matanzas South of vs: the winde being at East North-east, we stood to the Northward, for so we made the ships way. The seuen and twentieth day at foure of the clocke in the afternoone, wee fell with the South-east part of the Martyrs: then wee stood off * 2.72 South-east and by South three watches with a low saile, and so cast about, and stood North-east and by North three watches, and then obserued, and found the ship to bee in the latitude of 24. degrees and 55. minuts, being then South-west and by South of the Cape of Florida about three * 2.73 leagues: the winde being at South-east and by East, we stood off South and by West three wat∣ches, and then cast about, and stood North-east two watches, and then obserued, and found the ship to be in 25. degrees 36. minutes being the nine and twentieth day of Ianuarie, 1602. and then two watches North and by East, and foure North North-east: and the thirtieth day at noone wee had the Cape Canaueral West and by North from vs sixe and twentie leagues: by [ 10] supposition being now in latitude 28. degrees 14. minutes, the winde being at South, wee stood North-east and by East into the Sea. The eighteenth day of March at noone (be∣ing Thursday) wee fell with Silley, and wee were South from it three leagues or ten miles, the * 2.74 winde being at West South-west, wee stood for the Lizzard, and the twentieth day of this mo∣neth we came to winde being at anchor in Dartmouth, this was my first voyage which I haue to the West Indies.

CHAP. XI. [ 20]

The description of the Ile of Trinidad, the rich Countrie of Guiana, and the mightie Riuer of Orenoco, written by FRANCIS SPARREY left there by Sir WALTER RALEIGH, 1595. and in the end taken by the Spaniards and sent prisoner into Spaine, and after long captiuitie got into England by great sute. 1602.

The description of the Ile of Trinidad. [ 30]

POrta la Spaniola lyeth North-east. The Spaniards name themselues Conquerabians. Anap••rima is the name of the Riuer, which goeth to Corona the Spanish Towne. The North part is very mountainous. The Indians of Trinidad haue foure names. 1. Those of Parico are called Iaios. 2. Those of Punta, Carao Aruacas. 3. Those of Curiadan are called Saluages. 4. Those betweene Punta Carao, and Punta de la Galera, Nepoios. But those which are seruants to the Spaniards, name them∣selues Carinapag••tos. The chiefest of the Indians, I meane the Kings and Lords of the Ilands in times past, named themselues Acarewanas, but now Captaines.

The description of Guiana, and of the great Riuer Orenoco. [ 40]

GViana beareth directly East from Peru, and lyeth almost vnder the Equinoctiall Line. The * 2.75 entrance to the Riuer Orenoco through the Riuer Capuri at the mouth at a full Sea hath nine foot water, and at the ebbe but fiue foot. The water floweth but a small time, but increa∣seth much; and the ebbe goeth but slowly: for it continueth sixe houres. In the bottome of the Gulfe of Guanipa there is the Riuer of Amana, which leadeth into Orenoco also. In this * 2.76 Riuer, which wee named the Riuer of the Red Crosse, wee tooke an old Tinitiuan for our Pilot to Orenoco.

The Riuer of Orenoco or Barequan hath nine mouthes, which lye on the North-side of the mayne land: but I could heare but of seuen mouthes vpon the South-side. So that betweene I∣lands [ 50] and broken Lands it hath some sixteene mouthes in all. The Ilands are somewhat bigge, so as I can hardly ghesse how many leagues it is from the North-side to the South-side. At the entrance of this Riuer are two great Lords Tiuitiuans, which hold warre one with the other con∣tinually: * 2.77 The one Nation are called the Tiuitiuans of Pallamos, and the other of Hororotomaca. He that entreth the Riuer of Amana from Curiapan, cannot possibly returne the same way hee came, by reason of the Easterly windes and the great Currents, but must of force goe in a Riuer within the Land, which is called Macurio. * 2.78

To goe from the Ile of Trinidad to the great Riuer Orenoco the Riuer of Amana beareth South: But parting from that Riuer by a branch which beareth to the West we entred Orenoco. Toparimaca is the chiefe Gouernour vnder Topiawari, of the entrance of the Eastermost part of [ 60] the Riuer Orenoco. The Towne of this Gouernour is called Arwacan. These are friends to the Carapanans, Tiuitiuans, and all Nations, the Caribes excepted. Carapana lyeth in the Prouince of Emeria: and the Eastermost part of Dorado is called Emeria.

Assapana is the first Iland in Orenoco: it is but small. The second Iland is called Iwana. There is another entrance into Orenoco, which I discouered not: but the Indians name it Arraroopana. * 2.79 Europa is a Riuer which commeth into Orenoco; but the head of it I know not. In the middest of Orenoco there is a pretie bigge Iland, which is somewhat mountainous; and the name of it is Ocawita. One Putima commandeth vnder Topiawari, in the Confines of Morrequito, which ly∣eth in the Prouince of Arromaia. The Iland of Putapaima is farre vp within the Riuer of Ore∣noco, and standeth right against the high Mountaine, called Oecope. Ouer this Mountaine lye the Playnes of Samia. Through these Playnes you may goe to Cumana, or to the Caraca••; which are at least one hundred and twentie leagues iust North. In these Playnes are foure Na∣tions, which are held for great men. The Samias, the Assawais, the Wikeries, and the Arroras. [ 10] These Nations are something blacke.

On the left side of this Riuer Orenoco are two small Ilands, a small distance the one from the other. The one is called Aroami, the other Aio. In the morning before the Sunne bee high the winde is still Easterly in this place. Manoripano lyeth in the middle of Orenoco. Aromaio is the name of Morrequito. Orenoco reacheth to the Mountaines of Wacarimoc, which is to the East in the Prouince of Emeria, or Carapana. The Vallies are called Amariocapana, and the people by that name also. Vpon this Riuer Orenoco there is a pleasant Riuer for many kindes of victuals, which is called Caroli, and the people Cassipagotos.

This Countrie of Morrequito lyeth in some fiue or sixe degrees to the North of the E∣quinoctiall Line. At the Point of the Riuer Caroli is the small Iland called Caiama. The [ 20] Inhabitants of this Iland Caiama are enemies to the Epuremi. Here is a very great fall of Land water. Canuri lyeth in the Prouince of Morrequito. The Gouernour is called Wanuretona.

The Epuremians are richest in gold onely. These people called Epuremi haue many ene∣mies, but three especially which are very strong: which are these; the Cassipagotos, Epari∣gotos, and Arawagotos. Hee that will passe the Mountaines of Curaa shall finde store of gold; which is farre to the West.

The Riuer Arni runneth continually North, and so to the Riuer Cassipa, and from thence into Orenoco: neere vnto the Riuer Arui are two Riuers, the one is called Atoica, the other Caera: and also one branch which is called Caora. To the Westward of Caroli is a fourth Ri∣uer, [ 30] which is called Casnero: it falleth into Orenoco on the side of Amapaia.

The first Riuer that falleth into Orenoco from the North, is called Cari. Beyond it on the same side is the Riuer Limo: to the West of it is the Riuer Paoo: and beyond that are the Ri∣uers Caturi, and Voari; and another called Capuri, which is dangerous to enter. To the Westward of Capuri in the Prouince of Amapaia, is most vile, vnwholsome, and bad water to drinke: it is of a bad tawnie colour; it hath killed many a man, both Indians and others. They say this water commeth from Anebas.

On the North part of Peru is a way to enter into Orenoco, as I haue heard by the Indians. The first place whereby they are to passe, is called Guicar: the second Goan••••; and so to the Riuer of Papemena; which is the Riuer that runneth toward the Iland of the Amazones. Neere [ 40] vnto the Iland of the Amazones is the famous Iland of Athul.

The Riuer Ubra, beating to the West of Carthagena, beareth to the Southward of the Iland of the Amazones. This Riuer Vbra, if you stand to the South-west, leadeth to a part of Aro∣maijo, which is called Eregoodawe. This Countrie of Eregoodawe is very Mountainous, and no∣thing fruitfull: it is inhabited by the Coman Ibes. They haue Ginny wheat but no store, and very little Cassaui: Venison, Hogs, and Conies they haue in great abundance. The King or chiefe Gouernour of this Prouince or part of Aromaijo, which is called Eregoodawe, is one which beareth great sway in those parts, whose name is Oromona. But all are chiefly com∣manded by Tapuawary King of Morrequito.

In mine vndertaking the discouerie of the North part of Orenoco, I was aduertised by cer∣taine [ 50] Indian Pilots, that I should finde a perfect and readie way to goe to Peru. In which my trauell, I fell, by reason of a great storme, into a Riuer, which is called by the Indians Salma. This Riuer is not great: in three dayes I passed through this Riuer, and entred into the Riuer * 2.80 of Papemena. This Riuer of Papemena is more in my iudgement then fiue or sixe Leagues * 2.81 broad.

North North-west of this Riuer is the Iland of the Amazones. But leauing that course, I came to the most sweete, pleasant, and temperate Iland which is called Athul. If I had had * 2.82 companie to my liking, I could haue found in mine heart to haue stayed there and spent my life. Athul is not rich in mettals: but some stones I found in the fresh-water Riuers: for there are great store of fresh-water Riuers; and no want neither of Fish, Tortoyses (which the Indians [ 60] name Catsepames) Foules, nor other good things. It hath Wood great store, Fruites all the yeere in abundance, many good places to make a Towne if you will, Cotton, and Balsamum, Brasill, Lignum vitae, Cypresses, and many other sweete trees. The earth of this Iland doth pro∣mise to the eye to be good, it is very sad, and much like to Oare, which I found in diuers pla∣ces.

I cannot report of the goodnesse of the stones, because my knowledge in them is no∣thing. Athul is not inhabited by any. The Iland is small, and for feare of the Caribes, there is no body.

I returned from this good Iland Athul toward the Riuer of Orenoco, because I found my la∣bour * 2.83 was lost: For to finde the way to Peru that way was impossible. And to make my iour∣ney the shorter, I returned by the Riuer Papemena, but left the Riuer of Salma cleane, and * 2.84 came my directest way to Orenoco: which mine Indian Pilots held to bee through the Riuer of Limo; and so I came into the Riuer of Orenoco. Then I went from Orenoco, and held my course * 2.85 altogether Westerly: because I found the West most rich; although it was most dangerous to trauaile thither, I meane farre into the Countrie, by reason of the Epuremi, which liue con∣tinually [ 10] in armes, and hold warres against many Nations, but against three Nations especial∣ly. These are, as I wrote before, the Cassipagotos, the Eparigotos, and the Arawagotos. My desire was to goe to Curaa; and from Orenoco I first entred into the Riuer of Cosnero, and so * 2.86 coasted to Amapaia, where is the bad tawnie water, which before I mentioned: from thence I went to the Riuer Paoo; and within sixe weekes after I departed out of the Riuer of Orenoco * 2.87 I came to the rich Countrie of Curaa.

The Countrie of Curaa is in the Prouince of Guiana, or Manoa, where are the mynes of white stone; in which mynes is much naturall and fine gold, which the Indians call Callicurij. The gold in this place, I say in Manoa, or Guiana, runneth betweene the stones like veines; of which gold I had some store: but now the Spaniard is the better for it. In Curaa is also gold [ 20] in small graines, which lye in the sands in the little Riuers or Brookes. I alwayes tooke those graines for the finest gold. In these Riuers where gold lyeth, are many Aligattos or Crocodiles. I heard by the Nation of the Tiuitiuans, that a place called Tulahe, had many good things in it: but I found it nothing so. Some bad fresh-water pearles I found there: which were nothing round, Orient, nor very great. I brought of them with me to the Spaniards; and they said they were no Pearles, but Topasses.

Camalaha is a place where they sell Women at certaine times, in the manner of a Faire. And there you shall buy colours, such as the Saluages paint themselues with. In this Faire, which is called Camalaha, which is to the South of Orenoco, I bought eight young Wo∣men, the eldest whereof I thinke neuer saw eighteene yeeres, for one red-hafted knife [ 30] which in England cost mee one halfe-peny. I gaue these Women away to certaine Saluages which were my friends, at the request of Warituc the Kings Daughter of Murrequito.

Tar or Taroo is an Iland, which is to the South South-west of Orenoco. To which place I went, because they said there was neuer any that inhabited in this Iland, but that it was in the manner of a bayting place for the Caribes, when they had stollen people, which they meant to eate. One Captaine Caramatoij was my guide to this place: whither we went some∣what strong, with intent, if wee could finde any Caribes on this Iland, to kill them; but wee found none. Many houses wee found there couered with straw, which wee set on fire. And there I found close by the water side, going about the Iland, which was but small, many stones of diuers colours. [ 40]

To the West of this Riuer and Iland, which is called Tar or Taroo, is a Riuer, which is called Habuc: There are about this Riuer in most places eight, ten, seuenteene, and thirtie * 2.88 fathomes water. This Riuer of Habuc commeth from the Sea. The entrance of this Riuer at the mouth is barred; but at a full Sea you shall haue fourteene and fifteene foot water; but in the Channell in which the Canoas enter, which is but narrow; there is more then sixe fa∣thoms: but I doubt that ships cannot enter there. This Riuer Habuc is the best and surest har∣bour * 2.89 that I could finde for our ships, and freest from the danger of the enemie; and is not full eight dayes iourney from Orenoco.

The Riuer Europa lyeth to the East of Orenoco as you come from Trinidad: you may, as I certainly know, going some twentie leagues in the Riuer of great Amana, discouer the great and high Mountaine which is called Oecopa: being there you shall plainly see the Playnes or * 2.90 [ 50] Downes of Samia; through which Playnes you may safely march ouer the Land within ten or twelue leagues of Cumana, or to the Caracas.

From Orenoco also it is very easie to goe to the Towne of Santo Domingo, which beareth * 2.91 North North-west directly: but you must passe of force the Riuer Amapaia, leauing the Iland * 2.92 called Amazones South: and beare your course as neere as you can North-west, or North North-west. By this course you shall passe and escape the force and danger of the Towne, and land some sixe dayes iourney from Santo Domingo.

The Riuer Wiaumli is to the North of Orenoco. To goe into this Riuer, which is little worth, * 2.93 you may goe in the Land till you come to another small Riuer, which is called Maccah: dire∣cting [ 60] your course South, you shall within two dayes, if your Canoa bee good, enter the Ri∣uer of Wiaumli. The Land taketh the name of the Riuer. The Gouernours name is Woripur Wor∣rok Halaha. Carrabouca is in the firme Land of the great Iland, called Murrequito: it is the common trade to goe to the rich Guiana or Manoa.

Drano is a faire Riuer, but it is dangerous to goe farre in it, by reason it lyeth due South-east from Orenoco: and the Southermost part of the Moores of Anebas is very low, so that the tanie * 2.94 waters issue in great abundance into this Riuer of Drano. The danger for entring this Riuer is nothing, but the doubt is onely of the bad water, and most terrible dewes which fall from the * 2.95 Moores, which are vnhealthfull, and kill the Indians daily; for that continually when they tra∣uell * 2.96 they lie in the open aire.

The Eastermost part of Dorado is called Emeria. There is a small Riuer, which lyeth farre East in Emeria, and beareth North North-west. Through this Riuer called Capurisol is a sure, a * 2.97 perfect, and most safe way to goe to Peru: but the iourney will aske eight or ten weekes to fi∣nish it. Through these Riuers of force wee must passe with Canoas or Ship-boats, or such like: [ 10] for there is alway very little water.

The Riuer of Capurisol lyeth in eight degrees and two terces to the North of the Equinoctiall Line. But the North starre keepeth his degree and altitude 11. degrees and two terces. In this * 2.98 Riuer is still a fine small brise of winde, which lightly bloweth at West: but at noone you shall hardly finde any winde.

CHAP. XII.

Captaine CHARLES LEIGH his voyage to Guiana and [ 20] plantation there.

THe one and twentieth of March, 1604. Captaine Charles Leigh in the Oliue Plant, a proper Barke of some fiftie Tunnes accompanied with six and fortie men and boyes, departed from Wolwich with intention to discouer and inhabit some part of the Countrie of Guiana, where he had beene in a former voyage, they stayed in the Downes vntill the eight and twentieth of the said moneth, and passing thence they touched in the Ile of Mogador on the coast of Barbarie in the moneth of Aprill, where we stayed about some fiue dayes, and watered on the mayne land in despite of the rebell Moores, which would haue had money for our watering. Thence with prosperous * 2.99 [ 30] winde coasting the Iles of Cape Verde, we passed ouer to the West Indies, and vpon the tenth of May comming in change of water, which shewed thicke and white, by the next day we were in fresh water, and the next day following about fiue in the morning wee saw two Ilands in the mouth of the Riuer of Amazones, making account that we were fortie leagues vp the Riuer, and * 2.100 came to an anchor in three fathoms vnder them, which wee found low land couered with high Trees. Then the Captaine with some eight of the best men of the ship went toward the shoare, and finding many Indians comming toward them they returned aboard, and found the ship al∣most aground, but sounding the Bay brought their ship into the Channell which they found ve∣ry narrow.

Within awhile after foure Indians in a small Canoa shewed themselues vnto vs, to whom we [ 40] sent our Boat with some of our commodities, as Hatchets, Kniues, Glasses, Beades, they had no∣thing but Maiz and small blue-headed Parrots, for which we gaue them some of our triffles. Not long after another Canoa comming out, our Boat clapt betweene them and the shoare to take some of them, to learne the state of the Riuer by them, but they freed themselues all saue one youth, which was brought aboard, which next day after escaped leaping into the Sea twelue leagues as we iudged from land. Thus we tooke our leaue of the Riuer of Amazones, and hauing vncertaine shoaldings all the way in our way, about ten a clocke in the night wee strooke vpon a sand before we could let fall our anchor, where wee beat off a piece of our false keele, before wee could get off. Being gotten off, wee came to an anchor in foure fathom and a halfe water, and rode there vntill the next morning, where wee descryed the land sixe leagues from vs with [ 50] the entrance of a Riuer:

The two and twentieth of May, wee arriued in the Riuer of Wiapogo, in the latitude of three degrees and a halfe to the North of the Line, where wee found the people readie to giue vs the * 2.101 best entertainment they could, bringing vs Hony, Pines, Plantons, Potatoes, Cassaui (whereof they make their bread and wine) Fish of many sorts, Hennes, Conies, Hogs, and such like. This day he tooke an oath of all his people to be true to him as long as he abode in the Countrie. Then after diuers conferences with the chiefe Indians, and namely with two of their Countrie, which had beene before in England, and could speake some English, he found them very willing to haue him and his people abide in their Countrie: who pretending want of many necessaries, whereof indeed he stood in need, and especially of victuals, hee went vp the Riuer in his Boat with some [ 60] fourteene men to take perfect view of a fit place to inhabit in, and to sound the depth of the Riuer as they went. At his returne he caused his ship to be brought vp hard vnto the falls of the Riuer: but after they had stayed there one day, finding sundrie inconueniences, they came backe * 2.102 againe to their first road; with a determination to plant and seate themselues vpon the first

Mount or high ground, at the entrance of the North side of the Riuer. But the Iayos and Sapayos seeing him and his company come downe the Riuer againe, entreated him earnestly to stay a∣mong them, offering him their owne dwelling Houses and Gardens alreadie planted to their hands, whereof he accepted: to wit, of two Houses and of as many Gardens as they thought conuenient to serue his turne, with condition that he should ayde and defend them against their enemies the Caribes and others. Hereupon they made a great Feast, desiring our Captaine to bee at it, and they demand of their generalitie of the staying of our men in the Countrey or no. Whereunto they gaue their free consent, and desired him withall to send into England, for men * 2.103 to teach them to pray. This done, the next day he brought all his furniture on shoare, and be∣stowed it in the aforesaid houses. And for the better assurance of the performance of the Saluages promise, he demanded pledges of them to be sent into England: whereunto they willingly con∣descended: [ 10] which where in number fiue, whereof two were of good account. Hee retayned thirtie fiue Englishmen and Boyes with him, sending the rest home in Iune, with the fiue Salua∣ges which were plentifully furnished with their Country victuals, with Letters to the right Wor∣shipfull Sir Olaue Leigh his brother, of his successe and desire to supply his wants, which he most kindly twice supplied to his great charge, within short time after.

The Caribes in eight warlike Canowes came to surprize them as farre as the Mount Comaribo: * 2.104 whereof the Indians being aduertised by our fishers, desired Captaine Leigh to aide them: which he did with some foure and twentie of his men in eight Canowes. But the battell being begun after they had heard the sound of our Trumpet and Musket, they fled to Sea-ward, our Canowes chasing them: but the enemy being swifter escaped with casting of one of their Canowes which [ 20] are able to carry twentie men and victuals for ten dayes, which Canowe they brought home.

Within a sennight after our Captaines returne, hee made a Voyage in an Indian Canowe ha∣uing * 2.105 Indians to rowe him, accompanied only with Thomas Richardson, his Refiner of Metals, and Iohn Burt his Chirurgion 90. miles by water vp the Riuer of Aracawa, to a Nation called the Maurauuas, where he traded for Tabacco and Cotton yarne, and Cotton-wooll. There he left his Chirurgian being sicke, and with his Refiner and three Indians (whereof one William was his Interpretour) went vp to a Nation called Marraias the space of thirtie miles, where they pas∣sed thorough a goodly Plaine foure miles broad of much stonie ground, wherein they saw Deere. At length meeting with the people, they were kindly entertayned and fed with such as they had; as dried Tygres flesh, dried Hogges flesh, and small fish. Then after some discourse, they [ 30] enquired for Gold shewing a Ring. An old man spake vnto him and pointed vp into the Coun∣trey, and the Captaine asking the Interpreter what he said, he told him that he said there was no such that way. The Captaine perceiuing the falshood of his Interpretor would goe no further, and so returned home, where he found vs for the most part sicke, and the Indians not so kind vn∣to vs as they had promised: which he much maruelled and grieued at.

Within three dayes after his returne, his shipwright Richard Haward died before hee could make an end of his shallop. And in September our Captaine himselfe began to droope, partly of griefe to see the weake estate of his people, and the ill performance of the Indians promises: yet neuerthelesse he ceased not to take order for the Indians bringing in of victuals and such Mer∣chandize as could be gotten, as Waxe, fine white long Feathers, Flaxe, Tabacco, Parrots, Mon∣keyes, * 2.106 [ 40] greene and blacke, Cotton-yarne and Cotton-wooll, sweet Gummes, red Pepper, Vra∣po, and Apriepo woods, Spleene stones, matiate stones, Roots and Berries, which we thought to be medicinable, Anato a Berrie or Cod, such as the Indians paint themselues red withall mingled with Oyle, Vrapo which is the heauie wood whereof they make their Swords and Bowes, A∣priepo, a wood that the Frenchmen and Hollanders fetch away, a wood which they call Ayard, which they kill fish withall.

The fishers beate this wood with another piece of wood, till it shiuer into flakes, which smel∣leth exceeding strong like Garlicke, wherewith in sundry places of the creekes going in accor∣ding * 2.107 to the depth of the water, they beate it vp and downe often in the Riuer, which the fish tasting, are intoxicated, and so distempered with all, that they flote and tumble vpon the vpper [ 50] part of the water, and then with Bats and Poles they knocke them on the heads. Their bread they make of Cassauia, a white Roble commonly a span long, and almost so thicke, which the women grate in an earthen panne against certaine grates of stone, and grate three or foure bus∣shels * 2.108 in a day: The iuyce thereof they crush out most carefully beeing ranke poyson raw, in a hose of withe, which they hang vp vpon an hooke, and afterward with a weightie logge which they hang at the other end they squeeze out the water into an earthen pan or piece of a Gourd, * 2.109 and then seethe the same iuice with their red Pepper whereby it becommeth holesome, and if they will haue it sweete, they will seethe it but ordinary, if they will haue it sowre, they will seethe it extraordinarily, and vse it in manner of sawce, and when they be sicke they eat the same [ 60] and bread only. The women also make drinke of this Cassaua bread, which in their Language they call Arepapa, by baking of it blacke, dry, and thinne, then chewing it in their mouthes, they put it into earthen pots narrow in the bottome and broad aboue, contayning some a Fir∣kin, some a Kilderkin, some a Barrell, set in a small hole in the ground, with fire about them.

Being well sod, they put it out into great Iarres of Earth with narrow neckes, and there it will wo••ke a day and a night, and keepe it foure or fiue dayes till it be stale, and then gathering toge∣ther an hundred and more, they giue themselues to piping, dancing and drinking. They make drinke also of Cassaua vnchewed, which is small and ordinary in their houses. They vse also to make drinke of Potatos which they paire and stampe in a Morter being sod, then putting water to it, drinke it.

Before and after the sicknesse of our Captaine, many of our men fell sicke, some of Agues, some of Floxes, some of giddinesse in their heads, whereby they would often fall downe: which grew * 2.110 chiefly of the excessiue heate of the Sunne in the day, and of the extreame dampe of the earth, which would so moysten our Hamackas, or Cotton beds, wherein wee lay a yard from the * 2.111 [ 10] ground, that we were faine to imitate the Indians in making fires on both sides vnder them. And for all that we could doe, some nine of our company were dead before our ships arriuall. Besides * 2.112 we were mightily vexed with a kinde of Worme, which at first was like to a Flea, and would creepe into the feet especially, and vnder the nayles, and would exceedingly torment vs, the * 2.113 time it was in, and more in the pulling out with a Pinne or needle, if they were few. But one of our men hauing his feete ouer-growne with them, for want of hose and shooes, was faine to submit himselfe to the Indians cure, who tying one of his legges first with his feete vpward, powred hot melted Waxe which is blacke vpon it, and letting it lye vpon it till it was through∣ly cold, they forcibly pulled it off; and therewithall the Wormes came out sticking in the same, seuen or eight hundred in number. This man was named Iohn Nettleton a Dier of London, which * 2.114 [ 20] afterward was drowned.

In the middest of all these extremities our Captaines Interpretor which hee had threatned for his false demeanour in his Voyage to the Marraios before mentioned, gaue counsell to his Master named Anaccauri, an ancient Captaine among them, to make a motion among the Indians at their next meeting to say, it is the best way for vs now to make an end of them while they are sicke either by staruing or otherwise. For when the ship commeth, hee will kill vs for keeping him without victuals now. This motion being made at their meeting, which was in Carisaua his * 2.115 house, and among his and Martins kinred, (which then remayned pledges for our mens safetie in England) their wiues hearing the Interpretors Master Anaccauri broaching this matter ranne fu∣riously vpon him and tare his clothes such as hee wore from him, and mightily beate him, the [ 30] other of their kindred, keeping those Indians off from the women, which would haue taken his part.

Some of our owne men lying at the next house where this was done, inquired of an Indian which owed this Anaccauri a grudge, what the cause was of the said tumult: who imparted the whole truth vnto them. Our men comming suddenly to the Captaine, acquainted him with the whole matter: who suddenly bethought himselfe and sent for all his men that were neere him; and for Eperiago and Pluainma an Indian that had beene in England: which were two of the chiefest, and caused him to send for his trayterous Interpretor, which came bringing Hens, drinke and bread: Assoone as he came, shewing what hee had heard, requiring them to declare what wrong he had done them. Who answered, none. Then said he, this fellow, meaning the [ 40] Interpretor hath sought my life; and therewith commanded his men to bind him hand and foot, which done, he dismissed them, desiring them to returne the next morning. In the meane time he caused his Prisoner to send for a Canowe to fetch three of his men. which were vp in the Ri∣uer, who immediately did so. Now hauing all his men together, hee caused them to haue all their Furniture readie: appointing one William Blake to see the same diligently fulfilled, the watch carefully to be kept in the night, and two to ward at the doores all day with their Fur∣niture, to take the Indians weapons out of their hands at their comming in at the doore.

This being ordayned, the Indians came the next day, to whome the Captaine said, In regard that I haue beene so carefull to punish the wrongs done vnto you, I would haue you readie to re∣uenge the wrongs done vnto mee, who seemed very vnwilling to doe any farther Iustice, estee∣ming [ 50] his binding a sufficient punishment. At the which the Captaine beeing very much vexed, commanded the two foresaid Indian Captaines to depart, charging them to send him in, fish and other victuals for his company. In the meane time he and the chiefe of his men, consulting what course to take with the Malefactor, they thought it best that hee should lye so bound vntill the next day being the third of his bondage, and to send for the chiefe of the Indians, and vpon con∣fession of his fault, and crauing pardon thereof, to be dismissed before them.

Captaine Charles Leighs Letter to Sir Olaue Leigh [ 60] his Brother.

MOst louing Brother, I did write vnto you from Muggador, where I stayed vntill the ninet••enth of Aprill, and on the fourteenth of May I had first sight of Guiana, in the mouth of the Riuer A∣mazones,

The two and twentieth, I arriued (praysed be God) in safetie in the Riuer Caroleigh, hereto∣fore called Wyapoco, and the same day, I tooke possession of the Countrey in sight of the Indians. The Indians which doe inhabit this Riuer are about one thousand fiue hundred men, women, and children, and they are of three Nations, viz. Yaioas, Arwarkas, and Sapayoas, which beeing chased from other Riuers, by the Caribes haue combined themselues together in this place for their better defence, and are now at deadly warres with the Caribes. After that I had stored my selfe with Bread and Roots sufficient vntill the Earth with Gods prouidence might yeeld me supply, I did then send for the chiefe Captaine of the Yayoas aboord, whom with gifts and good vsage, I easily entreated to stay aboord my ship vntill such time as by his meanes I was prouided with all kind of Plants, which their Gardens doe affoord, yet all this while he knew not my purpose. The day before I purposed to make my intent knowne, their came ano∣ther chiefe Captaine of the Yayoas aboord to dine with me, who together with the former after Dinner [ 10] desired to speake with me, whereupon I sent for an Indian who had beene in England, to bee Interpreter, and tooke them into my Cabbin. The two Captaines told a long Storie of the wrongs the Caribes had done them, how they had driuen them from their ancient dwellings in other Riuers, killed many of their friends, carried their women and children away Captiues, and hurt many of their men, and thereupon they called one of their men to shew me how he was lately hurt in three places with their Arrowes, to con∣clude, they told me, how they purposed the next Moone to goe against the Caribes, with twentie Canoas, and earnestly entreated me if I stayed so long to goe with them to their Warres. Vpon this good occasion, I told them that I purposed to stay in the Countrey, seuen or eight moneths, to seeke out and make triall of Mynes. And in the meane time that I purposed to build Houses ashoare at the head of the Riuer, and there to plant Gardens, that my men might haue victuals of their owne labours, which done, I would [ 20] build a shallop, and send twentie men in her with them to fight against the Caribes, withall this they see∣med wonderfull well content, and thereupon they promised Indians to helpe mee to build and to plant, and the chiefe Captaine promised himselfe to goe vp with me. The next day being the third of May, I set sayle from the mouth of Caroleigh, and cast Anchor in a Bay vnder Mount Oliphe, where I purpo∣sed to plant, and make my habitation: but my men discomforted with the sight of the Woodes which they were to fell, grew generally discontented, and omitted no practices to ouerthrow the Voyage, being sub∣orned vnder hand, by my vnfaithfull Seruant, the Master, his lewd consorts he brought with him, being the only publike maintayners of the mutenie. How I haue beene troubled with him and his consorts, (who intending spoyle and purchase in the West Indies) haue from the beginning sought the ouerthrow of this Voyage, this Bearer can certifie you at large. And vndoubtedly hee made full account with his head∣strong [ 30] companions at such a time to haue commanded the ship at his pleasure. To conclude, amongst o∣ther their practices, they so consumed the victuals which should haue mayntained vs vntill the earth had yeelded supply as that in sixe dayes, our Potatoes which should haue lasted vs two monethes, were wholly spent hereupon being farre distant from the Indians, who inhabit at the mouth of the Riuer, fortie miles from the falls, and it being very doubtfull, how wee should bee furnished with victuals from them in our extremitie, I gaue consent that the ship should returne to the mouth of the Riuer, with this condition: that after I had refurnished them with victuals and other things sufficient that then they should plant vp∣on Mount Huntlay, two leagues to the West of Caroleigh: which being neere the Indians, and betweene them and their enemies they would be readie and willing to furnish vs with victuals, vpon any extremitie, to which condition they generally consented, that place being first motioned by some of them. The shippe [ 40] being returned, they had then brought mutinie to such a head, as that to my face, they stood in defiance of the Voyage, and told me plainly they would not stay doe what I would or could, I vrged them with their promise to plant on Mount Huntly, one of them who seemed most forward of all men to yeeld to that motion: answered that he promised in policie, to draw me from Mount Oliphe. But in the end it plea∣sed God, what by faire meanes and what by foule, I brought them all to consent to stay one whole yeere, thorow all extremities, if it were possible to make a full triall both of people and Countrey, and to plant vpon Mount Huntley, according to their promise. This agreed vpon, I went ashoare to the Indians, to prouide victuals, and other necessaires for our Plantation, who being exceeding glad of my returne; of∣fered me to choose the best of their houses and gardens, to dwell amongst them. For they were very vn∣willing that I should goe to any other place, to conclude, iudging their offers by many likelihoods, to be with∣out [ 50] deceit, I resolued to abide with them vpon this condition: that they should send foure principall In∣dians for England as pledges, for our safetie with them whereunto they willingly condescended, and if I would, I might haue twentie. For they make daily suite to me to goe for England. Beeing in conference with an assembly of two or three hundred, purposely met to craue my abode amongst them, and demanding of them vowes and protestations, according to the custome of all people, for the more securitie of our peace and amity: their answere was that they knew not how to make vowes and protestations, and therefore ge∣nerally they desired (sundry of their Captaines speaking it together, with a low and humble voice) that I would bring them men to teach them to pray. Which motion of theirs, proceeding from themselues and in that humble manner, strooke me I assure you into an admiration of ioy, to thinke that it hath pleased Al∣mightie God after so many dangers heretofore, and troubles in the Voyage, to preserue me to be a meanes [ 60] to this simple-hearted people of the knowledge of Christ. Vndoubtedly, it was the wonderfull worke of Gods Spirit in them, where at all Christian hearts ought to reioyce. And I am perswaded, the like in∣stance hath neuer beene before by any people in the World: I beseech Almightie God to giue a blessed and to this hopefull beginning.

The foureteenth of Iune, concluding with the Indians vpon sundry conditions, I purchased of them the same day for a few Hatchets, Houses and Gardens planted with Cassaua, and Potatoes sufficient for all my company: the scituation of our Houses is in the pleasantest and most fruitfull place of all their ha∣bitations. And because it is a small Village of six or seuen houses; and the first place of our setled aboade I haue named it Principium: the Hill on which it standeth being part of the Mountaine on the West side of the entrance of the Riuer, I haue named Mount Howard, to honour the remembrance of my Lord Admirall, of whom heretofore I haue receiued many fauours: on the East side of the entrance of Caro Leigph, lieth the Riuer O••iuoleighe heretofore called Arrikowarye: and on the West side of Mount Howard runneth the Riuer Iotrameleighe, by the Indians called Wanarie. The commodi∣ties which this Countrie doth yeelde, and through industrie will abound in, are these; Sugar Canes, Cot∣ten [ 10] and fine Flaxe; also it would yeelde great store of long Pepper, if there might be vent for it in Eng∣land: here is sundry sorts of Gummes, of Woods, and of Dies, which I hope will proue good commodi∣ties, of all which I haue sent you samples by Master Huntlie, especially one sort of Gumme, which I am perswaded will proue very rich. Also I haue sent vnto you a peece of a Stone taken out of a Manuate or Sea Cowe. I am giuen to vnderstand that a little thereof beaten into powder, and drunke in Wine or Ale, will in few houres cure any man that is troubled with the Stone, they say it dissolueth it instantly. I doubt not but to get a dosen of them before this time twelue moneths: my refiner hath made triall of sun∣drie Minerals, but cannot yet finde any Mettals. At my arriuall here I found a Dutch Shippe, and sithence here hath arriued another, they buye vp all the Flaxe they can get, and pay so deere that I can get none; they haue not gotten so little I thinke as ten tunnes of Flaxe within these two moneths. [ 20]

I doubt not but I shall be able to returne a Shippe laden with Flaxe and other commodities the next yeare; the Flaxe yeeldeth a wonderfull encrease, and will grow any where, but especially in low moorish grounds: the Indians report that the Roote yeeldeth increase euery moneth, and euerie yeelde may be some foure ounces, by this accompt an acre of ground planted with these rootes, and distant three foote a sunder, will yeelde 17280. li. euerie yeare, which amounteth at sixe pence the pound to 432. li. I doubt this will not proue answerable to their reports, but I verily beleeue it will yeelde halfe the encrease they speake of the Dutch men haue reported that it is worth in Holland but six pence the pound, but they confesse that Holland will vent 500. tunne thereof. Some of the Dutch men haue reported that it is worth in Hol∣land sixteene pence the pound, which I rather beleeue, for my Weuers tell me that they will warrant it to dresse exceeding well, and then it must needes be excellent fine grounds for any stuffe; for Cotten here is [ 30] little, not worth the speaking of, yet the Countrie will yeelde abundance, and in sixe weekes the seede will yeelde Cotten, and it beareth continually and plentifully. I pray you sir send me more Weauers, for I know not how to get any thing spunne for them, for the women here are put to that extreame labour, that they haue no time to spinne, for they onely fetch water, cut wood to burne, and bring it home vpon their backes, they gather all their rootes and bring them out of their Gardens, they make all their Bread which is ve∣rie laboursome, they dresse all the victuals, make all the drinke, attend vpon the men while they are at meate, and besides, they dresse vp their houses in their kinde, and nurse their owne children: so as they are alwayes toiled with labour, and haue little or no time to spinne. For Sugar Canes the world doth not yeelde better soyle for their encrease, and whereas in Barbarie it is fifteene or sixteene moneths before they come to perfection, here they grow vp in ten moneths. And in Barbarie they are planted onely in [ 40] two Uallies, where they are watered euery weeke, but here they grow vpon the Mountaines, and neuer watered but with raine onely. A few yeares I doubt not will afford plentie of Sugars, if wee shall haue meanes to make them. My loose commodities, as Hatchets, Beades, Kniues, Looking-glasses, &c. are almost all gone; a great part in buying of victuals, but the most part to stoppe the mouthes of my Muti∣nors and monstrous Sailours; to whom also I haue promised two third parts of my Iron.

Now for the prosecuting of this voyage, in such sort as that we be not preuented by the Spaniard nor any other Nation; I would entreate you with as much speede as possibly you can to send me a supply of one hundred men at least, to abide here, all labouring men and Gardners, for such are the fittest here for a time, with a few Carpenters; and with them three or foure good peeces of Ordnance with shot and powder: also fiftie Caliuers for the men that stay here: if you can send these men in two Shippes, I doubt not but to [ 50] lade one of them backe in three moneths after arriuall, and the other which I wish may be the Oliue plant, I would keepe here and fit her for a Frigot to keepe and command the Riuer. I haue written to my brother Iohn Leighe to deliuer vnto you such monies as he hath receiued of Gifford, who I hope hath ere this time paid his debts. I hope you shall get store of voluntarie men to ease the charge of the Uoyage, and looke what you shall disburse in my behalfe for the accomplishment of the Uoyage, I will, God willing, see you honestly paid with aduantage; or else if it please you to put it in aduenture, it shall be accomplished in any sort to your owne desir••. As I doubt not of your loue and forwardnesse, especially in so good an action so also I make no question, but this Countrie will in few years yeelde you satisfaction beyond your expectation. If my wife haue not alreadie attained her suite of the Kings Maiestie, I hope she will the sooner speede vp∣on this newes, which if she doe, my desire is, that all shall be imployed vpon these proceedings; and to that [ 60] effect I haue written to her. I haue written a Letter to the Kings Maiestie; another to the Lords of the Counsell, and one to m•• Lord Admirall.

The bearer hereof, Captaine Huntlie is the worthiest yong Gentleman that euer went to Sea, vpon any dangerous enterprize, he was neuer dismaid, neither with extreame dangers at Sea, nor with all the Mu∣tinies

aboord, which had beene able to haue discouraged an old experienced Souldier; besides, I found him alwaies a most true, faithfull, and loyall friend, and therefore I pray accompt him for a right honest man, I have made him my Lieftenant generall of these Countries during life, and therefore I pray let him re∣turne chiefe commander in the first supply. I would pray you also to procure to come with him some honest and discreete men whom I might relie vpon as trustie friends, and vse as companions both for aduise and societie, for I am now very vncomfortably matched, hauing no worldly strength to trust vpon but my selfe onely. I haue sent vnto you foure Indians, principall men in their Countrie, which were deliuered vnto me as pledges of our safeties here and they are to returne again the first, but I thinke some of them will be more willing to stay longer. The English man which was left here by Captaine Lea, is dead, I pray you pro∣cure * 2.116 Sir Walter Rawleighes Indian or my Lord Admirals, for I want an Interpreter exceedingly, here [ 10] is but one, and he vnderstandeth but little to any purpose. I pray forget not to send Preachers, sober and discreete men, and such as are well perswaded of the Church gouernment in England, &c. From Prin∣cipium, or Mount Howard this second of Iuly 1604.

CHAP. XIII.

A true Relation of the traiterous massacre of the most part of threescore and seuen English men, set on land out of a Ship of Sir Oliph Leagh, bound for Guiana, in Santa Lucia an Iland of the West Indie, the three and [ 20] twentieth of August, written by IOHN NICOL.

SIr Oliph Leagh, a worshipfull Knight of Kent, sending a supply of good numbers of men in a Ship called the Oliph blossome to his brother Master Charles Leigh, which was planted in the Riuer of Wiapogo, within three degrees and an halfe Northward of the Equinoctiall line in the West Indies, which departed from Wolwich the foureteenth of Aprill 1605. vnder the conduct of Captaine Cata∣line, and Captaine Nicholas Sainct Iohn, I being desirous to see the world, con∣sorted my selfe with that co••pany. But by contrary windes and vnknowne currents of the [ 30] Sea, and the vnskilfulnesse of our Master Richard Chambers, wee were put to leeward of our port, without any hope of recouering the same in any due time: And being not victualled, as it * 2.117 seemed for aboue foure or fiue moneths, after consultation had, we were faine to touch first at the Isle of Barbudos, and then at Santa Luzia in the West Indies. Where fearing to perish at Sea for hunger before we should be able being so many aboord to reach England; Captaine Nicolas Saint Iohn, with the rest of the passengers, which purposed to haue staied with Master Charles Leagh at Wiopogo in Guiana, resolued to stay and take their fortune in the aforesaid fruitfull Iland.

Thus sixtie seuen of vs at our owne seeking were left on shore in the aforesaid Iland of Santa Luzia the three and twentieth of August 1605. with our Swords, Muskets, and Powder, and one [ 40] Falcon, and one barill of Biscuit onely for all our food. The next day our Ship departed from vs with some discontentment, because we had seased vpon her Boate to serue our turnes. After our Shippe was departed from vs, we liued very peaceably, daily trading with the Indians for victu∣als; which were Cassaui, Potatos, Plantans, Pinas, Popayes, Pompions, Calabassus, Tobacco, Pappies, Mammeyes, all very pleasant to eate. Also they brought vnto vs Hens and Guls, and some Pelicanes, Woodcocks, and Snipes: we our selues did kill with our Peeces many of them likewise. And euery night we sent out sixe vpon the sands to seeke for Tortoyses, whereof we neuer missed night without one or two, and many times three, which was the greatest suste∣nance * 2.118 we found: for they are very large and great. I haue often taken out of one of them to the number of seuen hundred egges. Also the Indians had great store of Roan linnen cloathes, Serges, [ 50] and other Stuffes, and Spanish wollen cloath: and iarres of Oyle which they tooke and saued at Sea with their Periagnas. For three Spanish Shippes had beene there cast away a little before our arriuall, if we had had a Pinnesse there we could haue laden her with many good commodities, which they had hid in their houses in the woods. All which we could haue bought for Hatch∣ets, Kniues, Beades, Thimbles, Fishhookes, and other such trifles.

Thus for the space of fiue or sixe weekes wee went not much abroad; till our Captaine seeing certaine foure square Plates, which the Indians ware on the small of their armes, asked Browne, a Gold finer, his opinion, what he thought of them? who told him, that three parts thereof was * 2.119 Gold. And asking the Indians where they got them, they pointed vnto an high Mountaine on [ 60] the North-west part of the Iland. This caused Captaine Nicholas Saint Iohn, and Iohn Rogers, who was our interpreter for the Spanish tongue, with as many of our chiefe men as could well goe in the Boate vpon a Munday to goe thither, promising his Brother Alexander Sainct Iohn, Master Garret, and Master Tench, whom he left to gouerne the rest at home, to returne the next Saturday.

The Indians for three dayes after did not come vnto vs with victuals, for they perceiued when the Boate went, and as we thinke, they were then at the slaughter of our men at the Moun∣tayne. * 2.120 Vpon Thursday morning we killed two Tortoyses on the sands: where wee found a great company of the Indians gathered together, for what purpose we knew not: And lest wee should suspect them of any bad intent towards vs, they willingly offered themselues to bring home our Tortoyses, which they tooke into their Periaguas, and brought them to our Houses.

All that forenoone wee kept good watch: for there were very many that came both by Sea and Land to the number of two or three hundred; and diuers of them were very merrie with vs, drinking of Tabacco and Aquauitae, vntill ten of the clocke, and then they departed all saue [ 10] one which was a Captaine of the Ile of Saint Vincent, called Augramert, and an old man which was his Father: who promised vs, if wee would goe to their houses, that wee should haue any thing that they had. For the day before I had beene at their houses with other two of my fel∣lowes to haue bought victuals: yet they would not part with any, no not for any commoditie that wee had: and yet they had more store of victuals then euer I saw them haue before. But wee perceiued afterwad, that it was prouided for them, that came to take their parts against vs, whom they kept secret in the Woods. So we three returned, and trauelled farre into the Iland, and passed through sixe or seuen Gardens very full of Cassabe, Potatoes, and many other rootes * 2.121 and fruits, and by the way saw many tall trees of so huge bignesse, that wee three could not at twice fathome one of them about; and they were so hard, that wee could not cut them with our * 2.122 [ 20] Kniues, and the Barke of them was white like Ash. Then we returned to our Sconce againe.

Vpon Thursday after dinner, Master Alexander Saint Iohns, Master Francis Kettleby the el∣der, Master William Tench, my selfe, and diuers others, to the number of eighteene, went with Augramert and his father, hauing neither Bowe nor Arrow, onely his father had a Brasill sword. They went thus meanly armed lest wee should suspect them. Augramert also promised Master Alexander Saint Iohn, that he should see his wife, and we should haue Hamaccos, which are In∣dian * 2.123 beds of net-worke made of cotton yarne to lye in. So we trauelled along the Sands very se∣curely, young Saint Iohn going a little space before playing and jesting with the Indian Captain, till they came within sight of their houses, where in the woods they had placed an ambush of three hundred Caribes: when suddenly Augramert tooke hold of his Rapier with the one hand * 2.124 [ 30] and of his Poniard with the other, and the old man his father with his Brasill sword strooke him downe to the ground. Then out of the woods came the Arrowes so thicke about our eares, that wee had not the time to put our matches in our cocks. And many of our companie had their match to light, which gaue a great encouragement vnto the enemie; insomuch that we dischar∣ged not sixe peeces against them, which caused diuers of our companie to flie into the Sea vp to their necks, and some along the sands as amazed, seeing such a huge companie against so small a number; vntill young Saint Iohn recouering againe, encouraged vs to make a stand at a point of Land which went corner wise into the Sea.

But all was in vaine: for before wee could make our peeces readie, there came another com∣panie on the back of vs, and filled our bodies full with arrowes: and then wee betooke vs to our [ 40] swords and so runne through them: but still they encreased out of the woods, shooting their ar∣rowes in great abundance, not daring to come neere vs vntill they saw vs fall; and then with their great Brasill swords they strooke out our mens braines. I my selfe being all this time run∣ning with young Saint Iohn, and Master Kettleby, who behaued themselues most gallantly, ha∣uing at the least one hundred arrowes a piece before they fell, came at the last into the entrance of a narrow path, where fiue of my fellowes were gotten before I came, and thinking to haue passed through, there was another ambush who killed them all. I onely with three arrowes in me, by running into the wood and swimming ouer a standing Lake escaped home, giuing them warning before they came to assault them: and vpon my comming they all came in sight vpon the Sands, whom we soone sent away by shooting off our great Peece, so they came not in three [ 50] dayes after.

Vpon Monday there came to the number of thirteene or fourteene hundreth both by Sea and Land, and there beset vs round, wee hauing nothing but our Chists to defend vs from their ar∣rowes: thus for the space of seuen or eight dayes we fought with them, and of nineteene men which were left of all our companie, twelue were sore wounded with their arrowes. And the first day at twelue a clocke they shot fire in their arrowes and burned our houses, thinking then to haue entred in vpon vs, but with our Falcon wee droue them backe with most horrible cryes. After that our houses were burned, and all our Chists which before were our Fort, wee fortified our selues with the remnants of the stakes and thatch which we had saued from burning, setting them in the ground slopewise, couering it with sand and earth, which saued vs euer after from [ 60] their arrowes.

The next day after they all departed in their Periaguas. And the Lord seeing what need wee had of food, contrarie to our expectation, mooued the hearts of our very enemies to bring vs food. For when all the rest were out of sight, one returned very well prouided of victuall, and

three or foure comming out of their Piragua with asmuch as they were able to carry of Cassaui, Potatoes, and Plantans, cryed vnto vs to exchange with them, first holding vp their bowes and arrowes, and after laying them on the ground againe in signe of peace. Which wee perceiuing, sent out three likewise to bargaine without weapons, with Kniues and Beades, and other trifles: which traffick being done, they departed and we returned, giuing praise to God, for this mira∣culous feeding of vs. For we had no meanes of our selues to get any food: for they had bereft vs of our Net, with which we had wont to catch as much fish of many sorts as would suffice vs for a whole day. Thus they continued daily for the space of seuen dayes; and then our victuals be∣gan to faile againe, which caused vs to hold out a flagge of truce: which they perceiuing, came in peaceable manner vnto vs. [ 10]

Then one Francis Brace, which could speake French, made them vnderstand that our desire was to giue them all that we had, if they would let vs haue a Piragua to carry vs away. Which one Captaine Antonie willingly consented vnto (contrarie to the will of his brother Augramert, Captaine of Saint Vincent) and the next day brought it, drawing it on shoare within the com∣passe of our Fort; for which we gaue them Hatchets, Kniues, and Beades, vntill they were con∣tented: and to please them the more, we gaue them euery one a Shouell or a Spade, wherewith they were fully contented, and so departed. Then with all speede we went all to worke, some vpon the Saile, which we made of very good Roan-cloth, and some to make the Mast; and eue∣ry one did labour all he could to be readie against night. For Captaine Antonie, which was Cap∣taine of Santa Lucia, told vs, that his brother Augramert would come the next day from Saint [ 20] Vincent with twelue Periaguas all laden with arrowes; whose words we alwayes found true.

Thus on a thursday, the sixe and twentieth of September, at one of the clocke after mid∣night, hauing amongst vs all but one Barrico of fresh water to drinke, and one small Firkin of Rice, we embarked our selues being nineteene in the whole number, not one hauing skill in the Mariners art, and without Carde or Compasse to direct vs: wee sayled by the Sunne in the day∣time, * 2.125 and by the Starres in the night, going alwayes betwixt South-west and by West. The vi∣ctuals that wee had were not sufficient to serue that companie for three dayes. For wee had not aboue twentie Biscuits, three Cassaui cakes, a dosen Plantans, and some thirtie Potatoes, and some foure or fiue gallons of water, and a little barrell halfe full of Rice. And as it pleased the Lord he had saued it vntill this our great necessitie, for the preseruation of our liues: for all our o∣ther [ 30] victuall was gone in two dayes, and our water in three dayes. And then Master Garret gaue to euery two of vs a pottage dish of his Rice twice a day, which wee washed in salt water and so eate it raw. Thus we continued at Sea seeking for Land, for the space of ten dayes, where wee endured one great tempest, although to our great perill, looking alwayes when wee should * 2.126 be drenched. The raine which then fell, was vnto vs in the middest of our danger a great com∣fort: for we saued it with great ioy, and dranke it, thanking God for that good refreshing; who likewise did send the very Fowles of the aire to feed vs. For being wearie of their flight they would rest them vpon the side of our Boat, so that we tooke them and dryed them in the Sunne with a little gun-powder, and eate them. Our Boats brimme was so neere the water, that eue∣ry waue came ouer it, readie to sinke vs, but that foure of vs continually did lade the water forth [ 40] by courses. Now, on the tenth day one Thomas Morgan dyed, not being able to liue of that * 2.127 small allowance, and at noone we threw him ouer board. Within an houre after it pleased God to glad vs (who were likewise readie to follow our fellow) with a ioyfull sight of Land, vnto the neerest part whereof we made as fast as we could.

But the winde being calme we were benighted before we could come to it. And so wanting the light of the day, we were vpon the shoare before wee were aware, and there split our Boat * 2.128 to the middest, and all our men were turned out saue my selfe, which held the helme, thinking the next waue would set her off againe, not knowing her to be split. But the breach was so great that it turned me vnder, putting me in great danger to be grinded to pieces with her weight ly∣ing vpon me against the great Rocks; yet at the last wee all recouered our selues, some sitting vpon the Rocks, others on the rootes of great Trees, thinking there to saue our selues vntill the [ 50] morning. William Picks, and my selfe, went and haled the Boat on shoare, which was split to the very middest, and so farre with our Swords we cut off, and put in an head in the middest, and fastened it with our Daggers, Kniues, and Bodkins; stopping all the leakes with our shirts, and sent fiue of our companie ouer to the mayne land; which were Miles Pet, William Picks, Francis Brace, William Kettleby, and William Butcher. They haled their Boat foure or fiue dayes along the shoare, crossing diuers Riuers with their Boat, being sometimes pursued by Alligatos or Crocodiles, and Sharkes.

God pittying their poore estate, guided them to a place, where they found a great earthen Iarre full of wheat flower set in a little Caue, which they boyled in the Iarre with fresh water, [ 60] and satisfied their hungrie appetites, with thanks vnto God for the same. And within two dayes after they met with three Spaniards, with halfe a dosen Indians and Negroes, trauelling * 2.129 from Caracas to Coro, driuing Horses and Mules laden with merchandise: who seeing their weaknesse for want of victuals, vnloded their Horses to feede on the grasse, while they refreshed

our hungrie men with plentie of their good cheere, and shewed themselues very courteous suffe∣ring them to ride, and went themselues on foot two or three dayes, till they came to a Towne of ciuill Indians, called Tocoya, where they stayed to refresh them, for they were very weake, And there they let the Spaniards know in what miserable case they left vs in a desolate Iland; * 2.130 where we endured the greatest miserie, that euer men did with life. For wee continued fifteene dayes hauing no kinde of meat but Wilks, falt Water, and Tabacco; which did nothing at all nourish vs, yet neuerthelesse it tooke away the desire of hunger, and saued vs from eating one an∣other. In those fifteene dayes fiue of our companie pined to death, because they could not take Tabacco; Iohn Parkins, Edward Greene, Thomas Siubbes, Andrew Swash, and an old man called * 2.131 Iohn. By noting two or three of our men to die, we knew by those tokens when we drew neere [ 10] our death: which were these, first they would swell very bigge, and shortly after fall to the very bones, and wanting strength to hold vp their heads, they would fall downe, and droope into their bosomes, and in twelue houres after yeeld vp the Ghost.

At the fifteene dayes end, Francis Brace hauing more strength then the rest, guided the three Spaniards with sixe Indians to the Iland where we were, and they brought victuals with them: which when we had eaten had almost killed vs, by reason of the weaknesse of our stomacks, be∣ing so farre spent that we could not digest it, although we fed thereof very sparingly. The next * 2.132 day they carried vs to the mayne land, where wee had horses brought vs to carry vs: and the goods wee had they tooke all to the King of Spaines vse, and so conueyed vs to Tocoya; where wee which were weake remayned fifteene dayes, and those which were strong went with the [ 20] three Spaniards to Coro, which is some fiftie leagues from Tocoya: and at the fifteene dayes end, * 2.133 one of the Spaniards, whose name was Sennor Coraianal, came for vs with horses, who shewed * 2.134 himselfe as carefull of vs, as if we had beene his owne Countrimen and friends, and brought vs to Coro to our fellowes: where we were brought before the Gouernour; and by a Flemming which * 2.135 could speake a little English, which had beene a prisoner there sixteene yeeres, we were examined of the cause of our comming thither; who excused vs very well. For hee knew, that if we had confessed whether we were determined to goe, they would haue either put vs to death, or con∣demned vs to the Gallies. But he told them, that we neuer purposed to come thither, but were by misfortune and tempest of winde and weather driuen on that Coast, and told them of all the dangers which we had endured, which draue them into such great admiration, that some said, [ 30] verily wee were Deuils and not Men: others, that we deserued to bee canonized, but that wee were Lutherans.

All the chiefe Sennors of the Towne beeing there, euery man was desirous to take one of vs. After we were deuided among them, they did not vse vs like prisoners, but were as carefull of vs as of their owne children, not suffering vs to want any thing necessarie for the procuring of our * 2.136 healths. My lot fell out to bee entertained by one whose name was Sentor Francisco Lopez: and being extreamely sicke of a Calenture, or hot Feuer, one Captaine Peroso which had married his daughter hauing good skill in Phisicke, came daily to my Chamber, and there let me bloud, die∣ted me, and purged me, giuing his owne Wife in charge, not to let me want any thing that was there to be had. Thus by the will of God, and their tender care ouer vs, wee recouered our [ 40] healths and strengths againe; only two dyed there, which were Thomas Fletcher. and Fulke Iones a shoomaker. In Coro eleuen of vs remayned aliue (being all that were left of sixtie seuen, which were put on shore in the Iland of Santa Luzia) for the space of fiue moneths, euery day going to * 2.137 one another when wee pleased: and wee rid often into the Countrey, where the Indians tooke great delight in our company. For against our comming, they would prouide all kind of delicious fruits: which were in most abundance in that Countrey, and would kill Deere and wild Hogs for vs; and would bring vs Apes, Monkeyes, Parrots, and any thing that they thought wee * 2.138 delighted in.

The Countrey about Coro doth yeeld abundance of Sugar, Honey, Ginger, and Pitch. Also they haue very good Wheate growing there: but the bread is for the most part made of Maiz, [ 50] whereof they haue great plentie, for they reape it three times in one yeere. This Maiz they do mingle with the iuyce of the Sugar-cane, which maketh an excellent kinde of bread, and it will keepe like Bisket. Also they make their drinke of this Maiz and of Potatoes; which is very * 2.139 sweet and strong: for the Indians will be quickly drunke with it. While we were there, a Spa∣niard rode to a Farme of his in the Countrey with his brother, where he had many Indians dwel∣ling to make Tabacco. One of his chiefe Indians, which vsed to be familiar with him, tooke vp a new Hatchet, which his Master had brought him, asking him what it cost, and suddenly cloue his head therewith: which his brother perceiuing ranne for his Rapier: but the Indian women * 2.140 had stolne it away before; and so they killed him also with their Bowes and Arrowes, and three or foure Negroes, which seemed to resist them, and thereupon flied to the Mountaines, gathering [ 60] a great company vnto him, promising them, that if they would aide him against the Spaniards in Coro, he would giue them the Spaniards wiues and daughters in marriage. But before they put this conspieacie in practise, Captaine Peroso by a Policie tooke him feasting among his fellowe and women, and tooke thirtie with him, and brought them all to Coro; where they were to suf∣fer

death with great torments, to terrifie the rest. And of some they cut off the thumbes, and cut the sinewes of their two fore-fingers, whereby they wanted the benefit of ••hooting.

Our entertainment there was such, that we could not desire to part from th••m to come into our owne Countrey without offending them. For a Frigat being readie at Coro 〈◊〉〈◊〉 goe for Car∣thagena, foure of vs made intreatie for passage, which were Philip Glastocke, Richar•• Garret, Wil∣liam Picks, and my selfe, (Iohn Nicols) for all the rest were in the Countrey vpon pl••sure, some in one place, and some in another. And when the ship was readie to depart, they per••••aded the Gouernour not to let vs goe. For they told him that there were many ships of Holland ••on the Coast; and that if we went all in the Frigate, we would betray it vnto them, causing the Fa∣thers of their Churches to tell vs, That if we would stay, wee should be as themselues, ar•• they would willingly bestow both their daughters and their goods vpon vs. Yet notwithstanding all [ 10] their allurements, our desire was for our owne Countrey; and so three of vs procured me••es for to goe, and William Picks was stayed, by meanes his Master told the Gouernour, that fo••e were to many to venter in the Frigat. Thus we departed from Core about the twentieth of A∣prill, leauing all those with whom wee dwelt very sorrowfull for our departure: who gaue vs great store of prouision for our Voyage. They were very loth to let vs go to Carthagena, for feare we should be put into the Gallies: And the Gouernour of Coro himselfe, wrote vnto the chiefe men of Carthagena in our commendation, as to Don Pedro de Barres, who was his Sonne in Law; but it tooke small effect. By the way wee touched at Santa Marta, and watered there.

Within three dayes after we arriued at Carthagena, we were committed to Prison by the Te∣niente, for the Gouernour was dead not three dayes before we came in. Yet we brought our Let∣ter [ 20] from Coro, from one Sennor Gasper Sanchio Contador, or in our behalfe to one Sen∣nor Antonio Cambero, who prooued a speciall good friend vnto vs. For we had not beene an houre in Prison, but hee came to vs and comforted vs, and bade vs not to feare, for wee should not want any thing. So he went to the Teniente, and proffered three of his Negroes to set vs at li∣bertie, and if we made an escape, he should haue those Negroes for his owne vse. (The worst of those Negroes was worth three hundred Duckets.) But hee would not, neither would he allow vs any victuals. But this Cambero sent vs euery day at noone one very good meales meate. Also there were three Englishmen, who serued as Mariners in one of the King of Spaines Gallions which carrie his Treasure: which after that they were at Sea were by forcible tempest driuen back againe to Carthagena, in a great danger to be sunk: for she had twelue foot water in her. Some [ 30] escaped to Hauana, and fiue of the richest ships were sunke on the shoalds betwixt Carthagena and Hauana. These three Englishmen did allow vs twelue pence a day so long as wee remayned in Prison. Euery Saturday, the Teniente with his Alcaldies doe sit in iudgement within the Prison where the Teniente commanded that we should be sent to the Gallies. Then one Alcaldie, who was alwayes found to bee a fauourer of Englishmen, whose name was Sennor Francisco Lopez de Moralis, called for our Examination: which when hee had perused, hee told him, that hee could not with Iustice commit vs. Who answered againe, Then let them remayne in Prison vntill the Gallions come from Spaine, for the treasure.

Within two moneths after a Deputie Gouernour was chosen: vnto whom we framed a Peti∣tion; which was deliuered by Iohn Frendgam; whose answere was to him, that if wee could [ 40] procure any Spaniards to bayle vs for our forth comming, we should be at libertie. Which Sennor Francisco Lopez and Antonie Cambero no sooner heard, but they entred into bond of a thousand Duckets for our forth comming, And at our deliuery, the Teniente told vs, that although by or∣der of Law, they could iustly haue put vs to death; yet seeing God had so miraculously saued vs, and that we had endured so many miseries to saue our liues, and that we came to them for suc∣cour and reliefe, they were content to set vs at libertie. So Francisco Lopez brought a discharge from the Gouernour to the Iaylour for our deliuery out of Prison, and brought vs all three to his owne house: where was prouided for euery one of vs a seuerall bed: For the Countrey is so hot, that we cannot lie but one in a bed. Our entertainment was very great, and all our seruices in plate, with great varietie of meates, and of all the most delicious Indian fruits: and yet he thought [ 50] we neuer fared well enough, without hee sent vs one extraordinary dish or other from his owne Table. Also many Gallauts resorted to his house to play at Cards, who would bee very liberall vnto vs at their winning, and would giue vs sixe or seuen pieces of Eight at a time.

There we continued vntill the Gallions were readie to goe for Spaine with the treasure: then hee procured vs passage euery one in a seuerall ship. * 2.141 And the day before wee embarked which was about the first of August, there came two more of our company from Coro, which were Miles Pet, and Richard Ferne, who were both placed with Philip Glastocke, in the shippe called Saint Baotholomew, Richard Garret went in the ship called La Madre de Dios, and my selfe in the Santa Cruz. So we were a moneth in sayling to Hauana, where wee stayed another moneth to [ 60] trimme the ships. The Gouernour there was Don Pedro de Valdes, Prisoner in England 1588. So we liued all on shoare with eighteene pence a day for our diet, and about the end of Septem∣ber departed, leauing that shippe, wherein Philip Glastocke, Miles Pet, and Richard Ferne were, with another ship called the Saint Vincent for want of prouision of bread.

We shot the channell of Florida, in eight dayes against the winde, and came along by the Ile of Bermuda, and were nine weekes in sayling betweene Hauana and the Coast of Spaine. The tempests and stomes which we had, were wonderfull great. Insomuch that all the fleete were dispersed, and ••ot aboue two ships did hold company together. Which put them in great feare lest they shoul•• haue met with the Hollanders; who might with three good ships haue taken all their trea••••re with small adoe for euery little Carauell did put them in feare, thinking her to be a man of Warre.

Vpon 〈…〉〈…〉e second day of Februarie 1606. Master Barwicke landed safely, thanked bee God, at Downes i•• Kent, and gaue me money to bring me to London.

CHAP. XIIII. [ 10]

The Relation of Master IOHN WILSON of Wansteed in Essex, one of the last ten that returned into England from Wiapoco in Guiana 1606.

CAptaine Charles Leigh and his Brother Sir Olane Leigh, did furnish to Sea the good ship called the Phenix with Commodities for the Countrey of Guiana; and ne∣cessaries [ 20] for the Voyage, with fiftie persons to inhabit Wiapoco, of sundry Trades who directing their course towards Wiapoco, on the Coast of Guiana, which the Spaniards call the Riuer of Canoas, arriued on the twentieth of May following, * 2.142 where he found a ship of Amsterdam, trading with the Indians. They perswaded the Indians, that our Nation came to inhabit among them, only to oppresse them as the Spaniards doe in other parts of the Indies, which the Indians themselues confessed vnto Captaine Leigh not∣withstanding they offered our Nation no vnkindnesse, but vsed them in all the kind manner they could. For they prouided whatsoeuer our Company wanted which they could get them. In so∣much the Gentleman was like to haue done right wel, if it had not happened that his Company had not mutined, which did partly arise because of the climate, which is much hotter then ours. [ 30] And for that they were vnprouided of victuals or other necessaries, therefore constrained to liue * 2.143 in such manner as the Indians themselues doe; for that they did see at their landing only Moun∣taynes and Hils couered with Woods. And for that the most part of them had beene housholders in England, not accustomed vnto such a strange Countrey or Nation, nor such a diet; for which causes they were so much discontented, that they cried to their Captaine, home, home. Thus the Captaine and his whole company was discontented, and also the Master of his ship called Mar∣tin Prinx, who shipped himselfe shortly after their arriuall into the Amsterdamer, which they found there, whereupon the Captaine placed his Mate Richard Pets of Weymouth, to bee Master of the Phenix, furnishing him with such victuals as the Countrey affoorded, as Cassaui for their bread, and Potatoe Roots, with fish, water, and such prouision as they had of their owne aboord, [ 40] appointing Edward Huntly to be their Captaine, to goe for England, who departed from Wiapoco about the first of Iuly 1605. by whom Captaine Leigh aduertized his Brother Sir Olaue Leigh.

After whose arriuall Sir Olaue Leigh, hee withall speed furnished the aforesaid ship, called the * 2.144 Phenix to Sea, with Commodities for the Countrey and other necessaries, with thirtie men of sundry Trades, appointing the aforenamed Richard Pets to be Master, and Edward Huntly to bee Captaine, they departed from Woollage, one the towards Wiapoco, who arriued at their Port one the fifteenth of Ianuary following, who expected with the rest of their company aboord, to haue found the Generall and his company on Land, to haue beene in farre better case then they were, for that they found them for the most part extreame sicke••, and some of them dead: and presently after their arriuall three or foure men of them died, and the Generall him∣selfe [ 50] was very weake and much changed, which partly proceeded by reason of their great want of victuals, for that the Pidians could not at all times prouide them that they wanted. And chief∣ly * 2.145 for that the company were perswaded that the ship would neuer haue returned vnto them a∣gaine, which plainly appeared amongst them, for that at the arriuall of our ship, some of them which had not in three monethes time beene a stones cast from their houses, came aboord of vs, a mile and more from their houses in weake estate, which caused very much discontent amongst * 2.146 our fresh water, Souldiers aboord, and they were the more discontented, because they could not aduertize them of any commodities the Country yeelded which would affoord them present be∣nefit, insomuch that they wished themselues in England again. During which parley, our Generall came not aboord of vs, for that he was at his house called Mount Howard, a mile and more vp in∣to * 2.147 [ 60] the Land, which stood on a hil very pleasantly situated, but according to the Country manner, by reason that their enemies should not wel find their houses nor suddenly assault them, haue there fore very rough passages vnto them, inuironed all with Mountaines, Woods, and Hils. Where∣fore the Generall sent one Sidney Harrington vnto Captaine Huntly, M. Tederington Preacher and

to the Master of the ship to land their company in Possession Bay, a place which the Indians gaue vnto our Generall, and therefore by him so named. * 2.148

At whose landing according vnto the Generall his Commission, they were all sworne vnto certaine Articles, as that they should acknowledge Captaine Charles Leigh to bee their chiefe Generall of Guiana, vnder King Iames our King of Great Britaine, and that they should not be hurtfull vnto the said Generall his proceedings, but to ayde and assist him to their vttermost powers. Which being effected, our Generall came vnto vs, and after kinde salutations, ha∣uing taken order for our Lodgings, for that time hee departed from vs. The Indians in like manner after their Countrey fashons kindly entertained vs, and after further conference had with our Generall, hee related at large vnto vs what had happened vnto him and his company [ 10] in their absence; that by reason of his company their discontent and sicknesse, they had not tra∣uelled vp into the mayne Land; and therfore of his owne knowledge hee could not certifie them of any other commoditie the Countrey did yeeld, then such as hee knew of before their departure, but the Indians had informed them, that there was vp in the Mayne very rich com∣modities, * 2.149 as also Gold, and siluer, and especially in the Riuer of Caliane, where the Caribes in∣habit, who are enemies vnto our Indians of Wiapoco, and so called by them. Vpon which in∣formation our Generall thought it would haue beene best to haue peaceably traded with the Caribes: But our company misliked thereof, insomuch that the Generall altered his determi∣nation, and agreed to ioyne with their friend Indians against the Caribes their enemies. Whereof hauing aduertized the chiefest of them, they most kindly embraced their offer pre∣sently [ 20] made eight of their, Canoas in a readinesse, furnishing them with Bread and Drinke, and Victuals, which for the most part are Crabbes and Fish, with some hundred of them∣selues all naked in their Canoas, whome our Generall accompanied with some eight and thirtie of our company, leauing the rest to keepe our Shippe and Houses, shipping the most part of them in a Pinnasse that was built by one named Howard, the Keele whereof hee made of a Canoa, which prooued a very fitting Pinnasse for those parts * 2.150 and Riuers. This Pinnasse after our Generals death the Indians did breake a pieces because they thought wee would haue stolne away from them in her vnto the Spaniards. And the rest of our company were placed in their Canoas, all of vs furnished with our Caleeuers: and so wee departed on our Iourney and Voyage on the sixe and twentieth of February, on [ 30] which day at night wee came to a place which wee named Mount Huntly, where wee lod∣ged * 2.151 in the Woods that night, our Generall commanding vs to keepe a good watch; which wee need not to haue done, for the Indians themselues were very watchfull, and wonderfull carefull of our Caleeuers, and for to keepe our Powder drie, after we had beene acquainted with them, and very diligent for to please vs.

The next day at night we came to a place called the Cou, and there wee lodged, and the next * 2.152 day following we came into the Riuer of Wia; and there we found two or three of the Caribes Canoas, but all their men were runne vp into the Woodes, and from thence our Generall went vp farther into the Riuer, where wee burned certaine of their houses, not finding any people in them. From whence our Generall purposed to haue gone farther into the Riuer of [ 40] Caliane. But the Indians did aduertize him, that there was an English ship there, whom the Ge∣nerall knew to bee one Iohnson of Plimmouth, that had beene some fourteene dayes before at * 2.153 Wiapoco, and came thither in the way of Trade. But our Generall would not suffer him so to doe, for that he would not hinder himselfe and his company, which our Generall at that time called to minde, and therefore thought it not good to proceed in the Riuer, because hee doubted that there would haue risen contention betwixt his company and Iohnsons, and for that hee also misdoubted wee should haue wanted Bread and Drinke if hee should haue proceeded in his iourney, and therefore returned to Wiapoco, where we arriued all, except one Canoa. About the fourteenth day of March.

Our Generall sent with foure of our Nation named Blake, Owen Goldwell, William Crandall, and Henry Powell, with commodities vp into the Countrey, some thirtie leagues to a place called [ 50] Urake to the Inhabitants there named Arwakes, to trade with them. And after our iourney by * 2.154 reason of such Raine and foule weather as wee had in the same, most of our company fell sicke, and for that they had no comfortable drinkes, nor any comforts tha•• sicke persons doe want, di∣uers of them died of the Fluxe; which the Indians (as also the Disease called the Calenture) * 2.155 know right well for to cure, yet concealed it from our Generall. But vnto vs after his death they did reueale, which sicknesse amongst the company caused no small griefe vnto our Gene∣rall, and chiefly to see such wants amongst them; wherefore hee resolued with himselfe to goe for England, which hee acquainted the company with, promising them to returne as spee∣dily as hee could with prouision. [ 60]

Presently after he had shipped his prouision, and such Commodities as hee had gathered toge∣ther in the Countrey, and was in a readinesse to depart for England, he sickned of the Fluxe, and * 2.156 died aboord his ship, and was by Captaine Huntly secretly buried on the Land, the twentieth of March, whose death was so secretly kept by the Captaine, and the Master of the ship, that

most of the company knew not thereof. The reason was, because there was prouision too little for them which were shipped, and others of the company, if they had knowne thereof, would haue pressed to haue come with them. Wherefore Captaine Huntly with Master Tederington our * 2.157 Preacher and others set saile from Wiapoco towards England, on the second of Aprill 1605. pro∣mising a ship to returne vnto vs within seuen moneths, God not hindering their intents, which had happened, for Sir Olaue Leigh to his great charge had prouided a great Fly-boat of the bur∣then of one hundred and seuenty tunnes furnished for to haue come for Wiapoco, as I haue heard since my being here in London, before Captaine Huntly his arriuall in England, but it pleased God * 2.158 that she neuer came to Wiapoco, so that we had no comfort of her, being in number, left at Cap∣taine Huntlies departure out of the Countrey thirtie fiue persons, of whom one named Richard [ 10] Sacksie was by Captaine Leigh in his life time, appointed to bee chiefe amongst vs, who shipped himselfe into a ship of Middleborough, who came into the Riuer about the first of May * 2.159 1605. and fourteene more of our company with him, and more that Zelander would haue car∣ried if Sacksie would haue suffered him, such was his kindnesse towards our Nation. Hee gaue vnto vs such wine and other comforts as he had, vnto our great reliefes. His comming vnto vs to Wiapoco, was to haue sold vnto our Generall Negroes, whose kindnesse we did requite in helping him to such commodities as wee had, and did get the Indians to prouide Cassaui and Guinea Wheate for bread, with Potato Roots for his Negroes to eat, who departed on the one and twen∣tieth of May (after he had bin some three weekes in the Riuer of Wiapoco) for Point de Ray, where he shipped of our company into his Countrimens ships, some in one ship and some into others for [ 20] Holland, of which ships we heard that some of them were taken by the Spaniards, and they were cast ouer-boord with the Hollanders.

The same day the Hollander departed, which was the one and twentieth of May, came vnto * 2.160 vs a French ship of Saint Mallors, who dealt very kindly with vs, wherefore wee did suffer him to trade with the Indians, who did remayne there some two moneths, vnto whom many strange * 2.161 Indians did bring their commodities, and at his departure hee shipped ten of our men; hee tooke Powder, and other commodities of vs which we had, for their passage into France, leauing tenne of vs behind him, of which two died before the ship was out of ken of vs, Nicholas Wilkins and Andrew Vnderhill. But within some fourteene dayes after, two of those foure which our Gene∣rall had sent to trade vnto Urake, came vnto vs not expecting euer to haue seene them; the o∣ther * 2.162 [ 30] two were drowned by the way. These two named Owen Goldwell, and William Candall, which came to vs, reported they had beene some fortie miles vp into the Land, in a very plaine pleasant Countrey, and brought commodities hereafter written of.

About the middle of Iuly, our number of ten were all in good health, spending our time in planting of Carow called Flaxe, whereof we planted about twentie English Acres of Land, and some Tabacco, obseruing the manners and conditions of the people, the nature of the Land and what commodities it yeeldeth, and what commodities of ours are in most request with them. A∣bout the third of October, the Indians did request vs for to accompany them in their warres a∣gainst the Caribes, whereunto wee willingly did agree. They prouided seuen Canoas furnishing them with men, and bread and drinke, and their victuals (for the most part Crabs, and fish of di∣uers [ 40] sorts, which they take euery day fresh and fresh as they trauell in the Riuers.) We went in∣to the Riuer of Caliane, which is some thirtie leagues from Wiapoco, where wee rowed vp and downe, but we could not find any of the Caribes in the Riuer, we perswaded them to land which they did, and marched vp some two miles vnto the Caribes houses, as wee marched to their hou∣ses, the Caribes came to the water side where our Canoas did lye, but finding my selfe therewith my Caliuer, they had no great desire to come very neere vnto vs; and so after wee had burned some of their houses, and killed diuers of them, our company returned to our Canoas, hauing lost one of the Indian Captaines named Macato, others of the Indians were shot with three of our * 2.163 company, whom they healed as they did themselues, with a leafe, very speedily.

They are armed in their warres with naked skins, and their Artillery are Bowes and Arrowes, [ 50] their Weapons woodden Swords and Bucklers. They choose their Captaines at their drunken Feasts; he is placed in the middest of the whole company, holding his hands on his head. After * 2.164 they haue made an Oration vnto him to be valiant, and not to be treacherous vnto them, with such like speeches; they whip him with a Whip which maketh the bloud spring out of his bodie at euery stroke, and he neuer once mooueth thereat. By these meanes they try his patience and courage. After we had shipped our selues into our Canoas, wee rowed vp and downe the riuer of Caliane, some eight or ten dayes, which wee noted for to be a very faire Riuer and nauigable. It * 2.165 runneth diuers wayes from the mayne Land; and great store of such commodities hereafter spe∣cified, which the Countrey yeeldeth is to be had in the said Riuer. We returned vnto our houses at Wiapoco, about the first of Nouember. In this Iourney we were kindly vsed of our consorts our [ 60] Indians, and highly respected of them for our seruice which we did.

After a few dayes rest at Wiapoco, the Indians aduertised vs of three Ships which were in the Riuer of Amasons, and that one of them would come vnto vs to the Riuer of Wiapoco some two * 2.166 moneths after, which proued to be true, but by what meanes they knew it I could not imagine,

except it were by their diuels meanes, which they call their Peyar, with whom the men haue * 2.167 often conference, and it will answere them, but the women neuer that I could perceiue; when the men will conferre with their Peyar, they suffer not a childe to be in the house, and when a∣ny of them are sicke, they know by him whether they shall liue or dye; if he saith they shall dye, they will giue the sicke person no physicke; but if he say that he shall liue, then they will giue him any thing they haue for his comfort. After our company was aduertised of a Shippes com∣ming vnto vs, we went with the Indians in their Canoas, some into the Riuer of Wiapoco, and * 2.168 some into the Riuer of Arocow, to make away such commodities as we had left which were not many, reseruing some of them to giue to our Indians for our victuals, although their kindenesse towards vs was such, that if we had not had any commodities, they would not haue suffered vs [ 10] to haue wanted. In which our iourney we noted the Riuer of Aracow to be a very pleasant Ri∣uer, and yeeldeth such commodities as other Riuers doe; also the Riuer of Wiapoco is a very faire Riuer, and nauigable, which entreth the maine more then fortie miles. And at the end thereof there is a very great fall of water which commeth ouer great hils and mountaines; some of our * 2.169 company were on the tops of them, for some moneths in the yeare the Mountaines are drie, and we were informed that on the other side of those great hils, there is a Riuer which is inha∣bited with many Indians, and hath the like commodities that Wiapoco hath, and that there is Gold in that place, which the Indians calleth Carocor••e but we neuer went to see the same Riuer, by reason we had very small store of commodities.

At our returne to Wyapoco we gaue to the Indians for their paines, and prouiding of vs victuals [ 20] in our iourney an Axe, for which they would haue trauelled with vs two or three moneths time if occasion had required. And for an Axe they found vs victuals two moneths time at our hou∣ses, as Bread, and Drinke, and Crabbes, and Fish, and all such kinde of flesh as they killed for themselues, for the same price: but if we desired any Hennes or Cockes of them, then we were to haue giuen them some small trifles, as Beades; so likewise if they brought vs in our trauell to any of their friend Indians houses, we must doe the like as at our departure, to giue them some trifles, as Kniues and Beades. So that we liued very good cheape. * 2.170

There are of the Indians three sorts which inhabit at Wyapoco with whom wee were, whose houses be scituated as neere the Riuers mouth as they well may be, they are named the Yayes, * 2.171 the Arwalkes, and the Suppayes. The Yayes are a people very proud, and vse much flouting and [ 30] mocking of others, much giuen vnto dansing, and are full of merriment, very ingenious, and ve∣ry * 2.172 kinde of nature. The Arwackes are a people of better carriage, and did vse our company with better respect then the Yayes. These two kindes of Indians come out of the West, wherefore they doe know all those Coasts, and they hate the Spaniards as deadly as they doe the Caribes. * 2.173 The Suppayes are a people more craftie in their dealings, for they will not part with any thing, but will haue commodities for commodities. They are not many of them, and wee could not * 2.174 learne from whence they are come. The men and women goe all naked, without any couerture * 2.175 at all; they are very well limmed and proportioned of body. They neuer company together all the day time, but as the women doe bring them their victuals, they doe eate vsually euery day; they haue doores at each end of their houses, the men remaine at the one end of the house, & the [ 40] women at the other. The women are very neate in making of their Bread, which they call Aripo, and their drinke Passhe: they make their Bread and Drinke of a roote which they call Cassaui, which maketh good Bread, and very strong drink, very pleasant to drinke after one is vsed to it.

Their houses are built after the manner of our barnes in England, but much longer, for we haue * 2.176 measured some of them which were one hundred and fiftie paces long, and some twenty paces broad, one hundred persons keepe together in one of those houses; they are most artificially buil∣ded and thetched, so that no raine commeth into them: although in Aprill, May, and Iune, and most of Iuly very extreame raine doth fall there. Also they make Pots of earth, which shew * 2.177 as if they were guilded, and some of them will hold thirtie or fortie gallons of liquor, they are very faire to behold, and very sweete to keepe any thing in. They make Baskets of diuers sorts * 2.178 [ 50] most artificially, and their beds which they call Hamakes; they are some of them made of Cot∣ten wooll, and some of barkes of trees, they vse to lye in them hanging. They haue a great de∣light to paint themselues both men and women, and especially when they goe to any Feast. * 2.179

The women against their day of trauell in childe bearth, make for that time a roome apart in * 2.180 the house, whereunto they goe all alone, and are deliuered without any helpe at all; and present∣ly after the childe is borne, she calleth for her husband, and deliuereth him the childe, who pre∣sently washeth it in a pot of water, and painteth it with sundry colours, which seemed very strange vnto me, that I did not heare the women, once so much as to groane, or to make any moane at all in all her time of her trauell: if any one of them dieth they doe vse to make great moane for them some ten or twelue daies together after his death or longer, according as the par∣tie * 2.181 [ 60] was beloued in his life time.

And touching such kinde of Beasts as are in the woods as well about Wiapoco as in other pla∣ces * 2.182 of the Countrie. There are great store of Deere, Hares and Conies, Hogges and many Mon∣kies great and small, blacke and greene, which sorts are called Marmosites, and great red ones as

bigge as Baboones (those the Indians doe kill and eate) and there are Leopards, and Porcupines, and Lyons; for in one place we did see a Lyon which the Indians had killed; they brought all their boyes they had, and did lay them on the Lyons backe, and with a whip did giue euery of them three lashes, wherefore they did so we could not learne, but imagined it was because they should remember the place where the Lyon was killed: also there are great store of Otters, and a beast which is called an Aligator, he hath a cod that smelleth like the Muske cod.

Of Foules, I haue seene Cockes, Hennes, Duckes, and Geese; Partridges, Wood-doues, Herne∣shaws, Shouellers, and a foule of a crimson colour, called Passeray Fiemingo, & great store of white * 2.183 foules, which the Indians call Wakcrouses, & great store of Parrats, and Parrakeits, which flye there in sholes like Starlings here in England: also there is a Parrat there as bigge as a great Hen, blew [ 10] and red, very beautifull to behold, and multitudes of foules of other sorts, and Hawkes of diuers sorts in the woods and Riuers.

And of fish there are great abundance of all sorts both of fresh water fish, and Sea fish, and Crabbes great store; and the Indians take their fish with a kinde of wood which they beate * 2.184 against some stone or other tree, vntill one end thereof be all bruised, and putting that into the Riuer, presently the fish become drunke, and run themselues on the shoare, and swim aboue wa∣ter, as our Haddockes doe in England.

There are store of good Rootes and Plants with Fruites, as the Pina and Plantine, Potatoes, Nappoyes, and a fruite called of the Indians Poppoyes, it is bigger then an Apple and very plea∣sant * 2.185 [ 20] to eate, and sundry sorts of Plums, and other sorts of fruites whereof they make drinke ve∣ry pleasant to be drunke.

There are these commodities at Wiapocco, and in other places of the Countrie where I haue * 2.186 trauelled, Woods of blacke, red and yellow colours, Tobacco, Guinie pepper, Cotten wooll, Ca∣row (of vs called Flaxe) Anoto, Berrie•• which dye a very faire Stammell colour, Spignard, where∣of a precious Oyle may be made, Gummes of diuers sorts, Bee-waxe, Feathers of the best sorts, such as Ladies doe weare in their hats, and other Feathers abundance. There grow naturally in many places Sugar Canes, and great abundance of Carow of it selfe, called of vs Flaxe, and of the Spaniard Pero. Also they make Oyle which they paint themselues with of a kinde of Nut big∣ger then a Chestnut, whereof are great abundance growing; and the Manety stone is to be had in the Aracores Countrie, and in no other place of the Indies that I haue heard of. These things [ 30] I noted, but if so we had expected certainely for to haue had a Ship of our owne Nation to haue come vnto vs, I my selfe, and the rest of vs should haue beene encouraged to haue obserued more then I haue done. Neither had we any store of commodities to trade vp in the Maine, as the two Hollanders hath which are there, and were left there at our comming from thence by Iohn Sims, Master of a Ship called the Hope of Amsterdam, of the burthen of one hundred tuns Fraughted by the Merchants of Amsterdam, and by their Charter partie was bound to lye in the Riuer of Wiapoco, and of Caliane six moneths time, which he did, for he lay with vs at Wyapoco from the twentieth of December vnto the twentieth of May following, trading with the Indians, and sought most after the Manit•• stone and Carow, which we call Flaxe. They furnished there two Factors very well with Commodities, which they left at Wyapoco. They dealt very kindely with [ 40] vs, for he shipped all our whole company, which were nine of vs. * 2.187

Taking our leaues of the Indians (who were as vnwilling to part from our companies, as we were willing to goe into our owne Countrie, saying vnto vs, that if any of vs euer came to them againe to trade with them; No other Nation should trade there but we. And after they knew of our departure; whilest we remained amongst them, they brought their children vnto vs for * 2.188 to name after our great mens names of England, which we did. They had often speech of Sir Walter Rawleigh, and one came farre out of the Maine from Orenog••e to enquire of vs of him, say∣ing he promised to haue returned to them before that time, After we had prouided our necessa∣ries, and such commodities as we had, and had giuen the Indians great charge of the Hollanders Factors, we shipped our selues and departed from Wiapoco on the last of May 1606. And from [ 50] thence we went into the Riuer of Caliane, where our Master Iohn Sims traded some thirtie dayes with the Caribes, and other of the Indians. This Sims was Masters mate of the Holland Shippe which Captaine Lee found in the Riuer of Wiapoco at his first arriuall there: also he was Master of the Ship which the Indians aduertised vs was in the Riuer of Amazons, and according to their saying, God be thanked he came to vs to our Comforts.

After his departure out of the Riuer of Caliane, he sailed vnto Trinidado, where the Spaniards * 2.189 entertained him and his companie very kindely, for they gaue them Tobacco for all such com∣modities as they had, and suffered them to lade Pitch which goeth out of the ground there, for * 2.190 that our Master durst not goe to Point de Ree to lade Sault there as he determined, because hee heard that the Spaniard did lye there with their men of warre, and had taken certaine Holland [ 60] Shippes, and had flung ouer boord all the men that were in them: our Master tooke his course from Trinidado to Amsterdam, where he arriued on the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and were in number of vs eight besides my selfe, named Owen Go••ldwell, Robert Gardner, William Crandall, Robert Becke, Richard Pren, William Frier, Gilbert Browne, and Richard Bonocke. Since my being here I vnder∣stand

that one of our company which we left at Vlishinge, named William Crandall is gone in a Shippe of Holland for Wyapoco, which voyage they would haue hired my selfe and others to haue gone with them, by reason we haue the Indians languages: such is the diligence of that Nation, vnto whom I wish well for the great kindenesse they shewed my selfe and others of our Nation.

CHAP. XV.

Part of a Treatise written by Master WILLIAM TVRNER, Sonne to Doctor TVRNER of London a Phisitian, touching [ 10] the former Voyage.

THe foureteenth of August, * 2.191 about two in the afternoone, we had sight of the Bar∣bados, which bore of vs South South-west. The Land hath two points bearing East and West one from another; and from the middle of it, it riseth like Tene∣rife, and is tenne leagues broad, and is barbarous without any inhabitants, hauing great store of Hogges, Piggeons, and Parrats. We bore for the▪ Westermost part of this Iland, and so wee steered away West North-west, and North-west and by West amongst for Saint Lucia. [ 20]

The fifteenth day, being thursday, we had sight of Saint Lucia, bearing West North-west of vs. This Iland of Saint Lucia is a very fertile Ile, bearing many sorts of fruites, as Plantons, Potatoes, Pinos, * 2.192 Guanos, Pompins, Cassado, and many other fruites. It hath also great store of Cotten wooll, and Tobacco, but their Tobacco is not very good. It hath also many wilde Beasts in it, as Tygars, Guanes, Alagartos, and other Beasts, which time would not permit vs to see. It hath also great store of Pigeons, Parrats, Pellicans, Cats, and Dogges. The people goe naked, hauing very long haire, and are very honest, kinde hearted people. In this Iland wee set our passengers ashoare, and furnished them with all things necessary that our distressed Shippe could afford them. But they like treacherous idle disposed people, not regarding our kindenesse, nor pittying our necessitie, betraied our Boate from vs one morning as wee went ashoare, my [ 30] selfe and three or foure other Gentlemen being in her; and then they detained three Saylers which were drawing in the Boate keeping them for their owne vse, and afterward sent vs a∣boord in a Canoa, which we were faine to buy of them for Kniues. The Master and the Captaine seeing this their treacherous dealing, and being out of all hope to get their Boate againe, about thursday in the euening, being the three and twentieth of August, gaue them a Peece of Ord∣nance with intent to beate downe their houses. We had no sooner let flye at them, but present∣ly they shot at vs againe, the bullet whereof came betweene our maine Mast and our Poope, but it hurt no body. So that night we waied, and went to a Baye some two leagues to leeward of this roade where we first ankored. In this Bay there are halfe a dosen of Indian houses very plea∣santly scituated vpon the top of a hill, with a fresh water Riuer at the foote of the same hill; [ 40] and in this Baye we had very good trafficke of linnen cloath, and many pleasant fruites, for our Hatchets and Kniues. After we had roade here some sixe houres, we might plainly discerne our Boate vndersaile, whereupon we presently fitted our small shot, hoping that their intent was to come aboord, and betray our Shippe, but they tacked in, and rowed alongst the shoare, till they came to the very Bay where we roade, and there they stopped, and we were in good hope to recouer our Boate againe, but they tarried there trading for their commodities in the face of our Ordnance: whereupon we seeing their daring boldnesse to be so great that they presu∣med * 2.193 to trafficke in our owne Boate before our noses, and to goe about as it were to stop vs from trafficke; we let flye at them sixe peeces of Ordnance, and a vallie of small shot; but what harme we did amongst them, we know not, for they rowed away, and got out of sight of vs. We tear∣med * 2.194 the Baye where we put these men a shoare Rogues Baye, & the Cape we called Cape Knaue, [ 50] and the Riuer, Riuer of Rascols.

This very same day being the foure and twentieth of August, we waied anchor, and steered a∣way South South-east, and South-east and by South amongst for Saint Uincents. And vpon Satur∣day, the fiue and twentieth day, in the afternoone we arriued at the Iland of Saint Vincents, where * 2.195 we came within a Ships length very nigh the shoare, which put vs all in great feare, for if God had not sent vs a gale from the shoare, we had runne a ground, and we had had all our throates cut by the Indians of that Iland. So that night we tried it off at Sea with our fore-top-saile, and fore-saile, intending next day, being Sunday, to stand it in againe for the shoare (because we had good hope of good trafficke there.) But the current had driuen vs so farre off at Sea by the next [ 60] morning, and the winde blew so vehemently from the shoare, that we could by no meanes fetch the land; whereupon being foure leaues from the shoare of Saint Vincents, we steered away South South-west, and South-west and by South amongst for the Testigoes. And the next morning be∣ing * 2.196 monday, we had sight of the Granados, bearing of vs South-east, but we could not fetch the

Testigos. The nine and twentieth being Wednesday morning, we had sight of fiue small Rocks, which bore of vs West and by North some fiue leagues off: wee had also sight of the Iland of Blanco, whereby wee found that the Current had set vs, and doth set to the North-east, and therefore your best course to goe from the Granados to the Testigos, is to steere away South-west. * 2.197

The first of September being Friday morning wee had sight of Margarita, and at night wee * 2.198 cast anchor at the Westermost Point of this Iland, called Point Macanao. The second day the next morning wee went ashoare with our Canoa, to see if wee could meete with any Spaniards, with whom wee might bargaine for some Beeues. But wee could neither see Spa∣niards, Beeues, nor fresh-water, onely we found the dung of Beeues. In this Iland of Marga∣rita also there are great store of Pelicans. This morning wee weighed; and as soone as wee had [ 10] doubled the Point of Macanao, we had sight of the Rangeria, which is as it were a little towne, contayning in it some fortie or fiftie houses. Here wee did not land because wee saw no people, but stood it away South South-east and South and by East amongst for the Burdones. About mid-night wee came close aboard the shoare by an Iland, called F••bacco, and then wee sounded, and had ground at fortie fathome.

The third day being Monday morning, wee were becalmed, some three leagues off from the mayne. About twelue at noone the same day, wee had sight of Point de Ray. The winde and breeses blew so strongly of the shoare, that we could not come to anchor that night to the Bur∣dones. These Burdones are no Towne, nor hath any houses, but belongeth to the Towne of Comana. [ 20]

The fourth day being Wednesday, at foure in the afternoone, wee came to an anchor at the Burdones; so that wee were three dayes in getting to the shoare, being in sight of it all the while. About twelue at mid-night the same day, wee put out our sayne-Net into the Sea for to catch some fish. And about foure in the morning wee found a great Sword-fish shut into the Net, * 2.199 which was fourteene foot long, and he had a sword some three foot long. The sword is square, and blunt at the end, hauing great prickles vpon each side, of the bignesse of a wilde Bores tuske. We sent our Canoa ashoare here, to parley with them hauing a flagge of truce. The Gouernour of Comana perceiuing our Canoa comming ashoare, sent a Molato to parley with our men, who saluted them very kindly, inquiring of vs, what newes in England, and whether the Con∣stable of Spaine were gone home into Spaine or no; we told him he was gone into Spaine, before [ 30] we set out of England: we asked of him what newes in Comana of any English men, and when any had beene here; hee told them about a moneth agoe, and that one of them had like to haue beene taken by a French Pirat, if a Flemming had not tooke his part. This night there came foure Spaniards aboard our ship from a Caruell which was at an anchor halfe a league from vs. These Spaniards burged with vs some Tabacco, and told vs, that Captaine Lee had a Towne built for himselfe, and that the Pinnasse had beene here a moneth agoe.

The seuenth of September in the afternoone, there came the Aide of Master E••dreds to an anchor in the road where we rode, and then we welcommed them with a shot, and they gaue vs three for one: after these our salutations, the Captaine of the Aide, called Squire, came aboard vs, and told vs, that Sir Oliph Lee his Pinnasse was come home, before they set out of England, [ 40] and that Captaine Lee dyed in the Pinnasse comming into England: others of his companie said, that they heard he was betrayed, and killed in his Hamaca in Wiapoco. He also told vs, that he * 2.200 had left some thirtie men behind him which were in great miserie and extremitie, both for lacke of health and scarcitie of victuals.

The nineteenth of September, Captaine Squire weighed, and left vs going for Comonagota. The Spaniards dare not trucke with vs for any thing, but when that they steale aboard in the night; for if that they should be espyed they should be hanged: Cloth of Tissue and Gold, cloth of Siluer, Veluet, Sattins, Silkes, fine woollen cloth and linnen, as Cambrick, Lawne, Holland; new Trunkes, Pistols, Fowling peeces, and Muskets, are very good commodities to truck with the Spaniards, and all other places in the Indies. I noted one thing amongst many things, con∣cerning [ 50] the nature of that climate of Comana. It is monstrous hot all the day long till it be noone, and then there blowes a coole breese: and at noone you shall alwayes haue thundering and lightning without any raine for the most part. The towne of Comana stands two miles from the Sea-side, and cannot be seene by reason of the trees which couer the sight of it, but you * 2.201 may see the Gouernours house, for it stands vpon the top of a Hill, looking ouer the trees, which eouer the towne.

The eight and twentieth of September being Saturday, wee espyed seuen faile of Flemmings * 2.202 bound for Ponitra. The thirtieth day being Monday, we weighed for Loyntra; and wee steered away North and North and by West for Ponitra from Camana; and about sixe of the clocke in the morning we arriued there safely. [ 60]

The fourteenth of October, Captaine Catlin and two other Gentlemen, went out of our ship vpon some discontentments, misliking of the Master of our ships vsag•• towards them, and had their passage in two Hollanders, that were riding at Ponitra. The fiue and twentieth, about eight a clocke at night wee weighed at Ponitra, hauing two Flemmish ships our consorts with vs. On

the thirtieth we had sight of the Westermost end of Porto Rico, called Cape Roxo, and of a little Iland some foure leagues off, called Echro. Here we stayed till Friday and Saturday, hoping for to haue gotten the shoare for fresh water, and Oranges; but we had no winde at all to serue our turnes. About Saturday at noone, there came vnto vs a Flemmish boat with a dozen men in it; these men told vs, that vpon Sunday the seuen and twentieth day of this moneth, there came nineteene saile of Spaniards, and that they had taken all the ships which we left behinde vs, in number ten, sauing two ships of Captaine Mogerownes, which scaped by their swift sayling, and that they themselues being ashoare with their Boat made an escape from Ponetra, and so came to vs at Porto Rico, which is one hundred and threescore leagues, where wee refreshed our selues with fresh water and Oranges. [ 10]

The ninth of Nouember being Saturday, wee disembogued from Porto Rico. The two and twentieth of December we saw Flores, one of the Ilands of the Asores.

CHAP. XVI.

A Relation of a voyage to Guiana performed by ROBERT HARCOVRT of Stanton Harcourt in the Countie of Oxford Esquire. To Prince CHARLES.

IN the yeere of our Lord 1608. and the 23. of March, when I had furnished my * 2.203 [ 20] selfe with one ship of fourscore tunnes, called the Rose; a Pinnasse of sixe and thirtie tunnes, called the Patience; and a Shallop of nine tunnes, called the Lil∣ly, which I built at Dartmouth; and had finished my other business: there, and prepared all things in readinesse to begin my voyage, the winde reasonably ser∣uing, I then imbarked my companie, as followeth.

In the Rose, I was accompanied with Captaine Edward Fisher, Captaine Edward Haruey, * 2.204 Master Edward Gifford, and my Cousin Thomas Harcourt: and besides them, I had of Gentlemen and others one and thirtie Land-men, two Indians, and three and twentie Mariners and Saylers. In the Patience, my brother Captaine Michael Harcourt, had with him of Gentlemen and o∣thers * 2.205 [ 30] twentie Land-men, and eleuen Mariners and Saylers. In the Lilly, Iasper Lilly the Ma∣ster, * 2.206 had one Land-man, and two Saylers: so that my iust number (too great for so few sh••ps of no greater burden) was in all fourscore and seuenteene, whereof threescore were Land-men. Be∣ing * 2.207 thus imbarked, wee set saile from the Rainge at Dartmouth the said three and twentieth of March; but the winde altering vpon a sudden, put vs backe againe that euening; and about two of the clocke the next morning (it comming better for vs) we weighed anchor, and put to Sea: the euening following we lost sight of the Lizzard, and steered away for the Canaries.

The seuenth day of Aprill we fell with Alegranza and Lancerote, two Ilands of the Canaries: * 2.208 we stood in with Alegranza and came to anchor on the South-west side thereof; that euening and the next day I landed my companie to exercise their limmes on shoare: in this Iland wee [ 40] found no Inhabitants, nor fresh water, neither fruitfull Tree, Plant, Herbe, Grasse, nor any thing growing that was good, onely an abundance of vnwholsome Sea-fowle, which after one meale were vnsauourie and distastefull, and a few wilde Capritos, or wilde Goats, which the craggy Rocks defended from our hands, and hungrie mouthes.

The eighth of Aprill we departed from Alegranza, and directed our course for Tenerife, ano∣ther * 2.209 of the Ilands. The eleuenth day I sent the Pinnasse, and the Shallop to water at the Calmes, and there to attend my comming; but with my ship I held my course for Orotauo, a Towne on the other side of the Iland, in hope to get some wine amongst the Merchants there; but not be∣ing able (by reason of a contrarie winde) to double Punta de Nega, wee altered our course from Wine to Water. And the twelfth day wee passed by Santa Cruz, and watered that euening at [ 50] the Calmes.

This watering place is very conuenient for all such as passe by those Ilands, and is thus to bee * 2.210 found; there is a woodden Crosse neere vnto it, the high Pike of Tenerife beareth due North from it. There is also a ledge of Rocks to the Eastward of the landing place, which is a short Sandie Bay. When you are landed, you shall finde the place about fortie or fiftie yards from the Sea side.

Then we stood on our course for the Riuer of Wiapoco in Guiana, hauing a prosperous winde, faire weather, and a smooth Sea. The ninth day of May, wee fell into the Current of the great * 2.211 and famous Riuer of Amazones, which putteth out into the Sea such a violent and mightie streame of fresh water, that being thirtie leagues from land, we drunke thereof, and found it as [ 60] fresh and good as in a Spring or Poole.

This Riuer for the great and wonderfull breadth (contayning at the mouth neere sixtie leagues) is rightly termed by Iosephus Acosta the Empresse and Queene of all Flouds, and by Hi••ronymus Giraua Tarraconensis: it is said to bee the greatest not onely of all India, but also of

the whole world; and for the greatnesse, is called of many the Sweet Sea. It riseth and floweth from the Mountaines of Peru, and draweth out her streames in many windings and turnings vn∣der the Equinoctiall, for the space of one thousand and fiue hundred leagues and more: although from her Fountaines and Springs vnto the Sea it is but sixe hundred. When we entred into the aforesaid Current, we sounded, and had fortie foure fathome water, sandie sounding. The tenth day the colour of the water changed, and became muddie, whitish, and thicke; then we soun∣ded againe at noone, and had thirtie fathome; and seuenteene at foure in the afternoone. The eleuenth day at eight of the clocke in the morning wee made land, the vttermost Point thereof * 2.212 bearing West from vs, and came to anchor in fiue fathom water.

At night the Patience putting in to neere the shoare, came to anchor in two fathome and a [ 10] halfe water vpon the floud which fell from her vpon the ebbe, and left her drie vpon the Oaze, and the next floud comming in, did so shake and beate her against the ground, that before shee could get off, her rudder was beaten away, and her ribs so rent and crased, that if Almightie God had not preserued her, shee had beene wrackt: but (God be thanked) with much adoe shee came off into deeper water, and mended her Rudder, as well as the time and place would afford means. Then we followed on our course, coasting along to the North North-west, the Land so trending. It is very shoale all along this Coast, the ground soft oaze, but no danger to be feared, keeping our ship in fiue fathom water.

When we came to the latitude of two degrees and a halfe, wee anchored in a goodly Bay, by certaine Ilands, called Carripapoory, I did at that time forbeare to make particular discouerie of this Coast, intending (if God spare me life) to make a perfect discouerie of the famous Riuer of * 2.213 [ 20] Amazones, and of her seuerall branches, and Countries bordering vpon it, and of all this tract of land from the Amazones, vnto the Riuer of Wiapoco, which contayneth many goodly Pro∣uinces, and Signiories, which are in this discourse, but briefly mentioned: For at this time I pur∣posed onely to prosecute my first proiect, which hastened me vnto another place.

From hence I stood along the Coast, and the seuenteenth of May, I came to anchor in the Bay of Wiopoco: where the Indians came off vnto vs in two or three Canoes, as well to learne of what * 2.214 Nation we were, as also to trade with vs; who vnderstanding that we were English men bold∣ly came aboard vs, one of them could speake our language well, and was knowne to some of my companie to be an Indian, that sometime had beene in England, and serued Sir Iohn Gilbert many [ 30] yeeres: they brought with them such dainties as their Countrie yeeldeth; as Hens, Fish, Pinas, Platanaes, Potatoes, bread of Cassaui, and such like cates, which were heartily welcome to my hungrie companie: In recompence whereof, I gaue them Kniues, Beades, Iewes trumps, and such toyes, which well contented them. But when I had awhile entertayned them, and made known vnto them the rerurne of the Indian, Martin, their Countriman, whom I brought with mee out of England, they seemed exceeding ioyfull, supposing that he had beene dead, being aboue foure yeeres since he departed from them.

The Indian before mentioned to haue serued Sir Iohn Gilbert (whose name was Iohn) whilest he liued (for he is now dead, and dyed a Christian) was a great helpe vnto vs, because hee spake our language much better then either of those that I brought with mee, and was euer firme and [ 40] faithfull to vs, vntill his death. By him I vnderstood that their Towne was situate vpon the East side of the Hill in the mouth of Wiapoco, and was called Caripo: that the Indian, Martin, was Lord thereof, and that in his absence his brother was chiefe. Moreouer, hee certified mee that the principall Indian of that Riuer was called Carasana (who by good fortune) was then at Caripo, and so hauing spent some time in other conference and friendly entertainment, they * 2.215 tooke their leaue, and departed for that time. I sent one of my companie with them to giue no∣tice to Carasana, and the rest of the Indians of Caripo, that I had brought home their Country∣man Martin, whom they all thought to bee dead, and another of their Nation also, who had kindred and friends amongst them: to desire him to come aboard my ship, and to bring with him the principall Indians of Caripo, that I might declare vnto them the cause of my comming into [ 50] their Countrie, and conferre with them of other matters intended for their good. The next day * 2.216 I came into the Riuer of Wiapoco, and anchored ouer against the Sandy Bay.

The day following the Indians came aboard as I had desired, and brought vs good siore of their Countrie prouision: Carasana, and one or two more of them were attyred in old clothes, * 2.217 which they had gotten of certaine English men, who (by the direction of Sir Walter Raleigh) had traded there the yeere before; the rest were all naked, both men and women; and this I ob∣serued amongst them, that although the better sort of men (especially the Yaios) doe couer their * 2.218 priuities, by wearing ouer them a little peece of cotton cloth, pretily wouen after their man∣ner; yet did I neuer see any of their women couered in any part, either aboue or beneath the waste, albeit they daily conuersed amongst vs, but were all (as the plaine prouerb is) euen starke [ 60] belly naked.

At their comming aboard my ship, first Carasana as the principall amongst them, and after him the rest, saluted and welcommed vs after their rude manner. I vsed them with all curtesie, and entertayned them as well as the straight roome would giue me leaue, giuing them good store

of Aquauitae, which they loue exceedingly: I presented to their view their two Countrimen, Martin the Lord of their Towne, and Anthonie Canabre, who was a Christian, and had liued in England fourteene yeers, both which I had brought home vnto them: when they beheld them, and after salutations, and some conference, knew to bee the same persons, whom they supposed had beene long since dead, they expressed much ioy and contentment: and vnderstanding (from their owne mouthes) how well I had vsed them, they seemed to be better pleased with our com∣ming: and when their rude salutations to their new-come Countrimen were ended, I tooke them apart, and thus declared the cause of my comming.

First, I brought to their remembrance the exploits performed by Sir Walter Raleigh in their * 2.219 Countrie, in the reigne of our late Soueraigne Queene Elizabeth, when (to free them from serui∣tude) [ 10] he most worthily vanquished the Spaniards at Trinidado: burned their Towne, tooke their Gouernour Don Anthonio de Berreo prisoner; deliuered fiue of the Indian Kings imprisoned, and bound by the necke with collers of Iron; and with great labour and perill discouered the Riuer of Orenoque, and the Countries adioyning, as farre as the Prouince of Aromaya, the Countrie of Topiawary, and the Riuer of Caroli beyond it. And that their Countrimen called the Orenoque∣poni (who are the borderers of Orenoque) did then most willingly submit and render themselues * 2.220 vnder the subiection of the late Queene; all which they well remembred, and said, that Sir VValter Raleigh promised to haue returned againe vnto them long since.

Then I excused his not returning according to his promise, by reason of other imployments of great importance imposed vpon him by the late Queene: shewing them moreouer, that when [ 20] he could not (for that cause) returne himselfe, hee sent Captaine Keymis to visit them, and to * 2.221 bring him true intelligence of their estate (supposing that hee had left no Spaniards behinde him at Trinidado of power to molest them) to the end that reliefe and aide might bee prepared for them, according to their necessities, and oppression of their enemies. Then I told them of the death of the late Queene, whereby that businesse of theirs was againe hindered.

Moreouer, I declared vnto them, that our gracious Soueraigne Lord King Iames, who now reigneth ouer vs (being the onely right and lawfull Heire, and Successor, to the Crowne and Dignitie of the Realme of England, after the death of the late Queene) was throughout the whole Land proclaymed King of England; and so comming to reigne ouer vs, hath beene euer since busied in ordering the State and affaires of the Kingdome, which being (by his great wise∣dome) [ 30] setled in tranquillitie and peace, like a good, gracious, and worthy King, doth now per∣mit his Subiects to trauell abroad into forraine Countries, and Nations, to aide and assist all such as are vniustly molested by their enemies. Whereupon, I and the rest of these worthy Gentlemen my associates and friends, hauing intelligence by some that had beene followers of Captaine Charles Lee (who was a man well knowne amongst them, and heretofore had taken * 2.222 possession of their Countrie to his Majesties vse, and was planted diuers yeeres in Wiapoco, where hee lyeth buried) of the great variance and discord depending betweene them the allied Nati∣ons, the Yaios, Arwaccas, Sappaios, and Paragontos; and their enemies the Charibes (all inhabi∣ting betweene the Riuers of Amazones, and Dessequebe) haue made a long and dangerous voy∣age into those parts, to appease their dissentions, and defend them against the Charibes, or other [ 40] enemies that shall molest or oppresse them: and now being there arriued, doe intend to make search in those Countries for conuenient places, where such of our Nation, as shall hereafter come to defend them, may be fitly seated to dwell amongst them; that if any of those Nations shall attempt at any time to disturbe the quiet liuing of their Neighbours, they may haue store of English friends at hand and amongst them, that will not spare their paines to appease their dis∣cords, nor their liues to defend them from harme.

When I had thus declared vnto them the cause of my comming, they made this answere; that with our comming they were well pleased; but our number of men they thought too great, that they wanted meanes to prouide vs bread sufficient for them all, hauing but a small Towne, few Gardens, and slender prouision for their owne companies, because since Captaine Lee his [ 50] death, and his mens departure from them, they neuer made prouision for any strangers.

I replyed, that albeit their Towne was small, and their Gardens few (for the grounds where∣in they plant their Cassaui, whereof they make their bread, they call their Gardens) yet their Countrie was full of Inhabitants, and had store of Gardens to supply our wants of bread, and was plentifully stored with other prouisions sufficient for a greater number, which I desired might be weekely brought vnto vs, as neede required, for that I meant not to take it without recompence, but would giue them for it such commodities as should well please them, which they wanted: as Axes, Hatchets, Kniues, Beades, Looking-glasses, Iewes trumps, and such like things wherein they most delight.

Then they desired to consult amongst themselues, which I permitted, and expected their an∣swere * 2.223 [ 60] aboue two houres, which time they spent in debating the matter after their manner, and drinking Aquauitae, and in the end desired my presence, and made me this answere.

That they were contented and well pleased we should liue amongst them; that they would * 2.224 furnish vs with houses to lodge in, and prouide all necessaries for vs in the best manner they

could. But whereas I said our King would permit his people to liue and abide amongst them, and defend them against their enemies: they answered, it was a thing they greatly desired, and had expected long, and now they made much doubt thereof, and said they were but words, hauing heretofore beene * 2.225 promised the like, but nothing performed. To resolue that doubt, and make good my speeches, I told them what I had spoken should certainely be performed, and to that end I would leaue my brother in their Country, and some of my company with him, to dwell amongst them, vntill a greater supply might be sent from England for their better defence. Then they seemed to giue credit to my words: And so after much talke, and many complements to please the naked people, I gaue to Cara sana a Sword, and to the rest some other things, which pleased them well: and then after their manner taking their leaue, they departed. The next * 2.226 [ 10] day the Indian Martyn went ashoare, and seemed ioyfull that he had againe recouered his owne home.

The day following I tooke land, with my companies: in armes and colours displayed, and went vp vnto the Towne, where I found all the women and children standing at their doores to be∣hold * 2.227 vs. The principall Indians came out vnto me, and inuited me into the Captaines house, which vntill the returne of Martyn belonged vnto his brother, as chiefe Lord in his absence: I went vp with them and was friendly feasted with many kindes of their Countrie cates: when * 2.228 I had well eaten and refreshed my selfe, Martyn tooke me by the hand and said, that he had not any thing wherewith to requite my kindenesse towards him, in such manner as he desired; nei∣ther had he such delicate fare, and good lodging for vs, as in England heretofore we had beene v∣sed [ 20] vnto: but humbly intreated me to accept of his house in good part for my selfe, and the Gen∣tlemen of my company; and the rest should be lodged in other Indian houses adioyning: and that such prouision as the Country yeeldeth, should be prouided for vs. His speech was approu∣ed by the rest of the Indians present, who tooke me by the hand one after another, and after their manner bad me welcome. I gaue them many thankes, and some rewards for their kinde enter∣tainment; and then disposed my company in conuenient lodgings: but yet I kept a continuall guard, as in time of warre.

When I had thus setled my company at this village, I went out to view the scituation of the place, and the aduantages for defence thereof. It is a great rockie Mountaine, not accessable by * 2.229 reason of fast woods, and steepe rockes, but onely in certaine places, which are narrow foote∣paths, [ 30] very steepe and easie to be defended: whereby we were lodged as in a Fort, and most con∣ueniently in respect the harbour was so neere, for our Ships did ride at anchor vnderneath vs, ouer against the foote of the hill.

Being thus arriued vpon the Coast, I found the time of the yeare so vnseasonable for our pur∣pose, that (by reason of continuall raines) we were constrained to lye still and doe nothing for the space of three weekes, or a moneth: in which idle time I conferred with the Indians, some∣time * 2.230 with one, sometime with another; and by helpe of my Indian Anthony Canabre, and the Indian Iohn aboue mentioned (whom I vsed for my interpreters) I gathered from them as well as I could, the State of their Countrie; the manner of their gouernment and liuing; how they stood with their neighbours in tearmes of peace, and warre; and of what power and strength [ 40] they were. I inquired also of the seasons of the yeare in those parts: of their diuision, and account of times, and numbers; of the prouisions of their Countrie for victuals, and other necessaries: and made a diligent inquiry of all the commodities their Country yeeldeth, and what things were of most estimation amongst them: all which I haue briefely declared vnto your Highnesse in this following discourse.

THis goodly Countrie, and spacious Empire, is on the North part bounded with the Sea, and the great Riuer of Orenoque, wherein Sir Walter Raleigh performed his worthy and memo∣rable * 2.231 discouery, on the East and South parts, with the famous Riuer of Amazones: and on the West part with the Mountaines of Peru. [ 50]

The westermost branch of the Riuer of Amazones that falleth into the Sea, is called Arrapo∣co: vpon which Riuer are seated many goodly Signiories well deseruing a particular discouery, * 2.232 which shall (by Gods permission) be performed hereafter. To the North of Arrapoco is the Ri∣uer of Arrawary, which is a goodly Riuer, discouering a gallant Countrie. From Arrawary vnto the Riuer of Cassipurogh extendeth the Prouince of Arricary; containing the Signiories of Arra∣wary, * 2.233 Maicary, and Cooshebery; of which Anakyury is principall, who by Nation is a Yaio, and fled from the borders of Orenoque for feare of the Spaniards, to whom he is a mortall enemy. He * 2.234 hath seated himselfe in the Prouince of Arricary, and now dwelleth at Morooga in the Signiory of Maicari. To the North North-west of which, there falleth into the Sea a Riuer called Cona∣wini, whereupon the Signiory of Cooshebery bordereth; whereof an Indian named Leonard Raga∣po [ 60] is Chiefe, vnder the subiection of Anaki-v-ry. This Indian is christened, and hath beene here∣tofore in England with Sir Walter Raleigh, to whom he beareth great affection: he can a little * 2.235 vnderstand and speake our language, and loueth our Nation with all his heart. During my a∣boad at Wiapoco, hauing intelligence of him, and of his Country, and that certaine stones were

found therein, supposed to be Diamonds: I sent my Cozen, Captaine Fisher to discouer the same, and fetch some of those stones, to be resolued of the truth.

At his comming thither, Leonard entertained him with all kindenesse, not after the ordinary rude manner of the Indians, but in more ciuill fashion, and with much respect and loue, he fur∣nished him with guides to conduct him through the Country to the place where the Stones were found, being fifty miles Southward vp into the Land: beyond which place there is an high Mountaine appearing in sight, called Cowob, and on the top thereof (as the Indians report) a great Lake or Poole; full of excellent fish of diuers kindes. The Countrey was as pleasant and de∣lightfull, * 2.236 as euer any man beheld; but the Stones not Diamonds: yet they were Topases, which being well cut, and set in Gold by a cunning workman, doe make as faire a shew, and giue as * 2.237 [ 10] good a lustre as any Diamond whatsoeuer: which yeelde good hopes of better to be found here∣after: For where the Topas is found on the Mountaines of Tenaseren, in the East Indies, the grea∣test store of Diamonds are also found.

When my kinsman returned, Daptaine Leonard came with him to Wiapoco (being aboue an hundred miles from his owne Country) onely to visite me and my company; for the great loue he did beare to Sir Walter Raleigh, and our Nation. I much maruelled to see him, for assuredly he is the brauest Indian of all those parts. After he had beene with me a day or two, he earnestly requested me to send some of my company into his Countrey, which he greatly commended for the wholesome ayre, and plenty of victuals, alleading that the place where then wee liued (by his owne experience) was very vnhealthfull, that our men would there be subiect to sickenesse [ 20] and die: and for an instance he named Captaine Lee, and his company, who formerly were planted there, and almost all dyed by sicknesse in the same place: But he assured me that his own Country Cooshebery was of a good ayre, pleasant, and healthfull; that there they might haue roome sufficient to build English houses in (for those were the words hee vsed) that thither they should be welcome and should want nothing. Much he perswaded to draw me to his desire, which by his importunity I granted, and accordingly performed it; finding his Country answe∣rable * 2.238 to his report; being for the most part champian ground, naturally intermixt of plaine fields, fruitefull meadowes, and goodly woods, in such admirable order, as if they had beene planted artificially by handy labour. The fields appearing aboue the meadowes in pleasant and delightfull manner, presenting here and there vnto the eye, from stately Mounts, most beautifull [ 30] and liuely prospects: the meadowes bordering on euery side betweene the fields and woods, the woods growing in the lowest valleys betwixt the meadowes, and commonly are ••watered with sweete and pleasant fresh streames running through them: which strange and rare mixture of Mounts, Valleyes, Meadowes, Fields, and Woods, afford as excellent and healthfull habitations as can be wished or desired, but is not greatly peopled.

From the Riuer of Cassipurogh N. Westward to the Riuer of Arracow, and vp further into the Land towards the West, and South-west, as farre as the Riuer of Arwy (which falleth into Wia∣poco aboue the ouerfalles) extend the Prouinces of Arracoory, and Morownia, which also to the * 2.239 landward (by the relation of my Brother, Captaine Michael Harcourt, and Captaine Haruey, who haue trauelled and discouered those parts) are pleasant and delightfull plaine Countries, like [ 40] vnto Cooshebery. The Arracoory Countrie is well pleopled, and their chiefe Captaine is called Ipero. Betwixt the Wiapocoories and Arracoories there is no hearty loue and friendship, yet in outward shew they hold good quarter. In Morrownia, there is also store of people, which are friendly Indians. In that Prouince there is a very high Hill called Callipuny, fashioned like a Su∣gerloafe, * 2.240 or a Pyramis, which oueruieweth and discouereth all the Territories adioyning aboue an hundred miles.

Beyond the Country of Morrowni to the Southward bordering the Riuer of Arwy, is the Pro∣uince of Norrak: the people thereof are Charibes, and enemies both to the Morrowinnes, the in∣habitants * 2.241 of Morrownia, and to the Wiapopoories; who are also vnder the subiection of Anaky-v∣ry, the principall and greatest Lord, or Cassique of all the Yaios in those Prouinces, bordering vp∣on * 2.242 the Sea betwixt the Amazones, South-eastward, and Dessequebe North-westward. [ 50]

From the Riuer of Amazones to the Bay of Wiapoco, there fall into the Sea these Riuers fol∣lowing: * 2.243 Arrapoco (a branch of Amazones) Arrawary, Micary, Conawini, and Cassipuroph: In the Bay of Wiapooco to the East of the said Riuer, there falleth into the Sea the Riuer of Arracow; and into Arracow falleth the Riuer of VVatts. To the North of VViapoco there is a small creeke called Wianary, which letteth into the Sea a dayes iourney Westward vp into the land: some take this creeke to be a Riuer, but they doe erre in that opinion, it hauing neither Spring nor Foun∣taine from whence it falleth, To the North and North-west of the said creeke, there is a ridge of high Mountaines running towards the Riuer of Apurwaca, the soile whereof is excellent and fertile for Tobacco, and beareth the best of all those parts; so are the Sugar-canes there growing [ 60] the best and fairest that are found vpon the Coast: and all the tract of Land betwixt the Riuer * 2.244 of VViapoco, and Apurwaca, is accounted the Prouince of VViapocoory, containing the Signiories of VViapoco, and VVianary. Beneath the ouerfals in VViapoco (which are forty miles distant from the Sea) there is much people, both of Yaios, and Arwaccas: of the Yaios in this Riuer Cara∣sana

is chiefe. Of the Arwaccas, Arriquona is principall. In Wianary there are few Indians, and * 2.245 Casurino is their chiefetaine.

To the North-west of the Bay of Wiapoco, there fall into the Sea the Riuer of Apurwaca, Cowo, Wio, and Caiane. Apurwaca is a goodly Riuer, and well inhabited: Cowo is voide of inhabitants: Wio is a faire Riuer and leadeth many dayes iourney into the high land, ••and discouereth a fertile and hopefull Countrey. At Caiane there is an excellent harbour for shipping of any burden, which heretofore by Captaine Lawrence Keymis was called Port Howard: On the Starbood side, as you enter this harbour, there is an Iland of low land, called Muccumbro, scituate betwixt the Riuer of Caiane and Meccoria, containing in circuit about sixteene leaues. In this Iland there are two hils, the one called Muccumbro, whereof the Iland taketh the name; the other called * 2.246 [ 10] Cillicedemo: from these hils the greatest part of the Iland may be oueruiewed, which containeth many goodly Pastures and Meadowes intermixt with some Woods, and is full of Deere, both red and fallow.

On the Larboord side, as you enter Caiane there is another Iland of high Land, called Mat∣toory, in quantitie much like vnto the first: this Iland for the commodious scituation, is of great * 2.247 eff••ct for the defence of the harbour, affording naturally two such notable conuenient places for the planting of Ordnance for that purpose, as no industry of art could deuise better, or more auaileable.

The Inhabitants of this Prouince of Caiane, are Charibes, their principall commander is called Arrawicary, who dwelleth at Cillicedemo before mentioned: we haue found him trusty and faith∣full * 2.248 [ 20] to our Nation but; to our friend Leonard of Cooshebery, he is a mortall enemy. At this mans house I left foure or fiue of my company, thereby to hold amity and friendship with the Cha∣ribes, to learne their language, and to keepe peace betweene them and the Yaios, Arwaccas, and other Narions their allies. To the South-westward of these Prouinces aboue mentioned towards the high land, there be many others which hereafter shall be more exactly described by a second discouery.

These Prouinces & Signiories to the landward are not plentifully inhabited, the greatest num∣bers of people are seated neare vnto the Riuers, & trauell from place to place in Canoes. There is no setled gouernment amongst them, onely they acknowledge a superiority, which they will o∣bay * 2.249 as farre as they please. In euery Prouince or Signiory there is a chiefe Cassique, or Cap∣taine, [ 30] commanding all: So likewise in euery Towne and Village, they commonly chastise mur∣der and adultery by death, which onely are the offences punished amongst them, and certaine * 2.250 persons are appointed by them to execute those punishments. The Indians take wiues, ouer whom they are extreame iealous, and expect great continencie in them; for if they take them in adultery, they presently cause their braines to be beaten out. The better sort of persons haue euery one of them two or three wiues, or more, the rest but one; accounting him that hath most wiues, the greatest man. Their wiues (especially the elder sort) are as seruants vnto them, for they make their bread and drinke, dresse their meate, serue them at meales, and doe all the other businesse about the house.

These Prouinces are peopled with diuers Nations of seuerall languages, namely, Yaios, Ar∣waccas, [ 40] Sappaios, Paragotos, and Charibes. The Charibes are the ancient inhabitants, and the * 2.251 other Nations are such as haue beene chased away from Trinidado, and the borders of Orenoque. And forasmuch as they haue vnited themselues in those parts, the Charibes haue held them in continuall warres, but the Yaios and the other Nations their Allyes, are growne so strong, that they haue constrained the Charibes of the Sea-coast to contract a peace with them, yet beare no hearty loue the one Nation to the other: but with the Charibes inhabiting the in-land parts vp∣on the Mountaines, they haue as yet no peace at all; for they doe often times come downe vpon them in great numbers, spoile and burne their houses, kill their men, and carry away their wo∣men, which is the greatest cause of warre and hatred amongst them; whereof our men haue seene * 2.252 experience in Cooshebery, where happened an accident worth the obseruing, which I will here [ 50] declare vnto your Highnesse. The Indian Leonard Ragapo, before mentioned, is a Yaio, who finding the Countrey of Cooshebery slenderly inhabited, hath seized vpon it for his owne Sig∣niorie; and at his earnest request, I sent foure Gentlemen of my company to remaine there with him. The naturall inhabitants that dwell vpon the vttermost bounds thereof, towards the South, and West, are Charibes, and enemies to him, and to his Nation: for while our men vnknowne to the Charibes) staied at Cooshebery, they assembled themselues together to the num∣ber of two hundred or more, and came dome into his Signiorie, burned and ••poiled houses, roa∣sted * 2.253 one woman, tooke many prisoners, and intended to assault him also: which to preuent he armed about fiftie of his Indians, with their vsuall weapons; which are Bowes and Arrowes, long Staues sharpened at the point, and with fire hardened: wodden Swords and Targets very artifi∣cially * 2.254 [ 60] made of wood, and painted with Beasts, and Birds: He requested also our men to aide and assist him with their Muskets, which I commanded them to doe, vpon all such occasions offered: And so being all in readinesse, Leonard (as their captain) led them on to intercept his enemies; and as I haue heard by Master Henry Baldwin (who then was prsent, and (to obserue the manner

of their warres, gaue him leaue to command all) he brauely performed that exploit, in good order after their manner, and with great iudgement and resolution. For in the Front, he first placed our foure Englishmen, by two in a ranke; next to them, two Indians armed with woodden Swords * 2.255 and Targets; then two Archers; and after them two men with sharpned staues, instead of Pikes: and in like manner ordered, and ranked all his Company. Being thus prepared, hee marched against the Charibs, who (neere at hand) were comming in the same order towards him; but when they approached, and (vnexpected) perceiued our English men amongst the Taios, they were much amazed, and made a sudden stand: which Leonard perceiuing, gues∣sed rightly at the cause, and instantly did make good vse of that aduantage. Hee commanded his owne company to keepe their Station, himselfe with a Sword in his hand (which I had * 2.256 [ 10] giuen him) and a Target of his owne fashion, went boldly towards them to parley with their Captaines. And hauing called them out, hee reproued them for comming (as enemies) into his Signiory, for burning and spoiling his houses, and his people: hee demanded satisfacti∣on for the hurt done, and restitution of the prisoners taken, and warned them forthwith to * 2.257 depart out of his Signiory, and desist from warre: which if they refused to fulfill, he was there ready with his friends the Englishmen to fight with them, and reuenge his wrongs: and said further, that if in the conflict any of the English men were slaine, or hurt; hee would then fetch all the rest from Wiapoco, and returne to burne their houses, and cut them all in peeces. Thus hee boldly spake, with such a courage, shewing also our men vnto them (who had their * 2.258 match in cocke ready to discharge) that hee strooke such a feare into them all, by reason of our [ 20] mens presence, that they presently agreed to peace, performed what conditions he required, and then departed home with all their company. Here may your Highnesse note the facti∣ons among the Indian Nations: the discipline and order they hold in warre: the feare the Charibes conceiued at the sight of our English men, and the policy of the Indian Leonard, to take aduantage by their feare, and make our men his Guard, and chiefe protection against them. These things in time will much auaile vs, being well obserued, and rightly applied according to occa∣sion. But to our former discourse.

The power and strength of these Countries (being so thinly peopled) is not very great to withstand the might of forraine enemies. The vsuall weapons of the Indians, are before descri∣bed, sauing that their Arrowes are oft times poisoned. But since our trade and commerce with [ 30] them, they haue gotten a few good Swords, Muskets, Caliuers, and some small quantity of shot and powder; and haue learned to handle their Peeces very orderly, and some of them are good shot.

The seasons of the yeare vpon this coast, and in this climate are diuers, for in the East parts of Guiana towards the Amazones, the dry weather, which we call their Summer beginneth in Au∣gust; * 2.259 and the violent raines and tempestuous winde, which we count their winter, doe begin in February: But in the Westerne parts, towards Orenoque, the dry season beginneth in October, and the raines and windes in Aprill. There is little difference of heate and cold in this diuer∣sity of seasons being so neere the Equinoctiall, where the day and night are alwayes equall: for in those parts wee finde, that when the Sunne declineth furthest from them towards the [ 40] Tropicke of Capricorne, the ayre is then clearest, and the season of the yeare most dry; as in the Easterne parts of Guiana in August, September, October, Nouember and December: and when the Sunne returneth towards the Tropicke of Cancer, then doe the raines begin, in∣crease, and decrease, from Frbruary to Iuly: but sometimes they begin to fall, and the Riuers to rise, swell, and ouerflow sooner or later by a moneth; and the yeare is sometimes more or lesse windie and wet, according to the disposition of the heauens, and of the Planets: and as the Sun approacheth, or declineth little, or much, euen so the earth wanteth or aboundeth with water and moisture.

They haue no diuision or account of times or numbers; they onely reckon by the Moones, as * 2.260 one, two, three, foure, or fiue Moones: or by dayes in like manner. Their numbers they reckon [ 50] thus, one, two, three, and so to ten: then they say ten and one, ten and two, ten and three, &c. And to shew their meaning more certainly, they will hold vp one, two, three, or more of their fingers, expressing the numbers, still making signes as they speake, the better to declare their meaning: when they will reckon twenty, they will hold downe both their hands to their feete, shewing all their fingers and toes, and as the number is greater, so will they double the signe▪ When they appoint or promise any thing to be done by a time limited, they will deliuer a little bundle of sticks equall to the number of dayes, or Moones, that they appoint, and will themselues keepe another bundle of the like number: and to obserue their appointed time, they will euery day, or Moone take away a sticke, and when they haue taken away all, then they know that the time of their appointment is come, and will accordingly performe their promise. [ 60]

As touching Religion, they haue none amongst them, that I could perceiue, more then a cer∣taine * 2.261 obseruance of the Sunne and Moone, supposing them to be aliue, but vsing no religious worship towards them, nor offer sacrifice to any thing; vnlesse they vse a superstition in their drinking feasts, by sacrificing Iarres of drinke: for at the death of any of their Cassiques,

Captaines, or great friends whom they esteeme, they will make a solemne feast (their chiefest prouision being of their best and strongest drinke, which they call Parranow) which feast shall * 2.262 continue three or foure dayes, or as long as their liquor lasteth, spending their time in dancing, singing, and drinking excessiuely: in which vice they exceede all other Nations whatsoener, accounting him that will be drunke first, the brauest fellow: during this solemnitie of their drink∣ing, some women being neerest of their kin vnto the party dead, doth stand by and cry ex∣treamely: thus their manner is vntill their drinke be spent, and then the feast is ended. Whether they vse any superstition in this custome I know not; time will reueale, and also reforme it. It is most certaine that their Peeaios (as they call them) Priests, or Southsayers, at some speciall * 2.263 times haue conference with the Diuell (the common deceiuer of mankinde) whom they call [ 10] Wattipa, and are by him deluded; yet not withstanding their often conference with him, they feare and hate him much, and say that he is nought: and not without great reason, for hee will oftentimes (to their great terror) beate them blacke and blew. They beleeue that the good In∣dians when they dye, goe vp, and will point towards the heauens, which they call Caupo; and that the bad Indians goe downe, pointing to the earth, which they call Soy. When any Cassique, Captaine, or chiefe man dieth amongst them, if he haue a slaue or prisoner taken from their ene∣mies, they will kill him; and if he haue none such, then will they kill one of his other seruants, that he may haue one to attend him in the other world.

The qualitie of the Land in those Countries, is of diuers kindes; by the Sea side the Land is low, where the heate would be most vehement, if it were not qualified and tempered by a * 2.264 [ 20] fresh Easterly winde or Brieze, most forcibly blowing in the heate of the day: in many pla∣ces this low land is very vnhealthfull, and little inhabited, by reason of the ouer-flowing of the waters: but for the most part it hath goodly nauigable Riuers, a fertile soyle, much peo∣ple, and is a healthfull habitation. Vpon the Mountaines there is a high land, where the ayre is coldest, in some places it is fruitfull, in others not: but generall is full of Minerals, and mines of mettals, and yeeldeth as many as any part either of the East, or West Indies, both of the best, and of the basest whereof, we shall (by Gods permission) giue good testimony, to the benefit of our Countrey, and honour of our Nation in time conuenient: and in most places vpon the Mountaines there is sound and healthfull dwelling. There is also a middle sort of land, which is of a meane height, and is most temperate, healthfull, fertile, and most inhabited of all [ 30] other; it aboundeth in Meadowes, Pastures, and pleasant streames of fresh water, in goodly woods, and most delightfull Plaines, for profit, pleasure, sport, and recreation: and also is not void of Minerals.

The prouisions of this Countrey for victuals, are many: First, of the roote of a tree, called * 2.265 Cassaui, they make their Bread, in manner following; they grate the roote vpon a stone, and presse out the iuice thereof, which being rawe is poyson, but boiled with Guinea Pepper, where∣of they haue abundance, it maketh an excellent and wholesome sawce, then they drie the grated roote, and bake it vpon a stone, as we bake our Oaten cakes in England. This Bread is very ex∣cellent, much like, but farre better then our great Oaten cakes, a finger thicke, which are vsed in the Moorelands, and the Peake in Staffordshire and Darbyshire. [ 40]

There is a kinde of great Wheat, called Maix, of some it is called Guinea Wheat, which graine is a singular prouision in those Countries, and yeeldeth admirable increase, euen a thousand or fif∣teene * 2.266 hundred for one, and many times much more. It maketh excellent meale, or flower for Bread; and very good Malt for Beere or Ale, and serueth well for sundry other necessary vses for the reliefe of man. Of the aforesaid Cassaui bread, and this Wheate the Indians make drinke, which they call Passiaw: it will not keepe long, but must be spent within foure or fiue dayes: they make another kinde of drinke of Cassaui, called Parranow, very good and strong, much like vnto our best March beere in England, and that kinde of drinke will keepe ten * 2.267 dayes; many sorts they haue which I haue tasted, some strong, some small, some thicke, some thin, but all good, being well made, as commonly they were amongst the Yaios, and Arwaccas, which [ 50] are the clenliest people of all those Nations.

There is great store of hony in the Country, and although it be wilde (being taken out of trees and buries in the earth) yet is it as good as any in the world; of which may be made an excellent * 2.268 drinke much vsed in Wales, called Meath. The hony and the waxe, are also good commodities for merchandise.

There is no Vines in that Country, but the Soyle being rich and fertile, and the climate hot, if * 2.269 they were planted there, they would prosper exceedingly, and yeelde good Sackes, and Canary wines, which in those parts we finde to be very wholesome.

Many other necessary prouisions sufficient for the sustenance of man, doe there abound in plen∣ty: Namely, Deere of all sorts, wilde Swine in great numbers, whereof there are two kindes, the * 2.270 [ 60] one small, by the Indians called Pockiero, which hath the nanile in the backe; the other is called Paingo, and is as faire and large as any we haue in England. There be store of Hares, and Conies, but of a kinde far differing from ours: There be Tigers, Leopards, Ounces, Armadils, Maipuries, * 2.271 which are in taste like Beefe, & wil take falt: Baremoes or Ant-Beares, which taste like Mutton, &

other small beasts of the same taste, coloured, like a Fawne, Elkes, Monkies, and Marmosites of diuers sorts, both great and small: of these beasts there bee innumerable, and by experience we haue found them all good meate. Many other kindes of beasts there are of sundry and strange shapes, which hereafter shall be figured in their true proportion according to the life with their names annexed.

Of Fowles there bee diuers kindes; namely, Wild-ducks, Widgins, Teales, Wild-geese, He∣rons * 2.272 of diuers colours, Cranes, Storkes, Pheasants, Patridges, Doues, Stock-doues, Black-birds, Curlewes, Godwits, Woodcokes, Snites, Parrots of sundry sorts, many other kindes of great and small Birds of rare colours; besides great rauenous Fowles; and Hawkes of euery kinde.

Of fish the varietie is great, first of Sea fish, there is Sea-breame, Mullet, Soale, Scate, Thorne∣backe, * 2.273 [ 10] the Sword-fish, Sturgeon, Seale, a fish like vnto a Salmon, but as the Salmon is red, this is yellow; Shrimps, Lobsters, and Oysters, which hang vpon the branches of Trees: There is a rare fish called Cassoorwa, which hath in each eye two sights, and as it swimmeth it beareth the * 2.274 lower sights within the water, and the other aboue: the ribs and back of this fish resemble those parts of a man, hauing the ribs round and the back flat, with a dent therein, as a man hath; it is * 2.275 somewhat bigger then a Smelt, but farre exceeding it for daintie meate; and many other sorts there be most excellent. Of fresh-water fish many kindes vnknowne in these parts, but all ex∣ceeding good and daintie: And I dare be bold to say, that this Countrie may compare with any other of the world, for the great varietie of excellent fish both of the Sea, and fresh Waters. There is also a Sea-fish which vsually commeth into the fresh waters, especially in the winter [ 20] and wet season, it is of great esteeme amongst vs, and we account it halfe flesh, for the bloud of it is warme; it commeth vp into the shallow waters in the drowned lands, and feedeth vpon grasse and weedes: the Indians name it Coiumero, and the Spaniards, Manati, but wee call it the Sea-cow; in taste it is like beefe, will take salt, and serue to victuall ships, as in our knowledge * 2.276 hath beene proued by our Countrimen: Of this fish may bee made an excellent oile for many purposes; the fat of it is good to frie either fish or flesh; the hide (as I haue heard) will make good buffe: and being dried in the Sunne, and kept from wet, will serue for Targets and Armour against the Indian arrowes: In the wet season the store of them are infinite; some of these hides were heretofore brought into England, by Sir Walter Rawleigh.

The seuerall kindes of fruits are many, the Pina, Platana, Potato, Medler, Plums of diuers * 2.277 [ 30] forts, the Nuts of strange kindes. The excellency of the Pina I cannot expresse, for I dare bold∣ly affirme that the world affoordeth not a more delicate fruit: In taste it is like Straw-berries, Claret-wine and Sugar. The Platana is also a very good fruit, and tasteth like an old Pippin. * 2.278 The Potato is well knowne. The Medler exceedeth in greatnesse. The Plums I cannot com∣mend, for to eate much of them doth cause fluxes, which in those Countries are dangerous. The Nuts are good being moderately eaten.

HAuing thus (most excellent Prince) declared the seuerall sorts of prouisions for victuals and * 2.279 necessarie foodes, it remayneth that I now make mention of the varietie of commodities, found in the Countrie for the trade of merchandise, which in few yeeres, by our paines and in∣dustrie, [ 40] may be brought to perfection, and so setled in those parts, that not onely the vnderta∣kers may receiue reward for their indeuours, but our Countrie also may grow rich, by trading for the fruits of our labours.

The first and principall commoditie of estimation, are the Sugar-canes, whereof in those parts * 2.280 there is great plentie; the soile is as fertill for them as in any other part of the world: They doe there grow to great bignesse in a short time; by orderly and fit planting of them, and by erecting conuenient workes for the boyling and making of Sugars (which at the first will require some charge and expence) may be yeerly returned great benefit and wealth: the long experience of the Portugals and Spaniards, in Brasil, and the Iland of the Canaries; and of the Moores in Bar∣barie, may giue vs certaine assurance, and full satisfaction thereof.

The Cotton wooll is a generall commoditie, beneficiall to our Merchants, and profitable to * 2.281 our Countrie, by making of Fustians, and seruing for Bumbaste, and other vses: for making of [ 50] Hamaccas, which are the Indian beds, most necessarie in those parts, and also of a fine cotton cloth for clothing of the people. There is a naturall Hempe or Flax of great vse, almost as fine * 2.282 cloth it is most excellent.

There bee many rare and singular commodities for Dyers, of which sort there is a red berrie, * 2.283 called Annoto, which being rightly prepared by the Indians, dyeth a perfect and sure Orange∣tawnie in silke; it hath beene sold in Holland for twelue shillings starling the pound, and is yet of a good price. There is another berrie that dyeth blue. There is also a gumme of a tree, where∣of [ 60] I haue seene experience, that in cloth dyeth a sure and perfect yellow in graine. There bee * 2.284 leaues of certaine Trees, which being rightly prepared, doe die a deepe red. There is also a wood which dyeth a purple, and is of a good price; and another that dyeth yellow. There is yet another wood which dyeth a purple when the liquor is hot, and a crimson when the liquor

is cold. Many other notable things there are (no doubt) not yet knowne vnto vs, which by our diligent labour and obseruation in time will be discouered and found.

The sweet Gummes of inestimable value and strange operation in physicke and chirurgerie, are innumerable; there is yellow Amber, Gumma Lemnia, Colliman or Carriman, Barratta, and many more which I omit. The Collman hath beene proued by Master Walter Cary of Wictham * 2.285 in Buckinghamshice (a Gentleman of great iudgement and practice in physicke) to be of speciall regard for many purposes: this gumme is black and brittle, much like in shew to common pitch; * 2.286 if you put a little of it vpon burning coales, it filleth all the roome with a most sweet and plea∣sant sauour. He further reporteth of it, that certainly if you hold your head ouer the fume there∣of three or foure times a day, it cureth the giddinesse of the head, and is also a most excellent [ 10] comfort and remedie for a cold, moist, and rheumatike braine: it is also good against the resolu∣tion (or as the common sort call it) the dead palsie, whereof the giddinesse of the head is often a messenger, and the fore-teller of that most pernicious griefe. It is also of great vse for the paine that many women haue in the lower part of their backs: which is very common to such as haue had children: for remedie whereof, it is to be melted in a pewter vessell with a gentle fire, then with a knife it must be spread lightly vpon a piece of leather, and laid warme to the place grie∣ued, vntill it come off of it selfe. This plaister is also very good for aches, and doth greatly com∣fort and strengthen the sinewes. Thus much hath Master Cary written and reported of it, and * 2.287 hath proued by his owne experience. This gumme is also approued to bee an excellent remedie against the gowt; and of singular vertue in the cure of wounds. [ 20]

The Barratta is a most soueraigne Balsamum farre excelling all others yet knowne: which by * 2.288 the same Gentlemans experience is of admirable operation in the cure of greene wounds: and be∣ing burned vpon coales, is of a sweet and odoriferous sauour.

There bee many other sweet gummes of great vse for perfumes: whereo•• one doth make * 2.289 a very rare perfume, much like vnto the sent of sweete Margerum, very pleasant and delectable.

For physick there be also many excellent Drugs; namely, Spiknard, Cassia Fistula, Sene; and * 2.290 the earth yeeldeth Bole-Armoniack, and Terra-Lemnia, all which are knowne vnto vs. There be other Drugs and Simples also of strange and rare vertue, in these parts vnknowne; of which sort there is a little greene Apple, by the Indians called in their language, The sleeping Apple; [ 30] which in operation is so violent, that one little bit thereof doth cause a man to sleepe to death: * 2.291 the least drop of the juyce of it, will purge in vehement and excessiue manner, as dangerously was proued by my cousin Vnton Fisher, who first found it: for biting a little of it for a taste, and finding it to burne his mouth in some extremitie, did sodainly spit it out againe, but some small quantitie of the juyce (against his will) went downe into his stomack, which for two or three dayes space did prouoke in him an extraordinarie sleepinesse, and purged him with sixtie seates. This Apple, for the purging vertue in so small a quantitie, is like to bee of good price, and great estimation in the practice of physick; for the learned Physicians doe well know how to correct the sleeping qualitie thereof wherein the danger resteth. There is a berrie in those parts very ex∣cellent against the bloudie-fluxe, by the Indians it is called Kellette. The juyce of the leafe called * 2.292 [ 40] Vppee, cureth the wounds of the poysoned arrowes. The juyce of the leafe called Icari, is good against the head-ache. Many other Drugs and Simples are there found of singular properties both in physick and chirurgerie, which if they should bee seuerally described according to their value and worthinesse, would containe a large Volume.

Moreouer, the Tree wherewith they take their fish, is not a little to be esteemed, but chiefly the great goodnesse of God therein is highly to bee praysed and admired, who amongst so many admirable things by him created, and planted in those parts, hath vouchsafed to bestow vpon those barbarous people so great a benefit, and naturall helpe, for the present getting of their food and sustenance. These trees are commonly growing neere vnto the places of their habitation for their present vse: for when, at any time, they goe to fish, they take three or foure little [ 50] sticks of this tree, and bruise them vpon a stone, and then go into certain smal creeks by the Sea∣shoare, which at a high water are vsually full of very good fish of diuers kindes, which come in with the tyde; and there they wade vp and downe the water, and betweene their hands rub those small bruised sticks therein, which are of such vertue, that they will cause the fish to turne vp their bellies, and lye still aboue the water for a certaine time: In which space they presently take as many as they please, and lade them into their Canoes, and so with little labour returne home sufficiently prouided.

There is also a red speckled wood in that Countrie, called Pira timinere, which is worth thir∣tie or fortie pounds a Tun: It is excellent for Ioyners worke; as chaires, stonles, bed-steds, pres∣ses, cupboords, and for wainscot. There are diuers kindes of stone of great vse, and good price, [ 60] as Iasper, Porphyrie, and the Spleene-sione.

There is yet another profitable commoditie to bee reaped in Guiana, and that is by Tabacco, which albeit some dislike, yet the generalitie of men in this Kingdome doth with great affecti∣on * 2.293 entertaine it. It is not only in request in this our Countrey of England, but also in Ireland, the

Neatherlands, in all the Easterly Countreyes, and Germany; and most of all amongst the Turkes, and in Barbary, The price it holdeth is great, the benefit our Merchants gaine thereby is-infinite, and the Kings rent for the custome thereof is not a little. The Tabacco that was brought into this Kingdome in the yeare of our Lord 1610. was at the least worth 60. thousand pounds: And since * 2.294 that time the store that yeerely hath come in, was little lesse. It is planted, gathered, seasoned, and made vp fit for the Merchant in short time, and with easie labour. But when we first arri∣ued in those parts, wee altogether wanted the true skill and knowledge how to order it, which now of late we happily haue learned of the Spaniards themselues, whereby I dare presume to say, and hope to proue, within few moneths, (as others also of sound iudgement, and great ex∣perience doe hold opinion) that onely this commoditie Tabacco; (so much sought after, and de∣sired) [ 10] will bring as great a benefite and profit to the vndertakers, as euer the Spaniards gained by the best and richest Siluer Myne in all their Indies, considering the charge of both.

The things which the Indians desire from vs by way of trade in exchange for the aboue named * 2.295 commodities, (whereby wee hold societie and commerce with them) are Axes, Hatchets, Bill∣hookes, Kniues, all kinde of Edge-tooles, Nailes, great Fish-hookes, Harping-irons, Iewes Trumps, Looking-glasses, blue, and white Beads, Christall Beades, Hats, Pinnes, Needles, Salt, Shirts, Bands, linnen and woollen Clothes, Swords, Muskets, Caleeuers, Powder, and Shot: but of these last mentioned, we are very sparing, and part not with many, vnlesse vpon great oc∣casion, by way of gift to speciall persons.

When the raines ceased, which was in Iuly, I beganne to trauell abroad in search of those gol∣den [ 20] Mountaines, promised vnto vs before the beginning of our Voyage, (by one that vndertooke * 2.296 to guide vs to them) which filled my company so full of vaine expectation, and golden hopes, that their insatiable and couetous mindes (being wholy set thereon) could not bee satisfied with any thing but only Gold. Our guide that vainly made those great promises, beeing come vnto the wished place to make performance, was then possessed with a shamelesse spirit of ignorance, for hee knew little, and could performe nothing. What other intelligences of Mynes al∣readie found) I had from other men in England, and from the Master of my ship, who had beene heretofore in those parts, I found them by experience false, and nothing true concerning Mynes, that was in England reported vnto me.

Our greedie desire of Gold being thus made frustrate, diuers vnconstant persons of my vn∣ruly * 2.297 [ 30] company began to murmure, to bee discontented, to kindle discords and dissentions, and to stir vp mutinie, euen almost to the confusion and ruine of vs all: and were vpon the point to shake off all obedience to their commanders; to abandon patience, peace, and vnitie, and wilfully to breake out into all mischiese and wretched disorder, onely because they were deceiued of their golden hopes and expectations: but with good words, and comfortable perswasions, I pacified them for the time, and made them acquainted with my better hopes conceiued of the commodi∣ties aboue mentioned. I perswaded them in generall from idlenesse, to trauell abroad, to search and seeke out amongst the Indians, what other nouelties they could (though Gold were wan∣ting) * 2.298 whereby we might hereafter benefit our selues; and still I employed them some one way, and some another, to occupie their minds by doing something, the better to preuent dissention, [ 40] which commonly is bred of idlenesse, the slouthfull Mother of all filthy viees.

As I daily conuersed amongst the Indians, it chanced one day, that one of them presented me with a halfe Moone of Metall, which held somewhat more then a third part Gold, the rest Copper: another also gaue me a little Image of the same Metall; and of another I bought a plate * 2.299 of the same (which he called a spread Eagle) for an Axe. All which things they assured mee were made in the high Countrey of Guiana, which they said did abound with Images of Gold, by them called Carrecoory. These things I shewed to my company to settle their troubled minds, which gaue much contentment to the greater part of them, and satisfied vs all that there was Gold in Guiana. Shortly after that my Indian Anthony Canabre, brought me a piece of a Rocke, * 2.300 of white Sparre, whereof the high Countrey is full: And if the white Sparres of this kinde, [ 50] which are the purest white of all others, (for euery sort of Myne hath a Sparre, and for the most part white) be in a maine Rocke, they are certainly Mynes of Gold, or Siluer, or of both. I made triall of a piece of Sparre, which the same Indian discouered vnto mee, and I found that it held both Gold, and Siluer, which (although it was in small quantitie) gaue me satisfction that there be richer Mynes in the Countrey to be found: but the best lie deeper in the earth, and wee had not time nor power to make search for them.

I trauelled vp the Riuer of Wiapoco, to view the ouer-fals, but the waters being high and strong, I could not passe them. In August when they are fallen, with some labour they may bee passed. * 2.301 This Riuer hath very many ouer-falls, lying one a good distance beyond another, euen to the head thereof. Aboue some of the first falls there dwelleth an Indian, called Comarian, who is an [ 60] old man of a free disposition; by him I learned that a certaine distance aboue the first falls, the Ri∣uer Arwy falleth into Wiapoco; moreouer that certaine dayes iourney beyond him towards the high Land, vpon the borders of Wiapoco, there is a Nation of Charibes hauing great eares of an extraordinarie bignesse, hard to bee beleeued, whom hee called Marashewaccas: amongst these

people (as Comarian reporteth) there is an Idoll of stone, which they worship as their God; they haue placed it in a house made of purpose for the greater honour of it, which they keepe very * 2.302 cleane and handsome. This Idoll is fashioned like a man sitting vpon his heeles, holding open his knees, and resting his elbowes vpon them, holding vp his hands with the palmes forwards, looking vpwards, and gaping with his mouth wide open. The meaning of this proportion hee could dot declare, although he hath beene many times amongst them, and hath often seene it. What other Nations were beyond these he did not know, hauing neuer trauelled so farre, but he saith, they be Charibes, and also enemies vnto them. It seemeth there bee many Nations of those great eared people: for in the Riuer of Marrawini, I heard also the like, who dwell farre vp towards the high Land, as hereafter you shall heare, and I suppose, by the trending of the Ri∣uers [ 10] of Wiapoco, and Marrawini, are all one people.

Vpon the fourteenth day of August I went vnto a Mountaine, called Gomeribo, beeing the vt∣termost point of Land to the North-ward in the Bay of Wiapoco; I found the soile of it most ex∣cellent for Tabacco, Maix, Cotton-trees, Annoto-trees, Vines, and for any other thing that should bee planted there. When I had taken good view of the place, and found it commodious for many purposes; then in the presence of Captaine Fisher, diuers Gentlemen, and others of my * 2.303 company, and of the Indians also, I tooke possession of the Land, by Turfe and Twigge, in the behalfe of our Souereigne Lord King Iames: I tooke the said possession of a part, in name of the whole Continent of Guiana, lying betwixt the Riuers of Amazones, and Orenoque, not beeing actually possessed, and inhabited by any other Christian Prince or State; wherewith the Indians [ 20] seemed to be well content and pleased.

In like manner my Brother Captaine Michael Harecourt, and Captaine Haruey, (whom I left as his associate, and he esteemed as an inward friend) in a notable iourney, which (to their great honour) they performed, to discouer the Riuer of Arrawary, and the Countrey bordering vpon it, (neere adioyning to the Riuer of Amazones) did take the like possession of the Land there, to his Maiesties vse. * 2.304

The dangers and great difficulties which they in that attempt incountred, were memorable, and such, as hardly any of our Nation in such small Canoes (being onely some-what longer, but not so broad as our Thames Wherries, and flat-bottomed) euer ouercame the like. First the num∣ber of their owne attendants besides themselues, was onely one man, and a Boy: Their troope [ 30] of Indians sixtie persons. Their iourney by Sea vnto the Riuer of Arrawary was neere one hun∣dred leagues: wherein (by the way) they met with many dreadfull plunges, by reason of a high going Sea, which breaketh vpon the flats and shoalds; especially, at the next great Cape to the North of Arraway, which, in respect of the danger they passed there, they named Point Peril∣lous. * 2.305 Then their Discouery vp the Riuer, was fiftie leagues more: where they found a Nation of Indians, which neuer had seene white men, or Christians before, and could not be drawne to any familiar commerce, or conuersation, no not so much as with our Indians, because they were stran∣gers to them, and of another Nation. The Discouery of this Riuer is of great importance, and speciall note, affoording an entrance more behouefull for the searching and Discouery of the In∣land parts of Guiana, then any other Riuer yet knowne vpon the Coast; for trending Westward [ 40] vp into the Land, it discouereth all the Countreyes and Nations to the Southward of Arricary, Cooshebery, Morrownia, and Norrack, which I haue mentioned before.

Many weekes they spent in this Aduenture, still taking vp their Lodgings in the Woods at night. Prouision of meate they wanted not, for fish were euer plenty, and at hand: and the Woods yeelded either Deere, Tigres, or Fowle: their greatest want was of bread and drinke, * 2.306 which onely defect did hinder (at that time) the accomplishment of that Discouery. For when the Indians perceiued their bread to be neere spent, and their drinke to be corrupted, they could not be perswaded to proceed, hauing no meanes to supply their wants amongst the Arrawaries, the Indians of that Riuer who would not freely trade with them vpon this first acquaintance, but alwayes stood vpon their guard, on the other side of the Riuer, where they inhabited: yet [ 50] desiring to obtaine some of our English commodities, and make triall of our Indians friendship, af∣foorded some small Trade for their present reliefe during their abode in that Riuer: So that of force they were constrained to breake off their Discouerie, and hasten homeward.

But here their dangers ended not, for as they returned, arriuing at certaine Ilands called Car∣ripoory, and passing betweene them and the mayne Land; much against the wils of all the Indians, who knowing the danger of the place, and more respecting their safetie, then their owne (being themselues all expert Swimmers) would haue disswaded them from that hazard: but they being ignorant of the perill, would needs passe on, and at the last met with such a Boore (as the Sea∣men * 2.307 terme it) and violent encounter of two tydes comming in, which like two furious inraged Rammes, or Bulles rushed together, and oft retired backe, to returne againe, with greater vio∣lence, [ 60] vntill the one by force had ouer-borne the other: that if next vnder God) the diligent care and paines of the Indians had not preserued them, they had been there destroyed, and swal∣lowed vp by that mercilesse Boore or breach of waters; which (God be thanked) they escaped, and returned home in safetie.

When I had (as before) taken possession at Gomeribo, in presence of the said parties, I deliue∣red * 2.308 the possession of that Mountaine to my Indian Anthony Canabre, To haue, hold, possesse, and enioy the same, to him, and to his Heires for euer, of our Souereigne Lord King Iames, his Heires and Successors, as his subiect; Yeelding and paying yeerely the tenth part of all Tabacco, Cotton∣wooll, Annoto, and other commodities whatsoeuer, which should hereafter be either planted or growing within the said Mountaine, if it were demanded. The Indian most gladly receiued the possession vpon these conditions, and for himselfe, and his posteritie, did promise to bee true Subiects vnto the Kings Maiestie: his Heires, and Successours: And to pay the duties imposed vpon them: and so that businesse being finished, I returned againe to Wiapoco.

Now (most worthy Prince) there came vnto my knowledge, an inconuenience happened by the carelesse negligence of the Master of my ship, who had the charge of prouiding and laying in * 2.309 [ 10] the prouisions and victuals for the Voyage, which was the cause that I gained no present profit by it, but left off all my Discoueries in the first beginning. I had a purpose at that time to per∣forme a businesse, which might haue proued profitable, and honourable vnto vs, if I had beene able to haue stayed the time, but it was not my chance to bee so fortunate: for the Master, his Mates, and the Steward of my Ship, came vnto me, and told mee plainly, that if I made any longer abode in that Countrey, I would neuer in those ships returne into England: or if I did ad∣uenture it, my selfe, and all my Company would starue at Sea for want of Beere, Syder, and Water, for all my Caske was spoyled, because it was not Iron-bound; the woodden hoopes flew off, by reason of the heate of the Climate; and our Beere, and Syder, (whereof wee had good store) did leake about the ship, that we could hardly saue sufficient to releeue vs, if wee made a [ 20] longer stay vpon the Coast; which was the Masters fault, hauing had a speciall charge to be care∣full of that onely point. By this default, I was constrained to make a vertue of necessitie, and prepare my selfe for England, and leaue my former purposes to be accomplished hereafter, which shall be done (God aiding me) in time conuenient.

Then disposing of my company, I appointed my Brother Captaine Michael Harecourt to * 2.310 remayne in the Countrey, as chiefe Commander in my absence, and to continue the possession on the Kings behalfe; I gaue him directions to trauell abroad, as (occasion serued) to discouer the Countrey, to spend sometime at Cooshebery, and sometime also in other places; but to make his chiefest residence at Wiapoco, (the onely Rendeuouz for shippes that trade vpon that Coast) and there to plant good store of Maix, for our releife of bread and drinke, which is the chiefest thing [ 30] to be respected in those parts; for other victuals wee need not take much care being alwayes ea∣sily prouided. He performed his charge with great reputation, discouered many goodly Prouin∣ces, * 2.311 and spacious Countreyes; and worthily continued the possession full three yeeres compleate. I left with him for his assistance, Captaine Haruey, who hath nobly vowed his time and fortune to be employed in the prosecution of this honourable action. For his Lieutenant I appointed * 2.312 Master Edward Gifford, a valiant and worthy Gentleman; and I left also with him of Gentle∣men and others, about twentie more, with all such necessaries as I could spare, and thought con∣uenient for them: and so commending them to God, the eighteenth day of August I departed from Wiapoco, and the day following arriued at Caiane. [ 40]

At my comming to Caiane my Pinnasse receiued a leake, which would haue proued dangerous, if we had beene farre at Sea; whereby enforced to attend the stopping thereof, and new trim∣ming * 2.313 of the Pinnasse; and vnwilling to be idle in the meane space doing nothing, I left my ships there to repaire theire defects, and in my ship-boate departed thence, the twentie three of Au∣gust: taking with me Captaine Fisher, who hath euer beene (since we first crept into the world) my chiefe companion, both in Armes and trauels; I tooke also with mee his Brother Unton Fi∣sher, Master Cradle the Masters mate of my ship, and about sixe more. I followed the Coast to * 2.314 the Westward steering during West, and passing by the Riuer of Meccooria, I lodged that night in the mouth of the Riuer Courwo: which hath a narrow deepe entrance, and within affoordeth a good Harbour, which may in time to come (for some speciall purpose) be of great vse.

The next day, and the night following I proceeded Westward with full saile, and passing the [ 50] Riuers of Manmanury, S••nammara, Oorassowini, Coonannonia, Vracco, and Amanna; I arriued the * 2.315 twentie fiue day at the Riuer of Marrawini, which openeth a faire Riuer, but is shoale vpon the Barre, which lieth two or three leagues off at Sea, hauing but two fathome water: within the Barre, the Channell is three, foure, fiue, and sixe fathome deepe. Fiue leagues within the riuer we passed by certaine Ilands called Curowapory, not inhabited, for at the rising of the waters they * 2.316 are alwayes ouer-flowne, of which sort the Riuer hath very many: we lodged that night a lit∣tle beyond these first Ilands at a Village called Moyemon, on the left hand, the Captaine thereof is called Maperitaka, of the Nation of the Paragotos, a man very louing and faithull to our Nati∣on, whereof we haue had good proofe. The next day wee proceeded vp the Riuer three leagues, [ 60] and stayedat a Towne called Coewynay on the right hand, at the house of Minapa, the chiefe Charib of that Signiorie) to pouide two Canoes to prosecute our iourney for the Discouerie of this Riuer.

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The twentie eight day we went forward passing many Villages any Townes, which I for∣beare to name, and hauing gone about twentie leagues from the Sea, wee found the Riuer in a * 2.317 manner barred vp with Rockes, ouer which the water falleth with great violence, yet notwith∣standing we aduentured to proceed, and the further wee went, the more dangerous wee found the ouer-fals, and more in number; but when wee had passed the first Mountaine, towards the high Countrey of Guiana, called Sapparow, and discouered farre off before vs other high Moun∣taines called Matawere Moupanana, and had proceeded sixe dayes iourney vp the Riuer (which * 2.318 was more then fortie leagues) we met with such shoale rockie streame, and great ouer-fals, that there to our griefe our iourney ended.

Being thus for that time debarred from our intended Discouerie, we prepared our selues with [ 10] patience to returne towards our ships, and the third day of September we turned downe the Ri∣uer, shooting the ouer-fals with more celeritie then when we came vp, dispatching three dayes iourney in one, and the fifth day returned safe to Moyemon; but before I departed thence, Cap∣taine * 2.319 Fisher told me of certaine Plants which hee had then found, much like vnto Rose-trees, growing about halfe a yard in height, whereof (for the strangenesse of them) I cannot forbeare to adde a word or two.

These Plants or little trees had assuredly the sence of feeling, as plainly appeared by touching * 2.320 them: for if you did but touch a leafe of the tree with your finger, that leafe would presently shrinke, and close vp it selfe, and hang downe as if it were dead; and if you did cut off a leafe with a paire of Cizzers, then all the other leaues growing vpon the same tree would instantly [ 20] shrinke and close vp themselues, and hang downe as if they were dead and withered, and within halfe a quarter of an houre, would by degrees open themselues againe, and flourish as before; and as often as you did either touch or cut off any of them, they would doe the like; which did eui∣dently shew a restriction of the Spirits, inuincibly arguing a Sense. Howsoeuer this may seeme strange and incredible to your Highnesse, and to them that haue not seene it, yet forasmuch as Scaliger, and Bartas make mention of the like, I dare be bold to affirme it vpon my credit, hauing * 2.321 seene and shewed it to fortie others: I gathered two of the Plants, and did set them in pots in their owne earth, and carried them aboord my ship, where I kept them fairely growing almost a fortnight, vntill they were destroyed by certaine Monkeyes that brake loose, and pulled them in pieces: which might haue beene preuented, but that I was constrained to set them in the o∣pen [ 30] aire, the better to preserue them.

The seuenth day, I went to Wiawia, a great Towne of Paragotos, and Yaios, foure leagues to the West of Marrawini, whereof Maperitaka aboue mentioned, and Arapawaka, are chiefe * 2.322 Captaines. At this Towne I left my Cousin Vnton Fisher, and Humfrey Croxton an Apothecary, to beare him company, and one seruant to attend him called Christopher Fisher, hauing first taken order with Maperitaka for their diet, and other necessaries both for trauell, and other wise: who euer since (according to his promise) hath performed the part of an honest man, and faith∣full friend.

I gaue directions to my Cousin Fisher to prosecute the Discouerie of Marrawini, and the in∣land parts bordering vpon it, when the time of the yeere, and the waters better serued; and if it [ 40] were possible to goe vp into the high Countrey of Guiana, and to finde out the Citie of Manoa, mentioned by Sir Walter Raleigh in his Discouerie. He followed my directions to the vttermost of his abilitie, being of a good wit, and very industrious, and enabled to vndergoe those imploy∣ments, by obtaining the loue, and gaining the Languages of the people, without which helpes, there is little or no good to be done in those parts.

When the waters of Marrawini were risen, and the Riuer passable, (much differing from the * 2.323 Riuer of Wiapoco, which is not to be trauelled, but in the lowest waters.) Hee began his iourney for the Discouerie thereof, in company of the Apothecarie, his seruant Fisher, the Indian Mape∣ritaka, and eighteene others, and proceeded eleuen dayes iourney vp the Riuer, to a Towne of Charibes, called Taupuramune, distant from the Sea aboue an hundred leagues; but was foure [ 50] dayes iourney short of Moreshego, which is also a Towne of Charibes, situate vpon the Riuer side in the Prouince of Moreshegoro: the chiefe Captaine thereof is called Areminta: who is a proud and bold Indian, much feared of all those that dwell within his Territories, hauing a rough skin like vnto Buffe Leather, of which kind there be many in those parts; and I suppose proceedeth of some infirmitie of the bodie.

He vnderstood by relation of the Indians of Taupuramune, and also of Areminta, that six dayes iourney beyond Moreshego, there are diuers mightie Nations of Indians, hauing holes through their Eares, Cheekes, Nostrils, and neather Lips, which were called Craweanna, Pawmeeanna, * 2.324 Quikeanna, Peewattere, Arameeso, Acawreanno, Acooreo, Tareepeeanna, Corecorickado, Peeaunca∣do, Cocoanno, Itsura, and Waremisso: and were of strength and stature farre exceeding other In∣dians, [ 60] hauing Bowes, and Arrowes foure times as bigge: what the Indians also report of the greatnesse of their eares, I forbeare to mention, vntill by experience wee shall discouer the truth thereof. Moreouer, hee learned that there fall into Marrawini diuers great Riuers, called

Arrenne, Topannawin, Errewin, Cowomma, Poorakette, Arroua, Arretowenne, Waoune, Anape, * 2.325 Aunime, and Carapio: whereof some he hath seene himselfe, That it was twentie dayes iourney, from Taupuramune, to the head of Marrawini, which is inhabited by Arwaccas, Sappaios, Para∣gotos, and some Yaios: and that a dayes iourney from thence to the Land-ward the Countrey is plaine, and Champian ground, with long grasse. Hee passed in this iourney aboue eightie ouer∣fals of water, and many of them very dangerous: of some of them I had experience the yeere before. He proceeded no further at that present, being vnprouided for so long a iourney, suppo∣sing that it had beene neerer (then he found it) to the head of the Riuer by a fortnights trauell: and so returned backe in sixe dayes space, intending better preparation for a second iourney: but his purpose was preuented by an vntimely death: for shortly after hee was drowned by misfor∣tune; [ 10] whereby we see, that man determineth, but God disposeth.

THe tenth day of September being Sunday, I left the maine of Guiana, and in my ship-boat * 2.326 stood off into the Sea to seeke my ships, which were forced to ride foure leagues from shore, by reason of the shoales; but as we passed ouer them, we were in danger to bee cast away by the breach of a Sea, which verily had sunke our Boat, if with great celeritie wee had not lightned her, by heauing ouer-boord many baskets of bread, of Cassain, Maix, Pinas, Platanas, Potatoes, and such like prouision, wherewith our Boat was loden; by which means it pleased God to deliuer vs from present destruction, and to bring vs safe vnto our ships.

When I came aboord, we weighed anchor, and steered away from the Iland of Trinidado, and [ 20] vpon the eighteenth day in the morning, we arriued at Punta de Galea, where wee found three * 2.327 English ships at anchor, which was no small comfort vnto vs, considering our great defects and wants. One of these shippes was called the Diana, belonging to Master L••l a Dutch Merchant dwelling in London. The other two, the Penelope, and the Indeuour, belonging to Master Hall, a Merchant also of London. We stayed at this place sixe daies to mend our bad Caske, and to take fresh water: during which time I was kindly intreated, and feasted by the Merchants, and had supply of all such things as I stood in neede of; which courtesie I requited in the best manner I could for the present.

Vpon Sunday the twentie foure of September we weighed anchor, so likewise did the Diana (the other two shippes beeing gone two or three daies before vs,) but the winde shifting to the [ 30] North-east, inforced vs backe againe almost to the same place from whence wee departed. The twentie fiue we weighed againe, and plied along the shoare towards Cape Brea, about three leagues. This Cape is so called of the Pitch which is there gotten in the earth, whereof there is * 2.328 such abundance, that all places on this side of the World may bee stored there with. It is a most excellent Pitch for trimming of shippes that passe into these Regions and hot Countries, for it melteth not with the Sunne, as other Pitch doth.

The twentie sixe day we stood along againe, the winde being still contrarie and variable, in∣termixt with many calmes, and so continued vntill the second of October, when we arriued at * 2.329 Port de Hispania. Within two daies after our arriuall there, Don Sanches de Mendosa, the Te∣niente for that yeere, with certaine other Spaniards came aboord vs: wee gaue them the best en∣tertainment [ 40] that our meanes, the time, and place would affoord, and had much friendly confe∣rence together. They told me, that they lately had a conflict with the Charibes, where in they had lost seuen or eight of their men, and had many others hurt and wounded, whereof some came to my Chirurgion to haue their wounds dressed during our abode there. And they plainly * 2.330 confessed that they are very much molested by the Charibes; and knew not how by any meanes to suppresse them.

We staied at Porte de Hispania vntill the seuenth day, in hope to get some good Tobacco a∣mongst the Spaniards, who daily fed vs with delaies and faire words, but in truth they had none good at that present for vs, which we perceiuing, departed thence vpon the seuenth day, about * 2.331 one of the clocke in the morning, leauing the other ships to attend their trade, and stood away for the passages, called Les sciot boccas de Drago, and disembogued about eight of the clocke [ 50] the same morning. Then wee steered away for an Iland called Meues, and leauing the Ilands of Granado, Saint Vincent, Guadalupa, and Monserate, in our starboord side, wee arriued * 2.332 there the twelfth day, where we stopped to take in ballast, and more water, for our ships were very light.

In this Iland there is an hot Bath, which as well for the reports that I haue heard, as also for * 2.333 that I haue seene and found by experience, I doe hold for one of the best and most souereigne in the World. I haue heard that diuers of our Nation haue there beene cured of the Leprosie, and that one of the same persons now, or lately dwelt at Woolwich neere the Riuer of Thames, by whom the truth may be knowne, if any man desire to bee further satisfied therein. As for my owne experience, although it was not much, yet the effects that I found it worke both in my [ 60] selfe, and others of my company in two daies space, doe cause mee to conceiue the best of it. For * 2.334 at my comming thither, I was grieuously vexed with an extreame cough, which I much feared would turne me to great harme, but by bathing in the Bath, and drinking of the water, I was

speedily cured: and euer since that time, I haue found the state of my body (I giue God thankes for it) farre exceeding what it was before, in strength and health. Moreouer, one of my compa∣ny, named Iohn Huntbatch (seruant to my brother) as he was making a fire, burned his hand with * 2.335 Gunpowder, and was in doubt thereby to loose the vse of one or two of his fingers, which were shrunke vp with the fire, but he went presently to the Bath, and washed and bathed his hand a good space therein, which soopled his fingers in such manner, that with great ease he could stir and stretch them out, and the fire was so washed out of his hand that within the space of twen∣ty foure houres, by twice or thrice washing and bathing it, the sorenesse thereof was cured, one∣ly the eye-sore for the time remained. Furthermore, two or three other of my company hauing * 2.336 swellings in their legs, were by the Bath cured in a day.

Hence we departed the sixteenth day of October, in the afternoone, and leauing the Ilands of * 2.337 [ 10] Saint Christopher, Saint Martin, and Anguilla on the Starboord side, we dissembogued through the broken Ilands on the North side of Anguilla vpon S. Lukes day, where I thinke neuer Eng∣lishman dissembogued before vs: for we found all our Sea-charts false concerning that place, those broken Ilands being placed therein, to the Southward of Anguilla, betweene it and Saint Mar∣tins, and we found them scituate to the Northward thereof.

On the eleuenth day of Nouember wee had sight of Fayal, one of the Ilands of the Terceras, * 2.338 which we left on our starboord side, and fleeted away for England, the winde continuing faire vntill the twenty foure day. But then it changed, first to the East by North, and then to the East South-east, and became so violent and furious, that for three dayes space we were not able [ 20] to beare our saile, but did driue before the winde at the least three leagues, a watch out of our course; and the first land we made was Cape Cleere, in the South-west part of Ireland, where a∣gainst * 2.339 our wils we arriued at Crooke Hauen the twenty nine of Nouember.

During the time of my Voyage, we lost but one Land-man, who died in Guiana; and one Sai∣ler, and an Indian Boy, who died at Sea in our returne: and during the space of these three yeares last past since the voyage, of all the men which I left in the Countrey, being in number about * 2.340 thirty, there died but six, whereof one was drowned, another was an old man of threescore years of age, and another tooke his death by his owne disorder; the rest died of sicknesse, as pleased God the giuer of life: for such small losse, his holy name be blessed now and euer.

The names of the Riuers falling into the Sea from Amazones, [ 30] to Dessequebe, and of the seuerall Nations inhabiting those Riuers.

RIVERS.

NATIONS.

• 1 Amazones.
• 2 Arrapoco, a branch of A∣mazones.
• 3 Arrawary.

Charibs.

• 4 Maicary.
• 5 Connawini.

Yaios and Cha∣ribes.

• 6 Cassipurogh.
• 7 Arracow.

Arracoories.

• 8 Wiapoco.
• 9 Wianary, a creeke or in∣let of thesea.

Yaios and Ar∣waccas.

10 Cowo,

not inhabited.

• 11 Apurwacca.
• 12 Wio.
• 13 Caiane.
• 14 Meccooria.
• 15 Courwo.
• 16 Manmanury
• 17 Sinammara.

Charibs.

18 Oorassowini,

not inhabited.

• 19 Coonannoma.
• 20 Uracco.

Arwaccas.

21 Marrawini.

Paragotos, Yai∣os, Charibs, Ar∣was. [ 40]

• 22 Amanna.
• 23 Camo••re, or Comawin, a branch of Selinama.
• 24 Selinama, or Surennamo.
• 25 Surammo.
• 26 Coopannomy.
• 27 Eneccare. [ 50]

Charibs.

• 28 Coretine.
• 29 Berebisse.

Arwaccas and Charibs.

• 30 Manhica.
• 31 Wapary.
• 32 Micowine.
• 33 Demeerare.

Arwaccas.

• 34 Motooronnes
• 35 Quiowinne, branches of Dessequebe.

Charibs. [ 60]

36 Dessequebe.

Arwaccas and Charibs.

Euery house hath Cocks, Hennes, and Chickens, as in England: and the variety of fish is won∣derfull, without compare; but the chiefest comfort of our Country-men is this, that the Beast called Maypury and the fish called the Sea-Cow (being seuerally as bigge as a Heifer of two years * 2.341 old, and of which kinde there are very many) are in eating so like vnto our English Beefe, that hardly in taste we can distinguish them, and may as well as Beefe be salted, and kept for our pro∣uision. There is also a Beast in colour like a Fawne, but fuller of white spots, in stature somewhat * 2.342 lesse then a small Sheepe, and in taste like Mutton, but is rather better meate: the Baremo is also of the same taste, I haue the Copie of Master Harcourt his Patent, and he published also certaine Articles for the Aduenturers, &c. which for breuity are omitted.

CHAP. XVII. [ 10]

A Relation of the habitations and other Obseruations of the Riuer of Marwin, * 2.343 and the adioyning Regions.

Townes in the Riuer of Marwin.

INprimis, Marracomwin a little Village so called where the Arwaccas dwell, [ 20] whose chiefe Captaine is Coretan, and is at the foot of the Riuer of Marwin in a creake on the left hand going vp the Riuer. Secondly, Russia a little Village so called where likewise Arwaccas dwell being likewise at the foote of the Riuer on the right hand going vp the Riuer. Thirdly, Moyyemon, a large Towne where are some twentie houses all builded very lately, inhabited by Parawagotos and Yaios, whose chiefe Captaine is Maperitacca (being the Captaine with whom the Generall left vs, and with whom we continue) being on the left hand of the Riuer. Fourthly, Kiawarie, a Towne inhabited by Careebees, almost right against Moyyemon, whose Chiefetaine is—Fiftly, Tonorima, a little Village aboue Kiawary inhabited by Careebees, being on the same side of the Riuer, who be gouerned by the Captaine of Quuenow. Sixtly, Quuenou, a Towne some quarter [ 30] of a mile distant from Tonorima, inhabited by Careebees, whose Chiefetaine is Vcapea, hauing a lame hand. Seuenthly, Arowatta, a Towne situate on the same side of the Riuer (whose inhabi∣tants be Careebees but a good prettie way beyond, whose Chiefetaine is Seepane. Eightly, Co∣murraty, a Towne situate beyond Arowatta, on the other side of the Riuer, whose Inhabitants be Careebees, and Chiefetaine is Parapane. Ninthly, Pasim, a Towne situate beyond Comurrati•• on the same side of the Riuer whose Inhabitants bee Careeb, and Chiefetaine is Tanatweya. Tenthly, Paramaree, a Towne situate beyond Pasim on the other side of the Riuer, inhabited by Careabees, whose Chiefetaine is Iuara. There is beyond Paramaree a lone house, beeing situate some dayes iourney from Paramaree on the same side of the Riuer being inhabited by Careebees. Eleuenthly, about some eleuen daies iourney beyond the lone house there is a towne called Tau∣paramunni, [ 40] whose Inhabitants be Careebees. Twelfthly, a daies iourney from thence is another Towne called Moreesheego, whose Inhabitants be Careebees. About some twentie daies iourney beyond Moreesheego is a Towne called Aretonenne, whose Inhabitants bee Careebees hauing ve∣rie * 2.344 long eares hanging to their shoulders, and they are reported to bee a very gentle and louing uing people. Some twentie daies farther is the head of the Riuer Marwin, where dwell Para∣wagatos, Arwaccas, and Suppay, and after a daies iourney in the Land, they report the way to be very faire, and Champian ground with long grasse.

Townes from the foot of Marwin on the Northside along the Sea. [ 50]

FIrst, Equiwibone, a Towne inhabited by Arwaccas and Parawagotos. Secondly, Caycooseoo∣••ooro, inhabited by Arwaccas, whose Chiefetaine is Woaccomo. Thirdly, Amypea inhabited by Arwaccas. Fourthly, about six mile within Land is Careebee, inhabited by Arwaccas, whose Chiefetaine is Aramea, Fiftly, Wia Wiam, about two miles from the Sea, a Towne inhabited by Yaios, Parrawagotos and Arwaccas, whose Chiefetaine is Araponaca. Sixtly, Soorry Soorry, some two mile directly farther toward the Sea side, inhabited by Parawagotos, whose Chiefe∣taine is Resurrima. Seuenthly, Amiebas, a little distant from Soory Soory, inhabited by Parawa∣gotos. Eightly, Uieguano, some sixe mile beyond Soory Soory, inhabited by Yaos and Parawago∣tos. Ninthly, Vrarinno adioyning to Vicguano, inhabited by Arwaccas and Parawagotos, [ 60] Tenthly, Surarer a daies iourney beyond Wia Wiam vp into the Land inhabited by Arwac∣cas. Eleuenthly, Simarra, some sixe miles distant from Wia Wiam, inhabited by Arwaccas. Twelfthly, Ca••ri, a Towne adioyning to Simarra, inhabited by Arwaccas. Thirteenthly, Con∣••oere, a Towne adioyning to Cauri, inhabited by Parawagotos, and Arwaccas.

To most of these places there can be no passage but by Canoas in the Winter being marsh-me∣dowy grounds, ouerflowne with swelling Tides. But in the Summer it is faire, and then they * 2.345 hide their Canoas in the Woods by the Sea-side.

As for the Riuer of Marwin, there are no other Riuers which fall into it: but there be many Ilands, and some very great. The passage to the head thereof from the men with long eares is very dangerous, by reason of the passage through hollow and concaue Rockes, wherein harbour Bat-mise of an vnreasonable bignesse, which with their clawes and wings doe wound the Pas∣sengers * 2.346 shrewdly: yea, and oftentimes depriue them of life. During which passage (which is some quarter of a mile, and very darke; for the Rockes are close aboue, and in fashion like an Indian house) they are inforced to make great fires in their Canoas, and put ouer their heads some [ 10] of their Crab-baskets ••o defend them from the force of their clawes and wings, and so they safe∣ly passe.

There is a Chareebee (with whom I am very well acquainted) whose name is Carouree) who assured me of certaine transparent stones, both of a greene and red colour, which hee described * 2.347 by a greene eare-ring which I shewed him, affirming they were somewhat bigger, and that they lay in a little gutter at the head of the Riuer, which ran in a Valley betweene two Hills.

I was further informed by a Yaio, an ancient man (who came downe from the head of the Ri∣uer Selinama in a little Canoa, with foure other, and a boy; three of which were Arwaccas, and one Yaio, who was borne in Oreno{que}, and as I iudge, about the age of foure score yeeres, or little lesse) who reported to mee, that hee was one of them which with Morequito and Putimay, was [ 20] at the killing of nine Spaniards, and a Spanish Pedas; and how Morequito was put to death, and a greatmany of his Indians hanged: himselfe was taken prisoner, and pinched with Pinsers * 2.348 for his punishment, and his eares nailed to wood, which I coniecture was a Pillourie. Besides, they rubbed his body ouer with salt mixt with Vrine, after they had pinched him, and fetcht bloud, and after tyed him vp in chaines. The reason why they put him not to death, was be∣cause hee had beene a great Traueller and knew the Countries well, and so they kept him for a Guide.

It so chanced, that the Spaniards, vpon his informing them of the Cassipagotos Countrie, and how rich they were, and how he would be their guide, went with some companie to conquer it: the Captaine of the Spaniards was called Alexander, as he saith. But the Cassipagotos knowing [ 30] his crueltie, thought it better to fight it out, then trust to his clemency, and so ouerthrew him and his companie, driuing them to their Canoas, in which fight he escaped: But yet afterward it was his mishap to be againe in the hands of his aduersarie by the meanes of Caripana King of Emeria, and put in chaines, and handled cruelly. His body was besmeared, as he said, with a * 2.349 yellow stone; for so he called it, which I take to be Brimstone, and so set on fire on his body, and after that he was well, and his skinne smooth and faire, they anointed him with honie from top to toe, and so scattered dust vpon him, in which which were millions of Pismires, tying him in chaines to a great tree, where Muskitos flockt about him like moates in the Sunne, and did piti∣fully sting him, then which death had beene better, as hee said. Within some small space hee with another Yaio, and three Arwaccas were chosen to goe a fishing some two dayes iourney [ 40] from the Towne. Likewise there went as ouerseers ouer them foure Spaniards, three of which, while they were a fishing went into the Wood a fowling, and the fourth which was left for the ouerseer by chance fell asleepe, which they espying, agreed to release themselues and to slip from the shoare with their Canoa, and went vp Selinama seuen dayes iourney within land from the head thereof to a Towne of the Arwaccas, called Cooroopon, where he now dwelleth, whose name is Weepackea; and the chiefe Arwacca which came with him is called Edaddeawa, and the Captaine of Cooroopon is called Naushickeban. This Yaio told mee of a Mountaine at the head of Dissikeebee which is called Oraddoo, where is a great Rocke of white Spar, which hath streams of Gold in it about the breadth of a Goose-quill; and this he affirmeth very earnestly. Also he speaketh of a Plaine which is some seuen or eight dayes iourney from the Mountaine where is [ 50] great store of Gold in graines so big as the top of a mans finger, and after the flouds be fallen they finde them, which Plaine is called Mumpara.

Further, he spake of a Valley not farre distant from thence, which is called Wancoobanona, which hath the like: and he said, they gather them the space of two moneths together; which two moneths are presently after the great raines which wash away the sand and grauell from the grasse which groweth in turfets, and then they may perceiue the Gold lie glistering on the ground. And of these they are very charie. And the Captaines and Priests or P••••ays doe charge the Indians very strictly. yea with punishment of the whip, that they be secret, and not reueale it to the Spaniard. But it seemeth they are willing the English should haue it, or else hee would neuer haue related so much of the state of his Countrie.

He spake very much of Sir Walter Raleigh: he likewise knew Francis Sparrow, and the boy [ 60] which Sir Walter left behind him at Topiawary his house. He further said, that Topiawary won∣dred that he heard not from Sir Walter, according to his promise: and how Topi••wary did verily thinke, that the Spaniard had met with him, and so had slaine him. Further, hee saith how To∣piawary

is dead, and how one Roponoyegrippo succeeded in his roome. Likewise he sayth Caripa∣na * 2.350 the King of Emeria, who was very subiect to the Spaniard, and did once betray him to the Spaniard, is now dead: at which he seemed not a little to reioyce; and how one Dothronias is in his place, and is a good King, holding Armes against the Spaniard with the Cassipagotos, and and giuing him many ouerthrowes, so that now hee hath cleare left Dissikeebee and not a Spa∣niard there. He likewise said, how Topiawary had drawne in the Indians of Wariwackeri, Ama∣riocupana, Aromaya, Wickery, and all the people that belonged to Wanuritone, Captaine of Canu∣ria, and Wacariopea Captaine of Sayma against Sir Walter Raleigh his comming to haue warred against the Yeanderpuremei: And as yet Wanuritone and Wacariopea doe expect his comming. He addeth further, how he knew the two Nations of Tiuitiuas, called Ciawana and Warawitty, * 2.351 who are forced in the flouds to build their houses on the top of trees. And now he saith the Spa∣niard [ 10] hath for the most part destroyed them, keeping diuers of them to make and mend his Ca∣noas. Further hee knew Toparimacca, and sayth hee is yet liuing, and Captaine of Arawaca a Napoy, who likewise doth expect Sir Walter his comming, and had drawne a companie of In∣dians for the aide and assistance of Sir Waltor. Likewise, how Putimay is yet liuing, and how the Spaniards haue layd great waite for him, but could neuer finger him to bee reuenged for his part of killing the nine Spaniards. Further he addeth, how the Spaniards were killed at a Mountaine called Riconeri in Putimay's Countrie, and how Putimay expected long for Sir Walter Raleigh. Likewise he saith, how the Epeuremei haue now two very faire Townes, one called Aruburgua∣ry, and the other Corburrimore: and saith, they are not good people, yet they dare not warre [ 20] with them. He further affirmeth of the men whose shoulders are higher then their heads, which * 2.352 he called Wywaypanamy, and offereth to goe with me thither if I come vp in their high Countrie. For since the death of Topiawary they are friends, and bend their forces against the Spaniards. He further spake of a white, cleare, high and huge Rocke vnder a Mountaines side, which is called Mattuick, that on a Sun-shine day if a man looked on it, it would dazle his eyes exceedingly. Hee shewed mee before his departure from me, a piece of metall fashioned like an Eagle, and as I ghesse, it was about the weight of eight or nine ounces troy weight, it seemed to be Gold or at leastwise two parts Gold and one Copper, I offered him an Axe, which he refused; to which I * 2.353 added foure Kniues, but could not get it of him: but I imagine the Dutch at Selinama haue bought it of him, for their only comming was for Axes, as he said, hearing that the Dutch were [ 30] at Selinama. I demanded where hee had that Eagle, his answere was, hee had it of his Vncle, who dwelt among the Weearaapoyns in the Countrie called Sherumerrimary neere the Cassipago∣tos Countrie where is great store of these Images. Further he said, that at the head of Selinama and Marwin there were great store of the halfe Moones, which hee called by the name of Vn∣naton. He likewise spake of a very faire and large Citie in Guiana, which hee called Monooan, * 2.354 which I take to be that which Sir Walter calleth Manoa, which standeth by a salt Lake which he called Parroowan Parrocare Monoan, in the Prouince of Asaccona the chiefe Captaine or A∣cariwanuora, as he called him, was called Pepodallapa. He further said, that after that a man is vp at the head of the Riuer and some ten dayes iourney within the Land, euery childe can tell of the riches of Monooan. Further he addeth, how that once in euery third yeere all the Cassiques or Lords and Captaines some seuen dayes iourney from Manooan doe come to a great drinking, [ 40] which continueth for the space of ten dayes together, in which time they goe sometimes a fish∣ing, fowling, and hunting, their fishing is in the salt Lake, where is abundance of Canoas, and those very great. They haue many fish-pooles of standing water, wherein they haue aboundance of Fish. They haue store of wilde Porkes and Deere, and other beasts, which are very good meate. Their Houses be made with many lofts and partitions in them. but not boorded, but with * 2.355 barres of wood, onely the lower floore on the ground is spread with clay very smooth, and with fires hardned, as they doe their pots, then presently they build their houses, as is before spoken of. Also he affirmeth, that within the Citie at the entring in of their houses they hang Carocoore on the posts which I take to be Images of gold.

Directions to the Towne of Cooropan from [ 50] Marrawin.

FRom the head of Marrawin to Itshuerwa, a Chareeb Towne: from thence to Caperocca, a Chareeb Towne: from thence to a Mountaine called Payen: from thence to Una, a Moun∣taine: from thence to Youwalprenay, a Charech Towne: from thence to Tetatttecoomoyneto, a Chareeb Towne: from thence to Tunstoorito, a Chareeb Towne: from thence to Soynoon, a Pa∣rawag Towne: from thence to Crooroorere, a Suppay Towne: from thence to Macatana a Sup∣pay Towne: from thence to Pipicorwarra, a Mountaine: from thence to Shadden, an Arwacca [ 60] Towne: from thence to Lonnoo, an Arwacca Towne: from thence to Horurra a Mountaine: from thence to Habittebin, a Plaine: from thence to Warooca, an Arwac. Towne: from thence to Hardoo an Arwacca; and from thence to Coorepon, where he dwelleth, which he saith is but ten dayes iourney from the head of Marrawin.

Directions from the head of Selinama to Cooropan, which is but seuen dayes iourney.

FRom the head of Selinama to Kiarno a Chareeb Towne: from thence to Pommaro a Chareeb Towne: from thence to Scooadoddepon an Arwac Towne: from thence to Sickene a Moun∣taine: from thence to Shuhurway an Arwac Towne: from thence to Hadarinner a Suppay Towne: from thence to Weeatoopona, Arwac: from thence to Ruttrahar, Arwac: from thence to Caboyetitte, Arwac: from thence to Heeanannerre, Suppay: from thence to Wabockeyaway, Ar∣wac: from thence to Hanamob, Arwac: from thence to Muttuggabee, a Mountaine; and so to [ 10] Cooropon, which is but seuen dayes iourney from the head of Selinama.

He likewise saith it is but a moneths iourney by land, from the head of Marrawin to the head of Dissikeebee, and from the head of Dissikeebee to the head of Oreno{que} a moneths trauell.

Riuers from Brabisse to the Amazones.

[ 20] [ 30]

RIVERS.

NATIONS.

Brabisse.

Chareebees.

Winniepa.

Chareebes.

Arew.

Napoys.

Mannapoo.

Napoys.

Mucca〈…〉〈…〉reu.

not inhabited.

Morecoose.

Napoys.

Arawon.

not inhabited.

Orenoco.

Yaios Arwac.

Emataccoo.

Chareebes.

Eparramoo.

Chareebes.

Aratooree.

Chareebes.

Amockooroo.

Chareeb.

Pareema.

Chareeb.

Wine.

Chareeb.

Moroka.

Yaios.

Paurooma.

Arwaccas.

Wacapwhou.

Arwaccas.

Dissikeebee.

Arwac.

Quiowinne. Matooronee.* 2.356

Chareeb.

Marrawin.

Para. Ya. Cha. & Arwa.

Amanna.

Chareeb.

Vraco.

Arwac.

Coonannoma.

Arwac.

Oorassowinni.

not inhabited.

Sinomarra.

Chareeb.

Mannomanury.

Chareeb.

Ecaurwa.

Chareeb.

Canrooroo.

Chareeb.

Muccurrie.

Chareeb.

Kiam.

Chareeb.

Wia.

Chareeb.

Kowo.

not inhabited.

Apoorwacca.

Chareeb.

Wannase.

Yaios.

Wiapoco.

Yaios.

Aroocona.

Areecola.

Casippooroo.

Areecoole.

Connawin.

Yaio.

Miocaree.

Areecool.

Demeerare.

Arwac.

Miconine.

Arwac.

Wapary.

Arwac.

Mauhica.

Arwac.

Keribisse.

Arwac.

Coretine.

Chareeb. Arw.

Eneecare.

Chareeb.

Coopanomi.

Chareeb.

Soorammo.

Chareeb.

Surennamo, alias, [ 40] Selinama.

Chareeb.

Camouree, alias, Commawin.* 2.357

 

Arowaree.

Chareeb.

Arapoco.

 

Amazone.

 

Topaniwinni, a Branch of Marwin, at the head thereof going toward Orono{que}, in which dwell a wilde People called Vrokere, which are swift in running. * 2.358 [ 50]

The Chareebees with long eares are called Nooraco. Ekinnicke, a kinde of worme, which poi∣soneth the water.

And thus much of Guianian affaires. Some other Voyages thither haue beene at large published by by Sir W. R. and Master Keymis, recorded by Master Hakl. A later also with great noise, prepara∣tion and expectation hath happened, written alreadie in bloud, therefore, and for the latenesse needlesse and vnworthie, that I say not too dismall and fatall for our Relations. [ 60]

CHAP. XVIII.

A Description and Discouery of the Riuer of Amazons, by WILLIAM DAVIES Barber Surgeon of London.

THe Riuer of the Amazons lieth in the highest part of the West Indies, beyond the * 2.359 Equinoctial Line; to fall with this Riuer fortie leagues from Land you shal haue 8. 6. & 7. fathomes water, & you shal see the Sea change to a ruddie colour, the wa∣ter [ 10] shall grow fresh, by these signes you may run boldly in your course, and com∣ming neere the Riuers mouth, the depth of your water shal increase, then you shal make Discouerie of the Trees before the Land, by reason the Land is very low, and not higher in one place then another three foote, being at a Spring tide almost all ouerflowne, God knowes how many hundred leagues. It flowes much water there with a verie forcible tide. In this Ri∣uer I continued tenne weekes, seeing the fashion of the people and Countrie there. This Coun∣trie is altogether full of Woods, with all sorts of wilde Beasts: as Lions Beares, Woolues, Leopards, Baboones, strange Boores, Apes, Monkeies, Martins, Sanguines, Marmosets, with diuers other strange beasts: also these Woods are full of Wild-fowle of all sorts, and Parrats more plentifull then Pidgeons in England, and as good meate, for I haue often eaten of them. [ 20] Also this Countrey is very full of Riuers, hauing a King ouer euerie Riuer. In this place is con∣tinuall Tempests, as Lightning, Thunder, and Raine, and so extreame, that it continues most commonly sixteene or eighteene houres in foure and twentie. There are many standing waters in this Countrie, which bee full of Aligators, Guianes, with many other seuerall wa∣ter Serpents, and great store of fresh fish, of strange fashions. This Countrie is full of Muskitas, which is a small Flie, which much offends a Stranger comming newly into the Countrie. The manner, fashion, and nature of the people is this: They are altogether naked, both men and women, hauing not so much as one threed about them to couer any part of their nakednesse, the man taketh a round Cane as bigge as a pennie Candle, and two inches in length, through the which hee puls the fore-skinne of his yard, tying the skinne with a piece of the rinde of [ 30] a Tree about the bignesse of a small pack-threed, then making of it fast about his middle, hee continueth thus till hee haue occasion to vse him: In each Eare hee weareth a Reede or Cane, which hee bores through it, about the bignesse of a Swannes Quill, and in length halfe an inch, and the like through the midst of the lower lippe: also at the bridge of the Nose hee hangs in a Reede a small gl••sse Beade or Button, which hanging directly afore his Mouth, flies too and fro still as hee speakes, wherein hee takes great pride and pleasure. Hee weares his Haire long, being rounded below to the neather part of his Eare, and cut short, or rather as I iudged pluckt bald on the c••owne like a ••rier. But their women vse no fashion at all to set forth them∣selues, but starke naked as they were borne, with haire long of their Heads, also their Breasts hang verie low, by reason they are neuer laced or braced vp: they doe vse to anoint their Bo∣dies, [ 40] both Men and Women, with a kind of redde Earth, because the Muskitas, or Flies shall not offend them.

These people are verie ingenious, craftie, and treacherous, verie light of foot, and good Bowemen, whose like I haue neuer seene, for they doe ordinarily kill their owne food, as Beasts, Fowle, and Fish, the manner of their Bow and Arrowes is this. The Bow is about two yards in length, the Arrow seuen foote. His Bow is made of Brasill-wood verie curious, his string of the rinde of a Tree, lying close to the Bo••, without any bent, his Arrow made of Reede, and the head of it is a fish bone 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a Beast in this manner: standing behinde a Tree, hee takes his marke at the Beast, and wo〈…〉〈…〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 he followes him like a Bloud-hound till he fall, oftentimes seconding his shoot: then for any Fowle be he neuer so little, he neuer misses him: [ 50] as for the first, hee walkes by the water side, and when hee hath spied a fish in the water, hee presently strikes him with his Arrow, and suddenly throwing downe his Bow, hee leapes into the water, swimming to his Arrow which hee drawes aland with the fish fastened to it, then hauing each kild his owne food, as well flesh, and fowle, as fish, they meete together, to the number of fiftie or sixtie in a company, then make a fire after this fashion: They take two stickes of Wood, rubbing one hard against another, till such time as they bee fired, then making of a great fire, euery man is his owne Cooke to broile that which he hath gotten, and thus they feed without Bread or Salt, or any kind of drinke but Water and Tobacco, neither doe they know what it meanes: In these Countries we could find neither Gold nor Siluer Oare, but great store of Hennes. For I haue bought a couple for a Iewes Harpe, when they would refuse tenne shil∣lings [ 60] in money. This Countrie is full of delicious fruite, as Pines, Plantines, Guaues, and Pota∣to Rootes, of which Fruits and Roots I would haue bought a mans burthen for a glasse Button or Bead. The manner of their Lodging is this: they haue a kinde of Net made of the rinde of a Tree which they call Haemac, being three fathome in length, and two in breadth, and gathered

at both ends at length, then fastning either end to a Tree, to the full length about a yard and halfe from the ground, when hee hath desire to sleepe, hee creepes vnto it. The King of euerie Riuer is knowne by this manner. He weares vpon his head a Crowne of Parrats feathers, of se∣uerall colours, hauing either about his middle, or about his Necke, a Chaine of Lions teeth or clawes, or of some other strange beast, hauing a woodden Sword in his hand, and hereby is he knowne to be the King: Oftentimes one King warres against another in their Canowes, which are Boats cut out of a whole Tree, sometimes taking one another, the Conquerours eates the Captiues. By this time ten weekes were spent, and being homewards bound, but not the same way that we came, for we sailed vnto the Riuer before the winde, because it blowes there continually one way, which forces all shippes [ 10] that come thither to returne by a con∣trarie way.

The end of the sixth Booke. [ 20] [ 30] [ 40] [ 50] [ 60]

Notes

• * 1.1

  First voyage 1586. The Spanish King had im∣bargued all English ships in his Ports of Spaine and Por∣tugall 1585. whence warres were not only expected at home, but eue∣ry where ho∣norably sought and happily preuented. See Hak. tom. 3. Sierra Leona. Abraham Cock. Andrew Battell was one of his companie. See of this voyage, Tem. 1. l. 7. 6. 3. Iohn Drake. Fenton and Wards expedi∣tion. See Hak. l. 3. I had it also written.
• * 1.2

  Baya.
• * 1.3

  Bold courage.
• * 1.4

  Hulks disaster.
• * 1.5

  The Earle in Sluce, 88. ser∣uice.
• * 1.6

  Second voy∣age 1588.
• * 1.7

  Hare taken.
• * 1.8

  Third voyage 1589.
• * 1.9

  The League then was ene∣my to Queene Elizabeth.
• * 1.10

  Iew of Lisbone.
• * 1.11

  The Azores foure Ships taken.
• * 1.12

  A monstrous Fish.
• * 1.13

  See Linscbot. c. 96.
• * 1.14

  A prize of Port Ricco.
• * 1.15

  Guin••ee Ship taken.
• * 1.16

  Fyall taken.
• * 1.17

  The spoile.
• * 1.18

  Ship of Saint Malo.
• * 1.19

  Captaine Ly∣sters valorous attempt.
• * 1.20

  His audacious enterprise and rash endange∣ring the r••st.
• * 1.21

  American ships taken.
• * 1.22

  Captaine Ly∣ster drowned.
• * 1.23

  Miserable di∣stresse for want of drink.
• * 1.24

  Salt deadly draught. The Earles equitie and courage.
• * 1.25

  Ventre Hauen in Ireland.
• * 1.26

  The Countesse of Dorset borne Ian. 31. 1589.
• * 1.27

  The fourth Voyage 1591.
• * 1.28

  Ship of Saint Thome taken.
• * 1.29

  Chance of warre: Takers taken.
• * 1.30

  Aduise.
• * 1.31

  Sir R. Greenuile.
• * 1.32

  Fifth Voyage 1592.
• * 1.33

  Ill beginnings.
• * 1.34

  His r••••urne, and Captayne Norton substi∣tuted.
• * 1.35

  Argosie taken.
• * 1.36

  Flores courte∣sie. Santa Cruce a▪ Carrike.
• * 1.37

  Sir, I Burrough.
• * 1.38

  Sea-custome of sharing.
• * 1.39

  Portugals fire their Carrike.
• * 1.40

  Auri sacra fa∣••••s.
• * 1.41

  Towne taken.
• * 1.42

  Made de Dios a great Carrik
• * 1.43

  The fight.
• * 1.44

  Queenes ships danger.
• * 1.45

  Carrike en∣tred.
• * 1.46

  Fight and Eng∣glish Victorie.
• * 1.47

  Danger by fire.
• * 1.48

  Contention a∣bout the boo∣tie. In M. Hak. his second Tome, this Carrikes purchase is at∣tributed prin∣cipally to Sir I. Burgh. there may the Rea∣der also see her dimensions & goods, &c. I haue here fol∣lowed that Re∣lation which I found, and leaue free iudgement to the Reader. My copie also argueth my Lords case, which I ha〈…〉〈…〉itted.
• * 1.49

  Sixt voyage. 1593.
• * 1.50

  Two French ships very rich taken.
• * 1.51

  Scout taken.
• * 1.52

  His sicknesse and returne.
• * 1.53

  The seuenth Voyage. 1593.
• * 1.54

  Pearl-fishings.
• * 1.55

  Rancheria as∣sau••••ed and taken.
• * 1.56

  Aruba and Cor∣resao. R. de Ha∣che.
• * 1.57

  Strange wate∣ring.
• * 1.58

  Estanchas or Stantias.
• * 1.59

  Beefe how kept there.
• * 1.60

  Ri. Marracaua.
• * 1.61

  Cap. Raymund.
• * 1.62

  Iamaica.
• * 1.63

  Bay of Hondu∣ras.
• * 1.64

  Porto Cauallo.
• * 1.65

  The fight.
• * 1.66

  Ships fired.
• * 1.67

  The eight Voy∣ages 1594.
• * 1.68

  The great Car∣riks called Fiue wounds.
• * 1.69

  Borded.
• * 1.70

  Carraks fired.
• * 1.71

  English Ships in danger.
• * 1.72

  Pittifull di∣stresse of the Carrike.
• * 1.73

  The impedi∣ments of ta∣king the Car∣rike.
• * 1.74

  Another Car∣rike.
• * 1.75

  The ninth voyage. 1595.
• * 1.76

  The Dragon a fortunate ship to the East Indian Societie: sur∣prised vnlucki∣ly by the Dutch: see Ho••es rela∣tion. To. 1. l. 5. An. 1595. Fight.
• * 1.77

  Tenth voyage. 1596.
• * 1.78

  Eleuenth voy∣age.
• * 1.79

  Godwine sands:
• * 1.80

  Sea fight.
• * 1.81

  The twelfth voyage. Names of the ships and their Captaines em∣ployed in the twelfth voy∣age.
• * 1.82

  1596.
• * 1.83

  His purpose frustrated.
• * 1.84

  Defect in the mayne Mast.
• * 1.85

  The Burlings.
• * 1.86

  Penechia.
• * 1.87

  Biscainers good fighters.
• * 1.88

  Ship of Ham∣burg taken.
• * 1.89

  Intelligence from Lisbone.
• * 1.90

  Fiue Carraks and twentie fiue ships.
• * 1.91

  New intelli∣gence.
• * 1.92

  Another at∣tempt.
• * 1.93

  No hope that way.
• * 1.94

  He comes to the Canaries. Rich Mar∣quesse.
• * 1.95

  Poore perfor∣mance of rich promisers.
• * 1.96

  He lands his Souldiers.
• * 1.97

  Sir Iohn Bark∣ley.
• * 1.98

  Towne and Castle takers.
• * 1.99

  Poore purchase and yet too rich.
• * 1.100

  The Earles honorable care and wise pro∣uision.
• * 1.101

  Caruell stollen forth by En∣glish captiues.
• * 1.102

  Danger of late going forth for the Cape of Good Hope.
• * 1.103

  Old Portugall Pilots.
• * 1.104

  Rash aduisers.
• * 1.105

  The Earles m••••ture and disc••eet in∣tendments.
• * 1.106

  His speech.
• * 1.107

  His purposes and probabi∣lities.
• * 1.108

  They proceed.
• * 1.109

  They arriue at Dominica.
• * 1.110

  Las Virgines.
• * 1.111

  My Lords speech.
• * 1.112

  Basenesse of theft.
• * 1.113

  Sir Francis Drake.
• * 1.114

  They arriue at the Iland.
• * 1.115

  Euill surmise••.
• * 1.116

  His search.
• * 1.117

  Obiections.
• * 1.118

  The Earles answere.
• * 1.119

  They land the fixt of Iune.
• * 1.120

  Negros mislea∣ding.
• * 1.121

  A Bridge.
• * 1.122

  I haue since heard that his name was Do∣ctor Layfield.
• * 1.123

  An••. 1596. Aug.
• * 1.124

  Worthy act of a worthy man.
• * 1.125

  The Burling••s or Berlinga.
• * 1.126

  The C••nari•• Ilands.
• * 1.127

  They take the chiefe Towne of L••••••erota.
• * 1.128

  The Cas••le ta∣ken.
• * 1.129

  The Towne described.
• * 1.130

  Inhabitants.
• * 1.131

  The Iland of Lançero••a.
• * 1.132

  Beasts.
• * 1.133

  One haruest done before the middest of Aprill.
• * 1.134

  The Church.
• * 1.135

  Pike of Tene∣riffe.
• * 1.136

  Riches thereof Captain Leighs voi••ge to Ore∣noque.
• * 1.137

  Sunne in their Zeni••h.
• * 1.138

  The Crosier.
• * 1.139

  Gusts.
• * 1.140

  Vnwholso••e raine.
• * 1.141

  Colour of the Sea black.
• * 1.142

  Matinino. D〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 1.143

  Naked Ind〈…〉〈…〉
• * 1.144

  Their Canoas.
• * 1.145

  The people described.
• * 1.146

  Red painting.
• * 1.147

  Their Oares.
• * 1.148

  A hot Bathe.
• * 1.149

  The Virgines.
• * 1.150

  Description of Dominica.
• * 1.151

  A Town found in Dominica.
• * 1.152

  Wilde Maiesty.
• * 1.153

  Adultery pu∣nished with death.
• * 1.154

  Difference of maide & wife.
• * 1.155

  Common diet roome.
• * 1.156

  Kings state.
• * 1.157

  Desire to learn English.
• * 1.158

  They come to the Virgines.
• * 1.159

  My Lords land companies a∣bout one thou∣sand.
• * 1.160

  The speech you haue be∣fore in his own relation, and therefore here omitted.
• * 1.161

  See before the names of the Captaines and Commanders, here omitted.
• * 1.162

  Sir Fr. Drake.
• * 1.163

  The Virgines described.
• * 1.164

  Bird-Iland.
• * 1.165

  Incredible store of Birds.
• * 1.166

  They land vp∣on the Ile of Saint Iohn de Puerto rico the si••t of Iu••••.
• * 1.167

  Negros misgui∣ding.
• * 1.168

  Bad March.
• * 1.169

  Bridge and Barricado.
• * 1.170

  Sir Iohn Barke∣leys honourable ambition.
• * 1.171

  The fight be∣tw••••t the Eng∣l••sh and Spani∣ards.
• * 1.172

  The Earles ac∣cidentall dan∣ger.
• * 1.173

  Valiantassaults at the gates.
• * 1.174

  Sir I. Barkleys courage.
• * 1.175

  His Lordships perill.
• * 1.176

  The tide hin∣dereth them.
• * 1.177

  His Lordship goeth aboord.
• * 1.178

  His returne and second Stratagem.
• * 1.179

  Good successe thereof.
• * 1.180

  Ship lost.
• * 1.181

  The red Fort, called Mata∣diabolo.
• * 1.182

  Spaniards bea∣ten.
• * 1.183

  The English take the Fort.
• * 1.184

  Another Fort quitted.
• * 1.185

  They enter the lesse Iland and march to the Towne.
• * 1.186

  The Towne quitted of all people able to beare armes and entred by the English.
• * 1.187

  The Fort sum∣moned.
• * 1.188

  The Gouer∣nors brauado.
• * 1.189

  Care to saue mens liues.
• * 1.190

  Sir Nicholas Clifford.
• * 1.191

  His Lordships iustice.
• * 1.192

  Souldier disar∣med for vn∣manly and vn∣mannerly v∣sage to a wo∣man. Churches and Women secu∣red. Rauisher exe∣cuted. Sacriledg•• terrified.
• * 1.193

  Raines.
• * 1.194

  Parley deman∣ded.
• * 1.195

  Conditions demanded.
• * 1.196

  Articles offe∣red.
• * 1.197

  Spaniards yeeld the Fort.
• * 1.198

  The Fort Mora wherein were 400. Souldiers, deliuered vp to the English.
• * 1.199

  The descripti∣on of the citie of Saint Iohn de Puerto Rico.
• * 1.200

  Fresh aire.
• * 1.201

  Heat, how or∣dered.
• * 1.202

  Great dewes.
• * 1.203

  Greatnesse.
• * 1.204

  Cathedrall Church de∣scribed.
• * 1.205

  No glasse windowes.
• * 1.206

  The doores, &c.
• * 1.207

  Quire in the lowest part of the Church.
• * 1.208

  Chappels.
• * 1.209

  The Castle.
• * 1.210

  Monasterie.
• * 1.211

  Woods of vn∣knowne trees.
• * 1.212

  Why those mynes are neglected.
• * 1.213

  Saile descryed.
• * 1.214

  A ship of Ne∣groes.
• * 1.215

  Purpose of stay and holding the place.
• * 1.216

  Alteration by sicknesse and mo••talitie.
• * 1.217

  Winte•• (so cal∣led of abun∣dance of rain) in Iuly and August. The disease.
• * 1.218

  400. English de•••• of sick∣nesse in Puer••o Rico.
• * 1.219

  Black Pinnace sunke.
• * 1.220

  A thousand Ducats worth of pearles ••ound.
• * 1.221

  The Kings rich Chist of pearls in Margarita.
• * 1.222

  Lopez sent with Letters.
• * 1.223

  80 peeces of brasen Ord∣nance brought from Puerto Rico.
• * 1.224

  Ships left with Sir I. Barkley.
• * 1.225

  Cause of the Earles quick departure:
• * 1.226

  The Ear••e de∣parted from Puerto Rico the 14. of August.
• * 1.227

  The Authors employment with the Earle.
• * 1.228

  Of the n••ture, qualitie, ••nd largenesse of the mayne I∣land of Saint Iohn de Pue•••••• Rico.
• * 1.229

  Riuer Toa.
• * 1.230

  Riuer Baia∣mond.
• * 1.231

  Gold found ordinarily ••n the Riuers of Saint Iohn de Puerto Rico.
• * 1.232

  Vanitie of riches.
• * 1.233

  The soile.
• * 1.234

  M. Loquilla.
• * 1.235

  Woods and Timber.
• * 1.236

  Great ship sunke with foure mi••••ions and a halfe of treasure.
• * 1.237

  The playnes.
• * 1.238

  Herds almost wilde.
• * 1.239

  Ginger and Sugar.
• * 1.240

  Stansias for Ginger.
• * 1.241

  Ginger and Sugar their richest com∣modities. Hides.
• * 1.242

  One man ha∣uing 12000. head of beeues which vsually are greater then the En∣glish.
• * 1.243

  Beeues pros∣per there bet∣ter then hor∣ses. Their horses
• * 1.244

  Goates.
• * 1.245

  Why she••pe are scarse.
• * 1.246

  Wolu••sh Dogs.
• * 1.247

  The wild dogs liue of Crabs.
• * 1.248

  Description of th••se land∣crabs quere if they b••e not Tortoi••••s.
• * 1.249

  Their experi∣ment.
• * 1.250

  Goates more safe then Sheepe.
• * 1.251

  Swine.
• * 1.252

  Fowles. Pidgeons in Trees.
• * 1.253

  Parrots as Crowes.
• * 1.254

  Fruits. Pines.
• * 1.255

  Mammeis.
• * 1.256

  Guiauas.
• * 1.257

  That and Pa∣p••••es good a∣gai••st flux. P••ums. Wilde grapes.
• * 1.258

  Planti••••••.
• * 1.259

  Cocos.
• * 1.260

  Palme••os.
• * 1.261

  Other fruits.
• * 1.262

  Huge Citrons.
• * 1.263

  Oranges.
• * 1.264

  Pepper.
• * 1.265

  Trees diue••••••∣fied in fruits, greene & ripe, and buds at once. Ca••••auy bread.
• * 1.266

  Cassauie de∣scr〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 1.267

  The iuyce not poyson.
• * 1.268

  May••.
• * 1.269

  Ric••.
• * 1.270

  Drinkes.
• * 1.271

  Sen••••••iue plant.
• * 1.272

  Cinamon.
• * 1.273

  High 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.274

  Hot calme continuing thirteene dayes.
• * 1.275

  An apparent Current in 32. degrees.
• * 1.276

  Ignorance be∣neficiall.
• * 1.277

  A terrible stormes
• * 1.278

  High-swolne Sea. Vndi{que} pontus.
• * 1.279

  Flores descried.
• * 1.280

  Earle of Essex his Iland voyage. 1597.
• * 1.281

  The rest (as needlesse) is omitted.
• * 1.282

  Sir T. Pert set forth by King Henrie the eighth.
• * 1.283

  Master Tom∣son &c. See Hak. tom. 3. pag. 448.
• * 1.284

  Spanish Inqui∣sition.
• * 1.285

  Monstrous lies.
• * 1.286

  A pezo 4••. 8d. Master Boden∣ham. Master Chilton. Chiltons seuen∣teene yeeres trauels in New Spaine, and Peru. Ecantepec a hill supposed nine leagues high. I suppose it should be nine miles. Good out of Euill. Henrie Hawkes. Sir Iohn Haw∣kins his third voyage to Gui∣nea, and thence to the West Indies. Sir Francis Drake. Saint Iohn de Vllua. The opinion of lawfulnesse to doe any in∣humaniti to Sauages pu∣nished: God vsed Christians vnchrist 〈◊〉〈◊〉 dealing to pu∣nish 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈…〉〈…〉∣uagenesse to Sau••g••s.
• * 1.287

  Miles Philips.
• * 1.288

  Tompice the Po••t of Panuco▪ Dauid Ingram.
• * 1.289

  Spanish gouer∣nours crueltie.
• * 1.290

  Nuestra Sennora de Guadalupe.
• * 1.291

  Deuillish in∣quisition.
• * 1.292

  63. Englishmen sentenced at once. Anno 1575. besides. Three Marryrs
• * 1.293

  Iob Hortop his 23. yeeres mi∣sery. Sceleton of a huge Giant.
• * 1.294

  Vnderstand it of the Phi∣lippinae ships.
• * 1.295

  Ginger how it groweth.
• * 1.296

  Sea Monster like a man.
• * 1.297

  Second sen∣tence of Inqui∣sition.
• * 1.298

  Dauid Ingram.
• * 1.299

  Sir I. Hawkins his 3. voyages.
• * 1.300

  M. Wil. Hawkins.
• * 1.301

  Sir Richard Hawkins.
• * 1.302

  Sir Francis Drakes birth.
• * 1.303

  Camdeni Eliza∣betha, pag. 301. & s. His education.
• * 1.304

  His first foun∣ders.
• * 1.305

  Ex operana••tic•• & piratica. Drakes second Indian voyage. This discourse was written by Lopez Vaz who was taken by the Earle of Cumberlands ships 1586. with his dis∣course about him.
• * 1.306

  Negro fugi∣tiues.
• * 1.307

  Camden. vbi sup. Drakes vow for the South Sea.
• * 1.308

  Iohn Oxenham.
• * 1.309

  His audacious enterprize.
• * 1.310

  His prizes.
• * 1.311

  Discord cau∣seth destructi∣on. Delay breeds danger.
• * 1.312

  Captaine Bar∣ker of Bristoll.
• * 1.313

  Coxes quarrels.
• * 1.314

  Drakes happie Circumnaui∣gation, see sup. Tom. 1. l. 2. c. 3.
• * 1.315

  See Camd••••i Eliz. pag. 309.
• * 1.316

  Sir Fr. Drakes to Domingo, &c.
• * 1.317

  Names of the Captaines and Commanders by Sea & Land
• * 1.318

  English Ship•• arrested, the cause of the breaking out of Hostility.
• * 1.319

  S. I••go taken.
• * 1.320

  Voyage of old Master William Hawkins. Dominica.
• * 1.321

  S. Christophe••••.
• * 1.322

  Saint Domingo assaulted and taken.
• * 1.323

  Ambitious Armes.
• * 1.324

  Cartagena as∣saulted and ta∣ken.
• * 1.325

  Mortality by a Calentura. The Cause.
• * 1.326

  Other Townes taken.
• * 1.327

  So Camden. others, Saint Augustin. First vse of To∣bacco: and (as may be thought) of the foolish looke at the left eare which the Vir∣ginians say the Deuill (so ap∣pearing to thē) taught them.
• * 1.328

  This voyage is printed in Master Hak. Tom. 2. part. 2. but fincing this written Relation, I thought good to insert it. It was written by one Tho. Pinner
• * 1.329

  Caricke of 1400. tuns.
• * 1.330

  Gally-fight.
• * 1.331

  Sir Francis Drakes last voyage.
• * 1.332

  Death of Sir Iohn Hawkins. S. 10. Port Rico.
• * 1.333

  R de la Hacha taken: and
• * 1.334

  Tapia.
• * 1.335

  S. Martha. Nombre de Dios. S. Th. Baskeruile.
• * 1.336

  March for Pa∣nama.
• * 1.337

  S. Fr. Drakes death.
• * 1.338

  Sea. fight.
• * 1.339

  Quarrell be∣twixt the Ge∣nerals.
• * 1.340

  Reason for and against the Ca∣nary exploit.
• * 1.341

  The Grand Canaria.
• * 1.342

  Dominica.
• * 1.343

  Sir I. Hawkins sickneth.
• * 1.344

  At Porto rico.
• * 1.345

  He dyeth.
• * 1.346

  Treasure lost.
• * 1.347

  Know-saw.
• * 1.348

  Rio dela Hatcha.
• * 1.349

  Santa Marta.
• * 1.350

  Sir T. Baskeruils i••u••ney for Pa••ama.
• * 1.351

  Escudo.
• * 1.352

  Sir F. Drakes death.
• * 1.353

  Captaine Mi∣chelson.
• * 1.354

  Treachery of Spaniards.
• * 1.355

  Sir G. Careys.
• * 1.356

  Captaine New∣port.
• * 1.357

  Earle of Suf∣folke. Thirteene sayles English before Hauana. Sir R. Dudley.
• * 1.358

  Captaine A∣m••as Preston. Captaine Sum∣mers. Sir Antonie Sherley. Captaine Par∣ker. Sir W. Raleigh. M. W. Hawkins. M. Reniger. M. Pudsey. M. Hare. Sir I. Lancaster. Fenton and Ward. Iohn Drake.
• * 1.359

  Captaine Win∣ters returne. With this Cap. Winter I haue had cōference in Sept. 1618. at Bath: which told me that solemne pos∣session was ac∣tually taken of those parts, to the vse of her Maiesty and her successors: which he de∣sired also should be pub∣lished to the World. The names of his compani∣ons. They lose their ship. Their returne to the Straits: and thorow them to the North Sea. Penguin Iland. Port Saint Iu∣lian. Riuer of Plate. Seales. Foure English taken by Saua∣ges, the rest wounded.
• * 1.360

  Two dye. Their P••••nasse ••••st P••••cher & Car∣d••r remayne.
• * 1.361

  No fresh water They drinke v••ine.
• * 1.362

  Red vrine.
• * 1.363

  Pa••••ag•• to the Mayne.
• * 1.364

  Pitcher breakes with drinking fresh water.
• * 1.365

  Tuppan basse Sauages.
• * 1.366

  He goeth with them.
• * 1.367

  Sauage towne described.
• * 1.368

  Caiou their Lord.
• * 1.369

  Hospitall en∣tertainment.
• * 1.370

  He learneth their language
• * 1.371

  Their warres. Captiues.
• * 1.372

  Man-eating.
• * 1.373

  Their drinke and drunken∣nesse.
• * 1.374

  Religion.
• * 1.375

  He teacheth them to make Targets and Clubs.
• * 1.376

  Three kindes of Bals••me.
• * 1.377

  Man-eating.
• * 1.378

  Spoiles.
• * 1.379

  Notes of gen∣trie.
• * 1.380

  Portugals ea∣ten.
• * 1.381

  His departure.
• * 1.382

  He yeeldeth himselfe to a Portugall.
• * 1.383

  His imp••••••••∣ment.
• * 1.384

  Deliuerance.
• * 1.385

  His employ∣ments.
• * 1.386

  His coast voy∣ages to IIheos. Puerto Seguro. Spirito Sancto. S. Vincent. R. Ie••ero. Dauide Leake an English Sur∣geon.
• * 1.387

  Honest Portugal
• * 1.388

  Fernambuc.
• * 1.389

  Hulke with eight English.
• * 1.390

  Marchant Royall. Cap. Raymond. Captain George Drake.
• * 1.391

  His arriuall in England.
• * 1.392

  The Q. rewar∣deth him.
• * 1.393

  See Tom. 1. l. 2. c. 4.
• * 1.394

  I haue heard that all his sailes at his re∣turne in the ri∣uer, were silke▪
• * 1.395

  See Osorius de reb. Eman.
• * 1.396

  Sup. To••. 1. l. 3.
• * 1.397

  Cap. Dauis his voyage into the South Sea, reported by M. Iane. Hak. To. 3.
• * 1.398

  Strange Canl∣bals with dogs faces orvizars.
• * 1.399

  Dreames omi∣uous. Men lost or taken as K••i∣••et saith. Loathsome Wormes.
• * 1.400

  The morall of this and other historicall Tragedies.
• * 1.401

  The Roe-bucke.
• * 1.402

  Captaine Da∣uis blamed.
• * 1.403

  Mutinous companie.
• * 1.404

  Port Desire.
• * 1.405

  Tempests.
• * 1.406

  The Streits.
• * 1.407

  Extreme win∣ter.
• * 1.408

  They enter fiftie leagues.
• * 1.409

  Death of men.
• * 1.410

  Miserable distresse.
• * 1.411

  Consultation,
• * 1.412

  Windes and snows violent.
• * 1.413

  Port S. Iulian. Port Desire.
• * 1.414

  His returne from the Strait.
• * 1.415

  Grieuous storme.
• * 1.416

  Saint Vincent.
• * 1.417

  Captaine Bar∣ker and foure and twentie others slaine.
• * 1.418

  The Roe-bucke commeth in.
• * 1.419

  Brasilian Coast full of shoalds and barres. Mast••r Candishes high spirit.
• * 1.420

  His intention.
• * 1.421

  His pretence.
• * 1.422

  Necessitie 〈◊〉〈◊〉 small s••••ps 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the BSpan•• c••ast.
• * 1.423

  Portugal Pilots vndertaking for Spirito▪ Sancto.
• * 1.424

  His ignorance.
• * 1.425

  Three Ships.
• * 1.426

  His couns••ll not followed.
• * 1.427

  Their vnseaso∣nable eagernes
• * 1.428

  His instructi∣ons to Captain M••••gan.
• * 1.429

  The place de∣scribed.
• * 1.430

  Mad Mutiners.
• * 1.431

  They land
• * 1.432

  Captaine Mor∣gan slaine.
• * 1.433

  Many others slaine or hurts
• * 1.434

  Ten braue men lost.
• * 1.435

  Cowardly basenesse.
• * 1.436

  25. men slaine, others woun∣ded.
• * 1.437

  Purpose for S. Sebastian.
• * 1.438

  Da〈…〉〈…〉able de∣signs.
• * 1.439

  The Roe bucke forsaketh him.
• * 1.440

  He commeth to S. Sebastians.
• * 1.441

  Their mani∣fo••d wants.
• * 1.442

  Mutinous murmuring.
• * 1.443

  His perswasi∣ons.
• * 1.444

  Mutiner pu∣nished.
• * 1.445

  An Irish rascall and trai••or to his fellowes.
• * 1.446

  Cap. Candishes weakenesse.
• * 1.447

  His purpose for. S. Helena.
• * 1.448

  Sailors disobe∣dience.
• * 1.449

  Scarsity of victuall.
• * 1.450

  Desperate thoughts.
• * 1.451

  Master Locke•• death.
• * 1.452

  Cap. Candishe•• Will.
• * 1.453

  Mistris Ann•• Candish.
• * 1.454

  Flemmish prize satisfied with English price.
• * 1.455

  S••orbuto.
• * 1.456

  Iapand••rs.
• * 1.457

  Portugall han∣ged.
• * 1.458

  Brasil.
• * 1.459

  Cape Frio
• * 1.460

  Ilha Grande.
• * 1.461

  Po••tentuous pr••sage•• of ill ••nd from so ill beginning.
• * 1.462

  Saint Sebastian.
• * 1.463

  Vnruly demea∣nour.
• * 1.464

  Santos take••.
• * 1.465

  Ho•• Anthonis Kniuet found a chist of siluer.
• * 1.466

  Iohn King En∣glish man. Iesuites Col∣ledge.
• * 1.467

  The Generall by two sauages first scarred, and after in∣structed.
• * 1.468

  The Daintie would haue re∣turned from Santos to Eng∣land.
• * 1.469

  Mutinga mynes.
• * 1.470

  I••panders pe••∣fidie.
• * 1.471

  S. Vincent.
• * 1.472

  At the riuer of Plate we had a great storme. In this storme the Crow a smal Boat of 20. tun sunke before our eyes, with twelue men & a boy. The Roe-bucke lost her boat with two men, and wee lost ours with three men. And at the Straits we took the Desires long Boat for the Admirall. Murmuring.
• * 1.473

  Port Desire.
• * 1.474

  Magellan Straits. Port Famine.
• * 1.475

  Current.
• * 1.476

  Barke like Si∣namon. Naked Saua∣ges.
• * 1.477

  Miserable co••d
• * 1.478

  Anthonie Kni∣uet lost his toes in the Straits.
• * 1.479

  Strait and deepe Riuer. Muscles with Pearles.
• * 1.480

  Harris his hard hap.
• * 1.481

  How we retur∣ned from the straits of Ma∣gellan. Generall Can∣dish commeth againe to Port Famine, where bee setteth eight men on shoare and would haue set mee on shoare with them, had it not beene for Captain Cocke. How I got fee∣ling againe of my limmes af∣ter we came out of the straits.
• * 1.482

  How the Desire and the Blacke Pinnosse goeth away from vs.
• * 1.483

  Of a great storme we had cōming backe.
• * 1.484

  How the Ge∣nerall st••ooke mee dead a∣gainst his will.
• * 1.485

  They come to Santos againe.
• * 1.486

  The Portugals kill our men. See Cap. Can∣dish before.
• * 1.487

  S. Sebastian.
• * 1.488

  The Roe-bucke come to vs at Santos.
• * 1.489

  Portugals ad∣uice.
• * 1.490

  Spirito Santo.
• * 1.491

  Portugall han∣ged.
• * 1.492

  80. men slaine: 40. wounded.
• * 1.493

  Ro-bucke fleeth.
• * 1.494

  S. Sebastian.
• * 1.495

  Anthony Kniuet left for dead.
• * 1.496

  Venemous Pease.
• * 1.497

  Anthony Kniuet ••er••••••••d w〈…〉〈…〉ha 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈…〉〈…〉st 〈…〉〈…〉me ••ut 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the water.
• * 1.498

  Whale.
• * 1.499

  They are taken and slaine.
• * 1.500

  He escapeth.
• * 1.501

  Henrie Barway.
• * 1.502

  He is sent to a Sugar-mill.
• * 1.503

  He fleeth.
• * 1.504

  His new Ma∣ster.
• * 1.505

  Wyanasses.
• * 1.506

  Iawarapipo.
• * 1.507

  Pories.
• * 1.508

  Strange enter∣tainment of strangers.
• * 1.509

  His danger by a Sauage.
• * 1.510

  Hospitall fide∣litie in Sa∣uages.
• * 1.511

  Riuer Paraeyua.
• * 1.512

  He returneth to his o••d Ma∣ster.
• * 1.513

  Endangered by a Sharke.
• * 1.514

  Master Haw∣kins at Cape Fri••.
• * 1.515

  Another dou•• ble dis••ster of sense and loss••
• * 1.516

  His imprison∣ment.
• * 1.517

  Condemnati∣on to be han∣ged. Iesuites saue him!
• * 1.518

  Imprisoned againe.
• * 1.519

  Dissolute reso∣lution.
• * 1.520

  He fleeth againe.
• * 1.521

  Danger o•• ta∣king in a Cara∣uala.
• * 1.522

  Sol••men miser i•• soci••s h••b••isse dol••ri••.
• * 1.523

  His wandrings.
• * 1.524

  I suppose by Le••pards he ••••ean••th th••t sp••••ted b••••st, w••••ch oth••rs call a Tigre.
• * 1.525

  Pianita.
• * 1.526

  Hee commeth to his old host.
• * 1.527

  Senate of Sa∣uages.
• * 1.528

  Iaquerequere.
• * 1.529

  Sauage faith. Antonie Kniue•• is bound by the Canibals and brought to his Master.
• * 1.530

  Paraeyua We∣reob.
• * 1.531

  His next ad∣uenture tho∣row the de∣sarts.
• * 1.532

  A faire Riuer.
• * 1.533

  Two Sauages.
• * 1.534

  Apparell strange.
• * 1.535

  Their strange habit••.
• * 1.536

  Stranger ••a∣k••d••esse.
• * 1.537

  His entertain∣ment.
• * 1.538

  His returne.
• * 1.539

  Ambi••ious ma∣lice in sauages.
• * 1.540

  Exp••dition a∣ga••••st the Tay∣mayas.
• * 1.541

  Danger of drowning.
• * 1.542

  Ilha Grande.
• * 1.543

  Whale ouer∣turneth a Ca∣noa.
• * 1.544

  A Caniball cap∣tai••e with eightie fol∣lowers.
• * 1.545

  Three dayes ascending a Mountaine.
• * 1.546

  Snak••s very venemous.
• * 1.547

  R. Paracuona how passed.
• * 1.548

  Mountayne of foure dayes iourney.
• * 1.549

  His danger of death.
• * 1.550

  R. P••••a••••a.
• * 1.551

  He loseth hi•• way.
• * 1.552

  Tapnyas. Waanawasons.
• * 1.553

  Poysonous fruit.
• * 1.554

  Fortie dayes iourney vp a Riuer.
• * 1.555

  Of Spirits that possessed the Indians. and killed them. Master Kniue•• told mee that he heard one Indian vpon occasion of such possession, conferring with the Spirit and threatning, if the Spirits vsed them so ill they would turne to the Christians: and thereupon the Spi••i•• left the person so possessed.
• * 1.556

  Strange disease.
• * 1.557

  Hard serui••ude
• * 1.558

  M••serable fa∣mine.
• * 1.559

  180. men lost.
• * 1.560

  Mountaine of blacke round stones.
• * 1.561

  Steep descent.
• * 1.562

  Ground Hony. Ant▪ beare.
• * 1.563

  M. of greene stones.
• * 1.564

  R. Iawa••y which floweth from Potoss••.
• * 1.565

  Vomits and death.
• * 1.566

  The enemies town forsaken.
• * 1.567

  Snake which leapes at the fire.
• * 1.568

  The Snake kil∣led.
• * 1.569

  Worse Snakes aliue.
• * 1.570

  He is set in the Stockes.
• * 1.571

  He is brought to execution.
• * 1.572

  Honest Portu∣gals intercede.
• * 1.573

  A new aduen∣ture.
• * 1.574

  Fishing with golden hooks.
• * 1.575

  Faire Ston. 5.
• * 1.576

  Golden Riuers
• * 1.577

  Glistering Mountaine. Tamandros are the Ant-beares.
• * 1.578

  Hideous ad∣uenture.
• * 1.579

  C••arons F••r••y.
• * 1.580

  The Indians kils the Portu∣gals, and after eate them.
• * 1.581

  Diuellish Butchers.
• * 1.582

  Hatred of the Tamoyes to the Portugals.
• * 1.583

  Tamominos.
• * 1.584

  He teacheth them to fight.
• * 1.585

  Topinaques.
• * 1.586

  Mount••ine of Go••d.
• * 1.587

  His rich appa∣rell.
• * 1.588

  He perswades them to seeke new habitati∣ons.
• * 1.589

  New discoue∣ries of this wandering Na∣tion.
• * 1.590

  Amazons, not a on〈…〉〈…〉 breasted Nation, but warlike wo∣men.
• * 1.591

  Battell of Sa∣uages.
• * 1.592

  Carijos.
• * 1.593

  They are assai∣led by the Por∣tugals.
• * 1.594

  He returneth to his M••ster.
• * 1.595

  The Portugals kill 10000. and captiue 20000. Indians.
• * 1.596

  Vaytacasses.
• * 1.597

  Tale of Saint Thomas, sauou∣ring like Saint Francises Le∣gend.
• * 1.598

  Old Captaines
• * 1.599

  High spirit of a Sauage.
• * 1.600

  What became of the 13. men (so many M. Iane recko∣neth) lost out of Cap. Dauis his Ship.
• * 1.601

  Andrew Towers deuise.
• * 1.602

  His mad ad∣uenture.
• * 1.603

  Massangano a Portugall Fort in Africa. ••ee And. Battell. H•••• escape to Angola.
• * 1.604

  He is taken & sent backe to Brasill.
• * 1.605

  Nil habet insoe∣li•• paupertas du••ius ••••se. Q••ám quòd ri∣dicnlos hom〈…〉〈…〉es facit. Captain Cocke.
• * 1.606

  Heixts perfidi∣ousnesse to his Countrimen.
• * 1.607

  Heixts misera∣ble dea••h.
• * 1.608

  Two Dutch ships.
• * 1.609

  He saueth his Master.
• * 1.610

  Foure Hollan•• ships.
• * 1.611

  Perfidiousnes of Portugals.
• * 1.612

  Flemming ta∣ken treche∣rously.
• * 1.613

  Mynes of gold.
• * 1.614

  Siluer Myne.
• * 1.615

  The Organs.
• * 1.616

  Mortalitie. Diuers frayes, dangers of the Author, which here followed, as in other pla∣ces of the Hi∣storie, for bre∣uities sake are omitted. Legge swolne with the aire.
• * 1.617

  Danger at Sea.
• * 1.618

  Mamaluke. or Mestizos.
• * 1.619

  Riuer of toad••.
• * 1.620

  Nine tuns of siluer.
• * 1.621

  Places on the Coast.
• * 1.622

  A storme.
• * 1.623

  Army of Sa∣uages.
• * 1.624

  Ambergreece.
• * 1.625

  This Thomas Turner I was acqu〈…〉〈…〉ed with, and re∣ceiued of him some notes, which follow after M. Kn••uet
• * 1.626

  A. Kni••et ar∣riueth at Lis∣bon••. His sicknesse.
• * 1.627

  The Petiu••res described.
• * 1.628

  No set forme of Religion.
• * 1.629

  Warres. Region. Diet.
• * 1.630

  R••t•••• of childe▪ birth.
• * 1.631

  Sharkes de∣••oured by Sharkes. Crocodiles, how and why taken.
• * 1.632

  Crab-lice.
• * 1.633

  Abausangare∣tam.
• * 1.634

  See the for∣mer §.
• * 1.635

  The Wayanasses.
• * 1.636

  Painting.
• * 1.637

  Tabacco,
• * 1.638

  The Topin••∣ques.
• * 1.639

  Canibals called Pories. Small Cocos.
• * 1.640

  The Molopa∣ques, bea••de•• Sauages, and ciuiller then others.
• * 1.641

  Houses seuer〈…〉〈…〉
• * 1.642

  Gold.
• * 1.643

  Riuer Par••.
• * 1.644

  Mynes.
• * 1.645

  Faire wome〈…〉〈…〉
• * 1.646

  M••••le••••
• * 1.647

  The Motay••••.
• * 1.648

  Weeping w〈…〉〈…〉 come.
• * 1.649

  W〈…〉〈…〉 D〈…〉〈…〉
• * 1.650

  The Lopos.
• * 1.651

  Gold in plen∣tie.
• * 1.652

  The Wayana∣wasons, simple sauages.
• * 1.653

  Venemous plum.
• * 1.654

  M••ny straits.
• * 1.655

  T••me Estrid∣ges. Riuer Iawary. Menua••e.
• * 1.656

  Gold, Cristall and Iemm••s. The Serpent Sorocueu de∣scribed, his st••ange forme and qualities.
• * 1.657

  Two moneths trauell in a golden Coun∣trie. Cristall moun∣taine. Vault-straits.
• * 1.658

  Tamoyes proper men.
• * 1.659

  Store of gold.
• * 1.660

  His iourney with the Sa∣ges. Tocoman. Pigmeys dwel∣ling in Caues
• * 1.661

  Riuer running to Chile.
• * 1.662

  Mountaines of a〈…〉〈…〉 Mettals.
• * 1.663

  The Caryiohs.
• * 1.664

  A youth 13. spans high.
• * 1.665

  Chile.
• * 1.666

  Giants habit∣lesse habit.
• * 1.667

  Port ••amine in the S••r••its of Magelan. Wide mou∣thed men.
• * 1.668

  Extreame cold and naked people.
• * 1.669

  Harris the Gold••mith. H. Barrawell.
• * 1.670

  Beasts bigger then Horses at the M••gellan st••ai••s, called Tape••ywason, in Ethiopia: whe∣ther he mea∣neth Zebra or Dantec••, see Tom. 1. p. 1002.
• * 1.671

  Of Angola to which he fled cut of Brasil, as is before deli∣liuered.
• * 1.672

  The Kings pompe.
• * 1.673

  Rites of the people.
• * 1.674

  The Countrie.
• * 1.675

  Wezels s••i•• affected.
• * 1.676

  Branded be∣guiled slaues.
• * 1.677

  Taking of Ele∣phants.
• * 1.678

  Circumcision.
• * 1.679

  Of Congo.
• * 1.680

  The King.
• * 1.681

  Masangana. See Tom. 1. l. 7. c. 3. And. Battell liued here sixe yeeres.
• * 1.682

  Sickly disposi∣tion of the place.
• * 1.683

  Gold.
• * 1.684

  Paul Di〈…〉〈…〉▪
• * 1.685

  Angica.
• * 1.686

  Anzicans vali∣ant.
• * 1.687

  Of Mahometan Religion if the Author were not deceiued by occasion of their circum∣cision; which in Africa is common to Christians and Ethnicks, with Mahumetans.
• * 2.1

  Rio Grande,
• * 2.2

  Ambergreese.
• * 2.3

  Para〈…〉〈…〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Riuers.
• * 2.4

  A Riuer called 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••••an 〈…〉〈…〉 Sir 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••••wly.
• * 2.5

  The descripti∣on of a place, called by the 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉.
• * 2.6

  ••••••n••mbuq••o and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Citie o•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 2.7

  Cape of Saint Augustine.
• * 2.8

  I••. of S. Aleyxo.
• * 2.9

  Porto Docalo••.
• * 2.10

  Riuer of stones
• * 2.11

  Camaryi••••••.
• * 2.12

  The Riuer of Saint Antoni••.
• * 2.13

  Salt. Fish Var••••••.
• * 2.14

  A place called the Harbour of Frenchmen.
• * 2.15

  Riuer called Iaquareasicke.
• * 2.16

  Alaqua.
• * 2.17

  Riuer of Saint Michael.
• * 2.18

  The Harbour, called The Ri∣uer of Toades.
• * 2.19

  R. Saquar••ma.
• * 2.20

  Eti••ca.
• * 2.21

  Pir••teninga.
• * 2.22

  M〈…〉〈…〉 mayd ••een by the Author.
• * 2.23

  The Riuer of Ienero, and Ci∣〈…〉〈…〉 o•• Saint Sebastian.
• * 2.24

  Iland of Bri∣galion.
• * 2.25

  Iland of Saint Bent.
• * 2.26

  The Riuer c••l∣led Warati••••.
• * 2.27

  Certaine I∣lands called by t••e 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪ gr〈…〉〈…〉; Grea•• Ila••••.
• * 2.28

  The Iland of 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪ Sebastian.
• * 2.29

  The descripti∣〈…〉〈…〉 o•• S. Vin∣〈…〉〈…〉s & Sa••tos.
• * 2.30

  The descripti∣on of the third 〈◊〉〈◊〉; no•• called by the P••••tugals O•• pa∣to••, and by the Indian•• V••••son. The descripti∣on of the Ri∣uer of Plate.
• * 2.31

  Note. Beasts of Brasil.
• * 2.32

  Traueil by Compasse on sands.
• * 2.33

  Saint Michaels.
• * 2.34

  Brasill.
• * 2.35

  Iesuits Sauages friends.
• * 2.36

  Ciants.
• * 2.37

  Flat heads.
• * 2.38

  Strange Kine.
• * 2.39

  See before in Ouiedo. Strange Ser∣pent.
• * 2.40

  ••his num∣ber may per∣haps seeme in∣credible and iustl••: veth••e tels the report, which in some one yeere after some great battle, may al∣so be probable: but the gene∣ral report is of diuers thou∣sands shipped thence yeerly: the Portugals making their gaine by the Negroes foolish and spightfull wars vpon each other.
• * 2.41

  Pinnaffes lost in a Ternado.
• * 2.42

  Iles of Cape Verde. The Ile and Towne of S. Vincent 〈◊〉〈◊〉. The Ra••chera in Cubagua, w••••h diuers 〈…〉〈…〉oners ta∣ken and ranso∣med.
• * 2.43

  A great ship with 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Ne∣gros taken.
• * 2.44

  Las Cab••zas.
• * 2.45

  They take sixe or seuen people of the Iles of Bastimentos. R. of Puerto bello.
• * 2.46

  The great Ca∣stle of S. Phi∣lippe, with 25. pieces of brasse, and 50. Souldiers.
• * 2.47

  The Towne Triana Porto bello.
• * 2.48

  Pedro Melendes
• * 2.49

  Melendes the Gouernour ta∣ken prisoner.
• * 2.50

  Braue spirit & liberall minde of Captaine Parker.
• * 2.51

  Porto bello de∣scribed.
• * 2.52

  He at 〈…〉〈…〉ineth from 〈…〉〈…〉tting the Towne of Porto bello on fire.
• * 2.53

  Two Frigats taken and brought away.
• * 2.54

  Their depar∣ture.
• * 2.55

  Sir Fr. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 buriall.
• * 2.56

  Sambo.
• * 2.57

  Virtu•• in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 laudanda.
• * 2.58

  Grand Canarie.
• * 2.59

  Punta delaraya.
• * 2.60

  S. Vincents.
• * 2.61

  ••oinara.
• * 2.62

  Aruba. Seuen men killed.
• * 2.63

  Puntal.
• * 2.64

  Bracheo. Cape Caldera.
• * 2.65

  Morecapana.
• * 2.66

  M. S. Ann.
• * 2.67

  Portete.
• * 2.68

  Cape S. An∣tony.
• * 2.69

  Organes.
• * 2.70

  Cuba.
• * 2.71

  Cobey.
• * 2.72

  Martyrs.
• * 2.73

  Cape of Flori∣da.
• * 2.74

  Silley.
• * 2.75

  The Riuer of Capuri.
• * 2.76

  The Gulfe of Guanipa. The Riuer Amana. Orenoco.
• * 2.77

  Tiuitiuas.
• * 2.78

  The Riuer Macurio. Toparimaca a Gouernour. Arwacan. Carapana lyeth in the Pro∣uince of Eme∣ria.
• * 2.79

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Iland. Iwana Iland. Arraroo••ana. Europa Riuer. Ocawit•• Iland. Morrequito. Arromaia. Putapaima I∣land. O••••••••e. The Playnes of Samia. Cumana. Aroami Iland. Aio Iland. Manoripano. A omaio. Th Riuer Caroli. Cassipagotos. Mor••equito. ••a••••ma Iland. Epuremi. Great Fall. Ca••uri. Store of gold among the E∣puremians. Cas••ipagotos. E••ar••••o••os. Arawagotos. Store of gold beyond the Mountaines of Curaa. Store of gold. Riuer Arui. Riuer Cassipa. Riuer Atoica. Riuer Caora. Riuer Casnero. Amapaia. The Riu••rs Ca∣ri, Limo, Paoo, Caturi, Voari, Capuri. The Prouince of Amapaia. Bad water. Guicar. Goauar. Papemena. The Iland of Amazones. The Iland A∣thul. Riuer Vbra. Eregoodawe. Oromona. Tapiawary.
• * 2.80

  Riuer Salma.
• * 2.81

  Papemena a great Riuer.
• * 2.82

  Athul, a most sweet & plea∣sant Iland.
• * 2.83

  He returneth from Athul.
• * 2.84

  Papemena.
• * 2.85

  Limo. Orenoco.
• * 2.86

  Cosnero Riuer. Amapaia.
• * 2.87

  Paoo Riuer. The rich coun∣trie of Curaa six weekes tra∣uell from Ore∣noco. Manoa. Gold in abun∣dance. Gold in grains found in Ri∣uers. Crocodiles in the Riuer and worse on land, keepers of gold. Tulahe. Bad pearles. Top asses. Camalaha, Women-Faire and yet no fair women. Eight women for a halfe-pe∣ny knife. Tar or Taroo, an Iland.
• * 2.88

  Habuc a Riuer.
• * 2.89

  Habuc scarce eight dayes iourney from Orenoco. Europa Riuer.
• * 2.90

  Oecopa Moun∣taine.
• * 2.91

  Santo Domingo.
• * 2.92

  Amapaia Riuer. Amazones I∣land.
• * 2.93

  Wiaumli Riuer. Maccah Riuer. Woripur. Carrabouca. Guiana or Manoa.
• * 2.94

  Drano Riuer.
• * 2.95

  A••••bas Moores.
• * 2.96

  Vnhealthfull dewes.
• * 2.97

  Emeria.
• * 2.98

  Capurisol Riuer.
• * 2.99

  Canoa of wa∣ter.
• * 2.100

  Riuer of Ama∣zones.
• * 2.101

  Riuer Wiapogo.
• * 2.102

  The Falls.
• * 2.103

  They desire to learne religion
• * 2.104

  Caribes.
• * 2.105

  A Canowe ta∣ken. R. Aracawa.
• * 2.106

  The Commo∣dities of the Countrey.
• * 2.107

  Strange fishing.
• * 2.108

  Cassaui••
• * 2.109

  The iuice.
• * 2.110

  Sicknesse.
• * 2.111

  The cause.
• * 2.112

  The remedie.
• * 2.113

  Ni〈…〉〈…〉 little. 〈…〉〈…〉mes, great torture.
• * 2.114

  Terrible cure.
• * 2.115

  Trecherie of a S〈…〉〈…〉e.
• * 2.116

  Captaine Le••.
• * 2.117

  Saint Barbudos. Sancta Lucia. Captaine Ni∣ch. Saint Iohn staieth at Saint Lucia with 67. men.
• * 2.118

  Tortoises.
• * 2.119

  Shew of Gold.
• * 2.120

  The Captaine and his men slaine. Indian trea∣cherie.
• * 2.121

  Faire gardens.
• * 2.122

  Great Trees of hard wood.
• * 2.123

  Hamaca beds.
• * 2.124

  Treacherous ambush.
• * 2.125

  Blind hungrie voyage.
• * 2.126

  A storme.
• * 2.127

  Thomas Mor∣gan dyeth Land.
• * 2.128

  Boat split.
• * 2.129

  Three Span••∣ards.
• * 2.130

  Miserable fa∣mine. Vse of Ta∣bacco.
• * 2.131

  Fiue died in the Iland.
• * 2.132

  ••ood almost kils aswell as penurie. Tocoya.
• * 2.133

  Co••o.
• * 2.134

  Kind Spaniards
• * 2.135

  Good Flem∣ming.
• * 2.136

  Spanish gentle∣nesse.
• * 2.137

  Two more dic.
• * 2.138

  Commodities of the Coun∣trey.
• * 2.139

  Drinke made of Maiz.
• * 2.140

  The treason of the Indians.
• * 2.141

  The cause why Francisco Lopez did vse vs so kindly was because Sir Fr. Drake when he tooke Cartagena did saue all his fa∣thers goods and his l•••••• withall.
• * 2.142

  They ariue at Wiap••••••.
• * 2.143

  Causes of their mutinie.
• * 2.144

  Second voiage of the Phenix.
• * 2.145

  Captain Leighs weaknesse.
• * 2.146

  Deiected minds.
• * 2.147

  Mount Howard
• * 2.148

  Possession Bay.
• * 2.149

  Gold & siluer. R. Caliane.
• * 2.150

  Expedition a∣gainst the Ca∣ribes.
• * 2.151

  Mount Huntly.
• * 2.152

  Cou. R. Wia.
• * 2.153

  English ship.
• * 2.154

  Vrake. Arwakes.
• * 2.155

  Mortalitie.
• * 2.156

  The Captains sicknesse and death.
• * 2.157

  M. Tederington.
• * 2.158

  35. persons lost
• * 2.159

  15. depart. Kindnesse of a Dutchman.
• * 2.160

  French ship.
• * 2.161

  Ten more de∣part.
• * 2.162

  Two returne out of the Countrey to them. They plant Flaxe, &c.
• * 2.163

  Surge••ie.
• * 2.164

  Indian Armes. Mad choice of a patient Cap∣taine.
• * 2.165

  R. Caliane sear∣ched.
• * 2.166

  Three ships in R. of Amazons.
• * 2.167

  Peyar-diuining
• * 2.168

  Riuer of Ar••∣cow.
• * 2.169

  Fall.
• * 2.170

  Three Nations.
• * 2.171

  The Yayes.
• * 2.172

  The Arwakes,
• * 2.173

  Suppayes.
• * 2.174

  Nakednesse.
• * 2.175

  Men and wo∣men how they liue.
• * 2.176

  Their houses.
• * 2.177

  Faire earthen Pots.
• * 2.178

  Baskets. Hamakes.
• * 2.179

  Painting.
• * 2.180

  Childebirt••.
• * 2.181

  Funerals.
• * 2.182

  Beasts of those parts.
• * 2.183

  Fowles.
• * 2.184

  Fishes and fish∣ing as before.
• * 2.185

  Fruites.
• * 2.186

  Dying woods & other com∣modities of the Countrie.
• * 2.187

  Their returne.
• * 2.188

  Sir Walter Raw∣leigh.
• * 2.189

  Trinidado.
• * 2.190

  Fountaine of Pitch.
• * 2.191

  The large iournall of their voiage to this place, is for breuity o∣mitted; as also their course homewards.
• * 2.192

  The vertue of the Guanos a thing worthy the noting, for their nature is, if one eat a ripe one, it sets one a scouring, and eate a greene one, it will stay a scouring. Probagum.
• * 2.193

  En quo dise••••∣dia Ciues Per∣duxit miseros.
• * 2.194

  Roagues Bay. Cape Knaue. Riuer of Rascals▪
• * 2.195

  Saint Vinc••••ts.
• * 2.196

  Testigos. Granados.
• * 2.197

  Current.
• * 2.198

  Margarita.
• * 2.199

  Sword-fish.
• * 2.200

  Cap. Leighs death.
• * 2.201

  Comana.
• * 2.202

  Seuen saile of Hollanders.
• * 2.203

  23. March, 1608.
• * 2.204

  The Rose.
• * 2.205

  The Patience▪
• * 2.206

  The Lilly.
• * 2.207

  Land-men sixtie. They set saile the 23. of March.
• * 2.208

  They arriue at Alegranza.
• * 2.209

  Tenerise.
• * 2.210

  An excellent watering place.
• * 2.211

  The Riuer of Amazones. Fresh water in the Sea 30. leagues from land. Ioseph Acosta. Hicron G••raua Tarraconensis.
• * 2.212

  The eleuenth of May they made land in Guiana. The Patience in danger of wrack.
• * 2.213

  Ilands called Carripapoory.
• * 2.214

  The Bay of Wiapoco. Indian boats.
• * 2.215

  A village cal∣led Caripo.
• * 2.216

  A messenger sent to the Indians.
• * 2.217

  The Indians came aboard.
• * 2.218

  The chief men of the Nation of the Yaios couer their priuities. The women generally goe all naked.
• * 2.219

  Their confe∣rence with the Indians. Sir W. Raleigh•• acts in these parts. See Hak. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 3.
• * 2.220

  The Orenoque∣poni rendred themselues sub∣iects to Queen Elizabeth.
• * 2.221

  Cap. Keymis his voyage to Guiana.
• * 2.222

  Possession of the Countrie taken at Wia∣poco, by Cap∣taine Lee to his Maiesties vse.
• * 2.223

  The Indians go to counsell.
• * 2.224

  Their answere.
• * 2.225

  By Sir Walter Raleigh, and Captaine Lee.
• * 2.226

  The Indian Martyn goeth ashoare.
• * 2.227

  The English take land.
• * 2.228

  The English feasted by the Indians. The gratefull offer of Mar∣tyn.
• * 2.229

  The English setled at Caripo in Wiapoco. The strength of the place.
• * 2.230

  continuall raines.
• * 2.231

  The bounds and limits of Guiana.
• * 2.232

  Arrapoco a branch of A∣mazones.
• * 2.233

  Arrawary.
• * 2.234

  Maicary. Anaky-v-ry chiefe of the Yaios. Morooga. Con••••ini.
• * 2.235

  Cooshebery. Leonard Rapago Lord of Co∣••shebery.
• * 2.236

  A Mountaine called Cowob.
• * 2.237

  Topases in Coo∣shebery.
• * 2.238

  The quality of the Prouince of Cooshebery.
• * 2.239

  Arracoory and Morrownia.
• * 2.240

  An exceeding high Hill cal∣led Callipuny.
• * 2.241

  Norrak.
• * 2.242

  Anaki-v-ry.
• * 2.243

  Riuers falling into the Sea, betweene A∣mazones and Wiapoco. Wianary a creek.
• * 2.244

  The Prouince of Wiapocoory.
• * 2.245

  ••rasana. A••riquona. C••suriao. Riuers fa••••ing into the Sea▪ t•• the North-west of Wiapoco
• * 2.246

  Muccumbro an Iland.
• * 2.247

  Mattoory an I∣land.
• * 2.248

  Arrawicary chiefe Cap∣taine of the Caiane. Foure or fiue men placed at Caiane.
• * 2.249

  The manner of their go∣uernment.
• * 2.250

  Murder and Adultery pu∣nished ••y death The Indian•• by nature iealous ouer their wiues. The Indians haue many wiues.
• * 2.251

  Diuers langua∣ges in Guiana. The Charibes most ancient vpon the Sea coast.
• * 2.252

  The Indians make war for their women.
• * 2.253

  The Charibes warre vpon Leonard.
• * 2.254

  The vsual wea∣pons of the Indians. Leonard desi∣reth aide of the English.
• * 2.255

  The manner of ordering then men in the warres.
• * 2.256

  The Charibes amazed at the sight of the English.
• * 2.257

  Leonard speak∣eth to the Cha∣ribes.
• * 2.258

  The Charibes agree to peace for feare of the English.
• * 2.259

  The season of the yeare in Guiana. The Summer beginneth in August. The winter be∣ginneth in Fe∣bruary.
• * 2.260

  Their account of times and numbers.
• * 2.261

  Religion. They vse no sacrifice, not religious wor∣ship to any thing.
• * 2.262

  The manner of their drink∣ing feast at the death of their Captaines.
• * 2.263

  Their Peeaios or Priests haue conference with the diuel. Their opinion of the dead. At the death of a Cassique, they kill an In∣dian to serue him in the o∣ther world.
• * 2.264

  The quality of the Land.
• * 2.265

  The prouisions for victuals. The roote of Cassaui maketh their bread and drinke.
• * 2.266

  Maix, or Guinea wheate.
• * 2.267

  Their diuers kinds of drinke An excellent drinke made of Cassaui.
• * 2.268

  Store of hony.
• * 2.269

  The soyle ex∣cellent for Vines.
• * 2.270

  Sundry kindes of Beasts in Guiana.
• * 2.271

  Swine which haue the Na∣uile in the back
• * 2.272

  Great variety of Fowles.
• * 2.273

  Diuers kinde•• of fish.
• * 2.274

  Oysters hang vpon trees.
• * 2.275

  A fish hauing foure eyes, and the ••i••s and backe like a man.
• * 2.276

  The Sea cow like beefe.
• * 2.277

  Sundrie kinde a of fruits. Pina.
• * 2.278

  Platana. Potato. M••dler. Plummes,
• * 2.279

  Nuts.
• * 2.280

  The varietie▪ of commodi∣ties. Sugar Canes.
• * 2.281

  Cotton wooll.
• * 2.282

  Naturall hemp or flaxe.
• * 2.283

  Diuers com∣modities for Dyers. Annoto.
• * 2.284

  A gum which dyeth a yello•• in graine.
• * 2.285

  Sweet gums.
• * 2.286

  The vertues of Colliman or Car∣riman.
• * 2.287

  The Colliman helpeth the gowt.
• * 2.288

  Barratta a rare Ballamum.
• * 2.289

  A perfume like sweet Marge∣rum.
• * 2.290

  Drugges and simples for physicke.
• * 2.291

  An apple which prouo∣keth sleepe to death.
• * 2.292

  A berry curing the bloudie fluxe. A leafe curing the wounds of the poysoned arrowes. A leafe curing the head-ache. A wood that maketh fish drunke.
• * 2.293

  Tobacco.
• * 2.294

  60000. worth of Tabacco in a yeere.
• * 2.295

  The comodi∣ties most estee∣med by the In∣dians.
• * 2.296

  Leaden minds, minde nothing but golden Mynes.
• * 2.297

  Disorders by mutiny.
• * 2.298

  Good to bee doing some∣what to pre∣uent the deuil.
• * 2.299

  The high Countroy of Guiana aboun∣deth with ima∣ges of Gold.
• * 2.300

  The Rocks of the purest white Sparre are Mynes of gold or siluer.
• * 2.301

  Many ouer-fal•• in Wiapoco.
• * 2.302

  People hauing great eares; perhaps these eares are made large by art, as diuers East In∣dians vse. The proporti∣on of their Idoll.
• * 2.303

  Possession ta∣ken for the King at Gome∣ribo.
• * 2.304

  The like pos∣session taken at Arrawary.
• * 2.305

  Point Perilow.
• * 2.306

  A great argu∣ment of plen∣tie in the Countrey.
• * 2.307

  A dangerous Boore at Car∣vipapoory.
• * 2.308

  Gomeribo deli∣uered to an Indian as the Kings tenant.
• * 2.309

  The only cause of losse by the voyage.
• * 2.310

  Cap. Michael Harecourt left Commander of the compa∣ny.
• * 2.311

  Possession continued 3. yeeres.
• * 2.312

  Twentie men left with Cap∣taine Harcourt at Wiapoco.
• * 2.313

  The Pinnasse receiued a leake at Caiane
• * 2.314

  R. Meccooria, R. Courwo.
• * 2.315

  Riuers to the West pf Cour∣wo.
• * 2.316

  Ilands called Curowapory▪
• * 2.317

  They proceed in discouery of Marrawini The Riuer full of ouerfals.
• * 2.318

  They went sixe daies iourney vp the Riuer.
• * 2.319

  Moyemon.
• * 2.320

  Trees which had the sense of feeling. These grow both in the East Indies & in Guinne. See 10. Gom••••. 1. l. 9.
• * 2.321

  Scaliger Exercit. 181. sect. 28. Bartas, Eden, 1. day, 2. weeke.
• * 2.322

  Viawia, a Towne of 20. houses. M. Vnton Fisher and two others left at Wiawia.
• * 2.323

  M. Fisher tra∣uelled eleuen daies iourney vp the Riuer of Morra, viz. 100. leagues. The Prouince of Moreshegoro, Indians with rough skinnes like Buffe.
• * 2.324

  Diuers mighty Nations of In∣dians far vp in Marrawini, to∣wards the high Land.
• * 2.325

  Riuers falling into Marrawini Twentie daies iourney from Taupuramune to the head of Marraw. The Countrie aboue the head of Mar. is plaine, and Champian ground.
• * 2.326

  The tenth of September they left Guia∣na. They were in danger to bee cast away.
• * 2.327

  They finde 3. English ships at Punta de Galea.
• * 2.328

  Pitch gotten in the earth, which melteth not with the Sunne.
• * 2.329

  They arriue at Port de Hispania Don Sanches de Mendosa com∣meth aboord their ship.
• * 2.330

  The Spaniards much mole∣sted by the Charibes.
• * 2.331

  They depart from Triaidad••
• * 2.332

  They arriue at Meues.
• * 2.333

  An excellent hot Bath at Meues.
• * 2.334

  An extr••ame cough cured by the Bath.
• * 2.335

  A mans hand burned with Gunpowder, and by the Bath cured in 24. houres.
• * 2.336

  Swellings in the legges cu∣red in a day.
• * 2.337

  They depart from Meues.
• * 2.338

  They fell with Fayal.
• * 2.339

  They are dri∣uen bya storme into Ireland.
• * 2.340

  The number of those that died.
• * 2.341

  A beast and a fish like Beefe▪
• * 2.342

  A beast like Mutton.
• * 2.343

  I found this fairely written amongst M. Hak. papers, but know not who was the Author.
• * 2.344

  Long eares, perhaps made by art, with hanging weights there∣on, as is vsed in the East In∣dies.
• * 2.345

  Waters ouer∣flowing.
• * 2.346

  Great Bats. Darke and dangerous pas∣sage.
• * 2.347

  Stones trans∣parant. See A. Kniuet.
• * 2.348

  Spaniards killed.
• * 2.349

  Spanish deuises of torru••es. Sir Fr Drakes at Guatulco on the South Sea found a Negro in iron chains 20. yards long: senced to be whipped till al his flesh was raw, and so to be set in the Sunne, to be tortu••ed to death by Mus∣kitos. Golden hopes. Sir W. Ral.
• * 2.350

  Topiawary dead
• * 2.351

  Tiuitiuas hou∣ses on trees tops.
• * 2.352

  Men with shoulders higher then th••i•• heads. Crystill Rock.
• * 2.353

  Images of gold.
• * 2.354

  Monooan great Citie in Guia∣na.
• * 2.355

  Houses with lofts.
• * 2.356

  Branches of Dissikeebee.
• * 2.357

  Branches of Selinama.
• * 2.358

  Swift foot∣men.
• * 2.359

  Distant from England 1600. leagues. This is a part of a Booke ••et forth by the said Dauies of his m••serable captiuitie.