Purchas his pilgrimes. part 3 In fiue bookes. The first, contayning the voyages and peregrinations made by ancient kings, patriarkes, apostles, philosophers, and others, to and thorow the remoter parts of the knowne world: enquiries also of languages and religions, especially of the moderne diuersified professions of Christianitie. The second, a description of all the circum-nauigations of the globe. The third, nauigations and voyages of English-men, alongst the coasts of Africa ... The fourth, English voyages beyond the East Indies, to the ilands of Iapan, China, Cauchinchina, the Philippinæ with others ... The fifth, nauigations, voyages, traffiques, discoueries, of the English nation in the easterne parts of the world ... The first part.

[ 10]

ENGLISH NORTHERNE NAVIGATIONS, AND DISCOVE∣RIES; RELATIONS OF GREENELAND, [ 20] GROENLAND, THE NORTH-WEST PAS∣SAGE, AND OTHER ARCTIKE REGI∣ONS, WITH LATER RVSSIAN OCCVRRENTS. THE FOVRTH BOOKE. (Book 4)

CHAP. I. [ 30] A Voyage set forth by the Right Worshipfull Sir THOMAS SMITH, and the rest of the Muscouie Company, to Cherry Iland: and for a further discouerie to be made towards the North-Pole, for the likelihood of a Trade or a passage that way, in the Ship called the Amitie, of burthen seuentie tuns; in the which I IONAS POOLE was Master, hauing fourteene men and one boy: A.D. 1610.

[ 40] THE first of March 1609. I wayed at Black-wall and went to Grauesend. The third day I went downe to the Noore-head.* 1.1 The ninth, wee wayed and put out to Sea (blessed bee God:) and by the fifteenth day I was in the Bay of Rosse, on the Coast of Norway, in Latitude 65. degrees: at what time the wind came Northerly, and blew extreame fierce, with great store of Snow and Frost. The sixteenth day, wee had the like weather and winds, so that wee could not maintaine a * 1.2 mayne-course, and we lost some of our Beere. The seuenteenth day, we had Snow, and all the Beak-head was so laden with Ice, that it seemed a firme lumpe, and the wind at North, which blew so fierce [ 50] that we could not maintaine a * 1.3 fore-course, and draue vs backe to the altitude 63. degrees, 56. minutes. The storme continued so exceeding violent, that I was faine to spoone before it fortie eight houres, and the same wind and weather continued till the twentie one day, and in that time wee were driuen as farre to the Southwards as Shottland. And being faire by the Land, and seeing no likelihood of faire weather, I got a Fisher-man to conduct mee to a good Harbour, called Hamersound, not so much to eschew the stormy weather, as to stop some leakes, and to amend our rackling.* 1.4 I tarryed in Shottland till the twelfth of April 1610. at which time the wind was Southerly. The former wind came to the North at midnight, with great store of Snow, which froze as fast as it fell: which wind continued [ 60] till the fourteenth at noone. At two of the clocke it came to the East north-east, and I stood to the Northwards, after many stormes, much cold, Snow, and extreame Frosts. I had sight of the North-cape the second day of May. Then I stood towards Chery Iland,* 1.5 the winde being at West North-west. The third day at noone, the Cape bare South South-east; seauenteene leagues off, we had much Snow with Frost. The fourth day, it was thicke weather

with great store of Snow and Frost, the winde at North-west and by North. The fift day, it was faire weather, the winde at North North-east. The sixt day, at two of the clocke in the morning,* 1.6 I met with some Ice, but not very thicke, so that I held my course toward Chery Iland, the winde being at South: at fiue of the clocke, I saw the Ice so thicke, that I could not possibly get through it.* 1.7 Then I stood to the West wards with a short sayle, and sounded, but had no ground at a hundred fathome: thicke foggie weather, at eight of the clocke it began to cleere vp, and I stoode into the Ice finding it scattered in some places; and at twelue at noone, I found the Pole eleuated aboue the horizon 74. degrees 7. minutes, and sounded, but had no ground at one hun∣dred and seauentie fathomes.* 1.8 From twelue till foure, I ran North North-west two leagues, and sounded, and had a hundred and sixtie fathomes. Then Chery Island did beare, as I iudged, North North-west, about fifteene leagues off or more: from foure till eight it was calme, at eight of [ 10] the clocke the winde came Southerly, and I stood towards the Iland and found the Ice so thicke, that the Ship had no roome to wend, and withall such a fogge that I could not see one Cables length; in which time the Ship had many a knocke, but thankes be to God, no harme was done. By twelue of the clocke, the seauenth day, I got out of the Ice and lay a hull till the North Sunne, at which time it began to be cleere weather: then I set saile, and stood to the Eastwards, cold frosty weather.

The eight day it was very foggie, the winde at North and by East, with Snow and Frost: I stood to the Eastwards, in hope to get the Easter end of the Ice, and so to Chery Island; and I ranne into a Channell betweene two firme bankes of Ice, and could finde no way through, but [ 20] lay in the Ice till the ninth day at a South Sunne. Then I obserued, and found the Ship in the altitude 74. degrees and 17. minutes, the winde being at North North-west, very faire weather, but frostie.

I sailed in the abouesaid Ice, one while one way, and another while another, in hope to finde some opening towards the Iland:* 1.9 but which way soeuer I stood, I saw all the Sea couered with Ice. At a South Sunne, the tenth day, I obserued both with my Astrolabe and Crossestaffe, and found the Poles height 74. degrees and 15. minutes:* 1.10 and the variation 13. degrees and 30. minutes the North point Westerly: by a North Sunne I got out of the Ice into the open Sea, and to write. each course, way, and winde, with all other accidents, would be too tedious: but the thirteenth day of May, at midnight, I sounded, being in very thicke Ice, and had a hundred thirtie eight [ 30] fadoms; there presently I espied the Lionesse standing into the Ice, I kept her company till eight of the clocke at night,* 1.11 and then I steered as followeth, from eight aboue said, till twelue at noone: The foureteenth day I sailed North-west and by North twelue leagues, the winde at South South-east, thicke foggie weather: from twelue till foure at night, I sailed seauen leagues North, the same winde and weather with raine. And by the fifteenth day at foure of the clocke in the morning, I had sailed North twentie seauen leagues, the same winde and weather: at what time I supposed, that I was not farre from land, because I see great store of Sea-Foule * 1.12 about the Ship: at eight of the clocke I sounded, but had no ground at a hundred and fortie fathome: very foggy weather: likewise I sounded at twelue of the clocke at noone; no ground at a hundred thirtie fiue fathomes, where I met with Ice and grear store of Fowle, as before, winde at South, and [ 40] foggie weather.

I stood through the Ice, till eight of the clocke at night, holding no course by reason of it, at which time I sounded, and had nintie fiue fathom greene oze, the weather being all one, and very much Ice from eight, till ten of the clocke. I sayled North, one legaue and a halfe, and had se∣uentie fiue fathoms rockie ground. From ten till twelue at midnight I sayled North one league and a halfe, and sounded, and had thirtie seuen fathoms, the wind being at South, with great store of raine and fogs, and abundance of Ice round about, but something broken. Then I stood off West and by South, and tooke in all the Sayles, except the fore-saile and maine top-saile: and at one of the clocke the sixteenth day sounded, and had fortie fathomes oze: likewise I soun∣ded at two of the clocke,* 1.13 and had fiftie two fathomes: I could neither perceiue Current nor Tide in all this time, and it did raine as fast as I haue commonly seene in England: then I stood to the [ 50] East wards, and at three of the clocke sounded, and had fortie fathomes oze: and thus I sailed among the Ice East and East and by South, and East North-east, keeping no certaine course, by reason of the Ice,* 1.14 and had these depths following, 30.20.19.16. and fifteene fathomes, and then I saw the Land within two leagues and lesse of me, bearing betweene the South and by East, and the North-west: then I stood in East and by South, supposing to haue found a harborough within a ledge of rocks that lay off a low point, which seemed like an Iland, and standing in, I found depths, 10.9.8.7.6.7.4. and three fathomes, standing in it a shoald bay, and full of rockes.

Then I steered a way North-west and by West, and had six, seuen, eight, and ten fathome foule ground; this part of this Land is foule ground a great way off, therefore come no neerer [ 60] this place then ten fathome, and that will carry you cleere of all dangers that I could see. To∣wards noone it cleered vp, and I did looke the Meridian altitude of the Sunne, which was 34. degrees and 20. minutes,* 1.15 the declination being 21. degrees and 10. minutes North, the Equator

must bee 13. degrees and 10. minutes aboue and beneath my Horizon. The Complement being 76. degrees and 50. minutes, the Poles height. Likewise I found by true obseruation the Com∣pass•• to vary 16. degrees,* 1.16 and before I had sayled foure leagues I saw a Sound that lay East and by South in, the winde comming to the East South-east; then I sent the Skiffe on land in the mouth of the Sound, because I supposed I had seene Morses on the land, but they proued Rocks. I followed into the said Bay with the ship, but standing in I had a stiffe gale of winde off the shoa••e, which draue abundance of Ice out of the Sound, through the which I enforced the ship, in hope there to haue found an Harbour; in turning in I found these depths, thirtie fiue, thirtie, twentie, and eighteene fathoms. The Boat came aboard about a North-west Sunne,* 1.17 and the men told me they found deepe water within and foule ground;* 1.18 they saw great store of Mohorses [ 10] lying on the Ice, but none on land, and they brought a piece of a Deeres horne aboord, therefore I called this Sound Horne Sound, and a Mount that lyeth foure leagues to the South of it, the Muscouy Companies Mount, because it was my first landfale.

Then finding no benefit here to bee had, nor Hauen for the ship, I stood to Sea,* 1.19 and sayled North-west and by North foure leagues: at midnight it blew very hard, and I stood to the West∣wards with a short sayle, and sayled foure leagues West by eight of the clock the seuenteenth day. Then I stood to the Landwards, the winde being at South South-west thick weather: and three leagues from me I saw a Point, which I named the Ice Point, because there lay abundance of Ice vpon it. Then I saw another Point beare North North-west fiue leagues off,* 1.20 which I na∣med Bell Point, because of a Hill formed like a Bell on the top,* 1.21 and to the Northwards of Bell [ 30] Point goes in a great Bay with two Sounds in it, the one lieth in East South-east, the other North-east and by East; the last Sound you can hardly discerne, by reason there is a long Iland lying in the mouth of it. But the going into the said Sound is on the North side, yet there is an Inlet vnder Point-partition, but very narrow and full of Rocks,* 1.22 and an exceeding strong Tyde setteth in there. This day I found the weather very warme and farre temperater then I haue found it at the North Cape at this time of the yeere: this place lying in 77. degrees and 25. minutes, and the Cape in 71. degrees and 20. minutes; this place being to the Northwards of the Cape 6. de∣grees and 5. minutes: and note, two leagues to the Southwards of Bell Point is a ledge of Rocks three miles off the shoare, and come no neerer the shoare then fifteene fathom: vpon the North side of the Bay is low land, which I named Lownesse Iland. I called the North Sound Lowe Sound.* 1.23 [ 30] Into the Bay I turned, the winde at East North-east faire weather; turning in I had no lesse then fortie fathoms close by the shoare, and in the middest no ground at sixtie fathoms, and be∣ing neere the Point that parteth both the Sounds, the winde increased with raine. Then I saw the Sound frozen ouer from side to side, and vpon the Ice a Beare and great store of Mohorses, but the winde blew so extreme hard, that the Boat could not row to windwards,* 1.24 to trie if we could kill some of them. The fogs and raine continued till ten of the clock the nineteenth day, at which time the raine ceased, and it did freeze with snow and winde and fogs, as before.

From twelue at mid-night the nineteenth day, till foure in the morning the twentieth day, I sayled three leagues South-west and by South, then I found the Ice thicker then before. It was very thick fogs, with winde, frost, and snow, and cold, that I thinke they did striue here which [ 40] of them should haue the superioritie. I put into the Ice aforesaid in hope to get through,* 1.25 and af∣ter many a sore stroke with the ship in it, I got through at a South-west Sunne, at what time it began to be faire weather. Then I stood through the Ice towards the land againe, in hope that that land would proue worth the labour and trauell; and going to set the mayne top sayle, it was frozen as hard as euer I saw any cloath in all my life time,* 1.26 so that all my company could ve∣ry hardly set it; and whereas I supposed, and haue often said, that this climate is not so subiect to foggs in May and Iune, as it is in Iuly and August, it is contrarie; for I haue not seene the Sunne on the Meridian these fiue dayes, nor seene it at all in sixtie houres: I had not sailed three leagues North-east, when it was as thicke as it was before with Frost and Snow: yet I stood still towards the Land.

[ 50] The twentie one, I saw the Land at an East Sunne, and stood towards it, and at a South and by West Westerly, I obserued the Sunne, and found the Meridian altitude of it 33. degrees 30. mi∣nutes, the declination being 21. degrees 56. minutes, &c. the altitude of the Pole was 78. degrees 26. minutes. The winde at North North-east: cold frostie weather: This place I called the Black-point Ile: I called a point (that lyeth foure leagues to the North-west of Black-point) Cape-cold, and to the South-east of Black-point is a great sound, which because it was couered with Ice,* 1.27 I called Ice-sound, and standing neerer to the shore, I could not see any Sound or Harbour open;* 1.28 therefore I determined to stand to the Northwards to seeke what good might be done that way to profit the Merchants, and also to get some Wood, for we had but little left. I sounded at the [ 60] Black-point, and had twentie three fathomes streamy ground. At two of the clocke I stood off, and at midnight stood to the shore againe, cold weather with frost, the winde at North and by East. The two and twentieth day, at an East Sunne, I was faire by the Land, betweene Cape-cold and Black-point, a league off where it fell calme, and I sounded there, and had twentie eight fathoms, where I tried for Fish, but could take none.

The three and twentieth day, at an East North-east Sunne, I was within three leagues of Capecold: this day it was faire weather, and I tooke the Sunnes height at twelue of the clocke, and found it to be 33. degrees 30. minutes, the declination being 22. degrees 13 mi∣nutes, the distance of the Pole from my Zeneth, was 11. degrees 17. minutes, the com∣plement thereof being 78. degrees and 43. minutes,* 1.29 the Poles altitude. All this day it was calme a••l the forenoone, warme sunshine weather, and whereas I named this place Cape-cold, if I had f••lne with it this day, or the like, I should haue giuen it another name. Here I tried to take fish, but could perceiue none. Item, there is a point that beareth from Cape-cold North & by West which I called Faire-forland:* 1.30 this Forland, and Cape-cold, and Black-point, are all one Iland. At sixe of the clocke at night, the winde came to the North North-west, then I determined to [ 10] view the Ice-sound better; but comming neere it, I perceiued it packt ful of Ice, so that I could see no end thereof at the Top-mast-head, neither could I see any open water in it. At a North Sun, the wind came to the North-east, and by North, then I stood to the Northwards, as before.

The foure and twentieth day, at a North-east Sunne, the wind came to the South-west, faire weather and warme. At a North north-east Sun, I tooke the Meridian Altitude, which was ele∣uen degrees aboue the Horizon, and by working accordingly, I found the eleuation of the Pole aboue the Horizon, to be 78. degrees, 37. minutes. The fiue and twentieth day, at an East-south-east Sun, I set the boat to the land, neere Fayer-forland, and it being calme I sounded fortie fiue fa∣thoms,* 1.31 where I proued for fish, but could find none, and within one league of the shoare I had fiue and thirtie, and thirtie fathome streamy ground. At a South-east Sunne, the Boat came [ 20] aboord laden with Wood,* 1.32 and some Whales fins. The men told mee there was great store of Morses in the Sea, about the shoare side, and about thirtie on Land. Immediately I sent my Mate, Nicholas Woodcock with the Boat on Land againe, to see if they could kill any of the said Mohorses, and also to search what other thing they should hap to find that might proue be∣neficiall. Moreouer I was certified, that all the Ponds and Lakes were vnfrozen, they being Fresh-water, which putteth mee in hope of a milde Summer here, after so sharpe a beginning as I haue had, and my opinion is such (and I assure my selfe it is so) that a passage may bee assoone at∣tayned this way,* 1.33 by the Pole, as any vnknowne way whatsoeuer, by reason the Sun doth giue a great heat in this climate; and the Ice, I meane that that freezeth here, is nothing so huge as I haue seene in 73. degrees. [ 30]

The sixe and twentieth day, at a North-east Sunne, the Boat came aboord againe, hauing slaine but two Morses, at twelue at midnight the wind came to the North, and blew so hard, that I was enforced to try with a Mayne-course, cold frosty weather, with snow. The sayd wind and weather continued till a South Sun, the seuen and twentieth day, at eight of the clocke at night, the wind came to the North-west and by West faire weather, then I stood towards the Land a∣gain. And at a South-east sun, the eight & twentieth day, I was within three leagues of Fayer-for∣land, and standing in I sounded diuers times, and had these depths, 15.17.19. and 18. fathoms, within fiue, sixe, and seuen myles of the shoare, and when Fayer-forland did beare South and by East by the Compasse. It being two miles from me, I saw the Land beare North-east and by North, about nine leagues off, the which because it was full of knottie Mountaines, I called Knot∣tie-point,* 1.34 [ 40] and betweene Knottie-point, and Fayer-forland, I saw a great Bay, which because it was foggy on the sudden, I could not discouer. In the Sea, about the Forland, I saw great store of Mo∣horses and Sea-fowle, I sounded in the Bay and had nintie fiue fathomes rockie ground. I stood to Sea, and had very foule weather, with snow, and fogs, and frost, which weather continued till the thirtieth day,* 1.35 at foure of the clocke in the morning, at which time I was within one mile of Fayer-forland in nine fathomes, and then I sayled East North-east about two miles, and had these dephs, 18.17.16.14. and 12. fathomes all rockes. Then I steered South with the like depths and grounds, but when I had runne South South-east three miles further, I had sandie ground, then did Fayer-forland beare West and by North, about three leagues of, the next cast I had tenne fathomes foule ground, and from thence I steered two leagues South and by East, hauing these [ 50] depths, 10.9.8. and 7. fathomes, then I saw the Bay couered ouer with Ice. I turned out the wind at North. This Sound I named Fowle-sound, for in this Bay are three Sounds; this I spake last of,* 1.36 which lyeth in South, and goeth out at Black-point: another lyeth in East South-east, which I named Deere-sound:* 1.37 another goeth in North, which is called Closse-coue, and being neere the point betweene Fowle-sound and Deere-sound, it fell calme, and I sent the Skiffe on Land, and standing after, with a little wind at West. I found the sayd Point very shoale, with a ridge of Rockes, where I had these depths, 4.5.6.7.9.10.18. and then 30. fathomes. At a South Sun, the Boat came aboord and brought Wood, and some Whale-fins.

The last of May, at an East North-east Sun, I was within three leagues of Knotty-point, at which time I saw Ice all the Sea ouer betwixt the West and the Land:* 1.38 then I saw another Point foure [ 60] leagues distant from Knotty-point, the one bearing of the other North and by East, and South and by West,* 1.39 and it is smooth Land, the which I named the Gurnerds-nose, indifferent warme wea∣ther: and finding the Ice to bee so thicke that I could not passe it, and the wind comming to the West, I stood to the Southwards againe, determining to search the Sounds better for a Road, and

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for commodities, because I saw no good to bee gotten in keeping the Sea amongst the Ice, and at a North Sun, I was in the entrance of Close-coue, where I had no ground at one hundred & twenty fathomes, and yet I was within two Cables length of a sunken ledge of Rockes,* 1.40 that lyeth on the Larboord side of the Bay a mile from the shoare.

The first of Iune I found a good Road in Close-coue, on the South-west side,* 1.41 where I rid in seuen fathomes sand mingled with oze, at an East Sun I sent a Skiffe to a low Point, that lyeth on the North side of the Bay, where they found some Whales fins, and three pieces of Mohorse teeth, and vpon a little rockie Iland, they saw neere one hundred Mohorses, which were there sleeping. In this time I went towards the bottome of the Sound, and slue a white Beare.* 1.42 At a South-west Sun, I went towards the rocke, to see if I could kill any of the Morses that lay there, [ 10] and as wee went by the shoare side I espied Deere, three of them I slue,* 1.43 and one of my com∣pany one. But when I came to the rocke, the Ice that the beasts lay on was hollow, and the rocks that was betwixt the Ice and the sea stood sloping toward the Sea; the which when I saw, I determined to go aboord and let them alone, yet afterward I went on the rocke betwixt the Ice and the Sea: and as I with the rest of my company were killing them, the Ice brake, and Ice and beasts slid into the Sea together, and carryed one of the men with them, so that he escaped out of that danger very hardly; for besides the weight of dead Mohorses, and Ice that bruised him, the beasts that were aliue strook at him in the water, and bruised him very soare. I had beene in the [ 20] same case, if I had not beene the nimbler, and slipt on one side. I killed three Morses,* 1.44 whose teeth I tooke off. Then I espied the Beare, which my Mate had hurt before with a shot; hee went into the Sea, when hee saw the Boate, where I slue him with a Lance,* 1.45 and brought him aboord.

The second day at a North and by East Sunne. At a South Sunne, I went to the South shoare of Deere-sound, where I found a good quantitie of Fins, and came aboord, at a North North-west Sunne. The third day, being Sunday, I rid still, hauing the wind at West South-West much wind. Then vpon the side of a Hill, a mile to the Westwards of the Road, I set vp a Crosse,* 1.46 with a writing vpon it, signifying the day of my arriuall first in this Land, by whom I was set out, and the time of my being heere. This Road I called Crosse-road. At a South-east sunne the fourth day, I wayed, the wind at West South-west, and when I was almost out, the wind in∣creased with fogs, which made me put back into the Road, where I anchored the same day at six [ 30] of the clocke, at afternone. The fifth day, at a North-east and by East sunne I wayed, and it fell calme, then I went to the East side, and killed some Fowle, which I found in great abundance: and when I was readie to go aboord, I saw fourteene Deere, at which time I spent all my powder,* 1.47 and shot but one shot, with the which I slue a fat Buck. The same day, at a South sun, I went on Land and slue two Deere more. And at a South-west sun I went on Land and slue a Dog, and took the Faune aliue, and brought it aboord, but it dyed the next day. The calme continued till the sixth day, at an East North-east sunne (and we droue in the Bay, with a little soaking tyde that runneth there.) Then I sent the skiffe to the rocke aforesaid, to see what store of Mohorses were there; at three of the clocke they came aboord, and told mee there was neere two hundred beasts.* 1.48 [ 40] I tooke both the boat and skiffe, with all my company, and went to the rock, and in going thither I slue a Beare: but when I came to the rocke, the beasts began to goe into the sea, then I presently went on land, with all my company, and slue eightie beasts,* 1.49 whose teeth I tooke, and in going aboord slue another Beare, and came aboord the seuenth day, at a North-east sun. Then I saw two white fishes, which at the first fight I supposed to be Beares, they had long snouts like Scurgeons, two flat Fins close by their gils, flat bodied, small towards their tailes, and a broad taile.

The tenth day, I went on shoare and slue fiue Deere; with the which,* 1.50 and them that I slue before I haue lengthened out my victuals, blessed be the Creator of the World, * 1.51 which hath not made any part thereof in vaine, but so that in these parts (which hath seemed vnpossible to our Ancestors to bee trauelled vnto, by reason of the extreame cold which they supposed to bee [ 50] here) I find the ayre temperate in the Lands, and nothing so cold as I haue found at Chery Iland in fiue seuerall Voyages. Moreouer, in this Land I haue seene great store of Deere, which haue neither bush nor tree to shelter them from the nipping cold of Winter, nor yet a∣ny extraordinarie pasture to refresh them. If these (I say) hauing nothing but the Rockes for a house, and the Starry Canopie for a couering doe liue here; why may not man, which hath all the gifts of God bestowed vpon him for his health and succour▪

The eleuenth day in the morning, I sent the skiffe to a Beach, that lyeth Northwards from the Rocke where we slue our beasts, but when they came to the Rocke, it beganne to blow hard at North North-west, that they could not proceed any further, vpon the Rocke they found a Beare, and slue him, and came aboord. In which time I tooke the boate and went [ 60] to the East side, and slue two Beares and two Deere.

The twelfth day, at a North-east sunne I wayed, and hauing very little wind▪* 1.52 I sent the skiffe to goe to the place abouesayd, at a North sunne, they came aboord and brought some Whales Finnes and a Beare, and told mee that it did blow very much wind at Sea, yet I had

it all this time calme in the Bay. Yet before I could get out of the Sound, the wind came to the North-west,* 1.53 and blew very hard, which made mee to put roome for Crosse-road, where I rid till the fourteenth day, in which time I caused both the boates to bee trimmed, and the thirteenth day at noone, I obserued on Land, in this place, and found the Poles height 79. degrees, fifteene minutes, and the variation of the Compasse 18. degrees, 16. minutes North-west: the same day I slue a Bucke.

The fourteenth day, at a South-east Sunne I wayed, the wind at South-west foggie weather, at a South-west Sunne, I went on Land and slew a Buck. The fifteenth day, at East Sunne, I got out of the Bay,* 1.54 at which time I saw abundance of Ice to the Sea-wards, but the wind came to the South-east, and I sayled betwixt the Ice and the shoare. At a North-west Sunne, I sent the skiffe (with seuen men in it) to the Land vnder Knottie-point, at which time the wind [ 10] came to the North-east, and I stood to the North-wardes, where I had these depths, fifteene, thirteene,* 1.55 and eleuen fathomes foule-ground. These depths were about a league, and to the Northwards of Knottie-point, I saw great store of Whales, the like I saw in Deere-sound. The sixteenth day, the Skiffe came aboord, and brought a few Finnes, and fiue Deere, and they told mee that within the Bay,* 1.56 that lyeth betwixt Knottie-point and Gurnerds-nose is a Hauen, in the entrance whereof is an Iland, and seuen fathomes going in, but within eight, nine, fifteene, and twentie fathomes good ground. This maketh Gurnerds-nose, an Iland, for this Hauen go∣eth out on the North-west side of Gurnerds-nose. I named this Hauen, the Fayre-hauen; I found a great tyde heere,* 1.57 which runneth South South-west, the floud commeth from the [ 20] Southwards.

Then standing to the Northwards, I saw the Sea couered with Ice, which lay close to the Land which made me stand to the Southwards again, I obserued at Gurnerds-nose, and found the Poles height 79. degrees,* 1.58 50. minutes. At a North-west Sun, the same day, I sent the skiffe on Land to search the Coast to the Southwards of Knottie-point, where I sounded and had twenty foure fathomes Foule-ground, and in the Fayre-way I sounded, hauing these depths, 30.35.45. and 48. fathomes all Rocky-ground. By the seuenteenth day, I was in the entrance of Close-coue, at a South Sun, at which time the Skiffe came aboord, and brought a Beares skin, and a Buck, and a good quantite of Whales Fins and an Vnicornes horne, which was fiue foot and seuen inches long, and in the biggest part of it, it was seuen inches and a halfe about. The eighteenth day, at a [ 30] South Sun, I came into the Road, where I rid all that day, hauing very much wind and raine that wee could doe nothing. At a North Sunne, I sent my Mate, with the Skiffe, and sixe men to seeke for more Fins, &c. The ninteenth day, at a North Sun, they came aboord, hauing slaine ten Beares, three of their skins and fat they brought aboord, and a good quantitie of Fins, and six paire of teeth. The twentieth day, in the morning, I sent both the Boat and Skiffe to slay the other seuen Beares, the wind being at North faire weather. But they were no sooner gone, but it blew very hard at North, which brought abundance of Ice out of the bottome of the Sound, but did the Ship no hurt. At a West South West Sunne, the Boats came aboord with the Beares skins, the wind abouesaid set so much Ice out of the sound vpon the Ship, that it inforced mee to set sayle. [ 40]

The one and twentieth day, at a North Sun, I stood towardes Fayer-forland, and sent out the skiffe. The two and twentieth day, at a South-east sunne, they came aboord, with the skiffe laden with Fins,* 1.59 and killed fiue Deere. Then I went on Land to search what I could find, and I slew a Beare, and tooke a young one aliue, and at three of the clocke in the afternoone I came aboord with the skiffe laden with Fins. The three & twentieth day, at a South-east sun, the Boat came aboord, and brought a good quantitie of Finnes, and a Beares skinne. Then I stood to∣ward Cape-cold,* 1.60 and the same day, at a South sunne, I sent the skiffe on Land to the North∣wards of the Cape, where they found sixteene Mohorses on a rocke, which they slue; and at a North-east sun,* 1.61 the foure and twentieth day, they had brought all the teeth and blubber of them aboord; at which time the wind came to the North-west, and blew verie hard: then I stood towardes the Ice-sound to seeke what commodities it would yeeld. At a North sunne I was [ 50] neere Black-point, which hath a great many sunken Rockes lying on the southermost end of it, therefore you must come no neerer that shoare then twentie fiue fathomes. The fiue and twen∣tieth day, till a South sun, it was calme, and the tyde droue the ship so farre from the Land, that I could not send the boat on shoare.

* 1.62The sixe and twentieth day, at a South South-west Sunne, I came aboord, more laden with trauell then commodities, at which time I slue a Buck. Then I stood toward Ice-sound, and at a Point which parteth Foule-sound and Ice-sound, I had thirtie fathomes oze, & so to ten fathomes Rockes, then I steered East along the shoare, and had betwixt thirtie and fifteene fathomes oze and sand. In fifteen fathomes I anchored, hauing the wind at North North-west, faire weather at a North-west sun, at a North sun, I sent the skiffe to the shoare to search for commodities. The [ 60] seuen and twentieth day of Iune, at an East North-east sun, they came aboord, and brought a good parcell of fins. At six of the clock I sent the Skiffe to the Land againe, and set sayle with the ship; but it being calme, and the tide setting the Ship towards a ledge of rocks, made mee to anchor a∣gaine.

At a South South-east Sun, they came aboord againe, and brought a good quantitie of fins: at a South Sunne I sent the Skiffe towardes the mouth of Ice-sound, and in the entrance thereof I found a Coue in the which was twentie fathomes, and so to thirteene, but by reason of the tyde, and edy-winds, I could not get into it; here the Skiffe came aboord and brought a few finnes. Then I steered to another Sound, in the Southside of Ice-sound, where I anchored in twentie fa∣thomes oze, the same day at a North Sun. The eight and twentieth day I stayed at the place a∣bouesaid, and tried the Beares grease to bring it into oyle, and when we were all busied, a Beare came swimming ouer the Bay, towards the ship, which I slew, and split my Peece,* 1.63 the wind be∣ing at West. The nine and twentieth day, at a South-east Sunne, I sent the skiffe to search the Coast to the Westwards of this Bay, the wind at North-west. The last of Iune,* 1.64 the skiffe [ 10] came aboord, at a South-east Sunne, and brought a few Finnes, and a Bucke, the wind at North.

The first of Iuly▪ being Sunday, I rid at the place abouesaid,* 1.65 in hope to haue more Mo∣on Land; I obserued heere and found this place in 78. degrees, 24. minutes, and the va∣riation Westwards, seuenteene degrees. Then I sent the skiffe to see if any more beasts were on Land. The wind at Northwest, faire weather. The second day, at a North North-east Sunne; they came aboord and brought two Deere. The third, wee slew a few Morses,* 1.66 whose teeth and blubber wee brought aboord, at a North-west Sunne, at which time I slew a Pricket: this place I named the Green-hauen. Immediately I sent the skiffe to take the teeth, and fat of seuen beasts, which lay slaine in another place. The wind at West, thicke foggie wea∣ther. [ 20] It floweth here on the Change day South, and by West, and hyeth sixe foot water, and run∣neth halfe tyde halfe quarter. The fourth day, wee rid still at the South-west with fogges and raine, and very much wind: at the same time I saw great store of Ice in Ice sound. The fifth day,* 1.67 at a North-east Sunne I wayed, the wind at West thicke weather; and in standing out wee slew a she Beare, and tooke her two young ones. Indifferent faire weather, we lay becalmed all this day.* 1.68

The sixth day, I was off Lownesse (at a South Sunne) the wind being at East blew so hard, with raine and thicke weather, that I was enforced to take in all the sayles saue a Mayne course, which storme continued till eight at night, at which time I set more sayle, and stood to the Southwardes, hoping to get some goods that way. The seuenth day, at noone the wind came to the North-east, and then it began to bee cleere weather, at what time I saw the [ 30] Land of Bel-sound, whither I purposed to goe, yet could not by reason of abundance of Ice, which lay aboue three leagues from the Land, which I could not possibly passe. At a North-west and by West sun, I saw abundance of Ice all along the Land, to the Southwards of Bel-sound.* 1.69 The eight day, at twelue at noone, I stood into the Ice, in hope to get to the shoare, the wind at North and by West hasie weather, Horn••-sound bearing East North-east, nine leagues of, I stood to the landwards till foure of the clocke, at which time I found the Ice so thick that I was forced to stand to the Southwards to eschew it. I sayled by, and amongst the Ice, till a North North-west Sunne, at which time I was within three leagues of the shoare. Then I soun∣ded, and had thirtie sixe fathomes. Then I stood to the Westwards, and finding all this part of the Land full of Ice, I purposed to stand to the Northwards againe to search for commodi∣ties [ 40] that way: the wind being at North-west, I turned to windwards, till the tenth day, at eight of the clocke before noone, at which time we•• found a part of a dead Whale, which I caused to bee made fast to the Ship, determining to get into some Harbour,* 1.70 there to make the best of it. I could get into Bel-sound, at which time I saw all the bottom of the Sound full of Ice, so that there was no refuge for the Ship. Then I was faine to turne out with the winde at West, and beganne to blow verie hard. At a North-west Sunne, it was fayre weather, and I sent my Mate with the skiffe to search the Coasts towardes Bel-point. The fourteenth day, at a North-east Sunne, the skiffe came aboord, and brought three Beares, which they had slaine. Immediately I sent the Boat for water and wood,* 1.71 and then I stood through the Ice, and got through it by a North Sun the fifteenth day, the wind at North-west [ 50] foggie weather. Then I turned to windwards, to double Lownesse, and got cleere of it: at sixe of the clocke at night thicke foggie weather.

The sixteenth day, at fiue of the clocke in the afternoone, I got to Black-point, the wind com∣ming to the South, thicke weather. Then I sent the skiffe to range the Coast, and to search what they might find. The seuenteenth day, at ten of the clocke they came aboord,* 1.72 and brought some Fins, and three Deere. Then I stood towards Crosse-road, and ankered there at a North-sun, the wind and weather as abouesaid. The eighteenth day, about fiue of the clocke in the mor∣ning, I sent the skiffe to see if they could find any Mor••es on Land, on the Rocke, or in Deere-sound, and in the meane time, I, with the rest of the company got drift-wood and water readie,* 1.73 [ 60] and about a South sunne, a Beare with two young ones; the Dam I slew, and tooke the young ones aboord the ship, the wind Northerly, cold, foggie weather. The nine and twentieth day, in the morning, I went to th•• Eastside, to see if any Mohorses were on land; there I slew foure ex∣ceeding fat Buckes and a Doe. In which time the skiffe came aboord and brought two Beares skins, but found no beasts, and in Deere-sound they found Sea-coales, which burnt very well.

The twentieth day, I sent the Skiffe into the bottome of Closse-coue to search it for commodi∣ties, the wind at South close weather with raine: at eight of the clock at night they came aboord, but found nothing; immediately I got wood and water aboord, which was ready before, prepa∣ring to set sayle the wind and weather abouesaid, we slue three Deere. The one and twentieth, I wayed, the wind at North faire weather. The two and twentieth day, the wind came to the West, and then I stood to the Northward, at eight of the clocke ha••••-weather. At twelue of the clocke at noone the wind came to the North, and I stood to the Southwards by Fayer-forland. The three and twentieth day, at an East north-east Sunne, the Boat brought some Whales finnes, and three Buckes,* 1.74 and one Doe: In which time I thought I had seene Land beare West from me. I stood to the Westwards, and by a South South-east sunne, had run fifteene leagues West and by [ 10] South, then I perceiued it to be fogs. The foure and twentieth day, at seuen of the clocke in the afternoone I came into Bel-sound and found but little Ice, then I sent the Skiffe to seeke for a Road for the Ship, and also for commodities. The fiue and twentieth day, at three of the clocke in the morning, the Skiffe came aboord, hauing beene in the mouth of the North Inlet, which I call Low-sound, they went into it by Point-partition, but there is no good Channell that way for a Ship:* 1.75 neuerthelesse there seemeth to bee an Inlet or Channell, but it is full of Rockes from side to side, and the men told mee, that vpon the Land lay some Mohorses, which I sent them to kill. At eight of the clocke, the Skiffe came aboord, and brought the teeth of the sayd beasts, and some blubber. Immediately I sent them into Bel-sound, to seeke for a Road for the Ship, the wind at West thicke foggie weather. About an North West Sunne, I anchored in Bel-sound, in sixteen [ 20] fathomes ozie ground,* 1.76 this Harbour lyeth about two leagues aboue Point-partition on the South∣side of it, and here a ship may ride safe from all windes. At a North Sunne my Mate slue a Beare. The six and twentieth day in the morning, it blew hard, and I went on Land and slue a Beare, and a Bucke which had three inches and an halfe in thicknesse of fat on the haunches. At nine of the clocke I sent both the Boats to fetch the fat of those Mohorses which were slaine the day before, and likewise to search if they could find any more, the wind at North with fogs. At six of the clocke at night the Boats came abo••rd with the fat, and brought two Buckes, but found no beasts on Land.

The seuen and twentieth day, at a South South-east Sunne I weighed, the winde being at North and by West faire weather, and I steered out (betwixt an Iland and the point where I [ 30] rid) South-west and by West, hauing these depths, 10.7.6.5. and 4. fathomes: then I was in the middest betwixt the said point, and a shoald which lay South and North, one of the other, and after keeping the same course, I had these depths, 5.6.7.8.9.10.12. and 13. fathomes, in all these depths I had sand, and after oze. At sixe of the clocke the wind came to the South-west with fogges, and I turned to the wind-wards. And at twelue, the eight and twentieth day Low∣nesse did beare North-east about foure leagues off, where I sounded hauing thirtie two fathomes streamie ground with blacke stones, at which time it was calme, and continued so till the nine and twentieth day at sixe of the clocke in the morning, then the wind came to the North with fogges, and I stood to the Southwards, and to see what Commodities I could find that way.

At nine of the clocke I was neere the Ice-sound, where I met with much Ice, which put mee [ 40] from the Land,* 1.77 and I was enforced to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 South-west and by South to shunne it, the winde at North-west which blew hard with fogges. The wind increased, I stood towards Cherrie Iland (if possible I could attayne it) for fogges and Ice. The thirtieth day, at foure of the clocke in the morning I saw no Ice, hauing kept to certayne course, by reason of the Ice which I had past, the winde at North and by West, cold foggie weather with raine. From the time aboue-said till twelue of the clocke at noone I sayled South South-east, and ranne fifteene leagues, the same wind and weather, at which time I sounded & had eightie fathoms greene oze like Kowes dung. I sounded at two of the clocke, and at foure of the clock, the first, eightie eight, the second, eigh∣tie two fathomes, and sayled sixe leagues, the formes course wind and weather. At which time I heard a breach which proued Ice, then I steered West to eschew it, the fogges being so thicke [ 50] that I could not see one Cables length.

The last of Iuly at noone, I had sayled South and by East halfe a point Southerly eight leagues hauing little wind, and sounded, and found one hundred and fortie fathomes thicke foggie wea∣ther, and in haling vp the Lead, a fish followed it to the top of the water: then I tryed to take fish but could not.* 1.78 At foure of the clocke in the afternoone, the winde came Southerly, and I stood to the Westward, by reason the Ice lay both to the South and East of vs, at a North 〈◊〉〈◊〉 it was cleere weather, and I saw the Ice round about vs, cold weather with frost.

The first of August, we beat in the Ice till noone, but could finde no end thereof, because it was so foggie, and the Ice packed very close; yet after many intricate courses, I got to the West∣ward•• of it at mid-night the same day, the winde at South-east, cold weather with raine and [ 60] fogges. And after I had seene so much Ice that I could not come neere Cherry Iland, to prosecute the rest of my Voyage,* 1.79 I determined to stand for England, as God would giue me leaue. From mid-night the first day, till eight of the clocke the second day before noone, I sayled South-west and by South fiue leagues, the wind at East South-east, thicke fogges with raine. From the se∣cond

day at eight of the clocke, till the third day at twelue of the clock at noone, I sayled West South-west fifteene leagues, the wind at South and by East, wet foggie weather. From noone abouesaid, till twelue at noone the fourth day, I sayled foure leagues South, the winde variable, and the most part of that time calme, and so continued till eight of the clocke at night, at which time the wind came to the South and by East, and blew very hard; from the fourth day at noon till the fift day at noone I sayled South-west Westerly seuen leagues. The sixt day, the winde was at South-east cleere weather, at noone I found the shippe in 73. degrees, the North Cape bearing by my computation, East South-east Easterly. The seuenth day at noone, I found the ship in 72. degrees 22. minutes, indifferent faire weather. And from the seuenth day at [ 10] noone, till the eight day at noone I sayled foure and twentie leagues, the course South South-west, the wind at South-east and by East, at which time it beganne to be very foggie, and the winde came to the South, but immediatly it was calme, and continued so till mid-night. Then the wind came to the North, little wind, and at a South Sunne the ninth day, I had sayled South seuen leagues. From the ninth day at noone till the tenth day at that time I sayled South, and ranne seuen leagues South, it being calme most part of the day, with much rayne and fogges. From twelue the tenth day, till noone the eleuenth day, I sayled South and by West, and ranne seuenteene leagues, the wind Northerly. And from the eleuenth day at noone, till the twelfth [ 20] at that time, I sayled South and by West eighteene leagues, the winde at North North-west faire weather. From noone the twelfth day, vntill twelue at noone the thirteenth day, I sayled South and by West fortie eight leagues, the wind betweene the North, and the West North-west gustie weather. From the thirteenth at noone, till the fourteenth at noone, I say∣led South and by West fortie fiue leagues, the wind betwixt the West North-west, and the West South-west gustie weather, latitude 64. degrees 21. minutes. From the fourteenth day at noone, till the fifteenth day at that time, I sayled South and by West nine and twentie leagues, at which time I obserued and found the ship in 62. degrees 53. minutes faire weather,* 1.80 the wind at North. At foure of the clocke the same day, I saw Skutsnesse in Norway seuenteene leagues off, and bearing South-east, from whence I hold it superfluous to write it, being a place well knowne. The last of August I arriued at London, Blessed be God for euer and euer. Amen.

A briefe note what Beasts, Fowles▪ and Fishes were seene [ 30] in this Land.

BEasts: Buckes, and Does, white Beares and Foxes, of colour dunne and grey.

Fowles: white Partridges, a small land Bird, like a Sparrow, partly white, and partly browne, a Fowle with a combe and a tayle like a Cock, a redde Fowle of the bignesse of a Pid∣geon; a white Fowle with a greene bill, the top of the bill of it and the eyes were redde,* 1.81 with blacke feet. Wild Geese, Coluidines, Gulls, Sea-mewes, Willockes, Noddies, Ice-birds, Reeks, and Sea-pidgeons.

Fishes: great store of Whales, Gramposes, Mohorses, the white fish I spake of the seuenth [ 40] of Iune, a small fish like Cuplen, likewise I saw the bones of Cods, or Haddocks; but could take no fish: I often looked for Shel-fish, but could take none: diuers of my company did see two Beauers.

CHAP. II. A Commission for IONAS POOLE our Seruant, appointed Master of a small Barke called the Elizabeth, of fiftie tunnes burthen, for Discouerie to the Northward of Greenland, giuen [ 50] the last day of March 1610.

IN as much as it hath pleased Almightie God, through the industry of your selfe and others, to discouer vnto our Nation a Land lying in eightie degrees toward the North∣pole:* 1.82 We are desirous not only to discouer farther to the Northward along the said Land, to find whether the same be an Iland or a Mayne, and which way the same doth trend, either to the Eastward or to the Westward of the Pole, as also whether the same be inhabited by any people, or whether there be an open Sea farther Northward then hath beene al∣readie discouered. For accomplishing of all which our desires, we haue made choice of you, and to that end haue entertayned you into our seruice for certayne yeares vpon a stipend certayne: not doubting, but [ 60] you will so carrie your selfe in the businesse, for which you were so entertayned, as God may be glorified, our Countrey benefited, your selfe credited, and we in our desires satisfied. And for your better instru∣ction to proceed in this your Voyage, we haue thought good to set downe our opinions what course wee thinke fit to be obserued in the same: which is, That forasmuch as by your owne report of the great

store of Whales in those Seas, wee are at an extraordinary charge this yeare, of setting out a ship and men for that purpose, which ship is called the Marie Margaret of London, in burthen one hundred and fiftie tunnes or thereabout: Our meaning is, that you doe keepe company with the said ship, and not to leaue her, till God send you to the places, where she may make her Voyage: which by your report should be at a ••lace named by you the last yeare 1610. Whale Bay.

And God sending you to the said place, we would haue you to stay there the killing of a Whale, or two or three, for your better experience hereafter to expedite that businesse, if through extremitie of the Ice you should be put from your Discoueries. And in the meane time while you are staying about killing of the Whale, you may cause some of your people to bee searching the Coast with their Shallops for Whale finnes, Morses teeth, Ambergreese, or any other commodities, that may be found vpon that Coast. And hauing thus stayed a conuenient time with the said great ship for the purpose aboue specified, wee would haue you [ 10] then to proceed on your Discouerie for the satisfying of our expectations formerly mentioned, which is, to discouer further to the North Pole as farre as possibly you can, and how the Land alreadie discouered doth trend,* 1.83 and whether there be any inhabitants in the said Land, and whether there be an open Sea to the Northward beyond the said land. And in this your coasting the land, we doubt not but you will endeauor with your Shallops to gather vp all the Whale finnes you can finde, and to kill the Morses which you can come by on land, and to reserue the teeth and blubber to the most aduantage that may bee, the better to beare out the great charge which you know we are at in these Discoueries. And to that end we haue la∣den in you eleuen Tunnes of emptie caske.

And hauing spent so much time in this your Discouerie, and in gathering vp of such commodities as [ 20] that Coast will affoord, and as the season of the yeere will permit you, then we would haue you returne for England▪ and in your way homeward to touch at the place where you left the Mary Margaret, to see if shee be not gone; and finding her there, and that the time of the yeere will permit, wee would haue you melt your Blubber into Oile before your comming from thence, to auoid the great trouble and inconue∣nience you know we fell into the last yeere 1610. by bringing the same hither in Blubber. But if the said ship should chance to be full fished, and so to be gone before your comming thither, yet we would haue you stay there, or at Cherie Iland some small time to melt your Blubber: to which end we haue appointed Thomas Edge our seruant in that ship to leaue a Copper, and such necessaries as shall serue your turne, for the performing of that businesse,* 1.84 behinde him; and haue deliuered him likewise aduertisements at that place of their proceedings in the voyage, and of their intent, what course they purpose to take, together [ 30] with their opinions, what course they would haue you take.

In these matters of Discoueries and vncertaine Voyages, the varietie of occurrences and Sea dangers is such, as we cannot directly prescribe a course certaine to be held: yet we hold it fitting to set downe Our opinions of the needfull: which are, that at your first departure out of England you keepe counsell toge∣ther, and agree vpon your places of meetings, if by tempast of weather you chance to bee separated; still shaping your course directly for Chery Iland, where we would haue you stay. And if at your comming thither, you finde the same cleere of Ice, and that there be Morses on shoare, then wee would haue you to worke vpon them, as time and opportunitie will permit, alway hauing respect to your intended voyage. And hauing dispatched your businesse in that place, wee would haue you depart in company together for The Whale Bay, as aforesaid, and to follow our instructions formerly set downe to be done in that place. [ 40] And hauing performed what may be done in the parts beyond Cherie Island,* 1.85 and so returning backe a∣gaine for England, we hold it fit you make your Rendezvous againe at the said Cherie Iland, and there to stay the one for the other, and to be killing of the Beasts there till the last of August, if neede bee. And if it happen that one ship doe arriue there before the other, and no Morses come on shoare, then wee would haue them spend the time in searching for the Lead Or••, or any other Minerall matter that may be like to be of worth vpon the said Land. And thus hauing stayed at Cherie Iland till the last of Au∣gust the one for the other, and not meeting together, the ship so staying hauing made her Voyage, wee would haue her to returne directly for England, and to leaue a Note in writing of the day of her depar∣ture. This is our opinion. Notwithstanding, if vpon better grounds you shall among your selues finde a conuenienter course to be held for the good of the Voyage, and the benefit of vs the Aduenturers, wee leaue it to your selues to agree vpon, as time and opportunitie shall serue. [ 50]

And for the auoyding of an Obiection heretofore vsed, That the want of sufficient victuals hath beene the cause of the ouerthrow of the Voyages by speedier returne home, then otherwise they would; wee haue thought fit to set downe the quantitie of victuals deliuered aboord your ship in this our Commission, to the intent to cleere our selues and our Agent of that imputation, and to lay the blame on your selues, if by default the same be euill husbanded. The particulars are these. Beefe, 22.^c 3. quarters, 18^li. Bisquit 30.^c Beere 14. Tunnes. Fish, 200. of Haberdin, and halfe an hundred Lings. Cheese 300.^c weight. Butter three Firkins. Oyle three Gallons. Pease ten Bushels. Oate-meale fiue Bushels. Candels, sixe dosen. Aquavitae, thirtie Gallons. Vinegar one rundlet of twentie Gallons. This proportion of victuals will last you seuen or eight moneths with good husbandry, together with the h••lpes of Fish, Fowle, and Beasts that are to be had in abundance vpon those Coasts. So that we hope [ 60] you shall haue no cause to the contrary, but cheerfully to goe forward in your businesse, whereby not onely the small Barke you goe in, but the great Ship may come home fully laden with one commoditie or other, which we doubt not but by your diligence and good endeuours you may attayne vnto.

But if you shall chance by extremitie of Ice, or otherwise to be put backe from your discouerie, or from obtayning commodities vpon the coast of Greenland, whereby to lade both ships; then we would haue you stay at Cherie Iland, or other Ilands thereabout, so long time as possibly you can, and as the season of the yeere will permit you, to finish the rest of your voyage. And if there bee sufficiens lading betweene you both to lade the bigger ship, wee would haue her to bee dispatched from thence with all speede, and you to stay there as long as you may conueniently for the good of the Voyage: which the more beneficiall it proo∣ueth, the more it will be for your credit, and we will not be vnthankefull at your returne.

We would haue you at euery place of meeting with the Mary Margaret, to deliuer to Thomas Edge our seruant a particular Note of what goods you haue taken into your ship. And at your last lading place we would haue you make a generall inuoyce of the whole Cargason of goods laden in your ship, and hauing [ 10] signed the same, to seale it vp, and direct the same to our Agent resident in London. And if you doe c••ance to meete with the Mary Margaret at or after your last Port of lading, we would haue you deliuer a Copy of the said inuoyce to our seruant Thomas Edge for our better satisfaction, what casualtie soeuer might happen by the way, and at any hand to haue such an inuoyce euer readie sealed, and for mortalities sake put vp in some sure place of custodie.

We h••ld it fit, that you Ionas Poole should be as grand Pilot in this voyage to the Northward. And therefore we would haue you to accompany the great ship, and to bring her to the places of fishing for the Whale; or to any other place, which you out of your experience shall thinke fit to bring her for the good of the Voyage and benefit of the Aduenturers. And our will is, That Steuen Bennet Master of the said great ship together with the rest of the company in that ship, doe follow the said Ionas Pooles dire∣ctions, [ 20] as they will answer the contrarie vpon their perils at their comming home.

And for that heretofore the Company haue beene abused by lewd and bad people, who haue imbeseled part of that which by our great charges and aduentures hath beene obtayned: Our minde and will is, That you Ionas Poole doe make search in your owne ship, that none of our Whale finnes, Morses teeth, Oyle, or any other commodities gathered at our charge, be imbeseled or carried away by any of the Ma∣riners, who will looke to haue the vttermost of their wages paid them, and to bee fed with meate and drinke sufficient. And God sending you into England, we would haue you suffer none of your people to goe on shoare vnsearched: neither would we haue you to leaue the ship till your comming into the Riuer of Thames, that we giue you order to the contrarie. And if you chance to be winde bound vpon the coast, you may send vp one of your people with your Letter, but not to come your selfe on shoare till our farther [ 30] order, as aforesaid.

The like order we would haue Steuen Bennet to vse in his ship, by vertue of this our Commission, which we haue ordered to Thomas Edge our seruant to see performed accordingly.

And in as much as we haue agreed here with a Tanner for all the Morses hides which wee kill and bring into England, and haue sent men of purpose for the flaying, salting, and ord••••ing of the same,* 1.86 whereof we haue appointed one to goe in your ship: We would haue you reserue the said hides, and floore your ship therewith in stead of ballast. And if you obtayne a greater quantitie then you can bring away with you, hauing alwayes regard to commodities of more value, which are Oyle, Teeth, and Whales finnes, that none of them be left behind; We would haue you leaue the said ouerplus of hides in some conue∣nient [ 40] place, till the next yeere, that we send more store of shipping.

A Commission for Thomas Edge our seruant, appointed to goe as our Factor in the Ship called the Mary Margaret, of the burthen of one hundred and fiftie Tunnes, for the killing of the Whale and Morses vpon the coast of Greenland, or any other place in the North Ocean: Giuen the 31. of March, 1611.

YOu are not ignorant of our imploying you heretofore in two seuerall Voyages to Cherie Iland. The [ 50] first whereof, by reason of one Duppers going thither, together with certaine men of Hull, glutting the said place, prooued to vs a thousand pound losse of our principall. As also in the second Voyage,* 1.87 be∣cause you could not come to set footing vpon the said Iland, by reason of the abundance of Ice lying round about the same sixteene leagues compasse till the twentie eight of Iuly, by which occasion our whole charge of setting out that yeeres aduenture had beene lost, if the refuge to lade our ship backe againe from Saint Michael the Archangel in Russia had not holpen vs: yet notwithstanding that helpe, wee lost by that voyage aboue fiue hundred pounds. We entring into due consideration of the premisses, doe not impute the cause of these our losses vnto you; but to the accidents then happening contrarie to our expectation: yet these losses growing vpon vs in the times of your imployment, we can doe no lesse then put you in minde [ 60] thereof, to the intent to incourage and stirre vp your minde to doe your vttermost indeuour to further the businesse in this your third imployment, that we may recouer our selues of the losses formerly sustained. And for that end we haue made choice of you againe to goe as our Factor in the Ship Mary Margaret, of one hundred and fiftie Tunnees, the Master being Steuen Bennet, for the killing of the Whale: And to that end, as you well know, haue bin at charge of procuring of sixe me•• of Saint Iohn de Luz, accusto∣med

to that function: whose names are as followeth: videlicet, Iuan de Bacoyne, Iuan de Agerre, Mar∣tin de Karre,* 1.88 Marsene de Horisada, Domingo de Sarria, and Adam de Bellocke: which men wee would haue to be vsed very kindely and friendly during this their voyage, whereby being strangers and leauing their owne Countrie to doe vs seruice, they may haue no iust cause of complaint, but rather to be incouraged to doe vs seruice hereafter, if there be cause. And although it be our meaning they should be encouraged by all good and curteous vsage to be readie to doe vs seruice, yet we will haue you together with our owne people and Mariners imployed in this Voyage, to obserue and diligently put in practise the executing of that businesse of striking the Whale, as well as they: And likewise to know the better sorts of Whales from the worser, whereby in their striking * 1.89 they may choose the good, and leaue the bad. And to that end we doe set you downe here vnder, the seuerall sorts of Whales, together with the differences of good∣nesse betweene the one and the other, as we haue gathered the same by information from men of excellencie in that businesse: who make knowne vnto vs, that there are eight seuerall kindes of Whales, all differing the one from the other in quantitie and qualitie. Which for your better instruction, we haue thought good to set downe in this our Commission.

The first sort of Whales, is called the Bearded Whale, which is black in colour, with a smooth skinne, and white vnder the chops; which Whales is the best of all the rest: and the elder it is, the more it doth yeelde. This sort of Whale doth yeelde vsually foure hundred, and sometimes fiue hundred finnes, and betweene one hundred and one hundred and twentie Hogsheads of Oyle. The second sort of Whale is called Sarda, of the same colour and fashion as the former,* 1.90 but somewhat lesse, and the finnes not aboue one fathom long, and yeeldeth in Oyle, according to his bignesse, sometimes eightie, sometimes a hundred Hogsheads. The [ 20] third sort of Whale is called Trumpa, being as long as the first, but not so thicke, of colour Grey, hauing but one Trunke in his head, whereas the former haue two. He hath in his mouth teeth of a span long, and as thicke as a mans wrist, but no sins: whose head is bigger then either of the two former, and in proportion farre bigger then his body▪ In the head of this Whale is the Spermaceti, which you are to keepe in Caske apart from your other Oyle: you may put the Oyle you finde in the head and the Spermaceti altoge∣ther,* 1.91 and marke it from the other Oyle, and at your comming home, we will separate the Oyle from the Spermeceti. The like is to be done with the Oyle of this sort of Whale, which is to be kept apart from the Oyle of the other Whales. The reason is, that the Oyle of this sort of Whale being boyled, will be as hard and white as Tallow, which to be mingled with the other Oyle being liquid, would make the same to shew as footie Oyle, and so consequently spoyle both, and be of little value: you are therefore to be ve∣ry [ 30] carefull to keepe the Oyle of this sort of Whale apart, as well of the head as of the body, for the reasons before mentioned. In this sort of Whale is likewise found the Ambergreese, lying in the entrals and guts of the same,* 1.92 being of shape and colour like vnto Kowes dung. We would haue you therefore your selfe to be present at the opening of this sort of Whale, and cause the residue of the said entrals to be put into small Caske, and bring them with you into England. We would haue the Master also to be by at the opening of this Whale, and to be made priuie of the packing of those Barils. And although it be said, that the Ambergreese is onely in this Whale and in none other, yet we would not haue you be absent at the opening of any other: but if you see cause to make a reseruation of the entrals of euery Whale, that you shall perceiue to be cause of the least suspect to haue any of the said Ambergreese, being a matter, as you know, of good worth, and therefore not slightly to be regarded. The Teeth likewise of this sort of [ 40] Whale we would haue you cause to be reserued for a triall; as also any other matter extraordinarie that you shall obserue in the same. This Whale is said to yeelde in Oyle fortie Hogsheads, besides the Sperma∣ceti. The fourth sort, &c. as sup. 471.472.

And in as much as industrie and diligence are two principall steps to atchieue great enterprises, and negligence and idlenesse are enemies to the same; we would haue you in this charge committed vnto you, to imbrace the one, and to auoide the other: and to shew that example of paines taking to the rest of the company of your Ship in your owne person, as well in setting them on worke, as in putting your owne hand to the businesse when neede requireth, as that there be no idle time spent, but that euery one be imployed in some businesse or other in helping to kill the Whale, or in searching the Bayes along the coast for Whales, Ambergreese, Morses teeth, or any other strange thing, that may be found vpon that coast, or in killing the [ 50] Morses, Beares, or any thing that may make profit toward our great charges.

Touching directions for your keeping company together with the Elizabeth, and of the course we thinke fitting for the Master of that Ship to obserue, we haue set the same downe at large in our Commission de∣liuered to Ionas Poole, a Copie whereof we deliuer you herewith, for your better instructions, to obserue what is to be done on both your behalfes for the good of the Voyage: which our Commission, we would haue you strictly obserue, vnlesse vpon some speciall occasion to vs vnknowne, and by the consent of the principall Officers in both the Ships, you shall see iust cause to the contrary,

You haue with you an order set downe by the Lords of his Maiesties priuie Counsell, for the maintai∣ning of our Charter:* 1.93 which we would haue you make knowne to any of our Nation, that you may chance to meete withall either at Cherie Iland, or vpon any of those coasts. And if any stranger doe offer you vio∣lence, or doe disturbe you in your trade, you may both defend your selues, and maintaine your trade to the [ 60] vttermost of your powers, &c.

CHAP. III. A briefe Declaration of this my Voyage of discouery to Greeneland, and towards the West of it, as followeth: being set forth by the right Worshipfull Sir THOMAS SMITH, Gouernour of the right Wor∣shipfull Company of new Trades, &c. writ∣ten by IONAS POOLE.

WEE set sayle at Blacke-wall the eleauenth of Aprill, 1611. with foure Shippes: [ 10] The one called the Mary-margaret, of burthen one hundred and fiftie Tuns, with nine and fortie Men and Boyes. The next the Elizabeth, of burthen sixtie Tuns,* 1.94 with eighteene Men and Boyes. The third was called the Amitie, of burthen sea∣uentie Tunnes, with foure and twentie Men and Boyes. The fourth was cal∣led the Resolution, with about sixteene Men and Boyes: the Resolution was appointed to goe to Saint Nicholas in Russia, in hope to make two Voyages thither this yeare. The Amitie was to goe to Pich••ra or Nouazembla, there to see if they could make a Voyage by way of trade,* 1.95 or by killing of Mohorses, &c. The Mary-margaret was appointed to keepe the Elizabeth companie to Greeneland, abouesaid, there to kill the Whale, for which purpose we had sixe men of Saint Iohn de Luz, with all things fitting for that purpose. The Elizabeth was appointed to see if it [ 30] weare possible to passe from Greeneland towards the Pole, and to search in those Stas what like∣lihood of a passage that way, &c. But before we were as farre to the Northwards as the latitude of sixtie fiue, we were all separated, by reason of contrarie windes:* 1.96 and foule weather the Eli∣zabeth, in which Ship I was, was stok••d, that the water which was in her could not come to the Pumpe, but lay vpon the balast, which was the cause we could beare no sayle to keepe the Ma∣ry-margaret companie.

Yet by the thirteenth day of May I came to Cherie Iland, and the foureteenth I spake with the Amitie. The sixteenth day I met with the Mary-margaret,* 1.97 which kept mee companie to Greeneland, but in our passage thither we saw a banke of Ice to the East wards of vs, aboue for∣tie leagues long. The nine and twentieth of May,* 1.98 we anchored in a place named (by me the last [ 30] yeare) Crossroad, but before we got thither, wee were much troubled with Ice and contrarie windes, and we found almost all the sounds full of Ice,* 1.99 that the Biscainers could not strike one Whale, although they saw diuers, which as they said were of the best kinde of Whales.

I staid there till the sixteenth of Iune, in which time we set vp our shalops and ranged some part of the Coast, but found little, by reason the beaches were couered with Snow and Ice. Like∣wise in the same time, I was put out of the roade with Ice, and stood out West and by North into the Sea about foureteene leagues, where I found a banke of Ice; then I stood into the sound againe and got off the Shalop which was in the roade, at which time (which was about the elea∣uenth of Iune) I stood to the Sea againe and had a storme at South, which sunke our Shalop, and I saw the Ice lye close to the Land in 80. degrees. Then I went into Crosse roade againe, and had [ 40] a Shalop from the Mary-margaret,* 1.100 and because I perceiued the Ice aboue said to lye close to the land, and vnpossible to passe that way there running verie strong Tides, in the which it is dangerous dealing with the Ice: I determined to stand to the Southwards alongst the said Ice, to see if I could finde the Sea open that way, and so get to the Westwards of the said Ice, and then proceeded on my Voyage: but I found it to lye the next hand South South-west and South-west and by South, and ranne alongst it about one hundred and twentie leagues,* 1.101 at which time I supposed my selfe neere Greenland, as it is laied downe by Hudson and others, and cal∣led Hold with hope:* 1.102 I ranne neere fortie leagues to the West wards of the Eastermost part of the said Land, as it is laid downe, and by my accounts I was to the Southwards of it, neere the la∣titude 74. degrees, where I saw abundance of Whales by the sides of the Ice; for I sailed all this [ 50] time sometimes in, and sometimes by the said Ice, and sounded most commonly each watch,* 1.103 but had no ground at 160.140.180. and 200. fathomes.

Then the winde came to the North-west, and I perceiuing the Ice to trend still to the South∣wards, determined to stand to Greeneland, from whence I came, there to make my Voyage and likewise to try the certaintie concerning the misplacing of the Land, but the next day, being about the seauen and twentieth of Iune, the winde came to the North▪ and I stood for Cherie Iland, and came to it the nine and twentieth of the same Moneth, where I found that place of my being, when I supposed I should haue found Land, did beare from Cherie Iland West and by South, aboue one hundred twentie fiue leagues.* 1.104 When I came to the Iland I saw about three [ 60] hundred Morses on land, but a storme comming they went all into the Sea.

The twelfth of Iuly, we slue aboue two hundred;* 1.105 and by the three and twentieth day wee had taken all their fat Hides and Teeth, which with the Victuals we had laded the ship: then I determined to hale vp a shalop to goe to Greeneland, to search if I could finde any Land or Ilands, that might proue beneficiall the next yeere, and likewise to search for Teeth and Whales

Finnes. The foure and twentie, and fiue and twentie dayes, it was very much wind at North, which caused the Sea to goe so high that we could not land. Yet at eight aclocke at night the wind ceased, and I went on land where I found certayne of the Marie Margaret•• men, by whom I vnderstood, that the said ship was cast away, and that Master Thomas Edge seruant to the right Worshipfull Company,* 1.106 &c. with Stephen Bennet Master of the said shippe, and others to the number of thirtie persons, were arriued on the South side in three Boats, and that they parted from two Boats in Greenland with nine men in them.

Immediately Master Edge and Master Bennet came aboard, and I weighed and stood to the West side of the Iland, and anchored there, and put neere one hundred Morse hides on land, and some emptie caske, and haled vp a shallop. The six and twentieth day about noone, we weighed [ 10] and stood to the South-west side of the Iland, and sent men on land to hale vp two shallops there. And at mid-night I set sayle for Greenland, carrying with mee two Biscaine shallops, determi∣ning there to try the Blubber of those Morses we had killed, and bring it to Oyle, and to bring all the Oyle, Teeth, and Finnes which they had gotten in that Countrey. And after diuers winds, but indifferent faire weather, I arriued at Blacke-point the last of Iuly, and hauing the wind at North, I was perswaded by diuers that had gone that way to go betwixt the Iland and the Mayne, but when I was almost through, and in sight of that place where the Mary Mar∣garet lyeth sunke, I could not find water enough for the ship, yet I was told there was enough by diuers that had gone that way in the shallops. Here we stayed two dayes to buoy the chan∣nell, which is shoald and narrow, for we had at three quarters floud, but eleuen foot water. [ 20]

The third of August I got ouer, and about eight of the clock•• at night▪ I anchored neere the Mary Margaret, the Sunne being in 79. degrees, and there I found a shippe of Hull conducted thither by one Nicholas Woodcock,* 1.107 he being in one of the Boats which stayed in Greenland, when those came from thence that came to Cherrie Iland. The ships name was called the Hopewell, one Thomas Marmaduke being Master. Here we found that hee had slaine aboue one hundred and thirtie Mohorses, which were left on land when Master Thomas Edge came from thence with the Boats aforesaid, and we did determine to kill at my arri••all. Assoone as the ship was moo∣red, wee got out Blubber and sent it on land to bee brought into Oyle, and wee followed our worke till the seuenth of August at noone, at which time hauing Oyle by the ships side, we put out all the Blubber which was in hold, saue two tunnes and a halfe, supposing the ship had bal∣last [ 30] enough in her, for there was twelue tunnes of Hides, which were the chiefest cause of the losse of the ship, and nine tunnes of Oyle, and aboue seuen tunnes of ballast, a Hogshead and a Barrell of Teeth: besides halfe a tunne of stones, all which was about nine and twentie tunne weight, and to any vnpartiall mans judgement, sufficient to shift a Barke of sixtie tunnes. But as the last But went out of her, the ship began to held, and with all a great many men went to leeward, there being at that time aboue ••orty aboard. Then the hides which lay in hold, slid to leeward, and brought her altogether downe, then euery man made shift to saue his life, and I being farre from the hatches, could not get vp so soone as others did. At which time I saw death before mine eyes two wayes,* 1.108 one if I stayed in hold, I was sure to be drowned: the other if I went vp the hatches, I was in election to be slaine, for downe at the hatches fell hogsheads [ 40] of beere and diuers other things, the least of them being sufficient to beate a mans bones, and in attempting to get vp, I was beaten downe twice and hurt. But it was not the will of God to take my life from mee then, but to reuiue me, to plucke me euen from the jawes of death, and by swimming and crawling I got into the Sea cleere of the ship where a Boat tooke me vp, and blessed bee God, no man perished at that so dangerous an accident. We being all got into three Boats, went to the Hull ship, where we found but small comfort: for Duke told vs plainly, wee should not come aboard his ship, and caused Pikes and Launces to bee brought to keepe vs out. Then Master Edge and diuers others desired him to let mee come aboard, which hee did, and with much adoe I got aboard, hauing mine head broke to the skull, and my brow that one might see the bare bones, and by mine eare I had a sore wound, likewise the ribs on my right side were [ 50] all broken and sore bruised, and the collar bone of my left shoulder is broken, besides my backe was so sore, that I could not suffer any man to touch it.

That which followeth, being further accusation of Marmaduke, is omitted. And I haue here added out of his Brother Randolph Poole their returne; omitting the former part of his Relations of the same Voyage.

In this our great distresse, Thomas Marmaduke Master of the shippe of Hull, professed great kindnesse towards vs, promising vs passage, and that he would try if he could recouer our ship: but hee deferred the time one whole weeke, till shee was full of oze, so that when wee came to weigh her, both her Cables burst, and so we left her to all our sorrowes, without hope of reco∣uerie. Then we went aboard the ship of Hull, which God had prepared for our succour, where [ 60] our Merchant agreeing for the fraight, we got the goods aboard; namely, about twentie, or one and twentie tunnes and an halfe of Oyle, and a Barrell of Beares Oyle, about tenne tunnes of Whales Finnes bound vp in an hundred and sixe bundels, in euery one thirtie Finnes, and in some more, fiue Hogsheads of Morses Teeth, and one and twentie odde paire. And if our ship had not miscarried, the Voyage had beene much better.

The nineteenth of August, we directed our course for England, the weather being reasona∣ble faire, and the wind for the most part betwixt the North and the West:* 1.109 and wee continued our course homeward all that moneth.

Vpon Tuesday the third of September, about two of the clocke in the morning,* 1.110 we were im∣bayed with land, and were neere the shoare before we were aware. Wee steered backe North and by East: and at twelue of the clocke we found our selues to be on the West side of the Iles of Orkney, and steered East into a great sound, called Pentlow Fryth,* 1.111 where wee beeing entred there came a Boat from the shoare, which brought vs fresh meat, and one of the men directed vs through the Sound. This Sound lyeth in the latitude of 58. degrees and 36. minutes, and the course [ 10] through, is East North-east, and West South-west, it floweth there on the change day, South South-east and North, North-west halfe a tyde, nine foote high or thereabout. At the en∣trance in on the North side, there is an high red Mountayne, and the Sound there is twelue miles ouer: but farther in the land is somewhat lower, and the Sound narrower. You may sayle along the North shoare two miles off the land in fortie or fiftie fathomes; and on the said shoare about foure miles East South-east. From the red Cliffe there is a Bay, into which you may steere North by West, giuing the West point of the entrance into the said Bay a good birth: for there the water is shoald and fowle ground: but in the middle of the entrance, 30.20.18.12.10.6. and 5. fathomes: but wee anchored in 10. fathomes, fine sandie ground.

The fift of September at an East South-east Sunne wee set sayle, keeping our course aboue [ 20] mentioned, leauing fiue small Ilands on our larboord side, and one Iland on our starboord side: and so keeping an high Cliffe, which lyeth into the Sea on Scotland side, open of a low Land in the sound on the same shoare, we sayled out as before is said.

Vpon the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 day at a North Sunne, we anchored in Humber mouth: there it floweth on the change day West South-west. Vpon the eight day we arriued at Hull, safely and well in bo∣dy, but much distressed and impayred in our states, which God at his good pleasure can restore.

At our first comming to this Country of Greenland, the Mountaynes and Valleyes thereof, ex∣cept it were some few places, were all couered with snow▪ but ere we went away, the tops of the high Hils, and the lower Plaines appeared greene with Mosse▪ and some little quantitie of grasse. This Countrey, and likewise the seas in these parts, are subiect to maruellous thicke and [ 30] mistie weather, especially when the sunne with his most forcible heat melteth the Ice and snow, whose vapours obscure the light of the sunne, making small difference betweene the day there, and the irkesome night in other places.

We found in this Countrey many fat. Deere, which we killed with our Peeces and Dogges at our pleasure, which was a great refreshing to vs in that vnquoth place: many white Beares,* 1.112 with white, grey, and dunne Foxes. We found also abundance of Fowle: namely, Cul••idines, sea Pidgeons, white land Partridges, wild Geese, Willockes, and many other Fowles. Among which I noted the nature of one, which we called an All••n; who (like to the great fishes, which eate vp the small, or like to some great men, which deuoure all the labours of the poore) when some smaller Birds haue gotten any thing, then he leaueth not beating of them, till they haue cast [ 40] vp what they haue eaten, which he laying hold of deuoureth vp: and so with little meate in their gorges, and few feathers on their backes, he leaueth them to get more, not for themselues but for him. We found on the shoares many huge Morses.

There is great store of fresh water in euery Valley,* 1.113 which proceedeth most of the melted snow. On euery Beech is great plentie of drift wood, but neuer a bush nor tree groweth in those quarters, as farre as we haue hitherto discouered.

CHAP. IIII. A Relation written by IONAS POOLE of a Voyage to Greenland, in [ 50] the yeere 1612. with two ships, the one called the Whale; the other the Sea-horse, set out by the Right Worship∣full the Muscouie Merchants.

THe seuenth of Aprill, 1612. wee set sayle at Blacke-wall, and went to Gr••••esend.

The third of May we came to Cherie Iland, where we found a ship of Holland,* 1.114 in which one Alan Salo••es an Englishman was Pilot. The same day about a North sunne we anchored on the West side of the Iland.

The fourth, we trimmed a shallop which I left there the last yeere: and Alan Salowes went aboard our Admirall, and Master Russell sent for Master Thomas [ 60] Edge, Master Arthington, Iohn Mason, and my selfe: where wee had some speech about detay∣ning him, and to haue brought him into England: but in the end hee was let goe. At a North sunne we sent our shallop to the South-east side of the Iland to fetch a shallop, which was left there the last yeere: but they could not get thither for Ice, and came aboard againe at an East

North-east Sunne the fift day: at which time we weighed, and stood to the Westward, but im∣mediatly we altered our course, and stood toward the Iland againe among the Ice; and about a West North-west Sunne wee sent our Skiffe and Shallop to fetch the Shallop aforesaid. The winde was at North and by West, frostie weather with snowe.

The eight, wee stood toward Cherie Iland againe, and were faire by it at a South sunne: at which time the winde came to the South-east, and wee saw the Hollander standing with vs. Then we altered our course, and sayled West North-west, determining, if hee followed vs, to stay for him. At ten of the clock at night hee came to vs: and the Admirall sent his shallop a∣boord of him to command him to be gone out of our companie: and at a North sunne hee stood away from vs, and sayled North and by East, and we lay by the lee. [ 10]

The twentieth at a South Sunne we saw our Consort, and spake with them, and they told vs, that they had almost split their ship with a piece of Ice, which brake nine of their Timbers, so that they had fiue foot water in hold.

The one and two and twentie dayes, wee plyed to windward, the winde being at North faire weather.* 1.115 And at Blacke Point wee saw great store of Ice driuing to the South. At eight of the clocke at night Blacke Point did beare from mee East and by North nine leagues. And the three dayes past we saw great store of Whales within ten or twelue leagues off the Land.* 1.116

The three and twentieth we were faire off Cape Cold; where Master Edge and Master Ar∣thington went with the Basks in their Shallops for Crosse-rode, in hope to kill some Whales. And we saw store of Whales in the Sea. [ 20]

* 1.117The fiue and twentieth we got into Foule Sound, all the Sounds being full of Ice; and the Shallops came aboord and brought some Venison, which was very leane. And at six of the clock the Basks went with the Shallops to Faire Foreland, to see if they could kill a Whale: and at a North-west Sunne Master Edge went with a Shallop,* 1.118 to see if Crosse-rode were open.

The six and twentieth, the two ships abouesaid came into Foule Sound: one of them was that Hollander before mentioned;* 1.119 the other was a ship of London, called The Diana, whereof one Thomas Bustion dwelling at Wapping wall, was Master.

The seuen and twentieth, Al••••ie Salo••es came aboord of our ship, and told vs, that his Mer∣chant had broke his necke downe a Cliffe.* 1.120 The same day the Holl••nder and the Diana stood to the Southward. The winde was at North North-west, and Northwest, which kept the Ice in the [ 30] Sounds. The twentie eight, we sent the long Boat and our Shallop to Brokennesse, with a Shal∣lop of ten Tunnes, there to be set vp. The winde was at West with snowe and frost. The same day the Basks came aboord,* 1.121 but could kill neuer a Whale. The winde came to the South South∣west, with frost and snowe.

The nine and twentieth, the winde was at South with much snowe. The same day one of our men dyed, named Iohn Butcher, hauing layen sicke about three weeks. The thirtieth, one Michael Perkins dyed aboord The Whale. The last of May, the winde was at South; and wee stood toward the Foreland in 79. degrees. The s••me day a•• midnight, the Chyrurgeon of The Whale dyed.

* 1.122The first of Iune, we stood into Foule Sound, where wee saw abundance of Ice driue out with the winde at East. The second day, the winde was at North and by East, cold frostie weather. [ 40] All which day wee lay vnder saile in the mouth of the Sound.* 1.123 The third day, wee spake with Thomas Marmaduke of Hull, in a ship called The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 w••ll. Wee sent for him to come aboord, but he answered, that he was not well, and sent his Mate Christopher Nayler. The same day, we stood to the mouth of the Sound, but it was couered with Ice. And Marmaduke stood to the Northward; and as we were afterward informed, discouered as farre as 82. degrees; two de∣grees beyond Hakluyts Headland. The fourth, we sent our shallop on shoare in Foule Sound, to see if any harbour were open to ride in,* 1.124 and to put our Admirall on ground to stop her leake. The same day, our long Boate came to vs from Brokennesse. And we turned into the Sound, because we saw the Ice driue out with the winde at South, and blew hard. The fift, we anchored in Foule Sound in seuenteene fathoms water and sandie ground, where we saw the place where both the [ 50] ships lay which wee lost the last yeere, couered with Ice. The same time wee sent our shallop with our Carpenters, to finish the aforesaid shallop at Brokennesse. The winde continued at South; and the Whale turned into the Sound by vs, and achnored there at a South-west by South Sunne. The ninth, the Admirals Boate and ours went with prouision and men to worke vpon a Whale, which the Basks had killed; and we stood toward the Foreland with the ships, wh••re the Whale was killed, the winde at South, thicke foggie weather. And by an East North-east Sunne wee anchored in the mouth of Foule Sound in fifteene fathoms, gray sand with some shells. At a West sunne the Boate came aboord for caske and other prouision, and told vs, that the Basks had killed two other Whales.

The seuenteenth, one Baske named Chapel, tooke fiue of our English men to him, and they [ 60] trimmed the shallop to kill the Whale. About a West North-west sunne they went away, the winde at South. The twentieth, the Biscaine shallop came aboord of vs from the Foreland, and told vs that they had strooken three Whales, which brake away.

The two and twentieth wee rid still, the winde being at North-west, with snowe and frost. The fiue and twentieth, we got the Whale on flote, hauing stopped her leake. We were no soo∣ner off, but it blew most fiercely, so that the Whales long Boate and our shallop brake from the Whales sterne, and were split in pieces on the Ice, that lay on shoare. The same day about a South sunne two men came from Faire Foreland, and told vs that Master Edge was come from the South in the Pinnasse, and had spoken with one Nicolas Woodcock an English man, which was my Mate to this Countrey of Greenland in the yeere 1610.* 1.125 The said VVoodcocke was now Pilot of a ship of Saint Sebastian in Biscay, and rid in Ice Sound. Moreouer, they spake with the men of the Boate of the Diana, and saw the Hollanders Boate, but spake not with their men. The two men abouesaid told vs likewise, that Iohn Chapel our Baske with fiue English men had [ 10] killed a Whale: and betwixt them and another shallop they had slaine another,* 1.126 and had them both on shoare.

The seuen and twentieth we rid still, and our Carpenter went to worke to mend the knee of our beake-head. And I went to see what Morses were on Land, where I found neere one hun∣dred and fiftie. The eight and twentieth, the shallop that had all English men in her saue one Baske, came aboord for prouision, and told me, that they and Iohannes Chapel, had slaine a great Whale close by our ship, which towed them off into the Sound,* 1.127 and our long Boate followed them. At the same time we saw sixe Whales close by the ships side as we rode in harbour: and we saw great store in the Sound, and within one houre there were so many about our ships and in the Sound, that we could not count them. About a North-west sunne our long Boate brought [ 30] the men that strooke the Whale abouesaid, and towed their shallop on land: for the said Whale had sunke her with his taile. The same time our Carpenter went to worke on the broken shal∣lop, and I went to the place where the Morses lay, where I found about three hundred on land. Then I went aboord the Whale to get some harping Irons: for they had all,* 1.128 but I could get but one, because the rest of the Basks had laid them vp, enuying that one Baske, that went with all English men, had done so much,* 1.129 because by their good wills they would not haue vs to haue any insight into this businesse. Moreouer, hee that had the chiefest command in this voyage, did greatly condemne the going of so many English men with that one Baske, either for feare they should kill none, and lose all their prouision for the said vse, or for feare that our men should kill the Whale aswell, and as soone as they; yet was there none of the other Boates but had lost [ 30] more then they had lost. And as for killing, there was not one Whale killed with one Boate alone, saue ours, with all English saue the Baske aforesaid, which slue three without the helpe of any other Boate. This day the Basks slue another Whale at the Foreland.* 1.130

The nine and twentieth, the broken shallop was mended, and I went to the Foreland, to see whether the other shallops would come where the ships rode in harbour, where abundance of Whales were still. The same time the Basks killed another Whale. Then I romaged my ship,* 1.131 and put caske on land. All this day it was calme.

The last of Iune, one came from the Foreland, and told vs, that the Basks had slaine two great Whales. All this day likewise it was calme: and there lay abundance of huge Whales in the harbour about our ships. One of the whales abouesaid, Iohannes with the fiue English men slue [ 40] without any of the others helpe. For they stood on the land flouting, and saying, that it was vnpossible for them to kill him, and would not once lanch their Boates to helpe them: yet hee was one of the greatest that were killed this yeere. All this day the whales lay so thicke about the ship, that some ran against our Cables, some against the Ship, and one against the Rudder. One lay vnder our beake-head and slept there a long while. At which time our Carpenter had hung a stage close by the water, whereon his tooles lay. And wee durst not molest the said whale for feare he should haue ouerthrowne the stage and drowned all his tooles. In the end he went away, and carried the ships head round, his taile being foule of the Cable.

The first of Iuly, at a North North-east Sunne, the shallops came to kill whales in the har∣bour where we rid, and strooke three, which all brake away. The same day, Iohannes strooke a [ 50] whale, that smit in the side of his shallop and split it. Now wee perceiued the whales to begin to goe out of the Bayes. The second day, the Basks slue three great whales faire by our ships, in lesse then foure houres; vvhich vvee vvith our long Boate and men towed into harbour,* 1.132 and made fast to our ship. And the Basks vvent with their shallops to Faire Foreland.

The seuenth day, wee had abundance of Ice about our ships, which vvith the winde and the tyde draue out off another Sound. The eight, vve rid still, and vvere troubled vvith much Ice, by reason of a storme that blue at South-vvest and by vvest, &c. The rest is omitted as hauing nothing of note, but ordinarie accidents.

[ 60]

CHAP. V. A Iournall of the Voyage made to Greenland with sixe English ships and a Pinnasse, in the yeere 1613. Written by Master WILLIAM BAFFIN.

BY the prouidence of Almightie God wee departed from Queenborough the thirteenth day of May with sixe good Ships,* 1.133 viz. The Tigre, Admirall; the Matthew, Vice-admirall; the Sea-horse, called the Gamaliel, the [ 10] Reare-admirall; the Desire; the Annula; and the Richard and Bernard; with the Iohn and Francis shortly to follow.

The one and twentieth day, faire weather, the winde Southward, wee still making to the Northwards. This morning wee had sight of Land on the Coast of Norway, it lying East and by North off about twelue or fourteene leagues. This day at noone, we were in the latitude of 61. degrees and 30. minutes, the variation of the Compasse at Scoutes-nes is eight degrees East, it being about ten or twelue leagues off: wee hauing made a North way halfe East, about thirtie leagues.

The three and twentieth at noone, in the latitude of 65. degrees and 45. minutes, in which place, the Needle of Declination doth dippe vnder the Horizon 63. degrees and 30. minutes by [ 20] that Instrument which declineth 54. at London.

* 1.134The thirtieth day, about three of the clocke, wee espied the land of Greenland, being a∣bout eight or nine leagues off. The Southwardest part of it bare South-east and by East off it, which shortly wee perceiued to bee the Land lying in 76. degrees and 55. minutes, which is called Horne-sound. This Land lyeth by our common Compasse North North-west. Within two houres after we had sight of Land, it began to snowe, and was very cold. This euening the Compasse was varied thirteene degrees West.

The one and thirtieth day, variable weather with snowe, and very cold, and the winde also variable: and in the afternoone the winde was at the North-east. In the morning, wee espied a ship, and about noone we spoke with her, and their Master and Pilot came aboord of vs. And wee knew them to bee that ship of Saint Iohn de Luz,* 1.135 which had leaue of the Companie to fish. [ 30] And they told vs, that there were eight Spaniards on the Coast. Also, wee espied another ship, which we supposed to be a French man, and had one Allan Sallas to their Pilot.

The second of Iune, in the morning, about fiue of the clocke, our Generall sent our shallop to a small Pinke, that all this night we saw along the shoare, to bid their Master and Pilot come a∣boord vs,* 1.136 which presently they did. The Masters name was Clai•• Martin of Horne, and his ship was for Dunkerke, and he told vs that he was consorted with another ship that was his Ad∣mirall, the Captaines name was Fopp of Dunkerke, and that he was on the Coast. Wee kept the Master and Pilot aboord of vs, and sent some of our men aboord of her, and brought her vnder our lee: and then, we sent their Master aboord againe, charging them to follow vs. This after∣noone we tooke their shallop with fiue or sixe men, whereof two were English men, and one [ 40] Scot, at the Faire foreland.

The fourth day also faire weather. This morning was the first Whale killed. Wee had no night since the three and twentieth of May. The fift day, faire weather, but very cold, the winde North.* 1.137 Wee sayled along the Iland being about eighteene or twentie leagues in length; lying for the most part by the common Compasse North and by West halfe Westward. About nine of the clocke in the afternoone, we saw our other three ships, viz. the Gamaliel, the Desire, and the Richard and Barnard, which lay there to and fro, because they could not goe into their Harbour by reason of the Ice: and also, because there were foure other ships in a Bay or Coue, called Pooppy Bay, or Nickes Coue: and also other ships on the other side in Greene Harbour. We [ 50] sayled along the drift Ice vntill about one or two of the clocke in the morning, at which time, we came to an anchor in the entrance of the Sound, because the Ice came driuing out so fast.

The sixt day, faire weather, the winde variable, till the afternoone: at which time it came to the Northwards. About three in the afternoone we weighed anchor, and about ten of the clocke we came to the foure ships lying in Pooppy Bay: two of them being Hollanders, and one a Rocheller,* 1.138 and the other a ship of Burdeaux. The Masters of the Hollanders came aboord of our ship, to speake with the Generall, both of them being of Amsterdam, and brought a Commission granted by the Graue Maurice, for to fish in this Countrey. But, when they saw our Kings Ma∣iesties Commission granted to the worshipfull Companie, they told our Generall, that they would depart this Coast: hauing our Generals Ticket to shew to their Aduenturers, that they [ 60] were there, and had made their Port, and how he would not suffer them to fish. We anchored close by the French ship wherein was Allane Sallas, being readie to fight, if they refused to come aboord vs. So, when we sent our shallop, the Master came presently and their Surgeon, who could speake English. At the first, they denyed that Sallas was aboord of them: but, being hardly vrged,

they confessed that hee and one Thomas Fisher an English man were aboord, who were both pre∣sently sent for. This Sallas was their Pilot, and Fisher was their Gunner.

The seuenth day faire weather, we road still at an anchor. This day I obserued the latitude of the place, and found it in 78. degrees 24. minutes.* 1.139 The variation of the Compasse is in this place 15. degrees 21. minutes West. About a North Sunne a small ship of Biscay came into the harbour where we roade.

The eight day, for the most part snow, the winde Southward.* 1.140 This day the Master of the French ship, being a ship of nine score, or two hundred, called the Iaques of Bardeaux, agreed with our Generall that hee might fish on the coast: our Generall was to haue halfe the Whales he could kill. Also, this day, the Master of the ship of R••chel, and the Master of the small ship [ 10] of Biscay, were agreed to depart from the coast.

The ninth day, faire weather. This morning the Gamaliel our Reare-Admirall, and the Desire weighed anchor to goe for Greene harbour, where two ships lay, one of Dunkerke, and the other of Saint Sebastian in Biscay. The Captaine of the Dunkerke, called Fopp,* 1.141 had beene with our Generall, and told him that he would depart from this Coast. Our Generall gaue him leaue to take the Pilot of the small Pinke, and the other Dutch men he had taken of his▪ keeping on∣ly the English men and the Scots. Also, the two ships of Holland, with the ship of Biscay, and that of Rochel weighed anchor, and departed from this Harbour. About six of the clocke in the afternoone, came the Master of the ship of Saint Sebastian aboord of vs, being brought by one of [ 20] the Masters Mates of the Desire (they hauing taken two of his Shallops) to know our Generals pleasure, whether he should haue them againe, or no. Our Generall gaue them him againe, vp∣on condition, that he would depart the Coast. About a North North-west Sunne, we weighed anchor to goe for Horne-Sound, where we heard, that there were diuers ships; the wind North∣ward a small gale.

The tenth day, faire weather, the winde at North, being very close weather. About a North Sunne we came to an anchor in the entrance of Low Sound,* 1.142 where we saw two ships ride at an∣chor. Our Generall sent our shallop to see what ships they were, who found them to bee the two ships of Holland. Also our long Boate went on shoare to set vp the Kings Maiesties Armes vpon a low point of land, lying a great way off, called Low-nesse. We set vp a Crosse of wood,* 1.143 and nayled the Armes vpon it.

[ 30] The thirteenth day, in the morning, it snowed very fast, being very thicke weather, the winde variable, we standing off from the land. About seuen of the clock it began to cleere vp, at which time we espied three ships; and making toward them, at length we perceiued them to be the three ships which came from the Bay where we road: the winde also was at East and by South, and blew a very stiffe gale. Then we stood in for the shoare, and spent most of this day in turning vp Horne-Sound. And about a North North-west Sunne, at ten a clock wee espied six ships lying at anchor on the South side of the Sound, in a small Bay. The one of them was Captaine Fopp the Dunkerker, who came in before vs, and was appointed by our Generall to come into this harbour, and there to stay for vs, and to goe to the Foreland, to haue his other ship which we kept there. Foure of them were Biscaines of Saint Sebastian; and one of them was [ 40] in the harbour where we road and found the French ship: The sixt was a ship of Amsterdam, wherein Thomas Bonner was Master and Pilot, and aboue twentie English men more.* 1.144 All the Biscaines came aboord of vs as soone as we were at an anchor: but Thomas Bonner refused to come, being sent for by our Generall. Our Generall commanded our Gunner to shoot at him, he him∣selfe discharging the second Ordnance. Then presently he began to set saile, and cut his cable, thinking to get from vs: but wee hauing shot him through three or foure times, they began to weaue vs, so we sent our shallop and he came aboord. There were fiue or sixe more of the En∣glish men fetched aboord, and some of our men sent to bring her to an anchor, where shee might ride safe: for, shee was almost run ashoare. This was about a North sunne, or eleuen a clocke. The Biscaines were charged presently to depart, so soone as they had filled fresh water, which, [ 50] they said, they wanted; and to bring what Whale finnes they had found, or had taken, or o∣ther things.

The fourteenth day, faire weather, the winde at East North-east. This morning one of the Biscaines brought a few Whale finnes aboord of vs, and the skin of a Beare, which they had kil∣led. Then was our Boate-swaine sent aboord of them to search their ships, and to bid them de∣part. Our Generall kept the Holland ship, wherein was Thomas Bonner, to the vse of the Com∣panie. This day I obserued the latitude of this place by a Quadrant of foure foote Semidiame∣ter, and found it to stand in 75. degrees 55. minutes: the Declination of the Needle vnder the Horizon, is 67. degrees 30. minutes, pointing to the Northwards: but pointing to the South∣wards, [ 60] it is 80. degrees. The variation of the Compasse is 12. degrees 14. minutes west from the true Meridian: but from our common sayling Compasse it is 17. degrees,* 1.145 because the Compasse is touched fiue degrees and a halfe to the Eastward, and the variation is to the Westward.

This day in the afternoone, the foure ships of Biscay departed from this Harbour, which is

called Horne-Sound: and about a North sunne, I, with the Master Thomas Sherin went ashoare with other, to set vp another Crosse with the Kings Maiesties Armes, cast in Lead, nayled vp∣on it. Then I obserued the Sunne vpon his North Meridian, by my foresaid Quadrant, and found it eleuated aboue the Horizon 10. degrees and thirtie minutes: but because his heigth at the South Meridian, and his heigth at the North did not agree, in finding of the Latitude, I did abate fiue minutes from each, as the meane betwixt both: for his altitude at the South Meri∣dian was 36. degrees 40. minutes, the declination 23. degrees and 29. minutes.

The fifteenth day, faire weather, the winde in the morning South, but almost calme. This day about noone we weighed anchor with the ship of Amsterdam, and diuers of her men were fetched aboord vs with their Shipper, and some of our men were sent aboord her with one of [ 10] our Masters Mates, called Master Spencer. All this day it was so calme, that wee were faine to towe our ship. Our Carpenter did trim vp two of the Biscaine Shallops which they did leaue behinde them, and they did leaue diuers Hoopes and Caske staued ashoare.

The eighteenth day, faire weather, the winde variable, we stearing away Northward. This afternoone wee met with another ship of Biscay, being a ship of two or three hundred Tunnes. Our Generall, as he did to the rest, caused her Master and Pilot to come aboord vs, to whom he shewed his Commission, charging them to depart this Countrey. They, seeing no remedie, were content, so soone as they had filled fresh water. Wee met with them off the Southward part of the Iland. Our Generall being so neere Greene Harbour, where the Gamaliel and the De∣sire road, wee went into the Sound to see them, with this great ship of Biscay, and the ship of [ 20] Amsterdam. We found that the entrance of Greene Harbour was quite stopped with Ice; and ran our ship into it,* 1.146 thinking to get through, but wee could not. Then wee got her out a∣gaine, and came to the Bay where wee roade on the other side of the Sound in Pooppy Bay, or Niches Coue.

The nineteenth day, faire weather, the winde Northward. This day about twelue of the clock we came to an anchor in the foresaid Bay. This afternoone there came another ship of Saint Sebastian into the Bay where wee roade: and about seuen of the clocke, the Captaine came a∣boord of vs, who told vs that he had lost six of his men and a shallop vpon the coast of Groine∣land,* 1.147 vpon an Iland in the latitude of 72. degrees or thereabouts. This was the Master which had beene here the last yeere, and made a great voyage, Master Woodcocke being their Pilot. His [ 30] making so great a voyage, was the cause that so many ships were here this yeere.

The twentieth in the morning, we had newes that the Iohn and Francis was come about two dayes agoe,* 1.148 and that they had killed one and twentie Whales at the Foreland, and had also killed two at Greene harbour. This day it was very close weather with some snowe; the winde North-west. This afternoone the Captaines of the two Biscay ships were commanded to de∣part this Coast.

The one and twentieth, wee perceiued another ship standing toward vs. Wee less••ned our sailes and stayed for her to see what shee was. At length, we perceiued her to bee another Bis∣caine. About a North s••nne we came to an anchor in Greene harbour, by the Gamaliel, and the Desire, and the ship of Burdeaux: and the Biscaine followed vs. So soone as they were come to an anchor, their Captaine came aboord of vs, to whom our Generall shewed his Commission as [ 40] he had done to the rest, charging him to depart those Coasts, and told him, that hee would take away some of their shallops. They earnestly intreated him not to take them away, and they would depart: the Captaine offering his bond to our Generall, that if he stayed either in Green∣land, Groineland, or Cherie Iland, he would willingly forfait all he was worth. There was ano∣ther Whale killed in Greene-harbour,* 1.149 in the killing whereof there was a man slaine, and a Boate ouerwhelmed, by too much haste of following him, after the harping Iron was in him.

The three and twentieth day, faire weather, the winde Northward. This day, and the last night I obserued the latitude of the place where we roade, and found it by both, to bee in the la∣titude of 78. degrees 7. minutes:* 1.150 the skie at both obseruations being very cleere, where I finde that there is no sensible error betweene a South obseruation and a North, the skie being [ 50] cleare.* 1.151 But if the skie be hasie, there will be some difference, as of eight or ten minutes, being obserued on shoare by some large Quadrant or other Instrument for the purpose, also a South South-west Moone by the common Compasse,* 1.152 maketh a full Sea in this place.

The ninth of Iuly, faire weather, the winde at North. This day wee stood to the South∣ward along the Iland: but, toward night it fell calme, and then the winde came to the West. The tenth day, faire weather, but thicke and close, the winde South South-west. All this day we stood for Bell-Sound. Our Generall went on shoare this afternoone, and killed foure Deere, and brought a young Morse aliue with him aboord.

The eleauenth day faire weather, but calme. This afternoone wee perceiued fiue shippes in a Bay in Bel-sound. The winde was so calme, that we were faine to towe in our shippes, and about [ 60] a North North-w••st sunne, we came to an anchor by them, with our three ships, viz. the Tigre Admirall, the Mathew Vice-Admirall, and the Richard and Barnard, hauing made all things rea∣die for to fight. These fiue shippes which rid here, the one was a great shippe of Biscay of seuen

hundred Tunnes, and the two Hollanders, which we found the sixt of Iune in Pooppy-bay, and one small Pinke of Amsterdam, and another small shippe of Rochell. This great shippe of Biscay,* 1.153 which we expected would haue fought with vs, sent their Captaine aboord of vs before we came to an anchor, and submitted themselues vnto the Generall. The two ships of Amsterdam, whose Masters names were these, viz. Cornelius Calias, William Vermogon, Admirall, and Iohn Iacob Vice-Admirall, these two would gladly haue stood out with vs, if the Biscaine would haue assisted them.

The twelfth day faire weather. This day the ship of Iohn Iacobo was vnladen of such goods as shee had in her; as Oyle, Blubber, and Mories skinnes. The thirteenth day I was sent in a shal∣lop to Greene Harborough.

[ 10] The foureteenth day, thicke close weather, the winde Northward; but toward noone it be∣gan to cleare vp, and then it blew more winde. About a West sunne, we came to a small Iland, or rather a Rock, where Morses vse to come: where we found seauen which we killed, and knock∣ed out their teeth, and let them lye. In this place are many of these rockes,* 1.154 where are great mul∣titudes of foule, and they are called Lizets Ilands. The Land all along is so full of Rockes, that it is vnpossible for any shippe to come neere the Maine, but in the Sands which are very deepe, and good to come in. All this euening and night wee rowed betweene this Iland and Ice-sound,

The fifteenth day, about nine or tenne a clocke, we came to the shippes in Greene-barborough, where we found, that they had killed eighteene Whales in all.* 1.155 Foure of these ships were French∣men, which had killed eight Whales for the Companie according to the agreement which the [ 30] Generall had made with them: which was, that they should kill eight for vs, and after, what they could kill, should be for themselues. Our English men had killed three in this place,* 1.156 and the Baskes in the Desire also three. The Desire had taken in an hundred tunnes of Oyle when wee came there, and she was to be laden so soone as she could.

The seauenteenth day also faire weather, the winde Northward. This day, toward a West Sunne, the Master of the French shippe came from Sea-horse Bay, who went thither to speake with our Generall: because Master Mason and Master Cooper had stayed his Shallops from going to Sea. in regard they would not obserue the orders which the Generall had appointed them: which were that those Whales which our Englishmen did chase, they should not follow, nor our men should not follow the Whales they chased. For the order of the Biscaines is, that who so doth [ 30] strike the first Harping Iron into him, it is his Whale, if his Iron hold. This euening, I say, he retur∣ned from Sea-horse Bay, hauing lost his labour: for the Generall and Master Edge were in Bell∣sound. We vnderstood by him, that they had killed some eight and thirtie Whales in all;* 1.157 and that there was one hundred and sixtie tunnes of Oyle ready made.

The fiue and twentieth day in the morning, the Desire weighed Anchor to go to the Generall, and the Master of the French ship also this morning went from thence to speake with the Ge∣nerall, because of a Whale which was in strife betweene his Biscaines and ours: when for pil∣fering and for some peremptorie speeches, two of the Rochellers were ducked at our Yard arme,* 1.158 the one on the one side, and the other on the other. This day I also obserued the latitude of this place, and found it to be 77. degrees 40. minutes. Also,* 1.159 the variation of the Compasse is 13. de∣grees [ 40] 11. minutes West. This variation was obserued the third of August in the morning: the height of the sunne aboue the Horizon was 17. degrees 24. minutes, and the declination was 14. degrees 41. minutes. North in the latitude of 77. degrees 40. minutes, and his Magnetical azimuth was 63. from South to East. The ninth day wee had sight of Master Bonners Ship, wherein was Master Marmaduke, who had beene to the Northward as farre as Faire-hauen: and now, as he said, he was bound to the southward to discouer beyond Point Looke-out, hauing his directi∣on from Master Edge, as he said. Our Generall told him, that hee had hindered the Voyage more by his absence, then his discouerie would profit;* 1.160 and that it were best that he went backe with him to the Fore-land, and that he would giue no licence to goe now for Discouerie, because the yeare was farre spent: but bad him, according to his Commission, so to proceede. The twelfth [ 50] day I obserued, and found the latitude of this place by an exact obseruation to be in 79. degrees 14. minutes. They in the Pooppy-Bay had seene a ship of England off Black-point, and had spoken with her, who told them that they were come from Kildeene.

The foureteenth day faire weather, the Winde at North North-east. This day about tenne a clocke in the forenoone, we waied anchor to goe homeward, being sixe ships in company, viz. the Tigre Admirall, the Gamaliel Vice-Admirall, the Iohn and Frances, the Annula, the ship of Burdeaux which the Generall agreed with to fish in Greene-harborough, and the Biscay ship which fished in Sir Thomas Smiths Bay.

The fifteenth day very faire weather, all the forenoone almost calme: in the afternoone, an [ 60] easie gale at North-east. This day about twelue a clocke at noone,* 1.161 wee were against Faire Fore∣land, which is in the latitude of 79. degrees 8. minutes. This night was very cleere and faire wea∣ther, and also calme, by which meanes I had very good opportunitie to finde the su••••ies refracti∣on. For beholding it about a North North-east sunne, by the common Compasse,* 1.162 at which time the sunne was at the lowest, it was but one fift part of his body aboue the Horizon, hauing about

foure fifth parts below, so neere as I could gesse. His declination for that instant was 10. de∣grees 35. minutes North, being at noone in the 2. degree 7. minutes of Virgo, his daily motion was 58. minutes: whose halfe beeing nineteene to bee added to the former, because it was at twelue houres afore noone. I say his place at that instant was 2. degrees 26. minutes of Virgo, whose declination was as before 10. degrees 35. minutes: the Latitude of the place was 78. de∣grees 47. minutes, whose complement was 11. degrees 13. minutes, the declination being sub∣stract••d from the complement of the Poles eleuation, leaueth 38. minutes, foure fiue part of which 12. minutes;* 1.163 which being substracted from 38. leaueth 26. minutes for the Refraction. But, I suppose the Refraction is more or lesse, according as the ayre is thicke or cleare, which I leaue for better schollers to discusse: but this I thought good to note, for the better helpe of such [ 10] as doe profesie this studie.

The sixteenth day also very faire weather, and for the most part calme: the winde that was, was a•• North-west. This morning, we espied a ship out in the often, ouer against Cold-cape, which we stood with, and she also stood with vs. And when we came to her, wee found her to be the Desire, a shippe of Alborough. Our Generall sent for the Master and Merchant aboard of vs, who certified him that they came from Killedeene, and that they had made but a bad Voyage of fi••h: and they were come to see, if we could fraight them home. The Merchant was of London, whose name was Master Cudner:* 1.164 the Masters name was Fletcher, who also brought sixe men which Thomas Bonner had left at Cherie Iland. These sixe men had killed but one Morse all this yeere at the Iland: who also told vs, that William Gourdon was gone▪ to the Northwards. At noone, the [ 20] three and twentieth day, I obserued the variation of the Compasse, and found it to be one degree 5. minutes East.

The three and twentieth day faire weather, with a fine gale at North and by East. We stea∣ring away South and by West halfe South: being a•• noone, by supposition, in the latitude of 69. degrees no minutes. Hauing sailed since yesterday noone, some thirtie leagues South, true.

The foure and twentieth day, very faire weather and cleere, the winde all the fore-noone Northwards, but about noone it came to the South-east. This morning I obserued the middle starre in the Great Beares tayle, and found it to bee in the latitude of 68. degrees 24. minutes about two a clocke, at which time that starre was on the Meridian vnder the Pole. Also I obserued the starre in the Beares Rumpe about one a clock,* 1.165 and found the like latitude. Also all [ 30] this day we had sight of Rost Ilands, being about ten or eleuen leagues off vs. Also at noone I obserued the latitude by the Sun, and found vs to be in the latitude of 68. degrees no minutes, which did agree with the former Obseruations by the starres. Also the variation of this plac•• is 4. degrees 8. minutes East from the true Meridian, wee hauing runne since yesterday noone some two and twentie leagues South and by West. Almost all the afternoon it was almost calme.

The fiue and twentieth day also very faire weather, the winde this morning came to the East South-east a fine easie gale. We steered away South and by West halfe West ten leagues, being at noone in the latitude of 67. degrees 5. minutes.* 1.166 The variation of this place is 5. degrees 3. minutes East, neere to the set of our Compasse. This Euening the winde came to the South South-west, which continued about two Watches. [ 40]

The nine and twentieth day faire weather, with a good gale of winde at North North-east. From two this last night to sixe, we stood away South-west and by South; and at sixe we stee∣red away South South-west, being at noone by obseruation, in 62. degrees no minutes. The land about Scoutesnesse lyeth in this sort:* 1.167 from sixtie three toward sixtie two, it is nineteene leagues South South-west halfe Westward: from thence tenne leagues South and by West, which is two or three Ilands, which are the West wardest land in Norway, lying in the latitude of 62. degrees 44. minutes. But whether these Ilands, or a Point of land, which lyeth about three or foure leagues more to the North, be called Scoutesnesse, I know not. The sixt of September we entred the Thames.

[ 50]

CHAP. VI. A Voyage of Discouerie to Greenland, &c. Anno 1614. Written by RO. FOTHERBYE.

THe ship Thomasine went downe from Black-wall to Woolwich the sixteenth of Aprill, and from thence to Grauesend the three and twentieth, where shee re∣mayned vntill the eight and twentieth of the same; and weighing from thence she anchored againe in Tilberie Hope, with ten ships more of good burthen, and [ 60] two Pinnasses all of the Greenland Fleet, set forth also at the charge of the said Company, vnder the command of Master Beniamin Ioseph, Chiefe Captayne and Generall of the said Fleet.

We set sayle out of Tilberie Hope the fourth of May, and came to an anchor the same day in Lee Road, where we stayed till the next morning,* 1.168 then wee set sayle againe and went forth to Sea before night.

We proceeded in company of the Fleet, and met with stragling Ice the fiue and twentieth of May in the latitude of 75. degrees 10. minutes, through which wee passed without danger, hol∣ding on our course all tha•• day, till time of mid-night; then we found the Ice so close packt to∣gether, that we were forced to tacke about, and stand to the Westward, till wee found more o∣pen passage; wee plyed through it without any great danger, till the eight and twentieth day: but then being in fight of Land, we passed amongst very much Ice all the fore-noone, which lay in great abundance on both sides of vs: but a desire (as it seemes) to get through it, drew vs on [ 10] to be the more intangled with it, for about noone we could neither find a passage to goe forward, nor way to retyre backe againe, but being nine ships and two Pinnasses (for the Prosperous and the Desire lost Company through foule weather, the one and twentieth of May, otherwise we had beene thirteene sayle) we began very suddenly to bee inclosed and shut vp with Ice. Now euery one wrought the best meanes he could for the safetie of his ship; Our Master in the Tho∣masine, caused a Hauser and a Grapnell to be carried forth, and laid vpon a great Iland of Ice,* 1.169 and so we rid as at an Anchor, and by that meanes wee stayd from forceable rushing against other peeces▪ afterward we laid forth an anchor for surer hold, and made ••enders of an old Ca••le, which was hung ouer the ships sides to keepe the Ice from piercing of her plankes. Wee rid thus from the eight and twentieth of May till the second of Iune, still floating as the wind droue vs [ 20] with our anchor, holding Iland, which now we accounted as the shoare, and made vse thereof accordingly, for vpon it our Carpenter sealed and trimmed our lesser shallop.

On the second of Iune we had a great homeming Sea, the wind being at North-west, where∣by we iudged we were not farre from an open Sea to windward of vs;* 1.170 there wee resolued to make tryall what we might doe, to free ourselues out of the Ice. In the afternoone about three a clock we got aboard our Anchor, letting fall our fore top-sayle, and putting forth our M••zen; and so droue a sterne for a while, till the floating Iland gaue way; then wee filled out top-sayle, and attempted diuers places where to passe, but had rep••lse and fell asterne againe; notwithstanding at the length we preuayled, and with much adoe we attayned an open Sea at a North, and by West Sunne, parting very gladly from these ill neighbouring Ilands;* 1.171 which at our parting [ 30] from them, gaue vs or rather receiued from vs some knockes, but whilest we remayned amongst them they seemed much more perillous then they proued hurtfull, so wee praysed God for our safe deliuerance, wishing that the rest of the ships which we left in the Ice, were as cleere out of it as was the Thomasine.

Hauing attayned the open Sea to the Westwards, we proceeded to the Northwards keeping the Ice still on our starboord side, and met with ••he Mary An-Sarah,* 1.172 that got also free of the Ice the same day that we came forth of it; we kept company together till the next day, when being as high as Prince Charles Ilands▪ we both stood in for the shoare, the Mary An-Sarah go∣ing for Bel-sound, her assigned Harbour; but we proceeded to the Fore-land, where when wee came the sixt of Iune, wee met with two shallops that belonged to the Desire,* 1.173 wherein was [ 40] Cuthbert Appleyard, and William 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Harponiers; by whom we vnderstood, that the Prospe∣rous and the Desire had more desiredly prospered, then all the rest of the Fleet, they escaped the danger that all the rest fell into, and came to the Fore-land the third of Iune, finding the Harbour open.

Here was yet no worke begunne, for they had not seene one Whale since their comming into the Harbour; so that for vs there was no cause of stay to bee helpfull vnto them, and therefore we proceeded to the Northward, hoping to find the shoare still as free from Ice,* 1.174 as it was at this place; but it fel out contrary to our expectations, for being come as farre as Maudlen Sound, in the latitude of 79. degrees 34. minutes, we met with some stragling Ice, and from the mayne top we saw much Ice lye betwixt vs and Hackluyt•• Head-land, which seemed to bee close to the shoare, [ 50] therefore we sent some men in a shallop to Maudlen Sound, to see if it were open, that wee might harbour our ship there, and search for a leake which wee found her subject vnto in foule weather.

The Sound was open and we anchored in a good Harbour, but the Ice was not gone cleere from the shoare, therefore we could not hale our ship aground, but we carined her and set vp our Biscaine shallop which we carried with vs out of England in pieces.

The next day after our comming hither I went forth in a little shallop (the other being then vnset together) to see how the Ice lay at Hackluyts Head-land,* 1.175 and whether we might passe with our ship that way or no. Being come forth of the Harbour, we perceiued, that it was very foule weather at Sea, notwithstanding I proceeded into Faire Hauen, where the South Harbour was [ 60] then open, but much Ice lay then in the Sound vnbroken from shoare to shoare; otherwise wee might haue passed that way to Hackluyts Head-land, betwixt the Iland and the mayne Land, we stayed here till the next morning, then the weather beganne to cleere vp, and wee put forth to Sea againe, intending to goe without the Ilands: but being out of the Harbour wee found the

foule weather to be such,* 1.176 as our little weake shallop was not able to endure, therefore we retur∣ned againe to our ship into Maudlen Sound, where we killed two Female Morses, and took their Teeth, Hides and Blubber.

On the tenth of Iune we set sayle out of Maulden Sound, and coasted along to the North∣ward, till we were past Hackluyts Head-Land, but then we saw the Ice lye before vs, extending close to the shoare, so that for vs to passe further that way, it was not possible: therefore wee turned to the Westward, to see if wee could finde passage further from the shoare. Wee sayled as the Ice trended West and West South-west till the thirteenth day, and keeping still a∣longst it,* 1.177 we found it to trend neerest South and South South-west, we proceeded well thus far, till we came vnder the latitude of Prince Charles his Iland, in 78. degrees 40. minutes, being [ 10] eight and twentie leagues from shoare, but then we altered our course, and stood in for the Fore-land, to goe and be helpfull to the other ships there for the furthering of their Voyage according to our Instructions (as some did vnderstand them) but contrary I am sure to some of our desires. When we came neere the Fore-land, we saw eleuen ships of Hollanders vnder sayle, plying to the Southwards; one of them came roome towards vs, and strucke her top-sayles twice, whereby we supposed they tooke vs for some of their Fleete, which they wanted, but wee held on our course still into Sir Thomas Smiths Bay, where we came to an anchor the fifteenth of Iune, by the Iohn-Anne-Francis, and the Desire, the Mary Margaret being then vnder sayle to go to the Fore-land.

Here was yet no need of any help•• that we could make them, for they had hitherto neyther [ 20] killed nor seene one Whale since their first comming in hither; therefore we thought it best not to stay here, but rather goe to Faire Hauen, where wee should bee more readie to proceed on our Discouerie when the Ice would giue vs leaue, and in the meane-time wee might bee helpfull to the two ships thither assigned for the making of their Voyage, and so much the rather wee ha∣sted, because we vnderstood that the Hollanders also set forth a ship on Discouerie.

We set sayle the seuenth of Iune, and met with the Prosperous, that came from Crosse-road, and was going into Sir Thomas Smiths Bay,* 1.178 there to get some Bricke and Lime to mend their For∣nace, as Nicholas Woodcocke the Master told vs; then we went forth to Sea, and being about foure leagues from the shoare, the winde began to blow so hard from the North-west, that wee were forced back againe to seek Harbour, and came to an anchor the nineteenth of Iune, in Crosse-road. [ 30] Here we stayed two dayes,* 1.179 much wind blowing at the North North-east, till the one and twen∣tieth of Iune, and then in the after-noone the wind came to the East and by South, and the wea∣ther was faire, therefore at a North North-west Sunne, we weighed and set sayle againe, and so did the Thomas Bonauenture, that came to an anchor by vs this morning, beeing also bound for Faire Hauen.* 1.180

This next day in the afternoone we were thwart of Maudlen Sound, and the weather being faire and calme, we sent a shallop to the Northward, to see what alteration there was amongst the Ice, and to seeke out some good Harbour for a ship▪ and also to set vp the Kings Armes at Hackluyts Head-land, or some other conuenient place.

When Master Baffin was gone from the ship in the foresaid shallop, I went presently into the [ 40] other shallop into Maudlen Sound,* 1.181 there to set vp the Kings Armes; and also to see if there were any Morses come ashoare; when I was within the Sound, I found no Beeches bare for Morses to come vpon: for Ice and snow lay yet vndissolued from the shoare side, but I went to the Har∣bour, and there caused a Crosse to be set vp, and the Kings Armes to bee nayled thereon; vnder which also I nayled a piece of sheet Lead, whereon I set the Moscouie Companies Marke, with the day of the moneth and yeere of our Lord. Then cutting vp a piece of Earth, which after∣ward I carried aboard our ship,* 1.182 I tooke it into my hand and said, in the hearing of the men there present to this effect.

I take this piece of Earth, as a signe of lawfull possession (of this Countrey of King Iames his New-land, and of this particular place, which I name Trinitie Harbour) taken on the behalfe of the [ 50] Company of Merchants, called the Merchants of New Trades and Discoueries, for the vse of our Souereigne Lord Iames by the grace of God, King of great Brittaine, France, and Ireland, whose Royall Armes are here set vp,* 1.183 to the end that all people who shall here arriue may take notice of his Ma∣iesties Right and Title to this Countrey, and to euery part thereof. God saue King Iames.

This is a good safe harbour, and is vnder the latitude of 79, degrees 34. minutes, as I haue found by good obseruation, and haue of Westerly variation 25. degrees. When I had here set vp the Kings armes, I returned toward our ship, which was come to an anchor at the entrance of Faire hauen, staying till the floud came, because that at the Tide of Ebbe, there runnes a great current out of the Sound; so at the next floud, we came into Faire hauen and anchored by the Gamaliel and the Thomas Bonauenture, the three and twentieth day of Iune.

Then Iohn Mason, Master of the Gamaliel, came aboord of our ship, and I asked him if he had [ 60] any worke for our men, for I would cause them to come a shore: he told me, that hitherto he had not seene a Whale come in,* 1.184 but his Furnaces and Coppers were already set vp, and therefore as yet he had no neede of helpe, but when occasion serued he would imploy them. This day about

eleauen a clocke Master Baffin returned in the Shallop from the Northwards: he said that he had beene at Cape Barren,* 1.185 which is the point of an Iland three or foure leagues from Hackluits head∣land, but further then that he could not passe for Ice which lay close to the shore, and he had not set vp the Kings armes in any place.

On Munday the seuen and twentieth day of Iune, I went forth againe in the Shallop to the Northward, partly to see what alteration there might be in the Ice, with the Easterly windes which had blowne hard since the Shallop last returned, but chiefely to set vp the Kings armes in some place conuenient, because there was none set vp to the Northwards of Maudlen sound.

We rowed to Cape Barren, where formerly Master Baffin had bin, and finding the Ice there [ 10] gone from the shore, we proceeded further to an Iland which now we call the Saddle,* 1.186 in respect of the forme thereof, more then a league distant from Cape Barren. In our way thither it began to snow, and grew to be a great and vehement storme from the West North-west, therefore we hasted and got to the lee side of the aforesaid Iland,* 1.187 and there made fast our Shallop with a grap∣nell laid vpon the Icie shore, vsing the best meanes we could with our shallops saile to keepe vs from the extremitie of so cold an harbour: we staid here eight houres, and the storme continued driuing the Ice still Eastward in great abundance and with wonderfull swiftnesse: when the wea∣ther began to cleere, I caused the men to rowe to Leewards to another Iland a league distant, [ 20] which seemed then to be a Cape of the maine land, purposing there to set vp the Kings armes; but afterwards wee found it to be an Iland, and to the maine wee could not come for bro∣ken Ice.

This stormie weather continued from Munday night till Friday morning, during which time we had beene but eleauen leagues at the furthest from our ship, yet went we so farre as we could haue gone, had the weather beene neuer so faire; for at foure leagues distance from Cape Bar∣ren, the Ice lay firme and vnbroken two or three miles from the shore, and close againe to it lay the shattered Ice thronged together with this present storme.

On Friday morning we came backe againe to Hackluits headland,* 1.188 and there I set the Kings armes in the like manner as at Trinitie Harbour: from thence we rowed towards our ship, and as we entred into Faire-hauen, there came a Whale that accompanied vs into the harbour leaping and aduancing himselfe almost quite out of the water,* 1.189 falling headlong downe againe with great [ 30] noise; we hasted aboord our ship, and I sent forth both our Shallops to strike this Whale if they could, and told Master Mason of her comming in, who also went▪ forth in his Shallop: but it seemes the Whale past vnder the Ice which lay yet vnbroken betwixt the North harbour and the South harbour, for they could not see her againe.

The next day there came more Whales in, and Robert Hambleton,* 1.190 our Masters mate strucke two, which vnluckily escaped; the first for want of helpe, the Gamaliels Shallop being in chase of another Whale, and our owne little Shallop not able to row against a head-sea to assist the o∣ther: so that at length the Whale hauing towed the Shallop forth to Sea, the harping iron came out: the second was also strucken within the sound, and ranne vnder the Ice, which lay yet vn∣broken at the East end of the Sound, and drew the Shallop vpon it cleare out of the water; by [ 40] which meanes the Harpingiron came forth. Here we remained till the sixt of Iulie, our men and Boates being helpefull at all times to further the Voyage.

The sixt of Iulie we set saile forth of Faire-hauen, intending to make triall if wee could to get to Westwards of the Ice, and so proceede to the Northwards, hauing sent away one of our Shal∣lops the day before, prouided with twentie dayes Bread, to coast alongst the shoare,* 1.191 search the Beach for Commodities, and set vp the Kings Armes at places conuenient, hoping thereby to preuent the Hollanders, who now rid in the North harbour of Faire-hauen, and were ready for the first opportunitie, to discouer and take possession of other harbours, hauing two Ships to goe forth onely vpon Discouery.

We sailed Westwards from Faire-hauen seuen leagues, and then met with a maine banke of Ice which trended North & South,* 1.192 the Sea appeared to the Northwards to be open so far as we could [ 50] see, therfore we plied that way: when we had run seuen or eight leagues more, the Ice lay so thick on euery side, that we were bard from proceeding any further; then we stood in toward the shore, and being a little to the Northwards of Cape Barren, our Shallop had sight of vs, & came rowing to vs through the broken Ice. Master Baffin told vs the shore to the Eastward was much pestered with Ice, and he had set vp the Kings armes at the entrance of a faire Sound, about foure leagues distant from Cape Barren.

Now the weather being faire and calme, Master Sherwin, Master Baffin and I, went in the Shallop to the place where the Kings Armes were set vp, purposing (because the ayre was very cleere) to goe vpon some high mountaine, from whence we might see how the Sea was pestered [ 60] with Ice, and what likelihood there was of further proceeding. According to this our intent, we ascended a very high hill, and from thence we saw the Ice lye vpon the Sea so farre as we could discerne, so that the Sea seemed to be wholly toured with Ice, saue onely to the Eastwards: we thought that we saw the water beyond the Ice, which put vs in some hope that we should ere long get passage with our Shallops along the shore, if we could not passe with our shippe. Being

thus satisfied,* 1.193 we returned abord our ship and plyed towards Faire hauen, aduising amongst our selues of the best course we could to further the businesse committed vnto vs.

We resolued to make our discouery along the shore with both our Shallops, and to carry with vs our prouision for the Whale-killing,* 1.194 conceiuing good hopes besides, of profit which the beaches would afford vs; therefore we intended when our ship was brought safe into harbour a∣gaine, to goe from her with both our Shallops, and to put in practise this our late resolution. But the weather falling calme, and a fogge succeeding, which continued three dayes, so that our ship came not into harbour till the twelfth of Iuly; I went from her the eleuenth day, intending to search the Beaches,* 1.195 till Master Baffin came to me with the other Shallop, and then we to proceede both together: but before he came, I had gone so farre as that the Ice would not suffer mee to passe a Boates length further, and I had also searched a very faire Beach which was altogether [ 10] fruitlesse.

* 1.196Master Baffin came to me at a place appointed the foureteenth day of Iulie, in the other Shal∣lop, and we proceeded both together to the Eastwards againe, and found passage amongst the Ice about a league further then I had lately beene, so that we came to the firme Ice, that lay al∣most two miles from the shoare of Red-beach, vnbroken vp this yeare. Here wee haled vp our Shallops out of the water, lest the broken Ice which is carried to and fro with the winde, might split them or bruse them: then Master Baffin and I with foure men more walked ouer the firme Ice and went ashore on Red-beach, where we trauelled about the space of three miles by the shore side, but found no commodities as we expected to haue done; for here had the Hulmen been in 1612. as we might know by fires that they had made,* 1.197 and gathered the fruites that many [ 20] yeares before had brought forth. Thus as we could not finde that which wee desired to see, so did we behold that which we wished had not beene there to be seene, which was great abun∣dance of Ice, that lay close to the shore and also off at Sea so farre as we could discerne; where∣fore being thus satisfied, and more wearie to know that we could passe no further, then with tra∣uailing so farre, we returned to our Shallops, and went aboord of our Ship in Faire hauen on Sun∣day the seuenteenth of Iuly,* 1.198 passing the neerest way betwixt the Ilands and the maine Land, for now the Ice was broken betwixt the South-harbor where we rid, and the North harbour, where the Hollanders rid.

The next day we sent our Shallop to the North-east side of Faire hauen, there to lye for the comming of the Whales ouer against the Gamaliels two Shallops that lye on the other side for the [ 30] same purpose.

The twentieth of Iuly, wee were vnder saile to goe forth of Faire hauen with the Gamaliel, purposing to haue taken two Ships that rid at the entrance of Maudlen-Sound, with Iohn Mason, who first descried them,* 1.199 supposed to be the one a Bask, and the other an English man; but the winde blew right into the Harbour, so that we could not get forth, and therefore we came to an anchor againe where we rid before.

On the one and twentieth of Iuly, our Harponiers killed a Whale, which split one of our Shal∣lops and strucke the Harponier that was in her ouerboord:* 1.200 but both hee and the rest of the men were relieued and taken into an other Shallop: then we sent our Carpenter to mend the Shallop that was split: and on the fiue and twentieth day they helpt to kill another Whale. [ 40]

On the sixe and twentieth of Iuly, I drew the plat of Faire hauen, as it is here proiected (but here too costly to insert.)

When this Scoale of Whales were past, we went out of Faire hauen the first of August with both our Shallops,* 1.201 Master Baffin in the one, and I in the other, with fiue men more in each Shal∣lop, thinking that now we should finde the Ice broken and cleere gone from the shore, concei∣uing some good hope to proceede and make some new discouery, which was the chiefe occasion of our imployment. Wee passed ouer Red cliffe-Sound, which we found cleare of Ice; and from thence we proceeded to Red-beach, where we also found great alteration since our last being there, notwithstanding the Ice was not cleerely voided from the shore; for in some places it was firme and vnbroken off, for the space almost of halfe a mile: so we rowed alongst it, till wee came neere [ 50] the North end of the Beach which lyeth furthest into the Sea,* 1.202 and there we found an open way to the shore with our Shallops, and went on land; but seeing in all places great abundance of broken Ice, we lay close to the shoare, and doubting that although perhaps with much adoe, we might get about the point of the Beach, yet should we still be pestered with Ice from proceeding any further, we resolued to walke ouer land, to the other side of the Beach, where we saw a hill about foure miles distant; from which we thought we should be satisfied, how much further it was possible for vs to proceede: so thither we trauailed, where when we came, wee saw a very faire Sound on the East side of the Beach which was open within, but there lay very much Ice at the entrance of it,* 1.203 which although it was extended more then halfe ouer Sound, yet we doubted not but if we could get our Shallops about the Beach, we should finde either one way or other to [ 60] passe ouer the said Sound, & from the high land on the other side, we should receiue very good sa∣tisfaction, if the weather continued faire and cleare as now it was, therefore we intended to make triall what we might do; but before we returned we went down to the point of the Beach, at the

entrance of the Sound, and there set vp a Crosse, and nailed a sixe pence thereon with the Kings Armes. This being done, we returned to our Shallops, and according to our late determination,* 1.204 we rowed about the point of Red-beach, and with many crooked windings amongst the Ice, at length we got ouer Wiches Sound (for so it is now named.)

As soone as we were ouer on the other side, about two leagues from Red-beach, Master Baffin and I clambred vp a very high hill, from whence we saw a point of land bearing East North-east, by the ordinary Compasse eighteene or twentie leagues distant, as I supposed. Wee likewise saw another faire Sound to the Southwards of vs, which was much pestered with Ice, but we could not see the end of it. Here vpon the mountaine wee set vp a Warelocke, and then came downe [ 10] againe with lesse labour, but more danger then we had in getting vp,* 1.205 by reason of the steepinesse thereof: then we walked to the shoare side, and there found many beach Finnes, whereby I con∣iectured that Master Marmadukes men in his first discouery, made in Anno 1612. had not beene vpon this land to search the Beaches, for in all other places where we had beene heretofore, we could finde nothing at all. Now therefore we resolued to make further search alongst this shoare, and to proceede with our Shallops so farre as we possibly could: whereupon wee returned to our men againe whom we left with our Shallops, where we first landed.

Hauing stayed here a while and obserued the latitude which I found to be 79. degrees 54. mi∣nutes, we saw a Shallop come rowing towards the extreamest point of this shoare,* 1.206 therefore we hastned towards them to see who were therein, and found them to be Master Marmadukes men, lately come from their ship the Harts-ease, which they said they left at Sea amongst the Ice, about [ 20] a league from Red Beach: here they were setting vp a Crosse, which they said that they found there fallen downe, and had beene formerly set vp in the time of Master Marmadukes first disco∣uery, by one Laurence Prestwood, whose name I saw thereon engrauen,* 1.207 with two or three names more, and it had the date of the seuenteenth of August 1612. Vpon this Crosse they nailed the Kings Armes.

Here we parted from them, and according to our former determination we proceeded, some in the Shallops amongst the Ice, and others on shoare, till wee went about foure leagues further: in which space we found many more Finnes, and one paire of Morses teeth, but now we found the Ice so close packt together, that wee could not proceede any further with our Shallops: wherefore Master Baffin and I intended to walke ouer land vntill we should be better satis∣fied [ 30] how farre this Sound went in, for wee could as yet see no end of it, and it seemed to make a separation of the land; so leauing our men here with the Shallops, wee trauailed almost a league further, till we came to the point of a sandie beach, that shot into the Sound, which was wonder∣fully stored with drift Wood in great abundance. From this point we receiued such satisfaction as we looked for, because we saw the end of the Sound which lies South in about ten leagues. It hath in it a good harbour that is landlockt,* 1.208 and doubtlesse it is a good place for the Whale-killing if it be not euery yeare as now it is pestered with Ice. Here I saw a more naturall earth and clay then any that I haue seene in all the Countr, but nothing growing thereupon more then in o∣ther places. This Sound is that which formerly had and still retaineth the name of Sir Thomas Smiths Inlet.

[ 40] Being thus satisfied, we came backe againe to our Shallops, and seeing no way but one, we re∣turned towards our Ship; but before we could get to Red-beach,* 1.209 there arose a very great storme from the East North-east, after we had entered amongst the Ice in Wiches Sound, so that we were separated the one Shallop from the other, whereby our danger was the greater: for whiles wee were both in company together, the one might haue beene helpefull to the other when neede re∣quired, and more easie it seemed to saue them both, then being separated to keepe either of them from wracke; but God (who in his wonted mercie is euer ready to relieue the faithfull distressed) did not onely so prouide that we met together againe, and indeede were helpefull the one to the other (otherwise I doubt the one Shallop had miscarried, for she was in great danger) but also de∣liuered vs safely out from amongst these perillous rockes of Ice, which it was very hard to shu••,* 1.210 [ 50] and at the length brought vs into an open Sea, where with as scant a saile as we could make, we past swiftly before the winde, the Sea comming diuers times ouer the sternes of our Shallops, which wet our skinnes, that had scarse any dry cloathes on before to keepe them warme, by reason of a drizeling Snow which fell with the storme: then we went aboord our Ship into the South harbour of Faire hauen, the fift of August, with one hundred and fiftie Beach finnes,* 1.211 and one paire of Morses teeth, giuing thanks to God for his blessing and mercifull deliuerance.

The ninth of August, two ships of the Hollanders,* 1.212 that were appointed for Northerne Disco∣uery, were seene thwart of Faire Hauen, sayling to the Southwards.

The eleuenth of August, we set sayle forth of Faire Hauen, the winde at South South-west, intending to make tryall, if yet the Ice would admit vs to haue passage to the Northwards or [ 60] the North-eastwards. We held our course from Cape Barren, North-east and by East, till seuen a clocke at night, at which time hauing runne eight leagues from the shoare, wee met with the Ice which lay East and by South, and West and by North, and bore vp alongst it to the East∣wards, for the winde was now come to the North North-west; then wee tackt about to the

Westwards, and plyed off and on close by the Ice, till the thirteenth day at mid-night, still ex∣pecting a change of the weath••••,* 1.213 that we might haue made some aduenture amongst the shatterd Ice, for both on the twelfth and thirteenth day, the winde blew hard at North, and the wea∣ther was cold, thicke, and very winter-like with fall of snow: this winde being so contrarie, droue both the Ice and our ship to leewards towards the shoare, so that wee were forced to put into Harbour againe, and came to an Anchor the fourteenth day in the North Harbour of Faire Hauen,* 1.214 where the Fleet of Hollanders lately rid, at which time the Hartsease was there at an Anchor.

Now was the Land both Mountaynes and Plaines wholly couered with snow; so that almost all mens mindes were possessed with a desire of returning for England: But to preuent a sudden [ 10] resolution for a homeward Voyage without further satisfaction, I made motion that once againe we might goe forth with our shallops, to see what alteration there might bee found alongst the shoare.* 1.215 It fell out that I was to goe in one shallop for this purpose, so I tooke with me eight men, and went from our ship the fifteenth day of August.

We rowed to Red-cliffe Sound, where we passed through much Ice that was newly congealed being thicker then an halfe Crowne piece of siluer, notwithstanding we broke way through it, and being ouer the Sound, we had a cleere Sea againe; then we proceeded to Red-beach, where fin∣ding the shoare cleere of Ice (which at my last being there was wonderfully pestered) I concei∣ued good hope to finde passage to the furthest Land from thence in sight, bearing East halfe a point Southerly, nine, or ten leagues distant; to this end we put off from the shoare of Red-beach, [ 20] and rowed a league and more in an open Sea, and then met with Ice which lay dispersed abroad, and was no hinderance to our proceeding, so that we continued rowing the space of sixe houres, in which time we had gotten more then halfe way ouer: but then we found the Ice to lye very thicke thronged together, so that it caused vs much to alter our course, sometimes Southward and sometimes Northwards, and euen in this time, when we thought wee stood in most need of cleere weather, it pleased God to send vs the contrary, for it beganne to snow very fast, which made the Ayre so thick that we could not see to make choice of the most likely way for vs to passe,* 1.216 therefore I thought good to stay here awhile, hoping that ere long the weather would bee more agreeable to our purpose; so a Grapnell being laid forth vpon an Iland off, to hold fast our shallop, a Tent was made of the shallops sayle to keepe the weather from vs, and we remayned [ 30] here fiue houres, but finding no alteration in the constant weather, I willed the men to take downe the Tent, and with faire tearmes perswaded them, that notwithstanding the wet wea∣ther, it were good to be doing something, to get ouer to the desired shoare, where we might re∣fresh our selues, and haue fire to dry our wet clothes; they seemed well content with this moti∣on, and so we rowed the space of foure houres more, the Ice still causing vs to hold a South and South South-east course,* 1.217 which carried vs further into Sir Thomas Smiths Inlet, and put vs from the place where we wished to be.

The thicke snowie weather continued all this time, which was very vncomfortable to vs all, but especially to the men that rowed; and as the snow was noysome to their bodies, so did it also begin to astonish their mindes, as I well perceiued by their speeches, which proceeded vpon [ 40] this occasion.* 1.218 The snow hauing continued thus long, and falling vpon the smooth water, lay in some places an inch thicke, being alreadie in the nature of an Ice compact, though not congea∣led, and hindred sometimes our shallops way; this I say caused some of them, not altogether without reason to say, that if it should now freeze as it did that night when we came ouer Red-cliffe Sound, we should be in danger here to be frozen vp. Howsoeuer this search might bee a meanes to discourage the rest, that considered not of such a thing till they had heard it spoken of: yet true it is, that I saw no likelihood, by reason of the Ice, how to attayne my desire at this time, and therefore I bade them row toward the shoare of Red-beach againe, where I inten∣ded to stay till the weather might happily be more conuenient.* 1.219 So holding a West North-west course, so neere as the Ice would suffer vs, wee came to the East-side of Red-beach, hauing beene [ 50] eighteene houres amongst the Ice, during all which time the snow fell, and as yet ceased not. When we had been here about an houre it began to cleere vp, and the wind to blow hard at East, which rather packt the Ice close together in this place then disperst it, so that I was now out of hope to get any further then I had beene alreadie: wherefore I returned toward our ship, inten∣ding as I went to make a more particular Discouerie of Broad-bay,* 1.220 and Red-cliffe Sound, hoping that one place or other would afford some thing worthy of the time and labour. When we were come to the West side of Red-beach, it began to blow much wind, where withall the Sea grow∣ing to be great, all men aduised to passe ouer Broad-bay, whilst the winde and weather would serue vs to sayle, for they said it was like to be very foule weather: so seeing that it was no con∣uenient time for coasting,* 1.221 we came ouer the Bay to Point Welcome (which I so named because it [ 60] is a place, where wee oftentimes rested, when wee went forth in our shallops) it is about foure leagues distant from the North end of Red beach.

At this point the Hollanders had set vp Prince Maurice his Armes, neere vnto a Crosse which I had caused to bee set vp aboue a moneth before, and had nayled a sixe pence thereon with

the Kings Armes, but the men that were with me, went (without any such direction from mee) and pulled downe the said Princes Armes, whilst I was gone vp a Mountayne to looke into the Sea, if I could see any Ice: and when I came downe againe they told me, that the six pence was taken from the Crosse that I had set vp, and there was another post set by it, with the Hollan∣ders Armes made fast thereon, which they had pulled downe; so, because the six pence was taken away, I caused one to nayle the Kings Armes cast in Lead vpon the Crosse:* 1.222 which being done we rowed to the bottome of Red-cliffe Sound, and as we coasted alongst the shoare, we searched two little Beaches, which had some wood on them, but nothing that we found of better value.

About two leagues within the Sound, on the East side there is an Harbour where shippes may ride in good ground Land-lockt, but if other yeeres be like this, I cannot say that it is an Har∣bour [ 10] fitting for ships, because it is late ere the Sound breake vp: for euen now there lay much Ice at the bottome of it, insomuch, that I was forcst to leaue the shallop, because I could not passe with her for Ice, and walke two miles ouer stonie Mountaynes, with another man in my company, to bee satisfied concerning a point of Land that shot into the Sound, whether it were an Iland or no, as by all likelihood it seemed to bee: but when I came to the farthest part of it, I saw it joyne to the mayne Land, wherefore I called it Point Deceit,* 1.223 because it decei∣ued mee so much. From hence wee proceeded toward our shippe, and came aboord of her in the North Harbour of Faire Hauen, on Friday night being the nineteenth of August,* 1.224 where she [ 20] rid alone; for Master Marmaduke was gone forth to Sea that day.

The two and twentieth of August, Iohn Mason Master of the Gamaliell, came ouer from the South Harbour for helpe to hayle vp a Whale which had beene sunke fourteene dayes,* 1.225 in one hundred and twentie fathome depth, or else to pull the W••rpe and Harping Iron out of her, for now it was time to take her or forsake her. Master Sherwin our Master caused our long Boate to bee manned and went with him; when they came where the Whale was sunke, they haled, and shee presently rose, bolting suddenly vp with a thundring cracke made with the bursting of her bodie; and notwithstanding shee had layen so long, yet had shee all her Finnes fast. Whilst this was in doing,* 1.226 the Hartsease was comming into the Harbour from the North∣ward, and anchored by our ship an houre after.

Here wee stayed till the seuen and twentieth of August, and since my last returne hither in the shallop from the Eastwards, the weather hath beene commonly warme, and the Moun∣taynes [ 30] were now more cleere of Snow, then they had beene any time this yeere, notwith∣standing there had much snowe fallen since the beginning of this moneth, but it was quite consumed, and a greater signe of warmth and thaw was now to bee obserued then any time of the yeere heretofore; namely, by the often falling of the Ice into the Sea from the huge snowie bankes, making a noyse like Thunder, so that the time was very hopefull, but thus wee made vse of occasion offered.

The seuen and twentieth of August, it was faire and warme weather, calme till noone, then had wee a gale of winde from the South South-west,* 1.227 wherewithall wee set sayle out of Faire-hauen in the company of the Hartsease, with whom wee had beene in termes of consort∣ship, [ 40] but nothing was concluded. About sixe a clocke at night wee were sixe leagues from Cape Barren, which bore from vs South-west and by South.

Wee proceeded still to the North-eastward, and on the eight and twentieth day in the mor∣ning wee had runne about twentie leagues from Cape Barren, in an East North-east way by the ordinary Compasse, being open of Sir Thomas Smiths Inlet, nine or tenne leagues from the shoare; at which time wee were come to the Ice that trended East South-east, and West North-west, but the Sea being very rough, wee stood off againe from the Ice; in the afternoone it fell calme, and at night we had a gale of winde at East, and the ship was steered West,* 1.228 and then South-west homewards.

The nine and twentieth day, the winde Easterly an easie gale▪ at foure a clock•• in the after∣noone Hackluyts Head-land bore from vs South-east by East foure leagues distant 〈…〉〈…〉 [ 50] was very warme.

The thirtieth day, the winde at North-east an easie gale, at foure a clocke in the afternoone, Maudlon Point bore East North-east halfe a Point Easterly about three leagues distant 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Euening it fell calme, the weather not cold.

The thirtieth day, faire Sunne-shine weather and calme till noone, and then we had a good gale of winde from the North-east, being fiue leagues distant from the Fore-land, which bore South-east; now wee altered our course and stood to the West-ward: therefore to keepe vs still in the parallel that now wee were in which was 79. degrees 8. minutes,* 1.229 West North-west course was directed, in respect of the Variation, to make good a true West way.

This course wee held till we had runne about twentie leagues, and then wee ranne twen∣tie [ 60] leagues more in a West and by North course till one a clocke on Friday morning; at which time it fell calme; and wee heard the Sea make a great noyse, as if wee had beene neere Land, but wee rather iudged it to bee Ice, as indeed it proued to bee, for in the morning when it

was light and cleere, wee saw the Ice about a league from vs, which trended Southerly; hauing now a gale at East North-east, wee steered away South and South South-east, but in the afternoone we were embayed with a long banke of Ice, which wee could not weather, therefore wee were faine to tacke about,* 1.230 and the winde hauing come more Southerly then it was in the morning, wee stood off from the Ice North-east and North-east and by North, and then to the Southwards againe, making sundrie boardes to get forth to wind-wards of the Ice.

The third day before noone, wee had sight againe of Ice to Westwards of vs, and at noone were vnder the parallel of 78. degrees 27. minutes, according to my Obseruation: then wee stood a way South to keepe cleere of the Ice, for wee had a great homing Sea, although but [ 10] little winde; and therefore durst not be to bold to edge too neere it, especially the wind being Easterly as then it was.

On the fourth day our men saw the Ice againe from the mayne top-mast head, and therefore wee still maintayned a Southerly course: the next day it began to be foggie, and continued close weather and hazie for three dayes, so that wee had no more sight of the Ice; neyther could wee at this time receiue any further satisfaction concerning the same: therefroe wee kept a Southerly course so neere as wee could,* 1.231 although wee had but little winde, and the same very variable till the ninth day, but then wee had a good gale of winde at West North-west.

On the tenth day beeing Saturday, wee were by my reckoning fiftie leagues distant from [ 20] Low-foot, which bore from vs East South-east halfe a Point Southerly; this day the wind shifted to the South-west, and at night came to the South with much raine; then came backe againe to the West North-west and began a great storme.* 1.232

This night the Master and others saw a light vpon the Fore-bonnet, which the Saylers call a Corpo Santo:* 1.233 it appeared like the flame of a Candle, and (as Sea-men obserue) it alwayes presa∣geth an ensuing storme; which to verifie, this foule weather continued the next day, and grew to be so vehement on Sunday night, that the Sea oftentimes ouer-raked our ship, and wee were faine to lye a••ry with our fore course onely, and our Mayne top-mast also strucke, which last thing (as Sea-men say) is seldome done at Sea, then about one a clocke we were forced to take in our fore course, and to lye a-hull for fiue houres. [ 30]

The fourth day of October, the shippe came to Wapping with the whole number of men that shee carryed forth (my selfe excepted that was come before) being sixe and twentie, all in perfect health.

CHAP. VII. A true report of a Voyage Anno 1615. for Discouerie of Seas, Lands, and Ilands, to the Northwards; as it was performed by ROBERT FOTHERRIE, in a Pin∣nasse [ 40] of twentie tunnes called the Richard of London: set forth at the charge of the Right Worshipfull Sir THOMAS SMITH, Knight, my very good Master, and Master RICHARD WICHE, Gouernours: and the rest of the Worship∣full Company of Merchants, called the Merchants of New Trades and Discoueries, trading into Moscouia, and King IAMES his New Land.

BY the prouidence of Almightie God I went forth of Harwich Harbour in the foresaid Pinnasse, the twelfth of May, in the company of eight shippes of the Fleet, for King Iames his New Land, who in foule weather out-fayled me in the [ 50] latitude 71. degrees, or thereabouts. So I proceeded alone towards King Iames his New Land: and met with Ice in latitude 73. degrees 30. minutes, I stood North-eastwards for the wast of King Iames his New Land, and had sundry conflicts with the Ice in rainie and wet foggie weather, and had sight of Land the eleuenth of Iune, and on the nineteenth of the same I anchored in Faire Hauen. Here I stayed till the third of Iuly, for the Pinnasse had receiued some hurt amongst the Ice, which to amend, I was faine to hale her a∣ground, besides diuers other things necessary to be done, which detayned mee longer then wil∣lingly I would haue stayed there.

From hence I sayled Northward, but met with Ice in latitude 79. degrees 50. minutes, being six leagues from Hackluyts Head-land,* 2.1 then I coasted the Ice as it lay in Points and Bayes to the [ 60] Westwards and South-westward, and being thirtie leagues from the Land in latitude 79. degrees 10. minutes, I found it to trend Northward and North-westwards, and coasted it to the latitude

of 79. degrees 50. minutes, but then I was embayed with Ice, and was faine to stand out a∣gaine and sailed aboue ten leagues before I got cleere: when I was out of this Bay, I proceeded South Westerly with the Ice on the starboord to the latitude 78. degrees 30. minutes, where be∣ing fortie leagues from the shoare, I was againe embayed with the Ice,* 2.2 and hauing had faire Sun-shine weather all the day, which made mee the bolder to stand so neere it, the weather on a sudden fell foggie, and the wind beganne to blow hard at South, which put vs to great trou∣ble and no small perill: but the Almightie power who hath mercifully deliuered vs heretofore out of as great dangers, preserued vs also from this: when wee were gotten cleere off the Ice, we had the Sea much growne, and the storme increasing, but beeing desirous still to keepe the Sea, I stood close by the wind vnder a payre of coarses, till the Pinnasse waxt leake with bearing [ 10] too much sayle, and there was forced to lye atry vnder a mayne coarse only: and although shee stemmed South-east and South-east by South, yet was she hurried violently to the North-east∣wards, and by the mercifull prouidence of God we fell right with the Fore-land, in latitude 79. degrees, then I stood ouer Sir Thomas Smiths Bay for harbour in Crosse-road, where I anchored the thirteenth of Iuly being Thursday. I stayed here foure dayes, in which time my men men∣ded the Sayles and ships tackling that had receiued hurt by the late storme, and made a new mayne Sayle to serue in time of need, and on the seuenteenth of Iuly I weighed out of Crosse-road, and sayling Westwards from thence came to Ice againe in latitude 78. degrees 40. minutes, which I coasted as it lay neerest South-west, or more Westerly, but with many Points & Bayes, wherewith I was sometimes intangled, yet, God be thanked, got cleere againe, either by helpe [ 30] of Oares or Sayles without any hurt. In this sort I proceeded with good satisfaction, although not with so good content, till I came to the latitude of 76. degrees, beeing aboue one hundred leagues from Point Looke-out, but then was crossed with a contrarie storme from the South-west and South South-west, which droue me to the South-eastward, till I came in the latitude of 74. degrees, and then I made my way Westward againe, so neere as I could lye, close by the winde, and ouer-ranne the formerly supposed Land of Groynland,* 2.3 which some haue layd downe in plats and extended to 75. degrees. When I came into the latitude of 73. degrees, I stood West and North-west, and fell with Ice againe in latitude 73. degrees 50. minutes, and thought indeed at that time that I was neere Land by abundance of Fowle, which we saw in great flockes: but such thicke fogges haue continued for three or foure dayes together,* 2.4 that we might sooner heare [ 30] the Land if anywere, then see it, and so did we first find this Ice by hearing the rut, thinking till we saw it, that it had beene Land, so that we were embayed with it, before we thought that we had beene neere it; then I stood out againe and coasted the Ice still to the Westwards Souther∣ly, but could see no Land, as I expected to haue done, vntill wee came vnder the latitude of 71. degrees thirtie minutes, and then we espyed a snowie Hill very high in the cloudes,* 2.5 for this day was very cleere at Sea, but the fogge was not yet cleered from the Land, so that we could see no part of it, but only the top of a snowie Mountayne, which appeared very high although wee were fourteene or fifteene leagues distant from it, bearing off vs South-east and by South.

Then I stood in for the shoare, supposing it had beene part of the Mayne of Groynland: for the fogge lay on each side of this Mount, as if there had beene a great Continent vnder it, but it pro∣ued [ 40] otherwise, for as we came neerer to it, the fogge dispersed more and more, and when wee were fiue leagues distant, the Land appeared in forme like an Iland.

When I came neerer the shore, I could find no Harbor to anchor in. Notwithstanding, the wea∣ther being faire & calme, I hoist out my Boat & went ashore with three men more, and set vp the Kings Armes: then we searched a Sandie Beach, which was abundantly stored with drift wood,* 2.6 but yeelded no other fruits, that we could find worth the taking vp, so I returned aboord againe, and sent ashoare my Boat to fetch some wood. But before the men had laid into her the little quantitie that she was able to carrie, they came aboard againe, for the wind began to blow hard, and the Sea to goe loftie, so that here was no place for vs to abide any longer, otherwise I was purposed to haue searched further alongst the shoare, but this gale of winde comming Northerly [ 50] I stood from hence to the Westwards, being desirous to see more Land or finde a more open Sea. And hauing sayled about fifteene or sixteene leagues I met with Ice again, in latitude 71. degrees, and coasted it eight or nine leagues further Westward, and South-westward as it lay, but then the wind came to the South-west, and we stood close by it a while to the Southwards, but finding the gale to increase, and considering that it was the most contrary winde which could blow a∣gainst my further proceeding (for the Ice as we found did ••••end neerest South-west, and besides if there had beene any high Land within twentie leagues of vs, wee might perfectly haue made it, the weather was so faire and cleere.) In these respects, and for the Reasons following, I tooke the benefit of this wind to returne to the North-eastwards againe, being now about two hun∣dred [ 60] leagues from King Iames his New Land in latitude 71. degrees.* 2.7

First, I purposed to sayle alongst the South-east side of the Land that I had discouered, to bee better satisfied what Harbours there were, and what likelihood of profit to ensue; and from thence to proceed to the place where I first fell with Ice in latitude 73. degrees when I was dri∣uen to the South-eastwards with a Westerly storme, for I am yet verily perswaded, that being

there we were not farre from Land, although wee could not see it by reason of thicke foggie weather. Then my further intent was, if I found no good occasion to spend my time there, for to coast the Ice, or try the open Sea to the Northwards, betwixt 73. and 76. degrees, where formerly I had not receiued desired satisfaction by reason of a storme that draue me off, and then I purposed, if time might seeme conuenient, to proceed to the North Coast of King Iames his New Land, to haue seene what hope was there to be had for passage Northward, or for compas∣sing of the Land, which is most like to be an Iland.

I stood away East and by South, and being neere the foresaid Iland, the winde came to the West and blew a very hard gale, wherewith I passed alongst the South-east side of the Iland vn∣der a paire of coarses, but without that satisfaction which I expected: for the winde blowing so stormie, and the Sea growne very great, I was forced to stand further from the shoare then wil∣lingly [ 10] I would haue done, and besides there was a thicke fogge vpon the Land, whereby I could not be satisfied what Harbours or Roads were about it, yet might we see three or foure Capes, or Head-lands, as if there went in Bayes betwixt them. I sayled about it, and then stood to the Northward againe, and being now assured that it was an Iland, I named it Sir Thomas Smiths Iland.* 2.8

This Iland is about ten leagues in length, and stretcheth North-east and South-west: it is high Land, and at the North end of it there is a Mountayne of a wonderfull height and big∣nesse,* 2.9 all couered with Snow, which I called Mount Hackluyt; the base or foot of it on the East side is almost foure leagues long, it hath three such sides at the base lying out to the Sea, and from the fourth side doth the rest of the Iland extend it selfe towards the South-west, which is also, [ 20] as it were, a place fortified with Castles and Bulwarkes, for on each side there bee three or foure high Rockes which stand out from the Land, appearing like Towres and Forts. It lyes in the parallel of 71. degrees, where the Needle varieth from the true Meridian Westwards eight de∣grees. The Land is generally so farre as I haue seene, Rockie and very barren, and worse then the Land that I haue seene in King Iames his New Land, vnder eightie degrees, for there is no grasse but mosse, and where I first landed vpon low ground, all the stones were like vnto a Smiths fin∣ders both in colour and forme, the sand is generally mixed with a corne like Amber; the Beaches are abundantly stored with drift wood and many stones, light like Pumis, which will swimme on the water. I saw many traces of Foxes and the footing of Beares, but not any signe of Deere or other liuing creatures, and very small store of Fowle. [ 30]

From hence I stood to the Northward according to my former purpose, but was crossed with a contrarie storme from the North-west which put me off to the Eastward: but as the wind shif∣ted I made my way to the North-westwards all I could, and came againe to the Ice in latitude 75. degrees, from whence I proceeded towards King Iames his New Land, and had sight of the Land the eighteenth of August, being in latitude 77. degrees 30. minutes, and hauing a hard gale of wind then at North-west, I stood close by it vnder a paire of coarses, but could not wea∣ther Prince Charles Iland, and therefore I bore vp, intending to goe into Nicks Coue, which is on the North side of Ice-sound, there to attend a faire winde, and in the meane time to get ballast aboard the Pinnasse, and all other things necessary. But comming to enter into the Harbour, I thought it not a place conuenient, because I could hardly haue gotten out againe with a Souther∣ly [ 40] wind, which would carrie me to the Northwards, and therefore I stood ouer for Green-harbor, where I anchored at one a clocke in the morning, the nineteenth of August.

Here I caused my men to launch a shallop, and to get ballast and water aboard the Pinnasse, and before nine a clocke at night I was readie to proceed Northward with the first faire winde. I stayed here fiue dayes, during which time it blew hard for the most part at North and North-west, and on the foure and twentieth of August, the winde came to the East North-east as wee supposed, till we were out of the Harbour, so I set sayle to proceed Northward, and had the wind Easterly out of Ice-sound, wherewith I stood North-west towards Cape Cold, but being cleere of the high Land, we found the wind to bee at North North-east, therefore I resolued of ano∣ther course, which was this. [ 50]

Hauing perused Hudsons Iournall written by his owne hand in that Voyage wherein hee had sight of certayne Land,* 2.10 which he named Hold-with-hope; I found that by his owne reckoning it should not be more then one hundred leagues distant from King Iames his New Land, and in the latitude of 72. degrees 30. minutes or thereabouts: therefore seeing I could not proceed North∣ward, I purposed to goe to the South-westwards to haue sight of this Land, and discouer it, if wind and weather would permit. So I stood away South-west, and sometimes West South-west, till I had runne one hundred and thirtie leagues, and was by account in latitude 72. degrees 30. minutes, where hauing the wind contrarie to proceed further Westward, I stood Eastward till I had runne thirtie leagues, in which course I should haue seene this Land, if credit might be [ 60] giuen to Hudsons Iournall, but I saw not any. And hauing a hard gale of winde still Northerly, I conceiued no course so good to be taken at this time, as to s••eed homewards; and so stood to the Southwards, directing my course for England, this beeing the eight and twentieth of August. After which time the wind continued Northerly till the sixt day of September, and then wee

were on the coast of Scotland in latitude 57. degrees, and on the eight day of September had sight of the land of England on the coast of Yorkeshire. Thus by the great mercy of God haue we escaped many dangers, and after a cold Summer haue some taste of a warme Autumne. All glo∣rie therefore be to God the Father, the Sonne, and the Holy Ghost. Amen.

By this briefe Relation, and by the plat wherein I haue traced the ships way vpon each seue∣rall trauerse it may plainly appeare, how farre the state of this Sea is discouered betwixt 80. and 71. degrees of latitude, making difference of longitude 26. degrees from the Meridian of Hack∣luyts Headland.

Now if any demand my opinion concerning hope of a passage to bee found in those Seas; I [ 10] answer, that it is true, that I both hoped and much desired to haue passed further then I did, but was hindred with Ice: wherein although I haue not attayned my desire, yet forasmuch as it ap∣peares not yet to the contrarie, but that there is a spacious Sea betwixt Groinland and King Iames his New-land, although much pestered with Ice; I will not seeme to disswade this wor∣shipfull Companie from the yeerly aduenturing of 150. or 200. pounds at the most, till some further discouerie be made of the said Seas and Lands adjacent, for which purpose no other Ves∣sell would I aduise vnto, then this Pinnasse with ten men, which I hold to bee most conuenient for that action, although heretofore I conceiued otherwise, but now I speake after good expe∣rience, hauing sayled in her out and in aboue two thousand leagues.

[ 20] RO. FOTHERBY.

A Letter of ROBERT FOTHERBY to Captaine EDGE, written in Crosse-rode, Iuly 15. 1615.

MAster Edge, By the mercy of God I came into Crosse-road on Thursday last, being driuen from Sea neere shoare by extreme tempest. At the beginning of the storme I was vnwittingly e••∣bayed with Ice aboue fortie leagues from land, in latitude 78. degrees and 30. minutes, but, thankes be [ 30] to God, I got cleare of it, yet not without much trouble and great danger. Hauing plyed vnder two coar∣ses to and againe so long till my Pinnasse was made leake with bearing, I tryed it vnder a mayne coarse and stem'd South-east and South-east and by South, notwithstanding I was hurried to the Northward, and fell right with the Foreland, which by reason of the misty storme we could not set till we were within a league of it; then I stood ouer the Bay and came to an anchor here, where I must be forced to stay till our sailes be mended▪ and a new mayne coarse be made, if not a fore coarse also. Then I purpose to goe to Sea againe, and to proceed in coasting the Ice to the Westward, if it hinder me to proceed Northward. I haue already coasted it from Hackluyts Headland to the latitude aforesaid, and intend to beginne againe so neare as I can at the place where I was put off with the storme. I came from Faire Hauen the fourth of Iuly, and then had there beene killed twelue Whales, besides one found dead, and another brought in by [ 40] Fra. Birkes, which he found at Sea before he came into Faire Hauen.

When I came in hither, here were three Ships and a Pinnasse of the King of Denmarks;* 2.11 they rid in deepe water about a league and a halfe from the Road, but weighed from thence, and the Admirall came to an anchor close by me, and sent to intreat me to come aboord of him; I went aboord and was cour∣teously entertayned by the Generall, who questioned me of the Country, and asked me by what right the English Merchants did resort and fish in this place: I told him, by the King of Englands right, who had granted a Patent to the Muscouie Company of Merchants, whereby he authorizeth them, and for∣biddeth all others to frequent these places. Then he entreated me to goe with him to Sir Tho. Smiths Bay, to the two Engl••sh ships there. I told him, it would be losse of time to me, because I had some businesse here to doe, and then to goe forth presently to Sea againe to prosecute my Discouery. He said, that he would [ 50] haue me goe with him to be witnesse what passed betwixt him and you, for he had matters of importance to acquaint you withall, which concerned our King and theirs, and therefore intreated me to giue direction presently to weigh and set saile, for I must needs goe with him: I replyed againe, that it would be a great losse vnto me of time, and I knew not how to answer it; but he told me peremptorily that I must goe with him. So seeing no remedie. I bad the Master be readie: then he presently weighed and kept me aboord him, but afterwards meeting with the two Captaines that came from you, he returned and anchored a∣gaine in Crosse-road. I receiued very courteous entertaynment of the Admirall, Vice-admirall, and of Captaine Killingham: but Captaine Killingham being aboord of me, went away as he seemed, disconten∣ted, because I would not giue him a young Morse I haue aboord, which I denyed to doe, because I writ to my Master from Faire Hauen, that such a thing I haue, and will bring aliue into England, if I may. [ 60] When he went off aboord of me, he said, he would shoot downe my flag: And soone after there came a shot which flue ouer vs, out of the Admirall, and I expected another; but soone after there came a man a∣boord of me out of the Admirall, to see if any of your men that came in the Shallop, would goe with them into the Bay, and he swore vnto me that the shot was made to call their Boat aboord, because they were ready to weigh. As farre as I can perceiue, their purpose is to see what Grant the King of England hath

made vnto the Companie, for they seeme to pretend that the right of this Land belongs to the King of Denmarke, and neither to English nor Hollanders. Thus with my heartie commendations to your selfe, and Master Bredcake, together with my praiers for your prosperous voyage, I commit you to God.

CHAP. VIII. Diuers other Voyages to Greenland, with Letters of those which were there employed, communicated to mee by Master [ 10] WILLIAM HELEY.

An. 1616. Edges Iland was discouered, and a prosperous voyage was made, all the ships be∣ing laden, vnder the command of Captaine Thomas Edge. An. 1617. Witches Iland was disco∣uered; and what voyage was made appeareth in the Letter following, written to Master De∣crow by William Heley.

Laus Deo,

in Portnick the 12. of August, 1617.

[ 20]

Worshipfull Sir,

MY dutie remembred, May it please you to vnderstand, that through Gods blessing our Voyage is performed in all the Harbours in the Countrie this yeere, with a greater ouerplus then our ships will carry: so that in some places wee must of force leaue good store of Oyle and Blubber behinde for the next yeere. Wee are all for the most part readie to set sayle, being full laden: onely I desire to see the Coast cleere of Interlopers, whereby our prouisions may be left in securitie. We tooke a ship of Flushing, called the Noahs Arke (Master, Iohn Verlile) in Horne-sound, hauing out of him two hundred hogsheads of Blubber, and two Whales and a halfe to cut vp, a great Copper, and diuers other prouisions, and sent [ 30] him away ballasted with stones. There were two more of them who were gone laden with Blubber, before we could get thither, hauing intelligence of our comming. There were also two Danes, who made one hun∣dred and odde tunnes of Oyle, and laded one ship for Copen-hauen, the other with halfe the Oyle and Finnes for Amsterdam, and left the Country about the sixth or seuenth of August. And for Master Cudner, he rid in Portnick, where he killed eleuen Whales, and made some seuentie and odde tunnes of Oyle, which is laden aboord him and his Finnes. In whom, if our ships had come together thither as I desired, I would haue laden fortie or fiftie tunnes of Oyle in him, and displaced his men and sent him for England: but bad weather hindring our ships getting thither, and his sudden departure after our com∣ming in with the Pleasure, shee being laden and not sufficiently fitted to surprise him, he escaped, but I sent her away in company with him, whereby he may not doe any hurt in other places in the Country. I would haue had him to haue taken in some Oyle, for which I offered him fraight, so I might put some men [ 40] into him to see to it, and that it might be brought safe to London: but he refused, yet protesteth, he pur∣poseth to bring his ship and goods to London: his voyage is by the thirds, so that his men will rather dye then forgoe that they haue got. The small ship Iohn Ellis is returned from the South Eastward, hauing made some further discouery, and killed some eight hundred Seamorse, and laden the teeth, and thirtie tunnes of hides, and the rest of his lading in Oyle: he brought some Sea-horse blubber with him. He met with Thomas Marmaduke of Hull in those parts, who had not done any thing when he saw him towards making a voyage, but went for Hope Iland, and no doubt but hee will doe much spoile there. As for the Beare, shee departed for Hamborough the third of August out of Crosse-road; and the Gray-hound in company with her for England, who, I hope, is safely arriued, and by whom I hope you vnderstand of her proceedings at full. [ 50]

The Whales killed this yeere in the Country are about one hundred and fiftie in number, and the Oyle made will be about one thousand eight hundred and odde tunnes, besides the blubber left for want of caske. The lading of this ship is one hundred and eightie tunnes, as by the Bill of lading here enclosed. Thus hauing not further wherewith to acquaint your Worship, withall praying God to send all home in safety with a good passage; I humbly take my leaue, and doe rest

Readie at your Worships command in all dutifull seruice. [ 60] WILLIAM HELEY.

A Letter of Master ROBERT SALMON to Master SHERWIN. In Sir THOMAS SMITHES Bay, the 24. of Iune, 1618.

LOuing friend Master Sherwine, I kindly salute you, wishing you as much prosperitie as vnto my selfe, &c. Since our comming into the Bay, we haue beene much troubled with Ice and Northerly windes, so as we haue not beene two dayes free of Ice. We had a storme Northerly which brought in much Ice, so as we were inclosed withall eight dayes: ther•• went such a Sea in the Ice that did beate our ships very much for foure and twentie houres, that I did thinke we should haue spoyled our ships: but I thanke [ 10] God we cannot perceiue any hurt at all it hath done to vs; also we haue broken two anchors with the Ice: we haue killed thirteene Whales, but they yeeld but little, in regard of the Ice which hath much hindred vs in our worke, for in ten daye•• we could not doe any worke the Bay was so full of Ice: the Bay was full as low as Fox no••e, and now at this present the Bay is full of shattered Ice, the windes hanging Northerly keepes it in. Here is fiue sayle of Flemmings which haue fourteene and sixteene pieces of Ordnance in a ship; and they doe man out eighteene Shallops, so that with theirs and ours here is thirtie Shallops in the Bay, too many for vs to make a voyage: there is at the least fifteene hundred tunnes of shipping of the Flemmings; we haue reasonable good quarter with them, for we are merry aboord of them, and they [ 20] of vs; they haue good store of Sacks, and are very kinde to vs, proffering vs any thing that we want. I am very doubtfull of making a voyage this yeere, yet I hope Crosse-road will helpe vs for one ship, the Company must take another course the next yeere: if they meane to make any benefit of this Country, they must send better ships that must beat these knaues out of this Country, but as farre as I can vnderstand by them, they meane to make a trade of continuance of it: they haue euery one of them Graue Maurices Commission vnder his Hand and Seale: we will let them rest this yeere, and let who will take care the next yeere, for I hope not to trouble them. I pray remember my dutie to the Captaine, and also to honest Master Thornbush, and to Iohn Martin; Master Smith doth remember his loue to you, and to all the rest of his friends: we are well at this present, I thanke God: I pray let vs heare from you when you haue any conuayance; I hope wee shall goe home in companie together as wee came out. Thus with my loue once againe remembred to you, beseeching God to send vs all a prosperous voyage, and ioyfully to meet, I rest.

[ 30]

A Letter of Master TH. SHERWIN: Bell-sound this 29. of Iune, 1618.

MAster William Heley, your Letter I receiued, wherein I vnderstand you haue tooke very great griefe, which I am very sorry for: but I am in good hope to come to you my selfe one of these dayes▪ that I may comfort you with a good couple of Hennes and a bottle of Canary wine, but I pray bee carefull of your selfe and keepe you warme, and take heede the Nodis doe not pick out your eyes: but as for the [ 40] Flemmings let them all go hang themselues, and although you be not strong enough to meddle with them, yet the worst wordes are too good for them, the time may come you may be reuenged on them againe. The Captaine wishes they would come all into Bell-sound and beat vs out, and carry vs for Holland; here is a great fleet of them in this Country. Here came in two Flemmings, but wee handled them very honestly, but for feare of after-claps, or had it beene the latter part of the yeere, we would haue handled them bet∣ter; now they be gone for Horne-sound, I would that they had all of them as good a paire of hornes growing on their heads, as is in this Country. As concerning our voyage, Master Salmon can certifie you both in Horne-sound, and in our harbour. My brother Busse, Iohn Martin, and I, dranke to you, and wish you many a Venison pasty. We haue so little to doe wee feare we shall all haue the Scuruy, but we haue pulled downe the Flemmish house, and brought it neere more fit for our turne. Thus praying you to remember my loue to all at Faire-hauen, I cease, with my prayers to God, to send you and vs all a prospe∣rous [ 50] voyage, with all your good health, that we may goe merrily home together.

A Letter of IAMES BEVERSHAM to Master HELEY. From Faire-hauen, the 12. of Iuly, 1618.

MAster Heley, My commendations remembred to your selfe, Master Salmon, Master Smith, and Master Beymond, as also to Master Wilkenson, Mate Headland, Master Greene, and the rest of our good friends with you, wishing all your healths as my owne; I am very sorry to vn∣derstand [ 60] of the annoyances by the Flemmings, both with you and other places; as also of the small hope there is, in making a voyage this yeere. For our parts we are and haue beene so pestered with Ice these twentie dayes, that we haue not beene able to goe out to Sea with our Shallops aboue twice in the time, nei∣ther haue we beene able to doe any good by reason of foule weather and fogs, nor haue seene any more then

one Whale in all that time, which after shee was killed turned vs to much trouble, by reason of foule wea∣ther, and forced vs at last to leaue her in the Ice, where the Beares made a prey of her, who I feare will spoyle her before shee be recouered. We haue killed sixteene Whales besides, whereof the Flemmish Biscai∣ner, stole one, for which they haue promised satisfaction, but they are so shut vp with Ice that they are not able to stirre either Ships or Shallops. All the Sea to the Northward of Hakluyts headland, and both Eastward and Westward thereof, is packt so full of Ice, that I feare it will ouerthrow our voyage, and put our ships in much hazard, the Lord release vs of that miserie in due time. I neither haue nor will be slack to doe my best endeuours for the good of the voyage, the prosperitie whereof I doe much wish and desire both here and in all other places. I pray remember my loue to the Captaine, by your next conuoy to the Southward, with my commendations to all the rest of our friends; thus for present wishing your health, I kindly take my leaue, and rest your louing friend. [ 10]

I had thought to haue added a large Discourse of occurrents betwixt the Dutch and English in Greenland this 1618. and had prepared it to the Presse. But hauing alreadie giuen some Relation thereof from Captaine Edge &c. and seeing the insolencies of some of the Dutch were intole∣rable to English spirits, which then suffered, or hereafter should reade them; I chose rather to passe them by; aduising my Countrimen not to impute to that Nation what some frothy spirit vo∣mits from amidst his drinke, but to honor the Hollanders worth, and to acknowledge the glorie of the Confederate Prouinces, howsoeuer they also haue their sinks and stinking ••ewers (too officious mouthes, such as some in this businesse of Greenland, beyond all names of impudence against his Maiestie, and his Leege people, as others elsewhere haue demeaned themselues) whose lothsom∣nesse [ 20] is not to be cast as an aspersion to that industrious and illustrious Nation. Euery Body hath its excrements, euery great House its Vault or Iakes, euery Citie some Port exquiline and dung∣hils, euery Campe the baggage; the World it selfe a Hell: and so hath euery Nation the retri∣ments, s••umme, dregs, rascalitie, intempered, distempered spirits, which not fearing God nor reuerencing Man, spare not to spue out that to the dishonor of both, which sauing the honor of both can scarsly be related after them. A difference is to be made of relation and personall faults, of which we haue said enough in the East India quarrels, twixt ours and the Dutch.

A Letter of IOHN CHAMBERS to W. HELEY, [ 30] Bel-sound Iune 16. 1619.

LOuing and approued good friend, Master William Heley, &c. I am forc't to write in teares vnto you for the losse of our Men, by the most vncouth accident that euer befell vnto poore men. The thir∣teenth of Iune last we were put ashore in the Ice Bay, our Shallops being not aboord: but as soone as wee heard of it,* 7.1 we made what haste we could, and haled our shallops vpon the Ice, and went aboord our ship. By that time we had beene there an houre, making what meanes we could to get her out, a maine peece of the Cliffe falling, the fearefullest sight that euer I beheld being then aboord, expecting nothing else but death, with all the rest that were in her: But God of his great mercie and prouidence deliuered vs, that were not then appointed to dye, that were past all hope of life; for the Ice fell so high and so much, that it [ 40] carried away our fore-Mast, broke our maine-Mast, sproung our Bouldstrit, and fetcht such a careere that she heaued a piece of Ordnance ouer-boord from vnder our halfe Decke, houe me ouer boord amongst the Ice in all the sea, and yet I thanke the Lord I was neuer hurt with a piece of Ice, although it pleased God they were spoyled and killed close by me. Thus hauing related vnto you the miserie of this our Voyage, hoping of your aide and assistance in what you may, I shall be euer bound to pray for you. The Captaine bid me write vnto you for a fiue inch Haser, which I pray you spare me and it be possible: I haue writ the particular of our wants in my Brother Sherwins Letter, which I pray you be a meanes to further me in. Thus ceasing any further to trouble you, I commit you vnto the Lord, vnto whom I pray to blesse and pros∣per you in this your present Voyage, with all the rest of your dayes.

[ 50]

The men that are killed are these: My Mate Money, Nicholas Greene and Allin the Butcher. There be many more hurt which I hope will recouer it by the helpe of God and the meanes of a good Surgeon.

LOuing friend Master Heley, I kindely salute you, &c. Your Letter I receiued the fifth of this pre∣sent: wherein I vnderstand of the backwardnesse of your Voyage, the which I am hartily sorrie for: but you must be content, seeing it is the will of God it shall be so, and that other harbours take neighbours fare with you: our best hopes of our Voyage was vpon you, for of our selues we doe little, in regard we are much troubled with Ice, and haue bin so this ten dayes, which hath made vs hale ashoare sixe or seauen [ 60] times for it: we haue had the windes at North-east, and East North-east, and at North-west, which now keepes in the Ice: we haue killed ten Whales, whereof eight are made into Oyle, which hath made one hun∣dred and eleauen Tuns & a halfe, the other two were killed the fourth of this present, being very large fish,

not doubting but they will make sixe and thirtie or fortie tunnes: we haue the hundred tunnes aboord, the rest Master Barker taketh in, in regard Master Bushes shippe is not fitted up, we shall make her fore-Mast to serue againe and all things else for this Voyage. The fourth of this present, George Wiuelden came from Horne-sound, where they haue killed foure Whales, they haue bin much troubled with windes Easterly, also much Ice, there is so much Ice off of Point Looke out, that George could not get about. This Ice hath put in young Duke of Hull into Horne-sound, his ship being much torne with the Ice, his Merchant is now aboord of vs, his name is Medcafe, whom the Captaine doth detaine, his Voyage is vt∣terly ouerthrowne, for he hath lost one shallop with sixe men, and another shallop broken with the Ice, his Ruther Irons being all broken, his Steeme broke a way close to the Woodings, also George did meete with a Fleming of Flushing, burthen two hundred tuns, the which he thinkes is cast away with Ice, for the Ice [ 10] did beate her very sore. I vnderstand by M. Catchers Letter, that there is eleauen saile of Flemmings and Danes about them, I doubt not but we shall call them to account of how many tunnes of Oyle they haue made, as they did call vs the last Voyage to account: my loue is such vnto them, that I protest I could wish with all my heart that we might goe and see them, and to spend my best bloud in the righting of our for∣mer wrongs. Also I vnderstood by Robert Foxe, that A••rian of Flushing is one of them, I should be ve∣ry glad to see him, that I might balance the account with him. The Captaine willed mee to write vnto you concerning the Russe house, that if you cannot set it vp, that then you should make an English house of it, and to place the post of a Deales length, and to be three Deales in length, and so much in breadth, and so to couer it with Deales the next yeare, and so he thinketh that it will make two frames: also hee [ 20] could wish that you would remoue the Coppers more vp into the Bay. I pray you commend me to my louing friend Master Sherwine, Master Wilkinson, Master Henderson and Michael Greene; also my loue remembred vnto your selfe, I take my leaue, hoping we shall see you at the Fore-land ere it be long: till when, I pray God to blesse you and prosper you in all your proceedings. Resting still

Bell-sound the fifth of Iuly. 1619.

Your assured friend to command ROBERT SALMON Iunior.

A Letter of I. CATCHER to Master HELEY from Faire-hauen. Laus [ 30] Deo, this seuenteenth of Iune 1620.

LOuing Brother, with my best loue I salute you, wishing you better then we at this time, to haue good store of Whales to make for you and vs a Voyage, for we haue seene small store of Whales, but haue killed none as yet. In the Flemish harbour there is three Flemings great shippes, whereof is one States∣man of Warre, who haue set to Sea eighteene shallops with three Biscaners in euerie shallop; and in our harbour two of the Kings of Denmarkes ships, who haue set to Sea seauen shallops with three Biscainers in euerie shallop: the Hollanders haue killed one Whale, and found one Whale of the last yeares killing. I thought good to send to you the sooner, because we hope you haue good store of Whales, that you may send for vs to you, which I pray God you may, for we are in great doubt, but our hope is, if that you are not yet [ 40] prouided to send for vs, we haue a great time to stay in this Countrie, in which time, it may so please God. that we may here make a Voyage. For our selues, one of our men is dead, and one other sicke, so that wee haue but one and fiftie men, which is too little as you know, therefore if you can spare vs three men, they will stand vs in good stead: if our Voyage commeth in, there is to the Northward good store of Ice, which putteth vs in good comfort that we shall haue Whales: the Danes doe report that there is two shippes to come from Denmarke to our harbour, but as yet are not come. I pray you commend vs to Master Wil∣kinson, Master Greene, Master Hedlam, Master Cleyborne, Master Alpho, and all the rest of our good friends. Humfrey Moore is very sicke, so that we shall want a Harponiere. I know not what to write more to you, for with griefe I write this. Thus kindely taking my leaue, beseeching God to blesse vs, and send vs a good Voyage, with a merry meeting. I rest

[ 50]

Your louing brother to vse IOHN CATCHER.

A Letter of ROBERT SALMON from Sir THOMAS SMITHS Bay, Iuly 6. 1621.

LOuing friend Master Heley, with-my loue I salute you, &c. These are to certifie you, that vpon the [ 60] fifteenth of the last, we arriued at Sir Thomas Smiths vnfortunate Bay: since which time we haue killed sixe Whales, which are almost reduced into Oyle, being some seuentie tunnes or somewhat more; so within a day or two we may goe sleepe, for I feare we haue our portion of Whales in this place: wee haue not seene a Whale this fourteene dayes, and faire weather is as scarce as the Whales, for ten daies together nothing but blow, sometime Southerly and sometime Northerly: I doe verily perswade my selfe that

God is much displeased for the blood which was lost in this place, and I feare a perpetuall curse still to remaine yet; God I know is all sufficient, and may, if it please him, send a Voyage in this place. Newes from Faire-hauen I can write you none, for as yet we haue not heard from him: the reason there∣of I cannot conceiue; I feare his Shallop is miscarried, for certainely else we should haue heard from him ere this, or some other cause there is: I pray God it be not so. I pray commend me to Master Iohn Hed∣lam, and tell him that the Master and Pilot doe set both their horse together, being very great friends: also I pray commend me to my Coseu William Driuer and Master Wilkinson, wishing them all happi∣nesse. I am in good hope that you haue done some good vpon the Whale, not doubting but you will haue suf∣ficient for your selues and to helpe your neighbours, the which I desire may be. Other newes I haue none to write you. So desiring God to blesse you in your proceedings in this your Voyage, I take my leaue: Resting [ 10]

Your louing friend to command ROBERT SALMON Iun.

Nine Ships were imployed Anno 1622. of which one for Discouerie. Their disastrous successe you may reade before, page 469. The last Fleete Anno 1623. was set forth by the former Aduen∣turers, vnder the command of Captaine William Goodlard, William Heley being Vice-admirall. Of the successe thereof you may read the Letters following.

[ 20]

Laus Deo in Faire-Hauen, the foure and twentieth of Iune, 1623.

MAster Heley, your health wished, as also a happy accomplishment of your pretended Voyage desi∣red. I had written you according to order, of all matters happening since our arriuall, had not contrarie windes and weather premented, and therefore haue taken the first opportunitie offering as present.

Wee arriued at our harbour with both our Ships in safetie vpon the third of this present, blessed be God, finding the yeare past to haue beene a verie hard season, in regard of the great quantitie of Snow and lee, but yet not very offensiue to vs in respect of our good harbour. Touching our proceeding vpon our Voy∣age, [ 30] by the eight of this present we had killed thirteene Whales, and then were all our Shallops constrai∣ned in, by reason of foule weather, till the fifteenth, dicto, and vpon the fifteenth we killed two more, which being all boyled but the heads, and then estimated will hardly make past eightie Tunnes, which is a very small quantitie. The weather continued bad till the twentie two, dicto, and vpon the three and twentieth we killed three more, which by probabilitie will make neere fortie Tunnes. And thus wee doubt not but by degrees we shall accomplish our Voyage, by the grace of God.

As touching our order for the Flemmings, wee went as yesterday aboord them, supposing that wee should haue found the Danes there, but they are not as yet arriued, but wee found there fiue sailes of Flemmings, the Admirall fiue hundred Tunnes, the Vice-admirall of the same burthen, the other three were two hundred each Ship, hauing also fiftie or sixtie persons amongst them, hauing foure and twentie [ 40] Shallops belonging to their fiue Ships, and are building Houses and Tabernacles to inhabit, for they make new and substantially also they told vs, they expected one or two Ships more euerie day: after same time we had conference concerning the order giuen vs with the Generall Cornelius Ice, and declared vnto him that the time granted them to fish vpon King Iames his New Land was expired, and thereupon his Maiestie hath granted to our Principals a Commission vnder the broad Seale of England for the depres∣sing of any Interloper or Flemming whatsoeuer that we shall meete withall vpon this Coast; yet notwith∣standing it pleased our Principals to appoint vs to goe aboord them, and in a louing manner to informe them hereof, which if you will condescend vnto the desist fishing, you shall manifest your selues friends to our Principals; if otherwise, you shall cause them to compell by force, who had rather perswade by loue. Vnto which he answered, that he heard of no such matter in Holland, for if there were, it should be certi∣fied [ 50] by writing: to which we answered, that Sir Nowel Carroon their Agent was not ignorant of it, who should giue information: and saith he, I haue a Commission from the Prince of Orange, for the ma∣king of my Voyage vpon this Coast, which was procured by my Merchants for my defence: and this is that could be gotten by words from him.

Also at our first arriuall, there rode two Biskie shippes with the Flemmings, but within a day or two they waied and stood for the Southward: but inquired of the Flemmings what port they were bound for, they answered, for the North Cape; but Master Mason is perswaded they are at Greene-harbour: to which purpose I wrote to Master Catcher, that he giues order to his shallop that goes to Bel-sound, to stand in for the harbour, to giue the Captaine true information. And so for present I rest, intreating you to remember me to Master Salmon and Master Iohn Hadland: and thus contracting my sailes, lest the [ 60] winde of my words carrie me into the Ocean of discourse, here I anchor: resting

Your friend NATHANIEL FANNE.

Master CATCHERS Letter the nine and twentieth of Iune, 1623.

BRother Heley, with my best loue I salute you, wishing your health with a prosperous Voyage, &c. Since our departure, we haue had much foule weather and troubled with Ice before we could get into har∣bour, and after we came into harbour, we neuer let fall anchor, by reason of the Ice, till the sixteenth of this month, in which time we killed sixe Whales at the Fore-land, which made but eighteene Tuns and a halfe, and since we haue killed sixe Whales more, which I hope will make in all vpwards of eightie Tunnes. We [ 10] haue fit nine Shallops verie well, and I thanke God not one of our Men faileth, saue one that was shot ac∣cidentally with a Musket. I hope some of the Shutberne harbours will supply our wants, if there be any, which I feare there will: our harbour, manie say still, is vnpossible to make a Voyage, by reason that the Flemmings shed bloud there, which I pray God to take that plague from vs. For Faire-hauen; A doubt not but that you shall heare by the Letters sent you of the proceedings; but Master Sherwin writ, that there is fiue Flemmings of fiue hundred Tunnes a peece: there was also two Biscainers which the Eng∣lish nor Flemmings would suffer to fish: therefore they departed, and said they would goe for the North Cape; but I thinke they are in Greene-harbour, or gone to the Eastward; which if they be in Greene-harbour, our Shallop going to Bel-sound shall touch there to see, and so certifie the Captaine, and know his will what he would haue done in it: I hold it not fit that they should harbour there. There are no [ 20] Danes in the Countrie as yet, &c.

Captaine WILLIAM GOODLARD'S Letter: Bell-sound this eight of Iuly, 1623.

LOuing friend Master Heley, I kindely salute you, wishing health to you with the rest of your compa∣nie, praising the Lord for your good successe in your fishing. To certifie you of our proceedings; wee haue killed here in Bel-sound three and thirtie Whales, and lost manie more by Irons broken, yet I hope [ 30] sufficient to fill our ships: we haue boiled a hundred and eightie Tunnes, of which a hundred and sixtie a∣boord our Ship, and make account sixtie tunnes more will fill our hould. Our Whales here proue verie watrish and leane, which maketh bad Oyle, and hindereth vs much in boyling. This present day our shal∣lop came from the Fore-land, at which time they had killed fifteene Whales verie small, and are verie doubtfull of a Voyage there: if God sendeth fish into this harbour, I will not spare till I haue killed sufficient, to fill all our Casks, to leaue for them if there be occasion. The foure and twentieth of Iune, there was killed at Faire-hauen eighteene Whales, which proue verie small to yeelde, by their estimation one hundred and twentie tunnes: hauing there fiue Flemmings well fortified, and ships of fiue hundred Tuns some of them,* 13.1 and two more expected thither euerie day, which I feare will hinder much our shippes in their fishing this yeare, and in my iudgement not to be remoued from thence, for they hauing a Commission from the States, to fish vpon this Coast; were our whole Fleete there, and could put them away, yet would they flie to one [ 40] of our Southerne harbours, and so should we spend our time in following of them, and lose our Voyage, &c; There were two French Ships of Saint Iohn de Luz at Faire-Hauen, which were put away by the Flem∣mings and our Ships, which they iudge are gone for the Cape.

With a beanie heart I write you the lamentable accident which happened here the eight and twentieth of Iune, our shallops all out in chase; and my selfe asleepe; my brother hauing a shallop lying by the ships side,* 13.2 spide a Whale going into the Ice Bay, followed him and strucke him, and his rope being new ranne out with kinckes, which ouerthrew his shallop, where he lost his life with my Boy Bredrake, being as we thinke car∣ried away with the rope (the dearest Whale to me that euer was strucke in this harbour) there was neuer anie losse, I thinke, went so neere my heart, &c.

Many other Letters I could haue added, but doubt I, haue already wearied you with this vn∣couth [ 50] Coast, whereto our English Neptunes are now so wonted, that there they haue found not onely Venison, but Pernassus and Helicon; and haue melted a Musaa•• Fountain out of the Green∣land Snowes and Icie Rockes. Whole Elaborate Poems haue I seene of Master Heley, as also of Iames Presson, there composed: but we haue harsher Discoueries in hand, to which wee are now shipping you. This I thought good at our parting to aduertise thee,* 13.3 that Master Heley hath affirmed to me touching the diuersitie of weather in Greeneland; that one day, it hath beene so cold (the winds blowing out of some quarter) that they could scarce handle the frozen sailes: another day so hot, that the pitch melted off the ship, so that hardly they could keepe their cloathes from pollution: yea, he hath seene at midnight Tobacco lighted or fired by the Sunne-beames with a Glasse.* 13.4 Likewise for a [ 60] farewell to our Whale-storie, I thought good to deliuer Stowes relation touching a Whale somewhat dif∣fering in forme from those here vsually found in Greeneland: my selfe also hauing spoken with some diligent viewers thereof in Thanet where it was taken Iulie 9. 1574. shooting himselfe on shore besides Rammesgate in the Parish of Saint Peter, and there dying forsaken of his Ocean parent. Hee came on shoare about sixe of the clocke at night, and died about sixe the next morning, before which time he roared

and was heard more then a mile on the land. The length was two and twentie yards, the nether iaw twelue foote in the opening: one of his eyes (which in the Greene-land Whale is verie small, not much greater then the eye of an Oxe being taken out of his head, was more then sixe Horses in a Cart could draw; a man stood vpright in the place whence the eye was taken. The thicknesse from the backe whereon he lay, to his bellie, which was vpwards, was fourteene foote; his taile of the same breadth: three men stood vp∣right in his mouth: betwixt his eyes twelue foote: some of the ribs sixteene foote long: the tongue fifteene foote long: his liuer two Cart load: into his nostrils anie man might haue crept: the Oyle of his head Spermaciti, &c.

[ 10]

CHAP. IX. The late changes and manifold alterations in Russia since IVAN VASI∣LOWICH to this present, gathered out of many Letters and Obser∣uations of English Embassadors and other Tra∣uellers in those parts.

[ 20]

§. I. Of the reigne of IVAN, PHEODOR•• his sonne; and of BORIS.

REader, I here present thee not what I would of Russian affaires, but what I could. We Englishmen vnder the gouernment of his Maiestie, haue enioyed such a Sun∣shine of peace,* 13.5 that our Summers day to many hath beene tedious; they haue loathed their Manna, and lenged for I know not what Egyptians flesh pots. For what else are Warres but pots set ouer the fire of Anger (how often of Furie, yea of Hell, the Furies or Deuils blowing the coales) and boyling mans flesh? whole [ 30] Families, Villages, Townes, Cities, Shires, Prouinces, not onely hurried thereby in confusions of State, harried and enflamed with combustions of goods and goodnesse, but the flesh of Men, Women, and Children, but chered and as it were boyled beyond the manifold shapes of Death, vnto the bones, into the Vapors, Froth, Scumme, Chaos, nothing and lesse then nothing of Hu∣manitie! Such is the inhumanitie, the immanitie, the inanitie of Warres! And such Warres haue made impressions into all our Neighbour Countries (whiles wee sit vnder the shadow of Beati Pacifici) haue lightened on Turkie and blasted the Seraglio; haue thunder-stricken Barbarie, haue torne the Atlas there, and rent the Grison Alpes in Europe; haue shaken France with earth∣quakes; haue raysed Belgian stormes, Bohemian broyles, Hungarian gusts, Germanian whirlewinds (these selfe-diuided in Ciuill, that is, the vilest, vnciuillest massacres and worst of Warres) that I mention not the inundations and exundations of Poland; the Snowes and Mists of Sweden, [ 40] the Danish Hailes and Frosts. But all these and more then all these Tempests, Turnado's, Tuf∣fons haue combined in Russia, and there made their Hell-mouth centre, there pitching the Tents of Destruction, there erecting the Thrones of Desolation.

* 13.6Pestilence and Famine had gone two yeeres before as direful Heralds, to denounce these dread∣full warres and mutations of State: the Pestilence possessing the Northerne parts of the World, and dispossesing it of many thousands: the Famine in Russia wanting necessaries to eate, necessarily deuoured all things, not onely Cats, Mice, and impure Creatures, but mens flesh also, and that in neerest necessitude, Parents reuoking to their wombes by vnnaturall passage the dea∣rest pledges of Nature, which hauing euen now dyed with hunger, were made preseruatiues from like death to those which first had giuen them life. The Mightier made sale of the Poorer, [ 50] yea, Fathers and Mothers of their Sonnes and Daughters, and Husbands of their Wiues, that price might bee had to buy Corne, which was now beyond all names of whatsoeuer price cre∣dible. But these things must be further searched.

Bloudinesse is a slipperie foundation of Greatnesse, and the Mercifull haue the promise to finde mercy:* 13.7 other wisedome (how euer seeming politike) is earthly, sensuall, deuillish; yea, ruine to the foole-wise Consultors, as appeareth in Pharaohs working wisely, that is, cruelly, to preuent the multiplying Israelites.* 13.8 The greatest of Creatures on Sea and Land, the Elephant and Whale, liue on grasse, weeds, and simpler diet, not on rapine and flesh or fish-deuouring prey: Thunders and all tempestuous stormes trouble not the higher aiery Regions, but the lower and those next the baser earthy dregs, the sediment and sinke of the World: nor doth ancient Philosophie rec∣kon [ 60] Comets other then Meteors, or falling Starres to be Starres indeed, but excludes both from the heauenly Sphaeres. Had Alexander followed this rule, and sought Greatnesse in Goodnesse (like him which is Optimus Maximus, the Great God, the great Good of the World) and in him∣selfe

rather then others, in being Master of himselfe then Lord of large Territories; he neither had sighed after the conquests of other Worlds which F••ol••sophie had created before he had seene the t••nth part of this; nor had dyed by poyson in a forraine Countrie, forced to content himselfe with possessing, nay, being possessed of a few feet of earth: then had he beene in very deed (now but in Title) GREAT Alexander. Great Goodnesse is the true and good Greatnesse.

I know not how fit a Preface this may seeme to the ensuing Russian Relation; this I am sure, that they which write of Iuan Vasilowich, the Great Great Muscouite, doe lay heauie asper∣sions on his Father and Grand-father, but on himselfe supersuperlatiues of crueltie (that I men∣tion not other vices) both for Matter and Forme. These things are deliuered particularly in the Histories of Alexander Gwagninus, Tilmannus Bredenbachius, Paulus Oderbornius, Reinoldus [ 10] Heidensten and others, in large Tractates written thereof purposely. His merits of the English might procure a silence of his euils (wee of all men being in regard of respect to our Nation vn∣worthy to speake, that which hee, if those Authours haue not beene malicious, was worthy to heare) if so dreadfull effects did not force an Historian (that is, the Register of the execution of Acts of Gods bountie and iustice decreed in the Court of Diuine Prouidence) to looke to the direfull Cause in foregoing sinnes, that after Ages may heare and feare.

I will touch a few of those which Gwagninus alone relates.* 13.9 His owne brother being accused An. 1570. by Wiskonati, is said without leaue granted to cleare himselfe, to bee put to exqui∣site tortures first, and after to death; his wife stripped and set naked to the eyes of all, and then by one on horse-backe drawne with a rope into the Riuer and drowned. Iohn Pi••trowich, a man [ 20] of principall command accused of treason, presenting himselfe to him, not admitted to make a∣ny purgation, was set in Princely accoutrements on a Throne, the Emperour standing bare-hea∣ded before him and bowing to him, but soone after with a knife thrusting him to the heart, the Attendants adding other Furies till his bowels fell out; his body dragged forth, his seruants slaine, three hundred others in his Castle executed, his Boiarens all gathered into one house and blowne vp with poulder; their Wiues and Daughters rauished before his face by his followers, and then cut in pieces, and no liuing thing left in their houses or grounds; the husbandmens wiues stripped naked as they were borne and driuen into a Wood, where were Executioners purposely set to giue them their fatall entertainment. His Chancellor Dubrowsti sitting at table with his two Sonnes, were also vpon accusation without answere cut in pieces, and the third [ 30] sonne quartered aliue with foure wheeles, each drawne a diuers way by fifteene men. Miessoie∣dowyschly, supreme Notarie, displeasing him, his wife was taken from him, and after some weeks detayning was with her hand-maid hanged ouer her husbands doore, and so continued a fort∣night, he being driuen to goe in and out by her all that time. Another Notaries wife was rauish∣ed and then sent home and hanged ouer her husbands table, whereat he was forced daily to eate. In trauelling if he met any woman whose husband he liked not, he caused her to stand with her nakednesse disclosed till all his retinue were passed. Cutting out tongues, cutting off hands and feet of his complayning Subiects, and other diuersified tortures I omit; as also the guarding his father in lawes doores with Beares tyed there, that none might goe in or out, hanging his ser∣uants [ 40] at his doores, torturing him for treasure; casting hundreds of men * 13.10 at once into the wa∣ter vnder the Ice; two thousand seuen hundred and seuentie thus and by other tortures execu∣ted at Nouogr••d An. 1569. besides women, and the poorer persons which Famine forced, did eate the bodies of the slaine, and were after slaine themselues; the Archbishop also set on a Mare with his feet tyed vnder the belly, and made to play on Bag-pipes thorow the Citie; the Monks spoyled and slaine; Theodore Sirconij, the Founder of twelue Monasteries, tortured to shew his treasure and then slaine: Wiazinsky his Secretarie, by many dayes renewed tortures dying; hee recreating himselfe with letting Beares loose in throngs of people; Iohn Michalowich Wiskewati the Chancellor, his eares, lips, and other members one after another cut off * 13.11 by piece-meale, notwithstanding all protestations of his innocency; aboue two hundred other Nobles at the same time variously executed, one his Treasurer, two other Secretaries; the Treasurers wife set [ 50] on a rope and forcibly dragged to and fro thereon (by that torturing her naked flesh, to learne her husbands treasures) whereof soone after shee dyed in a Monasterie, into which shee was thrust. All these are but a little of that which Gwagninus alone hath written. A taste and touch is too much of bloud, and in such immanities. He is also said in a famine to haue gathered many people, in expectation of almes, on a bridge, and there guarded the bridge being cut to drowne them, as the readiest way for cheapnesse of corne. But I lothe such crudities. His last crueltie was on him∣selfe, dying with griefe, as was thought, for the death of his eldest sonne Iuan, whom falsly ac∣cused he struck with a staffe wrought with Iron, whereof he dyed in few dayes after. Hee was a man accused for communicating in disposition with his father, and as a ioyfull Spectator of his [ 60] tragicall executions.

But if any delight to reade the terrible and bloudie Acts of Iuan Basilowich, he may glut, if not drowne himselfe in bloud, in that Historie which Paul Oderborne hath written of his life, and both there and in others take view of other his vniust Acts. I will not depose for their truth, though I cannot disproue it: aduersaries perhaps make the worst. For my selfe I list not to take

sinkes against him, and would speake in his defence, if I found not an vniuersall conspiracy of all Historie and Reports against him. I honour his other good parts, his wit, his learning (perhaps better then almost any other Russe in his time) his exemplarie seuerity on vniust Magistrates, his Martiall skill, industrie, fortune, wherby he subdued the Kingdoms of Casan and Astracan (which also the Turke sending from Constantinople an Armie of three hundred thousand to dispossesse him of, A. 1569. besides his hopes and helpes from the Tartars, few returned to tell their disasters, and the destructions of their fellowes) besides what hee got in Siberia and from the Pole, Sweden, Prussian, extending his Conquests East, West, North, and South: yea, his memorie is sauourie still to the Russians, which (either of their seruile disposition needing such a bridle and whip; or for his long and prosperous reigne, or out of distaste of later tragedies) hold him in little lesse re∣putation (as some haue out of their experience instructed me) then a Saint. [ 10]

His loue to our Nation is magnified by our Countrimen with all thankfulnesse, whose gaine•• there begun by him, haue made them also in some sort seeme to turne Russe (in I know what loues or feares, as if they were still shut vp in Russia, & to conceale whatsoeuer they know of Russian occurrents) that I haue sustayned no small torture with great paines of body, vexation of minde, and triall of potent interceding friends to get but neglect and silence from some, yea almost con∣tempt and scorne. They alledge their thankfulnesse for benefits receiued from that Nation, and their feare of the Dutch, readie to take aduantage thereof, and by calumniations from hence to interuert their Trade. This for loue to my Nation I haue inserted against any Cauillers of our Russe Merchants: though I must needs professe that I distaste, and almost detest that (call it [ 20] what you will) of Merchants to neglect Gods glorie in his prouidence, and the Worlds instru∣ction from their knowledge; who while they will conceale the Russians Faults, will tell no∣thing of their Facts; and whiles they will be silent in mysteries of State, will reueale nothing of the histories of Fact, and that in so perplexed, diuersified chances and changes as seldome the World hath in so short a space seene on one Scene. Whiles therefore they which seeme to know most, will in these Russian Relations helpe me little or nothing (except to labour and frustrated hopes) I haue (besides much conference with eye witnesses) made bold with others in such books as in diuers languages I haue read, and in such Letters and written Tractates as I could procure of my friends, or found with Master Hakluyt (as in other parts of our storie) not seeking any whit to disgrace that Nation or their Princes, but onely desiring that truth of things done may bee [ 30] knowne, and such memorable alterations may not passe as a dreame, or bee buried with the Doers. Sir Ierome Horsey shall leade you from Iuans Graue to Pheodores Coronation.

* 13.12The most solemne and magnificent coronation of PHEODOR IVANOVVICH, Emperour of Russia, &c. the tenth of Iune, in the yeare 1584. seene and obserued by Master IEROM HORSEY Gen∣tleman,* 13.13 and seruant to her Maiestie.

[ 40]

* 13.14WHen the old Emperor Iuan Vasilowich died (being about the eighteeenth of April, 1584. after our computation) in the Citie of Mosco, hauing raigned fiftie foure yeares, there was some tumult & vprore among some of the Nobilitie and Comminaltie, which notwithstan∣ding was quickly pacified. Immediately the same night, the Prince Boris Pheodorowich Godonoua, Knez Iuon Pheodorowich, Mesthis Slafsky, Knez Iuan Petrowich Susky, Mekita Romanowich and Bo∣dan Iacoulewich Belskoy,* 13.15 being all noble men, and chiefest in the Emperours Will, especially the Lord Boris, whom he adopted as his third son, and was brother to the Empresse, who was a man very well liked of all estates, as no lesse worthy for his valour and wisedome: all these were ap∣pointed to dispose, and settle his Sonne Pheodor Iuanowich, hauing one sworne another, and all the Nobilitie and Officers whosoeuer. In the morning the dead Emperour was laid into the Church of Michael the Archangell, into a hewen Sepulchre, very richly decked with Vestures fit [ 50] for such a purpose: and present Proclamation was made (Emperour Pheodor Iuanowich of all Rus∣sia, &c.) Throughout all the Citie of Mosco was great watch and ward, with Souldiors, and Gun∣ners, good orders established, and Officers placed to subdue the tumulters, and maintaine quiet∣nesse: to see what speede and policie was in this case vsed, was a thing worth the beholding. This being done in Mosco, great men of birth and accompt were also presently sent to the bor∣dering Townes, as Smolensko, Vobsko, Kasan, Nouogorod, &c. with fresh garrison, and the old sent vp. As vpon the fourth of May a Parliament was held, wherein were assembled the Metropoli∣tane, Archbishops, Bishops, Priors, and chiefe Clergie men, and all the Nobility whatsoeuer: where many matters were determined not pertinent to my purpose, yet all tended to a new re∣formation in the gouernement: but especially the terme, and time was agreed vpon for the [ 60] solemnizing of the new Emperours coronation. In the meane time the Empresse, wife to the old Emperour, was with her childe the Emperours son, Charlewich Demetrie Iuanowich, of one yeares age or there abouts, sent with her Father Pheodor Pheodorowich Nagay, and that kindred, being

fiue brothers, to a towne called Ouglets, which was giuen vnto her, and the yong Prince her sonne, with all the Lands belonging to it in the shire, with officers of all sorts appointed, hauing allowance of apparell, iewels, diet, horse,* 13.16 &c. in ample manner belonging to the estate of a Prin∣cesse. The time of mourning after their vse being expired, called Sorachyn, or fortie orderly dayes, the day of the solemnizing of this coronation, with great preparations, was come, being vpon the tenth day of Iune, 1584. and that day then Sunday, he being of the age of twenty fiue years: at which time, Master Ierom Horsey was orderly sent for, and placed in a fit roome to see all the solemnity. The Emperour comming out of his Pallace, there went before him, the Metropoli∣tane, Archbishops, Bishops, and chiefest Monkes, and Clergie men, with very rich Coapes and Priests garments vpon them, carrying pictures of our Lady, &c. with the Emperors Angell, ban∣ners, [ 10] censers, and many other such ceremonious things, singing all the way. The Emperour with his nobility in order entred the Church named Blaueshina or Blessednes, where prayers and seruice were vsed, according to the manner of their Church: that done, they went thence to the Church called Michael the Archangell, and there also vsed the like prayers, and seruice: and from thence to our Lady Church, Prechista, being their Cathedrall Church. In the middest thereof was a chaire of maiestie placed, wherein his Ancestors vsed to sit at such extraordinary times: his roabes were then changed, and most rich and vnualuable garments put on him: being placed in this Princely seate, his nobilitie standing round about them in their degrees, his imperiall Crowne was set vp∣on his head by the Metropolitane, his Scepter globe in his right hand, his sword of Iustice in his [ 30] left of great riches: his six crowns also, by which he holdeth his Kingdomes were set before him, and the Lord Boris Pheodorowich was placed at his right hand: then the Metropolitan read open∣ly a booke of a small volume, with exhortations to the Emperour to minister true Iustice, to in∣ioy with tranquility the Crowne of his ancestours, which God had giuen him, and vsed these words following:

Through the will of the almightie and without beginning God, which was before this world, whom we glorifie in the Trinitie, one onely God, the Father, the Sonne, and the holy Ghost, maker of all things, wor∣ker of all in all euery where, fulfiller of all things, by which will, and working, he both liueth, and giueth life to man: that our onely God which enspireth euerie one of vs his onely children with his word to discerne God through our Lord Iesus Christ, and the holy quickning spirit of life, now in these perillous times esta∣blished vs to keepe the right Scepter, and suffer vs to raigne of our selues to the good profit of the land, to [ 30] the subduing of the people, together with the enemies, and the maintenance of vertue. And so the Me∣tropolitan blessed and laid his crosse vpon him. After this, he was taken out of his chaire of Ma∣iesty, hauing vpon him an vpper roabe adorned with precious stones of all sorts, orient pearles of great quantity, but alwayes augmented in riches: it was in weight two hundred pounds, the traine and parts thereof borne vp by six Dukes, his chiefe imperiall Crowne vpon his head very precious: his staffe imperiall in his right hand of an Vnicornes horne of three foote and a halfe in length beset with rich stones, bought of Merchants of Ausburge by the old Emperour, in Anno 1581. and cost him 7000. Markes sterling. This Iewel Master Horsey kept sometimes, before the Emperour had it. His Scepter globe was carried before him by the Prince Boris Pheodorowich: his [ 40] rich cap beset with rich stones and pearles, was carried before him by a Duke: his sixe Crownes also were carried by Demetrius Iuanowich Godonoua, the Emperours vnckle, Mekita Romanowich th•• Emperors vnckle, Stephen Vasiliwich, Gregorie Vasiliwich, Iuan Vasiliwich brothers of the bloud royall. Thus at last the Emperour came to the great Churchdoore, and the people cried, God saue our Emperour Pheodor Iuanowich of all Russia. His Horse was there ready most richly adorned, with a couering of imbrodered pearle and precious stones, saddle, and all furniture agreeable to it, reported to be worth 300000. markes sterling.

There was a bridge made of a hundred & fiftie fadomes in length, three manner of waies, three foot aboue ground, and two fadome broad, for him to goe from one Church to the other with his Princes and nobles from the presse of the people, which were in number infinite, and some at that [ 50] time pressed to death with the throng. As the Emperor returned out of the Churches, they were spred vnder foot with cloth of Gold, the porches of the Churches with red Veluet, the Bridges with Scarlet, & stammelled cloth from one Church to another: and as soone as the Emperor was passed by, the cloth of gold, veluet and scarlet was cut, & taken of those that could come by it, eue∣ry man desirous to haue a piece, to reserue it for a monument: siluer and gold coine, then minted of purpose was cast among the people in great quantitie. The Lord Boris Pheodorowich was sumptuously and richly attired, with his garments decked with great orient pearle, beset with all sorts of precious stones. In like rich manner were apparelled all the family of the Godonouaes in their degrees, with the rest of the Princes and nobilitie, whereof one named Knez Iuan Micha∣lowich Glynsky, whose roabe, horse and furniture, was in register found worth one hundred thou∣sand [ 60] markes sterling, being of great antiquitie. The Embresse being in her Pallace, was placed in her chaire of Maiesty also before a great open window: most precious, and rich were her robes, and shining to behold, with rich stones, and orient Pearles beset, her crowne was placed vpon her head, accompanied with her Princesses, and Ladies of estate: then cried out the people, God preserue our noble Empresse Irenia. After all this, the Emperour came into the Parliament

house, which was richly decked: there he was placed in his royall seat adorned as before: his sixe crownes were set before him vpon a Table: the Bason and Ewre royall of gold held by his knight of gard, with his men standing two on each side in white apparell of cloth of siluer, called Kindry with scepters and battle-axes of gold in their hands, the Princes and nobility were all placed ac∣cording to their degrees all in their rich roabes.

The Emperour after a short Oration, permitted euery man in order to kisse his hand: which being done, he remoued to a princely seate prepared for him at the table: where he was serued by his Nobles in very princely order. The three out roomes being very great and large were beset with plate of gold and siluer round, from the ground vp to the vauts one vpon the other: among which plate were many barrels of siluer and gold: this solemnitie and triumph lasted a whole [ 10] weeke, wherein many royall pastimes were shewed and vsed: after which, the chiefest men of the Nobilitie were elected to their places of office and dignitie, as the Prince Boris Pheodorowich was made chiefe Counsellour to the Emperour, Master of the Horse, had the charge of his person, Lieutenant of the Empire, and warlike engins, Gouernor or Lieutenant of the Empire of Cazan, and Astracan, and others: to this dignitie were by Parliament, and gift of the Emperour giuen him many reuenewes and rich lands, as there was giuen him, and his for euer to inherite a Pro∣uince called Vaga, of three hundred English miles in length, and two hundred and fiftie in bredth, with many Townes and great Villages populous and wealthy: his yearely Reuenew out of that Prouince, is fiue and thirtie thousand Markes sterling, being not the fifth part of his yeare Reue∣nue. Further, he and his house be of such authoritie and power, that in forty dayes warning, they [ 20] are able to bring into the field a hundred thousand Souldiours well furnished.

The conclusion of the Emperours Coronation was a peale of Ordnance, called a Peale royall, two miles without the Citie, being a hundred and seuenty great pieces of brasse of all sorts, as faire as any can be made; these pieces were all discharged with shot against bulwarkes made of purpose: twentie thousand hargubusers standing in eight ranks two miles in length, apparelled all in vel∣uet, coloured silke and stammels, discharged their shot also twise ouer in good order: and so the Emperour accompanied with all his Princes and Nobles, at the least fiftie thousand horse, depar∣ted through the Citie to his palace. This royall coronation would aske much time, and many leaues of paper to be described particularly as it was performed: it shall suffice, to vnderstand that the like magnificence was neuer seene in Russia. [ 30]

The Coronation, and other triumphs ended, all the Nobilitie, officers, and Merchants, according to an accustomed order euery one in his place and degree, brought rich presents vnto the Empe∣rour, wishing him long life, and ioy in his kingdome.

The same time also Master Ierom Horsey aforesaid, remaining as seruant in Russia for the Queens most excellent Maiestie, was called for to the Emperour, as he sate in his Imperiall seat, and the-also a famous Merchant of Netherland being newly come to Mosco (who gaue him selfe out to be the King of Spaines subiect) called Iohn de Wale,* 13.17 was in like sort called for. Some of the Nobi∣litie would haue preferred this subiect of the Spaniard before Master Horsey seruant to the Queen of England, whereunto Master Horsey would in no case agree, saying, hee would haue his legges cut off by the knees, before hee would yeelde to such an indignitie offered to his Soueraigne the Queenes Maiestie of England, to bring the Emperour a present, in course after the King of Spaines [ 40] subiect, or any other whatsoeuer. The Emperour, and the Prince Boris Pheodorowich perceuing the controuersie, sent the Lord Treasurer Peter Iuanowich Galauyn, and Vasili Shalkan, both of the Counsell, to them, who deliuered the Emperour backe Master Horseys speech: whereupon he was first in order (as good reason) admitted and presented the Emperour in the behalfe of the Eng∣lish Merchants trading thither, a present, wishing him ioy, and long to raigne in tranquilitie, and so kissed the Emperours hand, he accepting the present with good liking, and auouching, that for his Sisters sake, Queene Elizabeth of England, he would be a gracious Lord to her Merchants, in as ample manner as euer his Father had beene: and being dismissed, he had the same day sent him, seauentie dishes of sundry kinds of meats, with three carts laden with al sorts of drinks very bountifully. After him was the foresaid subiect of the Spanish King admitted with his present, [ 50] whom the Emperor willed to be no lesse faithfull & seruiceable vnto him, then the Queen of Eng∣lands subiects were & had been, & then the King of Spains subiects shold receiue fauor accordingly.

All these things thus in order performed, prayses were sung in all the Churches. The Empe∣rour and Empresse very deuoutly resorted on foote to many principal Churches in the Citie, and vpon Trinitie Sunday betooke themselues to a progresse in order of procession, to a famous Mo∣nasterie called Sergius and the Trinitie, sixtie miles distant from the Citie of Mosco, accompa∣nied with a huge armie of Noblemen, Gentlemen, and others, mounted vpon goodly Horses with furniture accordingly,

The Empresse of deuotion tooke this iourney on foote all the way, accompanyed with her Princesses and Ladies, no small number: her Guard and Gunners were in number twentie thou∣sand: [ 60] her chiefe Counsellor or Attendant, was a noble man of the bloud Royall her Vncle of great authoritie, called Demetri Iuanowich Godonoua. All this progresse ended, both the Empe∣rour and Empresse returned to Mosco: shortly after, the Emperour by the direction of the Prince

Boris Pheodorowich, sent a power into the Land of Siberia, where all the rich Sables and Furres are gotten. This power conquered in one yeere and a halfe one thousand miles. In the perfor∣mance of this warre, there was taken prisoner the Emperour of the Country, called Chare Si∣bersky, and with him many other Dukes and Noble men, which were brought to Mosco,* 13.18 with a guard of Souldiers and Gunners, who were receiued into the Citie in very honourable manner, and doe there remaine to this day.

Hereupon the corrupt Officers, Iudges, Iustices, Captaines and Lieutenants through the whole Kingdome were remooued, and more honest men substituted in their places, with expresse com∣mandement, vnder seuere punishment to surcease their old bribing and extortion which they had vsed in the old Emperours time, and now to execute true iustice without respect of persons: [ 10] and to the end that this might be the better done, their lands and yeerly stipends were augmen∣ted: the great taskes, customes, and duties, which were before laid vpon the people in the old Emperours time, were now abated, and some wholly remitted, and no punishments comman∣ded to be vsed, without sufficient and due proofe, although the crime were capitall, deseruing death: many Dukes and Noble men of great Houses, that were vnder displeasure, and impriso∣ned twentie yeeres by the old Emperour, were now set at libertie and restored to their lands: all prisoners were set at libertie, and their trespasses forgiuen. In summe, a great alteration v∣niuersally in the gouernment followed, and yet all was done quietly, ciuilly, peaceably, without trouble to the Prince, or offence to the Subiect: and this bred great assurance and ho∣nour to the Kingdome, and all was accomplished by the wisedome especially of Irenia the [ 30] Empresse.

These things being reported and carried to the eares of the Kings and Princes that were bor∣derers vpon Russia, they grew so fearfull and terrible to them, that the Monarch of all the Scythians called the Crim Tartar or great Can himselfe, named Sophet Keri Alli, came out of his owne Countrie to the Emperour of Russia,* 13.19 accompanied with a great number of his Nobi∣litie well horsed, although to them that were Christians they seemed rude, yet they were personable men, and valiant: their comming was gratefull to the Emperour, and their enter∣tainment was honourable: the Tartar Prince hauing brought with him his wiues also, recei∣ued of the Russe Emperour entertainment, and Princely welcome according to their estates.

Not long after, one thousand and two hundred Polish Gentlemen, valiant Souldiers, and [ 30] proper men came to Mosco, offering their seruice to the Emperour, who were all entertayned: and in like sort many Chirkasses, and people of other Nations came and offered seruice. And as soone as the report of this new created Emperour was spred ouer other Kingdomes of Europe, there were sent to him sundrie Ambassadors, to wish him ioy and prosperitie in his Kingdome: thither came Ambassadors from the Turke, from the Persian, the Bogharian, the Crim, the Geor∣gian, and many other Tartar Princes. There came also Ambassadors from the Emperour of Al∣maine, the Pole, the Swethen, the Dane, &c. And since his Coronation no enemie of his hath preuailed in his attempts.

It fell out not long after,* 13.20 that the Emperour was desirous to send a message to the most ex∣cellent Queene of England, for which seruice he thought no man fitter then Master Ierome Hor∣sey, [ 40] supposing that one of the Queenes owne men and subiects would bee the more acceptable to her. The summe of which message was, That the Emperor desired a continuance of that league, friendship, amitie and intercourse of traffique which was betweene his Father and the Queenes Maiestie and her Subiects, with other priuate affaires besides, which are not to bee made common.

Master Horsey hauing receiued the Letters and Requests of the Emperour, prouided for his iourney ouer Land, and departed from Mosco the fift day of September, thence vnto Otuer,* 13.21 to Torshook, to great Nouogrod, to Vobskie, and thence to Nyhouse in Liuonia, to Wenden, and so to Riga: (where he was beset, and brought forthwith before a Cardinall, called Rageuil, but yet suffered to passe in the end:) From thence to Mito, to Golden, and Libou in Curland, to Memel, [ 50] to Koningsburgh in Prussia, to Elbing, to Dantzike, to Stetine in Pomerland, to Rostock, to Lubeck to Hamborough, to Breme, to Emden, and by Sea to London. Being arriued at her Maiesties Royal Court, and hauing deliuered the Emperours Letters with good fauour, and gracious acceptance, he was forthwith againe commanded to repasse into Russia, with other Letters from her Maie∣stie to the Emperour, and Prince Boris Pheodorowich, answering the Emperours Letters, and withall requesting the fauour and friendship, which his Father had yeelded to the English Mer∣chants: and hereunto was he earnestly also solicited by the Merchants of London themselues of that Companie, to deale in their behalfe. Being thus dispatched from London by Sea, he arriued in Mosco, the twentieth of Aprill, 1586. and was very honourably welcommed,* 13.22 and for the [ 60] Merchants behoofe, obtayned all his Requests, being therein specially fauoured by the Noble Prince Boris Pheodorowich, who alwayes affected Master Horsey with speciall liking. And ha∣uing obtayned priuiledges for the Merchants, he was recommended from the Emperour againe, to the Queene of England his Mistresse, by whom the Prince Boris, in token of his honou∣rable and good op••nion of the Queenes Maiestie, sent her Highnesse a Royall present of Sables,

Luzarns, cloth of Gold and other rich things. So that the Companie of English Merchants, next to their thankfulnesse to her Maiestie, are to account Master Horseys paines their speciall benefit, who obtayned for them those priuiledges, which in twentie yeeres before would not be granted.

The manner of Master Horseys last dispatch from the Emperour, because it was very hono∣rable, I thought good to record. Hee was freely allowed post-horses for him and his seruants, victuals and all other necessaries for his long iourney: at euery Towne that he came vnto from Mosco to Vologda, which is by Land fiue hundred miles, he receiued the like free and bounti∣full allowances, at the Emperours charge. New victuall and prouision were giuen him vpon the Riuer Dwina at euery Towne by the Kings Officers, being one thousand miles in length. When he came to the new Castle, called Archangel, he was receiued of the Duke Knez Vasili Andre∣wich [ 10] Isu••nogorodsky by the Emperours Commission into the Castle, Gunners being set in rankes after their vse, where he was sumptuously feasted: from thence he was dispatched with boun∣tifull prouision and allowance in the Dukes Boat, with one hundred men to rowe him, and one hundred Gunners in other Boats to conduct him, with a Gentleman Captaine of the Gunners. Comming to the Road where the English, Dutch, and French ships rode, the Gunners discharged, and the shippes shot in like manner fortie sixe pieces of their Ordnance, and so hee was brought to his lodging at the English house vpon Rose Iland.

And, that which was the full and complete conclusion of the fauour of the Emperour and Bo∣ris Pheodorowich toward Master Horsey, there were the next day sent him for his further proui∣sion vpon the Sea by a Gentleman and a Captaine, the things following. Sixteene liue Oxen, [ 20] seuentie Sheepe, six hundred Hens, fiue and twentie flitches of Bacon, eightie bushels of Meale, six hundred loaues of bread, two thousand Egges, ten Geese, two Cranes, two Swannes, sixtie fiue gallons of Meade, fortie gallons of Aquavitae, sixtie gallons of Beere, three young Beares, foure Hawkes, store of Onions and Garleeke, ten fresh Salmons, a wilde Boare.

All these things were brought him downe by a Gentleman of the Emperours, and another of Prince Boris Pheodorowich, and were receiued in order by Iohn Frese seruant to Master Hor∣sey, together with an honourable present and reward from the Prince Boris, sent him by Master Francis Cherry an English man: which present was a whole very rich piece of cloth of Gold, and a faire paire of Sables.

[ 30]

IVan Vasilowich is reported to haue had seauen Wiues, and of them to haue left three children suruiuing, Theodore or Pheodore and Demetrius a yongling by his last wife, and a Daughter, which was the wife of L. Boris aforesaid,* 13.23 whose sister Pheodore had married in his Fathers life time, who would haue caused her diuorse for her barrennesse (as he had caused Iuan his el∣dest sonne diuers times to doe and his refusing it at last, was the occasion of that angry, last, and fatall blow, before mentioned) but being protracted by faire excuses for a time, the diuorse of soule and body in the Father preuented that in the marriage bed of the Sonne. Yet by his Te∣stament he ordained, that if within two yeares she proued not fruitfull, hee should marrie ano∣ther. The executers vrged this after that terme expired; but Gernia or Irenia, so wrought with her husband,* 13.24 that their counsels were frustrate: wherein she was assisted by the politicke wisdome of [ 40] her brother Boris, who was now become chiefe Pilot, though not the Master in that Russian ship: and is said formerly to haue beene no small doer in those cruel designes of Iuan his deceassed Master; yet had he cunningly cast the blame on him now dead, and wisely insinuated into the people fa∣uour, by mitigating the seueritie of his Decrees. You haue read before of his great Reuenues and wealth, recorded by eye witnesses. Thuanus saith, that three hundred of the Knazeys and Boiarens, whereof the Senate of the Empire consisted,* 13.25 by aduise of the Executors, had subscribed. Boris made the simpler Emperor beleeue,* 13.26 that it was a conspiracie against him: whereupon they were all committed, ten of which (whom he thought his most dangerous aduersaries) were suddainly and priuily executed: to the rest, he procured the Emperours pardon and fauour, seeming very [ 50] sorrowfull that this clemency had beene so much foreslowed: and that the hastie execution had preuented his officious indeuors for their deliuerance. And that he might seem serious, he got their goods to be restored to their heires: so working himselfe into the good liking of all degrees.

But soone after, yong Demetrius the Emperours brother was slaine, as hee was going to Church betwixt two Boiarens, by a mad man (as he seemed) who was thereupon suddenly slaine▪ but the author which set him on worke,* 13.27 could not be found: whereupon Boris was suspected to affect the soueraigntie. Thuanus elsewhere telleth, that hee corrupted those which were about Demetrius: and the great Bell being rung as is vsuall in cases of fire to bring the people together, Demetrius at that noise running forth, some were set in that tumult to kil him, which accordingly was effected, as he was comming downe a Ladder: the rumour whereof, caused the tumultuous people (making no curious search for the doers) to kil those of the Family which they met in their [ 60] furie, to put the suspition thereof from themselues: which notwithstanding, Boris exercised se∣uerer tortures and terrible executions vpon them, and as one which hartily execrated the fact, burned the fort to expiate the parricide. This place being farre remote from * 13.28 the Court, whi∣ther

he was thought purposely to haue sent him, could not admit so open euidence of manifold testimony; but that it gaue occasion of other Tragedies, by another supposed Demetrius, as shall anon appeare. Meane while, Boris could not escape aspersion of the fact past, and suspition of like intended to the present Prince, and therefore was forced to coniure vp his best wits to worke him into better reputation. He did hereof either take occasion, or make occasion by di∣uers fires in * 13.29 diuers Cities of the Kingdome, the Houses being of wood, and easily consumed: which losse (made, as some deliuer by his own incendiaries, he seemed much to commiserate, and by affected bountie, repaired those ruines out of the publique Treasure: others say, out of his pri∣uate purse:) thus, not onely raising so many Phoenixes out of those ashes; but making deuouring fire, become fuell to his magnificence, and raking reputation out of the flames and cinders: thence [ 10] erecting a Theatricall scene whereon to acte in popular spectacles, his many parts of c••re, in∣dustry, alacrity, wisedome, power, bounty, and whatsoeuer might fether his nest in the peoples hearts, thus easily stoln and entertained in affection to him, whiles Theodore liued, which was not long: he dying in the yeare 1598. on twelfe day, hauing liued thirty sixe yeares, and reigned neere foureteene. His impotency of body and minde, you haue read before in part.* 13.30 Thuanus affir∣meth, that Iuan Vasilowich his Father said, he was fitter to ring Bels in Churches, then to go∣uerne an Empire;* 13.31 aluding therein to his superexceeding deuotion and most deuout superstiti∣on. His death caused a new aspersion on Boris as procured, in some mens conceits (and reports) by poyson.

His dead body was buried with his ancestors, in Saint Michaels Temple in the Castle, and [ 20] Souldiours were presently sent to the borders, to prohibite ingresse or egresse. Theodores will was read, and therein Gernia (or Irenia) his wife, and the Patriarch, entrusted with the administrati∣on of the State. Hereupon a generall State assembly was assembled at Mosco,* 13.32 and their oathes giuen to the Empresse. After this the Empresse went into a Nunnery, to passe there the fortie dayes destined to publique sorrow: in which time (whether of her owne or with her brothers accord) making shew of vnspeakable sorrow for her deceased Lord, she renounced the world,* 13.33 and transferred the Imperiall gouernment vpon the Knazeys and Boiarens, which her Husband had bequeathed to her; that they, according to their wisdome, and loue to their Countrie, might take care thereof. This was done by her brothers counsell, to try what the people would doe: who were so moued therewith, that they came thronging to the Nunnerie gates, lamentably implo∣ring [ 30] her care in so perillous a time, whom onely they were bound to serue. And when she bad them goe to the Knazeys and Boiarens; they protested against them, saying, they had sworne to her, and would be ordered by L. Boris, her brother. Hereupon Boris Pheodorowich goeth out to appease their tumult, and vndertaketh for the fortie dayes of mourning, together with the Knazeys and Boiarens to administer the Empire. In which time, the Empresse renounced se∣cular cares, and prof••ssed her selfe a Nunne;* 13.34 changing her name from Gernia to Alex∣andrina.

The time of mourning being past, the people were called into the Castle, and the Chancellour made an Oration, perswading them to sweare obedience to the Knazeys and Boiarens, which they with out-cryes disclaymed, offering to doe it to the Queene and L. Boris. The Coun∣cell [ 40] sitting to consider hereof, the Chancellor came forth againe; and commanded them to sweare to the Knazeys and Boiarens; the Queene hauing now become a Nunne. Whereupon they all na∣med Boris her Brother, as one worthy of the State, to whom they were readie to sweare. Hee being present, rose vp and modestly excused himselfe,* 13.35 protesting his vnwillingnesse and vnwor∣thinesse, and bidding them chuse some other more worthy. And going withall into the Church, they laid in manner forceable hands on him, with loud cryes and lamentations, beseeching him not to forsake them. Whereat he wept and still refused, alleaging his insufficiencie: and to kindle greater desire in the people and Nobles, absented and hid himselfe with his Sister in the Nun∣nerie the space of a moneth. In which space the people fearing his flight, besieged the place, and with continuall clamours vrged the Queene, to perswade her Brother to accept of the Empire [ 50] which she had refused. Shee againe sends them to the Knazeys and Boiarens, the mention of whose names seemed to cast them into a fit of mutinie and sedition. Boris then commeth forth and tels them, if they were no quieter, he also would take Sack-cloth, and (as his Sister had done) enter into a Monasterie. They made so much greater stirres, casting out some desperate threats of looking to themselues, where the Common-wealth was desperately neglected. The Queene then wonne by their importunitie perswadeth her brother no longer to resist Gods will, which had put this constancie into the peoples mindes, and to accept that which thus God seemed to command, praying for his blessing therein.

Boris after new excuses, at last seeming ouercome by his Sisters intreaties, and to haue held out sufficiently to remoue enuie, assenteth to her, and shee signifieth as much to the people, to whom [ 60] she presents him, praying them to be as loyall to him, as they had beene earnest for him. Boris also spake vnto them: Forasmuch as it seemeth good to the Diuine Grace and Prouidence,* 13.36 whereby all things are gouerned, that by common consent and continuall Prayers intreated, I take on mee the Prin∣cipalitie ouer you, and all the Prouinces of Russia, I will no longer resist, how heauie soeuer I conceiue

this burthen to my shoulders, but haue determined to vndertake your protection with greatest fidelitie, being readie to sway the Russian Scepter and Gouernment, as farre as Gods grace shall enable mee. On the other side bee you faithfull to mee and to my command, as God may you helpe. I am your most gentle King.

Ioyfull acclamations followed, with all protestation of their fidelitie and future obedience. He entring into the Monasterie, after Prayers, receiued the first Benediction. The people retur∣ned full of joy, and the Bels (of which are numbred in Mosco, three thousand) resounded the publike Festiuitie.* 13.37 All the Magistrates and Officers, & such as receiued Salarie of the King, go pre∣sently to the Monasterie and carrie Gold, Siluer, Precious Stones, Pearles, Bread, and Salt, (after the solemne custome) with wishes of long life & al happines, and desiring to accept in good worth [ 10] their Presents. He with thankes rendred, accepts only the Bread and Salt, saying, these were his; the rest they should take to themselues. Then doth hee bid them to a Feast, and presently with Mary his Wife, Theodore his Sonne of ten yeeres old, and Arsenica his Daughter being six∣teene,* 13.38 he goeth out of the Monasterie with pompeous Procession to the Castle. Like Presents were offered to his Wife and Children, which accepted only the Bread and Salt, remitting the rest to the Presenters. When he was comne to the Castle, he chose his Sisters Lodging; for that of the Prince deceased, as offensiue by his death was destroyed, and after new built.

After Festiuall entertaynment of innumerable people, solemne Oath was taken of all the Gouernours;* 13.39 those things being in action till May. Then came newes that the Crim Tartars had entred the borders thinking to find all things troubled with an interregne; whereupon he assem∣bled [ 20] an Armie of three hundred thousand, and went in person against them. But the Tartars hearing how things went, returned home and sent Embassadors to the Emperours Tents. Hee returned with them to Mosco, where the next September (which is the beginning of the Rus∣sian New yeere,* 13.40 which enters in other places with Ianuary following) hee was publikely bles∣sed by the Patriarke, carrying a golden Crosse in his hand, and on the fourteenth of September, before the Knazeys,* 13.41 Boiarens, Bishops and other Orders, had the Crowne set on his head by the Patriarke, and the Scepter put in his hand, with the Solemnitie in such cases accustomed.

Twelue dayes together all Orders were feasted in the Castle, and the Magistrates and Officers had a yeeres pay giuen them. Merchants also of other Countries had Immunities and Priuiled∣ges granted. The Rustickes had their payments to their Boiarens reasonably rated, and their [ 30] persons made more free. Germane Merchants had moneyes lent them to repay seuen yeeres after without Vsurie. Widdowes, and Orphans, and poorer persons receiued much Almes. Pheodo∣res Obsequies were solemnely performed, and the Priests richly rewarded; and that Empire which seemed dead with the death of the house of Beala, now was as it were reuiued, and re∣ceiued a glorious Resurrection.

Thus haue we deliuered you Thuanas his report touching Boris manner of acquiring the Em∣pire without publike enuie, and cunning wiping off the aspersions of Pheodore and Demetrius their deaths. And as euery bodie is nourished by Aliments correspondent to the Principles of the Generation, so did hee seeke by politike wisdome to establish that which by wise Policies he had gotten. Wherein his care was not little to multiply Treasure, and as at first hee had see∣med [ 40] popularly prodigall,* 13.42 so after a small time of his Reigne▪ hee became prouidently penurious, the wonted allowances of the Court being much shortened from that which had beene in for∣mer times, as I haue receiued from eye-witnesses. Likewise he was carefull to hold good tearmes with his Neighbouring Princes, and aswell by plots at home, as by forreigne Aliance indeuou∣red to settle on his Race this new gotten Empire. He is said for this end to haue sought a Wife for his sonne out of England, and a Husband for his Daughter out of Denmarke. His Wife was a woman of haughtie spirit, who thought her too good for any Hollop (so they call a slaue, and such she esteemed all the subjects) and on such tearmes she is said to haue beene denied to a great man his best Souldier and Commander of his Armie.* 13.43

But while his Sunne shined now in the height of his course, and with brightest and war∣mest [ 50] beames of prosperitie, there arose grosse vapours out of Demetrius his graue, which grew quickly into a blacke darke cloud, and not only eclipsed that Imperiall glorie, but soone engen∣dred a blondie storme, which with a floud swept away that whole Family, and ouer-whelmed also the whole Empire. Contraries set together cause the greater lustre; for which cause I will bring on the stage a Gentleman, which attended Sir Thomas Smith employed in Honourable Embassage from his Maiestie of Great Brittaine to the then flourishing Emperor Boris: and out of his large Relations deliuer you this which followeth in his owne words (omitting the most part * 13.44 to our purpose not so pertinent) in the Booke printed, Anno 1605.

[ 60]

§. II. Occurrents of principall Note which happened in Russia, in the time while the Honourable Sir THOMAS SMITH remayned there Embassador from his Maiestie.

SIr Thomas Smith Knight, accompanied with Sir T. Challenor and Sir W. Wray Knights, diuers Gentlemen and his owne Attendants, repayred to the Court on the tenth of Iune 1604. then lying at Greenwich, where by the Right Honourable the Earle of Salisburie he was brought to His Majestis presence, kissed his Hand, &c. The next day [ 10] he tooke leaue of the Prince, and on the twelfth being furnished with his Commission, he came to Grauesend, and next morning went aboord the Iohn and Francis Admirall: and the two and twentieth of Iuly anchored within a mile of the Archangell. The sixteenth of September, hee came to Vologda: the fiue and twentieth to Perislawe, and there staid three dayes, and then de∣parted to Troites, (that faire and rich Monasterie) so to Brattesheen and Rostouekin, fiue versts from the great Citie of Musco. The fourth of October, the Prestaue came and declared the Emperours pleasure that hee should come into the Mosco that forenoone: presently after came Master I. Mericke Agent, with some twentie Horses to attend his Lordship, which forth-with [ 20] was performed. Then we did ride, til we came within a little mile of the many thousands of No∣blemen and Gentlemen on both sides the way, attended on horsebacke to receiue his Lordship. Where the Embassadour alighted from his Coach, and mounted on his foot-cloth Horse, and so rode on with his Trumpets sounding. A quarter of a mile farther, met him a proper and gallant Gentleman a-foot of the Emperours stable, who with Cap in hand, declared to the Embassa∣dour, that the Emperour, the young Prince, and the Master of the Horse, had so farre fauoured him, as to send him a Iennet, very gorgeously trapped with Gold, Pearle, and Precious Stone: and particularly, a great Chaine of plated Gold about his necke, to ride vpon. Whereupon the Embassador alighted, imbraced the Gentleman, returned humble thankes to them all, and pre∣sently mounted. Then he declared that they likewise had sent horses for the Kings Gentlemen, which likewise were very richly adorned, then for all his followers: which Ceremonie or State performed, and all being horsed, he departed, we riding orderly forward, till wee were met by [ 30] three great Noblemen, seuered from the rest of the multitude, and the Emperours Tolmache or Interpreter with them.

They being within speech, thus began that Oration they could neuer well conclude: Which was, That from their Lord and Master the mightie Emperour of Russia, &c. they had a message to deliuer his Lordship. The Embassadour then thinking they would be tedious and troublesome with their vsuall Ceremonies; preuented their farther speech with this (to them a Spell) That it was vnfitting for Subiects to hold discourse in that kind of complement, of two such mightie and renow∣med Potentates on horsebacke. They (hereby not only put by their Ceremonious Saddle-sitting, but out of their Paper instructions) allighted suddenly, as men fearing they were halfe vnhor∣sed, [ 40] and the Embassadour presently after them, comming very courteously all three, saluting the Embassadour and the Kings Gentlemen, taking them by the hands. Thus like a Scholer, too old to learne by rote (the Duke named King Volladamur Euanywich Mawsolskoy) with his Lesson before him, declared his message; which was, that he with the other two Noblemen, were sent from the Great Lord, Emperour and great Duke Boris Phedorowich, selfe-vpholder, great Lord Em∣perour, and great Duke of all Russia, Volademer, Moskoe and Nouogrode,* 13.45 King of Casan and Astracan, Lord of Vobskoe, great Duke of Smolenskoe, Tuer, Huder, Vghory, Perme, Viatsky, Bolgory, &c. Lord and great Duke of Nouogrod in the Low Countreyes, of Chernigo, Rezan, Po∣lotskey, Rostoue, Geraslaue, Bealozera, Leifland, Oudorskey, Obdorskey, Condingskey. King of all Syberia and the North Coasts, Commander of the Countreyes of Iuersky, Grysinsky, and Emperour of Kabardiuskey, of Chirkasky, and of the whole Countrey of Garskey, and of many other [ 50] Countreyes and Kingdomes Lord and Emperour, to know of his Maiesties health of England, the Queene and Princes. The second, being a Captayne of Gunners (the Emperours Guard) named Kazri••e Dauydowich Beaheetchoue, pronouncing the Emperour and Princes Title, said hee was sent from them to know his Lordships health and vsage, with the Kings Gentlemen. The third, was one of the Secretaries, named Pheodor Boulteene, obseruing the former order did deliuer what he had in command from the Emperor, Prince and Empresse, to informe the Embassador of their much fauour towards him, and the Kings Gentlemen, in prouiding for his Honourable enter∣tayne and ease, a faire large house to lodge in: Also that they three were sent from the Empe∣rour, Prince, and Empresse, to be his Prestaues, to supply the Emperours goodnesse toward him, to prouide his necessaries, and deliuer any sute it pleased the Ambassadour to make to the Empe∣rour. [ 60] To all which the Embassadour very wisely gaue answere (as they made report vnto the Emperour.)

So we all presently mounted againe, the Prestaues on either hand of the Ambassadour his Horse and Foot-cloth being led by his Page, some small distance, his Coach behind that, and

some sixe thousand Gallants after behind all: who at the Embassadors riding through the guard, that was made for him, very courteously bowed himselfe. Thus was he followed by thousands, and within the three wals of the Citie, many hundreds of young Noblemen, Gentlemen, and rich Merchants well mounted, begirt the wayes on euery side: diuers on foot also, euen to the gate of the house where the Embassadour was to be lodged, which was some two miles. Whe∣ther being come, he was brought into his Bed-chamber by the Noblemen his Prestaues, where with many thankes for their honourable paines; they were dismist, betaking themselues to their further affaires. The next morning came three other Prestaues with the former, to know of his Lordships health, and how he had rested the night past: withall, that if his Lordship wanted any thing, they all, or any one of them, were as commanded, so readie to obey therein. These, [ 10] with the Interpreter and sixe Gentlemen were most within the walls, lodged in a house ouer the gate, besides we had fiftie Gunners to attend, and guard vs in our going abroad.

The eight of October being the fourth day after our comming to Musco, the Prestaues came to his Lordship to let him vnderstand,* 13.46 they heard he should goe vp the next day: wherefore they desired his speech and Embassage to the Emperour: and the rather, that the Interpreter might (as they pretended) translate it. To this purpose, very earnestly at seuerall times they made demand. The Embassadour answered, that he was sent from a mightie Prince, to bee his Embassadour to their Emperour, and being sent to their Master, he deemed it, not only a disho∣nour to him, but a weaknesse in them, to require that at his hands.

* 13.47The ••leuenth of October, his Lordship being sent for by his Prestaues there wayting, hauing [ 20] excellent Iennets for himselfe, the Kings Gentlemen, and good horses for the rest: as likewise two gallant white Palfreis to carrie or draw a rich Chariot, one parcell of the great Present, with his followers and the Emperours guard, carrying the rest: on each side the streets standing the Emperours guard with Peeces in their hands well apparelled, to the number of two thousand by esteeme, many Messengers posting betwixt the Court and our Prestaues. Thus with much state, softly riding, till we came vnto the vtmost gate of the Court (hauing passed through the great Castle before) there his Lordship dismounted. Then met him a great Duke (named Knase Andriay Metowich Soomederoue) with certayne Gentlemen, to bring him vp. So in order as we rode, we ascended the staires and a stone Gallerie, whereon each side stood many Nobles and Courtiers, in faire Coates of Persian Stuffe, Veluet, Damaske, &c. At the entry to the great [ 30] Chamber, two Counsellors encountred the Embassadour, to conduct him through that Roome, round about which sat many graue and richly apparrelled Personages. Then we entred the Pre∣sence, whether being come, and making obeysance, we staid to heare, but not vnderstand, a very gallant Nobleman, named Peter Basman, deliuer the Emperours Title: Then the particular of the Presents,* 13.48 and some other Ceremonies: which performed, the Embassadour hauing libertie, deliuered so much of his Embassage, as the time and occasion then affoorded: After which the Emperour arising from his Throne, demanded of the King of Englands health, the Princes, and Queenes: then of the Embassadors and the Kings Gentlemen, and how they had beene vsed since they entred within his Dominions: to all which with obeysance wee answered as was meete. Then the young Prince demanded the very same. [ 40]

The Embassador hauing taken the Kings Letter of his Gentleman Vsher, went vp after his obeysance to deliuer it, which the Lord Chancellor would haue intercepted. But the Embassa∣dour gaue it to the Emperours owne hands, and his Majestie afterwards deliuered it to the Lord Chancellor: who tooke it, and shewing the superscription to the Emperour and Prince, held it in his hand openly with the Seale towards them. Then the Emperour called the Embassadour to kisse his hand, which he did, as likewise the Princes, and with his face towards them returned. Then did hee call for the Kings Gentlemen to kisse his hand, and the Princes, which they af∣ter obeysance made, did accordingly. Afterwards, his Majestie inuited his Lordship, the Kings Gentlemen and the rest to dine with him, as likewise Master I. Mericke Agent by name, who gaue his attendance there on the Embassadour, and was now (as diuers times) very graciously v∣sed [ 50] of the Emperour and Prince: no stranger (that I euer heard off) like him in all respects.

* 13.49Being entred the Presence, we might behold the excellent Majestie of a mightie Emperour, seated in a Chaire of Gold, richly embroydered with Persian Stuffe: in his right hand hee held a golden Scepter, a Crowne of pure Gold vpon his head, a Coller of rich stones and Pearles a∣bout his necke, his outward Garments of Crimson Veluet, embroydered very faire, with Pearles, Precious stones and Gold: On his right side, (on equall height to his Throne) standing a very faire Globe of beaten Gold, on a Pyramis, with a faire Crosse vpon it, vnto which before hee spake, he turned a little and crost himselfe. Nigh that, stood a faire Bason and Ewer, which the Emperour often vseth daily.

* 13.50Close by him in another Throne sat the Prince, in an outward Garment like his Fathers, but [ 60] not so rich, a high blacke Foxe Cap on his head, worth in those Countreyes fiue hundred pound, a Golden Staffe like a Friers, with the likenesse of a Crosse at the top. On the right hand of the Emperour, stood two gallant Noblemen in cloth of Siluer Garments, high blacke Foxe Cappes, great and long chaines of Gold hanging to their feet,* 13.51 with Pollaxes on their shoulders of Gold.

And on the left hand of the Prince two other such, but with Siluer Pollaxes. Round about the benches sat the Councell and Nobilitie, in Golden and Persian Coats, and high blacke Foxe Caps,* 13.52 to the number of two hundred, the ground being couered with Cloth of Arrasse, or Tapistrie: The Presents standing all the while in the Roome, within little distance of his Majestie, where he and the Prince often viewed them. Being now by our Prestaues and others come for to Din∣ner, who led vs through much presse and many Chambers to one very faire and rich Roome, where was infinite store of mas••e Plate of all sorts; Towards the other end stood the Emperours Vncle, named Stephean Vaselewich God••noue, Lord High Steward, being attended with many Noblemen and Gentlemen, whom my Lord in his passage saluted,* 13.53 which with an extraordinary [ 10] countenance of aged Ioy, he receiued, making one of their honourable Nods. The Embassador en∣tred the dining Roome, where we againe viewed the Emperour and Prince, seated vnder two Chaires of State, readie to dine, each hauing a Scull of Pearle on their bare heads,* 13.54 but the Princes was but a Coronet. Also their Vestments were changed.

The former Duke, that for that day was the Embassadours Prestaue, came,* 13.55 as commanded from the Emperor, and placed the Embassador at a Table, on the bench side, some twentie foot from the Emperour. Then the Kings Gentlemen, Master Meri••ke, Master Edward Ch••rrie, and all the rest were placed, so that our eyes were halfe opposite to the Emperour. Ouer against the Embassadour sat his Prestaues vppermost. Also in this large place sat the Priuie Couns••ll, to the number of two hundred Nobles at seuerall Tables.* 13.56 In the midst of this Hall might seeme to [ 20] stand a great Pillar, round about which, a great heigth stood wonderfull great pieces of Plate, very curiously wrought with all manner of Beasts, Fishes and Fowles, besides some other ordi∣narie pieces of seruiceable Plate.

Being thus set (some quarter of an houre as it were,* 13.57 feeding our eyes with that faire Piller of Plate) we beheld the Emperours Table serued by two hundred Noblemen, all in Coats of cloth of Gold. The Princes Table serued with one hundred young Dukes and Princes of Cassan, A∣strican, Syberia, Tartaria, Chercasses and Russes, none aboue twentie yeeres old.

Then the Emperour sent from his Table by his Noble Seruitors, to my Lord and the Kings Gentlemen, thirtie Dishes of meate, and to each a loafe of extraordinary fine bread. Then fol∣lowed a great number of strange and rare Dishes, some in Siluer, but most of massie Gold; with boyled, baked, and rosted, being piled vp on one another by halfe dozens. To make you a par∣ticular [ 30] Relation, I should doe the entertaynment wrong, consisting almost of innumerable Di∣shes: Also, I should ouer-charge my memory, as then I did mine eyes and stomacke, little de∣lighting the Reader, because Garlicke and Onions, must besawce many of my words,* 13.58 as then it did the most part of their Dishes.

For our Drinkes, they consisted of many excellent kinds of Meades, besides all sorts of Wine and Beere. Diuers times by name, the Emperor sent vs D••shes: but in the midst of Dinner hee called the Embassadour vp to him, and dranke our Kings health, where the Emperour held some discourse of our King and State. But at one time (striking his hand aduisedly on his brest) Oh, said hee, my deere Sister Queene Elizabeth, whom I loued as mine owne heart,* 13.59 expressing this his great affection almost in a weeping passion. The Embassador receiuing the Cup from his Prince∣ly [ 40] hand, returned againe to his owne place, where all of vs standing, dranke the same health out of the same Cup, being of faire Christall, as the Emperour had commanded, the Wine (as farre as my judgement gaue leaue) being Alligant.

Thus passing some foure houres in banquetting, and refreshing our selues too plentifully, all being taken away, we did arise. The Embassadour and the Kings Gentlemen beeing called by name to receiue from his Emperiall hands, a Cup (or rather as they call it a Yendouer) of excel∣lent red Mead; a fauour among them neuer obserued before, which Cups for they were great and the Mead very strong, we often sipped at, but without hurting our memories, we could not say Amen vnto: which the Emperour perceiuing, commanded them to be taken away, saying, Hee was best pleased with what was most for our healths.

[ 50] Thus after our low courtesies performed, wee departed from his presence, riding home with the same former guard and attendance to our Lodings; where our Prestaues for that instant left vs, but shortly after they came againe, to accompany a great and gallant Duke, one of them that held the Emperours golden Pollaxes, named Knes Romana Phedorowich Troya Naroue, who was sent from his Majestie to make the Embassadour and the Kings Gentlemen merrie: likewise ha∣uing instructions to drinke their Emperours, our Kings, and both the Princes healths, and diuers Princes else, which hee did himselfe very freely and some of vs, as many of them as wee could with our owne healths, there being such plentie of Meades and other Drinkes, as might well haue made fortie Russes haue stumbled to sleepe. Thus light-headed, and well laded especi∣ally [ 60] if you take knowledge of the thirtie yards of cloth of Gold,* 13.60 and the two standing Cups with couers, which the Embassadour rewarded him withall, before he departed.

But vnwelcome newes within foure dayes after our audience so vnhappily came, as not only our Affaires, but any else, except counsell against present danger, was not regarded. For this was held for currant, that one who named himselfe Demetrie Euanowich Beala,* 13.61 as the Sonne of their

late Emperor Iuan Vasillowich; hee that in the reigne of Pheodor Euanowich his brother was in his infancie, as was thought, murthered at Ougleets) is now reuiued againe, and vp in armes for his right and inheritance: whereupon presently was sent an Armie of two hundred thousand Souldiers, either to take or slay him. But he was so strengthened with Poles, Cossacks, &c. that a number of Russes yeelded to his obedience.

Vpon the one and twentieth of Nouember, the young Prince of an ancient custome going to a Church within Mosco, the Kings Gentlemen vpon knowledge thereof (the Ambassador being vnwilling to be seene publike, as also for that the Emperor himselfe did not goe as hee was accu∣stomed) went and attended where his Excellency might see them, and they safely behold him, who rode in a very faire and rich sled,* 13.62 hauing a gallant Palfrey lead by two Groomes to draw it, [ 10] many hundreds running before to sweepe the snowe away where he should passe, and were said to bee slaues, which I verily beleeue, because certainly they were his Subiects. Then came the Prince richly apparelled with two Tartar Princes standing before on his sled, and two young Dukes behind, with two hundred sleds following him.

The eight of Februarie, the Emperor sent vs sleds to ride abroad, and this day the rather, that we might behold a reported victorie, against the reputed Rebell Demetrie, &c. So we the Kings Gentlemen did behold three hundred poore Prisoners, seuenteene Ensignes, and eleuen Drums brought in,* 13.63 with more glorie then victorie. About this time returned Peter Basman, one of the Generals, who had performed very honourable seruice, and certainly, he was the man of greatest hope and expectation in the whole Empire, who was brought into the Mosco, with all [ 20] the Counsell, Nobles, Gentlemen, and Merchants, a grace neuer performed before to any Sub∣iect. But not without suspition of some extraordinarie secret herein, and ••••••ides particular fa∣uours, bountifull rewards, and a promise he should neuer goe againe vntill the Emperor himselfe went, he was, being but a young man, made a Priuie Counsellor. Forth with one thing I will you shall obserue the Emperors fauour, and his then noble Spirit, he making diuers times sute (as was thought) because they were in great danger, to goe againe to the warres, once prostrated himselfe to obtayne his desire, but falling downe too humbly, hee could not easily rise againe, whereby the Emperor vnderstanding of his many and great wounds, was said to weepe, rising himselfe vp to raise and helpe him vp, but extraordinarie Causes haue the like Effects, as here∣after you shall vnderstand. [ 30]

We were lodged in the same house where the young Prince Iohn of Denmarke, brother to that King and our now Queene of England, did lodge, (who would haue married the young Princesse Oucksinia, the Emperors only daughter, but that he vnhappily there died) but not in any of those lodgings:* 13.64 for it is a custome there, that where a Prince dyes (especially a stranger) not of long time after to let any other lodge there.

Now the Ambassador vnderstanding of the conuenience of his passage downe by sled-way, also fearing (as wise men had cause) what the issue of these warres would be, knowing the state here vsed in any sutes, bethought himselfe aduisedly that it was high time, being the middest of Februarie, to desire a second audience for his sooner dispatch, which he forthwith requested, and wrote a letter to that purpose vnto the Lord Chancellor. [ 40]

Vpon the tenth of March, the Ambassador with the Kings Gentlemen all richly apparelled, and all his followers decently attending,* 13.65 very honourably (as before) and with the like recourse of beholders, and guard of Gunners (but that they were said to bee Citizens by reason of their warres, but in like apparell) was attended to the Court, being receiued with the former grace, or more,* 13.66 he ascended the Presence: the Emperour and Prince holding their wonted state, one∣ly changing their Vestments with the season, but for the riches nothing inferior.

So soone as the Ambassador and the Kings Gentlemen were come opposite to his Throne, hee commanded seates that they might sit downe: then with a Maiestick countenance, representing rather constraint then former cheerfulnesse, he declared, that He, his Sonne and Councell, had considered his Maiesties Letter, the Maiestie of King Iames of England, as also on whatsoeuer [ 50] else was desired, and in token of his ioyfull receiued am••tie with the renowmed King of Eng∣land, as with his Predecessor, he had wrote his Princely Letters to that purpose. Herewith the Chancellor from the Emperour deliuered the Ambassadors his Highnesse Letters to his excel∣lent Maiestie. Withall vnderstanding by the Chancellor hee had some farther matter to intreat of, then in his Briefe to his Maiestie was remembred: therefore hee had appointed foure princi∣pall Councellors to consult with him of his Requests, which was done. After, the Ambassador yeelding courteous thanks for his Maiesties fauour, his Lordship attended by many Nobles, proceeded to the Councell Chamber, whither presently after came foure Councellors, and the Emperours Tolmach: who after salutations, we withdrew to the next chamber, where wee pas∣sed away an houre in discourse, among many young Nobles, hauing the Ambassadors Interpreter. [ 60] In the end, after three or foure goings and returnes of the Chancellor from the Emperour, wee went againe before him (where after hee had commanded vs to sit downe as before) by the mouth of the Chancellor was openly deliuered a Briefe of the whole Embassie (and that dayes particular desire, according to the Ambassadors request, confirmed.) Also in good and pleasing

language, was declared the great desire that the Emperour had, for the continuance of peace and amitie with the renowmed Iames King of England, as with the late Queene Elizabeth, withall that in due time (all accidents well ended) he would send an honourable Ambassador for further affaires, as likewise to congratulate with our King of his happinesse in so plausible comming to his Right and Inheritance. Likewise, a Gran•• of a new Priuiledge for the Companie, which he said should be vnder the golden Seale, &c.

Which ceremonious speech ended, the Emperor called for the Ambassador and the Kings Gentlemen to kisse his hand, and the Princes▪ which done,* 13.67 with the Emperors nod or bowing to vs, as likewise the Princes, desiring the remembrance of his and the Princes commendations [ 10] to his Maiestie, the Prince, and Queene of England, we were dismissed, but not before the Em∣peror said he would send home to vs. Thus we tooke our last leaue of the Emperors Court, be∣ing more graciously and especially entertayned then before, or then euer any would take know∣ledge Ambassadors were vsed withall: we are honorably attended home, and a Duke of great ac∣count, named Knas Euan Eua••••owich Courl••te••▪ was attended with many of the Emperors ser∣uants within our Gates: following him a dinner,* 13.68 sent from the Emperor by some two hundred persons, consisting of three hundred seuerall dishes of Fish (for it was now Lent) of such strange∣nesse, greatnesse, and goodnesse (for their number) as it were not to bee beleeued by any report, but by a mans owne eye-sight, with infinite store of Meades, and Beere, in massie plate, &c.

The eighteenth of March, the Emperor sent by Vassilly ••r••g••r••wich T••l••pno••e, the Roll where∣in was the Demands of the Ambassador, and the particulars of the whole negotiation, as there [ 20] at large appeares. The nineteenth, his Maiestie sent 〈◊〉〈◊〉 M••nshoy Buld••co••e, vnder Treasurer, a royall Present to the Ambassador of many particulars, also to each of the Kings Gentlemen, be∣ing rewarded, he departed.

The twentieth of March,* 13.69 being honourably accompanyed with thousands of Gallants of each side the streets all along as we passed, the Ambassador departed from the Citie of Mosco, with the whole numbers of horse-men still becking vs, till we came a shore mile on this side the Citie where we made a stand, and after some complement betweene the Ambassador and his kinde and honourable Prestaue, the Duke Vollagdemor, with almost weeping on his part, the Ambassador went from the Emperors sled to his coach set vpon a sled,* 13.70 and wee ••lighted from the Emperors [ 30] horses, and betooke our selues to our easie and pleasant passage in 〈◊〉〈◊〉, such a passage as this part of the World would wonder at, in which a man though hee goe a ••••••ckney pace, may as easily reade as sleepe.

Thus accompanyed with Master Io•••• Moricke, Master William Russel, sometimes Agent for the Dutch, and many other Merchants, we easily rode that night to Bra••teshi••, thirtie miles from the Mosco. The next morrow taking leaue of them all, we continued our iourney fiftie and six∣tie versts a day easily.

Within few dayes after wee heard newes certainly of the Emperors sudden and vntimely death: which, considering neither the Presta••e, the Gouernour, or Bishop,* 13.71 had not or would not of ten dayes after take knowledge of, we might in the meane time haue doubted of, but that his Lordship had it from Master Iohn Mericke by Letter particularly. His death was very sudden, [ 40] and as it was in it selfe, very strange: for within some two houres after dinner, hauing (as hee vsually had) his Doctors with him, who left him in their iudgements in health, as the good meale he made could witnesse, for hee dined well, and fed plentifully, though presently af∣ter as may be thought, feeding ouer-much, hee felt himselfe not onely heauie, but also payned in his stomacke: presently went into his chamber, laid himselfe vpon his bed, sent for his Doctors (which alwayes speeded) yet before they came, hee was past, being speechlesse and soone after dying. Before his death (as speedie as it was) hee would bee shorne, and new christned: what the cause was otherwise then the griefe, inward sorrow,* 13.72 with diuers distractions about the warres, and their bad successe, fearing the worst on his part, onely God knowes: yet who so remembers Gods iudgements, or Princes policies for Kingdomes, with [ 50] mans sinfulnesse, and considereth the one with the other, may bee satisfied, if not con∣tented.

For the Emperours person, he was tall and well bodied,* 13.73 teaching out of his authoritie o∣bedience, of an excellent presence, black and thin ha••red, well faced, round and close shaued, strong limmed. A Prince framed betweene Thought and Resolution, as being euer in labour, but neuer till death deliuered: neuer acting (though euer plotting) but in his Closet or Councel Chamber. One rather obeyed then loued, being feared where hee was not serued: doubtlesse, vpholding a true Maiestie and gouernment in euery part, but in his owne minde: that it is a question, whether he were more kinde to Strangers, or seuere and iust to his Subiects, or hate∣full [ 60] and terrible to his Enemies. A father and a Prince, whose wordes, counsels, obseruations,* 13.74 policies, resolutions, and experiments, were but the life of his deare Sonne, neuer aduising, entertayning, no not praying without him. In all Ambassies and Negotiations, remembring his sonnes name with his owne, louing him (being louely) for that himselfe would bee loued, vn∣willing to spare his presence, desirous to haue him at all occasions before his eyes▪ I shall not doe

amisse, to giue a taste of the fruit sprung from so stately a Tree. Being by a learned and well tra∣uailed Gentleman diuers times particularly aduised, to let the Prince take some more (then no recreation) by which meanes he might aswell prolong his life, as instruct his iudgement and de∣light his minde: Oh, would the Emperour answere, one sonne is no sonne: nay, I am perswa∣ded, three sonnes to me is but halfe a sonne. But had I sixe sonnes, then I might safely say I had one, how then should I part with that at any time, I know not to bee mine for any time▪ This may giue satisfaction to any vnderstanding both of his feares and ielousies: his great loue, and much care. It was an vsuall speech with the Emperour vpon good reason to say, hee was the Lord and father of his sonne, yet withall, That he was not onely his seruant, but his very * 13.75 slaue.

Two policies of the said Emperour I shall willingly acquaint you with, for diuers reasons. [ 10] One was, when hee caused fire to bee kindled in foure parts of Mosco••; whereat himselfe was noted to be very diligent, with all his Nobles and Courtiers: and after it was quenched▪ he sent his bountie to them all, that builded anew their houses, and repaid all their losses. And this was but to stop the rumour, then so common, of his strange gayning the Empire by which stra∣tagem of his, when his people were readie to mutinie, they were created anew good Subiects; yet did admire his not onely care, but goodnesse towards them all.

A second, was at that time the Land was visited with a mightie famine, and as great a plague (some foure yeeres since) whereof a third of the whole Nation is rated to haue died: and the murmuring multitude said the cause was, their electing of a murderer to the Empire; wherefore God did thus visit them: Whereupon, hee caused Galleries to bee builded round about the vt∣most [ 20] wall of the great Citie of Mosco; and there appointed daily to bee giuen to the poore, twentie thousand pounds sterling: which was accordingly performed for one moneth, where∣upon the common peoples mouthes and bellies were well stopped.

Here wee lodged till the sixt of May, being wearied with the inconstancie and ill-come newes of flying reports, whereupon the time of the yeere requiring, the Ambassador resol∣ued to passe downe the Riuer to Colmogro, as well that hee might the sooner haue newes from England, as happily to bee out of feare of any disaster, the rumours being innumerable and vncertaine.

After the suspicious death of the old Emperour Boris Pheodorowich, &c. by the appointment of the Prince (then their expected Emperour) and the Counsell,* 13.76 Peter Basman (that noble [ 30] Sparke) was speedily dispatched and sent as Generall vnto their ill succeeding warres, as their last hope (indeed hee prooued so in a contrarie sense) and the onely refuge to the Commons: whi••her being come, hee with himselfe presented most of his command, as many as freely would offer themselues: Vnder which were all the English, Scots, French, Dutch and Flem∣mings, whatsoeuer: and with him, or rather before him (as least suspected) Ries Vasili E∣uanch Goleeche, the other Generall, a man of great birth, and in the prioritie of place, to bee receiued before Peter Basman. All which, the now well knowne newly opinionated Empe∣rour very graciously receiued, happily not without some ielousie of many particulars.

Demetrius now sent Messengers with Letters which entred the Suburbs, where the Com∣mons in infinite numbers brought them safe 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the spacious Plaine before the Castle gate: within which, as daily they did vse, so now were all the Counsellors in consultation; but [ 40] happily not in a secret Counsaile; also wherein was the Emperiall Court.

* 13.77There these Boyerens made demand for many of the Counsellors, especially for the Godono∣ues, to come to heare their right King D••metrius Euanowich speaking vnto them by Letters: Who yet after refusall (and I cannot condemne all) many came; the Commons being resol∣ued, else to fetch them out. Then, by the Boyeren•• aloud was read the Emperours Letters, to this effect.

* 13.78That hee much wondred at that time, wherein expedition was to bee accounted safest policie, hauing sent many Letters and Messengers to them, concerning their approouing him to bee their lawfull Prince, as being the sonne of Euan Vas••lowich their late Emperour, and the onely brother of Pheo∣dor Euanowich selfe-vpholder, of happy memorie, both with inuincible Arguments and direct [ 50] Reasons to the manifesting thereof, they (notwithstanding his long patience and gracious remisnesse) were not onely so proud as not to answere his Princely Letters, but so presumptuous as to retayne his Messengers, whereby they made themselues apparantly to bee no lesse Vipers to the State in obscuring him, then Traytors to himselfe the true and right Emperour, by defrauding them: yet giuing him a strong Argument by their Silence, of their guiltinesse; also allowing thereby, time and opportunitie (if hee had not beene their true-borne Emperour, and with the naturall Mother, tendered the life of her deare Children) to haue conquered and destroyed the whole Nation.

All which notwithstanding, hee (being confident in his owne conscience, of his iust Title, made the Prince of patience and humilitie from his former many great miseries and dangers) had in his Princely wisedome and clemency againe wrote these (but certainly his last Peace-requiring, and Grace-offering [ 60] Letters: yea, was content to desire them he might) and doubted not shortly but he should com∣mand, onely ayming at the good of the Commonwealth and State in generall; as he that without much shedding of his Subiects bloud, desired the Kingdome.

Also to this end hee had sent men of great birth, viz. Rues Pheodor, Euanowich Methith∣sosky, and Rues Demetre, Euanowich Suskey; and giuen them Commission to displace his E∣nemies, and Prestaue the Godonoues, and others, till his further pleasure were knowne, consu∣ming those monstrous bloud suckers and Traytors, with returne of the Commons answere thereunto: Likewise to demand his Messengers, and they to bee brought before the Commons, whom hee had rea∣son to beleeue were ill-intreated, if not murthered; withall, that if they did submit themselues now to him, as to their lawfull Prince and Soueraigne, (which hee was truely resolued their consciences were guiltie of) that yet they should finde him a gracious and mercifull Lord; if otherwise, a se∣uere and iust Reuenger of them, and their many misdeedes towards him, as hee that had his Sword euer vnsheathed to execute his vengeance on them all: and was easily perswaded they were not ignorant [ 10] of the many Victories hee had obtayned formerly against them, when they would seeme able and wil∣ling to fight with his Souldiers: and how afflicted and troubled herewith they all were: But that now, he had their chiefe and strongest Heads and Armes in his owne hand, the whole World might not be∣treth him they durst once speake openly against him, as assured that all (excepting a very few, and they of the worst) in heart were his loyall Subiects, &c.

But before this Letter was halfe read, the Hearts and Hands of the multitude were strange∣ly combined together, not one speaking, but all confusedly like fettered and chayned Horses stamping; being indeed without any feare▪ but of not doing mischiefe enough, all (as one) running violently into the Castle, where (meeting two of the pitifully tormented Messengers) they pawsed to heare them as sufficiently as their insufficiencie would permit them, deliuer the [ 20] vilde manner of their torturing, whipping, and roasting, which was in deede a Whip and Spurre to driue them, without wit or humanitie, as if they had beene fired like Gun-powder with the very sparkes of heate: Such barbarous crueltie, beastly actions, and inhumane spe∣ctacles, as without the great Deuill had beene their Generall, no particular could haue a∣cted; laying violent hands on all they met: but not killing (the great mercy of God) any man of account.

Thus the whole Citie was in an vproare, all the Counsellors houses, sellers, and studies ransacked, beginning with the Godonoues; spoyling, renting, and stealing all they met vvith; but carrying little away but drinke, which they could not carry away.

[ 30] The Commons (no doubt) would haue made this day little inferiour to the massacre of Pa∣ris, so violent and deuillish were their sudden resolutions; but that the Nobles (best beloued and obeyed) intreated, where none could command: others perswading, all wishing an end to this most miserable and neuer exampled mischiefe. But the multitude did what they would and could; especially on the greatest, which certainly were the worst: So as the Empresse fly∣ing to a safer lodging, had her coller of Pearle pluckt from her necke.

Then the Prince, Empresse, and Princesse, were prestaued (a second command being come from the Campe) with the Godonoues, and many others that were suspected most: The Nobles ioyning in one counsell for the present ordering of these sudden accidents, and for an∣swere to the Prince Demetrius Euanowich, who suddenly was by generall consent concluded [ 40] (by the particular knowledge of Bodan Belskey a great Counsellor, that was priuie to his de∣parture, and some others) to bee their right and lawfull Emperour, onely a few excepted. So as the young Prince was by many (but particularly by his mother) counselled to leaue the Kingdome vtterly, before it forsooke him; to follow his Fathers example in murdering him∣selfe, and herein his mother (that Map of miseries, that Cradle of crueltie) and his onely deare sister would associate him.

Letters were deuised, and Messengers framed to effect this desperate treacherie on his in∣nocent life; so as in very few dayes (for Mischiefe hath the wings of Thought and Resolution) they three did consent (an vnhappy coniunction) to destroy themselues; and rather to lay violent hands vpon their hatefull liues, then make an Enemie seeme cruell in executing Iu∣stice on them: which * 13.79 yet certainly this Emperour neuer dreamt of, but determined the [ 50] Prince should be within himselfe, not lesse then Absolute, and in a very great Dukedome. The Princely Mother began the health of Death to her noble Sonne, who pledged her with a heartie draught, therein so much strength did hee adde to his vile wicked obedience, that hee prooued a banquerout presently, and hand in hand embracing each other, they fell, and died as one, the Mother counselling and acting, whilest the child bethought and suffered: yet see Pro∣uidence and Commiseration, Constancy and Obedience: the Princesse dranke, but like a Vir∣gin temperately: so as modestie (the want of which was the death of the Mother) now prooued the life of the Daughter.

Howeuer it was with Boris for other things, I thought it not amisse to adde this testimonie of his [ 60] respect to the English Nation and Merchants in Priuiledges granted them, as followeth.

* 14.1ONe Almightie God without and before the Beginning, the Father, the Sonne, and the Holy Ghost, whom we glorifie in the Trinitie, our onely God, Creator and Preseruer of all things euery∣where, by which Will and Working, be liueth and giueth life vnto Man; Our onely God which inspi∣reth euery one of vs his Children with his holy Word, through our Lord Iesus Christ, the Spirit of Life, now in this latter times, establish vs to hold the right Scepter, and suffer vs of our selues to reigne, for the good of the Land, and the happinesse of the People, together with our Enemies, and to the doing of good.

We the great Lord Emperour and great Duke Boris Pheodorowich of all Russia, sole Comman∣der of Volodemer, Mosco, Nouogrod, Emperour of Cazan, King of Astracan, Lord of Vobsko, and [ 10] great Duke of Smolensko, of Twersko, Vhorskoy, Permskoy, Vatskoy, Bolharskay, and of o∣thers, Lord and great Duke of Nouagrod in the low Country of Chernego, Rezan, Polotskay, Ro∣stouskoy, Yeraslauskoy, Belozerskoy, Leeflanskoy, Owdorskoy, Obdorskoy, Condinskoy, and all Siberia, and the North parts; Lord and Commander of Euerskoy Land, and Cabardinskoy Country, and of Cherces, and Igarskoy Land, as also of many others Lord and Commander, with our Sonne Prince Phedar Borisowich of all Russia. We haue bestowed on the Merchants of England, viz. Sir Iohn Hart, Knight; Sir William Webb, Knight; Richard Saltanitall, Alderman; Nicolas Moshley, Alderman; Robert Doue, William Garaway, Iohn Harbey, Robert Chamberlin, Henrie Anderson, Iohn Audwart, Francis Cherie, Iohn Merick, Anthony Marlar; Wee haue granted and licenced them to come with their ships into our Dominion the Country of Dwina, with all [ 20] manner of Commodities, to trade freely from the Sea side and within our Dominions, to the Citie of our Empire of Mosco. Also there made sute vnto vs Sir Iohn Hart, Knight, and his Companie, to grati∣fie them to trade to our Citie of Mosco, and to our Heritage of great Nouogrod and Vobsko, and to all parts of our Empire, with their Commodities, and to Trade freely without custome: vpon which Wee the great Lord Emperour and great Duke Boris Pheodorowich of all Russia, with our Sonne Prince Pheodor Borisowich of all Russia, haue granted vnto the English Merchants, Sir Iohn Hart, Knight, and his fellowes, for our Sisters sake Queene Elizabeth, free passage to come into our Kingdome of Mosco, and into all the rest of our Dominions, with all manner of Commodities to trade and traffick free∣ly at their pleasure. Also we haue commanded, not to take any kinde of Custome for their goods, nor any other Customes whatsoeuer, viz. for passing by any place by Land, nor for passing by any place by Water; [ 30] nor for Custome of their Boats or Head money, nor for passing ouer Bridges and Ferries, nor for any en∣trie of Wares: as also all manner of other Customes or Duties whatsoeuer wee command shall not bee taken of them: But they shall not bring other mens goods into our Dominions, nor likewise recarry out of our Kingdome any other mens goods as their owne: nor to sell or barter for other men. Neither shall our Subiects buy and sell for them or from them: neither shall they keepe any of our peoples goods or pawnes by them to owne or colour them. Likewise they shall not send any of our Subiects to any Towne or Citie to buy Commodities. But what Citie they come into themselues they shall sell their owne Com∣modities, and buy our Commodities. And when they shall come to our Heritage to great Vobsko and Nouagrod, or to any other Citie within our Dominions with their Commodities, that then our Gentle∣men and Gouernours, and all other officers shall suffer and let them passe according to this our Letter, and to take no manner of Custome of them whatsoeuer for any of their Commodities for passing by, nor [ 40] for passage ouer any Bridges: neither shall they take any other Custom whatsoeuer in all our Dominions. And wheresoeuer they happen to come, and doe proceed to buy and sell; as also wheresoeuer they shall passe through with goods not buying of any Commoditie nor selling their owne, then in those Cities they shall take of them no manner of Custome whatsoeuer as aforesaid: and wee haue gratified and giuen them leaue to trade in all parts of our Dominions with their goods freely without Custome. And like∣wise whensoeuer the English Merchants shall bee desirous to buy or sell or barter their wares with our Merchants wares for wares, then shall they sell their wares whole sale and not by retaile, Cloth by the pack and by Clothes and by remnants; and Damasks and Veluets by the Piece and not by the Yard, or asheene, and such Commodities as is to be sold by waight, not to sell them by the small waights, that is to say, by the Zolotnick. Also they shall sell Wines by the Pipe and the Hogshead, but by the Gallon, [ 50] Quart or Pot or Charke they shall not sell: moreouer, they shall buy, sell and exchange their owne Commodities themselues, and the Russe Merchants shall not sell or exchange for them or from them their Commodities, neither shall they carry any mans goods to no manner of place vnder colour of their owne, and which of the English Merchants would at any time sell his Commodities at Colmogro on the Dwina, or at Vologda and at Yeraslauly they may, and of all their Commodities throughout all our Cities and Dominion, our Gentlemen, Gouernours, and all other Officers shall take no manner of Cu∣stome according to this our Imperiall Letter of fauour. Also through all our Dominions, Cities, and Townes they shall hire Carriers, Boats, and men to labour or rowe in the said Boats at their owne cost. Likewise when as the English Merchants shall desire to goe out of our Dominion into any other King∣dome, or into their owne Land, and that we thinke it good for them to take with them from our Treasure [ 60] any Commodities to sell or exchange them for vs, for such Commodities as shall be sitting to our King∣dome, and to deliuer them to our Treasurer: and with those their and our goods, our Gentlemen and Go∣uernours shall suffer them to passe through all Cities and Townes within our Dominions without Cu∣stome

as before. And when they haue ended their Market, and doe desire to goe from the Mosko, then they shall appeare in the Chancerie to the Keeper of our Seale, the Secretarie Vassily Yacolo∣wich Schellcalou. Likewise, if there happen to the English Merchants any extremitie by Sea, or that a ship be broken, and that it be neere any place of our Kingdome, then we command that all those goods shall bee brought out iustly, and bee giuen to the English people that shall at that time bee in our Land, or if they be not here, then to lay them vp all together in one place, and when the English∣men come into our Land, then to deliuer those goods to them Also wee haue bestowed on the English Merchants the House of Yourya, in the Mosko by a Church of Saint Maxims neere the Marget, to dwell in it as in former time, keeping one House-keeper a Russe, or one of their owne strangers: but other Russe folkes they shall not keepe any. Likewise these Merchants haue Houses in diuers our Cities [ 10] as followeth: A House at Yeres, a House at Vologda, a House at Colmogro, and a House at Michael the Archangell, being the shipping place: these said Houses they shall keepe as in former time according to this our Imperiall Letter of fauour, or gratified without paying any manner of Rent or any other duties whatsoeuer, either at Mosko, Yereslaue, Vologda, Colmogro, or at the Castle of the Archangell, neither shall they pay any taxe. Also at those Houses at Yereslaue, Vologda, Colmogro, and at Archangell they shall haue House-keepers of their owne Countrey-men, or Russes of a meane sort that are not Merchants, a man or two in a House: to lay vp their goods in those Houses, and to make sale of their goods out of those Houses, to whom they will according to this our Imperiall Letter of fauour, but their Russe House-keepers in their absence shall not sell any of their Commodities. And the English Merchants shal come with their ship to their Port, as in former times they haue done to vnlade their goods [ 30] out of their ships, and likewise to lade them againe with our Russia Commodities, at their owne charges of Boates and hire of men, and ferrying ouer the said goods from their ships to their House at the Castle of Archangell. Likewise our Officers, Customers, and Swornemen shall take a iust note of all such goods as they haue both of Russia and English Commodities, and the note to passe vnder the Mer∣chants Firma, because it may be knowne what goods passeth of the strangers and of the Russes. But they shall not looke ouer their goods, neither vnbind any packs in any place, and when they doe send their owne Englishmen from Archangell to our Citie of Mosko, or doe send Russia Commodities into their owne Land, Then all our Officers and Customers shall let them passe without delay, according to this our Let∣ter of fauour. And whensoeuer the Merchants shall be desirous to send any of their owne Countreymen into their owne Land, or into any other Kingdome ouer Land: they shall doe it freely with our Imperiall [ 30] Maiesties order, without carrying any Commoditie ouer with them, and they shall haue their Letters of Passe giuen them in the Embassdours Office. And concerning any matters of debate or controuersie in Merchandize, or iniurie, then they shall be iudged by the Keeper of the Seale, and Secretarie Vassily Yacolowich Shelcolou, doing right and Iustice to both parties with equitie and truth▪ and what can∣not be found out by Law, or Inquisition, there shall be vsed Lots. His Lot that is taken forth,* 14.2 shall haue right done vnto him. Likewise, in what place else in all our Kingdome there doe happen any matter of discord in Merchandize or by iniurie, then our men of authoritie, or Gouernours, and all manner of our Officers shall doe true Iustice betweene them: and what cannot be sought out by Law shall be sought out by Lot: his Lot that is taken out shall haue right done vnto him as before mentioned, as also they shall not take any custome or dutie of them for any Law matter, not in any place in our Kingdome. Moreouer, [ 40] this our Imperiall Letter in all our Realme and Dominion, our Officers, and all manner of our subiects shall not disobey or breake it in any point whatsoeuer, but if there bee any that doth disobey this our Im∣periall Letter of fauour, that then those people shall bee in our high displeasure, and executed to death. This our Imperiall Letter of gratitude, is giuen at our Imperiall Palace and House in our Citie of Mosko, from the yeere of the beginning of the World 7107. in the month of Nouember: being vnder∣written as followeth.

By the great Lord Emperour and great Duke Boris Pheodorowich of all Russia, selfe-vpholder: his Keeper of the Seale, and Secretarie by name Vassily Yacolowich Sheallcaloue.

[ 50]

§. III. One pretending himselfe to be DEMETRIVS, with the Popes and Poles helpes attayneth the Russian Empire: his Arts, Acts, Mar∣riage, fauour to the English, and mi∣serable end.

HAuing thus presented you Boris his Tragedie out of that printed Author, and his [ 60] Grant to the English from a written Copie; it shall not bee amisse to take more lei∣surely and mature view of this Pretender, against whom Boris his desire of secre∣cie (permitting none guiltie of the murther to suruiue) had vnfurnished him of Ar∣guments. He produced a Purse giuen him by his Mother; with the Historie of his life after that sending him away and acknowledging another whom she was more willing to act that bloudy

Scene then her own Son: with other particulars which bred strong confidence in such as (weary of Boris) were desirous it should be so. But for the death of the yong Emperor, & his mother, it is by most ascribed to Demetrius, who seeing the people of Musco his friends, and the Emperour and his Mother in hold, pretended he could not come thither whiles his enemies liued, where∣vpon they in a mutinie slue them; to auert the enuie whereof, it is probable that it was made to be their owne act, and their Keepers therefore by him imprisoned. Boris his daughter was thrust into a Nunnerie, and so made dead also to the succession. But as I haue before deliuered out of that diligent, learned and sincere Historian Thuanus, Boris his attayning the Scepter, I shall likewise intreat your patience out of him to receiue these Relations of Demetrius.

* 14.3Thuanus writeth that after the murther of that (true or false) Demetrius, some yeeres after in the borders of Polonia and Muscouia, appeared one which called himselfe Demetrius, and in [ 10] testimonie thereof, shewed a Wart in his face, and one arme shorter then the other (noted before in the true Demetrius) a man of sharpe wit, bold courage, liberall mind, gentle behauiour, and of parts composed to a Scepter-worthinesse.* 14.4 First, was he made knowne to the Iesuites of princi∣pall note in Poland, to whom he promised if he might receiue helpe for the recouery of his just Inheritance, his first care should be to reduce the Russians to the Vnion of the Romish Church. This thing was commended to the Pope as conducing to the enlarging of the holy See, by his ayde, and furtherance with the Polish King and Nobilitie, to be promoted; which also was done by the Iesuites themselues, who brought him to George Miecinsy Palatine of Sendomir a man po∣tent in that Kingdome, with whom he couenanted also to marrie his Daughter if hee succeeded [ 20] in his Russian Enterprize. He had lurked awhile in Liefland, casting off his Cowle, and had there learned to speake and write the Latine Tongue: and had written to Pope Clement the Eighth, with his owne hand not inelegantly. And being by the said Palatine, and Visnouitzi his Sonne in Law,* 14.5 brought before King Sigismund, he made a pithy and Masculine speech, that he should re∣member that himselfe had beene borne in Prison and Captiuitie, whence Gods mercie had de∣liuered him, to learne him to succour others afflicted with like disastre.

Thus by the Kings fauour, the Palatines money, the Iesuites industrie (not to mention the Popes Sanctitie) he procured an Armie of ten thousand Souldiers in Poland well furnished, and in his Russian March,* 14.6 winneth to his partie the Cossaks a kind of men which follow forreigne Warres and prey, and leades with him tenne thousands of them. Passing Boristhenes hee first [ 30] charged vpon Zerniga, & summoned them to yeeld to the true heire Demetrius, which was done by Iuan Takmeuy,* 14.7 who had before conceiued dislike against Boris. Corelas commanded the Cos∣saks, a notorious Sorcerer. He was the Author of the siege of Putinna a populous Citie, which Michelowich Soltekoui held with eight thousand Cossaks,* 14.8 whom also he wrought with, that hee admitted and followed Demetrius. Hereupon Boris sends an Army of an hundred thousand men against him. He also sends Ambassadors into Poland, to put them in minde of the league betwixt both Nations, and earnestly desired this counterfeit Demetrius, a Priests Bastard and notable Sorcerer, to bee deliuered vnto him aliue or dead, adding threats if they persisted, and withall working vnder-hand with the Nobles to deterre the King from his ayde. But by the Popes and Iesuites preuayling power nothing was effected, the King and the Poles resoluing to assist him, [ 40] as thinking it the best course to accord both Nations.

Both Armies met at Nouogrod, where Palatine Sendomir the Generall, in the end of Ianuarie 1605. thinking to find a reuolt in the Russian Armie,* 14.9 gaue a rash on-set, & was put to flight, and after returned to Poland. Demetrius retyred himselfe to Rilskie Castle (in the borders) with a few, and forsaken of others, he forsooke not himselfe. Hee had brought with him two Diuines of the Cistercian Order which returned home: two Iesuites also, Nicolas Cherracoui and Andrew Louitzi,* 14.10 which had beene Authors of the Expedition, and now encouraged him by their exhor∣tations and examples of patience. He confident (as hee made shew) in the justice of his cause, when he was to begin battell or skirmish, vsed to call vpon God, so as he might bee heard of all, with his hands stretched forth, and his eyes lifted vp to heauen, in such like words. O most iust Iudge▪* 14.11 kill me first with a Thunderbolt, destroy me first, and spare this Christian bloud, if vniustly, if [ 50] couetously, if wickedly I goe about this Enterprize which thou seest. Thou seest mine innocencie, helpe the iust cause. To thee O Queene of Heauen I commend my selfe and these my Souldiers. Which if they be truly related, and he not the true Demetrius, he was either an impudent Iugler, or exceeding∣ly gulled with fortunes daliance and prosperous successe, which conclud••d in a Tragicall period.

Part of Boris his Armie was now comne to Rilsky, where in a battle betwixt the horsemen of both parts,* 14.12 Demetrius got the better, and the lately conquered, and presently fewer, became Vi∣ctors; at the first encounter a thousand being slaine, two hundred taken, and the rest put to flight, leauing their footmen to the slaughter, and the baggage to the spoyle. Hereupon fiue neighbou∣ring Castles with their seuerall Territories,* 14.13 yeelded to Demetrius, one of which, Bialogrod yeel∣ded him a hundred and fiftie Peeces of Ordnance. The Captaynes were deliuered into his [ 60] hands. Soone after Ialeka and Leptina yeelded, in which Hinsko Otiopelus that famous Sorce∣rer was taken:* 14.14 after which all Seueria, a large Principalitie, came in, and eight Castles; Deme∣trius vsing great modestie in this vnexpected victorie. Boris meanewhile sent some with large

promises to murther him, and the Patriarke excommunicated all which fauoured him. Deme∣trius writ hereof modestly to the Patriarke, and to Boris also, offering faire conditions to his Fa∣mily, if he would resigne his vsurped Empire, which he with indignation rejected. That hap∣pened when the Embassadors of Denmarke and Sweden were in his Court to joyne league with him against the Pole. In that consultation Boris is said to haue beene in such a chafe,* 14.15 that hee fell downe suddenly, much bloud passing from his mouth, nosthrils and eares; and in the end of A∣prill hee dyed; some say of an Apoplexie, others, of poyson which hee drunke: after hee had reigned seuen yeeres. His Wife with her Sonne were aduanced to the Throne after him, and the Nobilitie sworne to them. The dead bodie was buried without any pompe. Constantine Fidler a Lieflander of Rie made an elegant Oration in his prayse, whose brother Gaspar serued Boris.

[ 10] Presently Peter Basman was sent away with an Armie. * 14.16 Hodunius (a neere Kinsman of Bo∣ris) besieged Crom, to rayse whom, Demetrius vsed this policie. Hee sent a simple man thither, which being deceiued himselfe might deceiue others, with Letters that fortie thousand were comming to ayde the besieged. He being taken (sent by a way which he could not escape) and examined with tortures confesseth the same with his Letter••: which caused a tumult in the Campe; and in the end, the besieged taking aduantage of the rumour still increased by some sent purposely with reports that they had seen the new auxiliaries issued with a counterfeit shew of great numbers, and caused the Russians to consult of yeelding▪* 14.17 Basman also the new Generall yeelded and cried out with a loud voyce, that Demetrius was the true heire, and therefore all true hearted Muscouites should follow his example; which the most followed. Hodunius was taken, [ 20] and refusing to acknowledge Demetrius was cast in Prison. In the Tents were huge Ordnance fo••nd. After this Campe-alteration, followed the like in Mosco, the people resounding the name of Demetrius. The Empresse and her sonne were committed to ward, where some write that they poysoned themselues, some that Demetrius commanded it▪ The Germanes flying out of the Borissian Campe to Demetrius drew many with them.

From Crom do••h Demetrius now march towards Mosco, the people all the way flocking to see their new Prince, who in twentie remoues came thither on the 19. of Iune,* 14.18 and entred with pompous procession of Souldiers & Priests, the Russian Priests hauing Banners with the Pictures of the blessed Virgin and their Tut••lare Saint Nicolas, in the end of al the Patriarch, and after him Demetrius by himselfe on a white Palfray with a gallant trayne of attendants. Thus hee goeth [ 30] to the Temple of our Ladie, and after Prayers, from thence to Saint Michaels Church in which his Father lay buried, and hearing that Boris lay there interred, he presently commanded his bo∣dy to be taken vp and to be remoued to a meaner Chappell without the Citie. Passing by Boris his peculiar House, he could not endure the sight, but sent workemen presently to race the same; saying, they were infamous with Sorceries, and that an image was said to be placed vnder the ground, holding in the hand a burning Lampe, hauing vnderneath store of Gunpouder buried; things so disposed, that the Oyle failing, and the Lampe breaking, the fire should (had it not beene before spied and remoued) blow vp that, and the houses adioyning. Thus had Boris impea∣ched him, and he now Boris of Magicall arts, which are vsuall accusations in those parts.

Thence he went to the Imperiall Pallace, and beganne to gouerne the Empire, more inclining [ 40] to the Poles and forreiners, then to the Russes: which vntimely expressing himselfe,* 14.19 hastned his ruine. Seuentie noble Families of Boris his kindred or faction were exiled, that their Goods might be ••hared amongst strangers, and new Colonies of men planted, brought into Russia. His clemency was remarkable to Suisky, who being condemned for not onely refusing to acknow∣ledge this Emperour, but vttering also reproachfull speeches of him (as being of base Parentage,* 14.20 and one which had conspired with the Poles to ouerthrow the Russian Temples, & Nobility) and now his prayers ended, and the fatall stroake on his knees expected, on the seauenth of Iuly, by vnexpected mercy, euen then receiued his pardon. The last which yeelded to him were the Plescouites. Some tell of exceeding Treasures also which hee found laid vp for other purposes, which through his profusenesse soone vanished. The first of September, was designed to his in∣auguration [ 50] (being New yeeres day to the Russes, as sometimes to the Iewes) but for other cau∣ses it was hastned, and his Mother was sent for out of a Monasterie (into which Boris had thrust her) far••e from the Court. An honorable Conuoy was herein employed, and himselfe with great shew of Pietie went to meet her, embraced her with teares, and bare-headed, on foot,* 14.21 at∣tended her Chariot to the Castle; whence afterwards she remoued with her women into a Mo∣nasterie where the Noblest Virgins and Widdowes of Russia vse to sequester themselues from the World. His Mother was noted to answere with like affection to him, whether true or dissembled on both parts. At his entrance to the Kingdome, after Ceremonies ended, Nicolas Cnermacouius a Iesuite made him a goodly Oration: the like was done by the Senate. To the Ie∣suits [ 60] was alotted a faire place of entertaynment not far from the Castle,* 14.22 wherein to obserue the Romish Rites and Holies: and euen then by their meanes he had declared himselfe in that point, but for feare of Suiskie hee stayed till fitter oportunitie.

Hauing thus setled things, his care was to recompence the Poles, to enter league with that Na∣tion, and to consummate the Marriage.* 14.23 For which purpose hee sent three hundred Horsemen

with Athanasius the Treasurer, who in Nouember came to Cracouia, had audience of King Sigismund, where he with all thankfulnesse acknowledged the Kings forwardnesse with his No∣bles to recouer his right, whereto God had giuen answerable successe beyond expectation; that he deplored the Turkish insolencies in Hungary and other parts: to vindicate which, he would willingly joyne with the Pole, and other Christian Princes: meane whiles hee was willing to make an euerlasting league with him, and to that end entreated his good leaue to take vnto him∣selfe a Wife out of Poland, namely, Anna Maria, the Daughter of George Miecinsie the Palatine of Sendomir, to whom for money, men, and endangering of his owne life, hee was so much en∣gaged. The eight day after, the Contract was solemnely made by the Cardinall, Bishop of Cra∣couia, and the Embassadour with her Parents feasted by the King. Demetrius had sent her and her Father, Iewels worth 200000. Crownes. [ 10]

Thus farre haue wee followed Thuanus, and hee Iacobus Margaretus a French Captayne of Demetrius guard of Partisans, which published a Booke hereof. Now let vs present you a little English Intelligence touching this Demetrius and his respect to men of our Nation in those parts, and first his Letter to Sir Iohn Mericke.

The Copie of a Letter sent from the Emperor DEMETRY EVANOWICH, other∣wise called GRISHCO OTREAPYOV: the which Letter was sent to Master IOHN MERRICK Agent, out of the Campe, as Master MERRICK was ta∣king [ 20] his Iournie to the Sea-side, the eighth of Iune, Anno 1605.

FRom the great Lord Emperour and great Duke Demetry Euanowich of all Russia. To the Eng∣lish Marchant Iohn Merrick, wee giue to vnderstand, that by the iust iudgement of God and his strong power, we are raised to our Fathers throne of Vladedmer, Mosko, and of all the Empire of Rus∣sia; as great Duke and sole commander: likewise we calling to memorie the loue and amitie of our Fa∣ther, the great Lord Emperour and great Duke Euan Vassilywich of all Russia, and our Brother Theo∣dor Euanowich of all Russia, which was held, and kept by them and other great Christian Princes, in the same forme and manner doe we likewise intend, and purpose to hold and keepe Loue and amitie: but espe∣cially, and aboue all others, doe we intend to send and to haue loue and friendship with your King Iames, [ 30] and all you his English Merchants, we will fauour more then before. Further, as soone as this our Letter doth come to your hand, and as soone as you haue ended your Markets at the shipping place of Michael the Archangell, then to come vp to Mosco to behold our Maiesties presence. And for your poste Horse I haue commanded shall be giuen you; and at your comming to Mosco, then to make your appearance in our Chancery, to our Secretarie Ofanasy Vlassou. Written in our Maiesties Campe at Tooly, in the yeare of the world Anno seauen thousand one hundred and thirteene.

The Copie of the translation of a Passe giuen to Master IOHN MERRICK, which was giuen him in the time of his being in the Campe at Molodoue with the Em∣perour [ 40] DEMETRY EVANOWICH, otherwise called GRISHCO OTREAPYOVE.

FRom the great Lord Emperour and great Duke Demetry Euanowich of all Russia, from Mosco to our Cities and Castles, as also to the Castle of Archangell at the Shipping place and hauen to our Generals, Secretaries, and all other our Officers, &c.

There did make suite vnto vs the English Marchant Iohn Merricke and his Company, that we would gratifie them to be suffered to passe to the new Castle of Archangell, or to the shipping place or hauen, in regard of trafficke of Merchandise. [ 50]

Also, that if he doe send home any of his fellowes and seruants from the shipping place, being of the English, that then they might be suffered to passe into England. Also that to whatsoeuer Citie of ours the English Marchant Iohn Mericke, and his fellowes, doth or shall come vnto; then all yee our Gene∣rals, Secretaries, and oll other our Officers, shall suffer them to passe euery where, without all delay. And as for our Customes, as for passing by or for head mony, our custome of goods, you shall not take any of them nor of their seruants. Likewise, when the English Merchants Iohn Merricke with his fellowes and seruants, shall come to the Castle of Archangell, then Timophey Matphewich Lazaroue, and our Secretary Rohmaneum Mocaryoued, Voronoue, at the foresaid Castle of Archangell, shall suffer and permit the English Merchant, Iohn and his companie to trade freely. Moreouer, when at the shipping place they haue ended and finished their Markets, and that then the said Iohn Merricke shall desire to [ 60] send into England any of his fellowes or seruants with goods, then likewise they shall be suffered to passe. But Russ•• people, and other strangers of Mosco shall not be suffered to passe further: that if Iohn Mer∣ricke with his fellowes and seruants doe not goe for England: but after their Market is ended doe pur∣pose to come backe againe to Mosco; that then at the Castle of Archangell Timophey Matphewich

Lazaroue, and our Secretarie Rohmaneeu Voronaue; as also at all other our Castels and Cities, our Generals, Secretaries, and all other our Officers shall let passe the English Merchant Iohn Merricke with his fellowes and seruants, without all stay or hinderance, and as for custome of them, their goods, or their seruants, there shall not be any taken.

And after the Reading of this our Letter and Passe, you shall keepe the Copie of it by you: but this you shall deliuer backe againe to the said Iohn, and his companie. Written at our Campe at Molodone, the yeare from the beginning of the World 7113. the eighteenth of Iune.

[ 10]

The last of Iuly 1605. at Archangell. The Copie of the translation of a Commission that was sent from the Mosko, from the Emperour DEMETRY EVANOWICH, alias GRYSHCA OTREAPYOVE by a Cour∣tier named GAVARYLA SAMOYLOWICH SALMANOVE, who was sent downe to the Castle of Archangell, to Sir THOMAS SMITH, then Lord Em∣bassadour: as followeth.

[ 20]

THe great Lord Emperour, and great Duke Demetry Euanowich of all Russia, hath commanded Gauareela Samoylowich Salmanoue, to goe to Vologda, and from Vologda to the new Castle of Archangell, or wheresoeuer he shall ouertake the English Ambassadour Sir Thomas Smith. Also when he hath ouertooke the Ambassadour, then Gauareele shall send the Ambassadour his Interpreter Ri∣chard Finch, willing him to certifie vnto the Ambassadour, that the great Lord Emperour and great Duke Demetry Euanowich, sole commander of Russia, hath sent vnto him one of his Courtiers, in re∣gard of his Maiesties affaires: and after some two houres respite, Gauareela himselfe shall ride to the Ambassadour, and deliuer vnto him his Maiesties speeches, as followeth.

THe great Lord Emperour and great Duke Demetry Euanowich of all Russia, and of many King∣domes Lord and commander, Hath commanded thee, Thomas the English Ambassadour, to [ 30] certifie vnto Iames, King of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, that by the iust iudgement of God, and his strange power, we are come and succeeded into the place of our Father and predecessours: as also we are come to the throne of the great and famous Kingdome of Vlodemer Mosco, and to the Empire of Cazan, Astaracan and Siberia, and of all the Kingdomes of the Empire of Russia; being an Empire belonging to the great Lords, Emperours, and great Dukes of all Russia. Moreouer, we calling to me∣morie the sending, loue and amitie betwixt our Father, the great Lord and Emperour, and great Duke Euan Vasilywich of all Russia, of famous memorie: as also our Brother, the great Lord and Emperour and great Duke Feoder Euanowich of all Russia, sole commander, with their sister Elizabeth, Queene of England: in the like manner doe we purpose to haue sendings, and to be in loue with your Lord King [ 40] Iames, and more then hath bin in former time. And in token of our said loue and amitie, we doe intend to fauour all his subiects in our Land, and to giue vnto them freer libertie then they haue had heretofore; and you his Ambassadour, we haue commanded to dispatch without all delay or hindrance. Therefore we would haue you to make knowne vnto your Lord King Iames, our Maiesties loue. And as soone as God shall grant the time of our Coronation to be finished, and that we are crowned with the Emperiall crowne of our predecessours, according to our manner and worthinesse; then we the great Lord Emperor, and great Duke Demeetry Euanowich of all Russia sole Commander, will send our messenger to salute each other, according to the former manner. And concerning those Letters which were sent by you from Borris Go∣denoue, we would haue you deliuer them backe againe to our Courtier Gauareela, and after the deli∣uerie of our speeches to returne him to the Emperour, vnder written by the Chancellour Ofanasy Eua∣nowich Vlaseou.

[ 50]

The Copie of the Translation of a new Priuiledge that was giuen to the Company, by the Emperour DEMEETRY EVANOWICH, otherwise called GRYSHCA OTREAPYOVE, the which Priuiledge was sent into England ouer-land by OLYVER LYSSET Marchant, and seruant to the foresaid Company.

GOD, the Trenitie, before, and without the beginning, the Father, the Sonne, and the holy Ghost, [ 60] establish vs to hold and keepe our Scepter and Realme for the good of our Land, and the happinesse of our people. Wee the resplendant and manifest, and not the miserable vpholder, but sole commander, the great Duke Demetry Euanowich, by the mercy of God, Casar and great Duke of Russia, and of all the Empire of Tartaria, and many other Kingdomes; as also of the great Monarchie of Mosco, Lord Emperour and Commander, Haue bestowed, and gratified vnto the English Merchants, viz. Sir

Thomas Smith, Knight, Sir Iohn Spencer, Knight, Sir Humfrey Wild, Knight, Robert Doue, Ro∣bert Chamberline, William Garaway, Iohn Haruey, Richard Stapers, Iohn Merricke, Richard Wryght, Richard Cocks, Thomas Farrington, Richard Wych, George Bowles. Bartholomew Barnes, Richard Bowldra, Iohn Casten, Edward Chery, Thomas, the sonne of Alexander alias Hicks: we haue giuen them free liberty to come with their ships into our Realme and Dominion, and to the Country of Dwina, & to the Castle of Archangel, and to Colmogro, with all maner of commodities, and to trade freely, as also to come from the sea side by land or by water, to our great dominion and Caesars City of Mosco, & great Nouogrod and Vobsko, and all other cities within our dominions, to trade with all manner of commodities, in the same forme and manner, as heretofore was bestowed on the English Mer∣chants, in the time of our father of famous memory, the great Lord and Caesar, and great Duke Euan [ 10] Vassilywich of all Russia, sole Commander, and as was granted vnto them in the time of our Brother the great Duke Theodor Euanowich of all Russia sole Commander. And as for custome of their goods, or for passing by, as also for the custome of their boates, or for Head-money, or for going ouer bridges or Fer∣ryes, or for entrie of goods, As also all manner of Custome whatsoeuer, we command shall not bee taken of them: Also the English Merchants shall not bring nor sell other mens goods in our Dominion, as their owne: neither shall our Subiects buy, or sell, or traffique for. Also our Subiects pawnes they shall not keep by them, nor send others about the Cities to buy goods: but what Cities they come into themselues they shall trafficke and sell their owne commodities, and buy Russe commodities freely: And when they come into our Dominion of great Nouogrod and Vobsko, or to any other Cities within our Realme to trafficke with their goods, and that after the market is past, they shall bee desirous to passe for Mosco, or for Eng∣land, [ 20] then our Gentlemen and Gouernours, and all people shall according to this our Caesars Letter, let them passe without delay, and as for Customes for them and their goods they shall not take any. And whithersoeuer they passe with their goods, without buying any commodities, or selling their owne; Then likewise in those Cities they shall passe, and not take of them any manner of Custome whatsoeuer as before: also the English Merchants shall trafficke as followeth; They shall barter their owne goods, by the whole Salecloth: by the Packe, and by the Clothes: Damaske and Veluet not by the piece, but by the are shine and by retaile and retaile weights they shall not barter or sell. Also goods, which is sold by weight, by retaile, or by the zolotnicke they shall likewise not sell. And Claret wine they shall sell by the piece, but by retaile, as by the Veader stop, or Pot and Charck they shall not sell. Likewise they shall buy and sell, and barter their goods themselues: but the Russe Merchant shall not sell nor barter their goods for them; neither [ 30] shall they carry other mens goods in colour of their owne, not to any place whatsoeuer. Also if the Eng∣lish Merchants bee minded to make sale of their commodities at Colmogro, or on the Dwina, or at Vologda, or at Yeraslaue, then they shall doe it freely. And for their said goods in all our Cities within our Realme, our Gentlemen and Gouernors, and all manner of our Officers shall not of them take any Tole or custome, according to this our Caesars Letter of Fauor. And in all our Cities within our dominion, they shall hyre Carryers Boats, and men to row them freely as before. And as the order is of the Merchants within our Realme: so likewise if the English Merchants be desirous to goe out of our Realme, into any other Kingdome, or into their owne Countrey: as also if they bee desirous in our Realme to buy any Sta∣ple commoditie, and to carry it into their owne Land, then shall they likewise buy and trafficke freely at pleasure, and those Staple commodities which are fitting for our Caesars Treasure, they shall likewise bring [ 40] it to our Treasure freely at pleasure, and for the said Staple commodities in all our Cities, our Officers shall not take any manner of Custome: but they shall suffer them to passe without any staying of them. Also when the English Merchants haue ended their market, and shall desire to goe from the Mosco, then they shall appeare in the Embassadours Office, to our Chancellour and Secretarie Euan Cowrba∣tou Hramoteenop. Moreouer, if that by the prouidence of God, the English Merchants haue any ship∣wracke, and that the said ship bee brought or driuen to any place within our Realme, then our Caesars com∣mandement to those places where the ship is brought in, that our men in office doe seeke out the English Merchants goods iustly, and to giue them to the English people that shall bee at that time in our Land. But if at that time there bee none of them in our Realme, then to gather them together, and to lay them vp in one place: and so when the English Merchants doe come there, by our Caesars Order, to deliuer [ 50] those goods to the said Merchants. And whereas the English Merchants according to their former Letters of Fauor had a house in the Mosco by the Church of the holy Maxim by the market, which was granted vnto them by our predecessour the great Lord and Caesar of Russia, the said English Merchants shall dwell in the said house as heretofore they haue done: Keeping one house-keeper a Russe, or one of their owne strangers, but any other Russes they shall not keepe. Moreouer the said English Merchants haue houses in other Cities, a house at Yeraslaue, a house at Vologda, a house at Colmogro, and a house at the shipping place at the Castle of the Archangell: and those houses they shall keepe and hold by them, according to our Caesars Fauour or Gratitude, as in former time they haue done, and for any subsidie, rent, dutie, or any custome whatsoeuer for the said houses there shall not be any taken of them: and their o∣ther houses, as at Yeraslaue, Vologda, Colmogro and Archangell, they shall haue house-keepers of [ 60] their owne countrie-men or Russes, but the Russes shall bee meane men▪ a man or two at a house: And they shall lay their goods in those houses, and likewise shall make sale of their goods out of their houses, to whom they will, according to this our Caesars Letter of Fauour, and their house-keepers being Russes shall not buy or sell any manner of commodities in their absence. Also they shall come with their ships to

the shipping place, as before with their Commodities, and to vnlade out of the shippe their goods, and to lade their shippe with Russe goods, with their owne hired labourers, as also to carry their owne goods ouer in their owne Boats and Vessels, to their owne house at the Castle of Archangell. And whatsoeuer goods they haue, our chiefe Customer, and Officers, and sworne men, shall take a note of the goods vnder their owne firme, both of goods they bring in, and also of goods they carry out. But they shall not looke ouer, neither vnpacke their packes in any place; as also they shall suffer them to passe in all places, without all stay or delay, according to this our Caesars priuiledge and Letter of fauour. Also whensoeuer the English Merchants shall be desirous to send out of our Realme into their owne Land any of their seruants ouerland, or into other Kingdomes, then they shall likewise send their people ouer land with our Caesars or∣der freely, but without carying any Commodities, and their passe shall be giuen them in the Embassadours [ 10] office. Further, concerning any matter of controuersie that any man shall haue to doe with them either in bargaining, or in iniury, according to this our Caesars order, they shall be iudged by our Counsellor and Se∣cretary E••an Cowroaton Hramoteeu. Therefore, as before, wheresoeuer they, or any of their seruants, in all our Realme, in what Citie soeuer, haue any matter of controuersie in Bargaining, or in Iniurie a∣gainst any man, or that any man haue any matter against any of them, then in all our Cities, our Gentle∣men, and Gouernours, and all other our Officers, shall iudge them, doing iustice betwixt either of them with equitie and truth. This priuiledge or letter of fauour was giuen at our Caesars Pallace of Mosco. [ 20] From the world Anno 7113. in the moneth of December.

The Copie of the Translation of a Contract, made by the Emperour DEMETRY EVANOWICH, otherwise called GRYSHCA OTREAPYOVE, and the daugh∣ter of the Palatine SENDAMERSKO, chiefe Generall of Poland, in the time of DEMETRY his being in Poland, the which was sent ouer by Master IOHN MERRICK, and translated out of Russe into English for the Kings Maiestie, as fol∣loweth.

[ 30]

A True Translation of a writing out of Polish into Russe, giuen by a Monke who left his habit, called by the name of Gryshca O••reapyoue, supposed to be the Son of the Emperour Euan Vassiliwich, named Demeetry Euanowich, who gaue this assurance vnder his firme, to the Palatine Senda∣mersko, as also hath beene auouched by one Bewcheesko, principall Secretary vnto the said Deme∣try, before all the Nobilitie of Russia, that this said writing was written by the Generall his owne hand, as followeth.

Wee Demetry Euanowich, by the mercy of God, Prince of all Russia, of Owgleets Demetry∣uskoy, and Lord of all the Empire of Mosco, and being of the stocke of Preatroue; Calling to memorie our former life, being not in that forme and manner, as is in other great Monarchies, as was in the time [ 40] of our Predecessours, and other Christian people. Neuerthelesse, by the prouidence of God almightie; from whom proceedeth a beginning and an end, and from whom commeth life and death▪ We haue by him espied and made choise vnto our selfe, with good liking, in the time of our being in the Kingdome of Poland, of a Companion, of great and honorable birth, and of godly education, and is such a companion, with whom we shall by the mercie of God, liue peaceably: which is the resplendent and Noble Lady Marina, daugh∣ter to the great Palatine Sendemersko. And vpon this occasion haue taken him for our Father, and hauing requested of him to giue vnto vs his Daughter Maryna in mariage, and in regard that wee are not yet in our owne Kingdome, therefore doe we purpose hereafter to take order for her comming vnto vs with the Generall Sendamersko. Likewise, when I doe c••me to liue in my owne Kingdome, then shall the Palatine Sendamersko remember his faithfull and true promise with his Daughter, the Lady Maryna her vow, my selfe remembring my owne vow, and so both of vs to hold it faithfully with loue and affecti∣on, [ 50] and to that end doe we binde our selues by our writings. Likewise, first and principally, in the name of the holy Trinitie, I doe giue my faithfull and true princely promise, that I will take in marriage the Lady Maryna. If on the contrary, I doe not, then, I wish that I might giue this as a curse vpon my selfe: also so soone as I shall make entrance into our Kingdome, and heritage of Mosco, then will I giue the Palatine, the Lord her Father, a reward of tenne thousand peeces of Polish gold. And to the Lady Maryna our wife, in consideration of her great and long Iourney, as also for the prouiding and furnish∣ing of her selfe, I will giue out of my Treasure Veluets wrought with Siluer and Gold. And the Mes∣sengers that shall be sent to me from the Lord her Father, or from the Lady her selfe, I shall not hold or keepe, but shall let them passe, and will reward them with gifts, which shall be a token of our Princely fa∣uour; and thereunto doe we giue this our Princely promise. Secondly, as soone as we shall come to the Im∣periall [ 60] throne of our Father, then presently will we send our Embassadour to the resplendant King of Po∣land to certifie vnto him, as also to intreate him to take knowledge of this businesse now passed betwixt vs. and withall, that he would be pleased to suffer vs to conclude and effect this our said businesse, without losse or hindrance. Also vnto the forenamed Lady Maryna our wife, we giue two Lordships, viz. Nouogrod

the great, and Vobsko, with all the Prouinces belonging to the same, with Counsellors, Gentlemen, and Yeoman, and Priests, fitting for a Congregation, to rule and gouerne freely with full authority in the same forme and manner, as if we ruled. And my selfe to haue no more right or title nor authoritie in the said two Cities of Nouogrod and Vobsko: and thereunto doe I binde my selfe with this writing, and doe wholly giue and bestow all on the said Lady Maryna that is contained in this writing, as soone as by Gods helpe we shall be maried together, and thereunto haue giuen this our writing, sealed with our princely Seale. But if by chance our wife hath not by vs any children, then in those two Lordships before specified, shee shall place men in authoritie of her owne, to gouerne and to doe Iustice: and also it shall be free for the said men in authoritie, to giue Lands and Inheritance to their owne Souldiers, and to trade freely at pleasure, as shall be best liking to them, and as though it were in their owne true and lawfull domini∣on, and to build Monasteries, and to set vp the Romish Religion, and to haue Latine or Romish Priests, [ 10] and Schooles.* 15.1 But she her selfe to abide and remaine with vs. And concerning her Priest, to haue as many as shall be needefull to be kept for her owne godly Romish Religion, without all le•• or hindrance: and as wee our selfe by the mercy of God are already inclined to the same, so will wee likewise with earnest care, seeke by all meanes to bring all the Kingdome of Mosco to the knowledge of the Romish Religion, and to set vp the Church of Rome. Also, if God should not grant vnto vs good successe, whereby this be performed within a yeare; then it shall be at the pleasure of our Father to separate mee and his daughter Maryna. But if it please him to forbeare till another yeare, then doe I passe this my Bill, with my owne hand writing, and thereunto I haue sworne my selfe, and giuen a vow according to the holy order, and all in this Bill to hold and keepe carefully: as also that I shall bring all the Russe people to the Latine Religi∣on. [ 20] Written at Sambore the fiue and twentieth of May, in Anno 1604. Vnderneath was his firme, to all this foresaid as appeareth: Prince Demetry of Owglets.

NOw let vs returne with Thuanus into Poland, where with his Historical eies we see this glo∣rious Spouse, her Father, Vncle, & trayne of women accompanying the Russian Embassador in his returne; whom many Merchants out of Italie and Germanie followed in hope of gaine. In this lingring journey,* 15.2 they continued from the end of Ianuary to the sixe and twentieth of A∣prill, before they entred Mosco. And the seuenth day after, Peter Basman with a great troupe of Courtiers and Nobles, attended the Spouse to the Court, where shee was solemnely enter∣tayned by her Husband, and thence conueighed to the Monasterie where his Mother abode. The [ 30] fourth day after,* 15.3 all things being prepared, shee was brought into the Palace, and the next day married to him by the Patriarch after Euening Prayer. Both of them also, solemnely crowned, re∣turned with sound of Musick and Ordnance into the Castle, and the night passed with great Iu∣bilee,* 15.4 Demetrius his mind being filled notwithstanding with cares. For a conspiracie which had beene hatching sixe moneths, now growing to ripenesse, terrified him: against which hee had armed himselfe with forreigne aides. At first hee had brought a guard of Germanes out of Po∣land, which being without example of his Predecessors, and seeing it disliked of his subjects, hee dismissed, together with all forren Souldiers. They being thus sent away without pay, retur∣ned with the casheered Polanders to the borders, where they committed many out rages to the greater discontent of the Russes. Many of them found grieuances notwithstanding, in his too [ 40] much respect to the Poles: and many made question of his birth. Many were suspected of con∣spiracie, and diuers tortured, which was but quenching fire with Oyle, the ••••ame growing greater. And now beganne▪ Demetrius to repent of his ha••tie dismissing his guards, and began a new Check-roll of Lieflanders and Germanes, to which hee added an hundred English Halber∣diers and as many Scots (their Captaynes hee calleth Matthias C••o••senius and * 15.5 Albert Lant) and an hundred French vnder Iaques Margeret armed with Partisan••. Then also he inlarged his pay, but too late.

Alexander Gosenskie Coruinus was sent Embassadour from Poland with rich Presents and Let∣ters from King Sigismund to Demetrius, which because they expressed not the Title of Emperour were not receiued not opened. In excuse where of the Embassadour vsed words vnsufferable to Russian patience, that he should goe and depriue the great Turke of those Titles. Demetrius dis∣sembled [ 50] notwithstanding, in regard of his past experience, and hoped helpes from the Pole. The dayes following were spent in pastimes and sloth. Saturday was solemne to the Russians, a Feast then happening which they preferre before Easter. The Emperour and Empresse ••ate crowned in the Hall, and made a great Feast to their owne and to strangers; in which the Pole Embassa∣dour refused to be present, except he might sit at the Princes Table, as the Russian Embassadour had beene honoured at Craco••ia. The Russes denied stiffely, but Demetrius at length yeelded. Many peremptorie and licentious passages happened, the Poles carrying themselues domineering∣ly to the Russes, as Victors to the conquered. Demetrius at first ouer-bold, now beganne to feare, and warned the Poles to bee warie, and sent for all his guards. On Friday, the Russes preparing for offence, and the Poles for their defence (for they and not the Prince, seemed to bee then in [ 60] danger) in the Euening the Nobles command the people to arme against the next day. The Em∣presse was this while secure, and made ready a magnificent Feast against Sunday. But on Satur∣day (the sixteenth of the Kalends of Iune) the Conspirators assemble early,* 15.6 and a great cry is

raysed to kill the Poles and Demetrius. Some greedie of spoyle runne presently to the Poles Lodgings, assault them and embroyle all with slaughters. Others runne to the Castle. Few of the guard were there, delay hauing bred securitie in Demetrius, nor were any of their Captaynes seene. Margaret then lay sicke as he after told me (Thuanus) which disease saued his life. Things were done with such furie and celeritie, that many Russes in Polish attire were slaine before they were knowne.

Peter Basman came running forth halfe naked, & was killed by one of his own seruants. Suiskie their Leader, carrying a Sword in one hand, a Crosse in the other,* 15.7 caused the great Bel to be rung in token of fire that Demetrius might be raised & come forth of his Parlor. He awakned with the noyse, now seeing a greater danger then fire, taketh a Turkish Sword, and suddenly slips downe [ 10] out of a window, breaking his legge with the fall, whereby he was easily taken by the people, and by Suiskoys command carried into the greater Hall, where Embassadours haue audience.* 15.8 There some vpbrayding his impostures, he with his sword layd one on the ground: and then de∣sired the Nobilitie to permit him to speake to the people, which was denyed. Some say that he obtayned of Suiskey, that he might be tryed by the testimonie of Vasilowich his Wife; which being brought out of the Nunnery, affirmed before the Nobles on her oath, that her Sonne Deme∣trius was many yeeres before murthered by Boris his perfidies, which she at first seeing the peo∣ples fauour, and iust reuenge on Boris, willingly dissembled, whereupon they ranne vpon him, and with many wounds slue him. Thus writeth Peter Paterson of Vpsal which then was in Russia. When they had slaine him, they thrust a rope thorow his secret parts,* 15.9 and drew him [ 20] thorow the myre into the Market place, where he remayned foure dayes lying all gorie and my∣rie on a boord, with Peter Basman vnder it, and an vgly Vizar ouer it, a Bag-pipe in his mouth, with other lasciuious cruelties exercised on his dead body.

The Palatine Sendomir (or Sandamersko) was blocked vp in his House,* 15.10 and other Poles Hou∣ses rifled, many of which died not vnreuenged, howsoeuer by numbers ouercomne. Viteneskie after much slaughter of the assayling Russes, when he saw Ordnance brought, set forth a white flagge in token of yeelding, bidding his Seruants cast abroad his money; which whiles the people were gathering, he and his made way with their Swords with great slaughter, & yeelded to the Boiarens which came from the Castle. The miserable Bride was not only spoyled of in∣estimable Treasure, but of all her Apparell, and Iewels, carefull only of her Father and Vncle,* 15.11 [ 30] and thinking it a happy purchase, if she might saue her life and recouer her Countrey. Meane∣while, without her Garment to couer her, without Bed to lye on, without securitie of life, shee expected in poore Weeds the issue of the peoples furie.

Many Merchants endured like fates. Ambrose Cellar, besides the losse of thirtie thousand Crownes, lost his life. Ianies Win was with his own Sword beheaded:* 15.12 Nathan lost one hundred and fiftie thousand Florens: Nicola•• Limborough fiftie thousand. Two of Auspurg had lent two hundred thousand Crownes to Demetrius, which now was not to pay them. Marcellius lost an hundred thousand Florens. Twelue hundred Poles lost their liues;* 15.13 many were saued by the Boia∣rens. Foure hundred Russes were slayne. At night the tumult ceased. Scarsly would the peo∣ple giue leaue to bury the bodies after three dayes wallowing in the durt, in the Germane [ 40] Church-yard.

After this tempest was calmed, the Boiarens assembled in counsell about a new Election, where Suiskey made speech to them, professing himselfe sorrowfull for that had passed, in the execution of a iust zeale to the Imperiall Family and his Countrey,* 15.14 and in hatred of a cruell Tyrant: that Iuan Vasilowich, how euer injuriously taxed by some, had left Kingdomes annexed to his Inheritance as Monuments of his great spirit; by whom he had beene sent to Stephen King of Poland to treate of peace, and euer since had so carried himselfe in the State, that none could justly blame him: that Iohn being dead, Theodore succeeded, but another ruled, who murthered the yonger brother, and as was thought, after that poysoned the other; so attayning the Empire, which how miserable was it all his time? that Demetrius therefore (whosoeuer he was) found [ 50] friends, himselfe amongst others, but when their Religion was endangered, Forreiners aduanced, Lawes violated, Exotike fashions brought in, liberties suppressed, he withstood with the peril of his life; which it grieued him to haue enjoyed, as a Theeues benefit, by his grant which had no right to take it: yet seeing their forwardnesse in a cause so just (would God it had not beene so bloudy) more regarding his Countreyes safety then rumours and reports, hee had beene their Captayne to doe that which God the disposer of Kingdomes by the successe had approoued, so that now they were freed from a cruel Tyrant, nor had they any Sorcerer or Impostor to mock them: that it remayned now, seeing the Imperiall Family was extinct, they should now seeke one of noblest bloud, of wisest experience, of most religious zeale, who might esteeme his peo∣ples [ 60] hearts his strongest Forts, such an one as either is, or is thought to bee the best man to be∣come their Prince. Thus was himselfe chosen Emperour the thirteenth of the Kalends of Iune. A writing was published to justifie the killing of Demetrius, a runnagate Fryer called Grishkae,* 15.15 or Gregorie Strepy, professed in the Monasterie in the Castle (which therefore hee would neuer en∣ter lest hee should bee knowne) with other aspersions of Heresie, Sorcerie, affectation of indu∣cing

Popery (the Popes Letters also challenging his promise produced) to giue the Ie∣suites Temples, Colledges, and other necessaries; with other ouer-tures to the Palatine Sand••∣mersko, for Smolensko, and Nouogrod; his bringing in Poles in Russian Roomes, his luxurie, riot, pompe,* 15.16 reseruing Boris his Daughter in a Nunnerie with intent of incestuous lust, hauing mur∣thered her Mother and Brother; making a siluer Throne with sixe Lions on each side, and other pride; abusing Nunneries to lust and lasciuiousnesse, &c. But wee shall giue you hereof more au∣thenticke testimonie then this of Thuanus in Suiskeys Imperiall Letter to His Majestie. Meane∣while touching this Demetrius we will produce a few English Testimonies extracted out of their Letters and Relations: wherein if some circumstantiall discrepance appeare (in things done both so farre and so foule in tumultuous furie, where men had rather hide themselues then be∣come [ 10] witnesses, lest whiles they would bee Spectators, they should bee forced to bee Actors, and haue their parts acted in that bloudie Tragedy) it is no maruell. I produce all Witnesses I can, in a cause of so remarkeable consequence, and choose rather to bee prolixe then negligent, that the Reader out of so much euidence may better weigh and examine the truth.

* 15.17THe late Emperour of Russia called by the name of Demetry Euanowich, is now credibly said (as some of them say) to haue beene the Sonne of a Russe Gentleman, named Gregorie Peu∣poloy, and that in his younger yeeres he was shorne a Frier into a Monasterie: from whence hee afterwards priuily got away, trauelled into Germanie and other Countreyes, but had his most a∣biding in Poland, in which time he attayned to good perfection in Armes and Military know∣ledge; [ 20] with other abilities of sufficiencie; Afterwards finding a conceit taken by the Russes of a secret conueying away of Demetry Euanowich, brother and heire to Pheodore Euanowich Empe∣rour; and that some other should be made away in his steed: And finding also the generall distaste of the gouernment of Boris then Emperour, who after a faire beginning, did in his latter yeeres vphold himselfe, and his house with oppression and crueltie: And hauing also many circumstan∣ces and oportunities of time and age, and such other likelihoods, to aduantage and second his pretence, began first to broach his Title (as before) and by degrees found such a generall accepta∣tion of all sorts of people, that it so daunted Boris, that (as it was then rumoured about) hee, first, and afterwards his Wife, and his Sonne succeeding him, made themselues away by Poyson. Though now it goeth for certayne,* 15.18 that the poysoning of them was procured by the Pretender, [ 30] to make the easier way to the Empire, which thereby he obtayned, entring and continuing the same with all the State, and greatnesse that such a place required: Vntill at length the Russes moued rather by other certainties, then by any thing discouered by himselfe, the sixt day after his marriage (which was kept with very great pompe and solemnitie) being the seuenteenth of May last past,* 15.19 taking a time when the Poles stood least on Guard; came to the Court with one con∣sent of Nobilitie and Commons about three of the clocke in the morning, and mastring the Guards, drew the Emperour out of his bed from the Empresse, and charging him that hee was not the true Demetry Euanowich, but a false Pretender, he confessed the Deceit, and was forth∣with hewed in pieces by the multitude: Peter Basman resisting was likewise slaine; and both brought into the Market place, where their bodies lay for a time to bee viewed of euery man. The old Queene denied him to bee her Sonne, excusing her former acknowledgement to haue [ 40] proceeded from feare and the generall acceptance which he found amongst the people. As many Poles as made resistance, were slaine to the number of seuenteene hundred. The new Empresse, her Father, his brother with the other Poles were committed to safe keeping, to the number of eight or nine thousand.

* 15.20And then proceeding to a new Election they chose Emperour Vassiloe Euanowich Shoskey, who not long before was at the Blocke to haue beene beheaded, for reporting that hee had seene the true Demetry Euanowich after he was dead, and did helpe to burie him. But the Emperour did recall him, and afterwards aduanced him to the chiefest place of dignitie about his person. He is the next of bloud * 15.21 liuing, descended of the Race of the old Emperour Iuan Vasilowich, of the age of fiftie yeeres or thereabouts, neuer married, but kept vnder during Boris time, a Prince of [ 50] great wisdome, and a great fauourer of our Nation, as did specially appeare by the care hee had to guard the English House from rifling, when the late Demetry was brought in by the Poles.

The late Pretender was o•• stature low, but well set, hard fauoured and of no presence; how∣soeuer otherwise of a Princely disposition, executing Iustice without partialitie; And not re∣mitting the insolencie euen of the Poles; well seene in martiall practises, and trayning his No∣bilitie to the Discipline of warre, to make them the readier against the Tartar, not giuen either to women or drinke, but very liberall and bountifull, which occasioned some grieuous Exactions to maintayne the same. And to conclude, a man in the opinion of such as knew him, not vnwor∣thy of a better gotten, and longer continued Empire, which hee lost chiefly through the great∣nesse of his minde, supposing that none of his Subjects durst attempt any such matter against [ 60] his person, when as in the meane time the practice went on with such a generall Conjuration, that the Russes were summoned by the ringing of a Bell to bee readie to enter the Court. And

to shake off that Gouernment which would haue made them a more noble Nation then former∣ly they haue beene.

IT is reported by some of Ours, that hee the rather was inclinable to our Nation in the respect he bare to his Majestie, hauing read that his worthy Worke dedicated to Prince Henrie. Hee is said also to haue beene a resolute man of his hands, to haue delighted in fighting with the Beare; actiue and strong. I haue likewise heard that hee gaue the command of his Guard consi∣sting of strangers to Captayne Gilbert a Scot;* 15.22 to haue made one Buchenskoy (a Learned and Reli∣gious Protestant) his Secretarie; and otherwise to haue beene so alienated from Russian manners, [ 10] and so well affected to Strangers, that they conspired as aforesaid. The people are said to haue entred the Castle (which was a quadrant, hauing a high bricke wall of seuen stories, and another of stone,* 15.23 and a Market place) with stones in their pockets (which are rare thereabouts) and some with weapons.

Some report from Captayne Gilberts Relation, that lying on his bed not long before his death (as hee thought▪ awake) an aged man came to him,* 15.24 which sight caused him to arise and come to Captayne Gilbert, and his guard that watched, but none of them had seene any thing. Hereupon he returned to his Bed, but within an houre after he againe troubled with like appa∣rition [ 20] called, and sent for Buchinskie: telling him that he had now twice seene an aged man, who at the second comming told him, that though for his owne person he was a good Prince, yet the injustice and oppressions of his inferiour Ministers must bee punished, and his Empire should bee taken from him. In this perplexitie his Secretarie gaue him good and holy counsell, saying till true Religion were there planted, his Officers would bee lewd, the people oppressed, and God Almightie offended, who perhaps by that Dreame or Vision had admonished him of his dutie. The Emperour seemed much moued, and to intend that good which that Countrey was not so happy to receiue. For a few dayes after (as that Relation auerreth) his Russe Secretarie came to him with a Sword, at which the Emperour jested,* 15.25 and hee suddenly after sawcie speeches assaulted him, with many other Grandes of that Conspiracie, and (like another Caesar) slue him, crying Libertie, before his guards could apprehend the danger; of which some were slaine, but the most with Gilbert their Captayne, got to a place called Coluga, which with [ 30] the helpe of some Russes they fortified and held for their defence. Buchinskie the Secretarie was taken and imprisoned, the strangers murthered, the English except, who haue in all changes been well beloued of the Russians; as indeed they deserue, hauing alway done good seruice to the Empe∣rours. And their interest saued the life of that worthy man Buchinskey, which they requited with much obseruance to the succeeding Emperour Suiskey, who comes next to be spoken of; and first you shall haue his Letter to our Gracious Souereigne.

§. IIII. [ 40] SVISKEY the Successour his Letter to our King, describing the former DEMETRIVS his Acts and Tragedie.

The Copie of the Translation of a Letter sent from the new Emperour Vassily Euanowich Shoskey to the Kings Maiestie by Master Iohn Mericke.* 15.26

The loue and mercie of God that guideth vs in the wayes of peace, we glorifie with the Trinitie.

[ 50]

FRom the great Lord Emperour and great Duke Vassily Euanowich of all Russia, sole Commander of Voladomer, Mosko, Nouogrod, King of Cazan and Astracan, of Sy∣beria, Lord of Vobsko, and great Duke of Smolensko, Twerskoy, Yauharskoy, Pearmskoy, Vatskoy, Bollharskoy, and of other: Lord and great Duke of Nouogro∣da of the Low Countrey of Cherneego, Rezanskoy, Polotskoy, Rostouskoy, Yereslaueskoy, Bea∣lozerskoy, Leeflanskoy, Owdorskoy, Obdorskoy, Condinskoy, and Commander of all the North parts: also Lord of the Land of Eeuerskoy, Cartalinskoy, and ouer the Empire of the Gor∣gians of the Land of Cabardinskoy, and Eeharskoy Land, likewise of many other Lordships Lord and Commander.

[ 60] To our beloued Brother Iames King of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, Wee giue to vn∣derstand that Sigismund King of Poland, and great Duke of Letto, in Anno 7109. did send vnto the late Emperour Boris, his Embassadour named Lewis Sapeago, being Chancelor of the great Duke∣dome of Poland, requesting the said Emperour Boris, that the former league and peace made and concluded vpon by the great Lord Emperour and great Duke Theodore Euanowich of all Russia, and

him Sigismond King of Poland, might be stedfastly holden and continued till the time of that league were expired.* 16.1 As also that the Emperour Boris would inlarge the said league for thirtie yeeres more, whereupon the Emperour Boris yeelded thus farre vnto the request of the King of Poland, that hee would continue the old league till the full time were expired, and assent to a new league for twentie yeeres more; and to that effect he tooke an Oath, to hold and keepe all the contents faithfully, mentioned in the said Writing, touching the same league: and instead of the King of Poland, his Embassadour Lewis Sapeagoe was sworne in the presence of the Emperour Boris. And after the Polish Embassadour was departed from the Mosko, the Emperour Boris sent vnto Sigismund King of Poland his Embassa∣dour, being one of the Priuie Councell, called Michailo Zleabowich Sallteecoue, with some others to end and finish the aforesaid league, to the which league the King of Poland himselfe was sworne in the presence of the Emperours Embassadour to hold and keepe the said league faithfully, according to the te∣nour [ 10] of their Writing.

* 16.2But not long after Sigismund King of Poland, with one Pauarade, entred into such a practise, as be therein falsified his Oath, and made way to the shedding of much Christian bloud: First, by retayning and vpholding one Gryshca Otreapyoue, a Runnagate, a Coniurer, and one that left his profession being a Monke, and ran away out of Russia into Poland, and being come thither, tooke vpon him to be the Son of the great Emperour Euan Vassilawich of famous memorie, and by name Demetry Euanowich: when as it was well knowne in our Kingdome, that before he was shorne a Monke, he was commonly called Yowshco, Son to one Bowghdan Otreapyoue, dwelling at a place called Galitts: and when hee had committed much villanie,* 16.3 to saue his life he shoare himselfe a Frier, and so runne from one Monasterie [ 20] to another, and lastly, came into a Monasterie called Chowdo, where hee was made one of the Clearkes; being so placed there by the Patriarke of Mosko himselfe: But he did not leaue off his former life; for he continued still in his most Deuillish actions, as he did before he was shorne, committing villany, forsaking God and falling to the studie of the Blacke Arte, and to many such like euils he was inclined. Also there was found by him a Writing which shewed how he was falne from God,* 16.4 and the same was made well knowne to the holy Patriarch of Mosko, and of all Russia, and to the Metropolitanes, Archbishops, and Bishops, and to all the holy Cleargie: whereupon the said Rulers of our true Christian Faith, which is from the Grecian Law,* 16.5 for these his most vngodly works, consulted to send him to perpetuall Prison, there to end his life. Whereupon this notorious Instrument of Satan, perceiuing this his ouerthrow, and that his vile pra∣ctises were discouered,* 16.6 ran away out of the Kingdome of Mosko, beyond the borders, and into Letto to a [ 30] place called Keeyeue: thus according to the Deuils instructing of him, as one forsaken of God, he made this his doing manifestly known to all people, leauing off his Monks Habit, and withall by the counsell and aduice of our Enemie the Polish King, and one of his Palatines named Sandamersko Yourya, m 16.7 with Duke Constantine, and Duke Veshneuetskoy and his Brethren with other Polish Lords that were of his Councell, began to call him the Son of the great Lord, Emperour and great Duke Euan Vassilywich, by name Prince Demetry of Owglitts.

As also by his villanous treacherie and the Deuills perswading of him, he made much trouble in our Land, by sending abroad many of his intising and prouoking Letters, to diuers places vpon the borders of our Countrey: that is, to a place called Done, and to the Volgoe, to our Cossacks and Souldiers, na∣ming himselfe to be the Prince Demetry of Owglitts. Moreouer, there came to our Kingdome of [ 40] Mosko many Polish Spies, which brought and dispersed Libels both in Citie and Townes, and in the high-wayes, practising to rayse dissention in the Kingdome of Mosko. Also it is well knowne, not only to them in the Empire of Mosko, but likewise in other Kingdomes, that the great Lord Emperour, and great Duke Euan Vassilywich of famous memory, had a Sonne called by the name of Prince Deme∣try, and after his Fathers decease, there was giuen vnto him and his Mother the Citie of Owglitts. But in the yeere 7095. being in the Reigne of the great Lord, Emperour and great Duke Theodore E∣uanowich of all Russia, this foresaid Demetry was murthered by the order and appointment of Boris Godenoue. And at his Funerall was his Mother now called the Empresse Martha, with her owne Bre∣thren by name Michaila and Greegory the Sonnes of Theodore Nahouo.* 16.8 Likewise to his burying, there was sent from the Mosko Metropolitanes, and Archimandreets, and Abbots: and the great Lord Emperour, and great Duke Theodore Euanowich sent to his Funerall many Nobles and Cour∣tiers [ 50] of the Land which saw him buried in the chiefest and principall Church of Owglitts. Moreouer. Martha the Dutches and Empresse his Mother is yet liuing, and many of her Brothers and Vnckles, which doe at this present time serue vs the great Lord Emperour,* 16.9 and great Duke Vassily Euanowich, of all Russia sole Commander: Likewise in these last yeeres past, as in Anno 7111. and in Anno 7112. and 7113. concerning that foresaid Traytour and Hereticke, the forsaken of God Gryshca Otreapyo∣ue, many of our Gentlemen, Captaynes and others our Officers did many times write from the North parts of the borders of our Kingdome into Poland and Letto, and to others their inferiour Cities, to the Rulers and Gouernours of the same; as also our spirituall people: the Patriarke, the Metropolitans, Arch∣bishops, and Bishops wrote vnto the spirituall people of Poland, declaring vnto them what that Heretick and Traytor was,* 16.10 likewise from whence he came and what manner of person he was; as also of his demea∣nour, [ 60] and likewise of the occasion why hee runne away to them out of the Land, as also the manner of the making away of the Prince Demetry, and withall requested the Rulers and Spirituall people of Poland, that they knowing what Runnagate this was, would not giue credit vnto him, nor to make a breach of the late league concluded vpon.

But the Gouernours of the Dukedome of Poland and Letto, as also the spirituall men, according to the King of Poland his commandment, gaue no credit vnto our writings, but began, more then be∣fore to intice and perswade men to vphold the Traitor, and to aide him. Moreouer, to make trouble and dissention in our Land, they tooke this forsaken of God, Greeshca vnto them, and cald him by the name of Prince Demetry of Owglits: likewise the King gaue vnto him a chaine of gold, with many thousand peeces of Polish gold, to the defraying of his charges;* 16.11 as also sent in armes to our borders with one of his Lords, the Palatine Sendamersko, and another of his chiefest Lords, with many troopes of Poles. But when the Emperour Boris vnderstood how that this Gryshca Otreapyoue was called, by the name of Prince Demetry Euanowich of Owglits, and withall, that they did aide and helpe him against the Kingdome of Russia: he caused his Counsell to send a messenger, as from themselues, to the [ 10] Polish Lord Panameerada, which Messenger was named Smeernay Otreapyoue,* 16.12 being Vnckle to the said Gryshca Otreopyoue being the Son of one Iamateen Otrepayou, onely to declare vnto them what this Gryshca was; but that Polish Lord Panameerada would not suffer him, and his Vnckle to be brought face to face. But he made answer to the said Messenger Smeernay, that they did not aide him, neither did they stand for him in any sort.

So after he had sent away the Messenger Smeernay, the King of Poland, and the Lord Panamee∣rada did aide Gryshca Otreapyoue with men and treasure more liberally then before, purposing to make great strife and trouble, and to shed much bloud in the Kingdome of Mosco. Also at the same time Si∣gismund, King of Poland, requested the aide of one of the Princes of Crim in Tartaria, named Caza∣teera; and to that end he should aide Gryshca with his forces, against the Kingdome of Mosko;* 16.13 and [ 20] he in consideration, did promise to giue vnto the foresaid Crim, Prince, what hee would demand. Then the Emperour Boris vnderstanding what practises were in hand, being altogether contrary to the league; thereupon purposely he sent to Sigismund King of Poland, another speciall Messenger, one named Pos∣nicke Agareoue; likewise at the same time, the holy Patriarke of Mosco, and all Russia, with the Me∣tropolitans, Archbishops, and Bishops, with all the rest of the holy Clergie,* 16.14 sent their Messengers with Letters to the State of Poland, and so the great Dukedome of Letto, to the Archbishops, and Bishops, and to all the Spiritualtie. Moreouer, in the said Letters, the Emperour Boris with the Patriarke, and all the holy assembly, wrote vnto the Lord Panameerada concerning Gryshca, making it knowne vnto them what he was, and wherefore he ranne away into Poland, and likewise that the Sonne of the great Lord Emperour, and great Duke Euan Vasiliwich, the Prince Demetry was dead: And to that [ 30] intent, that the King Sigismund should not giue credit to the said Gryshca, and that they should not spill Christian bloud nor violate the league.

Hereupon Sigismund King of Poland writ vnto the Emperour Boris, and further, by word of mouth, both he and Panameerada deliuered to the said messenger in his message, that hee did hold and keepe their League, and moreouer, did not violate or breake his oath no manner of way: and likewise did write, that he did not ayde that foresaid Gryshca, neither did giue credit vnto him: withall deny∣ing that he was with him in his Kingdome: and further he did write, that if there were any out of Poland or Letto that did aide or assist him, that then they should be executed. But after he had dispatched a∣way the messenger of Boris, not regarding his oath, still more and more did aide and helpe this Grysh∣ca Otreapyoue. Also the Palatine Sendamersko, and Myhala Ratanisko came into the King∣dome [ 40] of Mosco, to a place called the Land of Seeuersko, putting the people of that Land in feare, and perswading them there, this Gryshca was the true Prince, and that the King of Poland and Pana∣meerada, had found out the certaintie thereof: and therefore they will haue Poland and Letto stand for him. Also from out of many other Kingdomes they goe to aide and assist him: likewise other infe∣riour Kingdomes are willing to stand for him: moreouer, that Gryshca in the foresaid Land of Seeuersko, and in other places of our Borders, by the meanes of his diuellish practises and coniurations did intise and tempt them to fall to him: likewise the people of those foresaid places of the Land of Seeuersko, and on the Borders, being simple people, and resorting seldome to the Citie of Mosco, and being intised by Gryshca, and the rest of the Gouernours, could not withstand, but yeelded them vnto them. Where∣upon against those Polonians and Lettoes, and other enemies that were already entred the Kingdome of [ 50] Mosco, the Emperour sent his Nobles with a great Armie: but by the appointment of God, the Em∣perour Boris deceased; vpon whose death, the chiefest of the Nobles departed the Campe. And after their departure, the Armie hearing of the death of the Emperour, and being drawne thereto by feare and otherwise, at last yeelded themselues ouer vnto Gryshca, as the Borderers had done before.

Also the foresaid Gryshca, by the helpe of the Diuell, and King Sigismund, and Panameerada, came into the Citie and Kingdome of Mosco, to the great disquietnesse and trouble of the whole Land; by whom the Religion was corrupted, and by him were many true Christians put to exile, for denying his right and interest to the Kingdome of Mosco. And shortly after he was setled in the Kingdome, and he tooke to wife the daughter of one Sandamersko, as was appointed by the King of Poland and Pana∣meerada: the which wife of his was in Mosco with her Father and Brother Senatskoy, and with one [ 60] Veshneuetskoy, with their Polish and Letto Lords, and other people, by whom Religion was propha∣ned: as also we were forced and driuen to receiue many wrongs and iniuries, which the people of the King∣dome of Mosco could not indure. Also, at last this Greeshca, by the counsell of the Palatine Sanda∣mersko his Father in Law, and by the counsell of Veshneuetskoy, and other Polish and Letto people,* 16.15

which he brought in with him, was purposed, by a secret politicke deuise to haue put to death the Me∣tropolitans, Archbishops, and Bishops, and all the holy and spirituall assembly, with the Nobles, and Cour∣tiers, and diuers others which were of the better people▪ and so to haue sent others into Poland and Letto; withall to haue changed the Religion, and to haue established the Romish Religion, for which purpose he brought with him many Iesuites.* 16.16

The which we the great Lord and great Duke Vasily Euanowich, of all Russia, with the Metropo∣litans, Archbishops, and Bishops, and with all the holy spirituall assembly, and with the Nobles, Courti∣ers, and Commons of the Kingdome of Mosco, well considering, and perceiuing what an alteration this would be to our Christian faith, with the ouerthrow and vtter vndoing to our whole Kingdome: we then earnestly bewail'd and lamented, and withall hartily prayed to the almightie Trinitie our onely Lord God, that liueth and defendeth mankinde, that it would please him to deliuer vs, and the Common-wealth [ 10] from those vile, cruell, diuellish attempts, and deuises of theirs. Thus desiring the mercy of God, we all re∣turned and stood stedfast to our former vnspotted and true Christian faith, against that vsurper and counterfeit Gryshca and his Counsell, with a resolution to stand in the same manfully, and euen to the death, hoping and longing for the time that all people, and warlik men and Souldiors and many others of the Empire of Mosco might come to gather themselues together, & that they might likewise perceiue and dis∣cern this vsurping Heretick, and his diuellish courses, by which he did decline from the true Christian faith of our Religion. The largenesse of the Kingdome of Mosco cannot be vnknowne vnto you our louing Bro∣ther,* 16.17 how farre it extendeth it selfe both to the South, and to the West, as also to other places, that in halfe a yeares space they could not gather themselues together. But when as the power and warlike Soul∣diours, [ 20] and all other people were gathered together, then through the mercie and fauour of God, this ene∣my of Gods Commonwealth was discouered to all what he was. And the Empresse Martha, being Mo∣ther of the true Prince Demetry Euonowich, did certifie vnto vs before the Metropolitans, Arch∣bishoppes, and Bishoppes, and before all the holy assembly, as also to the Nobles and Courtiers, and other Officers, and men of worth within our Empire, did shee deliuer, that her Sonne the Prince Demetry was murthered beyond reason, at a place cald Owglits, by appointment of Boris Godenoue, and that he dyed in her armes; yet did this Gryshca falsely call himselfe by the name of him that was murthered.

Also we found in the custody of this Gryshca, the Copie of a writing, which was the contract and agreement that he made betwixt him and the Palatine, before his comming out of Poland; in which [ 30] was written,* 16.18 that as soone as he did come to the Kingdome of Mosco, that then he would take to wife the daughter of the Palatine, and would giue her two Prouinces, called great Nouogrod and Vobsko, with counsell, Courtiers, Gentlemen, and Priests, fitting to a Congregation, with inferior Castles and Lands, freely in those foresaid, to build and set vp Monasteries, and also to set vp the Romish Religion; And when he came to the Kingdome of Mosco, that then he should giue vnto the Palatine tenne thou∣sand pieces of Polish Gold, which is by our Russia account, three hundred thousand Markes: and to his wife, in consideration of her long Iourney, he promised to giue cloth of Gold, and cloth of Siluer, and of all the best things that was in the Treasurie of the Kingdome of Mosco. Likewise, that hee the said Gryshca, at his comming to Mosco, would take order to bring these things to passe with all diligence, whereby he might draw all the Dominion of Mosco from our true Grecian Religion, and so to haue tur∣ned [ 40] vs into the Romish Religion, and to haue destroyed the holy Church ouer all the Empire of Mosco, and so to haue built vp the Religion of the Church of Rome: and for the performing of all this, the said Gryshca was sworne to the Palatine Sandamersko, in the presence of the Teachers of the Land, as beforesaid; that he according to his owne hand writing, would hold all the said couenants with all di∣ligence, as likewise to bring all the Empire of Mosco to the Romish Religion. The which couenants and agreements the Generall Sandamersko himselfe hath confessed to our Maiestie, and Nobles, that the foresaid agreements and couenants betwixt him and the foresaid Gryshca were true, and how that they trusted one to another: moreouer, the Palatine did certifie vnto our Nobles, how Gryshca sent him a Letter vnder his owne hand and Seale, in which he promised to giue him Smolensko, with all the Prouin∣ces belonging thereto, and another place called Seeuerow, as also gaue him liberty to set vp Monaste∣ries, [ 50] and the Religion of the Church of Rome. Further, there was found by him Letters which were sent to him from the Pope of Rome,* 16.19 and the Cardinals, and Priests, to that effect, that he should re∣member and withall be mindefull to take in hand speedily those matters and businesse vpon which he had giuen to Sigismund, and the Cardinals his troth and vow, the which was, as beforesaid, to be himselfe of the Romish Religion, as also to bring all the people of the Kingdome of Russia into the same Romish Re∣ligion, not onely them that of themselues were willing thereto, but also others by compulsion, and to put them to death that fought to contrary the same. And not onely them of the Kingdome of Russia, but like∣wise other godly people of seuerall Religion: and that doe serue in the Kingdome of Mosco, as the Ca∣tholicks, and the Caluinists, them likewise he should seeke to bring into the Romish Religion with all per∣swasions. Moreouer, Gryshca himselfe, before vs, and our Nobles, and Courtiers, and before our Com∣mons, [ 60] did acknowledge as much, and thereupon yeelded himselfe to be in fault: as also that he did all with helpe of the Diuell, hauing forsaken God.

For which these his vile actions, this Gryshca, according to the true iustice, receiued an end to his life, and was by abundance of people slain in the Mosco, where he lay three dayes in the midst of the Citie, to the

view of all such like vsurpers, and disturbers. And because his body was loathsome vnto vs,* 16.20 we caused it to be carried out of the Citie, and there to be burnt.

This Enemie thus hauing ended his life, then the Kings sonnes of diuers Countries, now dwelling within our Kingdome, with the Patriarke, Metropolitanes, Archbishops, and Bishops, with the Nobles, Courtiers, and the Commons, made entreaty vnto vs Vasili Euanowich,* 16.21 to raigne and gouerne ouer them and ouer all the Kingdome of Mosco, as their Lord, Emperour, and great Duke of all Russia. Ac∣cording to which entreatie made vnto vs by the said Kings sons of diuers Countries, as likewise by our No∣bles, Courtiers, Merchants, and all the rest of the Commons of all the Kingdome of Mosco, Wee are come to the great Kingdomes of Volodemar, Mosco, Nouogrod, and as also of the Kingdomes of Ca∣zan, Astracan, and Siberia, and ouer all the Prouinces of the Empire of Mosco: as also wee the great [ 10] Lord Emperour, and great Duke of all Russia, are crowned with our Imperiall Crown: and for the said Kings sonnes of diuers Religions, and our Nobles, Courtiers, and Souldiers, and all manner of Peo∣ple, doe serue our Imperiall Maiesty with desire and good liking voluntarily, and not by delusions and coniurations, as the Poles and Lettoes were bewitched by Grishca. But we the great Lord Emperour and great Duke Vasili Euanowich, with great care stayed and restrayned our People from the spoyle of the Poles and the Lettoes, defending them from death; and withall haue commanded to let goe ma∣ny of them into Poland and Letto: but the chiefest of them that were of the Councell, and that practi∣sed to bring trouble and dissention in the Kingdome of Mosco, are now taken. And we to doe an honour vnto the dead body of the true Demetrie, haue (vpon conference with our Metropolitanes, Archbishops, [ 20] and Bishops, and all the holy Assembly, our Nobles and Courtiers, and all the Kingdome of Mosco) sent to the Citie of Owglets a Metropolitan, named Filareta, of Rostoue and Yeraslaue, who was called before he was made Metropolitan, Theodor Neekete, which being one of the Nobles in times past, and with him the Archbishops of Astracan, called Feodosia, and our Nobles the Duke Euan Michalowich Vorotinskoy, with the rest of his fellowes, commanding them to bring vp with them the body of the Prince Demetrie Euanowich, who was murthered by the appointment of Boris Godonoue, and to bring it vp to our Citie of Mosco with great honour, which body shall be buried in the principall Church of Mosco, called Michael the Archangel, neare to his father the great Lord Emperour and great Duke Euan Vasilowich of famous memorie, and by Gods power his body shall not be touched or abused any manner of way. Likewise will we, by the fauour of God, honour the Funerall of Demetrie Euanowich with spe∣ciall solemnitie, which body performeth many cures, and worketh miraculously vnto them,* 16.22 that come to [ 30] him with Faith to be cured of their diseases.

And now most louing and deare brother, wee calling well to minde the great amitie and friendship that was betwixt the great Lord Emperour, and great Duke Euan Vasilywich, and his Sonne Theodor Euanowich, the Emperour Boris, and the great Lady Queene Elizabeth: the like brotherly loue doe we desire to haue with you, most louing and deare brother, to be established and continued betwixt vs, as it was with them, during our liues. Therefore may it please you, our louing brother Iames, King of Eng∣land, after the hearing of these great and strange dangers past, to reioyce with vs, that he hath deliuered from such a vile enemy, and that he, our mercifull God, hath diuided and scattered that wicked coun∣sell, and that he hath turned their cruelty vpon their owne head, to their shame and confusion. And con∣cerning your Merchants that were in our Kingdome, Iohn Merricke with his fellowes, we haue graced [ 40] them with our Emperiall presence; as also haue giuen vnto the said Iohn Merricke and his fellowes,* 16.23 a new priuiledge, and Letters of fauour, by which they shall come into our Kingdome, and to traficke with all manner of goods freely, without paying any Custome whatsoeuer, and as to them was gran∣ted in former time, and this fauour we haue giuen them to manifest vnto you our louing Brother, our Bro∣therly loue. And the reason that we haue not sent to you, louing brother, our Embassadour, is, because we had not time, in regard of many our Emperiall affaires, but hereafter doe purpose to send, to visite you in your Kingdome. Written at our Emperiall palace and Citie of Mosco, from the beginning of the World Anno 7114. the fourth day of Iune.* 16.24

Thus is Demetrius painted out by his Enemies, which perhaps were not altogether led with [ 50] simplicitie of truth, but in many things made him worse,* 16.25 that they might make their owne cause (bad enough) to appeare better. They tell also of great outrages committed by the Poles,* 16.26 (like those sometimes here in England by the Danes) their proud insulting ouer the men, rauish∣ments of women, fetching them out of their houses and husbands bosomes to serue their lusts: neither did Demetrius, as they say, punish them; one onely being sentenced, and hee violently rescued from execution by the Poles. They say also that Demetrius his body was plucked out of the graue and burnt, the ashes throwne into the aire, the seeds, as the sequele seemed to shew, of many Demetrij after.

Suiskey is also by some reported to haue beene chosen by lot in this manner. The Nobles cast [ 60] lots foure times to receiue a Successor, as it were, by diuine sentence in lot-oracle:* 16.27 in euery of which times the lot fell vpon Suiskey (for as some say, there were three or foure neerer then hee) he modestly refusing and enforced by constancy of the various lot to accept that Scepter; where∣of others thinke him as ambitious, as was modest Boris before him. Howeuer, he hath left his name and memorie written in as blacke inke as either Boris or Demetrius, if Reports bee true,

which say that he proued a wicked Prince, partly by poison, partly by the Tartars, making away all,* 16.28 whose bloud might by Nobilitie threaten a probabilitie of their prouing his Corriuals. Yea, he is said to haue sent for Witches and Sorcerers, Laps, Samoeds, Tartars, or whatsoeuer other Nation yeelded such Hell-hags, incarnate Fiends, the Deuils blacke guard, to consult about his Empire and succession; and (the Deuill is a murtherer) to haue sealed their predictions with bloud. Thus being told that one Michalowich should succeed, he is said presently to haue plot∣ted the death of three Grandes of that name,* 16.29 his best seruants: yet the superstitious people ob∣serue (after much chopping and changing) that in little time the State was settled on one of that Name, which still swaieth the Scepter; Who then being a youth of no State-terror, was his attendant in Court, and bare an Axe (after their custome) before him. [ 10]

One of his first Acts, was to send into Poland an Embassage, which could not bee admitted audience till Ianuarie. Hee thereby complayned of Sandomerskos artes which obtruded that Changeling on Russia, whereby aboue two hundred of principall Nobilitie had lost their liues: demanding restitution of the moneys which that Impostor had caused to bee transported into Poland, and restitution of goods; otherwise hee would with Charles of Sweden Duke of Suder∣man, enter Poland with an Armie to bee reuenged for the league (which they had sworne) bro∣ken, &c. Sigismund answered modestly, with excuse of their helping the right Heire in their conceits, and that his desire was that peace should continue (being loth in times then tumultuous at home, to prouoke a forreine enemie, so neere in dwelling, so remote in affection) Sandomersko still remayned prisoner in Russia. But things being better setled in Poland, and growing worse in [ 20] Russia, by the dislike conceiued against Suiskey, a double danger grew to him both from another reuiued Demetrius (yea many pretending that Name and Title did after arise, as out of his di∣spersed ashes) within Russia; and from the Poles without, willing both to assist him vnder co∣lour of Reuenge, and with hope of Conquest also, to inuade and fish for themselues in troubled waters.

As for that Demetrius new risen from the dead (not to mention the others of inferiour note) I shall relate Captaine Gilberts reports which knew him and was by him entertayned, as I recei∣ued them of a iudicious friend of mine, which had them from his owne mouth. Hee being at Coluga (as before is said) receiued a Letter from this new Demetrius * 16.30, so written that it appea∣red to bee of the former Demetrius his owne hand: and thus also he vsed to doe to others being [ 30] able to counterfeit his writing, and to relate such other particulars as seemed impossible to any but Demetrius to doe. Hereupon Captaine Gilbert went with his Guard of Souldiers to meete him and the Polake Generall which came with him. And whiles he was yet a good distance off, Ah (this Demetrius called to him) my true seruant, where were you and my Guard, when the vil∣laines hurt me? but if I had followed the counsell which you gaue me such a time in such a place (re∣lating the particulars) I had preuented them. This circumstance had moued him to beleeue this to be the former Demetrius, had not he differed from this in person, as night from day. Thus also he said he affirmed to the Pole Generall,* 16.31 asking him how he liked this Demetrius, that This and That were as like as Night and Day (for the former was of goodly personage, and this a very de∣formed wretch.) The Pole replyed, It is no matter, Captaine, this Demetrius shall serue our [ 40] turne to bee reuenged of the perfidious and bloudie Russe. And this Demetrius acted the other so neerly, and could so cunningly and confidently relate particular passages of past occurrents, that the Lady of Demetrius was by him bedded. Thus was miserable Russia ground betwixt these two Mill-stones, the pretending Demetrius and the super-intending Pole. Suiskey is helped not a little by the English,* 16.32 which brought him strangely and aduenturously powder and munition to his Castle to Mosco, which yet at last by reuolt of the Citizens deliuers vp it selfe and him to the Poles. And as for that pretending Demetrius, he was afterwards murthered in his Campe by a Tartar. But it is meet to take hereof larger view.

* 16.33Sigismund King of Poland layeth claime to Sweden, as sonne to King Iohn (who is said to haue vniustly depriued Ericus of his life and Kingdome) whose yonger brother Duke Charles first re∣ceiued [ 50] his Nephew King Sigismund (then also elected and still continuing King of Poland) but vpon warres which after arose betwixt them, the issue was, that the Pole holds the Title; but Charles obtayned both Regall Title and Power, wherein his Sonne hath succeeded. Suiskey takes hold of this difference, and Charles assists him with an Armie sent vnder the command of Pontus de la Gard a French Coronell, consisting of English, French, and Scots. These march to Mosco, which the new Demetrius and Poles held besieged, and put Demetrius into such feare, that not trusting the Pole, and fearing his Aduersaries on both sides, he stole away by night with a small retinue:* 16.34 and the Poles obtayned Articles of composition and departed. But miserable were the distresses by famine, fire, sword, rapes, and other outrages in other parts of Russia, caused by o∣ther Poles; and yet these but as a beginning and prelude to other following. For the King of [ 60] Poland entred with a huge Armie (some say of an hundred thousand men) inuaded the Musco∣uite, and especially laid siege to Smolensko. He is reported thence to haue sent twentie thousand to besiege Mosco.

Suiskey had sent to King Charles for more aide, which he procured out of England, and other

Countries, of which I had rather let you heare an eye-witnesse speake of this, as elsewhere other English men haue related their owne voyages. This indeed deserueth relation, as a tragedie of meaner persons with manifold vicissitudes of miseries (attending voluntarie Souldiers) as before you haue seene tragedies of Princes and Grandes. And first you may reade King Charles his com∣pact and promised stipend to such voluntaries, which for the more vnderstanding Readers de∣light I haue here inserted.

NOs Carolus No••us, Dei gratia Suecorum, Gothorum, Wandalorum, Finnonum, Corelio∣rum, Lapporum, Conanorum, Esthonum{que} in Liuonia, &c. Rex. Notum facimus quod il∣lustrem [ 10] & generosum nobis syncere dilectum Dominum Iacobum Spentzium, Baronem Wolmerscho∣nium in ministrorum nostrorum numerum clementer receptum, omnium qui nostris nunc militant, aut in posterum militaturi sunt auspicijs, Anglorum, Scotorum{que} ducem & praefectum constituimus, ea condi∣tione vt in nostrum, Regni{que} nostri vsum, ped••tes mille, & equites quingentos, spectatae virtutis milites conscribat, adductos{que} ••••unte vere ad 12. scilicet Maij sequentis Anni 1609. in Regno sistat. Cu•• nos ad dictos milites tam colligendos quàm in regnum traducendos, in pedites quidem nouem, in equites vero quatu••r thalerorum imperialium millia & quingintos assigna••i••••••. Cum autem in regnum praefatus militum numerus appulerit, illis si equos & arma subministra••erimus, ea peditum quidem singulorum dimidij equitum vero duorum de cuius{que} stipendio menstruo thalerorum singulis mensibus donec pro ar∣mis & equis nobis satisfiat, detractione soluentur. Ipsi duci primario Peditum vero singulis cohortibus [ 20] (quarum quaeuis ducentis Capitaneo caeteris{que} officiarijs vna comprehensis constabat) mille septingentos thaleros in mensem dabimus. Equidem autem cohors quaelibet centum equites continebit. Quod si pau∣ciores fuerint, quot personae in prima lustratione defecerint, totidem thalero menstruo Capitaneorum, E∣quicum{que} Magistrorum stipendio detrahentur: In sequentibus vero lustrationibus quae singulis mensibus semel institui debent, si qui forte inter••a ex hac vita decesserint, aut alio quocun{que} modo, militum nume∣rus fuerit ita diminutus, vt pedites cuius{que} cohortis ducentis pauciores sint (non tamen in eam paucitatem redactus vt ad tuendum, ornandum{que} vexillum modo militari pedites ••••pares inueniantur▪) Capitane•• nihilomi••us stipendium integrum ad sex menses persoluetur, quod si postea defectum non suppleuerit, ipse officio Capitanei carebit & pedites ipsius per caeteras cohortes, ad earum supplementum distribuentur. E∣quites vero cohortis cuius{que}, si centum pauciores fuerint, Magister equitum nihilominus donec nume∣rus sexagenario maior fuerit stipendium integrum consequetur, id{que} ad sex menses duntaxat. His autem [ 30] exactis, nisi praestitutum, centum equitum numerum suppleuerit, ips•• munere suo priuabitur, & equites per caeteras cohortes distribuentur. Magistro equitum centum, Vicario seu locum tenenti quadragin∣ta, Signifero triginta, Decurioni viginti, singulis ductoribus viginti, cui{que} buccinatori sex, Equitibus ve∣ro singulis duodecem thaleri, in singulos menses munerabuntur. Dicto autem duci generali, vt sequentes officiarios sibi adiungeret clementer ••ermisimus: Vicarium generalem, cui quadringintos, praefectum vi∣giliarum, cui nonaginta, Secretarium cui octoginta, Praetorem cui sexaginta, Praefectum a••nonae cui sexaginta, Pastorem cui sexaginta, Chirurgum cui quadraginta, Archicustodem cui quadraginta, In∣spectorem armorum cui quadraginta, Tympanistam cui sedecim florenos in singulos menses promissi∣mus. Primus autem stipendij mensis intra decimum quintum diem à militum in regnum aduentu in∣choabitur. Liberam quo{que} habebit praefatus dux Primarius plenam{que} i••statiae exercendae potestatem in [ 40] omnes suo imperio subiectos, id{que} in omni criminis genere excepto 〈◊〉〈◊〉 las•• Maiestatis; Peditum cui∣que subsidij loco thalerum vnum; Capitaneis autem & reliqu••s officiarijs stipendij singulis designati di∣midium; Magistro militum duodecim; Eius Vicario octo, signifero sex, cui{que} Decurioni quatuor singulis ex tribus ordinum ductoribus tres, Buccinatori vnum cum dimidio, singulis vero equitibus duos in sep∣timanam thaleros dabimus; Semestri quolibet exacto habita{que}, ••ccurata supputatione, quod de menstruo stipendio reliquum est, eis persoluetur, habita tamen ratione numeri quem in singulis delectibus seu mili∣tum lustrationibus Capitanei equitum{que} Magistri exhibuerint. Quod si dux militibus suis secundum aliquod praelium fecerit, aut arcem vrbem{que} aliquam vi expug••auerit, eo ipso die quo id contigerst priore finito nouus mens••s inchoabitur. Liberum quo{que} erit Ducibus singulis, quoties necesse erit ••••cohortium supplementum adducendum aliquem mittere, qui dum absens erit stipendium sicum nihilominus conseque∣tur, [ 50] pro singulis autem qui in supplementum adducti fuerint decem thaler•• numerabuntur. Quod si in praelijs, velitationibus, excubijs aut alio quouis casu quenquam ducum, aut militum in hostium potesta∣tem venire contigerit, id{que} non spontanea deditione aut alia ratione subdola & fraudulenta accidisse com∣pertum fuerit, is alius suae conditionis status{que} captiui permutatione liberab••tur. Hostium vero aliquis si captiuus ad nos nostriue exercitus Ducem à quoquam eorum perductus fuerit, quod pro su•• liberatione captiuus praetium spoponderit, id ei, qui captiuum duxerit, numerabitur. Quod▪ si quisquam horum mi∣litum pila ictus tormentaria, aut alio quouis modo mutilus, aut mancus euadit, ita vt ipse s•• alere vi∣ctum{que} quaerere nequeat, illi à nobis pro vt cuius{que} requirit status & conditio, honestum stipendium per omnem vitam suppeditabitur: sin vero diutius in hoc Regno nostro commorari noluerit, tum vnius mensis [ 60] accepto stipendio integrum ei erit, quo libuerit commigrare. Cum cohortes, siue simul, siue seperatim ex∣auctorabuntur, singulis officiarijs & militibus mensis vnius numerabitur stipendium. Si aut praefat••••s pri∣marius aut alius inferiorum Ducum vel Officiariorum à S. R. M. Britanniae accersetur, persoluto quod tunc forte restabit stipendio, ipso{que} duce remunerato, libera dabitur discedendi facultas. In quorum eui∣dentiorem

fidem manus propria subscriptione Regiae{que} nostri sigilli appensione praesentes muniuimus.

Ex Regia nostra Stocholmensi die 7. Octobris, Anni Millesimi sexcentesimi octaui.

Subscript. CAROLVS.

* 17.1ABout a fortnight before Midsummer, which was A. 1609. a companie of Voluntaries, to the number of a thousand and two hundred Souldiers, were at seuerall times shipped from Eng∣land to passe into Sweden, to aide the King of that Countrie in his warres against the King of Po∣land. To which aide diuers other Nations did likewise resort, as French, high Dutch, &c. Of the English Companies that went thither,* 17.2 the first was commanded by one Caluine a Scot; who [ 10] by appointment was made Lieutenant Colonell, and chiefe of the other Captaines ouer the footmen.

After the first Companie was gone, a second number of three hundred men (of which I the Relator of this, was one) were put into one ship belonging to Sweden, and came from thence for vs. We were assaulted with a great tempest, and were tossed so long, that all our victuals were almost spent: the miserie of which, threw vs into more desperate feares: now were wee assaul∣ted by double deaths (Famine and Shipwrack) what course to take for our reliefe no man pre∣sently knew.* 17.3 Continue without foode it was impossible, and as impossible was i•• for vs to reco∣uer the Land in any short time, without the assured destruction of vs all. At this season, our Commanders were these; Lieutenant Benson, Lieutenant Walton, who was Prouost Martiall of [ 20] the field; and an Ancient of the Colonels companie. The common Souldiers vowed and resol∣ued to compell the Mariners (seeing the present miseries, and no hopes promising better) to set vs all on shoare vpon the first Land that could be discouered.* 17.4 Our Commanders did what they could by dis••wasion to alter this generall resolution, because they feared it would bee the losse of the greatest part of our Companies, if they came once to bee scattered: and besides, they knew that it would redound to their dishonour and shame, if they should not discharge the trust impo∣sed vpon them by our Captaines, which trust was to conduct vs and land vs before, whilest our Chieftaines remayned a while behinde in England, to take vp the rest of our Companies. Yet all this notwithstanding, Land being discouered, there was no eloquence in the world able to keep vs aboord our ship, but euery man swore if the Master of the ship would not set vs on the shoare, [ 30] the sailes should be taken into our owne hands, and what was resolued vpon (touching present landing) should in despite of danger be effected. Vpon this the Master of the ship and the Mari∣ners told vs, that if we put to land in that place, we should all either perish for want of victuals, which were not to bee had in that Countrie, or else should haue our throats cut by the people. Wee resolued rather to trie our bad fortunes on the land, and to famish there (if that kind of death must needes attend vpon vs) then to perish on the Seas, which we knew could affoord vs no such mercy: and on shoare wee went, as fast as possibly we could. When our Officers saw, that there was no remedie, nor force to detayne vs aboord, they then disheartned vs no longer, but to our great comforts told it, that the Master of the ship (which thing hee himselfe likewise openly confessed) knew both the Land and Gouernour thereof (as indeed we proued afterwards he did:* 17.5) and therefore desired they all our companies not to misse-behaue themselues toward [ 40] the people, for that it was an Iland called Iuthland, vnder the Dominion of the King of Den∣marke, but subiect to the command of a Lord, who vnder the King (as his Substitute) was the Gouernour.

And that we might be the better drawne to a ciuill behauiour towards the Inhabitants, our Officers further told vs, that they would repaire to the Lord Gouernour of the Countrie, and ac∣quaint him with the cause of our vnexpected landing there; vpon which we all promised to of∣fer no violence to the people; neither was that promise violated, because we found the Inhabi∣tants tractable, and as quiet towards vs, as we to them: yet the greater numbers of them ran a∣way with feare, at the first sight of vs, because (as afterward they reported) it could not bee re∣membred by any of them, that they euer either beheld themselues, or euer heard any of their an∣cestors [ 50] report, that any strange people had landed in those places and parts of the Iland: for they thought it impossible (as they told vs) that any ship should ride so ne••ee the shoare, as ours did, by reason of the dangerous Sands.

Our Officers so soone as they were at land, went to the Gouernour of the Iland, whilest the Souldiers (who stayed behind them) ran to the houses of the Ilanders, of purpose to talke with the people, and at their hands to buy victuals for a present reliefe: but when wee came among them, they could neither vnderstand vs nor we them; so that the Market was spoiled, and wee could get nothing for our money, yet by such signes as wee could make, they vnderstood our wants pitied them, and bestowed vpon vs, freely, a little of such things as they had. In the end, a happy meanes of our reliefe was found out by a Souldier amongst vs who was a Dane by birth, [ 60] but his education haui••g beene in England, no man knew him to be other then an English man.

This Dane made vse of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 owne natiue language, to the good both of himselfe and vs, certi∣fying

the people (who the rather beleeued him because he spake in their knowne tongue) of the cause that compelled vs to land vpon their Coast, and that we intended no mischiefe, violence, or money: to which report of his they giuing credit, stood in lesse feare of vs then before, and thereupon furnished vs with all such necessaries, as the Countrie affoorded to sustaine our wants. The foode which wee bought of them was onely fish, and a kinde of course bread, exceeding cheape. Of which foode there was such plentie,* 17.6 that for the value of three pence wee had as much fish as twentie men could eate at a meale, and yet none of the worst sorts of fish, but euen of the very best and daintiest, as Mackrels and Lobsters, and such like. In which our trading with the poore simple people, we found them so ignorant, that many, yea most of them regar∣ded [ 10] not whether you gaue them a Counter, or a Shilling: for the bigger the piece was,* 17.7 the more fish they would giue for it: but besides fish wee could get no other sustenance from them, or at least, could not vnderstand that they had any other. But obserue what happened in the meane time that we were thus in traffique with the Ilanders for victuals, our Officers (as before is said) being gone to the Lord Gouernour, who lay about twelue English miles from the Sea side, the Master of our ship on a sudden hoysed vp sailes, and away he went, leauing one of his owne men at shoare, who accompanied our Officers as their guide, through the Iland. The cause of the ships departure, did so much the more amaze vs, by reason it was so vnexpected, and the reason there∣of vnknowne to vs: But wee imagined the Master of the ship and Mariners fea••ed to receiue vs into the Vessell againe, because some of our men at their being at Sea, threatned the Saylers, and [ 20] offered them abuses before they could be brought to set vs on land.

On the next day following, the Lord Gouernour of the Iland came to vs, bringing our Offi∣cers along with him, yet not being so confident of vs, but that (for auoyding of any dangers that might happen) he came strongly guarded with a troupe of Horse-men well armed. And (vpon his first approc••) demanding where our ship was, it was told him in what strange manner it stole away and forsooke vs: he then asked what we intended to doe, to which we all answered, that we would be ruled by our Officers: hereupon hee inquired of them, what they would haue him to doe in their behalfes: they requested nothing else at his hands, but onely his fauourable Passe through the Countrie, and a ship to carry vs forward into Sweden: to which request hee made answere, that he could grant no such licence vntill he had made the King of Denmarke acquain∣ted with our being there, for the Iland belonged to the King, he said, and he was no more but [ 30] an Officer or Substitute vnder him. Yet in consideration that our ship had so left vs in a strange Land, he promised to doe all that lay in his power to effect our good: but withall told vs, that the people had inward feares, and were possest with suspitions, that our intents of landing vp∣on such a Coast, were not, as we our selues affirmed, only to get foode, but rather to make spoile of the poore Inhabitants. And therefore, to remooue all such feares and iealousies out of the peoples hearts, he held it most conuenient for the generall safeties of both parties, to separate our numbers, and to spreade vs abroad in the Countrie, one and one in a house, where it was agreed that we should receiue both a lodging, and meate, and drinke, vntill hee had sent to the King of Denmarke some of his owne men with our Officers, to vnderstand his Maiesties pleasure, and [ 40] what should become of vs.

To this we all agreed, and accordingly for that purpose, were by the Lord Gouernour, safely by these armed horse-men which were his guard, conducted to his owne house. To that place were al the people of the Iland summoned together, they came at the appointed day to the num∣ber of fiue or six hundred, circling vs round with Bils, Holbards, two-hand Swords, and diuers o∣ther weapons: And at the first sight of vs grew into such rage, that presently they would haue cut all our throats, and hewed vs to pieces, but that the authoritie of the Gouernor kept them from offering violence, yet was hee faine to vse the fairest meanes of perswasion to allay their furie. For they would not beleeue but that our arriuall there was to destroy them. Yet the Gouernour shewed vnto them all our number, which was but three hundred men, and those all vnweapo∣ned, and so consequently, neither likely nor able to vndertake any mischiefe against them: [ 50] Charging the vnruly multitude, vpon paine of death, not to touch the least finger of vs, but to diuide vs equally into seuerall Villages, as it should seeme best vnto them, and so bestow kinde and louing entertainment vpon vs till they heard further from him, which command of his they accordingly performed.

Immediately vpon this setling of them and vs in quietnesse, one of our Officers with two of the Gouernours men, were sent away to the King of Denmarke, to vnderstand his Highnesse pleasure, which Messengers were no sooner dispatched about the businesse, but the Ilanders grow∣ing more and more suspitious, came againe to the Gouernour,* 17.8 and neuer would cease or giue ouer troubling him, vntill they had gotten him to make Proclamation (in hearing of vs all.) That if any of vs would freely discouer the true cause of our landing vpon that Coast, and reueale the [ 60] plots of any dangerous enterprise intended against them, he should not onely be rewarded with great store of money, and haue new apparell to his backe, but also should without tortures, im∣prisonment, or death be set free, and sent backe againe into his owne Countrie. This Proclama∣tion strucke vs all with feare and astonishment, because albeit we to our selues were not guiltie of

any plot, or villany intended to the place or people, yet wee knew this might be a meanes to endanger all our liues,* 17.9 how innocent soeuer. Our suspition of danger fell out according to our feares: for one Thomas Griffyn a Welch man, one of our owne company, went and kneeled be∣fore the Gouernour, and with a face counterfeiting a guiltinesse and fearefull destruction, told him that we came thither onely, and for no other purpose, then to surprise the Iland, kill the In∣habitants, make spoile of their wiues and goods, and hauing set fire of their Townes and Villages, to flye to Sea againe. Yet for all this would not the Gouernour beleeue him, telling him it was a matter very vnlikely,* 17.10 that so small a number, so distressed for want of foode, so weather-beaten and so disarmed, should venture vpon an enterprise so full of dangerous euents; but the villaine replyed, that all those complaints of want, were but songs to beguile the people, for that vpon [ 10] the least Allarum giuen, other ships that lay houering at Sea, and furnished both with men and ar∣mour, would on the sudaine, and that very shortly land for the same desire of spoyle, as these their fellowes had done, and therefore counselled the Gouernour to preuent such imminent mis∣chiefes betimes.

The Gouernour being thus farre vrged, presently called before him Lieutenant Walton, whose lodging was appointed in his house, and hauing related to him all that Griffin had discouered, and withall, demanding of Lieutenant Walton what he could say to this matter of treason and con∣spiracie: the Lieutenant at the first stood amazed, and vtterly denied any such intended villany, protesting by the faith of a Souldiour, that this report of the Welch-man proceeded from the rancour of a vile traitors heart, and therefore on his knees intreated the Gouernour, not to giue [ 20] credit to so base a villaine, who for the greedinesse of a little money, went about to sell all their liues, and to make all the inhabitants of the Iland become murderers: The rest lay scattered about and knew nothing of the matter. Now soone after, iust as the traitor had told the Gouernour, that more ships were not farre off, but were ready to second vs vpon our arriuall, it chanced that in the very heat of this businesse,* 17.11 and their feares of danger where none was, two other shippes full of armed Souldiers came to the same place of the Iland where our shippe put in: These two ships had brought Souldiours out of the low Countries (a cessation of warres being there) and were going into Swethland, as we were, but by crosse windes and fowle weather, lay so long at Sea, that wanting victuals, they were driuen in hither for succour. Whose sudaine approach and ariuall being signified to the Lord Gouernor, the Welch-mans words were then thought true; all [ 30] the Iland was presently vp in Armes to resist the strength and furie of a most dangerous supposed enemy: and so secretly did the Inhabitants put on Armes, that we who were kept like priso∣ners amongst them, knew not of these vproares. But night approaching, the Generall gaue spe∣ciall charge that secret watch should be set and kept ouer euery Souldior that lodged in any mans house: which by the common people was as narrowly performed, for they did not onely watch vs as the Gouernor commanded, but amongst themselues a secret conspiracie was made, that in the dead of night,* 17.12 when wee should be fast asleepe, they should come and take vs in our beds, and there to binde vs with cords: it being an easie thing to doe so, when our company were di∣uided one from another ouer the whole Iland. At the houre agreed vpon, the plot was put in force, for they entred our Chambers, and bound euery Souldier as he lay, making them all rea∣dy [ 40] like so many sheepe marked out for the slaughter. For mine owne part, I had fiue men and three women to binde me, who so cunningly tyed me fast with cords, whilst I slept, and felt no∣thing, nor deampt of any such matter, that with a twitch onely I was plucked starke naked out of my bed, and laid vpon the cold earth vnderneath a Table, with my armes bound behinde me, so extreamely hard, as foure men could draw them together, my feete tyed to the foote of the Table, and my necke bound to the vpper part or bord of the Table.

In these miserable tortures lay I, and all the rest (in seuerall houses) all that night, and the most part of the next day, our armes and legges being pinched and wrung together in such pitti∣lesse manner, that the very bloud gushed out at the fingers ends of many. The enduring of which torments was so much the more grieuous, because none knew what we had done that could in∣cense [ 50] them to this so strange and spitefull cruelty, neither could we, albeit we inquired, learne of our tormenters the cause, because we vnderstood not their language.

Whilest thus the whole Iland was full of the cries of wretched men, and that euery house see∣med a shambles, ready to haue Innocents there butchered the next day, and that euery Ilander had the office of a common cut-throate or executioner; Gods wonderfull working turned the streame of all their cruelty: For the two ships that came out of the low Countries, and whose arriuall draue so many miserable soules almost vpon the rocks of destruction, hauing in that dole∣full and ruinous night, gotten some prouision aboord, weighed Anchor, and departed towards Swethland. Which happy newes being serued vp at breakfast to the Lord Gouernour betimes in the morning, and that the Shippes had offerd no violence to the Countrey, but had paid for [ 60] what they tooke: About eleauen of the clocke the very same day at noone, wee were all like vnto so many dead men cut downe, and bidden to stand vpon our legges, although very few had scarce legges that could stand.

Of one accident more that befell, I thinke it not amisse to take note, which began merrily, but

ended tragically, and in bloud; and that was this: Foure of our company being lodged in one Village, and they being bound to the peace, as you may perceiue the rest were; it happened that an Hoast, where one of them lay, had ••••pled hard, and gotten a Horses disease,* 17.13 called the Stag∣gers: In comes he stumbling, to the roome where the poore Englishman was bound to the Table hand and foote: which thing the drunken Sot beholding▪ drew his Hatchet, which he wore at his girdle, according to the fashion of the Country, and because hee would be sure his prisoner should not escape, with his Hatchet he cleft his head. And thinking in that drunken murderous humour, he had done a glorious act, away he re••les out of his owne house to that house where the other three Souldiours lay bound, where beating at the doores and windowes, and the Hoast [ 10] asking what he meant to make such a damnable noyse; he told him so well as he could s••amme•• it out, that the Lord Gouernour had sent him thither to put the three English-men to death. Vp∣on this, the diuell and he (hand in hand) were let in, the one standing so close at the others elbow, that he neuer left him till he had cleft two of their heads, that lay bound▪ and being then wea∣ry (it should seeme) with playing the butcher, he neuer ceased swearing and staring, and flou∣rishing with his bloudy Axe about their heads, till the people of the house had hung the third man vpon a beame in the roome. But they hauing lesse cunning in the Hang-mans trade, then will to practise it, eyed not the halter so fast about his necke, as to strangle him: so that after hee had hung an houre, hee was cut downe, reuiued againe, was well, and afterwards was slaine in Russia.

[ 20] This bloudy feast being thus ended, and all stormes as we well hoped, being now blowne o∣uer to our freedome, and sitting at liberty from our tormentors▪ on the necke of these former miseries fell a mischiefe more dangerous to vs then all the rest: for tidings were brought to the Gouernour, that our Auncient, who trauailed with the Gouernours two men to the King, had trayterously murdered those his guides, and then ranne away himselfe▪ vpon this rumour, nothing but thundring and lightning flew from the common peoples mouthes: there was no way now with vs but one, and that one was, to haue all our throats cut, or our heads cleft with their Axes.* 17.14 But the Gouernor pittying our misfortunes, laboured both by his authority, & by faire speeches, to keepe that many-headed dogge (the multitude) from barking. And in the end, when he saw nothing but the bloud of vs poore Englishmen would satisfie their thirst, because they still held [ 30] vs in suspition and feare; he most nobly, and like a vertuous Magistrate, pawned to the inhu∣mane Rascals (to my knowledge) his honour, all that euer he was worth▪ yea, his very life vnto them, that within three dayes the messengers sent to the King, should returne home, and that during those three dayes we should be of good behauiour to the Ilanders: and besides that, if they did not returne in such a time, that then he would deliuer vs vp into their hands. Our Aunci∣ent with the Gouernours two men, came home vpon the third day, to the Gouernours house, and brought from the King of Denmarke his licence,* 17.15 to carry vs not onely through the Coun∣try, but commanding that we should be allowed shipping also at conuenient place, to carry vs to Sweueland, whither we were to goe: And according to this Licence the Gouernour caused vs to be called all together the very next day; at which time, Thomas Griffin the Welch I••das, who had [ 40] all this while lyen feasting in the house of the Lord Gouernour, began to tremble and repent him of his villanie, begging most base forgiuenesse on his knees, both from the Gouernour, and vs his Countrimen and fellow Souldiours, protesting that what he did, came out of his feare to saue his owne life. But our Officers (vpon hearing him speake thus) had much adoe to keepe the compa∣nies from pulling downe the house where Griffin lay, because they would in that rage haue hewed the villaine in peeces.

But leauing him and all such betrayers of mens bloud to the hell of their owne consciences, let vs set forward out of this infortunate Iland, and not stay in any place else, till in small Boates wee come by water to Elzinore in Denmarke, where wee ioyfully got aboard once more;* 17.16 and are hoysing vp sailes for Sweueland. Yet euen in this sun-shine day a storme fals vpon vs [ 50] too: for our Officers not hauing sufficient money to furnish vs with victuals, wee were enfor∣ced to pawne our Auncient and Lieutenant Walton, for the safe returne of the Shippe, with condition, that they should not be released vntill a sufficient summe of money was sent to de∣fray all charges. So that we left our Officers behinde vs; but the King of Sweueland did after∣wards release them, and then they came to vs. But before their comming, wee hauing a good winde, landed at a place called Newleas in Sweue:* 17.17 and from thence were carried to Stockholme (the Kings seate) and there was the King at the same time; betweene which two places, it was a daies march on horsebacke.

Vpon this our arriuall at Stockholme, wee met with the rest that had gone before vs, and with diuers others of our Countrimen, that came out of the Low-countries, as before is re∣lated. [ 60] In this place we lay so long, and had such poore meanes, that wanting money to buy foode, wee wanted foode to maintaine life, and so a number of vs were readie to statue: till in the end, our miseries making vs desperate, we fell together by the eares with the Burgers of the Towne: in which scambling confusion and mutinie,* 17.18 euery man got one thing or other, of which he made present money to relieue his body withall: yet lay wee at the

walles of the Citie, crying out continually for money, money, till our throates grew hoarse with bauling, but the stones of the walles gaue more comfort to vs, then the In∣habitants. One day (aboue all the rest) wee heard, that the King was to ride a Hun∣ting; and wee imagining that all the abuses, wrongs, and miseries, which wee endured, proceeded from some vnder-hand hard d••aling, and packing of our Captaines and Offi∣cers, resolued to gather about the King at his comming forth, and to cry out for money: but the King being angry (as wee supposed) came riding amongst vs, drawing his Pistoll from the Saddle-bow, as if hee purposed to haue shot some of vs: but seeing none of vs to shrinke from him, nor to be dismayed, hee rode backe againe, wee following him, and desiring, hee would either giue vs money, or else to kill vs out-right; one amongst the rest (whose name was William Attane) spake to the King aloud, thus: I hold it honour to dye by [ 10] the hands of a King, but basely to starue to death, I will neuer suffer it. Vpon these our clamours, the King looking better vpon our necessities, sent money the next day, and immediate∣ly after gaue vs a moneths meanes in money, and two moneths meanes in cloath, to make vs apparrell.

* 17.19Of the cloath wee receiued some part, but the money being payed, was by our Captaines sent into England to their wiues; no part of it euer comming to the poore common Soul∣diours hands: for presently vpon this, wee were commanded aboord the Ships, with promise that when wee were aboord, wee should haue our money. But being in the Shippes vnder hatches, away were wee carried with prouision onely of one moneths victuals; when by rea∣son [ 20] of the weather, wee were forced to lye eight weekes at Sea: in all which time, wee had nothing but pickelled Herrings, and salt Stremlings, with some small quantitie of hard dryed meates: by which ill dyet, many of our men fell sicke, and dyed. In the Shippe wherein I was, wee liued foureteene dayes without bread, all our best foode being salt Herrings, which wee were glad to eate raw; the best of vs all hauing no better su∣stenance.

At the last, it pleased God to send vs to a place called Vfrasound in Fynland, where wee lan∣ded,* 17.20 (Fynland being subiect to the King of Sweueland.) From Vfrasound wee were to goe to Weyborough, a chiefe Towne in the Countrie of Fynland: where wee no sooner arriued, but our Souldiors ranne some one way, and some another, so long that the Captaines were left alone [ 30] with the Shippes: This running away of them, being done onely to seeke foode, so great was their hunger.

By this carelesse dispersing themselues, they lost the command of the whole Countrey, which they might easily haue had,* 17.21 if they had beene vnited together: and not onely were depriued of that benefit, but of Horses also, which were allowed by the King for them to ride vpon. So that, what by the reason of the tedious Iourney (which wee were to tra∣uell, being fourescore leagues) and what by reason of the extreame cold, being a moneth be∣fore Christmas, at which time the Snow fell, and neuer went off the ground vntill Whitson∣tide following;* 17.22 but all the Raine, and all the Snow that fell, freezing continually, diuers of our men were starued to death with the Frost. Some lost their fingers, some their toes, some [ 40] their noses, many their liues: insomuch, that when wee all met at Weyborough, wee could make no more but one thousand and foure hundred able men; and yet when we were landed at Vfra∣sound, wee were two thousand strong; the extremity of the cold Countrey hauing killed so ma∣ny of our Souldiours in so little time.

At our landing at Weyborough wee had good hopes to receiue better comforts, both of mo∣ney and victuals: for the Inhabitants told vs, the King had allowed it vs, and in that report they spake truth: yet contrary to our expectation, wee lay there about foureteene dayes, and had nothing but a little Rice, of which we made bread, and a little butter, which was our best reliefe. Drinke had we none, nor money: our Captaines gaue vs certaine letherne pelches, onely made of Sheeps skins, to keepe vs from the cold.

At this place we receiued armes to defend vs against the enemy, and six Companies that were [ 50] allowed by the King for Horsemen,* 17.23 receiued Horses there. From thence wee were to march into Russia, where our enemies continued. But the iourney was long and vncomfortable: for wee marched from Newyeares day vntill Whitsontide, continually in Snow, hauing no rest, but onely a little in the nights. So that the miseries and misfortunes which wee endured vpon the borders of Fynland, were almost insufferable, by reason the number of them seemed infinite. For all the people had forsaken their houses long before wee came, because they were euermore oppressed by Souldiours: by which meanes we could get neither meate nor drinke, but were glad to hunt Cats, and to kill them, or any beasts wee could lay hold on, and this wee baked, and made them serue for daily sustenance. The greatest calamitie of all was, wee could get no Water to drinke,* 17.24 it had beene so long frozen vp, and the Snow so deepe, that [ 60] it was hard to say, whether wee marched ouer Water, or vpon Land. So that wee were compelled to digge vp Snow, and with stones redde hot, to melt in tubbes, and then to drinke it.

This affection continued about twelue or foureteene dayes, till we came into Russia. Vpon our very first entrance into which Kingdome, we marched ouer an arme of the Sea, that was eight leagues ouer, many of vs staruing to death in that passage, by the cold freezing windes that blew the same day. In which frosty iourney, I saw so much bread as a man might buy for twelue pence, sold away in little bits, for the value of fortie shillings. But this misery ended the next day, at our setting foot into Russia, where we found plenty both of corne and cattle;* 17.25 onely the people of the Countrey ranne away, leauing all their goods behinde them, but so cunningly hidden, that the best pollicie of ours could hardly finde them out. By this meanes of the peoples running away, we were glad to play the Millers, and to grinde all our corne our selues, to bake our bread, and to dresse our owne victuals. Then marched wee vp to Nouogrod (a [ 10] chiefe Citie in Russia) where wee were to receiue all our meanes that rested behinde vn∣payed: but our Captaines beguiled vs, and kept it for themselues:* 17.26 yet to stoppe our mouthes, they told vs wee should goe into Muscouy, and there all reckonings should be made euen.

Wee had scarce marched aboue three dayes towards Muscouy, but that newes came, how a certaine number of our enemies lay in a sconce by the way; the strength of them was not perfectly knowne, but it was thought they were not aboue seuen hundred, and that we must vse some stratagem to expell them from thence: vpon which relation,* 17.27 our Captaines drew forth to the number of three hundred English horsemen, and two hundred French horsemen: so that in all we were about fiue hundred that were appointed to set vpon the supposed seuen hun∣dred [ 20] Polanders, (our enemies) that so lay insconsed: vpon whom we went. Our chiefe Com∣mander in that seruice was Monsier la Veite, a French man, who so valiantly led vs on, that the enemy hearing of our comming, fled ouer a water that was by the sconce;* 17.28 yet not with such speede, but that wee slue to the number of foure hundred of their side, and lost onely three men of our owne: but we tooke the sconce. About the sconce stood a faire Towne called A∣rioua, with a riuer called the Volga, running through the middle, but no bridge ouer it;* 17.29 onely a few Boates and Sloates (made and cut out of trees) were there, to carry the people ouer from the one halfe of the Towne to the other. This sconce furnished vs not onely with great store of riches, but also with a number of Polish Horses, and as many armes as serued to arme fiue hun∣dred men; our want of that commoditie being as much as of any thing besides: for of those fiue [ 30] hundred men that went vpon the seruice, there were not three hundred fixed armes; yet through the hand of him that deales victories, or ouerthrowes, as it pleaseth him best, the day was ours.

Ouer this riuer Volga the enemies were neuer driuen before, either by the Emperor of Russia, or by the King of Swethland: for which cause (as afterward wee heard) the next day when they departed from the other side of the Riuer, they burnt that halfe of the Towne on which side they were themselues, and in most bloudy, barbarous, and cruell manner, made hauocke both of men, women and children,* 17.30 albeit (not aboue halfe a yeare before) the Inhabitants on that side had reuolted from their owne Emperour, and turned to them. In which tyrannicall vprore, their custome was, to fill a house full of people, and then (the doores being locked vpon [ 40] them, that none might issue forth) the house was fired about their eares: and oftentimes were yong children taken by the heeles, and cast into the middest of the flames: This inhumane ty∣rannie being practised not onely by the Poles, that were our enemies, but euen by those Russes that were traitors to their owne Emperour, and serued vnder the Poles, and were called Cossakes, whose cruelty farre exceeded the Polish.

The Towne being thus burnt to the earth, all the sixe thousand (which as I said before, fled ouer the Riuer, out of the sconce, and were by vs supposed to be but seuen hundred) came downe in full battalion to the Riuers side with such fiercenesse, as if presently they and their horses would haue swom ouer, to fight with vs, which being perceiued, our poore fiue hundred stood ready to resist them. But whether they feared our numbers to be greater then they were, and [ 50] that wee had some other secret forces, I know not: but away they marched, the selfe same day in which they came downe in that braue••y, not doing any thing of which, wee for our parts, were not much sorry; because if the battailes had ioyned▪ wee knew our selues farre vnable to withstand them. And this was the seruice of the most noate, that wee went vpon.

Two or three other sconces and Townes we tooke from our enemies, they not once daring to resist vs, because they knew nothing of our numbers and force.* 17.31 But the dishonest dealings of our Captaines, made the whole Armie discontent; insomuch, that our Souldiors would of∣tentimes deny to goe forth vpon seruice, because they had beene almost a yeare in the Land, [ 60] and had receiued no more but one Rubble (amounting to the value of ten shillings English.) So that vpon these discontents, fiftie of our men ranne away to the enemy at one time▪ and disco∣uered to them our strength. After which, we durst not be so bold as before we had beene.* 17.32 The fire of a new conspiracie was likewise kindling, but it was perceiued, and quenched with the bloud of the conspirators, of which, the chiefe were hanged. On therefore we went: when

[illustration]

[illustration] map of Muscovy

HONDIVS his Map of Muscouia.

MOSCO¦VIA

we came within fortie leagues of Muscouie, newes was brought, that the enemy had beleaguard seuen thousand Russes that were our friends, and that vnlesse wee forced the siedge to breake [ 40] vp, the seuen thousand Russes would euery man be starued where they lay. This sad report, (albeit we had resolued neuer to goe vpon any more seruice, vntill wee had our pay) so wrought in our hearts, that wee much pittied the miseries of others, because wee our selues had tasted of the like.

Our Generall (whose name was Euer••or••e) was a Fynlander, and with a company of Fynland blades (as they tearme them) well appointed on Horsebacke, was by the King of Sweueland, sent after vs, as our Conuoy, vntill wee should come to Pontus le Guard, who was chiefe Ge∣nerall ouer the whole armie of strangers that came into the Land:* 17.33 so that according as he was sent and charged by the King, hee ouertooke vs before we came to Ario••a. By the intreatie therefore of this Fynlander, and the flattering promises of our owne Captaines, we were con∣tented [ 50] to goe vpon this seruice, and to deliuer the Russes, or to dye our selues in the action. Yet with condition, that (as they promised to vs) we should by the way meete our chiefe Gene∣rall, Pontus le Guard, who with certaine numbers of English, French and Dutch (which the yeare before were come into the Land) was vpon a march out of Muscouy, not onely to meete vs, but to ioyne with vs, and pay vs all our money which remained good to vs; pro∣uided likewise, that so soone as euer wee should release the seuen thousand Russes, our money should be payed downe. On these conditions (I say) wee yeelded to goe vpon the businesse.

* 17.34At length Pontus le Guard met vs (according to the promise) and with him was money brought to pay vs, and his word giuen that presently wee should receiue it. But the lamen∣table [ 60] estate, in which the poore besiedged Russes were (within the sconce) being at the point of death for want of foode, required rather speedy execution, then deliberation▪ so that the necessities of their hard fortunes crauing haste, on wee went, hauing about ninteene or twenty

thousand Russes, that were people of the same Countrey, ioyned to our Armie, to aide them in this enterprize. But as we all were vpon a march, the enemy hauing receiued Intelligence of our approaching, set forward, to the number of eight thousand Lanciers and more, to intercept vs by the way: and being within one dayes march of the place to which wee were likewise go∣ing, they set fire vpon three or foure Villages hard by the place where we lay at Grasse with our Horses, for a token that they were comming.* 17.35 And ••his was done vpon Midsummer day last in the morning, by breake of day. Then came they thundring wich shouts and cries to set vpon vs: but no sooner was the Alarum giuen, when the greatest part of those nineteene or twenty thousand Russes, that were ioyned to vs as our aide,* 17.36 fled most basely before any blow was gi∣uen. This sudden cowardize of theirs somewhat amazed vs: but the houre being now come, [ 10] wherein we were not to talke of dangers, but to goe meete them, with our sixe companies of English horse, we brauely resisted the Polanders, and with great hurt to them, but with little losse vpon our part, charged them three seuerall times.

At last Pontus le Guard (our chiefe Generall) tooke his heeles and fled too,* 17.37 leauing vs vtterly destitute of all direction: which much astonished vs, as not well vnderstanding what to doe: for our greatest strength (being by their slight) taken from vs, none but wee strangers were left in the field, and of vs there was not in all, aboue two thousand, and of that number there were aboue six hundred French horsemen, who seeing both the Generall gone, and the Russes fled,* 17.38 turned their backs vpon vs, and ranne away too most valiantly, yet not out of the field, but to the enemy.

[ 20] Then were wee not aboue twelue or foureteene hundred at the most left to resist eight thou∣sand at the least: vpon whom notwithstanding, our six companies of English horsemen, charged three seuerall times, without any great lo••se, but with much honor: And at the fourth time,* 17.39 for want of powers to second them (which the French should haue done) all our six companies were scattered and ouerthrowne with the losse of few of our colours. The Captaines ouer these sixe Companies of Horse, were these:

Captaine Crale, of whose company I was. Captaine Kendricke, Captaine Benson, Captaine Carre, Captaine Colbron, Captaine Creyton.

Which six Captaines had not in all their companies aboue fiue hundred men. In this battaile, Captaine Creyton was slaine in the field; Captaine Crale was shot in the knee, and within a short [ 30] time after dyed of that wound; not aboue twelue of his companie escaping. Captaine Kendrick was wounded in diuers places of the head, and dyed. Captaine Benson was shot in the hand, and wounded in the head, and yet escaped, and liued: onely Captaine Carre and his Cornet escaped, but all his companie scattered and lost. Diuers other Officers were slaine, whose names I can∣not remember.

Thus were all our English horse-men dispersed and ouerthrowne, to the number of fiue hun∣dred and vpwards. Ou•• Generall Euerhorne with his companies of Finland, or Finsc•• blades, were also put to retrait: so that there was not left in the field aboue sixe or seuen hundred, which were foot-men. And of these, one halfe was English, one halfe Dutch, who kept onely a cer∣taine place by a wood side, barricadoed about with wagons, hauing with them foure field pieces, [ 40] with which they did great spoile to the Enemie. But their number being but few, neither durst they venture on the Enemie, nor durst the Enemie enter vpon them, but kept them still (as it were besieged) in that place onely, because they could no wayes escape. The inconuenience of which cooping vp in so narrow a roome, being looked into, and the dangers on euery side well considered, it was held fittest for safetie, to summon the Enemie to a parley. In which parley, the Enemie offered, that if they would yeeld, and fall to their sides, they should haue good quar∣ter kept. And if any man had desire to goe for his owne Countrie, hee should haue libertie to goe with a Paspor•• from the King of Poland. Or if any would serue the King of Poland, hee should haue the allowance of very good meanes duly paid him. Vpon these compositions they all yeelded, and went to the Enemie; onely Captaine Yorke and his Officers, with some few of [ 50] their Souldiers, went backe into the Countrie, and came not to the Enemie, as the rest had done: who from thence marched vp to the Polish Leaguer, being ten miles distant from the place, and there they continued. But such as desired to trauell to their owne Countries, were sent to the King of Polands Leaguer, which lay at that time at a place called Smolensko, and there accordingly had their Passe, to the number of one hundred, of which number I my selfe was one. What became of the rest I know not: but I with fiue more held together in trauell, vntill we came to Dantzicke, a great Towne in Prussia, being distant from Smolensko one hun∣dred leagues▪

To make an end of this Storie of the Foxe and the Beare, the pretending Demetrius and con∣tending Suiskey; it is reported, that Demetrius seeing these perplexities of Suiskey, raysed a great [ 60] Armie of such Russes as voluntarily * 17.40 fell to him (the Pole hauing now reiected him, except some Voluntaries) and againe laid siege to Mosco; Zolkiewsky for Sigismund, beleagred another part thereof with fortie thousand men, whereof one thousand and fiue hundred were English, Scottish, and French. Suiskey seeing no hope to withstand them, his Empire renouncing him, hee would

seeme to renounce the Empire first, betaking himselfe to a Monasterie. But not the sanctitie of the place,* 17.41 nor sacred name of an Emperour might protect or secure him. The Muscouites yeel∣ded vp their Citie and his Person to the Pole, and the Castle was manned for Sigismund. All ioyne against Demetrius, who betaketh him to his heeles, and by a Tartar (as before is said) was slaine in his campe.* 17.42 Charles King of Sweden dyed Octob. 30. 1611. and Gustanus his sonne suc∣ceeded. Sigismund obtayneth Smolensko also after two yeeres siege and more: in which time the Defendants had held out so resolutely, that the Polish Peeres and States (which in that Kingdom beare great sway) had called the King to their Parliament, the rather in regard of the King of Denmarke warring vpon Sweden (in which warre diuers thousands of our English voluntaries * 17.43 assisted the Dane) but he first desiring to trie his fortune, carried the Citie with two hundred pieces of Ordnance and other rich spoile. Many were slaine, and diuers great persons taken, of [ 10] which was the Archbishop. Many were blowne vp (as was thought) by their owne voluntarie act, by fire cast into the store-house, in which is said to haue beene (if our Author mistake not) fifteene thousand vessels of poulder;* 17.44 whereupon seemed to returne the very Chaos, or in stead thereof a Hell into the World. It is accounted one of the strongest Forts in Christendome, the walls able to beare two Carts meeting in the breadth. It was taken the twelfth of Iuly, 1610.

Suiskey was carried into Poland and there imprisoned in Waringborough Castle, and after the l••sse of libertie and his Empire,* 17.45 exposed to scorne and manifold miseries, hee dyed in a forraine countrie. But before that Tragedie, the Poles are said to haue more then acted others. For when they held him prisoner before his departure from Moscouia, they sent for many Grandes in Suis∣keys [ 20] name, as if he had much desired to see them before his fatall farewell, to take a friendly and honourable leaue of them.* 17.46 They come, are entertayned, and in a priuate place knocked on the head and throwne into the Riuer: and thus was most of the chiefe remayning Nobilitie destroy∣ed. The Poles fortified two of the Forts at Mosco, and burnt two others, as not able to man them. But the Muscouite also there held them besieged till famine forced them to yeeld: the Russians finding there sixtie barrels of pouldred mans flesh (it seemeth of such as had dyed,* 17.47 or were slaine,* 17.48 that their death might giue life to the Suruiuers) a iust, but miserable and tragicall spectacle. We shall conclude this Discourse with giuing you two Letters, the one taken out of a Letter written from Colmogro Sept. 7. (the yeere is not dated) amidst these broiles; the other from Captaine Margaret before mentioned by Thuanus: and after them, for further illustra∣tion [ 30] and profitable vse of this storie, is added part of a Letter of Doctor Halls.

ON Thursday morning came George Brighouse from Mosco, he hath beene three weekes on the way, but by reason of his small staying here, I can learne but small occurrents, which is, still Mosco holdeth out, of late some of the Nobilitie issued out and gaue the Enemie a small skirmish, slue neere foure thousand of them, tooke prisoners one hundred and seuentie, whereof eleuen Polish Gentle∣men gallant men, are almost starued in prison. Sandomirsky * 18.1 is entred the borders with a new supply of Souldiers, the which Demetrie his sonne in Law hath long since expected.

The Crim Tartar is returned from thence into his owne Country, hath taken more then twentie thou∣sand [ 40] prisoners captiues out of Resan and thereabouts: Knez Scopin * 18.2 is two nineties from Yeraslaue, he meanes to march from thence to Mosco, but by Georges speeches he makes no great haste.

Bouginsky that was Secretarie to Demetrie, is still vnder prestaue with an Officer, was almost starued with hunger, but Master Brewster doth daily releeue him to his great comfort.

George Brighouse came Poste by Volodemer: the Princesse, wife to Euan Euanowich, that was eldest sonne to the a 18.3 old Emperour (shee to whom you gaue the good intertainment to) is there at his going vp and comming backe, made very much of him; he dined in her Presence: after dinner sent him a great Present of many dishes and drinkes for your sake, and often remembred you and your great kind∣nesse to her and hers; still remembring T. La. and kept him so a long time in her owne Cell.

There is a great conspiracy still in the Mosco against the Emperour Vasili Euanowich, onely the Muscouites stand with him, and very few of the Nobilitie. Daily there issueth out by force or stealth [ 50] diuers of the Gentrie, most of the Dutch c 18.4, specially the Women are gone out of the Mosco to the Tartar. It is supposed that the Emperour cannot long hold out, and * 18.5 Demetrie Euanowich is reported to bee a very wise Prince.

Captaine MARGARETS Letter to Master MERICK from Hamborough, Ian. 29. * 19.1 1612.

RIght worshipfull Sir, I could not omit this commoditie without commending my seruice to your [ 60] Worship, and also briefly to aduertise you of the State of Mosco, which is not as I could wish. Also I left Master Brewster in good health at my departure: but three dayes after the Towne within the red wall was burnt with certaine fire Bals shot in by the Russes, so that there is but three houses left whole,

the English house also being burnt. Master Brewster is constrained to haue his dwelling in a Seller vn∣der the Palace, without great friends except Misslofsqui. The Generall Cotqueuilsh is arriued there,* 19.2 and left a sufficient number of men to keepe the Castle, and the red Wall, hee himselfe with his Armie is gone towards Resan, and he hath sent with much to doe, and vpon certaine conditions, to the Riuer of Sagia towards the Volga, to bring victuals to maintayne them that are in the Castle besieged of the Mus∣couites. The King of Poland is altogether resolued to goe there in person this summer, and if the Russes haue no forraine helpe, as there is no appearance, no question it will come to passe as I writ last to your Worship, that they will be forced to yeeld. I write briefly to your Worship, because I hope to take my voy∣age to France through England, and there to meet with your Worship; intreating your Worship to ac∣cept [ 10] these few lines as a testimony of the seruice I haue vowed to your Worship, &c. and so I end in haste.

Thus haue we finished foure Acts of this Tragedie: the first, ending with the end of Bealas fa∣mily; the second, with the ruine of that of Boris; the third, with that (whatsoeuer) Deme∣trius; the fourth, with this Suiskey, attended with that shadow or ghost of another Demetrius. Now as I haue seene sometimes the Spectators of Tragedies whiled with discourse of a Chorus, or (as in our vulgar) entertayned with musicke, to remit for a time those bloudie impressions fix∣ed in attentiue mindes▪ so haue we represented Pheod••res Coronation added to the first; Boris his Charter to the English to conclude the second; that of Demetrius to the third, and for this fourth I haue here made bold with a Letter of my worthy friend (so am I bold to call that good Man, zealous Protestant, elegant Writer, industrious Preacher, learned Doctor, and Reuerend [ 20] Deane Doctor Hall▪ a Hall adorned with so rich Arras, and with all the ground, light, life, the All of these, Christian humilitie) which may serue as a Letter of commendation to my intent, as it was intended to another worke, which had it beene publike, might haue preuented the greatest part of this: A worke of Master Samuel Southeby, in Sir Th. Smiths Voyage mentioned, touching those Russian occurrents which he in part saw. As a Traueller he deserueth place here.* 19.3 And howsoeuer I haue neither beene so happy to see the Worke nor the Workman, yet this E∣pistle tells what we haue lost, and my worke easily proclaimes the defect of such a Wardrobe, being (as you see) like a Beggars cloke, all of diuersifyed patches; so much more labour to mee, in both getting and stitching them, though so much lesse satisfaction to thee. Once, as I haue [ 30] placed this long Russian storie in the midst of Marine Discoueries, to refresh the Reader a while on Land: so amidst these tragicall, harsh Relations, I thus seeke to recreate thy wearie spirits with this chat of mine, and after these Minda gates, more really, with this Letter so vsefull to the present subiect, so pleasing in the stile. The whole, and the next following to Buchinski, the Reader may finde in his so oft published Decades of Epistles.

TRauell perfiteth wisedome; and obseruation giues perfection to trauell: without which, a man may please his eyes, not feede his braine; and after much earth measured, shall returne with a weary body, and an empty minde. Home is more safe, more pleasant, but lesse fruitfull of experience: But, to a minde not working and discursiue, all heauens, all earths are alike. And, as the end of trauell is obserua∣tion; so, the end of obseruation is the informing of others: for, what is our knowledge if smothered in [ 40] our selues, so as it is not knowne to more? Such secret delight can content none but an enuious nature. You haue breathed many and cold aires, gone farre, seene much, heard more, obserued all. These two yeares you haue spent in imitation of Nabuchadnezzars seuen; conuersing with such creatures as Paul fought with at Ephesus. Alas! what a face, yea what a backe of a Church haue you seene? what man∣ners? what people? Amongst whom, ignorant Superstition striues with close Atheisme, Treachery with Cruelty, one Deuill with another; while Truth and Vertue doe not so much as giue any challenge of resi∣stance. Returning once to our England after this experience, I imagine you doubted whether you were on Earth, or in Heauen. Now then (if you will heare mee, whom you were wont) as you haue obserued what you haue seene, and written what you haue obserued; so, publish what you haue written: It shall be a gratefull labour, to vs, to Posteritie. I am deceiued, if the ficklenesse of the Russian State, haue not [ 50] yeelded more memorable matter of Historie then any other in our Age, or perhaps many Centuries of our Predecessors. How shall I thinke, but that God sent you thither before these broiles, to bee the witnesse, the Register of so famous mutations? He loues to haue those iust euils which hee doth in one part of the World, knowne to the whole, and those euils, which men doe in the night of their secresie, brought forth into the Theater of the World; that the euill of mens sinne being compared with the euill of his punishment, may iustifie his proceedings, and condemne theirs. Your worke shall thus honour him▪ besides your second seruice, in the benefit of the Church. For, whiles you discourse of the open Tyra••nie of that Russian Nero, Iohn Basilius; the more secret, no lesse bloudy plots of Boris; the ill successe of a stolne Crowne, though set vpon the head of an harmelesse Sonne; the bold attempts and miserable end of a false, yet aspiring [ 60] challenge; the perfidiousnesse of a seruile people, vnworthy of better Gouernours; the misse-carriage of wicked Gouernours, vnworthy of better Subiects; the vniust vsurpations of men, iust (though late) reuenges of God; crueltie rewarded with bloud, wrong claimes with ouerthrow, treachery with bondage; the Reader, with some secret horror, shall draw-in delight, and with delight instruction: Neither kn••w I any Relation whence hee shall take out a more easie Lesson of Iustice, of Loyaltie, of Thanke∣fulnesse.

But aboue all, let the World see and commiserate the hard estate of that worthy and noble Secretarie, Buchinsky. Poore Gentleman! his distresse recalls euer to my thoughts Aesops Storke, taken amongst the Cranes: He now nourishes his haire, vnder the displeasure of a forreigne Prince; At once in du∣rance, and banishment. Hee serued an ill Master; but, with an honest heart, with cleane hands. The Masters iniustice doth no more infect a good Seruant, than the truth of the Seruant can iustifie his ill Master. A bad Worke man may vse a good Instrument: and oft-times a cleane Napkin wipeth a foule mouth. It ioyes me yet to thinke, that his pietie, as it euer held friendship in Heauen, so now it winnes him friends in this our other World: Lo, euen from our Iland vnexpected deliuerance takes a long flight, and blesseth him beyond hope; yea rather, from Heauen, by vs. That God, whom hee serues, will bee knowne to those rude and scarce humane Christians, for a protector of innocence, a fauourer of truth, a [ 10] rewarder of pietie. The mercy of our gracious King, the compassion of an honourable Counsellour, the loue of a true friend, and (which wrought all, and set all on worke) the grace of our good God, shall now lose those bonds, and giue a glad welcome to his libertie, and a willng farell to his distresse. He shall (I hope) liue to acknowledge this; in the meane time, I doe for him. Those Russian Affaires are not more worthy of your Records, than your loue to this frend is worthy of mine. For neither could this large Seâ drowne or quench it, nor time and absence (which are w••nt to breed a lingring consumption of friendship) abate the heate of that affection, which his kindnesse bred, religion nourished. Both rarenesse, and worth shall commend this true loue; which (to say true) hath beene now long out of fashion. Neuer times yeel∣ded more loue; but, not more subtle. For euery man loues himselfe in another, loues the estate in the person: Hope of aduantage is the Load-stone that drawes the yron hearts of men; not vertue, not [ 20] dese••t. No Age affoorded more Parasites, fewer friends: The most are friendly in si••ht▪ seruiceable in expectation, hollow in loue, trustlesse in experience. Yet now, Buchinsky, see and confesse thou h••st found one friend, which hath made thee many, &c.

§. V. Of the miserable estate of Russia after SWISKEYS deportation, their election of the King of Polands Sonne, their Interregnum and popular estate, and chusing at last of the present [ 30] Emperour, with some remarkabe acci∣dents in his time.

THus haue we seene the Russian sinnes vtterly rooting vp so many Russian Imperiall Fa∣milies and persons: the whole Family of Iuan extirpate, that of Boris succeeding, annihilate; two pretending Demetrij and Suiskie extinct: and yet haue wee greater abhominations to shew you. No Tyrant, no Serpent, no Dragon is so exorbitant and prodigious as that which hath many heads▪ and therefore in diuine Visions Monarchies (how euer excessiue and tyrannical) haue beene resembled by simpler and more vniforme beasts, but the [ 40] Deuill in a great red Dragon with seuen heads and ten hornes,* 20.1 and the Beast likewise to which hee gaue his power and his seat and great authoritie, which opened his mouth in blasphemie against God, &c. On which sate the great Whore, the Antichristian Babylon. There was no King in Israel, is both Alpha and Omega, Preface and Conclusion, Diuine Writ to some misery in Israel; as if all Kings and no King, were the Circumference of all the lines proceeding from Mischiefes Centre. And now was Russia a Monster of many heads, that is, a bodie fallen into many pieces. One man possessed of the Wife of that double Demetrius, got to Astracan, there seating himselfe to set vp an vsurped shop of Rule; the Southerne parts chose Prince Vladislaus, Son of K. Sigismund of Po∣land;* 20.2 ••hose of the North thought of other Princes; and at last when neither the Fig-trees sweet∣nesse nor Oliues fatnesse, nor cheering Wine from the Vine could take place in their inconstancie, the [ 50] Brambles conceiued a fire which deuoured the Cedars of Libanus: a popular gouernment happened, or if you will, a Confusion of the multitude bare sway, which killed and murthered euery Great Man, whom any Rascall would accuse to be a friend to the Poles, or to any of the dead Empe∣rours, whom those popular injudicious Iudges fancied not. And now Russia blushed with im∣pudencie, that is with shamelesse sight of the daily effusion and profusion of her best bloud; now euery man was an Actor: and oh had they beene but Actors! too really did they present (not represent) bloudie Tragedies, of which their whole Countrey was becomne the Theatre; the Deuill the Choragus (a Murtherer from the beginning) and the whole World Spectator, stupid with admiration, quaking with horrour of so vncouth a sight!

Now for the ouertures betwixt the Muscouites, and Stanislaus Stanislawich Zolkiewskie, Ge∣nerall [ 60] of the Polakes, touching their Election of Vladislaus Sonne of King Sigismund, and the Articles propounded: also the answere of Prince Vladislaus to the same Articles, Anno 1612. I haue here expressed in Latine as I found them: fearing I should be ouer-tedious to translate them, especially seeing the businesse came not to effect: and the English Articles following of the

Russian Embassage to the King of Poland, doth lay open that and other passages of the Russian Confusions.

Pacta inter Primarium Ducem Exercituum Regni Poloniae, & in∣ter Heroes Moscouiae.

SErenissimi Potentissimi{que} Imperatoris Sigismundi tertij Dei gratia Regis Poloniae, Magni{que} Ducis Lithuaniae, Russ••ae, Prussiae, Samogitiae, Kieuiae, Volhoniae, Podoliae, Po••lachiae, Suecorum, [ 10] Oestonorum, aliorum{que} nec non haereditarij Regis Suecorum, Gottorum, Vandalorum, Finlandiae∣que Principis. Palatinus Kijeuiensis, Primarius Dux Exercituum Regni Poloniae Capitaneus Ro∣hatiuensis, Camaenacensis, Ka••usciensis. Ego Stanislaus Stanislaides Zolkiewsky de Zolkwia, Manifestum facio praes••ntibus pactis, & confirmatis meis literis. Quòd Omnipotentis in Trinitate ado∣randi Dei gratia, & voluntate, tum & benedictione venerabilis Hermogenis, Moscouitarum, totius{que} Russiae Patriarchae, Metropolitarum, Archiepiscoporum, Episcoporum, Archimandrytarum, Humaeno∣rum totius{que} venerabilis Cleri. Et post pacta omnium Heroum, Comitum, Capitaneorum, Primario∣rum Dapiferorum, Aulicorum, Tenutariorum, Aulicorum arcibus Praefectorum, & Decurionum Sclo∣petariorum, necnon quorumnis Moscouiae haeredum, Heroum{que} liberorum, Aduenarum, Mercaturam exercentium, Iaculatorum, velitum Fabrorum tormentariorum, & reliquorum in colarum magni Impe∣rij [ 20] Moscouitarum. Heroes, vtpoie Comes Albertus Iuanouiz Micislawskij, Dux Venceslaus Ven∣cesl••••des Gali••z••ja, Albertus Iuanouiz Seremetij, Dux Venceslaus Mieliechij, & Primarij Depu∣tati Venceslaus Telepnieuij, & Thomas Lugowskij, & vniuersi totius Moscouiae Primates, Ege∣runt, deliberauerunt{que} mecum, de eligendo Imperatore, in Wlodijmi••iense vniuersum{que} Moscouita∣rum Imperium, ac tradiderunt mihi suam confirmatam figillatam{que} obligationem & sacrosanctum viui∣ficum baptisma sicrae Regiae Maiestatis exosculati sunt 〈◊〉〈◊〉 tantum Prim••rij Comites, sed etiam He∣roes, incolentes Aulici, Capitanei, Primarij Dapiferi, Aulici, Cubicularij, Structores, Tenutarij, & Decuriones Sclopetarior••m, om••••s{que} dignitatis homines, Iaculatores, velites, Fabri Tormentarij, varijs{que} statu•• seruiles, & liberi homines Imperij Moscouitici, Hunc s••••modum: Quod venerabilis Hermoge∣nes Moscouiae, & vniuersae Russiae Patriarcha, Metropolitae, Archiepiscopi, Episcopi, Archimandrytae, [ 30] Humaeni singuli & vniuersi venerabiles Heroes, Capitanei, Primarij Dapiferi, Aulici, Cubicularij, Structores, & Decuriones Sclopetariorum, Tenutarij, haeredes Heroum, Aduenae, homines Mercatu∣ram exercentes, Iaculatores, Velites, F••britorimentarij, omnis sortis seruiles, & haereditarij Imperij Moscouitici, constituunt Legatos mittere, at{que} supplicare magno Imperatori, Serenissimo Sigismundo Regi Poloniae, & Serenissimo sacrae eius Maiestatis Regiae filio Vladis••ao Sigismundi, vt Serenissimus Imperator Sigismundus Rex, commisereri eorum velit, constituat{que} Vlodijmitiensis ••otius{que} Imperij Moscouitici Imperatorem Vladislaum Sigismundi sacrae suae Regiae Maiestatis filium. Quod vt fiat, venerabilis Hermogenes totius Moscouiae Patriarcha, Metropolitae, Archiepiscopi, Episcopi, Archi∣mandrytae, Humaeni, totu•• deni{que} venerabilis Clerus, Deum ter optimum maximum rogat, & Impera∣torem Serenissimum Vladislaum Sigismundi filium sacrae Regiae Maiestatis Imperio totius Moscouiae [ 40] co••stitui laeto exoptant animo. Omnes etiam Heroes, Aulici Imperatorij. Capitanei, Primarij Dapife∣ri, Equites▪ Cubicularij, Structores, Decuriones Sclopetariorum, Tenutarij, in arcibus Praefecti, Di∣sp••usatores, liberi Heroum, Aduenae, Mercat••ram exercentes, Iaculatores, velites, Fabri tormentarij, om••••s{que} conditionis seruiles, & liberi incolae Imperij Moscouiae, Serenissimi Imperatoris; filij Serenissimi Regis Po••oniae Vladishi Sigismuntouiz, & posteritatis (si quae ipsius futura) exosculati sunt sacro∣sanctum vi••ificum baptismae, hoc signo indicantes, se cùm ipsi Imperatori, tùm omni ipsius posteritati ae∣ternis temporibus seruituros, omnia{que} prosperima exoptantes, in omnibus non secus vt superioribus haere∣ditarijs màgnis Imperatoribus, & Caesaribus, Magnis item Ducibus vniuersi Imperij Moscouitici, nec vllum malu•••• ipsi, & eius posteritati o••inaturos, machinatu••os, cogitaturos, aut alium quempiam ex Moscouito Imperio, vici••is{que} Imperijs, in Imperatorem Moscouiae, praeter Serenissimum Vladislaum Sigmuntouiz filium▪ Serenissimi Regis Poloniae introductores, adoptaturosue. Quibus verò cum condi∣tionibus [ 50] in Imperatorem Moscouitici Imperij eum sint suscepturi, hac de re Heroes Dux Albertus I∣uanouiz Mscissawskij cum Collegis suis tradidere mihi obligatorium pactum. Ego verò Primarius dux Regni Poloniae, post pactum••st••d in scriptis mihi traditum; de omnibus punctis cum Heroibus certam conclusionem constituimus, & approbanimus. Harum{que} conditionum approbandarum gratia tradidi Heroibus Duci Alberto Iuanouiz cum Collegis eius obligationem, & confirmaui meae manili subscrip∣tione, & sigilli appo••itione, & sacrosanctum vtu••sicum Baptisma exosculatus sum ego Primarius Dux exercituum Regni Poloniae & omnes Primipili, Centuriones sese obligando, pro Magno Imperatore nostro Serenissimo Sigismundo Rege Poloniae▪ ••psinsque filio Serenissimo Vladisl••o, Sigmuntouiz, & pro magnis Imperijs, vniuerso{que} magno Regno Poloniae, Magno{que} Ducatu Lithuaniae, & pro nobis∣metipsis, [ 60] tot••{que} exercitis, qui••st penes sacrosanctam Regiam Maiestatem, & penes me Primarium suum. Eum in modum. Quòd benedictione castissimae Deiparae, & Sanctorum, qui magna miracula in Moscouia praestitere, vtpote Sancti Petri Alexij & Anthonij omnium{que} Sanctorum, Serenissimus Sigismundu Rex noster Poloniae miserebitur Imperij Mosco••itici, & creabit Imperatorem Wldij ni∣••••ensem, omniū{que} magnorum Imperiorum, totius Mu••coviae filium sacrae suae Regiae Maiestaris Vladis∣laum

Sigmuntouiz. Cum veròiam Serenissimus Vladislaus Sigmuntouiz filius Serenissimi Regis Po∣loniae aduenerit ad Arcem Sedis Imperatoriae Moscouiticae, tùm coronabitur in Imperatorem Wlodi••∣miriensem, omnium{que}, totius Moscouiae Imperiorum, ipsi{que} Imperatoria Corona, & Diadema impone∣tur à venerabil•• Hermogene Patriarcha totius Moscouiae, & ab vniuerso venerabili Clero Graecae Re∣ligionis, secundum pristinum morem & dignitatem. Factus verò Serenissimus S.R. Maiestatis fili••s Vladislaus Sigmuntouiz Imperator Moscouiae, Templa Dei in Moscouia per omnes Arces, Vicos, v∣niuersum{que} Imperium Moscouiae repur gabit, & augebit in omnibus ad pristinam consuetudinem, & ab omni incommodo tutabitur, tum Sanctis Dei, & Diuorum imaginibus, & castissimae Deiparae, om∣nibus ossibus Sanctorum, quae magna prodigia in Moscouia faciunt, debitum cultum flexis gen••••us praestare, illa{que} adorare tenebitur. Et Politica, nec non Spirituali vtrius{que} sexus Christianitati, [ 10] omnibus{que} vere Christianis, vt sint verae Christianae legis Graecae Religionis non proh••bebit. Ro∣manae Religionis aliarum{que} diuersarum Sectarum Religionis Templa, aut Synagogas, in Moscouiti∣ci Imperij Arcibus, & pagis, nullibi aedificare debet vt nihilominus in Arce Moscouia praefata, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Romanum Templum esse possit, propter homines Polonos, & Lithuanos, qui penes Imperator••m fi∣lium Serenissimi R. Polo. sunt futuri, ea de re cum sacra R. Maiestate, & venerabili Hermogene Patriarcha Moscouiae, omnibus spiritualibus, tum Heroibus, & Capitaneis collatio instituenda.

Religio autem sacrosancta Graeca nullo in puncto violanda, aut perturbanda, vel alia quaepiam inu∣sitata introducenda est, in id{que} danda opera, vt sancta, vera, Christiana Graeca Religio, suam integrita∣tem, & cultum retineat, iuxta morem antiquum, nec Imperium Moscouiticum, eius{que} incolae veri Chri∣stiani, à Graeca Religione ad Romanam, aut aliam quampiam, vi, se•• robore, & seruitute, alijs{que} his si∣milibus [ 20] modis abducaniur.

Iudaei in vniuersum Moscouiae Imperium causa Mercaturae, aut alterius cuiuspiam rei proficisci n•• permittantur. Venerabilia & ossa Sanctorum, ab Imperatore filio Serenissimi R. Pol. Vladislao Sig∣muntouiz sancta cum veneratione debent venerari. Et venerabilem Hermogenem Patriarcham Moscouiae, Metropolitas, Archiepiscopos, Episcopos, Arch mandrytas, Humaenos, Praesbyteros, Diacono••, & praesentes spirituales, vniuersum{que} Clerum Christianae sacrosanctae Religionis Graecae, debito afficere ho∣nore, in omnibus{que} tutar••, spiritualibus negotijs sese immiscendo, alienas sectas praeter Graecam religionem introducere nullas debet. Quod autem Templis, Monasterijsue non Patrum dicatur, de varijs prouentibus, & qui dabantur antiquorm tempore Imperatorum Moscouiae, vtpotè sacrati panes, legumina, summae pecuniales, & his de varijs reditibus similia: bos prouentus Ecclesiae dicatos, & omnium Imperatorum [ 30] antiquorum Moscouiae, nec Herorum, aut aliorum bominum donationes, siquas Templis, aut Monaste∣rijs Dei dica••erunt, aut dicaturi sunt, adimere debet, nulla secundum antiquum morem constituta vio∣lando. Spirituales, & Regulares status nullo modo infringendo, Dimensarijs omnia pensa spiritualia, & Regularia, quibus antiquitus dabantur ex fisco Imperatorio omnia reddendo, vt solitum fuit, & ex Im∣peratorio Thesauro in Templa & Monasteria, stipem variorum redituum augendo. Heroes, Imperatorij A••lici, Capitanei, Primarij Dapiferi, Cubicularij, & cuiusuis generis Ten••tarij, in omnibus negotijs, in omnibus Imperialibus, Castrensibu••, & terr••stribus causis, in Arcibus Palatini, Capitanei, sine Ten••∣tarij & Telonarij, aut alij cuiusmodi Praefecti, & omnis conditionis homines, vt antiqua retineant Priuilegia prout constitutum est in Moscouitico Imperio, ab antiquis magnis Imperatoribus, in id Se∣renissimus Imperator incumbet seriò

Poloni verò & Lithuani, in Moscouia nullis in terrestribus, forensibus negotijs, aut Arcibus [ 40] Palatinorum, Capitaneorum••e esse debent, nec successiones Praefecturae, aut dignitatis in Arcibus illi•• tribuendae sunt.

Quia autem Poloni, & Lithuani ex vtro{que} Imperio videtur consultum, vt praeficiantur confinibus Arcibus ad absolutum leuamen huius Imperij, ea de re Serenissimus Imperator cum Heroibus collatio∣nem instituet suo tempore.

Iam vero vniuersa Respublica supplex S••renissimum Imperatorem precatur, ne ad executionem per∣ducat hanc conditionem, antequam fuerit hac in parte vtrin{que} deliberatum.

Qui verò Poloni & Lithuani penes Serenissimum Imperatorem Vladislaum Sigmuntouiz sunt fu∣turi, eos non solum honoraturi, sed etiam contentaturi pec••niali numeratione, & promoturi secundum [ 50] vniuscuius{que} merita sumus.

Moscovitici Imperij Heroes, Aulicos, Imperatorios, Capitaneos, Primari••s Dapiferos, Cubi∣cularios, Praefectos, Structores, Tenutarios, Arcium Praefectos Sclopetariorum, omnis{que} ad Aulam Imperatoriam pertinentes homines, & liberos Heroum, Aduenas, Mercatores, Iaculator••s, velites, Fa∣bros tormentarios, & omnis conditiones bellicosos homines, alios{que} haeredes Imperij Moscovitici, Sere∣nissimus Imperator debet habere in dignitate, honore, gratia, & amore, vt fuit antiquitus apud pri∣mos magnos Moscoviae Imperatores; Nec antiquos mores & status qui erant in Imperio Mosco∣viae immutare, vel Moscoviae Ducum, Heroum{que} viduas Aduenis in patria, vel Tenutis ••locar••, aut deprimere.

Tributa pecunialia, stipendia reddere, & haereditates quas aliquis possidebat ad haec vs{que} tempora, is etiamnum, & in posterum possid••r•• debet. [ 60]

Haereditaria bona à nemine abalienare, sed semper omnibus hominibus Moscovitici Imperij proui∣dere perpendendo seruitia eorum, prout aliquis de Republica meritus est.

Aduenis omnibus qui vocati fuerant ex varijs Nationibus, à primis Imperatoribus Moscoviae,

necessarijs prouidere, prout antea solitum fuit: nec stipendia, Tenutas, & possessiones eorum ab ijs abalienare.

Heroibus, Aulicis, Cubicularijs, Dapiferis, & liberis Heroum, omnibus{que} Aulae Imperatoriae in∣seruientibus, Imperatoriam beneuolentiam commonstrare, & salaria debita, secundum antiquum mo∣rem reddere, Serenissimus Imperator tenebitur.

Quod si verò alicui salaria multiplicabuntur, possessiones{que} aut tenutae, supra eius dignitatem, vel contra alicui minuentur, praeter culpam ipsius, ea de re Serenissimus Imperator conferre, & consultare debet cum Heroibus Primarijs: & prout vnanimes decreuerint, id{que} secundum aequitatem, ita sit facturus.

[ 10] Qui vero Aulici, aut liberi Heroum sumunt beneficio Imperatoris, ex Arcibus omnibus stipendiarijs, quibus benefici•• tempore praeteritorum Magnorum Imperatorum Moscoviae ob merita ipsorum dabantur, illis quo{que} iam & stipendia pecunialia, & alimentaria, ex Mandato Imperatoris danda sunt.

In Arce dicta Moscovia, alijs{que} Arcibus, Iudicia exequi debent, & obseruari vt solitum, secun∣dum statuta Moscovitici Imperij. Quod si verò aliqua essent corrigenda, ad corroborationem Iudicio∣rum, conceditur Serenissimo Imperators, sed cum consensu omniam Heroum Vniuersitatis Moscoviae, ita tamen, vt respondeant aequitati.

Magnus autem Imperator Serenissimus Rex Poloniae, Magnus Dux Lithuaniae, eui••s{que} totius Regni Poloni••, Imperia, necnon Magnus Ducatus Lithuaniae, cum Magno Imperatore filio Regis Po∣lon ae [ 20] Vla••islao, Sigmuntoviz, cum omnibus Imperijs Moscoviae, in amicitia, soci••tate, amore, aeter∣nis temporibus inuiolabiliter, nec contra se inuicem exercitus colligere, & bella concitare nullis modis debent.

Quod si autem aliquis hostium tentarit impetus facere in Imperium Moscoviae, siue etiam in Reg∣num Poloniae, & Magnum Ducatum Lithuaniae: contra istiusmodi omnes hostes iunctis viribus in∣surgere vtrum{que} Imperium tenebitur.

Caeterum, in Tartarorum finibus quod si necessum fuerit seruare vtri••s{que} Imperij milites, cum iam coronatus fuerit filius Serenissimi Regis Poloniae, Imperator Imperij Moscovitarum: hac de re, collatio cum Heroibus instituenda, & cum magno Imperatore Serenissimo Sigismundo Rege Poloniae, id{que} de∣center, animo sincero, abs{que} vlla machinatione dāmni alicuius, aut Tyrannidis illationis in homines Mos∣couitici Imperij: honorem, vitam, aut aliud quippiam istiusmodi nemini adimendo, cuiuscun{que} conditio∣nis [ 30] ille fuerit: Aut si in Poloniam, vel Lithuaniam, alia{que} Imperia Moscouitici Imperij homines transmittendo, aut ex Lithuania in locum eorum alicuius alterius generis homines supponendo: Vxores, aut liberos alicuius dolose corrumpendo, vel sobolis procreandae gratia sumendo, & ad exteras Nationes parentes cum liberis transmittendo.

Qui autem ex quocun{que} Imperio istiusmodi facinoris reus, & poena dignus inveniretu••: Is in Impera∣torijs & terrestribus iudicibus prou•• meruit, puniendus est: & decretum per Imperatorem aut Heroes, vel Capitaneos de illo ferendum.

Vxores autem eorum & liberi, fraetres, & qui istud facinus nec perpetrarunt, nec ipsis fuit cognitum, ••ut illud perpetrandum consentiêre. Illi ••edum puniendi, sed secundum aequitatem Priuilegiorum suo∣rum, patrimonia, tenutas, vitam,, aulas, retinere debent.

[ 40] Sin verò reus non possit explorari, nemo tum Iudicio Imperatoris, at Heroum iudicari, puniri, pro∣scribi, vel incarcerari, aut ad alienos transmitti debet: sed vnusquis{que} in suis Tenutis & A••lis conseruari.

Steriles autem, quia ex hac decesserint vita, bona ab illis relicta, vel consanguineis ipsorum, siue cui∣eun{que} ipsi legauerint, tradenda: id tamen non abs{que} mutua collatione, & consilio esse debet.

Porro quoniam tempore praesentis seditionis multi perire, & multos ex Moscovitis prostratos constat à Polonis, & Lithuanis, & contra Polonos & Lithuanos à Moscovitis: istud factum, & nunc, & imposterum, nec commemorandum, nec vlla vindicta vtrin{que} pensandum esse debet.

Qui autem Poloni, & Lithuani Primipoli, Centuriones, alij{que} diuersae sortis homines duxère capti∣uitatem in Imperio Moscoviae, quorum aliqui adhuc in vinculis tenentur, illi ex Moscoviae Imperio red∣dendi, [ 50] sine vlla pecuniali liberatione. Tum quoque vice versa Aulici, liberi Heroum, Iaculatores, Ve∣lites, Fabri tormentarij, omnes{que} seruiles & liberi homines, Aulicorum liberi, Iaculatorum, Fabrorum tormentariorum, Sclopetariorum, & horum similium. Item Matres, Vxores, Liberi, & his similes, ex Imperio Moscovitarum, virilis aut muliebris sexus, in praesentem seruitutem praesente primo Moscovi∣tarum, virilis aut muliebris sexus, in praesentem seruitutem praesente primo Moscouitarum Imperatore Venceslao accepti in Poloniam vel Lithuaniam, illi ab Imperatore Serenissimo Rege Poloniae, restitu∣••••di à minimis ad maximos vs{que} abs{que} pecuniali redemptione. Prouentus Imperatorios ex Aroibus, alijs{que} possessionibus, tum ex tenutis & arendis census, omnes{que} reditus, debet Serenissimus Imperator exigere, vt antea fecere Primi Imperatores, & prioris Magistratus mores, & statuta abs{que} consensu in [ 60] nullis immutare.

Arces, aut Ciuitates, quae bello vastatae, ad eas mittere debet Serenissimus Imperator, & praecipere, vt conscribantur Registra eorum, quae per vastationem periere: vt vicissim sumptis prouentibus al••und••, secundum conscripta registra possint resarciri.

Quorum verò Haereditates, Possessiones, vel Tenutae spoliatae, ijs leuamen dandum, sed non abs{que}

consensu Heroum. Et quae recens vastatae A••ces, illas quamprimum restaurare, confilio mito cum He∣roibus, & Nobilibus.

Mercatores Moscouitici Imperij omnium Ciuitatum, in Polonia, & Lithuania, sic Poloni, Lithua∣ni, in Moscouia, Polonia, Lithuania, merces coemere debent more vsi••ato, vt antea: I st••d tamen ca∣uendum, ne inuicem sibi facessent negotia Mercatores, & alij Christiani in Lithuaniam ex Russia, & ex Lithuania in Russiam, sese transportando cum mercibus Heroes, & Aulici omnes, mancipia debent in seruitute detinere, prout solitum.

In Volda, Dona, & Tekier Arcibus, velites, si illis opus fuerit, seruari debent: do quibus Serenis∣simus Imperator conferre debet cum Heroibus, & Nobilibus, postquam coronabitur.

Arces Moscouitici Imperij, ad Imperatorem pertinentes, tum illae, quae in tenuta•• Polonis, & Li∣thuanis [ 10] traditae sunt, vel quas iam Vor praefatus sub potestatem suam subiecit: Ego Primarius Dux exercituum Regni Poloniae, constitui cum Heroibus Moscouiae, quod Serenissimus Rex Poloniae, Filio sacrae suae Regiae Maiestatis Serenissimo Vladislao Sigmuntouiz, has arces, cum omnibus qu•• sunt vastatae, Moscouitico Imperio restituere debet. Illustres vero Legati Moscouienses, hoc in nego∣tio tractaturi sunt cum sacra Regia Maiestate de sumptibus, & expensis sacr•• Regia Maiestatis in milites expositis, & de persoluendis Polonis, & Lithuanis, sunt quoque consultaturi, quomodo absolu•• possint.

* 20.3Vor autem praefatus, qui sese Caesaridem Moscouitici Imperij, Demetrium Euanouiz appellat: de illo, mihi Primo Duci Regni Poloniae consilium meundum, & omnis cura habenda, vt capi, vel penitus è vita tolli possit. [ 20]

Qui postquam captus, vel occisus fuerit, Ego Primarius Dux Exercituum Regni Poloni••, cum exercitu sacrae Maiestatis à primaria Arce, sedis Imperatoriae, Moscouia praefata discedere ad Arcem Mozaisko, vel vbi fuerit opus, post collationem cum Heroibus institutam, ibi{que} Legatos Moscouiae, & mandatum sacrae Regiae Maiestatis, praestolari tenebor. Quod si nihilominus Vor praefatus contra Im∣peratoriam arcem Moscouiam sic dictam tentauerit insidiari, aut seditiones aliquas excitare; Ego Pri∣marius Dux Regni Poloniae, illum profligare, & armis persequi tenebor.

Dominum vero Sapieza, qui se Vor praefato adiunxit, ab illo & exercitum Polonicum, & Lithua∣nicum abducere; Quod si idem Vor praefatus, ex Moscouia cum Ruthenis disc••sserit, militum autem Polonorum, & Lithuanorum quosdam apud se detinuerit; Ego Primarius Dux Regni Poloniae, cum exercitu sacrae Regiae Maiestatis, vna cum Heroibus Moscouiae, ne sanguicidium imposterum ex∣ordiatur, [ 30] sed Imperium pace publica assecuratum stabiliatur, dabimus operam.

* 20.4Mulier verò, quae cum eodem Vor praefato per Moscouiticum Imperium, cum exercitu passim grassatur, Imperatricem Moscouiae sese ventilando; illi prohibendum, ne eandem se imposterum cogno∣minare, vel quippiam istiusmodi, aut aliquas difficultates, contra Imperium Moscouiticum moliri au∣deat: sed, quamprimum in Poloniam reducenda est. Imperator verò Serenissimus, filius Regis Polo∣niae Vladislaus Sigmuntouiz in omnibus antiquitus, iura sancita, & pacta Magnorum Legatorum Moscouiae, cum Serenissimo Sigismundo Rege Poloniae, & confirmata priuilegia imitari debet.

Ciuitatem & Arcem Smolinsk praefatum quod attinet; Ego Dux Primarius exercituum regni Poloniae supplicabo apud S.R. Maiestatem, vt prohibeat, ne milites in Ciuitate tanta homicidia exer∣ceant, & Arcem spolient. [ 40]

De ba••tismate verò, vt illud Imperator Vladislaus Sigmuntouiz, filius sacrae Regiae Maiestatis suscipiat,* 20.5 & baptizetur in illorum Sacrosancta legis Graecae religione, in illa{que} perseueret, vt & de alijs nonaum contractis actis, & conditionibus, & reliquis circumstantijs antiquitus in Imperio Moscouitico, ad praesentem vs{que} expeditionem bellicam obseruatis: Inter Serenissimos Imperatores & Imperia om∣nium, con••ilium & collatio institui debet, vt amor, & amicitia, vtrin{que} augeri, & conseruari possit. Qua de re, Ego Primarius Dux militiae, cum iam à S.R. Maiestate commissa, & mandata nulla habeam, contuli cum Heroibus, quid ipsis responsi sum daturus: sed primùm cum sacrae Regia Maiestate hoc in negotio, tum etiam cum Serenissimo Imperatore Vladislao Sigmuntouiz filio sacrae Regiae Maiestatis, conferam.

Insuper, Ego Primarius Dux exercituum regni Poloniae, in Arcem Moscouiam praefatam, Po∣lonos, [ 50] Lithuanos, Germanos, & omnis generis bellicosos, qui sunt mecum, & cum Domino Sapieza, abs{que} permissu Heroum, vel ipsa necessitate, intromittere non debeo. In Arcem Moscouiam praefatam, Mercatorum Polonorum, & Lithuanorum, mercium coemendarum gratia, ex omnibus Prouincijs regni Poloniae, cum meis Imperialibus testimonialibus literis, non vltra viginti, vel paulo plures sunt intromittendi: abs{que} literis à me datis testimonialibus, in Arcem Moscouiam praefatam, aut alibi, nemo proficisci debet.

Ob maius verò robur, & confirmationem Pactorum istorum, Ego Primarius regni Poloniae Dux exercituum, Stanislaus Stanislaides, Zolkiewsky de Zolkwia sigillum meum apposui, & manum propriam subscripsi. Sic etiam Domini Primipoli, & Centuriones exercitus, qui tum temporis mihi ad∣erant, ad haec mea scripta nomina sua subscripsere. Datum in Castris, apud Arcem sedis Imperatoriae [ 60] Moscouitici Imperatoris. Anno 1610. Augusti 27. die.

Responsum ad Pacta inter Primarium Ducem Exercituum Regni Poloniae, & He∣roes Moscouiae, Serenissimi Regis Poloniae, & Serenissimi VLA∣DISLAI SIGMVNTOVIS Filij Sacrae Regiae Majestatis.

MAgnus Dei gratia Imperator Vladislaus Sigmuntouiz, Filius Serenissimi Regis Poloniae, Sue∣ciae, &c. Amplissimi Molcouitarum ••mperij vniuerso venerabili Clero, Ministris Dei vi∣gilantissimis, Heroibus, Capitaneis, Liberis Heroum, Aduocatis velitum, Iaculatoribus, & Velitibus, [ 10] Adue••is, Mercatoribus, omnibus seruilibus, & liberis hominibus significamus, Nos quandoquidem v••∣bis Imperatorem totius Imperij Moscouitici, Caesarem, & Magnum Principem Wlodymiriensem, necnon vniuersarum Moscouitici Imperij Prouinciarum coronari petijstis: Nos quo{que} post Legato••um vestrorum supplicationem, pro vobis intercessimus apud Serenissimum Tertium Regem Poloniae, Mag∣num{que} Duc••m Lithuaniae, Dominum parentem nostrum, vt secundum suae sacrae Regia Maiestatis mi∣sericordiam, consuetudinem, vestrae subueniat calamitati, & prout caepit, ad finem vs{que} vos, & totum Moscouiticum Imperium restauret, & pace confirmet: & sanguinem Christianum qui per malos quos∣dam pacis publicae violatores, & periuros effunditur, coerce••t: Serenissimus ita{que} Rex Poloniae, Domi∣nus Parens noster, post vestr••m Legatorum supplicationem, & nostram filij sui intercessionem, Decre∣uit nobiscum filio suo, in Moscouiticum Imperi••m, iter quamprimum suscipere: vt confirmetur Impe∣rium, [ 20] & sanguicidium sanguinis vestri cohibeatur, vobis vero pax, & Pairia, ex integra restituatur. Et vobis venerabili Clero, Heroibus, Incolis, Capitaneis, & vniuersis cuiuscun{que} sortis hominibus, Spi∣ritualibus, & Politicis, istud necessariò sciendum est. Vos autem, qui Serenissimo Regi Poloniae, Do∣mino Parenti nostro, & nobis, ad hoc vs{que} temp••s fidem inuiolatam conseruastis, iam quo{que} ••obis Mag∣nis Imperatoribus vestris officia vestra, & promp••••••udinem animi conseruabitis, aduentum{que} nostrum in Imperium Moscouiticum, cum gaudio in pace expectabitis. Qui verò malâ de nobis opinione, contu∣macia, & seductione Vo•• praefiti, repulsam fecere, ijs ne amplius ••ergiuer sentur, promittendo illis nostram beneuolentiam, & amorem, persuadere debetis, & ad nos Imperatores conuertere, vt sint quo{que} vobiscum vnanimes, Et supremi Cancellarij Exercitus, Serenissimi{que} Regis Poloniae, Domini Parentes nostri, nostris{que} sese ad••••ngant: Et cum supremo Cancellario, de nostris Imperatorijs, & terrestribus negotijs [ 30] consultent, commoda{que} Patriae curent, vt quamprimum possit Imperium Moscouiticum, ad pr••stinum statum reduci, & paci, ac tranquillitati antiquae restitui •• ac nos, do••ec venerimus, laeti praestolentur. Se∣ditiosis, ac male de nobis opinantibus, nullam fidem habeant, nec vllis obediant, qui secundum animi sui praesumptionem falsam, se suam{que} posteritatem Imperatoribus Moscouiticis successuram arbitrantur. Et qui de sacra Regia Maiestate, Domino Parente nostro, nobis{que} metipsis, rumores nefarios, scriptis ad Arcium Praefectos literis sparsere, & disseminarunt, verba{que} dolosè excogitata, inter homines dimisere, & iam disseminant: atque hac tyrannide, & malitia sua, recentes seditiones in Moscouia concitauerunt, quibus multam copiam sanguinis Christiani frustra effundi passi sunt, & totum Imperium diuiserunt, & hac pertinacia, atque malitia sua, Dei ter Opt. Max. castissimae{que} Deipar•• voluntati, necnon Se∣renissimi Sigismundi Dei gratia Regis Poloniae misericordiae, & ipsius beneuolo erga se animo aduer∣santur, [ 40] Nobis{que} Serenissimo Imperatori iuramentum exosculatione vinifici Baptismatis praestitum vio∣lant. Quare quosdam eorum iam etiam propterea Deus Omnipotens, iusto suo iudicio, ex hac vita su∣stulit, & punijt: quosdam verò, eius atrocissima vindicta expectat, nisi à sua contumacia conuersi, apud nos, Magnos Imperatores suos, culpam quamprimum supplices deprecentur. Insuper, omnibus vobis in vniuersum sciendum est, quod ij, qui ad nos Magnos Imperatores suos, & nostram misericordiam, a∣sylum{que} confugerint, ijs secundum magnum affectum nostrum Imperatorium, miserebimur: paenis re∣missis condonabimus omnia, & in tutelam eosdem nostrum recipiemus.

Sacrosanctam quo{que} Religionem vestram Legis Gracae permittimus, earum{que} secundum constitutiones Patrum Sanctorum, tuebimur, in nullo puncto violandam, & immutandam. Et vniuersam vener abi∣lium Patrum, Ministror••m Dei Confessariorum vestrorum Coronam, debito in honore sumus habituri. [ 50] Heroes, Aulicos, & cuiuscun{que} sortis alios deligere, promouere, patriam possessionem, pecunialem, aliam∣que omnem prouisionem, à nemine abalienando: sed suum vnicuique attribuere promittimus, secundum antiquam consuetudinem: & insuper nostra Imperatoria prouisione, vnumquem{que} secundum ipsius digni∣tatem, & merita promouere. Qui autem in malitia, & cont••macia sua perseuerare non cessabunt, ij, Deum Opt. Max. & ••astissiman eius Genitricem, strictissimo illos glad••o punituros certo sciant: & nostrum Imperatorium beneuolum, animum, in iram, & vindictam mutatum experientur. Non vult e∣nim Deus Omnipotens, vt, ob▪ malitiam, & contumaciam Rebellium, innocentium vlterius sanguis ef∣fundatur, Templa Dei spolientur, & gloria sancti Nominis e••us, magis, ac magis deprimatur. Vos omnes, apud animum vestrum diligentius perpendite, & his, qui adhus nobis tergiuer santur renunciate, vt animo mutato, ad veritatis agnitionem redeant, & seditiosos, & pacis publicae diremptores re∣liquant.

[ 60]

Iam vero, ad quas Arces, & Ciuitates, hae literae nostrae peruenerint, Mandamus, vt eorum Capita∣nei, & Tenutarij, omnia ad victum necessaria, & pecuniam colligant, in paratis{que} habeant, ad nostrum aduentum. Interea Exercitus sacrae Regiae Maiestatis, Domini Parentis nostri, nostri{que} proprij, ne vl∣lum detrimentum patiantur, sed vna in fraterno amore, quoad venerimus, viuatis, Et donec Opt. Max.

ex mera gratia sua, nostra{que} Imperatorium cura, & diligentia, toto Imperio Moscouitico fir∣mato, & restaurato, vobis petiri concesserit.

Dabantur Varsourae, Anno Domini 1612. 9. die Martij.

The points of the Embassage of the Russian Messenger sent to his sacred Maiestie, briefly collected.

[ 10]

* 20.6BY what manner their naturall Lords ruled ouer them, they alleaged, to wit, beginning from Bor••k, who was of the bloud of Augustus Caesar, Emperour of Rome, euen vnto the last Lord and Emperour Pheodor Euanowich,* 20.7 in whom their Race ceased.

That Boris Godonoue abiding with Pheodor Euanowich, was created (by his owne force and power) Emperour or Lord: but after a little time, the pleasure of God so working, being thrust∣out of the Imperiall seate, departed this life shamefully, and by violent death, together with his Wife and Children.

* 20.8That Christophorus Otropitij the Rostrige, being of base descent, vnder the Name which he did beare of Emperour, otherwise Demetrij Euanowich, slaine at Owglets, did fraudulently and by de∣ceit (wherewith he deceiued the common people, and others that beleeued them) obtaine the Imperiall Seate by force, without the consent of the Spiritualtie, and all the chiefe Bishops and Lords, and great men of the Kingdome, who durst not withstand the same, seeing the Com∣mons [ 20] to yeeld thereunto.

* 20.9How the excellent Lord Palatin of Sandomire, gaue his daughter in marriage to the Rostrige, and himselfe (many Gentlemen both of the Kingdome of Poland, and great Duchy of Litow, ac∣companying him) came into Moscouia.

* 20.10Then, that Vasili Euanowich Suiskey, with his brethren, and many others associated to this at∣tempt, and stirring vp other great men of the Land, did kill the Rostrige, with many Gentle∣men of Poland, and the great Duchy of Litow, and put the rest into diuers Castles. And himselfe was made Emperour, although he were not elected by all the States. Whereupon many of our sort did not willingly acknowledge him Emperour, and many would not obey him. [ 30]

* 20.11How another named the Wor, did rise vp at Kalusia, and caused himselfe to bee named Deme∣trij, and so accounted. Whereof when many (both Russes and Poles) heard, they assembled vnto him, thinking him to be the true Demetrij: and the Russes did so much the more willingly draw vnto him, because of the murtherers.

* 20.12How others called Wors, did name and call themselues sonnes of the slaine Emperour, as Iuan, Peter, Pheodor, and by many and diuers other names: and vnder the same names, did consume the State, and shead much bloud.

How the Kings sacred Maiestie, comming to S••olensko, sent his Messengers the Lord of Prae∣mislaue,* 20.13 and other noble men, who comming vnto the Campe, the forenamed Wors fled away: but diuers of the Russes came vnto his Maiestie. And taking counsell with the Boiarins, at that [ 40] time remayning with Suiskey in the chiefe Citie, we sent our Messengers to his Maiestie at that time, being at Smolensko, viz. Michael Salticoue, and others, requesting that his Maiestie would grant vs his Sonne to be our Lord.* 20.14

How they were dispatched away, and what answere they brought from his Maiestie, with conditions engrossed, and signed with his hand and seale.

* 20.15How that after the deposing of Suiskey, the noble Lord Generall of the Kingdome, comming into Moscouia, concluded all the said businesses and treaties: and confirmed them with the oath of himselfe, and his fellow Souldiers. And that they after that oath, likewise made their oath for the same. Then, that for the greater defence of the said principall Citie from the Wors, they sent Souldiers into the Citie, and sent also their Messengers from the whole Countrie Fidareta, [ 50] the Metropolitan and Vasili Galichin,* 20.16 with others, vnto the Kings Maiestie, and required an oath in his Maiesties behalfe, of all the seuerall Prouinces.

How that his Maiesties Souldiers dwelled and behaued themselues in this capitall Citie of Mosco, before the troubles began, without iniuring any man, punishing the euill according to their deserts.

How the Boiarins handled other Gentlemen, and principall persons of the Russe Religion, although more inclined vnto them: but especially the Officers and Seruants of the Wors, as also such as had fled ouer.

It followeth, how they often sent word vnto the Citie of Smolensko, and willed them to de∣liuer vp the Citie vnto his Maiestie, to bee vnder his prosperous gouernment and power. As for the secret plots of their Messengers,* 20.17 Galechin and others, they said, they were ignorant, as also [ 60] of some vnknowne practises, handled with the Wor called Halusin. But they said, that they had written very often to the Citie of Smolensko,* 20.18 and commanded them to doe whatsoeuer stood with his Maiesties pleasure, and liked him, without further effusion of bloud.

How also it befell in the chiefe Citie to Lepun, and Sa••usky, and the other Rebels,* 20.19 when they violated their fidelitie.

That they certified his Maiesties Souldiers thereof, and that they, with them, did rise a∣gainst the Rebels, and that euen to this present, they doe keepe, and will keepe their oath once made, and their due obedience vnto their Lord.

And, in that Lepun was punished of God for his treacherie, and departed this life with so shamefull a death, wee thinke it to bee for the good example of others, to reduce them into their former estate, to reuoke others vnto their fidelitie, and for keeping their oath alrea∣die giuen.

Therefore, after many circumstances, they inferred, that they would presently send their [ 10] Messengers to the generall Parliament: but mooued with the perswasion of the honorable Lord Generall, to wit, that his Maiestie would bee contented with their fidelitie once made, and performed vnder oath, and with their griefe for the same cause, and will cheerefully forgiue them: and doth not refuse to giue his Sonne to raigne ouer them. Adding withall, that many Kingdomes, to wit, the Kingdome of Hungarie, the Kingdome of Bohemia, and a great part of Russia, doe earnestly request, that he would receiue them vnder the happy gouernment of his Maiestie: that they might enioy the priuiledges of Poland, and Litow, to which, none in the whole world can be compared.

But, because his Excellent Maiestie, as a Christian Lord, reiecting all other Kingdomes, and Dominions, will graciously receiue vnder his Rule and gouernment the said Dominions, [ 20] and that he is sorry for their destruction: he therefore now admonisheth them, if they will bee vnder his prosperous Rule, and enter into an vnion together with the Kingdome of Poland, and the great Duchy of Litow, and liue friendly with them: if they will performe, and consent there∣vnto, His Excellent Maiestie promiseth to remit their offence, and to receiue them vnder his happy gouernment and authoritie, and refuseth,* 20.20 and by no meanes will alter or change their faith and conscience, or places dedicated vnto God, or builded for deuotion: neither will impose on them any other Religion, or alter their ancient Manners, or Customes, but will bestow on them priuiledges and offices: and that the Rights and Priuiledges, which the Poles, with the great Duchy of Litow doe enioy, shall be conferred on them: and that they shall be equalled with the [ 30] Kingdome and great Duchy of Litow, &c. which iurisdictions and priuiledges, in former times, their Predecessors wanted.

For this perswasion therefore of the honourable Lord Generall, which he had in charge from his Maiestie to make, they yeeld all thankes: but notwithstanding they propound, and plainly adde, that their oath shall be so, that his Maiesties sonne shall succeed in their gouernment, with certaine additions, to wit, that they will haue none other ouer them but onely his Maiesties sonne, and that the whole Land doth make it knowne, and propound their iudgement and sen∣tence, by way of denunciation, that by no meanes, but by offering his Maiesties sonne, these troubles of Moscouia can be extinguished. Adding withall, that at that time, in the first trou∣bles, when the honourable Lord Generall came into the Country of Moscouia, and required the [ 40] oath for the Kings Maiesties sonne: if his Maiestie had made any mention thereof, it is certaine, that the Commons and all the Nobilitie, would not haue consented thereunto by any meanes, and that greater effusion of bloud had risen thereupon: And that they had taken for their Prince Klutzinsky, called the Wor, to whom all were not assembled, who also at that time had a great power of men, as well of Poles, as Russes and Litowes.* 20.21 They therefore seeing the great discord amongst the people, taking counsell, did freely choose for their Lord and Emperour his Excel∣lent Maiesties sonne, vnto whom they had a great affection, and who had a long time before layen in their hearts: assuring themselues also, that by this election of his Maiesties sonne, many troubles and dissentions would be pacified, and so reiected the aforesaid Wor Klutzinsky: As al∣so they receiued into their chiefe Citie the chiefe Generall. But, when it was heard that his Ex∣cellent Maiestie, would by no meanes giue vnto them his sonne for their Lord, and to rule ouer [ 50] them, they fell into such effusion of bloud and insurrections, As also the same time, the whole Country of Moscouia looked and expected nothing else then his Maiesties sonne. Calling to memorie, for their better aduice, that it was to be feared, least whilest his Maiestie came too late with his sonne, diuers parts of the Land should choose vnto themselues seuerall Lords. As to the Southward the Castles Strachen and others, to the King of Persia;* 20.22 part of Pomerland and Si∣beria, to the Kings of Denmarke and England; Nouogrod, Plesco▪ Iuanogrod, and others, to the King of Sweden: and that the other Cities would choose to themselues other Lords separate from the rest. In the meane season, they desire his Excellent Maiestie, to make a speedy end of these warres, according to his Obligation and promise ratified by the oath of the honorable Lord Ge∣nerall, [ 60] and the whole Armie: and that his Maiestie himselfe, with his sonne, would come into Moscouia. They request also, that his Excellent Maiestie would retayne with himselfe and his Sonne, Counsellors, and Messengers of their Commonwealth, for the ordayning and concluding of perpetuall Conditions. They request also, that his Maiestie, in the name of his Sonne, would send vnto all the Inhabitants of the Townes, and write vnto the seuerall Cities, signifying his

comming into their Dominions, and willing, that out of the seuerall Prouinces, all sorts of men send their Messengers, to treate and conclude of the affaires of all sorts of People, and of pe••petuall tranquillitie. Promising after the said Charge and Letters to all people in generall, and notifying from their said Lord, that (by Gods grace) there may bee throughout the whole Land of Moscouia, tranquillitie, peace, and securitie.

To conclude, they pray heartily vnto the Lord God, to grant vnto his Maiestie in this busi∣nesse begun, a prosperous and speedy end.

* 20.23Thus haue wee seene dissolute resolutions, or resolute dissolutenesse, men onely constant in inconstancy, resolued vpon irresolution. As we often see sicke persons turning euery way, and no way eased; in the night time longing for day, and in the day for night; such was now the Russian sicknesse, they would and they would not, and yet would againe, and againe would [ 10] not, they scarsly knew what or why; fluctuating in an inward storme of diuersifyed hopes, feares, desires, distracted affections, no lesse then in that outward broile of State. For it was not long that they looked toward Poland, whether for breach of conditions of that part, or out of inueterate hate to the Pole, or their Nationall iealousie and distrust of Strangers, or a naturall inconstancy; they fell off from that Prince: and their Chancellor (Father to the now raign∣ing Emperour) employed there with others in Embassage) were detayned thereupon priso∣ners. It is also reported that they made secret ouertures to His Maiestie of Great Britaine, and that Sir Iohn Merick and Sir Willam Russel were therein employed: but the strong conuulsions and sharpe agues and agonies of that State could not, or would not endure the lingring of such [ 20] remote p••isicke; the wheele of Things being whirled about before such a Treatie might ad∣mit a passage of Messengers to and fro. Once that Russian Head grew so heady and giddy, that at last it bred innumerable Heads,* 20.24 yea the whole Body became Heads in the worst of tyran∣nies, a popular (gouernment shall I say? or) confusion. Neither were Hydras heads (mon∣strously multiplying two for each cut off) like this: for besides so many Wor's after the first and second Demetrius (which might make vp that comparison) each limbe, nay almost each haire of this Hydra (not the Nobles alone, but the basest which had nothing but themselues, and were nothing but Numbers) became so many prodigious Heads; they also like Pharaohs leane kine deuouring the fat, and vpon light pretences beheading themselues in cutting off the heads and nobler Persons amongst them. [ 30]

* 20.25When they had thus made away almost all the Grandes, and left the South parts to the spoile of the Poles, which once againe were drawing neere to Mosco to besiege it; the Poles also suf∣fered some disaster, their Souldiers mutinying for want of pay, and banding themselues to re∣turne into Poland, there inuaded the Mints and Custome-houses, and some gouernments, de∣tayning them for their pay; sending also threatning Letters to diuers Cities and Townes, for∣ced diuers Nobles and Plebeians to composition. The Turkes and Tartars brake likewise into Walachia, Moldauia and Polonia, so that Zolkiewsky or Sulcosky the Generall was forced to goe against them, of whom he made so great a slaughter, that the Great Turke committed the Po∣lake Embassadour at Constantinople to Ward, and threatned the Poles with inuasion. These mu∣tinous Souldiers continued meane while that and the next yeere to spoile Poland, doing much [ 40] damage to the King and the Bishops, challenging many millions due, as they said, for pay. Yea they passed further into Prussia, and made spoile in euery place, on the eight of Nouember 1613. passing with a great prey to Thorn, being parted into three Bands, the Sapians, the Sbo∣rouians, and Smolenskians. Another companie of them terrified Silesia. The Tartars likewise made impression and committed great spoile in Podolia.

* 20.26Thus an Armie diuided could not conquer, nor so vtterly exterminate Russia as otherwise op∣portunity was offered: the Pole Souldiers being herein like angry Elephants which sometime recoyle vpon their owne troupes and doe more spoyle then the enemy could either haue effected or expected. But whiles the Inuaders were thus inuaded, the Russes were forward to worke those executions on themselues, which their enemies could haue wished to them; till at last a∣wakened with the horrour of their owne euils, some began to thinke of a better course. In the [ 50] North about the Dwina, a bold fellow, a Butcher, rayling at the Nobilities basenesse, and the Officers corruptions,* 20.27 said, if they would choose a good Treasurer and pay Souldiers well, they might haue those which would fight and expell the Poles their Enemies: prouided, that they would first choose a worthy Generall, for which place he recommended to them a poore may∣med Gentleman, called Pozarsky, who had done good seruice, but being neglected, now had re∣tyred himselfe not farre off.* 20.28 The multitude approued the Butchers counsell, and chose Pozars∣ky for their Leader, and that Butcher for a Treasurer, deliuering into his hands what money they had, which he so faithfully disbursed, Pozarsky also discharging so well the trust reposed, that a great Army was gathered, and the siege of Musco thereby raysed. And joyning with Knes Demetry Mastroukswich (a kind of Tartar which commanded an Army of Cossaks in ser∣uice [ 60] of the Russe) they ••ell in consultation with Boris Liciu,* 20.29 the third Great Souldier of that Countrey, vpon choice of an Emperour. Their mindes herein disagreeing (some naming one, some another) some named Mastroukswich himselfe, other for further securitie against the Poles,

and to recompence the sufferings and imprisonment of the Russian Chancellor in Poland, named his young Sonne Micallowich,* 20.30 vnder whose Empire (hauing a good Councell appointed) they might liue happily. This was first approued by the Cossaks, and then by the other Armies, the Butcher also was taken to become a Counsellor, and those three Leaders aforesaid were made Militarie Commanders for the present Emperour against the Poles. Embassadours also were sent to diuers Princes to mediate betwixt them and the Pole, and betwixt them and the Sweden; and by his Majestie of Great Brittaine (whom God long preserue to reigne ouer vs) his counte∣nance and intercession, there hath beene some agreement,* 20.31 and the young Emperour hath setled his Domm••ons in peace, making at last a truce for fourteene yeeres with the Poles, obtayning [ 10] also in that Treatie his Father the Chancellour his libertie and returne out of Poland, who since is consecrated Patriarke of Russia.

His Embassadour to the Emperour came to Lintz in December 1613. and thence was con∣ueighed by the Emperours Officers to the Court, where hee had solemne audience, where after rich presents of Furres and his Letters, he deliuered his speech,* 20.32 that Michael Phedorowich was now by vnanimous consent aduanced to the Russian Empire, and willing to entertayne and con∣tinue the ancient confederacie betwixt both Empires: desiring the Imperiall Majestie to dehort the Pole from his vniust attempts, to deliuer the Russe Captiues, and not againe to infest the reco∣uered Musco, but to enter into peace, and abstayne from Christian bloudshed. Likewise to send an Embassadour to his Court, &c. This mediation Caesar promised, and gaue the Embassadour [ 20] liberall entertainment, and gentle dispatch.

Not long after in May 1614. the Russian Embassadour had audience with the States of the Vnited Prouinces at Hage; and before that in England. I was present both at his arriuall at Grauesend, and his honourable entertaynment into London, and saw him also presently after the running at Tilt and White-hall, the foure and twentieth of March, admitted to his Maie∣sties presence, performing that Russian Rite of bowing with his face downe to or neere the ground, &c.

Anno 1615. The Turkish Embassador treated with the Caesarean Majestie about the mediati∣on betwixt the Pole and the Muscouite, who employed to that purpose Erasmus Heidel and the Baron of Dohn. The Pole notwithstanding sent an Army in his Sonnes challenge (who was [ 30] shortly to follow to Smolensko) into Muscouia; Pontus Tellagard the Sweden Commander infe∣sting also the Russians at the same time. But the next yeere 1616. Sir Iohn Merike Knight,* 20.33 a man of great experience in those Northerne parts, was employed his Majesties Embassadour to negotiate betwixt those two Great Princes, the Moscouite and the Sweden, the Articles of whose composition I obtayned by the mediation of Sir Thomas Smith (my ancient Benefactor in this kind) and haue here communicated to thee, but in another Chapiter as being now past our Tra∣gicke Thunders: as also the following Russe-China Newes, that you may see not only the face of Russia washed from her bloudy pollutions, but her hands further then euer extended (fortunate in treaty of Commerce) as far as China: likewise the Russe Patent to the English. Sweet is the name of Peace, and the thing it selfe a Heauen vpon Earth. BLESSED ARE THE PEACEMA∣KERS [ 40] (His Maiesties word else-where, here his deed) for they shall be called (said the only begot∣ten Son) the Children of God; euen the God of peace will make them his heires of Heauen, which (models of Deity) seeke to establish the peace of God vpon Earth. And let it not seeme tedious here to present these His Majesties Trauels, amongst our other Trauellers, but in a more glorious manner (l••ker to God vnmoueable which moueth all things) who hath not only been our Sunne, and with lightsome heate and influence filled our Brittish Hemisphere, but hath dispersed his bright rayes of Light, and warmed with sweet quickning beames of heat, those remoter frozen Climates of Sweden and Russia, (not to mention, or but to mention the quarrels of Denmarke and Sweden) and after their long frostie Night (such is the nature, such was the state of those States) to reduce the faire day-light of Peace, the warmth whereof hath thawed the Icie hardned hearts [ 50] of Enmity, and filled all things with sweets, and cheere of a returning Spring. Nulla salus bello, pacem te poscimus omnes.

[ 60]

CHAP. X. A briefe Copie of the points of the Contracts betweene the Emperours Maiestie, and the Kings Maiestie of Sweden: at Stol∣boua the seuen and twentieth of Febru∣ary, 1616.

* 21.1INprimis, and especially that all matters by set aside, forgotten, pacified, and renoun∣ced, [ 10] which passed these former yeeres since the conclusion of peace at Taffina in the yeere 7003. betweene the former great Lords, Emperours, and great Dukes of all Russia, and afterwards our great Lord, Emperour and great Duke Michaelo Phedorowich of all Russia Sam. his Imperiall Maiestie, and Empire of Russia; and betweene their late high, mightie Lord King Charles the Ninth of Sweden, the aboue named Kings Maiesties highly ho∣nored and beloued Father, especially their high mighty Lord King Gustavus Adolphus of Sweden, his Kingly Maiesty and the Crowne of Sweden: As also both the Princes their Dominions, Lands, Ci∣ties, and people, chance or hap of the Subiects, which happened or was done by robbery, burning, killing, or other enmities whatsoeuer might bee, or by whom it was done, that all those griefes and troubles in all matters shall be set aside, and hereafter not be reuenged or remembred of neither party, for euer and by this present strong conclusion of peace betwixt our great Lord Emperour and great Duke Michaelo [ 20] Pheodorowich of all Russia, Sam. and betwixt their great mightie Lord, King Gustavus Adolphus of Sweden, &c. and of other Dominions, Lands, Castles, aswell those of old, as those which by this conclusion of peace are giuen and yeelded vp, and betwixt all the Subiects and people to bee renewed, esta∣blished, confirmed and held vnremoueable in the manner of a peace for euer and euer; and sure friend∣ship perpetually: Also that the Emperours Maiesty, and the Kings Maiesty shall desire one anothers best in all matters, and neyther seeke a better friend, but to deale faithfully and truly in all matters reciprocally.

2. Item, is giuen vnto our great Lord Emperour and great Duke Michaelo Pheodorowich of all Russia, Sam. his heires, successors and hereafter comming great Lords, Emperors, and great Dukes of all Russia, and the Empire thereof, by their great Lord King Gustavus Adolphus of Sweden, for him∣selfe, [ 30] his successors, and hereafter being Kings of Sweden, and for the whole Crowne of Sweden, doth deliuer and cleere by the power of this conclusion of peace, these Castles of the Empire in Russia with the Townes and Suburbs which were taken in these yeeres,* 21.2 namely, great Nouogrod, Stararousse, Porcoue, Lodiga, Odo, with their Territories, Somerskey, Volost, with the Villages belonging to the Emperors Houshold, to Metropolie, Monasteries, Gentlemens Lands, Inheritances, Farmes, with all their profits and reuenues according to former Borders and Limits, except those Castles which the Emperours Maie∣stie doth yeeld by power of this Contract of peace, as hereafter more certainly shall be exprest.

3. Item, The Kings Maiestie of Sweden doth giue vnto the Emperours Maiestie, with the afore∣said Castles and Townes, all manner of Church ornaments which are in the Church of Sophia, The Sa∣pience of God, and within all Churches and Monasteries in Nouogrod, and in other Castles and [ 40] Townes which the Kings Maiesty hath giuen to the Emperour's Maiesty without carrying any thing a∣way.* 21.3 Also the Kings Maiesty doth giue the Metropolite and all the Spiritualtie, with all their goods, as also all manner of Russe people what calling soeuer they be, which are in those Townes, Castles, and Ter∣ritories, dwelling now or planting themselues there with their Wiues, Children, and all their goods what∣soeuer any hath. As also the Kings Maiesty shall giue all manner of Writings and Bookes, which are in those Castles and Townes to be found in Roserades iudgement houses, or elsewhere with all Russe Ord∣nance, Munition, and Prouisions there belonging, and the Bells in those aforesaid Castles and Townes, in such manner as they were the twentieth of Nouember last past, according to agreement made with the Kings most excellent Maiesty of Great Britaines Ambassadour Sir Iohn Merick, except those Bells which the people of Nouogrod themselues did sell after that agreement,* 21.4 for the payment of Souldiers, and [ 50] were carried away from Nouogrod, but those Bells which the Kings seruants and people did take per∣force without buying, shall be in right manner sought out and brought backe againe to Nouogrod and re∣stored there. Also which Bells the Kings Maiesties people bought at Nouogrod, it shall bee free for the Nouogrod men to redeeme them backe againe at the same price they sold them for, and the Kings people hereafter shall not buy any more Bells of the people of Nouogrod by no meanes whatsoeuer.

4. Item, the Kings Maiesties people of Sweden, at their departure out of the Emperours Maiesties Castles and Towns aforesaid, namely, great Nouogrod, Stararouse, Porcoue, Lodaga, Somersko, Vo∣losco,* 21.5 &c. shall vse no violence to the Emperors Maiesties people by burning, robbing, or killing, neyther carry any Russe people with them to the Kings Maiesties side, neither men, nor women, nor children, nor any of their goods: and if any goods remayne of the Swethish people, at their going out of the aforesaid [ 60] Towne, which at that time they cannot take all with them, such goods shall be kept in safetie by those with whom they are left, till such time as euery one of them shall come thither for his owne goods, or send some bodie for them, and these people shall haue free libertie to goe without all molestation or let, to come for their goods, and to returne againe at their owne conuenient time.

5. Item, the Kings Maiesties Gouernours and Officers shall deliuer vnto the Emperours Maie∣sties Voyauodes and Commanders the aboue named Townes and Castles, to say great Nouogrod, Stararouse, Porcoue, with their Territories, and Somerskey, Volost in presence of the great Lords, Iames King, &c. his Maiesties great Ambassadour Sir Iohn Merike Knight, &c. or the said Kings Maiesties Gentlemen,* 21.6 the which the aboue said great Ambassadour shall send to that end clensing and giuing ouer the said Castles and Townes, two weekes after this contract is confirmed betweene vs both, great Commissionors by Writings, Hand, Seale, and Kissing of the Crosse of our side, and on their part, by oath vpon the holy Euangelists.

6. And after that the Castle of Lodiga and Territories, shall bee deliuered to the Emperours Ma∣iesties Messengers by the Kings Maiesties Gouernour, three weekes after the confirmation of this con∣tract, [ 10] in presence of the abouesaid great Lords, Iames King, &c. his Gentlemen, which to that purpose the great Ambassadour shall send, then the said Castle and Prouince to be redeemed and giuen vp, with all the Russe Ordinance, people thereto belonging, none to be carried away, nor no violence to bee offered them by robbing, or otherwise spoyling of them; nor no Russe Ordnance to bee carried away. But the Castle of Odow, and Prouince, and people is to remayne on the Kings Maiesty Gustavus Adolphus of Sweden, for a time, till this contract of peace be confirmed by both the Potentates, by their Writings,* 21.7 by the Emperours Maiesty with the Seale of the Empire, and by the Kings Maiesties hand and Seale of the Kingdome of Sweden, as also by the Emperours Maiesties kissing of the Crosse, and the Kings Maiesties Oath vpon the holy Euangelists confirmed, and the borders diuided and measured out iustly. And the Ambassadour which both the Princes shall send to that effect hauing beene with both the Princes [ 20] shall returne againe to the borders, hauing well concluded the busines, as then two weeks after that time the Emperors Maiesties Voyauodes and Commanders, which his Maiestie shall send for the receiuing of the said Castle and Prouince of Odow from Vlasquo shall receiue the said from the Kings Maiesties Gouer∣nours, with all the Russe people and Ordnance with all their goods, and what they haue, and as long as the Castle of Odow is on the Kings Maiesties side, all the people of Odow and the Prouince thereof shall giue vnto the Kings Maiesty their former Corne, and doe seruice as before for the mayntayning of those Souldiers that remayne there, the Kings Maiesties people in the meane time shall do to those people of Odow no violence nor robbery, neyther carry any Russe people, or Ordnance from thence, nor cause any to be conueighed away.

7. Item, the Kings Maiestie G.A. &c. best beloued brother Prince Charles Phillip, Prince hereditarie [ 30] of S. &c. shall hereafter lay no claime or challenge to these Castles, and Townes, namely great Nouogrod,* 21.8 Porcoue, Stararouse, Somerskey, Volost, Odow, Ladogo, and all their confines, borders and Prouin∣ces; nor come vpon them with no manner of Warre, to seeke to attaine them: nor remember any more that oath which formerly the people of those places made to the Prince C. Ph. Also the Kings Maiestie G.A. shall promise not to giue any aide of men or money to his abouesaid Brother C.Ph. against the afore∣said Castles and Townes in no wise.

8. And against or in liew of the aboue said our great Lord Emperor, and great D.M.F. of all Russia, Sam. &c. for himselfe, his successours, and hereafter being great Lords, Zares,* 21.9 and great Dukes of all Russia, &c. and for the whole Empire of all Russia, &c. especially, for the dominion of Nouogrod the great, hath giuen and yeelded vnto their high mighty Lord King G.A. of S. &c. from the dominion of Nouo∣grod, [ 40] from himselfe and the whole Empire of Russia, especially in respect of loue and friendship, these Ca∣stles, Forts, and Land, following, which heretofore did adioyne to the Dominions of Nouogrod,* 21.10 as namely Euanogrod, Yam, Coporea, Orieseke, with all vnto them adioyning▪ Townes, Lands, and Prouinces, with all Townes, and Villages in the Countrey to them belonging, and due vnto them, according to their former, iust, and auncient borders, with the people that dwell, and plant themselues there, with all other profits, reuenewes; and paiments, with the shoares of Riuers, with Lakes, nothing exempted, the Empe∣rours Maiestie hath yeelded, and giuen to their Kings Maiestie, G.A. of Sweden, &c. as proper and owne to him and his Maiesties successours, and hereafter being Kings of Sweden, and to the Crowne of Sweden for an euerlasting propertie for them to hold, without cauillation or any contradiction, by the Emperours Maiestie, or his Maiesties Successours, or hereafter being Emperours, and great Dukes [ 50] of all Russia, as also by the whole Empire of Russia, and from the Dominion of Nouogrod, for euer∣lasting times, in all points, as former great Lords, and great Dukes of all Russia, held and kept the same; namely the late, of blessed memory, great Lord Emperour, and great Duke Euan Vasiliwich, of all Russia, Sam. and the great Lord Emperour, and great Duke, Pheodor Euanowich of all Russia, Sam. and the spiritualty, as Monkes, and all others in those Castles and Townes, as well Gentlemen, as other in∣habitants of the said places, two weekes after the conclusion of this contract, when it shall be reuealed vn∣to them, they shall haue free libertie, all such as desire to goe to the Emperours Maiesties side, with their wiues, children, families, all goods and chattels, which way soeuer they will into the Emperours Maie∣sties Lands and Townes. And that all Russe people, in the said Castles, Forts, and Townes, might know [ 60] the same: it is here agreed and concluded, that as soone as the conclusion of this peace shall be effected and confirmed betwixt vs both, the great Potentates great Commissioners shall send their Posts and Messen∣gers into all the aforenamed Townes and Castles, which they in presence of the Lord King Iames his great Ambassadours, Messengers, shall openly reueale and proclaime, that all spiritualty, with their goods, Courtiers, Gentlemen, Burgesses, and Townesmen, which are desirous to goe from thence within

two weeks after to the Emperors Maiesties side, they shall haue libertie to go from thence with their wiues, children, families, all their goods, and chattles, and none of them to leaue any thing behinde them against their wil, neither to be staied nor violated by the Kings Maiesties people; but moreouer, to haue conuoys and presta••es, to bring them without all feare or wrong to the Emperours Maiesties next borders, in such manner that they be neither robbed nor killed, but especially and certainely, it is concluded and agreed on betweene vs both sides great Comm••ssioners, that all Russe Countrie Priests, and Husbandmen in the said Townes and Countries which are giuen and yeelded by the Emperours Maiestie, shall by no man∣ner of meanes be inticed or carried from thence, but shall remaine there with their wiues, children, and familie, vnder the Sweths Crowne, as also all Courtiers, Gentlemen, and Burgesses, which doe not remoue from thence, in the foresaid two weekes.

* 21.119. As also from the Emperours Maiestie, great Lord and great Duke M. F. of all Russia, Sam. [ 10] &c. the Kings Maiestie, &c. shall haue 20000. rubbles, in ready good current vnchangeable Siluer dey∣nings, and those monies immediately as soone as this contract of peace shall be concluded and confirmed betweene vs, shall be giuen to the Kings Maiestie of Sweden great Commissioners by the great Embassa∣dour of the Kings most excellent Maiestie of great Brittaine his great Ambassadour Sir Iohn Mer∣ricke, Knight.

10. And as for the Russe Ordnance in these Castles which shall be giuen to our Lord Emperour, and great Duke▪* 21.12 &c. from the Kings Maiestie G.A. &c. which Ordnance shall remaine there, shall be giuen to his Maiesties Officers, and what munition of Artillerie, as prouision for Warres, and Bels, and other matters, which their Kings Maiestie hath taken in the Land of Russia out of those Castles, before the contract which the Kings Maiesties great Commissioners, and the great Lord King Iames &c. great [ 20] Ambassadour Sir Iohn Merricke, Knight, did erect, as the twentieth of Nouember, such Ordnance and prouisions shall remaine to the Kings Maiesties vse, and Crowne of Sweden, without all contradiction or cauilation.

11. And because the late great Lord Emperour, and great Duke Vasilly Euanowich of all Russia, Sam. did giue and confirme by writings, vnto their high, mighty, late Lord, King Charles the ninth of S. &c. and to the Crowne of Sweden the Castle Corela,* 21.13 and the Prouince thereof, for that faithfull and good willing aide which was done vnto him, against the Polish people: in like manner doth confirme, and establish the same by this contract of our great Lord Emperour, and great Duke M.F. &c. the same yeelding and donation of the great Lord Zare, and great Duke Vasily Euanowich, &c. for himselfe, [ 30] his successours, and hereafter being Emperours, and great Dukes of all Russia, and for the whole Em∣pire of all Russia, that the said Castle of Corella, with all profits, reuenewes, and rents, by Land and by Water, according to their former auncient, and now being borderers, nothing exempted in all, accor∣dingly as it was by former Emperours, and great Dukes of all Russia, as they possest and held it, so here∣after it shall remaine to their Kings Maiestie, G.A. of S. &c. and to his Maiesties Successours, and hereafter following Kings of Sweden, and the Crown of Sweden, without all cauillation or contradiction for euerlasting times.

12. And that hereafter there be no more difficulty or variance concerning the borderers of the Land, it is concluded and agreed vpon, that in this yeare 7125. vpon the first of Iune, our great Lord Emperour, and great Duke M.F. &c. and their high, mighty King G.A. &c, shall send on both sides, speciall good Courtiers, and Notaries, to meete between Lodiga and Oreseke, at the mouth of the Riuer Laua, whence [ 40] it doth fall into the Lake of Lodiga,* 21.14 so that they shall meete vpon the said Riuer, on the midst of the Bridge, which of both sides their people shall make vpon that Riuer, and when there the one shall haue shewed the other their ample Commissions, and shall appeare that they are worthy to measure out the bor∣ders thereby, betweene the Emperours Maiestie, and the Kings Maiesties Lands: so that from the bor∣ders of Nouogrod, Lodiga, and Odow, with their Prouinces, and also from Somerskey, Volost, be deuided from the auncient and former precincts, and borders of Oreseeke, Copora, Yam and Euano∣gorod, in iust manner as it ought to be, at the same time next ensuing the first day of Iune, then the said Courtiers and Notaries, three in presence in the said manner on both sides, shall meete together vpon the borders of Nouogrod, betweene the Prouince of Olimets and Corela at Salomensky Towne, by the Lake of Lodiga,; which Courtiers also shall view the same Prouinces according to the former borders, [ 50] and as the former are exprest, how they haue bin, and confirme the same, and if they so chance, that they cannot happen vpon the former auncient borders, then shall they, by iust inquisition, make new borders and Land-markes, in such manner, that hereafter there be no further controuersie concerning those borders, and those Courtiers or Gentlemen shall not part asunder of neither side, till they haue sufficiently and friendly ended that businesse in all manner, and what those Courtiers shall finish and effect in this man∣ner, the same according as befitteth there shall expresse by writing vpon parchment on both sides, and con∣firme the same by their subscription, Seales, kissing of the Crosse, and oath interchangeable: and as con∣cerning the deuiding of borders, and the Gentlemen shall doe it, as namely of Nouogrod, Lodiga, O∣do, Somerskey, Volost, of one part, and also betweene Oreseke, Copora, Yam, and Euanogorod, on the other side, and also betweene the borders of Nouogrod and Corela, shall be set downe and written, the [ 60] same shall be i••remoueable and fast for euerlasting times, by our great Lord Emperour, and great Duke Michall Fedorowich of all Russia, &c. and the Kings Maiestie Gustauus Adolphus, &c. and their successours, and hereafter being on both sides, for euerlasting times, according to this contract of an euer∣lasting

peace: and for more firme confirmation of the same, that it shall be held and kept; it shall be de∣clared further in the Letters of contract, which shall be hereafter giuen betweene both Princes, from the Emperours Maiestie, by kissing the Crosse, and confirmation of his said Letters by his great Seale, and by the Kings Maiesties oath vpon the holy Euangelists.

13. As also the former, of blessed and most famous memory, great Lord Emperour, and great Duke Fedor Euanowich of all Russia, Sam. our great Lord Emperour, and great Duke Michall Fedoro∣wich, of all Russia, Sam, &c. Vnckle in conclusion of peace made at Tavsin, in the yeare 7103. did yeelde and giue ouer all his pretention and claime to the Countrey of Leifland, as also the great Lord Emperour, and great Duke Vasily Euanowich, of all Russia, Sam. in a conclusion of peace made at Wyburgh, in the yeare 7117, did renounce the same; so it is now here concluded and agreed, that our [ 10] great Lord Emperour, and great Duke M.F, &c. and his successours,* 21.15 and hereafter being Emperours and great Dukes, shall at no time for euer challenge vnto themselues any right, or pretence to the Coun∣trey of Leifland; neither shall our great Lord Emperour and great Duke M.F. of all Russia, Sam. nor his successours, great Lords, Emperours, and great Dukes of all Russia, hereafter write vnto their great Lord, King Gustauus Adolphus, nor his successours hereafter, being Kings of Sweden, nor to the Crowne of Sweden, with the title of Leifland, or those Castles which the Emperours Maiestie hath now renoun∣ced to the Kings Maiestie for euer, neither by Letters of confirmation to write themselues, or name them∣selues in them, nor suffer his Uoyauodes, Seruants and Commanders, to write themselues with the title of Leifland, or the Townes aforesaid, neither in writing nor speeches, to name themselues. As also our great Lord Emperour, and great Duke M. F. of all Russia, Sam. his successours, and hereafter being [ 20] great Lord Emperour, and great Duke of all Russia, in their writings and speeches, shall giue to their Kings Maiestie, and hereafter being Kings of Sweden, their accustomed title of Leifland, and Corella. Item, on both sides, the great Commissioners haue agreed, since at this Treatie we could not accord vpon the full title of both the great Potentates; As to intitle the Emperours Maiestie, and of many other Do∣minions, Lord and Conquerour, and the Kings Maiestie, with the title of Ingermanland, wee haue of both sides great Commissioners, referred the same to both great Potentates liking therein; and if that ei∣ther Potentate will be pleased to write the other with the full title, as to the Emperours Maiestie, the Kings Maiestie doth write the full title with the word Conquerour;* 21.16 and that the Emperours Maiestie also doe write to the Kings Maiestie his full title with Ingermanland, then both the Potentates are to send those titles by their Ambassadours, and nominate the same full title in one of their Letters of confir∣mation, [ 30] and the other. Letter to be written according to this our present agreement: and if in both the Letters, the titles be written to the full as the Emperours Maiesties full title, with Conquerour; and the Kings Maiestie with Ingermanland, then both sides Ambassadours shall shew one the other the said Let∣ters, and hauing shewen them, shall goe to each Prince with the same; if then on either side the Potentate shall not like thereof, and shall send the said Letters of confirmation with the short title, according to this our present agreement: the Ambassadours of both sides shall in like manner make knowne the same one to the other, and so proceede therewith to both Potentates.

14. Also it is agreed and concluded, that there shall be free commerce of Trade betweene both the great Kingdomes, the Empire of Russia, and the Kingdome of Swethen, and both Kingdomes subiects: so that all the subiects of our great Lord Emperour, and great Duke Michael Fedorowich, of all Russia,* 21.17 [ 40] Sam. Merchants of the Dominions of Russia, from Nouogrod, Plesco, and other Cities and Townes, paying their due custome, shall haue free liberty without let to trafficke at Stockholme, Wiburgh, Re∣uell, Narue, and other Townes in the Countries of Swethland, Fynland, and Leifland, and they that dwell and plant themselues at Iuangrod, Yam, Copora, Nettingburgh, and Coreilla, what Nation soeuer, either Russe or other people, shall haue free liberty without let to trafficke, and to trade, paying their due custome, in the right Custome houses, at Mosco, Nouogrod, Plesco, Lodiga, and other Townes of Russia, with the Emperours Maiesties subiects, and also haue libertie to trauell through the Domini∣ons of our great Lord Emperor, and great Duke M.F. &c. for their trade of Merchandize within the Dominions of Russia.

15. And by reason heretofore our great Lord Emperour and great Duke Michall Phedorowich, of [ 50] all Russia, &c. his Maiesties subiects Merchants, had their free house of merchandize at Reuell, also now by contract of Tausin and Wiburgh, it is concluded they should haue a good place for a house,* 21.18 ap∣pointed them in Reuell, as also in other the Kings Maiesties Townes, as at Stockholme, and Wyburgh, they shall haue house and Diuine Seruice, according to their Religion, in the said houses, without let or hinderance, but at Reuell in their Church, as formerly they haue done; yet to set vp no Church, accor∣ding to their Religion. And as heretofore their Kings Maiesties his Subiects, haue had a free house of trade at Nouogrod, now also according to the contract of Tausina, and Wyburgh, they are to haue a good place for a house, prepared them at Nouogrod, and the Emperours Maiesties other Cities, at Mosco and Plesco, house for the said purpose, and vse their Diuine Seruice according to their Religi∣on, in the house; but to build no Churches for that vse any where.

[ 60] For breuitie, I haue omitted the following Articles to the 29. the substance whereof is as fol∣loweth. The 16. determineth what debts shall be recouerable. The 17. Free passage of Subiects thorow each others Territories. 18. Freedome of Prisoners, on both sides. 19. Liberty of Inhabitants to stay in the places surrendred. 20. Fugitiues to be redeliuered. 21. Borderers

to be restrained from robberies. 22. For ending of quarrels, if any happen. 23.24. Confir∣mation of former contracts, of Tawsina and Wiburge. 25. No priuate or publike practise to be made against each other. 26. Shewing of Letters of confirmation at the meeting of Ambassa∣dours of both sides. 27. Honorable conuoy for Ambassadours on either part. 28. And also for Interpreters free passage.

29. Item, It is agreed and concluded, that if by the permission and pleasure of God, there happen an alteration of gouernment in Sweden or Russia,* 21.19 them that Prince which shall newly come to his gouern∣ment first, shall reueale by his Ambassador to the other Prince from himselfe, and after that the other shall visit him by his Ambassadour.

30. Item, If it so fall out at any time, that of both sides the Princes, as our great Lord, &c. & their great [ 10] Lord King Gustavus Adolphus shall find one to the other their great Ambassadours, to confer of good matters, then those said great Ambassadours vpon the borders shall meet without all controuersie or strife, either betweene Odow and Euangorou:* 21.20 or betweene Lodiga and Oreseke, where they shall thinke most fitting for them on both sides: in the midst of the diuision of the borders, and there to conferre of these good matters in friendly and louing sort, eyther by the Princes Commission or other commandement, as they shall haue.

31. Item, If it happen that the Emperours Maiesties Subiects and Merchants, their Boates, Lo∣dies, and Merchants Vessels shall go to Reuell, Wybourgh, or other Townes and Castles of Swethen, Fynland or Liefland, or ships and other Vessels, whereupon the Emperours Maiesties Ambassadours and Messengers shall be going to the Emperors Maiestie, to the Pope, into England, or any other King∣dome, [ 20] by the Kingdome of Swethen, or comming backe againe bee cast away and brought to the Swe∣thish shoare, eyther vpon the Salt Sea or the Lake of Lodiga, by tempests or other meanes, such people shall haue free libertie without hinderance to goe from thence with all the goods they can saue or shall get saued,* 21.21 and the Kings Maiesties people shall helpe them to saue their goods. In like manner if it happen with the Kings Maiestie Gustavus Adolphus of Swethen, &c. Subiects, and Merchants Boats, and Merchants Vessels with Commodities, or otherwise be cast away and brought to the Emperors Maiesties shoare vpon the Ladigo or Plesco Lake, then these people shall haue free liberty to goe away with all their goods which they can saue or get to be saued without let or hinderance, and the Emperors Maiesties people shall helpe them to saue their goods.

32. Item, It is concluded and agreed on, that our great Lord, &c. shall not ayde or assist against the [ 30] Kings Maiesty of Sweden Gustavus Adolphus, and the Crowne of Swethland, the Kingdome of Poland and Lettow,* 21.22 nor his Sonne Ladislaus and the Crowne of Poland, and the Dukedome of Let∣tow, nor all the Dominions of Poland and Lettow, nor shall helpe him with men or treasure, nor stand for him as one himselfe▪ nor any other Prince for him shall not practise or seeke any thing against the King of Sweden. Those Lands and Castles which belongeth to the Kingdome of Sweden of old, or those which now the Emperours Maiesty hath yeelded to the Kings Maiesty by this conclusion of peace, he shall not seeke to get them vnder him, or haue possession of them. In like manner the Kings Maiesty of Sweden shall not stand against the Emperours Maiesty &c. to assist the King of Poland and Lettow, and all the Dominions of Poland and Lettow, neyther with men nor treasure, and not to be with him as one. Ney∣ther shall the Kings Maiesty by himselfe or other Princes and Gouernours seeke any practise against the [ 40] Emperours Maiestie and his Lands and Castles which belong to the Emperour of Russia, hee shall by no meanes seeke to get vnder him or possesse the same. It is also agreed and concluded betweene vs, that those Ambassadours which the Emperours Maiesty shall send to the Kings Maiesty, and the Kings Maiesty to the Emperours Maiesty for the confirmation of this conclusion of peace, shall haue full authority to conferre betweene the Emperours Maiesty and the Kings Maiesty of Swethland for a vnion and ioynt assistance against Sigismond King of Poland, and the Crowne of Poland, and the great Dukedome of Lettow in such manner as shall be thought fit and requisite by both the Princes.

33. And for more certaine and firme assurance, that all this here hath bin concluded, and agreed on betweene vs the above said Emperours Maiestie,* 21.23 and Kings Maiesties great, ample, and powerfull Ambassadours, by the mediation and intercession of the great Lord King Iames his Maiesties great [ 50] Ambassadour, in his presence, this conclusion is made, established, and finished, and shall by our great Lord, and great Duke M.F. of all Russia, Sam. and by his successours, and hereafter being great Lords, Emperours, and great Dukes▪ be kept faithfully, firmely, and vnmoueable, and shall be followed in all points, and finished without all falshood or deceipt: and our great Lords, Emperours, and great Dukes, &c. by his commandment, wee his great Commissioners, Ocholuech and Namestincke of Susdall Knese Dannyll Euanowich Mezetskey.* 21.24 I the Emperours Maiesties Dwarenni and Namestincke of Shatskey Olexsey Euanowich Zuzen. I the Emperours Maiesties Duke, Michcola, Meke∣tesin Nouokseno. I the Emperours Maiesties Duke, Dobrenia Semenou, haue confirmed this con∣clusion of peace, with the kissing of the Crosse, and thereunto set our hands and Seales: also the Kings Maiesties of great Brittaines great Ambassadour, Sir Iohn Merricke Knight, Gentleman of his Ma∣iesties [ 60] priuie Chamber, for the more witnessing of the same, that this is also concluded here betweene vs, hath firmed with his owne hand and Seale, both these obligations, and a confirmation, which wee the Em∣perours Maiesties ample Ambassadours, haue giuen to the Kings Maiesties great Commissioners▪ and against that we haue taken the like writing of confirmation, from the Kings Maiesties great Ambassa∣dours

Written at Stalbo, in the yeare from the creation of the World 7125. the seuen and twen∣tieth day of February.

HAuing here presented the fruits of his Maiesties mediation betwixt the Muscouite and Swe∣den: I thought good also to adde this other testimonie of B••ati Pacifici, in the peaceable fruits of his endeuours betwixt the said King of Sweden, and the King of Denmarke, after bloudy warres betwixt them, in which the English voluntaries were so great a part: of whom (if I mistake not) foure thousand serued the Da••e, vnder the command of the right honorable the Lord Willoughby. The Articles of agreement betwixt them are these six, concluded January 16. 1613. translated out of the Dutch Copie, Printed at Copenhagen first, and after at Hamburge.

[ 10]

1. That the King of Sweden shall haue againe the Citie of Calmar, with all that be∣longeth vnto it, excepting Artillery, which shall be restored to the King of Denmarke, or to be sold for his profit.

2. That the King of Denmarke shall haue Elsborch and Orland, with all the forces and strength of Arensborch, in pawne, for the space of twelue yeares ensuing, for the sum of fifteene T••n of Gold; the which sum of money the King of Sweden shall pay vnto the King of Denmark within the foresaid twelue yeares, at certaine times, in consideration of his charges during the said warres.

[ 20] 3. That the Nauigation and passages by Seas and Land to Norway shall be vsed free without any hinderance of those of Sweden.

4. That Lapland shall be free without giuing of any contribution.

5. That the King of Denmarke shall haue Grone-land free, without paying of any con∣tribution vnto the King of Sweden.

6. That the King of Denmarke shall beare the three Crownes without any gaine-saying or contradiction of the King of Sweden (which was the first and principall cause of these aforesaid bloudy and vnneighbourly warres, and continuall irruptions.) Both Kings sub∣scribing [ 30] hereto.

CHAP. XI. A relation of two Russe Cossacks trauailes, out of Siberia to Catay, and other Countries adioyning thereunto. Also a Copie of the last Patent from the Muscouite. A Copie of a Letter written to the Emperour from his Gouernours out of Siberia.

[ 40]

TO our Lord Emperour and great Duke Michaile Fedr••wich of all Russia, your Ma∣iesties Vassals, Euan K••••raki••, and Euan K••b••••liti••, doe knocke their heads, &c. Lord this present 7127. yeere (or 1619) we writ vnto your Maiestie by a Cozack of Tobolsko, Clement Oboshkin,* 21.25 that there were come to Tobolsko Ambassadours out of the Dominions of Catay, and from the King of Altine, with the people of To∣bolsko. Euash•••• Petlin, and Andrashko Madiegene: And with them together doe go to you great Lord Ambassadours, out of the Dominions of Labin, and the Altine Char, from Ski••∣gia with presents, the which we dispatcht to your Maiestie, with Burnash Nik••••••••e, the sixt of Iuly, and before them wee dispatcht to your Maiestie Euashk•• Pettlin and Patoy Kizall, by whom [ 50] we sent vnto your Maiestie a Letter from Tambur, King of Cathay, and a Copie of the King Alti∣nes Letter translated, with a Card and description of the places, which way Euashk•• Petlin,* 21.26 & An∣drushko Madigene, passed from the Castle of Tomao, into the Dominions of Catay, as also in what other Dominions they were. The Letter it selfe which came from Altine Char, Labatharshan doth carrie to your Maiestie: but as for the Letter out of Catay, there is none in Tobolsko to translate it.

The Copie of the Altine Chars, or golden Kings Letter to the [ 60] Emperour of Russia.

TO the Lord Emperour and great Duke; The golden King receiued your Letter. In for∣mer times (Lord) it came to my hearing, that your Princely good Ambassadours, did seeke a way or passage to come to me, since which time it is now thirteene yeeres, but then the peo∣ple

of 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Tub••nt••▪ Ma••tàra, & black Kolmaks did not suffer your Princely good Ambassadors to come to me,* 21.27 but did rob and spoile them. Now since ten of your Maiesties people are come to me, and I haue sent to you Ichkmen Kichenga, to do obeysance vnto your Maiesty, and see your Princely eyes, wh••n your Maiestie vouchsafed to doe their obeysance and see your Princely eyes.* 21.28 And to me you sent of your Grace three Cups of Siluer, a Bow, a Sword, two Gun••es▪ and two Garment Clothes, all which your Princely fauours I haue receiued, and what shall bee behou••••full for your Majesty from hence▪ I will furnish you withall: As also I am to request your 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in respect the Ambassadours doe passe betweene vs very miserably, and poore, by reason•• h••re are now some small warres betwixt vs and the blacke K••l••••acks, and there are but small 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Tobolsko Castle, and in the Castles of Tomin, Dark••, and from the Barban people. Now if so be your Majestie will fauour me, and defend me with these people from Karakula; and [ 10] will bee plea••ed to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 on warre on your owne side, and I on mine, that matter will bee done betweene vs and all good matters, continue betwixt vs. And so by your Princely fauour, Ambassadors may continually passe betweene vs. Iuan Tarchan Varchies and Andrei Tarchan Var∣chies, did conduct two of your Maiesties Messengers into the Dominions of Catay, according to your Majesties commandement, and they are returned to me againe out of Catay. Also (Lord) there is come vnto me the Tarchan of Labaia, and I haue sent vnto you with my Presents the said Tarchan Labar and Ri••ibacshy An••haij▪* 21.29 and with them ten men, and two men of Sirgos; in their Letter is written that there is sent vnto your Maiestie three Leopards with their clawes, an Irbish with his clawes, three Lizernes with their clawes, a red and a yellow Damaske vpon a gold ground, a piece of Veluet, and an ambling Horse. And I am humbly to request your [ 20] Majestie, if it bee your Majesties fauour to grace mee for your owne honour with a garment of cloth of Gold, and of diuers colours, fiue Garments of fine Cloth, a Head-piece, a shirt of Male, a Sword, a Bow, twentie Gunnes, a Flaggon of Gold, a Kettle of Siluer, and fiue sorts of Preci∣ous Stones, of each one, a Tennet, a Dwarfe, and Workmen to make Guns and Powder, and two thousand pence. Your Maiesties name is growne renowmed and famous euery where, therefore I doe reuerence vnto your Majestie, because many Kings of many Countreyes haue spread abroad the fame of your Majesties name euery where. And I request that Ambassadours may speedily passe betwixt vs, and now if it be your Maiesties fauour, I desire you to dispatch these my Am∣bassadours with speed to me backe againe.

* 21.30Anno 7128. the three and twentieth of September in the Emperours Dominions at Soldota, [ 30] a Cazacke of Siberia, called Euashko Pettlin, did report, beeing examined of his Trauels. The last yeere past 7127. hee said that the Boiaren and Voyauod Knez Euan Simonowich Koorockin, sent him from the Castle of Tomo, and his f••llow•• Andrashko, to conduct the Kings Altines Am∣bassadours, as also to inquire or search the Kingdomes of Catay. They went from the Castle of Tomo, about the ninth of May, and trauelled from Tomo to Kirgis, with much expedition tenne dayes, and in Kirgis is a Duke subiect to the Emperours Maiestie, his name is Nemi, who gaue them victuals and post. Through this Land of Kirgis they werre halfe a day, and came to the Dominion of Mutalla, to the Altine King, who gaue them prouisions and post, and dispatched them thence: so they passed through his Land fiue weekes to the Country of Sheremugaly; where raigneth a Queene called Manchika, who caused to haue prouision and post giuen them. In this [ 40] Countrey of Sheromogula they trauelled foure dayes,* 21.31 and came into the Dominions of Catay; called Crim, where is a wall made of stone fifteene fathomes high, alongst the side of which wall they went ten dayes, where they saw pettie Townes and Villages belonging to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Queene Manchika; but in those ten dayes they saw no people vpon the wall at all. At the end of these ten dayes,* 21.32 they came to the gate, wherein lye very great Peeces of Ordnance, shooting shot as bigge as a mans head, and in the said gate standeth in watch three thousand men, and they come with their Merchandizes to traffique at the gate. The Altine men also come to the gate, with their Horses to sell to the Catay men; but are not permitted to come within the walls, except very few at once. Thus their whole trauell from Tomo Castle to this gate, was twelue weekes, besides some dayes that they stood still,* 21.33 and from the gate to the great Empire of Catay tenne [ 50] dayes, and came to the Citie or Castle of Catay about the beginning of September, and were lodged in the great Embassadors house: and hauing beene there in Catay foure dayes, there vsed to come vnto them a Secretary with two hundred men vpon Asses very well apparelled, and did entertayne and feast them with Sacke and other Drinkes made of Grapes, and told them that the Emperour, or King Tambur had sent him to aske them wherefore they were come into the Dominions of Catay. Whereupon they answered that our great Lord and Emperour had sent them to discouer the Dominions of Catay, and see the King thereof; but hee answered them a∣gaine, that without presents they could not see the King, and withall gaue them a Letter, which Letter they brought with them to Tolbosko, and from thence is sent to the Emperours Maiestie by them. Out of Catay they went about the twelfth of October, and came to the Castle [ 60] of Tobolsko about Whitsontyde the same yeere 1619.

A Description of the Empires of Catay and Labin, and other Domi∣nions aswell inhabited, as places of Pasture * 21.34 called Vlusses and Hords, and of the great Riuer Ob, And other Riuers and Land passages.

FRom Kirgis to the Riuer Bakanna is sixe dayes trauell, and from Bakanna to Kinchike, is nine dayes trauell, from Kinchike to the great Lake, (in which Lake Rubies or Saphires grow) is three dayes trauell, and the compasse of that Lake is twelue dayes trauell on horsebacke. There [ 10] falleth also into the said Lake foure Riuers, to wit from the East, South, West and North, yet the water doth not increase in the Lake, nor decrease. There falleth yet another Riuer into the said Lake, which commeth from betweene the East and the North, and is called Kitta, vpon which we went fifteen dayes to the head of it, where we found the King Altine in progresse; the way is very stony. And from the King Altine to an Vlusses fiue dayes trauell;* 21.35 the Vlusses is called Algunat, and the Duke in it is called T••rm••shine; from him to another Vlusses fiue dayes, the V∣lusses is called Chikursha, and the Duke in it is called Carakula; from thence to an Vlusses fiue dayes called Suldussa, wherein is a King called Chaksa••a, from him to an Vlusses called B••su•• fiue dayes, the Dukes name is Chichim; from him to an Vlusses called Iglethin, fiue dayes, the Duke is Taschils Cherekta, from him to an Vlusses called Beskuta, fiue dayes, the Duke is called Cherkar, [ 20] from him to an Vlusses called Girut, foure daies without water, the Duke is called Chiche••••••••. From him to an Vlusses called Isut fiue dayes, the Duke of it is called Chechen. From him to an Vlusses called Tulent Vnient foure dayes, the Duke is called Tayku, Katin. From him to the Vlusses Yo∣gorsin three dayes, there is a King called Bakshuta.* 21.36 From thence to an Vlusses of the yellow Mu∣galls called Mugolehin, wherein is a Dutchesse called Manchika, with her Sonne Ouchai Tai∣chie, it is within two dayes journey of the Land of Mugalla, a very dangerous passage through the cliffes of the Rockes, which being past they came into the Land of Mugalla, wherein are two Castles or Cities built of stone, they are called with them Bashum, in one of them is a Duke called Talaij Taishen; and in the other the Duke is called Egidon Taishen; there is also a third Citie in it called Lobin, wherein doth gouerne a woman called Dutchesse Manchika with her Sonne, [ 30] the said Dutchesse doth command all the Cities of Mugalla, and her command extendeth into Catay. If any man be to trauell ouer the borders, and into Catay, he must haue a Passe vnder her Seale; which if they haue not, they may not passe through Catay. The Land of Mugalla is great and large from Bughar to the Sea; all the Castles are built with stone foure square; at the corners, Towers, the ground or foundation is layd of rough, grey stone, and are couered with 〈◊〉〈◊〉, the gates with counterwards as our Russe gates are,* 21.37 and vpon the gates a••••rum Bels or W••tch-bels of twentie poode weight of metall, the Towers are couered with glazed Tiles; the houses are built with stone foure cornerd high, within their Courts they haue low V••••lts, also of stone, the feelings whereof, and of their houses are cunningly painted with all sorts of co∣lours, and very well set forth with flowres for shew. In the said Countrey of Mugalla are two [ 40] Churches of Friers, or Lobaes, built of square stone, and stand betweene the East and the South; vpon the tops of them are made beasts of stone, and within the Church iust against the doore are set three great Idols or Images, in the forme of women of two and an halfe fathome long,* 21.38 gilt all ouer from the heads to the feet, and sit a fathome high from the ground vpon beasts made of stone, which beasts are painted with all manner of braue colours. Those Idols haue each in their hand a Vessell, and there burne before them three tallow Candles;* 21.39 on the right side of them are erected eight Idols more in the forme of men, and on the left side eight Idols more in the forme of Maydens, gilt all ouer from the head to the foote, their armes stretched out after the manner as the Mugall people, or Religious men vse to pray. And a little way from these Idols stand two Idols more made naked as a man is in all parts, not to be discerned, euen as though he [ 50] were aliue, hauing before them Candles burning, as small as a straw,* 21.40 and burne without a flame only in an Ember or Corall.

Their seruice or singing in these Churches is thus. They haue two Trumpets of a great length, about two fathomes and an halfe long, and when they sound on these Trumpets, an•• beate vp∣on Drummes, the people fall downe vpon their knees and clap their hands againe, ••a••••ing their armes asunder, they fall to the ground and lye so halfe an houre. Their Churches are couered with glazed Tiles. As for bread in the Land of Mugalla there growe••h all manner of 〈◊〉〈◊〉, as Pross••, or Russe Rice, Wheate, Oates, Barley, and all sorts of other Graine 〈…〉〈…〉 their Wheate bread is as white as Snow.* 21.41 As for Fruit in Mugalla they haue of all 〈…〉〈…〉 Ap∣ples, Melons, Arbuses, Pompeons, Cheries, Lemons, Cucumbers, Onions, Garlic••••. 〈…〉〈…〉 [ 60] are not faire, but the women exceeding faire, and weare for their Apparell, Veluets and 〈…〉〈…〉,* 21.42 the Capes of their Garments both of the men and women hang downe to their 〈◊〉〈◊〉. They distill Aqua••it•• out of all sorts of Graine, without Hops. As for Pre••ious Stones and Gold they haue none, but for Siluer they haue great store out of Catay.* 21.43 Their Boots they weare of their

owne fashion. They haue no Horses, only Mules & Asses in abundance; they till and plough their ground with great and small Ploughes, as we doe in Siberia at T••bolsk••. Their Cuttuffs are in our Language Patriarkes, and both in Mugalla and Catay are but two Cuttuffs; the one was about twentie,* 21.44 and the other thirtie yeeres of age. Within the Churches are made for them high pla∣ces with seats whereupon they sit: the King doth honour them with bowing downe before them. Their Lobaes are in our Language Friers, which are shorne about twentie yeeres of age, and know no women from their Mothers wombe,* 21.45 they eate flesh continually euery day, and shaue both Beards and Mustachoes: their Garments are of Damaske of all sorts and colours, and their Hoods yellow, they say that their Religion and ours are all one, only the Russe Monkes are blacke, and theirs white. [ 10]

* 21.46Beyond the Land of Mugalla are three other Countreyes or Dominions, stretching towards Bughar, the one called Ortus, the Kings name there is Euakan, the Citie is of stone, and the King∣dome rich.

* 21.47The other is called Dominions of Talguth, the Kings name is Sauelanche, his Cities are also of stone, and his Kingdome rich.

* 21.48The third Countrey where the chiefe Citie is, is called Shar, and the King thereof is called Zellezney, or Iron King, his Kingdome is rich, and not farre from Bughar. From this Iron King come Diamonds, and all these three Kingdomes are vnder the South, and on the other side of the blacke Mugalls are the yellow Mugalls,* 21.49 stretching all alongst the Sea, aswel Townes as walking people, with their Families and Herds.

From the Countrey of Mugalla, where the Dutchesse Manchika dwelleth, to the Citie of [ 20] Shrokalga in Catay, is two dayes trauell on horsebacke: and the bordering or frontier wals stand vnder the South towards Bughar, two moneths trauell, all made of Bricke of fifteene fathome high, whereupon they told about a hundred Towres in sight, on both sides of them, but towards Bughar, and towards the Sea, the Towres are not to bee numbred, and euery Towre standeth from another about a flight shot distant. The said wall 〈◊〉〈◊〉 downe towards the Sea foure moneths trauell. The people of Catay say, that this wall stretcheth alongst from Bughar to the Sea,* 21.50 and the Towres vpon it stand very thicke; it was made, as they say, to be a border betweene Mugalla and Catay. The Towres vpon it are to the end, that when any enemy appeareth, to kindle fires vpon them, to giue the people warning to come to their places where they are ap∣pointed [ 30] vpon the wall. At the entring without the wall dwell the blacke Mugalls; and within is the Countrey and Cities of Catay.* 21.51 In the wall to Catay are fiue gates, both low, and straight or narrow, a man cannot ride into them vpright on horse-backe, and except these fiue gates there is no more in all the wall;* 21.52 there all manner of people passe into the Citie of Shrokalga.

Within the borders or wall is a Citie or Castle of Catay, called Shirokalga, built of stone, the Gouernour thereof is called Duke Shubin,* 21.53 who is sent thither for a time from Tambur King of Catay, the Castle is very high walled and artificially built; the Towres are high after the man∣ner of Mosco Castle, in the Loope-holes or Windowes are Ordnance planted, as also vpon the Gates or Towres; their Ordnance is but short, they haue also great store of small shot, and the Watchmen euery-where vpon the Gates,* 21.54 Towres, and Wals, well appointed; and assoone as [ 40] they perceiue the Sunne going downe, the Watch dischargeth their Peeces of Ordnance thrice, as also at the breake of day in the morning, they shoot out of their Pieces thrice, and doe not open the Castle Gates till the sixt houre of the day. Within the Castle are shops built of stone, and painted cunningly with diuers colours, wherein they haue all manner of Merchandizes, as Vel∣uets, Damaskes, Dorogoes, Taffataes, Cloth of Gold, and Tissue of diuers colours, sundry sorts of Sugars, Cloues, &c. in the Gouernours house is a strong Watch of Partisans and Halberds, and their Drummes made like great Barrels. When the Gouernour goeth abroad, they carry a Cano∣pie ouer him, and make way before him with Rods, as before our Emperour in Mosco.

And from Shirokalga to the Citie Yara is three dayes trauell: this Citie is large, built of stone, and the circuit of it is two dayes trauell,* 21.55 with many Towres, and foure Gates to come in at, the [ 50] Markets in the Citie are well and richly accommodated, with Iewels, Merchandizes, Grocerie, or Spices, the Citie well inhabited hauing no place void or waste in it. The houses and shops are built with stone, with streets betweene; the Gouernours here are called Duke By•• and Duke ••••chake, heere they haue Post Stages as wee, their Markets haue a very odoriferous smell with Spices.

And from this Citie, to a Citie called Tayth, is three dayes iourney, it is built of stone, large, and high walled,* 21.56 & is in compasse two daies trauel about, at the first comming to it are fiue gates barred and bolted with Iron, very thicke and close, fastned with Nailes; the houses and shops, or Ware-houses are all built of stone, wherein are all manner of Merchandizes, Spices, or Groce∣rie, and precious things more abundant then in the aforesaid Cities, they haue Tauernes or Drin∣king [ 60] houses stored with all manner of Drinkes, as Aquanit••, Meade, and Wines from beyond Seas in abundance, there they haue also their Watch, Ordnance, and Munition in great store; the Gouernours of this place are one Duke Tuga, and the other Duke Zumia, there wee saw Si∣namon, Anniseeds, Apples, Arbuzes, Melons, Cucumbers, Onions, Garlicke, Radish, Carrets,

Parsenips, Turnops, Cabbage, Limons, Poppiseeds, Nutmegs, Rice, Almonds, Pepper, Rubarbe, & many other Fruits, which we know not, so that they want nothing whatsoeuer groweth in the World▪ the shops are within the Citie, stored of all manner of Commoditie as is said, as also vi∣ctualling and drinking Houses, stored with all manner of Drinkes, where they haue also Dicers and Whores, as with vs. Their Prisons in the Citie are of stone, for theft they hang the theeues, and for Robberie or Murther they stake the Murtherers, or else head them.

And from Shirokalga to a Citie of Catay, called Shirooan is a dayes iourney: this Citie is built of stone high walled, and large in compasse, it is a dayes trauell, it hath twelue Towres;* 21.57 where∣upon, as also on the Citie Gates is planted Ordnance and small shot great store, with a continu∣all Watch or Guard, night and day, at the first comming are fiue Gates well furnished with Ord∣nance [ 10] and Warlike Munition; and from one Gate to the other through the Citie is halfe a dayes going. The Gouernour of this place is called Duke Sanchik. For Victuals and Merchandizes, here is more then in the Cities mentioned, all their shops very full, and the Citie so populous, that one can hardly passe the streets for the throng of people. The Ambassadors Houses are also faire built of stone, their Wels couered with Brasse, so that this Citie is adorned more with pre∣cious things then the former mentioned, and much more populous.

Now from the Citie of Tayth, to a Citie called White Castle, is two dayes trauell: this Citie is built of white stone, and thereof hath his name, it is high walled and large,* 21.58 being in compasse or circuit three dayes trauell, a•• the first entry it hath three Gates vnder one Towre, the Gates are high and wide with strong Iron barres: and the Gates fastened with Iron Nayles whited with [ 20] Tinne, it hath great Ordnance in the Gates and Towres: some Peeces carrying shot of two Poode waight, the shops within the Citie reach from Gate to Gate, and betweene them are streets paued with stone, all their shops and houses are built of stone before their shops. They haue grates painted cunningly, with all manner of colours, flowres and such like, and vpon the shops are the houses painted cunningly with Pictures and flowres in diuers colours, and the pain∣ting within is vpon Pastboord adorned with Damaske and Veluets; heere is more abundance of Riches and Commodities then in any of the Cities afore mentioned. The Gouernours names here were Duke Toy••an, and Duke Sulan.

From this white Citie, or Castle, to the greatest Citie of all Cataya, called Catay, is two dayes iourney, where the King himselfe dwelleth, it is a very great Citie,* 21.59 built of white stone foure [ 30] square, and in compasse it is foure dayes iourney, vpon euery corner thereof are very great Towres high built, and white, and alongst the wall are very faire and high Towres, likewise white and intermingled with Blue or Azure, vpon the Gates, Wall, and Towres, the Loop-holes or Windowes are well furnished with Ordnance, and a strong Watch. In the midst of this white Citie standeth a Castle built of Magnet, or Load-stone, wherin the King himselfe dwelleth, called Tambun; this Castle standeth so in the midst of this Citie, that euery way you haue halfe a dayes going to it from the Gates, through the streets which hath stone shoppes on both sides with all manner of Merchandizes; vpon their shops they haue their houses built of stone, cunningly pain∣ted more then the former Cities. The Castle of Magnet is curiously set forth with all manner of [ 40] artificiall and precious deuices, in the middest whereof standeth the Kings Palace, the top where∣of is all gilt ouer with Gold. And they would not admit vs to come before their King without Presents, saying, it was not the manner of Catay, to come before their King without some Present, and though (said they) your white Emperour had but sent with his first Am∣bassadours to our King some thing of no great value, our King would haue sent him many precious things, and dismissed you his Ambassadours honourably, and haue sent his Am∣bassadours with you: but now hee only endeth his Letter to your Emperour. The Citie of Catay, where the King dwelleth, is built vpon an euen plaine ground, and is incom∣passed round about with a Riuer called Yo••ga, which falleth into the blacke Sea, which is from the Citie Catay seuen dayes trauell, so that there come no ships neerer the Citie Catay, then se∣uen dayes trauell off, but all things are transported in small Vessels and ship-boats. The Mer∣chandizes [ 50] the King doth send into all parts of his Dominions of Catay, and from thence are car∣ried ouer the borders, into the Land of Mugalla, to the King Altine, to the blacke Kollmakes, to the Iron King, into Boghar and other Dominions, their Patriarkes and Friers, trauell with the Commodities, as Veluets, Sattens, Damaskes, Siluer, Leopard Skinnes, Turkesses, and blacke Zenders, for which they buy Horses, and bring them into Catay, for in Catay are but few hor∣ses, only Mules and Asses, and Cloth they haue none, their Horses and Siluer goeth into strange Countreyes, or as they say, Nem••sij, the Siluer is made in Brickes, which they call Kritsij, va∣lued each Kritsij at fiftie two Rubles, their Apparell they weare with long broad hanging sleeues, like the Gentlewomens Summer-coats or Letti••ks in Russia, the people are very faire but not warlike, timorous & most their endeuour is in great and rich traffick. They told vs that not long [ 60] before our comming, the people of Mugalla had taken two Castles from them by deceit, also

they told vs that their King hath a stone which lighteth as the Sunne both day and night, called in their Language Sarra, and in our Tongue Iacha••t, or Rubie; another stone they say hee hath, which driueth away water from it, it is also called a Rubie. There come to them Strangers, or Nemtsij euery yeere,* 21.60 with all manner of Merchandizes, and barter for Deere Skinnes, and Lo∣shids, Sables, Beuers, Veluets, Taffataes, and Zendews, or Calico; these strangers, they say, come to them out of the blacke Sea, from the East and the South, also, they say, there is a Riuer called Kartalla:* 21.61 which falleth into the great Riuer Ob▪ but they know neyther the head, nor the fall of it, they imagine it commeth out of the blacke Sea, and falleth into it againe, vpon this Riuer dwell many people with walking Herds.

[ 10]

For a triple testimony of Sir Iohn Merikes honourable courtesie, I haue added this succeeding Patent, which howsoeuer in some things it concurre with the former of Boris and Demetrius; Yet those being obscurely translated or written, this may illustrate them; and it also presen∣teth both larger Priuiledges, the Partriarkes name ioyned with the Emperours, and the Gol∣den Seale.

WE the great Lord Emperour and great Duke Michaell Pheodorowich of all Russia, sole Commander of Volodemer, Mosco, and Nouogrod, Emperour of Cazan, Emperour of Astracan, Emperour of Siberia, Lord of Plesco, and great Duke of S••olensky, Twensky, Vgors∣ky, Psermesky, Vatsky, Bolgorsky, and others; Lord and great Duke of Nouogrod, in the lower [ 20] Countreyes, Cheringosky, Rahansky, Rostouskey, Yaraslausky, Belozersky, Vdorskey, Obdors∣ky, Condinsky, and of all the Northerne parts Commander, and Lord ouer the Country of Iuersky, and Caberdynland, Cherkaskey, and of the Dukedomes of Igorskey, and of many other Kingdomes, Lord and Conquerour. Together with the great Lord Philleret Neketich, the holy Patriarke and Head of the Reuerend Clergie of the Imperiall Citie of Mosco, and of all Russia by the flesh our naturall Father, and by the power of the Holy Ghost our Spirituall Past••r and Ghostly Father.

Whereas there was sent vnto vs the great Lord Emperour, and great Duke Michaell Pheodoro∣wich of all Russia, and to our Father, the great Lord, the holy Patriarke of Mosco, and of all Russia, From our louing Brother Iames, by the grace of God, King of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland; and of many others his Maiesties Ambassadour Sir Iohn Merike, Knight and Gentleman of [ 30] his Maiesties Priuie Chamber, vpon both our Princely Affaires.

The said Sir Iohn Merike, in the name of our said louing Brother King Iames requested our Im∣periall Maiestie, and our Father the great Lord, the holy Patriarke, to bee pleased graciously to fauour the English Merchants, to grant them leaue to come with their shippes vnto our Port and Han••ns of Archangell, with all kind of Commoditie••, and freely to traffique from the Sea side, to our Imperiall Citie of Mosco, and to our Patrimoni•• of great Nouogrod and Plesco, and vnto all other our Cities, Townes, and Countreyes of our Empire, with all sorts of Commodities, without paying of Custome in as ample manner as formerly hath beene granted to the English Merchants, and that our Imperiall Ma∣iestie, together with our deere Father the holy Patriarke, would be pleased to grant a new our gracious Priuiledges vnder our Princely Seale, accordingly as our Predecessors Emperours, and great Dukes of all [ 40] Russia, haue heretofore granted vnto them.

We therefore the great Lord Emperour, and great Duke Michaell Pheodorowich of all Russia, sole Commander; together with our deere Father the holy Patriarke of Mosco, and of all Russia; for the loue we beare to our most louing Brother the great Lord King Iames, with whom wee are willing and desirous euer to remayne in the strongest bonds of brotherly loue and friendship, haue graciously granted to his Kingly Maiesties Subiects the English Merchants, Sir Thomas Smith Knight, Sir Iohn Merike Knight, Sir Richard Smith Knight, Sir William Russell Knight, Sir George Bowles Knight, Hugh Hamersley Alderman, Ralph Freeman, Richard Wytch, Morris Abbot, Robert Bateman, Wil∣liam Stone, Rowland Healing, Iob Hanby, Richard Ironside, Edward Iames, Iohn Caslen, Ben∣iamin Deicrow, Fabyan Smith, and their fellowes free leaue to come with their shippes into our King∣domes, into our Countreyes of Dweena, vnto the Port of Archangell, and from thence to our Imperiall [ 50] Citie of Mosco, and of Nouogrod the Great, and vnto Plesco, and into all other the Cities of our Empire, to trade and traffique with all kind of Merchandizes, free of all Customes, as well the great Cu∣stomes as Tole: vnlading of Vessels or Boats, passages through any place by water or Land entries, Head-money, Bridge-money, Ferryings, or any manner of Customes, or Duties whatsoeuer can bee named.

The English Merchants being thus licensed to trade in our Kingdomes, free of all customes for their owne commodities, shall neither colour nor sell strangers wares, as their owne; neither shall our people sell for them any of their goods, nor yet shall they keepe any of our people vnder their protection: and into what Cities the English Merchants themselues, or their Factors, or Seruants shall come with their goods, it shall be lawfull for them freely to trafficke and sell their owne commodities, in barter, or otherwise a∣gainst [ 60] Commodities of our Countrey.

And whensoeuer the said Merchants shall come into our Patrimony of great Nouogrod and Plesco, or into any other the Cities of our Empire; Wee straightly command our Nobles in generall, and all o∣ther

our authorized peopl, that according to this our Imperiall letters of priuiledge▪ they suffer the fore∣said Merchants to passe without all manner of hindrance or lets, & without taking any manner of custom•• of them for themselues, or for their goods; and into what place soeuer they shall come, or 〈◊〉〈◊〉 with their Merchandize, and shall not desire to buy nor sell with our people▪ those our authorized 〈◊〉〈◊〉 shall free∣ly let them passe without taking any manner of customes, according to this our Imperiall gracious priuiledge.

And wheresoeuer the English Merchants shall happen to sell or barter ••ny of their 〈…〉〈…〉 with our Merchants, they are to barter and sell them in their owne house by grosse sale, and not by 〈…〉〈…〉 small measure and weight, as by the yard, pound and ounce; that is to say,* 22.1 their Cloath by whole Cloathes and Packs: Damaske and Veluets by the Pocce; and all other wares that are to be sold by weight accor∣dingly. [ 10] Also the Wi••es by the great, viz. by the Butt, the Pipe, the Hogsh••••d, and by the A••me, and not by small measure, as Veders or Pots.

And the said English Merchants are to sell and barter their owne Commodities themselues in our Empire. But the Russe Merchants shall neither sell nor barter for them; neither shall the English carry or transport to or from any place, any Wares belonging to other Strangers, by way of their owne goods.

And if the said English Merchants shall be desirous, to sell any of their commodities, at Cylmogro, or vpon the Riuer of Dwina, or at Vologda or Yeres••aue or other the Townes and Cities of our Empire, they may sell at their plesures▪ 〈◊〉〈◊〉 likewise at their owne choise and pleasure, they may transport their goods into all or any part of our Dominions, and hire Carriers, Boats, and men a•• such price as they them∣selues [ 20] can agree.

Also when the English Merchants themselues, or any of their Factors, doe trauell out of our Do∣minions into their owne, or other forraigne Kingdomes, and that wee shall be pleased to deliuer them of our Treasure, they shall take it with them, and sell, and barter it for such commodities as wee shall thinke fit and necessarie for our vse, and Treasury: our Gouernours, and all other our Officers, in all our Ci∣ties and Dominions, shall suffer them and their people freely to passe without taking any custome of them▪ but when the English Merchants haue done their trafficke, and are going from our Citie of Mosco, they shall giue notice thereof vnto the Chancellour of our Office of Ambassadours.

Further, when any English Merchants shall come with their Shippes and Vessels by Sea, into our Do∣minions, and that any misfortune happen vnto them by shipwracke 〈◊〉〈◊〉 any of our shoares or coasts, our Go∣uernours [ 30] and Officers shall cause search to be made for their goods, and shall aide and helpe them faith∣fully therein, and the goods gathered together shall be restored to the English Merchants, who shall be at that time in our Kingdomes; and if there shall be at that time none of the English Merchants, or people in our Kingdomes, the said goods shall be taken and laid vp in safety, and deli••ered without delay to the English Merchants when they shall c••me into our Countrey, and shall challenge the same.

Further, of our gracious goodnesse, we gaue free leaue to the English Merchants, and Company, to keepe the house in Mosco by Saint Maxsime behinde the Market place, and shall remaine after their old manner, and therein shall haue one housekeeper a Russe, or else one of their owne Seruants, but no other Russe people: the houses which the English Merchants haue in other places of our Dominions, a•• [ 40] at Yereslaue, Vologda, Collm. and at Saint Michaell Archangell, they shall keepe and vse at their pleasure, according to our former gracious fauour, without paying any duetie, rent, taxe, or any man∣ner of custome whatsoeuer: neither shall the people of the said Townes take any thing of them, of theirs, for any duetie whatsoeuer belonging to their houses: and the said English Merchants shall enioy their said houses peaceably to themselues, without the annoyance of any Stranger or other to lodge in them, whe∣ther in time of their being there, or in their absence.

And in their houses at Yereslaue, Vologda, Collmogro, and Archangell, they shall likewise haue a housekeeper of their owne people, or of our Subiects, a man or two of the meaner sort; but so, that those our people be no merchants.

Their Housekeeper being a Russe shall not vndertake to meddle or sell any of their wares with∣out [ 50] themselues be present, and they the English Merchants, by vertue of this our gracious Letters of priuiledge, shall lay their wares and commodities in their owne houses, and sell them to whom they please.

And it shall be lawfull for the said Merchants, when they shall arriue at our Sea Port, to lade and vnlade their Merchandizes, as in times past, at their pleasures: and when they lade or vnlade their Shippes, it shall be lawfull for them to hire any of our Subiects to helpe them, and shall haue leaue to carry their goods to and fro with their owne Vessels, and howse them in their owne Ware-houses: onely they shall giue a note vnder their hand to our Gouernours, Customers, or sworne men, what goods they bring in, and Shippe out; Whereby it may be knowne what goods commeth in, and goeth out of our King∣domes: [ 60] but in no wise our Officers shall open or vnpacke any of their Wares or Merchandize in any place wheresoeuer.

Also when the English Merchants shall Shippe or transport any of their Countrie Commodities from Saint Michaell Archangell, to our royall Citie of Mosco, or Russe Commodities, into their owne Coun∣trie: our authorised Officers and Customers, by vertue of this our Imperiall Letters of priuiledge,

shall suffer them to passe with their goods in and out, without doing them any manner of hin∣drance.

And whensoeuer any of the said English Merchants or Factors shall haue occasion to send ouerland, out of our Dominions, any of their people, or Seruants, into their owne Countrie ouerland, they shall freely passe by this our speciall command, onely they are to take a passe letter from our Chancellour of the Office of Embassie.

And whosoeuer in any of our Cities, shall haue any matter against the English Merchants by way of co••tention, we command that none of our Gouernours, nor other of our Officers, doe iudge the Eng∣lish Merchants, their Factors or people: neither shall they send Officers for them, except for matter of murther or theft, and th•••• also not to be done, but by manifest t••ken thereof: but the English Mer∣chants, [ 10] their Factors and people, shall onely haue triall, and be iudged in our Imperiall Citie of Mosco, by vertue of this our gracious Letters of priuiledge, before our Chancellour in this Office of Embassie, and in no other place or Towne, and he to heare their causes, and to giue iustice betweene both parties, ac∣cording to equitie and right; and where the truth cannot be found out by Law, it shall be referred to oath and lot, and on whom soeuer the lot fals, to him shall the right be adiudged.

And if any of the English Merchants, in any of our Citie: within our Kingdomes, doe complaine of any wrong offered them by our people, for debts growing by trade or otherwise: we command our Go∣uernours, and all other our authorised people, that they presently minister true iustice vnto them. And for any wrong or other matter of controuersie that the English Merchant shall haue against any of our Subiects, our Gouernours and other our authorised people vpon their complaint for all controuersies [ 20] (matters of debt excepted) shall giue our Subiects so offending vpon suretie, setting them time to appeare at Mosco, to answere the same with the English Merchants, face to face, before our Chancellour, in the Office of Embassy: and in these matters our Chancellour shall truely examine the businesse, and minister true iustice: and what by examination cannot be found, shall be referred, as before, to oath and lot: the Iudges and Iustices through our Dominions shall take no kinde of duetie of the English Merchants for their matters of Law.

We will and command, that those our Imperiall gracious Letters of priuiledge, be strictly obserued in all points, in all parts of our Dominions, and by all our Subiects, Gouernours, Secretaries, and other Officers, without disobeying in any thing.

And whosoeuer shall not obey this our Princely and gracious Letters of priuildge, but shall offer wrong [ 30] to the English Merchants, those our Subiects shall be with vs in our high displeasure.

Th••se our gracious Letters of priuiledges, are sealed with our Imperiall Seale of Gold, in our Princely Pallace of our Imperiall Citie of Mosco,* 22.2 in the yeare from the Worlds creation 7129. in the moneth of May, the eleuenth day.

Subscribed by our Imperiall Maiesties Chancellour of our Office of Embassy, and our priuie Chancellour Euan Corbatouesin Gramotin.

BVt it is now high time to leaue Russia, and all that Barbarous shoare, of Samotees and Tartars: onely we will borrow helpe of some Barbarians to shippe vs thence to Sea. And although Finch, Gour∣don, and others haue in the former Booke inserted so great light: yet seeing Master Marsh hath enter∣tained [ 40] other guides, we will take Sea by Ob, and thence set forth on further discoueries.

CHAP. XII. Notes concerning the discouery of the Riuer of Ob, taken out of a Roll, written in the Russian tongue, which was attempted by the meanes of ANTONIE MARSH, a chiefe Factor for the Moscouie Company of England, 1584. with other notes of [ 50] the North-east.

FIrst he wrote a Letter from the Citie of Mosco, in the yeare 7092. after the Russe accompt, which after our accompt was in the yeare 1584. vnto foure Russes that vsed to trade from Colmogro to Pechora, and other parts Eastward: whose an∣swere was:

By writings receiued from thee, as also by reports, wee vnderstand thou wouldest haue vs seeke out the mouth of the Riuer Ob; which we are content to doe; and thou must giue therefore fiftie rubbles: it is requisite to goe to seeke it out with two Co∣chimaes,* 22.3 or companies; and each Cochima must haue ten men: and wee must goe by the Riuer [ 60] Pechora vpwards in the Spring, by the side of the Ice, as the Ice swimmeth in the Riuer, which will aske a fortnights time; and then we must fall into Ouson Riuer, and fall downe with the streame before we come to Ob,* 22.4 a day and a night in the spring. Then it will hold vs eight dayes to swimme downe the Riuer Ob, before we come to the mouth: therefore send vs a man that

can write; and assure thy selfe the mouth of Ob is deepe. On the Russe side of Ob soiourne Sa∣moeds, called Vgorskai & Sibierskie, Samoeds; and on the other side dwel another kinde of Samoeds, called Monganet, or Mongaseisky, Samoeds.* 22.5 We must passe by fiue Castles that stand on the Riuer of Ob. The name of the first is Tesuoi Gorodok, which standeth vpon the mouth of the Riuer Pa∣don. The second small Castle is Nosoro-gorodock, and it standeth hard vpon the side of Ob. The third is called Necheiour-goskoy. The fourth is Charedmada. The fift is Nadesneàa, that is to say, The Castle of comfort, or trust; and it standeth vpon the Riuer Ob, lowermost of all the former Castles toward the Sea.

Heretofore your people haue bin at the said Riuer of Obs mouth with a Ship,* 22.6 and there was [ 10] made shipwracke, and your people were slaine by the Samoeds, which thought that they came to rob and subdue them. The Trees that grow by the Riuer are Firres, and a kinde of white, soft and light Firre, which we call Yell. The bankes on both sides are very high, and the water not swift, but still and deepe. Fish there are in it as Sturgeons, and Cheri, and Pidle, and Nelma, a dain∣ty fish like white Salmons, and Moucoun, and Sigi, and Sterlidi: but Salmons there are none. Not farre distant from the maine, at the mouth of Ob, there is an Island,* 22.7 whereon resort many wilde beasts, as white Beares, and the Morses, and such like. And the Samoeds tell vs, that in the winter season, they oftentimes finde there Morses teeth. If you would haue vs trauell to seeke out the mouth of Ob by Sea, we must goe by the Isles of Vaygats, and Noua Zembla,* 22.8 and by the Land of Matpheone, that is, by Matthewes Land. And assure thy selfe that from Vaygats, to the mouth of Ob, by Sea, is but a small matter to sayle. Written at Pechora, the yeare 7092. the [ 20] twenty one of February.

Master MARSM also learned these distances of places and Ports, from Caninos to Ob by Sea.

FRom Caninos to the Bay of Medemske (which is somewhat to the East of the Riuer Pechora) is seuen dayes sayling. The Bay of Medemsky is ouer a day and a halfe sayling.* 22.9 From Me∣demske Sanorost to Carareca, is sixe dayes sayling.* 22.10 From Carska Bay to the farthest side of the [ 30] Riuer Ob, is nine dayes sayling. The Bay of Carska is from side to side, a day and a nights sayling.

He learned another way by Noua Zembla and Matthuschan Yar to Ob, more North-eastward. From Caninos to the Iland of Colgoieue, is a day & a nights sayling.* 22.11 From Colgoieue to Noua Zem∣bla are two dayes sayling. There is a great Osera or Lake vpon Noua Zembla, where wonderfull store of Geese and Swannes doe breede, and in moulting time cast their feathers, which is about Saint Peters day: and the Russes of Colmogro repaire thither yearely, and our English men ven∣ter thither with them seuerall shares in money▪ they bring home great quantitie of Doune-Fea∣thers, dried Swannes, and Geese, Beares skinnes, and Fish, &c.* 22.12 From Naromske Re••a or Riuer [ 40] to Mattuschan Yar, is sixe dayes sayling. From Mattuschan Yar to the Peronologli Te••pla, that is to say, To the warme passage ouer-land, compassing or sayling round about the Sands,* 22.13 is thir∣teene dayes sayling: And there is vpon the Sands at a full Sea, seuen fathomes water,* 22.14 and two fathomes at a low water. The occasion of this highing of the water, is the falling into the Sea of the three Riuers, and the meeting of the two Seas, to wit, The North Sea, and The East Sea,* 22.15 which make both high water and great Sands. And you must beware that you come not with your Shippe neere vnto the Iland by the Riuer Ob. From Mattuschan Yar to this Iland, is fiue dayes sayling. Mattushan Yar is in some parts fortie Versts ouer, and in some parts not past six Versts ouer.

The aforesaid Anthonie Marsh sent one Bodan his man, a Russe borne, with the aforesaid foure Russes, and a yong youth, a Samoed, which was likewise his Seruant, vpon the discouery of the [ 50] Riuer of Ob, by Land, through the Countrie of the Samoeds, with good store of commodities to trafficke with the people. And these his Seruants made a rich Voyage of it, and had bartered with the people about the Riuer of Ob, for the valew of a thousand rubles in sables, and other fine Furres. But the Emperour hauing intelligence of this Discouery, and of the way that Bo∣dan returned home by, by one of his chiefe Officers lay in waite for him, apprehended him, and tooke from him the aforesaid thousand Markes worth of Sables, and other Merchandises, and de∣liuered them into the Emperours Treasurie, being sealed vp, and brought the poore fellow Bodan to the Citie of Mosco, where he was committed to prison, and whipped, and there detained a long while after, but in the end released. Moreouer, the Emperours Officers asked Anthonie [ 60] Marsh, how he durst presume to deale in any such enterprise? To whom he answered, that by the priuiledges granted to the English Nation, no part of the Emperours Dominions were ex∣empted from the English to trade and trafficke in: with which answere,* 22.16 they were not so satis∣fied, but that they gaue him a great checke, and forfeited all the aforesaid thousand Markes worth of goods, charging him not to proceede any further in that action: whereby it seemeth

they are very iealous that any Christian should grow acquainted with their Neighbours that border to the North-east of their Dominions, for that there is some great secret that way, which they would reserue to themselues onely. Thus much I vnderstood by Master Christopher Holmes.

The report of Master FRANCIS CHERRY a Moscouie Merchant, and Master THOMAS LYNDES touching a warme Sea to the South-east of the Riuer Ob, and a Note of [ 10] FRANCIS GAVLLE.

MAster Francis Cherry, one of the chiefe Merchants of the Moscouy Companie, which was the Emperour Iuan Basiliwich his Interpreter, and hath trauailed in person into Per••••a farre to the East in Russia, saith, That he hath eaten of the Sturgeon that came out of the Riuer of Ob. And that in those parts it is a common receiued speech of the Russes that are great trauai∣lers,* 22.17 that beyond Ob to the South-east there is a warme Sea. Which they expresse in these words in the Russe tongue; Za Obyreca moria Teupla, that is to say, Beyond the Riuer Ob is a warme Sea.* 22.18 Furthermore, Master Thomas Lynde an honest and discreet English Merchant, which hath likewise liued many yeeres in those parts of Moscouy, saith, That this Sea beyond Ob, is by the [ 20] report of the Russes, that are trauailers, so warme, that all kinde of Sea fowles liue there as well in the Winter as in the Summer, which report argueth, that this Sea pierseth farre into the South parts of Asia.

* 22.19FRancis Gaulle that passed the Ocean betweene Iapan and Noua Hispania, in the Latitude of 37. degrees and a halfe, writeth thus. Prouing a great Sea to come from the North-east parts of Tartarie; running thus East and East and by North about three hundred leagues from Iapan, we found a very hollow water, with the streame running out of the North and North-west, with a full and very broad Sea, without any trouble or hinderance in the way that we past. And what winde soeuer blue, the Sea continued all in one sort with the same hollow water and streame, vn∣till [ 30] we had passed seuen hundred leagues. About two hundred leagues from the Coast of New Spaine we began to lose the said hollow Sea, whereby I perswade my selfe that there you shall finde a Channell or strait passage betweene the firme Land of New Spaine and the Countrie of Asia and Tartaria. We found all this way Whales, Tunnies, Bonitos, which are fishes that ke••pe in Channels, Straits, and running Waters, there to disperse their seede, which further con∣firmeth me in that opinion.

* 22.20But seeing thus we are shipped from Russia, and haue againe taken Sea, that which ••ee permitted not to St••phen Burrough, Pet and Iackman, nor others, English and Dutch, which haue attempted that North east passage; and that which Master Baffin said to me, that if he might haue imployment, he would aduenture to discouer from the Coast of China and Iapan on the North of Asia hitherward; all [ 40] this shall be suddenly peruious to our swifter and vnstayable thoughts, to set vs in a new discouery by Da∣nish and English assistance for a North-west passage so often, not so fortunately attempted, as by Rea∣son it seemeth probable and almost certaine, especially th•••• way where Sir Th. Button and Nelson left. But we will discouer these Discoueries more methodically and historically to you, that you may see the English ancient right, as I may say, to those parts of the new World.

CHAP. XIII. Discoueries made by English-men to the North-west: Voyages of Sir SEBAS∣TIAN [ 50] CABOT, Master THORNE, and other Ancients: and of Master WEYMOVTH.

WE haue before giuen some light of the North-west, in Hudsons and other mens Voyages. The desire of Riches in some, of Knowledge in others, hath long whet∣ted mens industries, to finde out a more compendious way to the East Indies, by a shorter cut then the vsuall passage, which in going to the places of principall Trade there, and the returning thence by enforced compassings, is made no lesse a Voyage for time, cost, danger and labour, then the immediate compassing of the whole Globe, [ 60] as in Master Candishes circumnauigation (not to mention others) is euident. But if either by the North-east, or North-west, or North, a passage be open, the sight of the Globe (the Image of the site of the World) easily sheweth with how much ease, in how little time and expense the same might be effected, the large Lines or Meridians vnder the Line contayning sixe hundred miles,

contracting themselues proportionably as they grow neerer the Pole, where that vast Line and Circumference it selfe becomes (as the whole Earth to Heauen, and all earthly things to hea∣uenly) no Line any more, but a Point, but Nothing, but Vanitie. Hence such laborious searches from Columbus his first discouerie (that also occasioned by a conceit of finding the East by the West, whereupon he named Hispaniola Opbir, thinking he had then arriued at the East Indies) e∣specially the English, seated commodiously for that discouerie, and to reigne ouer the Northerne and Westerne Ocean, haue herein beene more then industrious.

Doctor Powell in his historie of Wales saith, that Madoc sonne of Owen Guyneth left the Land in contention betwixt his brethren, and prepared certaine ships with men and munition, and sought ad∣uentures [ 10] by Sea, sayling West, and leauing the Coast of Ireland so farre North, that hee came vnto a Land vnknowne, where he saw many strange things. There hee left many of his people An. 1170. and returned for more of his owne Nation and Friends to inhabite that large Countrie, going the second time thither with ten sailes.* 22.21 This westerne Land is like to be some part of the West In∣dies, though the vniuersall sauagenes of those parts make it questionable where. But he which seeth how some of our English in small time haue growne wilde in Ireland, and become in language and qualities Irish, few of whom doe in exchange become ciuilized and English (euen as healthfull men are easier infected in a contagious aire, then sicke men recouered in that which is wholsome and sound) will not wonder that in so many Ages the halfe ciuilized Welsh, amongst Barbarians, without succession of Priests and entercourse of these parts, might wholly put on feritie. Meredith [ 20] ap Rise a Welsh Poet, which liued before Columbus had begun his discouerie, hath these verses.

Madoc wyf, myedic wedd, Iawn Genau, Owyn Guynedd Ni finnum dir, fy enaid oedd Na da Mawr, ond y moroedd.

that is.

Madoc I am the sonne of Owen Gwynedd, With stature large and comely grace adorned, No lands at home nor store of wealth me please, My mind was whole to search the Ocean seas.

Columbus also sent his brother Bartholomew to King Henrie the seuenth, to make offer of his ser∣uice in the New-Worlds discouerie, which fell by the way into the hands of Pirats, whereupon pouertie assaulted him with sicknesse in a forraine Countrie,* 22.22 so that hee was forced to get some∣what [ 30] about him by making of Maps: one whereof had this more ancient then elegant in∣scription.

Ianua cui patria est, nomen cui Bartholomaeus Columbus de Terra Rubra, opus edidit istud Londonijs An. Domini 1480. at{que} insuper anno Octauo decima{que} die cum tertia mensis Februarij. Laudes Christo cantentur abundè.

Whose Countrie Genua is, whose name Bartholomew Colon de Terra Rubra, this worke set forth new At London, A thousand foure hundred eightie Februarie thirteenth, sing praise to Christ on height

One of these Maps hee presented to King Henrie with the said offer, who cheerfully accepted the same, and sent to call his brother into England, who before he could effect it, was imployed [ 40] by the Kings of Castile.

Columbus his fortunes awakned others industrie, amongst the rest Iohn Cabota a Venetian, and his three sonnes Lewis, Sebastian, and Sancius, who obtayned a Patent of King Henrie the seuenth for discouerie with fiue ships with English Masters, Mariners, and Colours also, the same to erect in whatsoeuer Lands vnknowne before to Christians,* 22.23 to hold the same to them and their Heires as Vassals and Lieutenants to the Crowne of England, paying the fifth part of their gaine at Bristoll, &c.

In the yeere 1497. Iohn Cabot a Venetian, and Sebastian his sonne (these are the wordes of the great Map in his Maiesties priuie Gallerie, of which Sebastian Cabot is often therein called the Au∣thour, and his Picture is therein drawne, with this Title, Effigies Sebast. Caboti Angli, filij Io. Ca. [ 50] Venetiani, Militis Aurati, &c.) discouered that Land which no man before had attempted Iun. 24. about fiue in the morning. This Land he called Prima vista (primum visam,* 22.24 or first seene) because that was first descried from Sea. That Iland which lyeth out before the land, he called Saint Iohns I∣land, because on that feast day it was discouered. The Inhabitants weare beasts skins and as much e∣steeme them, as we doe garments most precious. In their warres, they vse Bowes, Arrowes, Pikes, Darts, Clubs of wood and Slings. The soile is barren in some places and yeeldeth little fruit, but it is full of white Beares and Stags of vnusuall greatnesse. It aboundeth with Fishes and those great, as Seales and Salmons; Soles also an elle long. Especially there is great store of those fishes which they call commonly Bacallaos. There breede also Hawkes as blacke as Rauens, Partridges and blacke Eagles.

[ 60] Thus wee see New-found Land discouered by English Ships, Mariners and iurisdiction. Sir Sebastian Cabot, for his English breeding, conditions, affection and aduancement, termed an En∣glish man, thus reported of this voyage;* 22.25 That vpon occasion of the admiration of Columbus his voyage into the East, where Spices grew, by the West, so rife then in the Court of King Henrie the seuenth, there arose in his heart a great desire to attempt some notable thing.* 22.26 And vnder∣standing

by the Sphere (saith he) that if I should saile by the North-west, I should by a shorter Tract come into India; I thereupon caused the King to be aduertised of my deuise; who imme∣diately commanded two Caruels to bee furnished with all things appertayning to the Voyage; which was, as farre as I remember, in the yeere 1496. in the beginning of Summer. I beganne therefore to saile toward the North-west, not thinking to find any other Land then that of Ca∣thay,* 22.27 and from thence to turne toward India. But after certaine dayes I found that the Land turned toward the North, which was to me a great displeasure. Neuerthelesse, sayling along by the Coast to see if I could finde any Gulfe that turned, I found the Land still continent to the 56. degree vnder our Pole. And seeing that there the Coast turned toward the East, despayring to finde the passage, I turned backe againe, and sayled downe by the Coast of that Land toward the Equinoctiall (euer with intent to finde the said passage to India) and came to that part of this [ 10] firme land, which is now called Florida; where my victuals fayling I returned towards England; the tumults and preparations of warres against Scotland caused that then no more consideration was had to this voyage. Whereupon I went into Spaine, &c. By the King and Queene there he was set forth and discouered the Riuer of Plate, and sayled into it more then sixe score leagues. After this he made many other voyages, &c. Sir Seb. Cabot was after by King Edward the sixt constituted grand Pilot of England with the annuall stipend of one hundred and sixtie six pounds thirteene shillings and foure pence,* 22.28 and was Author of the Russian and North-easterne discoueries. Fabian in his Chronicle A. R. Hen. 7.14. hath this testimonie. This yeere also were brought vnto the King three men taken in the New-found Land,* 22.29 in William Purchas time being Major. These were clothed in beasts skins, and did eate raw flesh, and spake such speech that none could [ 20] vnderstand them, and in their demeanour like to bru••t beasts, whom the King kept a long time after. Two yeeres after I saw two of them at Westminster, apparelled like English, &c.

* 22.30Master Robert Thorne writes, that his Father and Master Hugh Eliot a Merchant of Bristoll, were the first discouerers of New-found Land: and if the Mariners would haue beene ruled and followed their Pilots minde, the West Indies had beene ours: so that it seemeth this Discouerie was before that of Columbus. Master Hakluyt hath published the particulars of these things more fully, as also diuers Treatises touching the North-west of Sir Humphrey Gilbert and others: to which I referre the Reader; and no lesse for the Voyages made by diuers English into those parts: three by Sir Martin Frobisher, in the yeeres 1576, 77, and 78. Two of Captaine Iohn [ 30] Dauies, in 86, and 87. that of Master Hore, An. 1536. that of Sir Humphrey Gilbert, 1583. that of Master Charles Leigh to Ramea, An. 1597. and before in 1593. that of George Drake; with those of Iaques Cartier, and diuers others. My purpose is not to steale Master Hakluyts la∣bours out of the World, by culling and fleecing them for our purpose, but by this Index to in∣struct men where they may haue festiuall store in this kinde. I had rather giue you new things. Such are to the World, these that you had before in Hudsons voyages set together, as also those of Greenland: and such are those of Waymouth, Knight, Hall, Baffin, &c. And first, as Foreman of our Quest, we will giue you Sir Humphrey Gilberts Letter, written with his owne hand from New-found Land, whereof he tooke formall possession to the Crowne of England, and was as a Martyr of those Discoueries. It was written to Sir George Peckham (a great Aduenturer in that [ 40] voyage, and a greater in one of longer life, his written Treatise of Westerne planting, extant in Master Hakluyts third Tome) and I haue here inserted, it being hitherto vnprinted, as a memorial of both their worths; and after it (though in time before) wee will recreate you with a plaine Mariners Letter endorsed in homely phrase, To the Honorable Kings Grace of England, here (as I thinke) giuen you from the Originall. I haue also another written to Cardinall Wolsey touch∣ing the same voyage in Latin, by Albertus de Prato; for the antiquitie, rather then any re∣markable raritie, worthy here to be mentioned.

SIr George, I departed from Plymouth on the eleuenth of Iune with fiue sailes, and on the thirteenth the Barke Rawley ran from me in faire and cleere weather, hauing a large winde. I pray you so∣licite [ 50] my brother Rawley to make them an example of all Knaues. On the third of August wee arriued at a Port called Saint Iohns, and will put to the Seas from thence (God willing) so soone as our ships will be ready. Of the New-found Land I will say nothing, vntill my next Letters. Be of good cheare, for if there were no better expectation, it were a very rich demaynes▪ the Country being very good and full of all sorts of victuall, as fish both of the fresh water and Sea-fish, Deere, Pheasants, Partridges, Swannes, and diuers Fowles else. I am in haste, you shall by euery Messenger heare more at large. On the fifth of August▪ I entred here in the right of the Crowne of England; and haue engrauen the Armes of England, diuers Spaniards, Portugals, and other strangers, witnessing the same. I can stay no lon∣ger; fare you well with my good Lady: and be of good cheare, for I haue comforted my selfe, answe∣rable to all my hopes.

From Saint Iohns in the New-found Land, the 8. of August, 1583.

[ 60]

Yours wholly to command, no man more, HVM. GILBART.

I mentioned before Master Thornes fathers finding New-found Land, with Master Eliot. These animated King Henrie the eight to set forth two ships for discouerie, one of which perished in the North parts of New-found Land. The Master of the other, Iohn Rut, writ this Letter to King Henrie, in bad English and worse Writing. Ouer it was this superscription.

Master Grubes two ships departed from Plymouth the 10. day of Iune, and arriued in the New-found Land in a good Harbour, called Cape de Bas, the 21. day of Iu∣ly: and after we had left the sight of Selle, we had neuer sight of any Land, till we had sight of Cape de Bas.

[ 10]

PLeasing your Honorable Grace to heare of your seruant Iohn Rut, with all his Company here, in good health, thanks be to God, and your Graces ship. The Mary of Gilford, with all her thanks be to God: And if it please your honorable Grace, we ranne in our course to the Northward, till we came into 53. degrees, and there we found many great Ilands of Ice and deepe water, we found no sounding, and then we durst not goe no further to the Northward for feare of more Ice, and then we cast about to the Southward, and within foure dayes after we had one hundred and sixtie fathom, and then wee came into 52. degrees and fell with the mayne Land, and within ten leagues of the mayne Land we met with a great Iland of Ice, and came hard by her, for it was standing in deepe water, and so went in with Cape de Bas, a good Harbor, and many small Ilands, and a great fresh Riuer going vp farre [ 20] into the mayne Land, and the mayne Land all wildernesse and mountaines and woods, and no naturall ground but all m••sse, and no inhabitation nor no people in these parts: and in the woods wee found footing of diuers great beasts, but we saw none not in ten leagues. And please your Grace, the Samson and wee kept company all the way till within two dayes before wee met with all the Ilands of Ice, that was the first day of Iuly at night, and there rose a great and a maruailous great storme, and much foule weather; I trust in Almightie Iesu to heare good newes of her. And please your Grace, we were considering and a writing of all our order, how we would wash vs and what course wee would draw and when God doe send foule weather, that with the Cape de Sper shee should goe, and he that came first should tarry the space of sixe weeks one for another, and watered at Cape de Bas ten dayes, ordering of your Graces ship and fish∣ing, and so departed toward the Southward to seeke our fellow: the third day of August we entered into [ 30] a good Hauen, called Saint Iohn, and there we found eleuen saile of Normans, and one Brittaine, and two Portugall Barkes, and all a fishing, and so we are readie to depart toward Cape de Bas, and that is twentie fiue leagues, as shortly as we haue fished, and so along the coast till we may meete with our fellow, and so with all diligence that lyes in me toward parts to that Ilands that we are commanded by the grace of God, as we were commanded at our departing: And thus Iesu saue and keepe your honorable Grace, and all your honourable Reuer▪

in the Hauen of Saint Iohn, the third day of August, written in haste. 1527.

By your seruant Iohn Rut, to his vttermost of his power.

[ 40]

I haue by me also Albert de Prato's originall Letter, in Latin stile, almost as harsh as the for∣mer English, and bearing the same date, and was indorsed, Reuerend▪ in Christo Patri Domino Domino Cardinali & Domino Legat•• Angliae: and began, Reuerendissime in Christo Pater salutem. Reuerendissime Pater, plaeceat Reuerendissima peternitati vestra, scire, Deo fauente post quam exiuimus à Plemut quae fuit x. Iunij &c. (the substance is the same with the former, and therefore omitted) Datum apud le Baya Saint Iohan in Terris Nouis, die x. Augusti, 1527. Reuer. Patr. vest. humilis seruus, Albertus de Prato. (the name written in the lowest corner of the sheet.)

[ 50] The voyage of Captaine GEORGE WEYMOVTH, intended for the discouerie of the North-west Passage toward China, with two flye Boates.

ON Sunday the second day of May, 1602. in the afternoone, I weighed anchor and set saile from Redcliffe with two Fly-boates, the one called the Discouery, of seuentie Tunnes; and the other called the God speed, of sixtie Tunnes, to discouer the North-west passage, hauing in my ships fiue and thirtie men and boyes, throughly victualled and abundantly furnished with all ne∣cessaries for a yeere and an halfe,* 24.1 by the right Worshipfull Merchants of the Moscouie and Tur∣kie Companies: who for the better successe of the voyage prouided mee of a great trauailer and [ 60] learned Minister one Master Iohn Cartwright. The Master vnder mee in the Discouerie was one William Cobreth, a skilfull man in his profession; and in the God speed, one Iohn Drewe, and Mate in the said ship one Iohn Lane.

The first of Iune, we descried Buquhamnes in the Latitude of 57. degrees. The second day we saw the Point of Buquhamnes North-west from vs, being a very smooth land; and the land

by it to the Southward riseth with many Homocks. There lyeth a ledge of Rockes hard by the Nesse, in a sandie Bay faire by the shore. When we came neer the land, we met with a fisher Boat, and I agreed with one of the fisher men to carry me betweene the Isles of Orkney, because I was not acquainted with the coast. The fourth day, at ten of the clocke, wee descried the Isles of Orkney.* 24.2 Some of those Southerne Ilands are prettie high land; but the Northerne Iland, which is called the Start, is very low land. There is no danger, giuing the shore a good birth, vnlesse it be by the Norther point of the Start:* 24.3 there doth a ledge of Rockes lye a mile from the shoare. At noone I found my selfe to be in the latitude of 59. degrees and 30. minutes,* 24.4 the point of the Start bearing West: and at one of the clocke in the afternoone, we saw a faire Ile, which bare North-east and by North from vs: and at eight of the clocke at night, wee were North of the Start: Then I directed my course West and by North. The fifth day about ten of the clocke in [ 10] the morning,* 24.5 we ranne some tenne leagues, and then we saw two small Ilands, some two leagues off: and at eight and nine of the clocke we saw foure or fiue Boats of Fisher-men, and spake with one of them, and they were Scottish-men. The sixt, in the morning fell much raine, and lasted till nine of the clocke: and at ten of the clocke it cleared vp, and became very faire weather, and very temperate and warme, and our course was West. The seauenth, the winde was at East and by North, faire weather, and our course West. The eight, at noone I obserued the Sunne, and found vs to be in 59. degrees and fortie seuen minutes, and we ran West South-west.

The twelfth day we held our course West, the winde at East North-east, with fogge in the morning:* 24.6 at noone I obserued the Sunne, and found my selfe in 57. degrees, and 55. minutes. the variation here was nothing at all. The thirteenth at noone, our course was West and by [ 20] North, the winde at North-east, with fogge some three or foure houres, and then cleare againe: the ayre very warme, as in England in the moneth of May. The foureteenth was faire weather, and the winde at East North-east, and our course West and by North. The fifteenth much raine all the forenoone, our course West, the winde at East and by North. The sixteenth, the winde was at North North-east, with much raine, winde and fogge. In the forenoone, being very cold, and at noone,* 24.7 I obserued the Sun, and found vs to be in 57. degrees and 35. minutes: we found the variation to be eleuen degrees Westward; and by that meane I found my selfe to be one degree more to the Southward, then we should haue bin by our course; for we could not see the Sunne in 96. houres before this day at noone, and at our last obseruation before this, which was the twelfth day, we could not finde any variation at all. Then we stood close by a winde to the [ 30] Westward,* 24.8 the winde being at North North-east. The seauenteenth wee ranne North and by West, the winde at North North-east, faire weather. This day we saw many gray Gulles, and some Pigions.* 24.9 The eighteenth at noone I obserued the Sunne, and found our selues to be in the latitude of 59. degrees, and 51. minutes. And then we first descried a great Iland of Ice, which lay North from vs, as farre as we could ken it from the head of our maine topmast: and about two of the clocke in the afternoone, we saw the South part of Groneland, North from vs some ten leagues. As we coasted this Ice to the Northward, we found it to be a maine banke of Ice; for we saw the other end of it to beare West North-west from vs; the winde being at South South-west,* 24.10 little winde: Then we ranne West South-west, to cleere vs of the Ice. The nine∣teenth, [ 40] the winde was at East South-east, with some small raine. The twentieth, our course was West North-west,* 24.11 the winde being at North and by East, little winde. This day sometimes we came into blacke water as thicke as puddle, and in sailing a little space the water would be cleare againe. Seeing this change of water, so often to be thick, and cleare againe so suddenly, we imagi∣ned it had beene shallow water: then we founded, and could fetch no ground in one hundred and twenty fathomes: and the Sea was so smooth, that we could discerne no current at all. At this time I reckoned the Cape of desolation to beare North North-east twentie foure leagues from vs.* 24.12 The one and twentieth, the winde was variable. The two and twentieth, we were in the lati∣tude of 60. degrees and 37. minutes:* 24.13 the winde being at West, wee ranne North and by West. The seauen and twentieth, the winde was at West South-west: then our course was [ 50] North-west and by North, the weather faire and warme, as in England, in the moneth of May.* 24.14 This day we saw great store of Gulles, which followed our Ship sundry dayes.

The eight and twentieth, the winde being at North and by West, wee directed our course to the Westward;* 24.15 and about twelue of the clocke the same night, we descried the land of Ame∣rica, in the latitude of 62. degrees and 30. minutes; which we made to be Warwicks foreland. This Headland rose like an Iland. And when we came neere the Foreland, we saw foure small Ilands to the Northwards, and three small Ilands to the Southward of the same Foreland. The Foreland was high land: all the top•• of the hils were couered with Snow. The three small Ilands to the Southward were also white▪ that we could not discerne them from Ilands of Ice: also there was great store of drift Ice vpon the Eastside of this Foreland: but the Sea was altogether [ 60] voide of Ice: the Land did lye North and by East, and South and by West, being six leagues of length.

The nine and twentieth, at sixe of the clocke in the morning, wee were within three leagues of this Foreland: then the winde came vp at North-east and by East, a good stiffe gale with

fogge: and wee were forced to stand to the Southward▪ because wee could not wether the Land to the Northward: and as wee stood to the Southward along by Warwicks Foreland,* 24.16 we could discerne none otherwise, but that it was an Iland. Which if it fall out to be so, then L••••leys Inlet, and the next Southerly Inlet, where the great Current setteth to the West, must of necessitie be one Sea▪ which will be the greatest hope of the passage that way. The thirtieth, the winde was at North-east, with fogge and Snow. This day wee came into a great whirling of a Current, being in the latitude of 61. degrees, and about twelue leagues from the coast of America.

The first day of Iuly, the winde was at West, with fogge and Snow; the ayre being very cold. [ 10] This day wee came into many Ouerfals, which seemed to runne a great current; but which way it did set, wee could not well discerne. The greatest likelihood was, that it should set to the West. But hauing contrary windes some sixteene or seuenteene dayes,* 24.17 we alwayes lay in trauerse among these ouerfals; but could neuer finde any great current by our courses: wee sounded sometimes, but could get no ground in one hundred and twentie fa∣thomes.

The second day, wee descried a maine Banke of Ice in the latitude of 60. degrees:* 24.18 the winde was at North North-west, and very faire weather. Wee wanting fresh water did sayle close to this Land of Ice, and hoysed out our Boate, and loaded her twice with Ice, which made vs very good fresh water. Within twenty leagues of the coast of America, wee should often∣times [ 20] come into many great ouerfals. Which doth manifestly shew, that all the coast of Ame∣rica is broken Land.

The third, the winde was at South-west, very foggie: and as wee stood toward the coast of America, wee met with another maine Banke of Ice. The fogge was so thicke, that we were hard by the Ice, before wee could see it. But it pleased God that the winde was faire to put vs cleare from this Ice againe; and presently it began to cleare vp, so that wee could see two or three leagues off; but we could see no end of the Ice. Wee iudged this Ice to be some tenne leagues from the coast of America. We found the water to be very blackish and thicke,* 24.19 like pud∣dle water.

The eight, the winde was at North North-west, very faire weather; wee standing to the [ 30] Westwards met with a mighty maine Banke of Ice, which was a great length and breadth, and it did rest close to the shoare. And at eleuen of the clocke in the forenoone, wee descried againe the Land of America, in the latitude of 63. degrees and 53. minutes, being very high Land:* 24.20 and it did rise as Ilands, the toppes being couered with Snow. This Land was South-west and by West, some fiue leagues off vs: we could come no neerer it for the great quantitie of Ice, which rested by the shoare side.

The ninth, the winde being at North-east and by Last, blew so extreamely, that we were for∣ced to stand to the Southward, both to cleare our selues of the Land, and of the Ice: for the day before we passed a great banke of Ice, which was some foureteene leagues to the Eastward of vs, when the storme began; but thankes be to God, we cleared our selues both of the Land [ 40] and of the Ice. This day in the afternoone the storme grew so extreame, that we were forced to stand along with our forecourse to the Southward.

The seuenteenth was very foggie, the winde being at East: and about two of the clocke in the afternoone, wee saw foure great Ilands of Ice, of a huge bignesse: and about foure of the clocke we came among some small scattered Ice, and supposed our selues to be neere some great Banke. The fogge was very thicke, but the winde large to stand backe the same way wee came in; or else it would haue indangered our liues very much. And at nine of the clocke at night we heard a great noyse, as though it had bin the breach of some shoare.* 24.21 Being desirous to see what it was, we stood with it, and found it to be the noyse of a great quantity of Ice, which was very loathsome to be heard. Then wee stood North North-west, and the fogge conti∣nued [ 50] so thicke, that wee could not see two Shippes length from vs: whereupon we thought good to take in some of our sayles; and when our men came to hand them, they found our sayles, ropes, and tacklings, so hard frozen, that it did seeme very strange vnto vs,* 24.22 being in the chiefest time of Summer.

The eighteenth day, the winde was at North-east and by North, the ayre being very cleere and extreame cold, with an exceeding great frost; and our course was North-west. This day in the forenoone, when we did set our sayles, we found our ropes and tacklings harder frozen then they were the day before: which frost did annoy vs so much in the vsing of our ropes and sayles, that wee were enforced to breake off the Ice from our ropes, that they might runne through the blockes. And at two of the clocke in the afternoone, the winde began to blow ve∣ry [ 60] hard, with thicke fogge, which freezed so fast as it did fall vpon our sayles, ropes, and tackling,* 24.23 that we could not almost hoyse or strike our sayles, to haue any vse of them. This extreame frost and long continuance thereof, was a maine barre to our proceeding to the Northward, and the discouraging of all our men.

The nineteenth day, the winde was at North and by East, and our course to the Eastwards.

The same night following, all our men conspired secretly together, to beare vp the helme for England,* 24.24 while I was asleepe in my Cabin, and there to haue kept mee by force, vntill I had sworn vnto them, that I would not offer any violence vnto them for so doing. And indeede they had drawn in writing, the causes of their bearing vp of the helme, and thereunto set their hands, and would haue left them in my Cabin: but by good chance I vnderstood their pretence, and preuented them for that time.

The twentieth day, I called the chiefest of my Company into my Cabin, before Master Iohn Cartwright our Preacher, and our Master, William Cobreth, to heare what reasons they could alleadge for the bearing vp of the Helme, which might he an ouerthrow to the Voyage, seeing the Merchants had bin at so great a charge with it. After much conference, they deliuered mee [ 10] their reasons in writing:

Concluding, that although it were granted, that we might winter betweene 60. and 70. de∣grees of latitude, with safetie of our liues and Vessels, yet it will be May next before wee can dismore them, to lanch out into the Sea. And therefore if the Merchants should haue pur∣pose to proceede on the discouerie of these North-west parts of America; the next yeare you may be in the aforesaid latitudes for England, by the first of May, and so be furnish∣ed better with men and victuals, to passe and proceede in the aforesaid action.

Seeing then that you cannot assure vs of a safe harbour to the Northward, wee purpose to beare vp the Helme for England; yet with this limitation, that if in your wisedome, you shall thinke good to make any discouery, either in 60. or 57. degrees, with this faire Northerly winde, [ 20] we yeelde our liues with your selfe, to encounter any danger. Thus much we thought neede∣full to signifie, as a matter builded vpon reason, and not proceeding vpon feare or cow∣ardise.

Then, wee being in the latitude of 68. degrees and 53. minutes: the next following, about eleuen of the clocke,* 24.25 they bare vp the Helme, being all so bent, that there was no meanes to perswade them to the contrary. At last vnderstanding of it, I came forth of my Cabin, and deman∣ded of them, who bare vp the Helme? They answered me, One and All. So they hoysed vp all the sayle they could,* 24.26 and directed their course South and by West.

The two and twentieth, I sent for the chiefest of those, which were the cause of the bea∣ring vp of the Helme, and punished them seuerely, that this punishment might be a warning [ 30] to them afterward for falling into the like mutinie.* 24.27 In the end, vpon the intreatie of Master Cartwright our Preacher, and the Master, William Cobreaths, vpon their submission, I remit∣ted some part of their punishment. At twelue of the clocke at noone, wee came hard by a great Iland of Ice: the Sea being very smooth and almost calme, wee hoysed out the Boates of both our Shippes: being in want of fresh water, and went to this Iland to get some Ice to make vs fresh water. And as wee were breaking off some of this Ice (which was verie painefull for vs to doe;* 24.28 for it was almost as hard as a Rocke:) the great Iland of Ice gaue a mightie cracke two or three times, as though it had bin a thunder-clappe; and presently the Iland began to ouerthrow, which was like to haue sunke both our Boates, if wee had not made good haste from it. But thankes be to God, we escaped this danger very happily, and came [ 40] aboord with both our Boates,* 24.29 the one halfe laden with Ice▪ There was great store of Sea Foule vpon this Iland of Ice.

The fiue and twentieth and six and twentieth, the winde being at East, did blow a hard gale, and our course was West and by South, with fogge. This day in the afternoone I did reckon my selfe to be in the entering of an Inlet,* 24.30 which standeth in the latitude of 61. degrees and 40. minutes.

The seuen and twentieth, the winde was at South South-east, and blew very hard, our course was West. The eight and twentieth and nine and twentieth, our course was West and by South, the winde blowing very hard at East South-east, with fogge and raine. The thirtieth, the winde came vp in a showre by the West North-west, blowing so hard, that wee were forced to put a [ 50] fore the Sea. Now because the time of the yeare was farre spent, and many of our men in both Shippes sicke,* 24.31 wee thought it good to returne with great hope of this Inlet, to bee a passage of more possibilitie, then through the Straight of Dauis: because I found it not much pestered with Ice, and to be a straight of fortie leagues broad. Also I sayled an hun∣dred leagues West and by South,* 24.32 within this Inlet; and there I found the variation to be 35. degrees to the Westward, and the needle to decline, or rather incline 83. degrees and an halfe.

The fifth of August (the winde all that while Westerly) wee were cleare of this Inlet againe. The sixth the winde was at East South-east with fogge. The seauenth, eight, and ninth, we pas∣sed by many great Ilands of Ice. The ninth day at night, we descried the land of America, in the latitude of 55. degrees,* 24.33 and 30. minutes. This Land was an Iland, being but low land and [ 60] very smooth: then the night approaching, and the weather being something foggie and darke, we were forced to stand to the Northward againe. This night we passed by some great Ilands of Ice, and some bigge peeces which did breake from the great Ilands: and we were like

to strike some of them two or three times: which if we had done, it might haue endangered our Shippes and liues. Our consort, the Godspeede, strooke a little piece of Ice,* 24.34 which they thought had foundred their Shippe; but thankes be to God they receiued no great hurt, for our Shippes were very strong.

The tenth day, the winde was at North-east and by North, with fogge and raine; and our course was to the South-eastward: for we could by no meanes put with the shoare, by reason of the thicknesse of the fogge, and that the winde blew right vpon the shoare, so that we were forced to beare saile to keepe our selues from the land, vntill it pleased God to send vs a cleare; which God knoweth we long wanted. At sixe of the clocke in the afternoone, it was calme; and then I iudged my selfe, by mine account, to be neere the Land: so I founded, and had ground [ 10] in 160. fathomes, and fine grey Osie Sand: and there was a great Iland of Ice, a ground within a league of vs, where we sounded, and within one houre it pleased God to send vs a cleere. Then we saw the land some foure leagues South-west and by South from vs. This land lyeth East and by South, and West and by North, being good high land, but all Ilands,* 24.35 as farre as wee could dis∣cerne. This calme continued vntill foure of the clocke in the afternoone of the eleuenth day: the weather being very cleere, we could not discerne any Current to goe at all by this Land. This day the Sea did set vs in about a league neerer the Land, so that wee iudged our selues three leagues off. Here we sounded againe, and had but eightie fathoms.

The variation of the Compasse we found to be 22. degrees and 10. minutes Westward.* 24.36 At fiue of the clocke there sprung vp a fine gale of winde, at East South-east, and being so neere [ 20] night, wee stood to the Southward, thinking the next day to seeke some harbour. But it plea∣sed God, the next day, being the twelfth, to send vs a storme of foule weather, the winde being at East and by South, with fogge: so that we could by no meanes get the shoare.* 24.37 Thus wee were forced to beate vp and downe at Sea, vntill it should please God to send vs better weather.

The foureteenth, I thought good to stand to the Westward to search an Inlet▪ in the latitude of 56. degrees. I haue good hope of a passage that way, by many great and probable reasons.

The fifteenth the winde continued at the South▪ with exceeding faire weather, and our course was West. We were this day at noone in the latitude of 55. degrees and 31. 〈…〉〈…〉 I found the variation to be 17. degrees and 1••. minutes, to the Westward.* 24.38 And about seuen of [ 30] the clocke at night, we descried the Land againe, being tenne leagues to the Eastward of this Inlet. This Land did beare from vs South-west, some eight leagues off: and about nine of the clocke the same night, the winde came to the West▪ which blew right against vs for our en∣tring into this Inlet.

The sixteenth, the winde was at West North-west, and was very faire weather, and our course South-west: about nine of the clocke in the forenoone, we came by a great Iland of Ice; and by this Iland we found some peeces of Ice broken off from the said Iland: And being in great want of fresh water, wee hoysed out our Boates of both Shippes, and loaded them twice with Ice, which made vs very good fresh water. This day at noone wee found our selues to be in the latitude of 55. degrees and twentie minutes: when we had taken in our Ice and Boates,* 24.39 the [ 40] weather being very faire and cleare, and the winde at West North-west, we bent our course for the Land, and about three of the clocke in the afternoone,* 24.40 we were within three leagues of the shoare. It is a very pleasant low Land; but all Ilands, and goodly sounds going betweene them, toward the South-west. This Land doth stand in the latitude of 55. degrees; and I found the variation to be to the West ••8. degrees and 12. minutes. This coast is voide of Ice, vn∣lesse it be some great Ilands of Ice, that come from the North, and so by windes may be ••riuen vpon this chast. Also we did finde the ayre in this place to be very temperite. Truely there is in three seuerall places great hope of a passage, betweene the latitude of 62. and 54. degrees, if the fogge doe not hinder it, which is all the feare I haue. At sixe of the clocke, wee being becalmed by the shoare, there appeared vnto vs a great ledge of ro••kes, betweene vs and the shoare, as [ 50] though the Sea did flye ouer it with a great height. As we all beheld it, within one houre, vpon a sudden it vanished clean•• away▪ which seemed very strange vnto vs all. And to the Eastward of vs, some two leagues, we saw a great Rocke, lying some three leagues off the Land: we then supposing it to be shoald water, by this broken ground, sounded, but could get no ground in one hundred and sixtie fathoms. About seuen of the clocke▪ there sprung vp a gale of wind••, by the South South-east, which was a very good winde to coast this Land.

But the seuenteenth in the morning, the winde being at the South, it began to blow so ex∣treamely, that we durst not stay by the shoare, for it was like to be a great storme▪ then our course was East North-east, to get vs Sea roome. This storme still increasing, our slye-boates did [ 60] receiue in much water; for they wanted a Sparre-decke, which wee found very dangerous for the Sea. About twelue of the clocke at noone, this day there rose vp a great showre in the West,* 24.41 and presently the winde came out of this quarter with a whirle, and taking vp the Sea into the ayre, and blew so extreamely, that we were forced alwayes to runne before the Sea, howso∣euer

the winde did blow. And within twelue houres after this storme beganne, the Sea was so much growen, that we thought our flye Boates would not haue beene able to haue en∣dured it.

The eighteenth, the winde was at North-west, and the storme increased more extreame, and lasted vntill eight of the clocke in the morning of the nineteenth day, so furious, that to my remembrance, I neuer felt a greater: yet when we were in our greatest extremities, the Lord deliuered vs his vnworthy seruants. And if the winde, with so great a storme, had bin either Northerly,* 24.42 or Southerly, or Easterly but one day, we had all perished against the Rocks, or the Ice: for wee were entred thirty leagues within a Head-land of an Inlet, in the latitude of 56. degrees. But it pleased God to send vs the winde so faire, as we could desire, both to cleare our selues of the Land and Ice. Which opportunitie caused vs for this time to take our leaues of the [ 10] coast of America, and to shape our course for England.

The fourth, in the morning, wee descried the Iland of Silly North-east and by East, some foure leagues off vs. Then wee directed our course East and by North: and at tenne of the clocke in the forenoone, wee descried the Lands end, and next day were forced to put into Dartmouth.

CHAP. XIV. [ 20] IAMES HALL his Voyage forth of Denmarke for the discouery of Greeneland, in the yeare 1605. abbreuiated.

IN the name of God Amen, we set sayle from Copeman-hauen in Denmarke, the se∣cond day of May, in the yeare of our redemption 1605. with two Shippes and a Pinnace:* 24.43 The Admirall, called the Fr••st, a shippe of the burthen of thirty or for∣tie lasts, wherein was Captaine, and chiefe commander of the whole Fleet, Cap∣taine Iohn Cunningham, a Scottish Gentleman, seruant vnto the Kings Maiestie of Denmarke, my selfe being principall Pilot. The Lyon Viceadmirall, being about [ 30] the foresaid burthen,* 24.44 wherein was Captaine, one Godsc•••••• Lindenose, a Danish Gentleman, and Steereman of the same, one Peter Kils••n of Copeman-hauen. The Pinnace, a Barke of the burthen of twelue Lasts, or thereabouts: wherein was Steereman or commander, one Iohn Knight, my Countrie-man.* 24.45 So setting sayle from Copeman-hauen, with a faire gale of winde Easterly, wee came vnto Elsonure, where we anchored, to take in our water.

The third day we tooke in our water, at which time, the Captaines, my selfe, with the Lieu∣tenants, and the other Steeremen, did thinke it conuenient to set downe certaine Articles, for the better keeping of company one with another, to which Articles or couenants wee were all se∣uerally sworne, setting thereunto our hands.

* 24.46The sixt we came to Fl••c••rie, into which harbour, by Gods helpe, we came at two a clocke [ 40] in the afternoone. The seauenth day we supplied our wants of wood and water. The eight day, about two a clocke in the afternoone, we set sayle forth of the harbour of Flecori••, about six a clock it fell calme, till about eight, about which time, the Nas•• of Norway, by the Danish men, cal∣led Lyndis-••ose, bare next hand North-west of vs, sixe leagues off, at which time I directed my course West North-west, finding the compasse varied 7. degrees 10. minutes, to the Eastwards of the true North.

The thirteenth, we had sight of the Hand of Faire Ile, and also of the South-head of Sh••tland, called Swimborne▪h••ad, which are high Lands: at noone, the Iland of Faire Ile bearing West halfe a point Northerly: foure leagues off I made obseruation, and found vs in the latitude of 59. degrees 20. minutes.* 24.47 This night about seuen a clocke, wee came about an English league to the Northwards of the North-west and of Faire Ile, wee met with a great race of a tyde, as [ 50] though it had beene the race of Portland,* 24.48 it setting North North-west. Being out of the said race, I directed my course▪ West and by North, hauing the winde North-east and by North: this euening Faire Ile bearing East South-east foure leagues: Swimborne▪head, North-east and by North eight leagues: the Iland of Fool••, North-east and by East, seuen leagues. I found by exact obseruation, the compasse to be varied to the East-ward of the true North 60. degrees 10. minutes.

* 24.49The fourte••••th in the morning, the winde came to the East South-east, wee steering West and by North away: this morning the Iland of Faire Ile did shew in my sight to bee about ten leagues off, at which time we did descrie two of the Westermost Ilands of Orkney, which did beare South-west and by South. [ 60]

The eighteenth, the winde at North-west and by West, wee laid it away South-west and by West, and sometimes South-west. This day 〈◊〉〈◊〉 noone wee were in the Latitude of 58. degrees

40. minutes. The nineteenth day, the winde at South-west and South-west and by West, wee lying as the night before, being at noone in the Latitude of 59. degrees and a halfe. The foure and twentieth day, the winde at North-east and by East, we steering still with a fresh gale West South-west, this euening we looked to haue seene Busse Iland, but I doe verily suppose the same to be placed in a wrong Latitude in the Marine Charts. The sixe and twentieth at noone,* 24.50 wee were in the latitude of 57. degrees 45. minutes. The thirtieth day in the morning betweene se∣uen and eight, the weather began to cleere, and the Sea and winde to waxe lesse, wee looking for the Lion and the Pinnasse, could haue no sight of them, we supposing them to bee a sterne off vs, we standing still vnder our courses. This day the winde came to the North-east and by East, [ 10] being very cold weather, we lying North North-west away. Making my obseruation at noone, I found vs in the latitude of 59. degrees 15. minutes, our way North North-west fortie leagues. This afternoon between one and two a clock we descried Land, it bearing North North-east off vs about ten leagues off North-east & by North off vs about ten leagues,* 24.51 it being a very high rag∣ged land, lying in the latitude of 59. degrees 50. minutes, lying alongst South-east and by South, and North-west and by North.

This Head-land wee named after the Kings Maiesties of Denmarke,* 24.52 because it was the first part of Groenland, which we did see. This afternoone about one a clock, bearing in for the shoare we saw an Iland of Ice, which bore West South-west of vs three leagues off, so hauing the wind at East South-east, we bore in for the shoare, where wee found so much Ice that it was impossible [ 20] either for vs or any other ship to come into the shoare without great danger: yet wee put our selues into the Ice as wee thought conuenient,* 24.53 being incumbred and compassed about with the same in such sort, as the Captaine, my selfe, the Boatswaine with another of our companie, were forced to goe ouerboord vpon an Iland of Ice, to defend it from the ship, at which time I thought it conuenient to stand off into the Sea againe, and so being cleere of the Ice,* 24.54 to double Cape Deso∣lation, to the North-westwards of which I doubted not but to find a cleer coast, so standing away all this night West South-west, to cleere vs of the Ice, which lay farre from the shoare, being very thicke towards the Land with great Ilands of Ice that it is wonderfull. This euening, the Cape Christian bearing North-east and by East fiue leagues,* 24.55 I found the Compasse varied 12. de∣grees 15. minutes to the North-westwards. Moreouer, standing to Seaward from the foresaid [ 30] Cape, we came in blacke water, as thicke as though it had beene puddle water, we sayling in the same for the space of three houres.* 24.56

The one and thirtieth in the morning faire weather, with the winde somewhat variable, wee steering away North-west and by West, betweene foure and fiue in the morning we had sight of the Lion againe, but not of the Pinnasse. They being a Sea-boord off and hauing espied vs, they stood with vs, at which time the Captaine, Lieutenant, and Steereman came aboord vs,* 24.57 earnestly intreating mee to bestow a Sea Chart of the Steerman, and to giue him directions if by tempe∣stuous weather they should lose vs, they protesting and swearing that they would neuer leaue vs as long as winde and weather would permit them to keepe companie with vs. By whose spee∣chees I being perswaded did giue them a Sea Chart for those Coasts, telling them that if they [ 40] would follow me, that by Gods assistance I would bring them to a part of the Land void with∣out pester of Ice, and also harbour the ships in good Harbour, by Gods helpe; they swearing and protesting, that they would follow mee so long as possibly they could, with which oathes and faire speeches I rested satisfied, thinking they had thought as they had sworne, but it fell out o∣therwise. So hauing made an end with vs about noone, they went aboord againe, wee being this day in the latitude of 59. degrees 45. minutes, hauing stood all the night before, and this forenoone also, so nigh the shoare as wee could for Ice, the Cape Christian South South-east and North North-west, and from the Cape to Cape Desolation, the Land lyeth East and by South, and West and by North about fiftie leagues. This day betweene one and two a clocke, the Vice-admirals Boat, being newly gone aboord, it fell very hasie and thicke, so that wee could not see [ 50] one another by reason of the fog, therefore our Captaine caused to shoote off certaine Muskets with a great peece of Ordnance, to the intent the Lion might heare vs, which heard of them they presently stood with vs, at which time the fogge began somewhat to cleere, wee hauing sight one of another and so stood alongst the shoare, as nigh as we could for Ice.

The first of Iune, wee had a fresh gale of winde at South-west,* 24.58 wee steering North-east and by North into the shoare, about three in the morning there fell a mightie fogge, so that we were forced to lye by the lee, for the Lion playing vpon our Drum to the intent for them to heare vs, and to keepe companie with vs, they answering vs againe with the shooting of a Musket, wee trimming our sailes, did the like to them, and so stood away North-east and by East: larboord tackt aboord halfe a glasse, when we were hard incumbred amongst mightie Ilands of Ice,* 24.59 being very high like huge Mountaines, so I caused to cast about and stand to the Westwards North-west [ 60] and by West. About twelue of the clocke this night it being still calme, wee found our selues suddenly compast round about with great Ilands of Ice, which made such a hideous noyse as was most wonderfull, so that by no meanes wee could double the same to the Westward: wherefore wee were forced to stand it away to the Southwards, South South-West, stem∣ming

the Current, for by the same Current wee were violently brought into this Ice, so being incumbred and much to doe to keepe cleere of the mightie Ilands of Ice, there being as both I and others did plainly see vpon one of them a huge rocke stone, of the weight of three hundred pounds or thereabouts, as wee did suppose. Thus being troubled in the Ice for the space of two or three houres, it pleased God that we got thorow the same.

The second day in the morning about three a clocke, I came forth of my Cabin, where I found that the Shipper whose name was Arnold had altered my course which I had set, going con∣trarie to my directions North North-west away, whereupon hee and I grew to some speeches, both for at this time and other times hee had done the like. The Captaine likewise seeing his bad dealing with we, did likewise roundly speake his minde to him, for at this instant wee were [ 10] nigh vnto a great banke of Ice, which wee might haue doubled if my course had not beene alte∣red, so that we were forced to cast about to the Southwards, South and by East and South South-east, with the winde at South-west and by South or South-west till ten a clocke, when we stood againe to the Westwards, lying West North-west and North-west and by West, being at noone in the latitude of 60. degrees 18. minutes, Cape Desolation is, I did suppose, bearing North and by West three or foure leagues off, the weather being so thicke and hasie that wee could neuer see the Land.

The fourth day betweene one and two a clocke in the morning, it began to blow a fresh gale Easterly, we steering away North and North and by West, we being at noone in the latitude of 59. degrees 50. minutes, hauing made a West and by North way foure and twentie leagues. This euening about seuen a clocke we had very thicke water, and continued so about halfe an houre: [ 20] about nine a clocke we did see a very high Iland of Ice to the windward of vs, and about halfe an houre after with some drift Ice, they in the Lion thorow the fearefulnesse of their Com∣manders presently cast about standing away larboord tackt, till they did perceiue that I stood still away as I did before, without impediment of the Ice, they cast about againe and followed vs.

The fift in the morning, being very faire weather with the winde at East South-east, our course North North-west, some of our people supposed they had seene the Land: our Captaine and I went aboord the Pinnasse, when after an houre of our being there wee did see the supposed Land to be an hasie fogge, which came on vs so fast that wee could scarce see one another. But the Lion being very nigh vnto vs, and it being very calme, wee laid the Pinnasse aboord of her, [ 30] and so the Captaine and I went aboord of them.

The ninth day about foure a clocke, it began to blow an easie gale at South-east and by South, I directing my course still North North-west, when some of our people would not be perswa∣ded but they did see Land, and therefore I stood in North and by East and North North-east, till about three a clocke in the afternoone,* 24.60 when wee met with a huge and high Iland of Ice, wee steering hard to board the same, and being shot a little to Northwards of it, there fell from the top thereof some quantitie of Ice, which in the fall did make such a noyse as though it had beene the report of fiue Cannons.* 24.61 This euening wee came amongst much drift Ice, being both windwards and to leewards of vs, yet by Gods helpe we got very well through the same, when [ 40] being cleere I directed my course againe North North-west.

The tenth day the winde at South-west and by West, I steering still North-west and by North. This forenoone also wee met with great Ilands of Ice, it being very hasie and thicke weather, the which did driue them in the Lion into great feare, and calling to vs very fearfully perswaded me to alter my course and to returne homeward, saying that it was impossible for vs by any working, and course keeping to sease vpon the Land, which did driue all our companie into such a feare,* 24.62 that they were determined, whether I would or not, to haue returned home, had not the Captaine as an honest and resolute Gentleman stood by mee, protesting to stand by me so long as his blood was warme, for the good of the Kings Maiestie, who had set vs forth, and also to the performing of the Voyage. Which resolution of his did mitigate the stubborne∣nesse [ 50] of the people: yet nothing would perswade those fearfull persons in the Lion, especially the Steerman, who had rather long before this time haue returned home, then to haue proceeded on the action, as before the said Steerman had done when he was imployed eight yeeres before in the said action or discouerie.* 24.63 Therefore our Captaine and my selfe seeing their backwardnesse now, as before we had done, went our selues the same euening into the Pinnasse, hauing a migh∣tie banke of Ice of our larboord side, and spake to them very friendly, giuing order both to our owne ship and to them,* 24.64 that they should keepe a Seaboord of vs (for I did suppose this banke of Ice to lye in the narrowest of the Streight, betweene America and Groenland, as indeed by expe∣rience I found the same to be) therefore I determined to coast the Ice alongst till I found it to bee driuen and fall away, by reason of the swift current that setteth very forcibly through the said [ 60] Strait, and then by the grace of God to set ouer for a cleere part of the coast of Groenland, so all this night we coasted the Ice as close aboord as we could East North-east and North-east and by East, till about midnight, when we found the said banke to fall away.

The eleuenth day, being cleere of the Ice, I stood away North North-east till sixe a clocke,

when we met with another great banke of Ice, at which time the Commanders of the Lion be∣ing now againe very fearfull as before, came vp to our ship,* 24.65 perswading the Shipper and Com∣panie to leaue vs, and to stand to Seaboord with them. But the Shipper who was also Lieftenant of the ship, being more honestly minded, said, that he would follow vs so long as he could: with which answere they departed, vsing many spitefull wordes, both of the Captaine and mee, say∣ing we were determined to betray the Kings ships,* 24.66 at which time they shot off a peece of Ord∣nance, and so stood away from vs. I seeing their peruerse dealing let them goe, wee coasting alongst the Ice North North-east with a fresh-gale, it being extreme cold with snow and hayse, the Sea also going very high by reason of a mightie current,* 24.67 the which I found to set very force∣ably through this Strait, which being nigh vnto America side, setteth to the Northwards, and [ 10] on the other side to the contrarie, as by proofe I found. So coasting alongst this mayne banke of Ice, which seemed as it had beene a firme Continent till about eleuen a clocke, when wee espyed the Ice to stretch to windward, on our weather bow wee setting our starboord takes aboord, stood away East and by South with the winde at South and by East, till wee had doubled a Sea∣boord the Ice, at which time I directed my course directly ouer for the cleere coast of Groineland, East and by North, which course I directed all the Frost to goe, wee standing away our course all this night, it being very much snow and sleete.

The twelfth day in the morning about foure a clocke, we espyed the Land of Groenland,* 24.68 be∣ing a very high ragged Land, the tops of the Mountaines being all couered with snow, yet wee found all this coast vtterly without Ice, wee standing into the Land espyed a certaine Mount a∣boue [ 20] all the rest, which Mount is the best marke on all this Coast,* 24.69 the which I named Mount Cunningham after the name of my Captaine. We comming into the shoare betweene two Capes or Head-lands, the Land lying betweene them North and by East, and South and by West, the Southmost of which Forelands I named Queene Annes Cape,* 24.70 after the name of the Queenes Ma∣iestie of Denmarke, and the Northermost of the two I called Queene Sophias Cape, after the name of the Queene Mother.

So standing into the Land, we came amongst certaine Ilands, where sayling in still amongst the same vnto the Southermost foot of the foresaid Mount, wee came into a goodly Bay, which wee did suppose to be a Riuer, being on both sides of the same very high and steepe Mountaines, [ 30] wee named the same King Christianus Foord, after the name of the Kings Maiestie of Denmarke.* 24.71 So sayling vp this Bay, which wee supposed to bee a Riuer, the space of sixe or seuen English leagues, finding in all that space no anchoring, being maruellous deepe water, till at the length we had sayled vp the Bay the foresaid distance, at length I brought the Ship and Pinnasse to an anchor in sixteene fathom shelly ground, at which time our Captaine and I went aland,* 24.72 giuing thankes vnto God for his vnspeakable benefits, who had thus dealt with vs as to bring vs to this desired Land into so good an Harbour; which done, the Captaine and I walked vp the Hills, to see if wee could see any of the people, hauing our Boat to row alongst with vs.* 24.73 Hauing gone alongst the Riuer side vpon the tops of the Hills the space of three or foure English miles▪ at length looking towards our Boat, wee saw vpon the Riuer side foure of the people standing [ 40] by their Houses or rather Tents, couered ouer with Seale-skins.* 24.74 Wee comming downe the Hills towards them (they hauing espyed vs) three of them ranne away vpon the Land, and the other tooke his Boat and rowed away leauing their Tents. Wee being come downe the Hills called to our men in the Boat,* 24.75 and entring into her rowed towards the Sauage who was in his Boat made of Seale-skins. Hee holding vp his hands towards the Sunne, cryed Yota; wee doing the like, and shewing to him a knife, hee presently came vnto vs and tooke the same of the Captaine. When hee had presently rowed away from vs, wee rowed a little af∣ter him, and seeing it was but in vaine wee rowed aland againe and went into their Tents,* 24.76 which wee found couered (as is aforesaid) with Seale-skins. Wee finding by the houses two Dogs being very rough and fat, like in shape to a Foxe, with very great abundance of Seale fish, [ 50] lying round about their Tents a drying, with innumerable quantities of a little fish like vnto a Smelt (which fish are commonly called Sardeenes) of which fish in all the Riuers are wonder∣full skuls, these fishes also lay a drying round about their Tents in the Sunne in great heapes, with other sundrie kindes. Then entring into their Tents, wee found certaine Seale skins and Foxe skins very well drest; also certaine Coates of Seale skins and Fowle skins with the feather side inward: also certaine Vessels boyling vpon a little Lampe, the Vessell being made after the manner of a little Pan, the bottome whereof is made of stone, and the sides of Whales finnes; in which Vessell was some little quantitie of Seale fish boyling in Seale oyle; and searching further, wee did finde in another of their Vessels a Dogs head boyled, so that I perswaded my selfe that they eate Dogs flesh. Moreouer, by their houses there did lye two great Boates,* 24.77 be∣ing [ 60] couered vnder with Seales skins, but aloft open after the forme of our Boates, being about twentie foote in length, hauing in each of them eight or ten tosts or seates for men to sit on, which Boates, as afterwards I did perceiue, is for the transporting of their Tents and baggage from place to place, and for a saile they haue the guts of some beast, which they dresse very fine and thin, which they sow together.

Also the other sorts of their Boats are such as Captaine Frobisher, and Master Iohn Dauis brought into England,* 24.78 which is but for one man, being cleane couered ouer with Seale skins artificially dressed except one palce to ••it in, being within set out with certaine little ribs of Timber, wherin they vse to row with one Oare more swiftly, then our men can doe with ten, in which Boates they fish being disguised in their Coates of Seale skinnes, whereby they deceiue the Seales, who take them rather for Seales then men; which Seales or other fish they kill in this manner. They shoot at the Seales or other great fish with their Darts, vnto which they vse to tye a bladder, which doth boy vp the fish in such manner that by the said means they catch them. So comming aboord our ships hauing left certaine trifles behind vs in their Tents, and taking nothing away with vs, within halfe an houre after our comming aboord, the Sauage to whom wee had giuen [ 10] the Knife with three others,* 24.79 which we did suppose to be them which we saw first, came rowing to our ships in their Boats, holding vp their hands to the Sunne, and striking of their brests, crying Yota. We doing the like, they came to our shippe or Captaine: giuing them bread and Wine, which, as it did seeme, they made little account of; yet they gaue vs some of their dryed fishes, at which time there came foure more, who with the other bartered their Coats, and some Seale skinnes, with our folke for old Iron Nailes, and other trifles as Pinnes and Needles, with which they seemed to be wonderfully pleased, and hauing so done, holding their hands towards the Sunne they departed.

The thirteenth, there came fourteene of them to our ship, bringing with them Seale skinnes, Whale Finnes, with certayne of their Darts and Weapons, which they bartered with our peo∣ple,* 24.80 as before. This day I made obseruation of the latitude, and found this Roadsted in the la∣titude [ 20] of 66. degrees 25. minutes, and the mouth of this Bay or Sound, lyeth in the latitude of 66. degrees 30. minutes. Also here I made obseruation of the tydes, and found an East and West Moone to make a full Sea, vpon the Full and Change, more it floweth, three fathome and an halfe water, right vp and downe.

The fourteenth and fifteenth dayes we rode still, the people comming to vs, and bartering with vs for pieces of old Iron, or Nailes, Whale Finnes, Seales Skinnes, Morse Teeth, and a kind of Horne which we doe suppose to be Vnicornes Horne, at which time the Captaine went with our Boat, to the place where we had seene their Tents, but found them remoued; and the other fish and the Seale fish lying still a drying: the Captaine taking a quantitie of the Sea fish into the [ 30] Boat, caused some of the Mariners to boyle it ashoare, the Sauages helping our men to doe the same, the Captaine vsing them very friendly, they hauing made about a barrell and an halfe of Oyle, leauing it aland all night, thinking to bring the same aboord in the morning. But the Sa∣uages the same night let the same forth. Yet notwithstanding, the Captaine shewed no manner of discontent towards them.

The sixteenth day, I went into the Pinnasse, to discouer certaine Harbours to the North∣wards, the wind being at East South-east, I loosed and set saile, but instantly it fell calme, and so continued about an houre. When the wind came opposite at the West North-west a stiffe gale, we spending the tide till the floud being come,* 24.81 I put roome againe, and came to an Anchor a little from the Frost in twelue fathomes sandie ground. About one in the afternoone, the Frost [ 40] departed from vs further vp the Bay, which we did suppose to be a Riuer, promising to abide our returne two and twentie dayes.

The seuenteenth day, the wind continuing at the West North-west blowing very hard, wee rode still, the people comming and bartering with vs.

The eighteenth day, the winde and weather as before, wee riding still. This forenoone there came to the number of thirtie of them, and bartered with vs as they had done before, which done, they went ashoare at a certaine point about a slight-shot off vs, and there vpon a sudden began to throw stones with certaine Slings which they had without any iniury offered at all;* 24.82 yea, they did sling so fiercely, that we could scarce stand on the hatches. I seeing their brutish dealing, caused the Gunner to shoot a Falcon at them, which lighted a little ouer them, at which time they went to their Boates, and rowed away. About one a clocke in the afternoone, they [ 50] came againe to vs crying in their accustomed manner, Yli••nt, they being sixtie three in number, the shripper inquired of me whether they should come to vs or not. I willed him to haue all things in a readinesse, they comming in the meane time nigh to the Pinnasse, I did perceiue certaine of them to haue great bagges full of stones, they whispering one with another began to sling stones vnto vs.* 24.83 I presently shot off a little Pistol which I had for the Gunner, and the rest of the folke to discharge, which indeed they did, but whether they did hurt or kill any of them or not, I cannot certainly tell, but they rowed all away making a howling and hideous noise: going to the same point, whereas in the forenoone they had beene, being no sooner come on Land, but from the Hils they did so assaile vs with stones, with their slings, that it is incredible to report, in such sort that no man could stand vpon the Hatches, till such time as I commanded for to lose sailes [ 60] and bonnets two mens height, to shield vs from the force of the stones, and also did hide vs from their sight; so that we did ply our Muskets and other Peeces such as wee had at them; but their subtiltie was such, that as soone as they did see fire giuen to the Peeces, they would suddenly

ducke downe behind the Cliffes, and when they were discharged, then sling their stones fierce∣ly at vs againe. Thus hauing continued there till foure a clocke, they departed away.

The nineteenth day in the morning, about foure a clocke it beeing calme, I departed from this Roadsted, so causing our men to row alongst the shoare, till the tide of the ebbe was bent, at which time it began to blow a fresh gale at North-west and by West, we turning downe till a∣bout two a clocke, when the tide of ••loud being come: when I came to an Anchor in an excel∣lent Hauen, on the South side of Cunninghams Mount, which for the goodnesse thereof, I na∣med Denmarkes Hauen.* 24.84

The twentieth day, in the morning the weather beeing very rainie with a little aire of wind, I loosed and caused to row forth of the foresaid Harbour, and comming forth betweene [ 10] the Ilands and the maine, the people being as it seemed looking for vs espied vs:* 24.85 making a hi∣deous noise, at which time at an instant were gathered together about seuentie three Boats with men rowing to vs. I seeing them, thought it best to preuent the worst, because we were to come hither againe: therefore to dissemble the matter, I thought it best to enter into barter with them for some of their Darts, Bowes and Arrowes, wee finding euery one of them to bee extraordi∣narily furnished therwith: so rowing forth to Sea amongst the Ilands, there stil came more Boats to the number of one hundred and thirtie persons, they still rowing by vs, made signes to vs to goe to anchor amongst some of the Ilands: but I preuenting their deuices, made certaine Skonces with our sailes, to defend vs from their Stones, Arrowes and Darts. They seeing this, went cer∣taine of them from vs rowing to certaine Ilands, to which they did thinke wee would come:* 24.86 [ 20] leauing no more but about ten men and Boates about vs, who rowed alongst the space of an houre with vs, making signes of friendship to vs. At length perceiuing, that wee were not minded to goe forth amongst these Ilands, vpon which the rest of their folke were, they threw certaine shels and trifles into the Boat, making signes and tokens to fetch them, the which my Boy called William Huntries did. He being in the Boat, they presently shot him through both the buttockes with a Dart, at which time they rowed from vs,* 24.87 they mustering vpon the Ilands to the number of three hundred persons, keeping themselues farre enough from our danger. A∣bout sixe a clocke this Euening it began to blow a faire gale Easterly, we getting off to Sea, stood all this night North and by East alongst the Land.

[ 30]

A Topographicall Description of the Land as I did dis∣couer the same.

NOw hauing proceeded for the discouerie of the Coast and Harbours so farre, and so long time as the time limited to me, therefore I thinke it conuenient, to make a briefe descrip∣tion of the same, according as by my short experience I found the same to be.

The Land of Groenland is a very high, ragged and mountainous Countrey, being all alongst the Coast broken Ilands, making very goodly Sounds and Harbours,* 24.88 hauing also in the Land very [ 40] many good Riuers and Bayes, into some of which I entred sayling vp the same the space of ten or twelue English leagues, finding the same very nauigable, with great abundance of fish of sun∣drie sorts. The Land also in all places wheresoeuer I came, seemed to be very fertile▪* 24.89 according to the Climate wherein it lyeth: for betweene the Mountaynes was most pleasant Plaines and Valleyes, in such sort as if I had not seene the same, I could not haue beleeued, that such a fertile Land in shew could bee in these Northerne Regions. There is also in the same great store of Fowle, as Rauens, Crowes, Partridges, Pheasants, Sea-mewes, Gulles, with other sundry sorts. Of Beasts I haue not seene any, except blacke Foxes, of which there are very many.* 24.90 Also as I doe suppose there are many Deere, because that comming to certaine places where the peo∣ple had had their Tents, we found very many Harts Hornes, with the bones of other beasts [ 50] round about the same. Also going vp into the Land wee saw the footing and dunging of diuers beasts, which we did suppose to be deere, and other beasts also, the footing of one which wee found to be eight inches ouer, yet, notwithstanding we did see none of them: for going some two or three miles from the Pinnasse we returned againe to goe aboord. Moreouer, in the Ri∣uers we found sundry sorts of Fishes, as Seales, Whales, Salmons,* 24.91 with other sorts of fishes in great abundance. As concerning the Coast, all alongst it is a very good and faire Land, hauing very faire shoalding of the same: for being three English leagues off the same,* 24.92 I found very faire shoalding in fifteene fathomes, and comming neerer the same fourteene, twelue, and tenne fa∣thomes very faire sandie ground. As concerning the people,* 24.93 they are (as I doe suppose) a kinde of Samoites, or wandring Nation trauelling in the Summer time in Companies together, first to [ 60] one place, and hauing stayed in that place a certayne time in hunting and fishing for Deere and Seales with other fish, streight they remoue themselues with their Tents and baggage to ano∣ther. They are men of a reasonable stature, being browne of colour,* 24.94 very like to the people of the East and West Indies. They be very actiue and warlike, as we did perceiue in their Skirmi∣shes with vs, in vsing their Slings and Darts very nimbly. They eat their meate raw, or a little

perboyled either with bloud, Oyle, or a little water, which they doe drinke. They apparell themselues in the skinnes of such beasts as they kill,* 24.95 but especially with Seales skins and fowle skins, dressing the skins very soft and smooth, with the haire and feathers on, wearing in Win∣ter the haire and feather sides inwards, and in Summer outwards. Their Weapons are Slings, Darts, Arrowes, hauing their Bowes fast tyed together with sinewes; their Arrowes haue but two feathers, the head of the same being for the most part of bone, made in manner and forme of a Harping Iron. As concerning their Darts, they are of sundry sorts and fashions. What knowledge they haue of God I cannot certainly say, but I suppose them to bee Idolaters, wor∣shipping the Sunne. The Countrey (as is aforesaid) seemeth to be very fertile, yet could I per∣ceiue or see no wood to grow thereon.* 24.96 Wee met all alongst this Coast much Drift-wood, but [ 10] whence it commeth I know not. For coasting all this Coast alongst from the latitude of 66. de∣grees and an halfe, vntill the latitude of 69. degrees, I found many goodly Sounds, Bayes, and Riuers: giuing names vnto diuers of them, and purposing to proceed further, the folke in the Pinnasse with me did earnestly intreate me to returne to the ship againe, alleaging this, that if we came not in conuenient time, the people in the ship would mutinie: and so returne home be∣fore we came: the which indeed had fallen forth, if the Captaine as an honest Gentleman had not by seuere meanes withstood their attempts, who would needes contrarie to their promises haue beene gone home within eight dayes after my departure from them. But the Captaine respecting his promise to mee, would by no meanes consent, but withstood them both by faire meanes and other wayes. So that vpon the seuenth day of Iuly, I returned again into the Kings Foord, which they in the ship had found to be a Bay, and comming to the place where wee had [ 20] left the ship hoping to haue found them there, I saw vpon a certaine point a Warlocke of stones, whereby I did perceiue that they were gone downe the Ford. So the tide of ebbe being come, it being calme we rowed downe the Foord, finding in the mouth of the same amongst the Ilands, many good Sounds and Harbours.

* 24.97The tenth day of Iuly the wind being at North North-west, I beeing in a certaine Sound a∣mongst the Ilands, it being high water I weighed, stood West forth of the Foord going to Sea on the South side betweene a little Iland and the Maine, which Iland at our first comming, we cal∣led Frost Iland,* 24.98 after the name of the ship: we espied on the South sides certaine Warlockes set vp, whereupon I suspected that the Frost might be there, commanded the Gunner to shoot off a [ 30] Peece of Ordnance,* 24.99 they presently answered vs againe with two other. We seeing the smoake (but heard no report) bore in to them, comming to an Anchor in a very good Sound by them, and found them all in health: the Captaine being very glad of our comming, forasmuch as hee had very much trouble with the company for the cause aforesaid. Also in the time of our ab∣sence the people did very much villanie to them in the ship, so that the Captaine tooke three of them; other of them also he slew, but the three which he tooke he vsed with all kindnesse, gi∣uing them Mandillions and Breeches of very good cloth, also Hose, Shoes, and Shirts off his own backe. This afternoone, I with my Boy came againe aboord the ship, taking in this Euening all our prouision of water.

The eleuenth day, the wind being at North North-east, we set saile forth of the Sound which [ 40] we named Frost Sound, but before our comming forth of the same our Captaine commanded a young man whose name was Simon,* 24.100 by the expresse commandement of the State-holder of Den∣marke to bee set aland, wee also in the Pinnasse set another aland, they both being Malefactors, the which was done before our comming away, we giuing to them things necessarie, as victuall and other things also. Thus hauing committed both the one and the other to God, wee set saile homewards, we standing forth to Sea South-west, and South-west and by West till noone, when making obseruation, Queene Annes Cape bearing South and by East halfe Easterly some ten leagues, I found my selfe in the latitude of 66. degrees 10. minutes, when I directed my course South South-west till sixe a clocke when wee were amongst much Drift Ice, being to lee-ward two points vpon our lee-bow, so that I was forst to lie off West North-west till we were [ 50] cleere of the same, at which time I directed my course South-west and by South, wee sayling so all the night following.

The twelfth day, the wind at North North-east, wee went away South-west and by South till ten a clocke, when we were amongst more Drift Ice, wee being againe to lie West North-west, to get cleere of the same, which we did about noone, we hauing this day and the Euening before a mightie hollow Sea, which I thought to be a current, the which setteth thorow Fretum Dauis to the Southwards,* 24.101 as by experience I proued: for making obseruation this day at noone, we found our selues in the latitude of 62. degrees 40. minutes, whereas the day before we were but in the latitude of 66. degrees 10. minutes, hauing made by account a South and by West way about ten leagues. This afternoone I directed my course South South-west. [ 60]

The thirteenth day, the wind as before, we steered still South and by West, being at noone in the latitude of 60. degrees 17. minutes, going at the same time away South and by East. This foresaid current I did find to set alongst the Coast of Gronland South and by East. The fourteenth day, close weather, being an easie gale we steering South-east and by East. The fifteenth day,

stil close weather til noone, we steering as before, being in the latitude of 59. degrees. This day at noone I went away East South-east; this afternoone it was hasie and still weather, when we had sight of some Drift Ice. The 16. day, close weather with the wind at North-west and by West, our course East South-east til about ten a clock,* 24.102 when we met with a mightie bank of Ice to wind-ward of vs, being by supposition seuen or eight leagues long, wee steering South South-east to get cleere of the same. We met all alongst this Ice a mightie scull of Whales. Moreouer, wee light with a great current, which as nigh as we could suppose, set West North-west ouer for A∣merica. This day at noone, the weather being very thicke, I could haue no obseruation, this Eue∣ning by reason of the Ice, wee were forced to lye South and by West, and South South-west, [ 10] to get cleere of the same, amongst which we came by diuers huge Ilands of Ice.

The seuenteenth day, being cleere of the Ice, about foure in the morning, I directed my course South-east by South till noone, at which time I went away East and by South,* 24.103 the wea∣ther being very haysie and thicke: about midnight it fell calme, the wind comming vp Easterly.

The eighteenth day, the wind still Easterly, we lying East South-east, away vnder a couple of courses larboord tackt. This day in the forenoone, we saw certayne Ilands of Ice. The nine∣teenth day, the wind still Easterly with the weather very hasie.

The first day of August also it was very thicke weather, with a faire gale at South-west and by West. This forenoone wee met with a scull of Herrings, so that I knew wee were not farre from the Iles of Orkney, so hauing a shrinke at noone, I found vs in the latitude of 58. degrees [ 20] 40. minutes, at which time I founded with the deepest Lead, finding 42. fathomes redde sandie ground, with some blacke dents. This Euening betweene fiue and sixe a clocke wee founded a∣gaine, when we had no more but twentie fathomes dent ground, whereby I knew that we were faire by the shoare, when some of our men looking forth presently,* 24.104 espied one of the Ilands of Orkeney, it being very thicke, wee cast about, and stood with a small sayle to Seaboord againe, we lying West North-west off all this night.

The tenth day, about fiue in the morning, we came thwart of the Castle of Elsonuere, where we discharged certaine of our Ordnance, and comming to an Anchor in the Road, the Captaine with my selfe went ashoare, and hearing of his Majesties being at Copeman-Hauen, wee present∣ly went aboord againe, and set sayle comming thither about two a clocke. The Pinnasse also which he had lost at Sea, in which my Countreyman Iohn Knight was Commander, came also [ 30] the same night about foure a clocke, both they and we being all in good health, praised bee Al∣mightie God. Amen.

CHAP. XV. The second Voyage of Master IAMES HALL, forth of Den∣marke into Groenland, in the yeere 1606. [ 40] contracted.

WE departed from Copeman-Hauen, the seuen and twentieth of May, in the yeere of our Redemption 1606. with foure ships and a Pinnasse. The Frost beeing Ad∣mirall, wherein went for principall Captaine of the Fleet Captaine Godske Lin∣deno a Danish Gentleman with my selfe,* 24.105 being vnder God Pilot Maior of the Fleet. In the Lyon which was Vice-Admirall, went for Captaine and Comman∣mander, Captaine Iohn Cunningham a Scottish Gentleman, who was with me the yeere before. In the Yewren went Hans Browne, a Gentleman of Norway. In the smal ship called The Gilleflowre,* 24.106 went one Castine Rickerson a Dane. In the Pinnasse called the Cat, went one shipper Andres [ 50] Noll, of Bergen in Norway. So by the prouidence of God, wee weighed and set saile about sixe a clocke in the Euening, with a faire gale at South South-west, comming to an Anchor in Elso∣noure Road to take in our water.

The nine and twentieth in the morning, we shot off a Peece of Ordnance, for all the Cap∣taines and Commanders to come aboord of vs, who being come, our Captaine commanded the Kings Orders to bee read, which done, they returned aboord, at which time wee weighed with a faire gale at East North-east, standing away North and by West till I had brought the Cole North-east and by East off, when I steered away North North-west, and North-west and by North. This Euening about fiue a clocke, I set the Annold, it bearing West halfe Norther∣ly, three leagues and an halfe. All this Euening wee stood away North-west and by North.

The thirtieth day, the wind at East South-east, wee steering as before, this morning about sixe [ 60] a clocke, the Lesold bore West and by North of vs sixe leagues off. At fiue this Euening, the Scaw bearing West South-west fiue leagues, I directed my course West North-west, with the wind at North-east and by East.

The one and thirtieth in the morning, very hasie weather with a stiffe gale at East North-East,

we steering West North-west away, till about nine a clocke, when we had a shrinke of the Land which was the w••ster gate of Mardo, we steering alongst the Land. Wee came to an an∣chor in Flecorie,* 24.107 where we were to make and take in wood and water.

The second of Iune we weighed, and came forth of the Harbour of Flecorie about sixe in the morning,* 24.108 hauing a fresh gale at East North-east. About eleuen at noone, I set the Nase of Nor∣way, it bearing North North-west foure leagues off. The fourth day in the morning about two a clock, we were faire by the high Land of the Yeddoe, I causing to cast about stood to the South-wards, West and by South and sometimes West. This day at noone, I found my selfe in the lati∣tude of 57. degrees 45. minutes, the Nase of Norway bearing East North-east two and twentie leagues off. This day at noone also I cast about and stood to the Northwards, lying North with the stemme,* 24.109 hauing the winde at North North-west. This afternoone dyed one of our Groin∣landers [ 10] called Oxo. All this euening, and the night following, the winde as before, we lying al∣so North with little winde.

* 24.110The seuenth day, the winde at South-west and by South and South South-west, we steering West and West and by North. This day at noone we were in the latitude of 58. degrees 40. mi∣nutes. The tenth day about foure in the morning, it began to blow a fresh gale at East and by South, at which time we stood alongst the Land to the Southward, till I had brought the South Head of Shotland, called Swinborne Head, North-west and by North about three leagues off; and Faire Ile next hand South-west and by South eight leagues off, at which time I directed my course away West with a fresh gale at East South-east about halfe an houre to three. I set the [ 20] South head of Shotland it bearing North-east eight leagues off,* 24.111 Faire Ile next hand South-east se∣uen leagues off, foule next hand North foure leagues, wee still steering away West with a fresh gale at East South-east. All this afternoone and the night following it was very thicke and raynie weather, the winde continuing as before. This night at midnight dyed the Groenlander which we had aboord vs,* 24.112 named Omeg.

The fourteenth day, the winde as the night before a faire gale, we steering as we did before, with haysie weather hauing a shrinke, at noone I found vs in the latitude of 58. degrees 40. mi∣nutes, hauing made a West and by South way Southerly two and thirtie leagues, differing to the Westward from the Meridian of the Nase 19. degrees 45. minutes. This afternoone we had a faire gale at South-east with thicke weather, we steering away West. [ 30]

The fifteenth day, the winde as before, we steering away West, being by my imagination in the latitude of 58. degrees 40. minutes. The three and twentieth day, the winde at the North-east a faire gale, we steering betweene the West North-west, and the West and by North, being at noone in the latitude of 56. degrees 10. minutes, hauing by reason of a Northerly current con∣trarie to my expectation, made a West way Southerly two and twentie leagues. The Compasse also as I doe suppose, being varied more then a Point to the westwards.

The first of Iuly wee saw Land being eight leagues off, with a great banke of Ice lying off South-west,* 24.113 wee setting our tacks aboord laid off East and by South and East South-east, to double the same, about two a clocke hauing doubled the same, wee went away West and by South all this euening and night following. This Land I did suppose to be Busse Iland; it lying [ 40] more to the Westwards then it is placed in the Marine Charts.

The second day thicke weather with the winde at North North-west, we steering West and by North. This afternoone we were in a great Current setting South South-west. The which I did suppose to set betweene Busse Iland and Freseland ouer with America;* 24.114 wee steering West North-west with a faire gale at North. This night about nine a clocke, the Pinnasse came foule of the Vice-admirall,* 24.115 where with her anchor shee tore out about a foot of a planke a little aboue water, and broke downe the beakes head.

The sixth making obseruation, I found vs in the latitude of 58. degrees 50. minutes, contra∣rie to my expectation, whereby I did see the Southerly Current to bee the principall cause. The seuenth day,* 24.116 the winde at North and by East, we lying West North-west, being at noone in the latitude of 59. degrees 40. minutes, our way North-west two and twentie leagues. This eue∣ning [ 50] I found the North Point of the Compasse to be varied 12. degrees 5. minutes,* 24.117 to the West∣ward of the true North.

The eight day, the winde came vp more Southerly betweene the South-west, and the South-west and by West with an easie gale, we steering away North-west and by West; being at noone in the latitude of 59. degrees 30. minutes, hauing by reason of the Current and Variation made a West way Southerly about ten leagues.

The ninth day close weather, it being calme all the forenoone, wee perceiuing by our ships which lay becalmed, a violent Current setting South-west. This day at noone, we were in the latitude of 59. degrees 40. minutes.* 24.118 The tenth about foure in the morning, the winde came vp to the North North-west. I casting about stood to the Westwards, lying West with the stemme, [ 60] being in the latitude of 60. degrees 16. minutes. We saw the coast of America about nine leagues off, at which time I made obseruation of the variation, and found the Needle varie 24. degrees to the Westwards of the true North.

The Hill tops were couered, with snow, and the shoare to the Northwards full with Ice, but to the Southwards it seemed cleere. Here I found a great Current to set West into the shoare,* 24.119 which about midnight did bring vs to bee incumbred with very many Ilands of Ice, hauing much to doe to get cleere off the same without danger: but by Gods helpe it being faire wea∣ther with a fresh gale at South-west, wee got cleere off the same, standing East South-east and South-east and by East.

The fourteenth in the morning being cleere of the Ice, I went away East North-east and North-east and by East till eight a clocke, when I directed my course North-east and by North, being at noone in the latitude of 59. degrees, the Cape or Head land which wee saw that night bearing West South-west sixteene leagues off. All this afternoone and night follow∣ing [ 10] it was for the most par•• still weather:* 24.120 this euening I found the variation 23. degrees 55. minutes.

The sixteenth faire weather with a fresh gale at East South-east, our course as before, be∣ing in the latitude of 60. degrees 20. minutes, the ships way North and by East northerly twen∣tie leagues. This afternoone and the night following the wind as before, we steering still North-east and by North.

The eighteenth also thicke weather, being forced to stand away North North-west to double a great banke with great Mountaines of Ice almost incredible to be reported, yet by the helpe of God wee passed the same, sayling all this day by great and huge mountainous Ilands of Ice, [ 20] with the winde at South-west and by South; being at noone in the latitude of 63. degrees 45. minutes. Wee did see our selues beset round about with mightie bankes of Ice, being forced to make more saile,* 24.121 and to lye to and againe all this night to keepe vs cleere of great and small Ilands of Ice, where many times we were in such danger, that we did looke for no other thing then present death, if God had not beene mercifull vnto vs and sent vs cleere weather, where by his assistance we kept our selues very hardly and with great difficultie cleere of the Ice.

The nineteenth day in the morning cleere weather with a fresh gale at South-west, wee plying amongst the Ice to see if wee could get a gut to get cleere of the same, at which time wee saw the Land of America about the latitude of 64. degrees,* 24.122 it lying next hand South and North, being high ragged Land couered with snow, the shoare being all beset with Ice. So lying off and on amongst the Ice in great perill till about noone, when God of his goodnesse [ 30] sent vs to espie a little gut where wee went through, and stood South South-east away, com∣ming still by many Ilands of Ice. Heere I did finde both by my course and reckoning (the va∣riation also of the Compasse respected) that wee were carried with a mightie Current to the Westwards, as both now and afterwards wee did probably prooue and see the same.* 24.123 For I set∣ting my course from the coast of America in the latitude of 58. degrees and a halfe for the coast of Groenland North North-east with a compasse, whose wyers were placed more then two third parts of a Point to the Eastwards of the North, the variation being 23. degrees 30. mi∣nutes Northwesting and 24. degrees,* 24.124 as by obseruation I found betweene the latitude of 58. and a halfe and 54. degrees, yet I did finde my selfe contrarie either to mine owne, or to any of their expectations which was in the Fleet with mee, carried almost foure Points with the Cur∣rent [ 40] to the westwards ouer our iudgements.

The twentieth, wee still sayled to the Eastwards by many great Bankes and Ilands of Ice,* 24.125 being still compassed in, wee being forced to stand to the Southwards to get cleere, where being sometimes becalmed, wee did plainly see and perceiue our selues carried into the Ice to the westward very violently. This Current setteth West North-west. The twentieth in the euening I found the Compasse varied 23. degrees.

The one and twentieth day in the morning faire weather, wee espyed a gut through the Ice, it seeming cleere to the southwards of the same, where bearing into the same about noone, wee were cleere of all the Ice by the mercifull prouidence of God. Here I obserued the lati∣tude, it being 63. degrees 33. minutes. Now hauing the one and twentieth day at afternoone [ 50] caused the Admirall to call the other Captaines and Steermen aboord, with whom wee might conferre, and hauing shewed briefly my reckoning with the other euents, which contrarie to my expectation had happened, the cause whereof at that instant they did plainly see and per∣ceiue: They confessing, the Current as they did now plainly see, to bee the cause of the same.* 24.126 So hauing done, I gaue to the other Steermen directions, that being cleere of the Ice they should goe betweene the East and the East and by North ouer for the coast of Groenland and not to the Northwards of the East and by North, because of the former euents. And now at this instant, by Gods helpe, being cleere I called to them, giuing the same directions. This afternoone and the night following it was calme.* 24.127 This euening I found the Compasse varied 23. degrees 25. [ 60] minutes.

The two and twentieth day at noone I found vs in the latitude of 63. degrees 20. minutes. The three and twentieth faire weather, the ayre very cold, as with vs in the moneth of Ia∣nuarie, the winde variable betweene the East North-east, and the South-east and by East, being at noone in the latitude of 63. degrees, hauing made a South-east and by South way

eleuen leagues. This day at noone I cast about to the Westwards, the other ships doing the like, lying North-east and by North with the stemme,* 24.128 finding this euening the Needle varied to the Westwards 23. degrees 30. minutes.

The foure and twentieth, the winde variable betweene the South South-east and the South-east and by South with raine and fogge. This day about eleuen a clocke wee did see much Ice to leeward, wherefore I cast about to the Southwards, the winde comming to the East North-east, wee lying South-east with the stemme, supposing the ship to haue made a North and by West way halfe Northerly two and twentie leagues. This afternoone, by reason of the fogge, we lost sight of the Lion and the Gilliflowre, wee looking earnestly forth for them, and shooting both we and the Vrin diuers pieces of Ordnance,* 24.129 but wee could neither see nor heare them, at [ 10] which time the winde came vp Southerly, we standing away our course betweene the East and East and by North.

The fiue and twentieth, wee had sight of Groenland, being about ten leagues to the Southward of Queene Annes Cape. Wee standing away East South-east in wi••h the Land with the winde at South. All this night it did blow very much, wee steering North by West and North North-west.

The seuen and twentieth day in the morning was reasonable cleere weather with a fresh gale at South South-west. This morning betweene foure and fiue of the clocke, I espyed Queene Annes Cape to beare East by South next hand of mee, and King Christians Foord South South-east of me, being thwart of Rumels Foord, Queene Sophias Cape bearing North halfe westerly, [ 20] about fiue leagues off. Therefore I thought it conuenient to put into Cunninghams Foord where the siluer was,* 24.130 both in regard that I had sworne to his Maiestie as concerning the same; and also because wee were expressely commanded to bring home of the same. So hauing a faire gale at West South-west, wee came into the aforesaid Riuer, anchoring in a very good Sound, hard by the Vre in sixteene fathoms,* 24.131 at the mouth of Cunninghams Foord, about fiue of the clocke. There came presently foure of the Countrie people vnto vs after their old accustomed manner. This euening about sixe of the clocke the Vrin anchored by vs. This night the Admi∣rall, my selfe, and Captaine Browne went on Land to see the Myne of siluer: where it was decreed, that we should take in as much thereof as we could.

On Sunday the third of August, the Sauages seeing our curtesie toward them, bartered Seales [ 30] skinnes and Whales finnes with vs:* 24.132 which being done, wee went to our Boat, and rowing away, three of them taking their Boats, rowed with vs vp the Foord, calling to other of the people, telling them and making signes to vs, of our dealing towards them. Then they also came to vs and bartered with vs for old Iron and Kniues, for Seales skinnes and coates made of Seales skinnes, and Whales finnes, and rowed, still all with vs. In the end, hauing rowed fiue or sixe leagues vp the Foord, and seeing it to bee but a Bay, wee returned alongst many greene and pleasant Ilands, where wee found good anchoring: the people still followed vs to the number of fiue and twentie persons till about sixe of the clocke;* 24.133 when it fell thicke with some raine, and the winde being Southerly, wee rowed in among the Sounds, at which time they went from vs: wee rowing our Boat to one of the Ilands went to supper. And hauing [ 40] supped,* 24.134 wee rowed some three leagues vp an other Foord, where we found very shallow water, in which place we stayed with our Boat all that night.

The fourth day in the morning about three of the clocke, wee returned to our ship againe with a gale of winde Southerly, being somewhat thicke and raynie weather, sayling by the Land among the Ilands,* 24.135 till we came three leagues to the Northwards of Queene Sophias Cape, when going without the Ilands, wee met with a very high Sea, so that wee had much to doe, but by the prouidence of Almightie God, the Boat was preserued from being swallowed vp of the Sea. In the end, wee got againe among the Ilands, and so about noone wee came to our ships. The fift day, some of our men went on Land among the Mountaines, where they did see reine Deere. [ 50]

* 24.136The sixt day, I casting about, stood into the shoare South-east, till wee had brought Ramels Foord East and by North off vs, bearing roome for the same Foord. There goeth a very hol∣low Sea betweene the Ilands of the Kings Foord and Ramels Foord.* 24.137 The winde being some∣what still, wee towed on head with our Boats till wee came thwart of a Bay, in which I was in the Vrins Boat, which I named Fos Bay, after the name of Philip de Fos, Pilot of the Vrin. But the Admirals wilfulnesse was such,* 24.138 that I could by no meanes counsaile him therein though night were at hand, but hee would goe vp the Foord, till wee came on the starboord side of the Foord to sixe and twentie fathomes sandie ground. The Vrin let fall anchor by vs, but the winde comming off the Land (our Captaine and Companie being so obstinate and will∣full,* 24.139 that I could by no meanes get them to worke after my will) the ship draue into the mid∣foord, [ 60] where wee could haue no ground at an hundred fathoms, till the Tyde of flood came, when the flood set the ship to the shoare: but I laying out a Cage-anchor got the ship off; and setting our foresaile, stood for another roade vp the Riuer.

The eight day about foure in the morning, wee came to an anchor in twentie fathomes sandie

ground, hauing very faire shoalding within vs. About noone the Vrin came and anchored by vs. It floweth in this Riuer South-east and North-west,* 24.140 and it standeth in the latitude of 66. degrees and 25. minutes.

The ninth in the morning, our Captaine with the Captaine of the Vrin, went with their Boates vp the Riuer, where they did come to see their winter houses, which were builded with Whales bones, the balkes being of Whales ribbes, and the tops were couered with earth, and they had certaine Vaults or Sellers vnder the earth foure square, about two yards deepe in the ground. These houses were in number about some fortie. They found also cer∣taine Graues made vp of stones ouer the dead bodies of their people, the carkasses being wrap∣ped [ 10] in Seales skins, and the stones laid in manner of a Coffin ouer them.

This day in this place we set a man on Land, which had serued our Captaine the yeer•• before, which for a certaine fault committed by him our Captaine left behinde in the Countrie.* 24.141 About noone our men came aboord againe; and after Dinner some of the people came vnto vs, of whom wee caught 〈◊〉〈◊〉 with their Boates and stowed them in our ship••, to bring them into Denmark••,* 24.142 to enforme our selues better by their meanes of the state of their Countrie of Groineland▪ which in their owne language they call Secanunga, and say, that vp within the Land they haue a great King, which is carried vpon mens shoulders.

The tenth of August in the morning, the winde being at East South-east, we weighed and came forth of Rombes Foord, but being come forth to Sea amongst the Ilands, the winde came vp to the South-west and by South, the Sea going maruellous high, we lying West and West and [ 20] by North to Sea, doubling certaine Ilands and Rocks. Where the Sea going so wonderfull high had set vs vpon the Rocks, where we had all dyed, if God of his mercy 〈◊〉〈◊〉 that instant, when wee saw nothing before our eyes but present death, had not sent vs a great gale of winde at South South-west, whereby wee lay West North-west away with a flawne sheat, wee dou∣bling of the Ilands and Rocks, were forced to goe betweene certaine little Ilands, which lye off Queene Sophias Cape foure leagues into the Sea. The which Ilands I named the yeere before, Knights Ilands, after the name of Iohn Knight. So hauing passed these Ilands not without great danger, was found betweene them many blinde Rock••▪ and being cleere in the Sea.* 24.143 The thir∣teenth at noone, we were in the latitude of 66. degrees 50. minutes, being off Cape Sophia West and by North halfe westerly about sixteene leagues.

[ 30] The eighteenth about foure in the morning, we got cleere off the Ice, steering South and by West away, it being very thicke weather till noone, when it cleered vp: at which 〈◊〉〈◊〉 wee saw the shoare rising like Ilands, being very high and stretching South and by East▪ and North and by West about foure and twentie leagues, the shoare being beset all full with Ice, so that in that place it is impossible for any ship to come into the shoare. Also of the Southermost of these two Capes, lay such a great banke of Ice stretching into the Sea, that wee were forced to lye West and by North to double the 〈◊〉〈◊〉.

All this afternoone, wee were almost comp••st with Ice, we hearing to the same, the winde comming vp to the East South-east, we 〈◊〉〈◊〉 South to the Ice were forced to loose for one [ 40] Iland, and to beare roome for another till about foure a clocke when by Gods helps 〈…〉〈…〉 cleere off the same, the winde comming vp to the South-east and by South, wee lay South-west and by South off all this night.

The two and twentieth thicke weather, the winde 〈◊〉〈◊〉 before. This morning about seuen a clocke we saw a saile West and by South of vs, we standing to him, for it was our Vice, admi∣rall the Lion, who had beene greatly troubled with the Ice▪* 24.144 wee being glad to meete one ano∣ther againe.

The eight and twentieth about foure in the morning, the storme ceased, the winde com∣ming vp to the West South-west. About three a clocke wee set our sailes standing South-east a∣way. But being vnder saile, we spyed great bankes and Ilands of Ice to leeward of vs, lying off [ 50] East and by South, which Ice I did iudge to lye off Cape Desolation about eight leagues off: the which by reason of the fogge we could not 〈◊〉〈◊〉.

The nine and twentieth about sixe in the morning, the winde came vp to the North-east and by North, we making saile went South South-east away till noone with a stiffe gale, wee seeing in the morning pieces of drift Ice to windward of vs; hauing at noone a shrinke of the same I found vs in the latitude of 39. degrees 46. minutes, hauing from noone to noone made a South-east and by South way eight leagues.

The one and thirtieth, the winde continuing, wee holding still our course with the winde still at North North-west, with faire and cleere weather it blowing very much, so that wee stood away vnder a couple of courses low set, the Sea very 〈◊〉〈◊〉 growne, being in the ••••titude of 59. degrees 10. minutes, hauing made an East South-east way somewhat Easterly foure and [ 60] thirtie leagues. This afternoone after my obseruation, wee saw some Ilands of Ice 〈◊〉〈◊〉 some drift Ice, I something maruelling of the same, knowing both by my account and my 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••••∣seruation, that we were shot too farre from 〈◊〉〈◊〉 part of Groinland, that was described 〈…〉〈…〉 Ma∣rine

Chart. For the southermost part described therein is not in the latitude of 60. degrees, and we being now in the latitude of 59. degrees ten minutes, Cape Desolation bearing West North-west halfe Northerly about sixtie foure leagues, and Cape Christian which was the next known part of Groenland North-west and by West westerly eight and thirtie leagues, so holding our course East South-east away,* 24.145 about foure a clocke we had sight of Land, being very high Land, it lying alongst East South-east about sixteene leagues, the westermost part seemed either to fall away East North-east, and the southermost point bearing East northerly, fell away East and by North. This Land is very high, hauing the Hills couered with snow, the shoare being very thicke with Ice: this place because I knew not whether it was of the Mayne or an Iland, I na∣med Frost Iland,* 24.146 after the name of the ship.

The first of September, at noone, I made obseruation, and found vs in the latitude of 58. de∣grees, [ 10] hauing made a South-east and by South way southerly sixe and twentie leagues. This day at noone I directed my course East and by South, This afternoone about sixe a clock it fell calme, and so continued all the night following.* 24.147 This euening I found the variation 10. degrees 50. mi∣nutes Northwesting.

The fourth day the winde at East and by South, we lying South and by East, hauing a shrinke of the sunne about noone, I did suppose vs in the latitude of 57. degrees 20. minutes, hauing made a South-east and by South way southerly about ten leagues; all this day and the night fol∣lowing we lay as before.

The eight day faire weather, the winde as before, it being almost calme, wee going away as [ 20] before, being at noone in the latitude of 58. degrees 36. minutes, hauing made an East North-east way northerly twentie leagues,* 24.148 by reason of the great southerly Sea. All this afternoone and the night following it was for the most part calme. This euening I found the Compasse va∣ried about two degrees 45. minutes northwesting.

The ninth day also faire weather, the winde southerly a fresh gale, our course still East, being at noone in the latitude of 58. degrees 40. minutes, our way East and by North easterly twelue leagues. This afternoone the winde came vp to the South or South and by East with raine. This night about midnight thicke weather with raine, the winde comming to the South-east, we lying East North-east and North-east and by East with the stemme.

The tenth day about two in the morning, the winde came vp to the South South-west, wee [ 30] steering our course East, being at noone in the latitude of 59. degrees 10. minutes, hauing made an East and by North way easterly foure and fortie leagues, wee hauing a fresh gale westerly. This day wee saw one of the Fowle the which are on the Iland of Bas in Scotland,* 24.149 called Bas Geese.* 24.150 This euening I found the Variation 1. degree 4. minutes northeasting.

The eighteenth, this forenoone about nine a clocke, wee espyed land, rising somewhat rag∣ged, the Eastermost point of the same bearing South-east and by South, and the Westermost part South and by West about eight leagues. These Ilands by my account and obseruation, I found to be the Ilands of Ferris,* 24.151 being at noone in the obseruation of 62. degrees 5. minutes.

The nineteenth I set a little Rocke, called the Monke; which lyeth off to the South-east end, it being about fiue a clocke, East South-east of vs three leagues off. This night about ten [ 40] a clocke it fell calme.

* 24.152The twentieth, wee did see the streame had set vs to the Northwards. This streame setteth vnder the Ilands of Farre next hand East and West. So casting about wee stood to the west∣wards, lying West South-west and sometimes West and by South, and sometimes South-west, it being very raynie weather, about midnight it fell calme and so continued all night vnto the morning.

The first of October in the afternoone about foure of the clocke, we had sight of The Holmes. The second day, wee steered away South-east and by South and South South-east for The Col. And about eight of the clocke this night wee came into Turco, where wee rode all the day fol∣lowing.* 24.153 The third day at night the winde came to the North-east; so wee weighed and came into Elsenor Road. The fourth day, by the prouidence of God, we arriued in our desired Port of [ 50] Copen Hauen, 1606.

The seuerall burthens and numbers of men employed in the ships of the Fleet aforesaid, were as followeth.

THe Trust being Admirall, was of sixtie tunnes, had eight and fortie men. The Lion Vice-admirall, was of seuentie tunnes, had eight and fortie men. The Vrin or Eagle Reare-ad∣mirall, of one hundred tunnes, had fiftie men. The Gilliflowre was of fortie tunnes, had sixteene men. The Pinnasse called the Cat, was of twentie tunnes, had twelue men. Bredaransies Foord is most Northerly. Cunninghams Foord is next in sixtie seuen degrees and odde minutes. The [ 60] Foord wherein they saw the Towne ten leagues vp the same, is two leagues to the South of Cun∣ninghams Foord. The Kings Foord is in sixtie sixe degrees and an halfe.

William Huntris of Stowborow in Yorke-shire, is Master Hall his man, and is allowed thirtie pound by the yeere of the King of Denmarke, for his skill in Nauigation.

I haue also Master Halls Voyage of the next yeere 1607. to Groenland from Denmarke, written, and with representations of Land-sights curiously delineated by Iosias Hubert of Hull, but the Danes (enuious perhaps that the glory of the Discouery would be attributed to the English Pilot) after the Land saluted 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and in fine forced the ship to returne for Island. For which cause I haue here o∣mitted the whole.

[ 10]

CHAP. XVI. The Voyage of Master IOHN KNIGHT, (which had beene at Groenland once before 1605. Captaine of a Pinnasse of the King of Denmarke) for the Discouery of the North-west Passage, begun the eighteenth of Aprill 1606.

I Set sayle from Grauesend in a Barke of fortie tunnes, called the Hope-well,* 24.154 well [ 20] victualled and manned at the cost of the Worshipfull Companies of Moscouie, and the East Indie Merchants, for the Discouerie of the North-west Passage the eighteenth of Aprill 1606. and arriued the sixe and twentieth of the same mo∣neth in the Ile of Orkney, in a Sound called Pentlefrith.* 24.155 Heere wee were stayed with contrary winds at West and North-west, and with much storme and foule weather aboue a fortnight. In which meane space, I entertained two men of this Countrey, which are both lustie fellowes at Sea and Land, and are well acquainted with all the Harbours of these North parts of Scotland. These men brought vs into a very good Harbour,* 24.156 called Saint Margarites Hope, where we had the Sea open to vs for all winds that are good for vs to proceed [ 30] on our Voyage. In this Countrey we found little worthy of Relation. For it is poore, and hath no wood growing vpon it. Their Corne is Barley and Oates. Their fire is Turffe, their houses are low and vnseemely without, and as homely within.

Vpon Munday the twelfth of May, I set sayle from Saint Margarites Sound or Hope in Ork∣ney, at nine of the clocke in the morning, our course being West and by South: and at eight of the clocke at night, the Hill called Hoyce, did beare West Southerly eleuen or twelue leagues, and the Stacke South and by East Easterly three leagues and an halfe, the winde beeing at East South-east.

This day was for the most part calme, and sometimes wee had a fresh gale of winde: our course was West and by South, halfe a point Southerly. This day I passed by two small Ilands.* 24.157 [ 40] The one of them is called, the Clete, and the other the Run. They are distant foure leagues the one from the other. The course betweene them is South-west and North-east. The Southermost is called the Clete, and is the lesser of the twaine: it is distant from the North-east part of Lewis, called the Bling-head, seuen leagues: and the course betwixt them is North-west and South-east. Also this Bling-head is distant from the Farr•• Headpunc;* 24.158 of the Hieland of Scotland West and by North halfe a point Westerly, and is distant seuenteene leagues. Also the course betweene Bling-head and the North-west part of Lewis, is West and by South halfe a point Westerly, and faire low Land without Wood. There is good riding all along the shoare, the winde beeing off the Land, and in some places are very good Harbours for all winds. From eight to twelue at night, we ran sixe leagues West South-west.

This morning we had a fresh gale of wind at East North-east: our course was South-west and [ 50] by West two houres fiue leagues. From two to ten South-west, and by South 20. leagues. From ten to twelue West South-west sixe leagues. The latitude at noone was 58. degrees 27. minutes.* 24.159

From Wednesday at noone till Thursday at noone, was for the most part raine and fogge, the wind at North-east and by East: our course was West halfe a point Southerly: our latitude at noone being Thursday, 58. degrees 23. minutes. From Thursday at noone till Friday at noone, being the sixteenth, our way was West Southerly about twentie leagues: the latitude at noone was 58. degrees 19. minutes. This night the wind was sometimes variable betweene the South and by West and South-east, with faire weather, the Magneticall Declination 18. degrees: the height of the Pole was 58. degrees 10. minutes.* 24.160 Also in the morning the Sunne beeing tenne degrees aboue the Horizon, was distant from the East to the North-wards of the East twen∣tie [ 60] two degrees.

From Friday at noone vntill midnight was little wind Southerly, and sometimes calme, and from midnight till twelue at noone the next day a stiffe gale of wind at East North-east. This foure and twentie houres I judged our way to be made good West, something Southerly thirtie

leagues. The latitude at noone was 58. degrees 10. minutes. Also the sunne did rise fiftie degrees to the Northward of the East.

From Saturday at noone being the seuenteenth, till Sunday at noone being the eighteenth, our course was West and by South a stiffe gale of wind fiftie leagues, being close weather, we made no obseruation of latitude.

From Sunday at noone till Munday at noone I steered away West and West and by South, ha∣uing a storme at East and by North: our course was West and Southerly fiftie leag••••s.

From Munday at noone till midnight, our course was West and Southerly: and from that time till noone West and by North and West among. I iudged wee sayled fortie leagues these [ 10] foure and twentie houres, being for the most part foggie. The latitude at noone was 57. degrees 50. minutes.

From Tuesday at noone till noone on Wednesday, our course was West and by North fortie fiue leagues,* 24.161 being foggie weather without obseruation. Here wee had a current, which I iudge setteth to the Northwards.

From Wednesday at noone till Thursday at noone, being the two and twentieth, our course was West and by North fiftie leagues with much fogge and close weather, and much▪ winde at North-east and by East.

From Thursday at noone till midnight, our course was West and by North. Then the winde came to the North: wee tooke in our mayne course, and I spooned away with our fore-saile till Friday, the winde being at North North-east, I iudged our way West South-west, the [ 20] twelue houres that I spooned about fifteene leagues, the other twelue houres West Norther∣ly fiue and twentie leagues.* 24.162 This three and twentieth day, wee saw many Gulles and much Rock-weed.

From Friday at noone till Saturday at noone, I iudged our way to bee made South-west and by West,* 24.163 but it proued West and by South, rather Westerly, twentie leagues by reason of a cur∣rent, that I iudge setteth to the North-eastward. The latitude at noone was 57. degrees 53. minutes. The variation of the Compasse was about a point to the Westward. This forenoone and all night the wind was at North a very hard gale; wee spooned with our fore-sayle. Also this forenoone, we saw much Sea Tange and Rock-weed.

From Saturday at noone till Sunday at noone, our course was Southward about twentie [ 30] leagues, the wind being Northerly. This day we saw much Rock-weed and Drift-wood. The latitude was fiftie seuen degrees.* 24.164 The variation was to the Westward thirteene degrees or there∣about. The sunne being fiue degrees high in the morning, was twentie foure degrees to the Northward of the East.

From Sunday at noone till two of the clocke the next day in the morning, beeing Munday, our course was West North-west, we made our way West and by North twentie leagues, hauing a fresh gale at South-east and by East: it fell calme till foure of the clocke: then it blew an easie gale at West South-west, wee stemming North-west, &c. betweene that and North North-east the wind being variable.* 24.165 The wind freshed toward noone. This morning we saw an Owle.

The latitude at noone the eight and twentieth, was 57. degrees 57. minutes. The variation [ 40] of the Compasse was fourteene degrees and an halfe to the West. This day wee had blacke water, and many ouer-falls,* 24.166 streame leeches, and sets of currents, as it seemed to the Northward, and some to the Westward.

The thirtieth, we found our latitude to be fiftie eight degrees. Heere it seemed that we were in a tyde gate, which I iudged to set North and South, or that it was the Eddie of the currents, which we saw the other day. Also wee saw white Fowles, which cheeped like Spar-hawkes. Also we saw driuing many dead Cowes.

The one and thirtieth, the sunne being fiftie degrees aboue the Horizon, I found it to bee twentie seuen degrees to the Eastward of the South: againe in the afternoone, the sunne beeing fiftie degrees high,* 24.167 it was distant from the South to the Westward fiftie one degrees: at noone [ 50] it was 55. degrees 6. minutes, the height of the Pole was 58. degrees 3. minutes. The variation of the Compasse was twentie foure degrees toward the North-west. Our way made these twentie foure houres was not aboue sixe leagues West, being little wind for the most part.

From Saturday at noone till two of the clocke it was calme: then it began to blow an easie gale at North. At night I obserued the sunne setting, and found it to set twentie one degrees to the Westward of the North, the winde continuing variable betweene the North and the West North-west till noone, being the first of Iune. Then I found my selfe by obseruation to be in the latitude of 57. degrees 35. minutes. I iudged our way from noone to noone West and by South or thereabout thirteene leagues.

From Sunday at noone till ten of the clocke the same Euening, it was calme. Then it began [ 60] to blow a stiffe gale of wind at South South-east. Our course was West till noone, the next day being Munday, twentie three leagues. This day wee saw many blacke Fowles like Willockes flying in flockes together.* 24.168

The fourth my latitude at noone, was 56. degrees 40. minutes. The latitude next day at

noone was fiftie sixe degrees. The variation of the Compasse by the Scale was twentie degrees, and by my other Instrument twentie foure degrees to the West.* 24.169 The sunne was twentie two degrees and an halfe high, and to the North of the West thirtie degrees by the Instrument, and twentie sixe degrees by the Scale.

Our latitude at noone the eleuenth, was fiftie eight degrees. And at night the sunne did set fourteene degrees to the Westward of the North, and did rise fiftie degrees to the Eastward of the North.

The thirteenth, the Ice seemed to be dispersed thinner with the wind, or some other accident: then I set sayle with our two courses, but was forced to take them in againe, and moo••••d to ano∣ther great Iland of Ice, about a mile to the Westward of the other▪ Here setteth some smal 〈◊〉〈◊〉 [ 10] to the South-westward. For the great fla••e•• of Ice that we••e somewhat deep,* 24.170 draue to the South∣ward, and the other small Ice which was sto••ie draue with the wind, which wa•• variable betwixt the North-west and the North. Here we were in sight of Land, which bore West South-west from vs, shewing in some parts like Ilands. Our latitude at noone was 57. degrees 25. minutes.

From Friday at noone till eight of the clocke at night, wee cont••••ued moored to the afore∣said Ice: then it fell calme, and I loosed and ••owed to the West-ward with our Oares, hoping to get thorough, till twelue of the clocke, then the Ice grew very thicke. I moored againe till foure of the clocke the next morning. Then we rowed and sayled with an easie gale of wind till eight of the clocke the next morning b••ing Saturday. Then it began to blow a fresh gale Easterly, and we cunned the ship among the Ice with ou•• Oares till noone. Our latitude was fiftie eight de∣grees. [ 20] From Saturday at noone till midnight wee guided our shippe to the Westward among the Ice with our Oares, hoping to get thorough: but wee were suddenly compassed about with many great Ilands of Ice, and continued so distressed with a sore storme of wind at South-east, be∣ing foggie and thicke weather: we were so bruised betweene mightie great Ilands of Ice, that we were in danger euery minute to be crushed in pieces with force of the heauing and setting of the said Ice with the great Sea that the wind made, had not God of his mercie prouided for vs: for our owne endeuours did little auaile to our helpe, though wee employed all our industries to the vttermost of our powres.

The nineteenth, we descryed the Land of America, which riseth like eight Ilands:* 24.171 the Nor∣thermost part of it did beare North and by West about fifteene leagues from vs. I obserued the [ 30] latitude, and found my selfe to be in 56. degrees and 48. minutes. The variation of the Compasse was twentie fiue degrees to the Westward. All this Coast sheweth like broken Land or Ilands; and the tyde of floud commeth from the Northward.

Tuesday the foure and twentieth all the morning, there blew a storme Northerly, and such a suffe of the Sea, and so much Ice came in, that our fasts brake that were fast on shoare, and our Rudder was driuen from our sterne with the force of mightie Ilands of I••e; so that we were for∣ced to hale close into the bottome of the Coue to saue our clothes, furniture and victuals: wee did our best, but before we had done, our ship was halfe full of water: the night comming vpon vs being wearie, we tooke a little rest.

On Wednesday, we went hard to worke when the ship was on ground, to get the water out [ 40] of her, and to stop so many of her leakes as we could come by, and to saue so much of our bread as we could; and some went to building our shallop. Also I caused our Boate to be lanched ouer the Iland; and sent my Mate Edward Gorrell, with three others,* 24.172 to seeke for a better place where to bring our ship on ground, if it were possible, to mend her againe. But they returned without any certaintie by reason of the abundance of Ice, which choked euery place. They found wood growing on the shoare.

Thursday being faire weather.] Here Master Iohn Knight ended writing in this Iournall. On this Thursday the sixe and twentieth of Iune in the morning, our Master caused some of our men to goe aboord our ship, to saue what things they could.* 24.173 And hee and Edward Gorrell his Mate, and his brother, and three more of our Company tooke the Boate, carrying with them [ 50] foure Pistols, three Muskets, fiue Swords, and two halfe Pikes for to goe ouer to a great Iland, which was not aboue a mile from our ship, to looke if they could find any Harbour or any Coue, to get our ship into for to mend her. Also he carried an Equinoctiall Diall with him, and pa∣per to make a Draught of the Land. When they were passed ouer to the other side, our Master his Mate, and his brother, and one more went on shoare, leauing two of vs in the Boate with one Musket, one Sword, and an halfe Pike to keepe it: which two stayed in the Boate from ten of the clocke in the morning, vntill eleuen of the clocke at night, but could heare no newes of them after their departure vp into the top of the Hill.* 24.174 Then did the Trumpettor sound two or three times, and the other did discharge his Musket two or three times, and so they came away to the [ 60] other side to the West of the Company, where the ship was: where they were watching for our comming; who seeing vs two comming and no more, they maruelled where the rest of the company were. When wee came on shoare, they enquired for our Master and the rest of our company. But we could tell them no newes of them after their departure out of the Boat, but that we did see them goe vp to the top of the Iland. Which report did strike all our men into a

great feare to thinke in what extremitie we were, because we did want our Master and three of our best men,* 24.175 and our Ship lay sunke, and we had nothing to trust to but our Shallop, which was not at that time halfe finished. This night lying on shoare in our Tent, which was betweene two Rocks,* 24.176 we kept very good watch, for feare of any peoples sudden assaulting of vs: or if our Master and his company had trauailed so farre, that they could not come againe that night, and would shoote a Musket, that wee might heare them. But they came not at all.

The next day being Friday, and the seuen and twentieth of Iune, wee consulted to goe ouer seuen of vs with our Boate, to try if we could see or learne any news of our Master, or any of our [ 10] men; for we were afraid that they were either surprised by the Sauages of the Countrie, or else deuoured by the wilde Beasts. So we tooke with vs seuen Muskets, and Swords, and Targets, and such prouision as we had in the Ship, and went downe to the Sea-side, but wee could not get o∣uer for Ice. At length we returned, with much adoe to get on shoare, land went to our Ship, to saue what things we could all that day.

On Saturday, the eight and twentieth, we did likewise saue what things we could, and gat all our things out of our Ship, and made her cleane in hold, hauing faire weather, hoping in God to saue her, and to mend all things, as well as we could; for she lay vpon hard rocks: wherefore we kept her as light as we could, for beating and bruising of her hull. That night about nine of the clocke, it began to raine very sore, and so continued all night: and about one of the clocke [ 20] at night, our Boate-Swaine and our Steward being at watch, and their watch almost out, the Steward went aboord the Ship to pumpe, leauing the Boate-Swaine at watch some Musket shot length from our Tent:* 24.177 while he was in pumping, there came ouer the rocks a great sort of the Countrey people toward the place where the Boate-Swaine was: who when they saw him, they shot their arrowes at him, running toward him as fast as they could. Whereupon hee dis∣charged his Musket at them, and fled to our Tent as fast as hee could, thinking they had beset vs, they were so many of them in sight. The Steward hearing his Musket goe off, came out of the Ship, and as he was comming, saw the Sauages running to our Shallop, and cryed out to vs that were asleepe in our Tent, to come to rescue the Boate-Swaine, and the Shallop. We made what haste we could; when we came towards them, and saw so many of them in our Shallop, [ 30] we were afraid we were betraid. At this time it rained very sore; yet calling our wits together, we sent two of our men backe vnto our Tent,* 24.178 the rest of vs made toward them, and shot at them some three or foure Muskets: who when they saw vs shoote, they stood in our Shallop, and held vp their hands vnto vs, calling one to another. Then thought we with our selues, that we were better to dye in our defence in pursuing of them, then they vs, being but eight Men and a great Dogge. When they saw vs marching toward them so fiercely, our Dogge being formost, they ranne away:* 24.179 but we durst not pursue them any further, for it was in the night, and they were in sight aboue fiftie men. Thus we recouered our Shallop. Then we sent some more of our men to our Tent to keepe it; and the rest followed toward the place whither they fled. But before we could ouertake them, they were gotten into their Boates, and were rowing away [ 40] through the Ice;* 24.180 which was so thicke, that they could not passe away, but stucke fast; for their Boates were very great: wee seeing them sticke fast in the Ice, some setting with Oares, and some rowing, came so neere them, as we could, and shot at them some dozen shot, before they could get cleere: which shot caused them to cry out very sore one to another; for their Boates were full of men.* 24.181 As farre as we could iudge, they be very little people, tawnie coloured, thin or no beards, and flat nosed, and Man-eaters.

On Sunday, the nine and twentieth, all day long we gat such things as we could aboord our Shippe, for feare they should come ouer with more men, and beset vs, our Ship lying betweene two great Rocks, and all without so full of Ice, that we could not passe any way to Sea, no not with a Boate. That day, two of our men kept watch vpon the Rocks, to giue vs warning, if [ 50] they did come ouer with Boats. Then did our Carpenter make what shift hee could with our Shallop, and did tench her in some places, but neither calke•• her, nor pitched her. Then did wee take her, and bring her downe close to the Shippe, and there shee did stand all night.

On Munday, the thirtieth day in the morning we went to worke to cut the Ice with Axes and Pick-axes, to get our Shippe; for all about the Iland was nothing but Ice, and no place to ride free neither with Shippe nor Boate. That night it pleased God, that wee got her out, and came away rowing with our Oares; but she was exceeding leake, and our Shallop too: and, which was worse, we had neuer a Rudder to stirre our Ship withall. Wee rowed all that night among the Ice. [ 60]

The first and second dayes of Iuly, we continued also rowing vp and downe among the floting and driuing Ice, with little hope of recouering our Countrey.

The third of Iuly, we had a gale of winde at North, and a great current setting to the South∣ward:* 24.182 Then made we fast our Ship to an Iland of Ice, and went to worke, and to stow her things within boord, to make her stiffe; for wee had neuer a whit of balast in her. Then did our Carpenter make what shift he could, to hang our Rudder, hauing nothing conuenient in our

Ship to make Gudgins, nor Pintels. Then were we forced to breake open our Masters Chest, and to take all the Iron bands off it, to make fast two Pick-axes, for two Pintels,* 24.183 and to binde our Rudder•• withall. So, as it pleased God, that night we hanged our Rudder, hauing but two Pin∣tels and a Cable through the middle of it, to keepe it to with two tacks. Then were we in good hope to get cleare of the Ice, because wee had some steerage, though it was but bad: for before, we durst beare but little sayle, our Ship being so leake, and her stemme so sore beaten with the rocks and Ice, and hauing no steerage, but were forced to rowe with our Oares, till wee were all sore and weary.

The next day about tenne of the clocke in the morning, the winde came to the West North-west, [ 10] and was faire weather: so we steered away East and by North, to get vs out of the Bay: And at noone, the watch being out,* 24.184 which was the third watch that we had after we came out of the Countrey (for before, continually we did watch all, to keepe our Shippe cleare of the Ice, as neere as we could) we began to Pumpe our Shippe, but could not make her sucke in a thou∣sand stroakes, if she had stood but one halfe houre vnpumped. Then were wee forced to vnrom∣age our Ship, to see if we could finde our leakes. We soone found a great many of leakes, but not that which caused vs to Pumpe so sore. At the last, we found it close abaft our forefoot, where her keele was splintred in two or three places, where the Sea came running in so fast,* 24.185 that it was not possible to keepe her free with both our Pumps, and wee could not come to it to stop it; for it was vnder the timbers. Then did wee take our maine Bonnet, and basted it with Occom, and [ 20] put it ouerboord, right against our leake, which eased vs some foure or fiue hundred stroakes in an houre. Then vpon consultation had among our selues, wee resolued to shape our course towards Newfound Land, to see if we could get any place to mend our Ship, hoping there to meete with some English or French men. At this time we had one of our men very sicke, and another had his hand very sore splitted; and most of vs all were so sore with rowing and pumping, that we were scarce able to stirre, but that we must perforce.

The fift of Iulie, wee shaped our course for New found Land, with the winde at West South-west.

The one and twentieth, the winde was at South South-west; and we fell with the Land,* 24.186 be∣ing nothing but broken Ilands. Then we stood to the Westward, being in the latitude of 49. de∣grees [ 30] and an halfe.

The two and twentieth was faire weather, and the winde very variable: and about sixe of the clocke at night, the winde came to the West North-west. Then we steered in among the I∣lands, to see if we could finde any harbour to mend our Shippe; for she was very leake.* 24.187 When we were come in among them, we found nothing but broken Ilands, and a great current, which did set from Iland to Iland, and had no ground at an hundred fathoms. That night we were ve∣ry sore intangled with sunken Rocks, and in great danger of casting away our Ship, hauing very thicke weather: wherefore we kept to and fro all that night.* 24.188

The foure and twentieth of Iuly, in the morning, we spied some dozen Shallops, which were fishing some two leagues from vs. Then wee made what way wee could toward them,* 24.189 &c. [ 40] We remained in this Bay of Fogo, in repairing our Shippe, and refreshing of our selues, vntill the two and twentieth of August. Then taking our leaues of our kinde and louing friends, with giuing them most heartie thankes for their goodnesse towards vs, we put forth to the Sea, and with an indifferent and reasonable good passage we arriued safely in Dartmouth in Deuonshire, and sent word to London vnto our owners, of the losse of our Master and his three companions, and of the dolefull successe of our Voyage, the foure and twentieth day of September, 1606.

The rest of this Iournall, from the death of Master Iohn Knight, was written by Oliuer Browne, one of the Company.

[ 50]

CHAP. XVII. The fourth Voyage of IAMES HALL to Groeneland, wherein he was set forth by English Aduenturers, Anno 1612. and slaine by a Greenelander. Written by WILLIAM BAFFIN.

WEdnesday, the eight of Iuly, 1612. in the morning▪ I perceiued the Sunne and the Moone, both very faire aboue the horizon, as I had done diuers times before. [ 60] At which time I purposed to finde out the longitude of that place, by the Moones comming to the Meridian. Most part of this day I spent about finding of the Me∣ridian line; which I did vpon an Iland neere the Sea, hanging at the extreames of my Meridian line two threeds with Plummets at them, instead of an index and sights.

Thursday, the ninth day very early in the morning I went on shoare the Iland, being a faire

morning, and obserued till the Moone came iust vpon the Meridian. At which very instant, I obserued the Sunnes height, and found it 8. degrees, 53. minutes, North: in the eleuation of the Pole 65. degrees 20. minutes. By the which, working by the doctrine of sphericall trian∣gles, hauing the three sides giuen, to wit, the complement of the Poles eleuation; the comple∣ment of the Almecanter: and the complement of the Sunnes declination, to finde out the quan∣titie of the angle at the Pole: I say, by this working, I found it to be foure of the clocke, 17. mi∣nutes, and 24. seconds. Which when I had done, I found by mine Ephemerides, that the Moone came to the Meridian at London that morning at foure of the clocke, 25. minutes, 34. seconds: which 17. minutes, 24. seconds, substracted from 25.34. leaueth 8.10. of time, for the difference of longitude betwixt the Meridian of London (for which the Ephemerides was made) and the Meridian passing by this place in Groenland. Now the Moones motion that day, was 12. degrees [ 10] 7. minutes:* 24.190 which conuerted into minutes of time, were 48. minutes, 29. seconds: which work∣ing by the rule of proportion, the worke is thus: if 48. minutes, 29. seconds; the time that the Moone commeth to the Meridian sooner that day, then she did the day before, giue 360. the whole circumference of the earth, what shall 8. minutes 10. seconds giue, to wit, 60. degrees, 30. minutes, or neere there abuut: which is the difference of longitude betweene, the Meridian of London, and this place in Groenland, called Cockins Sound, lying to the Westward of London.

This finding of the longitude, I confesse is somewhat difficult and troublesome, and there may be some small errour. But if it be carefully looked vnto, and exactly wrought, there will be no great errour, if your Ephemerides be true. But some will say, that this kinde of working is not [ 20] for Marriners;* 24.191 because they are not acquainted to worke propositions by the table of signes, and an instrument is not precise enough to finde out the houre, minute, and second. For the losse of one minute of time, is the losse of 7. degrees of longitude. I answere, that although the most part are not vsed to this worke,* 24.192 yet I know some of the better sort, which are able to worke this and the like propositions exactly. And those which ye•• cannot, and are desirous to learne, may in short space attaine to such knowledge as shall be sufficient for such things. And how ne∣cessary it is, that the longitude of places should be knowne, I leaue to the iudgement of all skilfull Marriners, and others that are learned in the Mathematicks.

This afternoone it was agreed by the chiefe of our Company, that our Master, Iames Hall, [ 30] should goe in the smaller Ship, farther to the Northward.

The foresaid Thursday in the euening, he departed out of the Patience into the Harts-ease, to get forth of the Harbor, which our Master called Cockins-ford, in remembrance of Alderman Cockin one of the Aduenturers:* 24.193 which place, is in the latitude of 65. degrees, 20 minutes. And the va∣riation of the compasse is 23. degrees, 58. minutes, to the Westward. That euening was very calme,* 24.194 and we towed our Shippe forth with the Shallops and Ships Boat. But within an houre or two after we were got into the Offin; the winde being at North, it blew a great storme, which continued all that night.

The foureteenth, our Master turned the Ship vp to the Riuer againe, toward the Riuer where the supposed mine should be. But the tyde was so farre spent, that we could not get to Sea, but [ 40] were constrained to Anker in a roade at the South side of the Riuer,* 24.195 some three leagues from the Patience, in which place are many good Rode-steeds to be found.

Thursday, the sixteenth day, the winde was at North-west, and blew so stiffe a ••ale▪ that we could not get to Sea that day. That night, eighteene of vs went into the Ilands to looke for some Deere,* 24.196 but found none. But we perceiued the foote-steps of some great Beast, which wee supposed to be of some great Elke: the foote was as bigge as any Oxe foote.

Tuesday, the twentie one, the weather still continued in such sort, that wee could not by any meanes get to the Riuer, where the supposed Myne should bee. Wherefore our Master bare roome for Ramelsford, being a Riuer Southward of another, called Cunninghams ford, some twelue leagues.* 24.197 And we came to an Anchor at the entrance on the Southside of the Ford, about seuen of the clocke. [ 50]

Wednesday, the two and twentieth day, about nine or ten of the clocke, the Sauages came to barter with vs, being about fortie of them, and continued about an houre and an halfe: At which time our Master Iames Hall, being in the Boate, a Sauage with his Dart strooke him a dead∣ly wound vpon the right side, which our Surgean did thinke did pierce his liuer. We all mused that he should strike him,* 24.198 and offer no harme to any of the rest: vnlesse it were, that they knew him since he was there with the Danes; for out of that Riuer they carried away fiue of the peo∣ple, whereof neuer any returned againe: and in the next Riuer, they killed a great numb••r▪ And it should seeme that he which killed him, was either brother, or some neere kinsman to some of them that were carried away: for he did it very resolutely, and came within foure yards of him. And, for ought we could see, the people are very kinde one to another, and ready to reuenge any [ 60] wrong offred to them. All that day he lay very sore pained, looking for death euery houre, and resigned all his charge to Master Andrew Barker, Master of the Harts-ease, willing him to place another in his roome Master of the small Ship.

Thursday, the three and twentieth, about eight of the clocke in the morning he dyed, being very penitent for all his former offences. And after we had shrowded him,* 24.199 wee carried him in the Shallop, to burie him in some out Iland, according to his owne request while he was liuing. After we had buried him, we went in the Shallop to seeke for the mine, which we had expected so long. All that day we rowed along toward the North, passing by a Cape called,* 24.200 Queene Sophias Cape. That night we staied at an Iland, some three leagues short of the Riuer.

Friday, the foure and twentieth, in the morning, wee rowed along, and came to the place, which is on the South-side of the entrance of Cunninghams Riuer: And we found diuers places,* 24.201 where the Danes had digged; it was a kinde of shining stone, which when our Goldsmith, Iames Carlile, had tried, it was found of no value, and had no mettall at all in it:* 24.202 but was like [ 10] vnto Moscouia sl••dd••, and of a glittering colour. That day after we had dyned, wee rowed vp that Riuer some foure leagues, where diuers of our company went vp into the Mountaines, and found a Valley more pleasant, then they had seene in the Countrey. That euening we returned, and came to the place where the Danes had digged their supposed Mine, and tooke some of it in our Boate to carry with vs, and returned toward our Ship. That night we rowed and sailed, and the next morning about nine of the clocke, we came to our Ship.

Saturday, the fiue and twentieth, being Saint Iames his day, in the forenoone, we came to our Shippe, lying on the South side of the Riuer, called Ramels Riuer. And as soone as our Master found, that the people came no more to trade with vs, he determined to depart with the Shippe into the Kings Ford to the Patience: and rowing about the harbour,* 24.203 where we lay to finde some [ 20] neerer way out to the Sea, we found among the Ilands, where many of their winter houses had bin, and some of their Tents were but lately carried away. In which place wee also found one of their long Boates, made of wood, and bound together for the most part, with shiuers of Whales fins, and couered with Seales skinnes, being some two and thirtie foote in length, and some fiue foote broad, hauing tenne thoughts or seates in it.* 24.204 That day about twelue of the clocke we weighed anchor, and departed out of Ramels Ford, which lieth in the latitude of 67. degrees, and the variation of the compasse is 24. degrees 16. minutes, being a very faire Riuer, and one of the most principall, which wee saw in that Countrey, stretching in East and East and by South. This night, about one of the clocke, we came to the Patience, lying in the Kings Ford.

[ 30] Sunday, the sixe and twentieth, Master Andrew Barker, and our Merchant, Master Wilkinson, with other of the Company, were in conference about returning home, because that since our Ma∣ster was slaine, none of the Sauages would trade with vs, as they were wont.

Wednesday, the nine and twentieth, we were likewise occupied about taking in of ballast; for our Shippe was very light: and that euening it was agreed, that Andrew Barker, Master of the Harts-ease, should goe Master of the Patience,* 24.205 which was sore against the minde of William Gour∣d••n: and William Huntrice was appointed Master of the Harts-ease, and Iohn Garte••••y, one of the quarter Masters of the Patience, was Masters mate of the Harts-ease.

Tuesday, the fourth of August, in the morning the winde being Northerly, a very small gale we got to Sea, where the winde came to the Southward, and we tacked sometime on the one boord,* 24.206 [ 40] and sometime on the other, making small way on our course.

Munday the tenth, was raine and foule weather, as it had continued euery day since wee came from harbour, sauing the seuenth day, which was somewhat faire:* 24.207 For commonly while the winde is South, it is very thick and foule weather. We tacked sometimes on one boord, and some∣times on the other, making a South by West way, at noone sixe leagues.

Wednesday, the twelfth, it waxed calme, we being somewhat Southward of a Cape, called Burnils Cape: and about three or foure of the clocke in the afternoone,* 24.208 the winde came to the North and by West, an easie gale, with faire weather.

The eighteenth, at noone we were in 58. deg. 50. min. The seuenteenth day,* 24.209 I tooke the varia∣tion of the compasse, finding it to be 13. degrees 22. minutes, contrary to the obseruations of o∣thers [ 50] in this place. And if any doe doubt of the truth thereof, they may with a little paines proue it. The eighteenth of August, the declination of the Sunne was 9. degrees 58. minutes, for the Meridian of London. But we being almost foure houres of time to the Westward thereof, there are three minutes to be abated from the rest: and so the declination was 9. degrees 55. minutes; and his height aboue the horizon was 24. degrees 40. minutes in the latitude of 59. degrees 0. min. and his distance from the South to the Westward, by the compasse, was 81. degrees. And for truth of the first obseruation, I tooke another shortly after, finding them not to differ aboue 4. minutes.

Wednesday the nineteenth, the winde still continued with thicke and hasie weather, we be∣ing at noone in the latitude of 58. degrees 30. minutes, or thereabout, making a South South-east [ 60] way, about ten leagues.

Thursday the twentieth, was faire weather, the winde at East North-east, wee steered away South-east and South-east and by East, making at noone a South-east and by South way, about thirtie leagues, being at noone in the latitude of 57. degrees 20. minutes.* 24.210 This day in the after∣noone, I tooke the variation of the compasse, and found it about 11. degrees 10. minutes.

Friday the one and twentieth, faire weather, with the winde at North and North by East, and we made an East South-east way, halfe Southerly twentie foure leagues, being at noone by obseruation, in the latitude of 56. degrees 50. minutes.

Saturday the two and twentieth, faire weather, the wind at North and Nrth by East, wee made an East way halfe Southerly, some twentie two leagues, being at noone in the latitude of 56. degrees 47. minutes.

Sunday the three and twentieth, faire weather, the wind at West North-west, we making an East and East by North way about twentie foure leagues. This day I tooke the variation of the Compasse,* 24.211 and found it to be 7. degrees 23. minutes, being at noone in the latitude of 57. de∣grees 26. minutes. [ 10]

Munday the foure and twentieth, being S. Bartholomewes day, faire weather with an North North-west, wee making an East North-east way, halfe Northerly about twentie seuen leagues, and were at noone by obseruation in the latitude of 58. degrees 4. minutes.* 24.212 This day I obserued and found the Compasse to be varied 7. degrees 20. minutes.

Tuesday the fiue and twentieth, faire weather and calme: the winde at North, wee made a North-east and by East way seuenteene leagues, being at noone in the latitude of 58. degrees 30. minutes.* 24.213 This day I found the common Compasse to be varied one point, and the true variation to bee 6. degrees 4. minutes.

Wednesday the sixe and twentieth faire weather also, with the wind North North-west, we made a North-east and by East way halfe about twentie two leagues, being in the height of 59. [ 20] degrees 10. minutes.

Thursday the seuen and twentieth indifferent faire weather, with a stiffe gale of wind at the North North-west, we making a North-east way about thirtie one leagues, being at noone in the latitude of 60. degrees 10. minutes.

Friday the eight and twentieth, the wind at South-east with a stiffe gale, wee made good a∣bout noone a North-east and by East way about twentie nine leagues. This day in the after∣noone it blew so great a storme, that wee were in great distresse, the winde at East South-east. But about eleuen of the clocke it came to the North-west, and North-west by North. And we ranne some twentie leagues.

Saturday the nine and twentieth, it blew so stiffe, that wee could beare none but our fore∣saile, [ 30] making an Eas•• and by South way halfe Southerly, about thirtie leagues.

Sunday the thirtieth, all the forenoone it blew a very stiffe gale, and about noone the winde came Southerly; and it blew a very great storme, which continued all that day and that night in such sort, that we could not saile at all, but all that night lay at hull.

Munday the one and thirtieth, in the morning about foure of the clocke, the winde came to the South-west a very stiffe gale. At which time we set our fore-saile. The wind continued all this day and night, we steered away East and by South, making at noone an East North-east way about thirtie foure leagues.

Tuesday the first of September, the wind still continued at South-west, blowing a very stiffe gale, we steered away East and by South, making an East way about fiftie leagues. This day at [ 40] noone we were in the latitude of 60. degrees 45. minutes.

Wednesday the second faire weather with the wind at South-west, wee made an East and by South way halfe a point Southerly about fortie two leagues, being at noone in the latitude of 60. degrees 10. minutes. This day I obserued, and found the Compasse to be varied three degrees to the Westward.

Thursday the third day faire weather, the wind at South-west: wee made an East by North way at noone about twentie leagues. This day in the after-noone, the winde being at North North-west, it blew a very stiffe gale for two Watches; and toward seuen or eight of the clocke the storme so increased, that our shippe was not able to beare any saile. And all that night wee lay at hull. [ 50]

Friday the fourth, the storme still continued, and we could beare no saile all that day till about foure of the clocke in the afternoone, at which time we set our fore course, and our maine course. The night before in the storme, we lost The Harts-ease. This day wee made some twelue leagues East and by North.* 24.214 And we fell to lee-ward lying at hull some fiue leagues South by West.

Saturday the fift calme weather, but very thicke and close all the forenoone: the wind con∣tinued still at North North-west, we making from the time wee set our courses the day before, about twentie leagues East halfe Southerly; beeing at noone in the latitude of 59. degrees 53. minutes.

Sunday the sixt, faire weather, the wind at North North-west, we steering away East North-east,* 24.215 and East and by North, made an East by North way, halfe Northerly some 29. leagues, [ 60] being at noone in 60. degrees 10. minutes. This day the Compasse was varied to the East sixe degrees. This afternoone it was almost calme: and wee sounded, and found ground at sixtie eight fathomes. This Euening about ten of the clocke the wind came to the South-east.

Munday the seuenth, very faire weather, the wind South-east and South-east by East, wee

tacked in the morning to the North-ward, and ranne East North-east and East by North vntill seuen or eight in the afternoone: at which time we tacked vp to the Southward,* 24.216 and went away South-west till toward twelue a clocke that night twenti•• leagues.

Tuesday the eight, in our morning Watch I found our selues to be in 59. degrees 20. minutes: And about fiue of the clocke I espied Land, which we supposed to bee the Iles of Orkney, as afterward we found them to be the same. And toward three of the clocke,* 24.217 we came to an An∣chor in a Channell running betweene the Ilands; where the people came to vs, and brought vs Hennes, Geese, and Sheepe, and sold them to vs for old clothes and shooes, desiring rather them then money. There are about eighteene of these Ilands, which are called by the name of the [ 10] Orkeneis.

Wednesday the ninth, it was thicke weather, and the winde so Easterly that wee could not weigh Anchor.

Thursday the tenth, faire weather, and the wind came to the North-west, and about noone we weighed Anchor; and toward fiue of the clocke we were cleere off the Iles. The Channell for the most part lyeth North-west and South-east. All that night we stood away South-east.* 24.218

Friday the eleuenth, faire weather, with the wind at North North-west. And about nine of the clocke in the morning, we steered away South South-east. At which time wee had sight of Buquham-nesse: And about two of the clocke we were thwart of it. The seuenteenth,* 24.219 we came to an Anchor in Hull Road, for which the Lord bee praysed.

[ 20] Here I thinke it not amisse briefly to relate the state and manners of the people of Groenland, forasmuch as I could learne: As also what likelihood there is of a passe into the Sea, which lyeth vpon Tartarie and China.

The North-west part of Gronland is an exceeding high Land to the Sea-ward, and almost no∣thing but Mountaynes; which are wonderfull high all within the Land,* 24.220 as farre as wee could perceiue: and they are all of stone, some of one colour, and some of another, and all gliste∣ring, as though they were of rich value; but indeed they are not worth any thing. For our Gold-smith Iames Carlile tryed very much of the Vre,* 24.221 and found it to bee nothing worth. If there bee any Mettall, it lyeth so low in the Mountaynes, that it cannot bee well come by. There are some Rocks in these Mountaynes, which are exceeding pure Stone, finer, and whiter then Alabaster. The sides of these Mountaynes continually are couered with Snow for [ 30] the most part, and especially the North sides, and the Noth sides of the Valleyes, hauing a kind of Mosse, and in some places Grasse with a little branch running all along the ground,* 24.222 bearing a little blacke Berrie, it runneth along the ground like Three-leafed Grasse heere in England. There are few or no Trees growing, as farre as wee could perceiue, but in one place some fortie miles within the Land, in a Riuer, which wee called Balls Riuer. There I saw on the South∣side of an high Mountayne, which we went vp, and found (as it were) a yong Groue of small Wood, some of it sixe or seuen foot high like a Coppice in England, that had beene some two or three yeeres cut. And this was the most Wood that wee saw growing in this Countrey; be∣ing some of it a kind of Willow, Iuniper, and such like.

[ 40] We found in many places much Angelica. We suppose the people eate the Roots thereof, for some causes. For we haue seene them haue many of them in their Boats.

There are great store of Foxes in the Ilands, and in the Mayne, of sundry colours:* 24.223 And there are a kind of Hares as white as Snow, with their furre or haire very long.

Also there be Deere, but they are most commonly vp within the Mayne very farre; because the people doe so much hunt them, that come neere the Sea. I saw at one time seuen of them together, which were all that wee did see in the Countrey: But our men haue bought diuers Coates of the people made of Deeres skinnes, and haue bought of their Hornes also. Besides, we haue diuers times seene the footsteps of some beast,* 24.224 whose foote was bigger then the foot of a great Oxe. Furthermore, the Inhabitants haue a kinde of Dogges, which they [ 50] keepe at their Houses, and Tents, which Dogges are almost like vnto Wolues, liuing by fish, as the Foxes doe. But one thing is very strange, as I thought: for the Pizzels of both Dogges and Foxes are bone.

The people all the Summer time vse nothing but fishing, drying their fish, and Seales flesh vpon the Rockes for their Winter Prouision. Euery one both man and woman haue each of them a Boate made with long small pieces of Firre-wood, couered with Seales skinnes very well drest, and sewed so well with sinewes or guts, that no water can pierce them through, beeing some of them aboue twentie foot long, and not past two foot, or two foot and an halfe broad, in forme of a Weauers shittle, and so light, that a man may carrie many of them at once for the weight. In these Boates they will row so swiftly, that it is almost incredible: for no ship in the World is able to keepe way with them, although shee haue neuer so good a gale of wind: and [ 60] yet they vse but one Oare, who sitting in the midle of their Boate, and holding their Oare in the middle, being broad at each end like our Oares, will at an instant goe backward and forward, as they please.

In these Boates they catch the most part of their food, being Seales and Salmons, Morses, and other kinds of fishes.* 24.225 Some they kill with their Darts, and other some with Angles, hauing a Line made of small shiuers of Whales Finnes, and an Hooke of some fishes bones: with which Line and Hookes, we also haue caught very much fish.

Also they haue another kinde of Boate, which is very long. For wee haue seene one of them thirtie two foot in length,* 24.226 open in the toppe like our Boates; hauing tenne seates in it. In which when they remooue their Dwellings, they carrie their Goods or House-hold-stuffe: for they remooue their Dwellings very often, as their fishing doth serue, liuing in the Summer time, in Tents made of Seales skinnes, and in Winter in Houses some-what in the ground. [ 10]

Wee could not particularly learne their Rites or Ceremonies: but generally they wor∣ship the Sunne,* 24.227 as chiefe Authour of their Felicitie. At their first approach vnto vs they vsed with their hands to point vp to the Sunne, and to strike their hands vpon their brests, crying Ilyont; as who would say, I meane no harme: which they will doe very often, and will not come neere you, vntill you doe the like; and then they will come with∣out any feare at all.

* 24.228They burie their dead in the Out-Ilands neere the Seaside. Their manner of Buriall is this. Vpon the tops of the Hils they gather a company of stones together, and make thereof an hollow Caue or Graue, of the length and breadth of the bodie, which they intend to burie, laying the stones somewhat close like a wall, that neyther Foxes, nor other such beasts [ 20] may deuoure the bodies, couering them with broad stones, shewing afarre off like a pile of stones. And neere vnto this Graue where the bodie lyeth, is another, wherein they burie his Bow and Arrowes,* 24.229 with his Darts and all his other Prouision, which hee vsed while hee was liuing. Hee is buried in all his Apparell: and the coldnesse of the Climate doth keepe the bodie from smelling and stinking, although it lye aboue the Ground.

They eate all their Food raw, and vse no fire to dresse their Victuals, as farre as wee could perceiue. Also wee haue seene them drinke the Salt-water at our shippes side: But whether it bee vsuall or no, I cannot tell. Although they dresse not their meate with fire, yet they vse fire for other things,* 24.230 as to warme them, &c.

Diuers of our men were of opinion, that they were Man-eaters, and would haue deuou∣red [ 30] vs, if they could haue caught vs. But I doe not thinke they would. For if they had bin so minded, they might at one time haue caught our Cooke, and two other with him, as they were filling of water at an Iland,* 24.231 a great way from our ship. These three I say were in the ships Boate without eyther Musket, or any other Weapon, when as a great company of the Sauages came rowing vnto them with their Darts, and other Furniture, which they neuer goe without,* 24.232 and stood looking into the Boate for Nayles, or any old Iron, which they so greatly desire, while our men were in such a feare, that they knew not what to doe. At length our Cooke remembred that hee had some old Iron in his pocket, and gaue each of them some, as farre as it would goe, with his Key of his Chest. And presently they all de∣parted without offering any harme at all. But this I speake not, that I would haue men to trust [ 40] them, or to goe among them vnprouided of Weapons.

CHAP. XVIII. A true Relation of such things as happened in the fourth Voyage for the Discouerie of the North-west Passage, performed in the yeere 1615. Written by WILLIAM BAFFIN. [ 50]

AFter three sundry Voyages towards the North-west, to the great charge of the Aduenturers:* 24.233 the last being vnder the command of Captaine Gibbins (in which was little or nothing performed.) Yet the Right Worshipfull Sir Dudley Digges Knight, Master Wostenholme Esquire, Master Alderman Iones, with others being not therewith discouraged, This yeere 1615. againe set forth the Discouery, a ship of fiftie fiue tunnes or thereabouts, which ship had beene the three former Voy∣ages on the action. The Master was Robert Bileth, a man well acquainted that way: hauing beene employed in the three former Voyages: my selfe being his Mate and Associate, with fourteene others and two Boyes.

The sixteenth, we weighed Anchor at Saint Katharines, and that tyde came to Blackwall, the [ 60] winde being at South South-west. The seuenteenth, wee went downe to Grauesend, and the eighteenth to Lee, where we anchored that night.

Vpon the sixt of May, we saw Land on the Coast of Groenland, on the East side of Cape Fare∣well: and that night we had a great storme:* 24.234 so wee kept a Southerly course to get about the Ice which lay on that shoare, and then kept our course vntill the seuenteenth day of May, all which forenoone we sayled by many great Ilands of Ice, some of which were aboue two hundred foot high aboue water (as I proued by one shortly after) which I found to be two hundred and fortie foot high, and if report of some men be true, which affirme,* 24.235 that there is but one seuenth part of the Ice aboue water, then the height of that piece of Ice, which I obserued was one hundred and fortie fathomes, or one thousand sixe hundred and eightie foote from the toppe to the bottome: this proportion I know doth hold in much Ice, but whether it doe so in all, I know not.

This seuenteenth of May, about noone we were come to the firme Ice, as one would suppose, [ 10] being in the latitude of 61. degrees 26. minutes or thereabout, being the latitude of the Sou••h part of the Ile of Resolution: we comming to this Ice,* 24.236 our Master asked my opinion concerning the putting into the Ice. My iudgement was it would be best for vs to stand, and ply it vp to the Northwards. Hee answered, we were on the North side of the South Channell, and much Ice we must passe through, and if that we could get some two or three leagues within the Ice, it would euery tide open, and we should get some thing onward of our way, hauing all the Channell to the South-wards of vs. So with this resolution we put within the Ice, the wind being at East North-east: this first entrance I liked not very well, scarce finding any place to put in our ships head, and being neere thirtie leagues from the shoare, towards Euening wee were fast amongst the Ice.

[ 20] But sometimes each day the Ice would a little open, we making what way we could towards the North-west in for the shoare till the two and twentieth day, hauing had the wind all Sou∣therly. Yet we plainly saw that we set to the Southwards, for all that wee could doe.

The two and twentieth day, the wind came vp at North North-west: then our Master de∣termined to stand forth againe. For if the wind should haue come to the North-east, it would be vnpossible for vs to fetch any part of the Channell, seeing wee droue so fast to the Southwards, with Southerly winds, and hauing so farre into the shoare, not hauing seene the Land.

Our Master was also determined to spend some twentie, or foure and twentie dayes in Fre∣tum Dauis, to see what hopes would be that wayes, supposing there would be little good to be [ 30] done in Hudsons Streights for this time limited: then we plying to get to Sea-ward, and so by eight a clock at night, the three and twentieth day, we were cleere of the thick Ice: againe, the Lord make vs thankfull, the wind at North-west and by North faire weather: but no sooner were we forth of the Ice, but that our Master changed his opinion: and beeing cleere of this thicke Ice wee stood to the Northward as much as the Ice and winde would giue vs leaue, run∣ning some thirteene leagues true North-east by North, being in the latitude of 61. degrees 50. minutes. The foure and twentieth day faire weather: the fiue and twentieth day, also faire wea∣ther, the wind at North and by West, till sixe a clocke, we hauing made a North-east by North way about twelue leagues and an halfe, our latitude at noone 62. degrees 20. minutes, at sixe a clocke the wind was at the North North-east. The sixe and twentieth day, all the forenoone [ 40] faire weather and cold: but in the afternoone it blew very hard, being close hasie weather, that about two a clocke this afternoone wee tooke in our sailes and hulled with our ship till the next morning at foure a clocke, all the time that we sayled this day we past through many led∣ges of Ice hauing great quantitie to the Northward of vs, and hauing runne about twentie one leagues true vpon a West course. And note where I put this word true, I meane the true course, the variation of the Compasse, and other accidents allowed.

The seuen and twentieth day close foggy weather with much snow freezing on our shrowds and tackling: the like we had not all this yeare before: but towards foure a clocke in the afternoone it began to cleere vp, and about fiue a clocke we saw Land, being the Iland of Resolution, and bearing West from vs about thirteene or fourteene leagues. This morning we set sayle, and stood [ 50] to and fro as the Ice would suffer vs, and at ten at night, wee moored our ship to a piece of Ice, the wind being at West.

The eight and twentieth day being Whitsunday, it was faire weather, but the winde was at the West, and West by North: al this day we were fast to the piece of Ice. Yet we plainly percei∣ued that we set a great deale more into the Streights with the floud. Then we set forth with the ebbe the nine and twentieth day, the wind was variable, and faire weather: about eleuen a clock we set saile and tacked to and fro along by the Iland. And about two a clocke the next mor∣ning, the wind came to the South South-east, but we had so much Ice that we could doe but lit∣tle good with a faire wind, the wind continued all this day and night a stiffe gale:* 24.237 this night (or rather Euening, because it was not darke at all) we were set within the point of the Iland: so [ 60] that now we were within the Streights.

The one & thirtieth day also faire weather, the wind for the most part at North North-west, the afternoone being cleere wee saw the point of the South shoare, called Buttons Iles, to beare from vs due South by the Compasse, which is indeed South South-east, somewhat Eastward,* 24.238 be∣cause here the Compasse is varied to the Westwards twentie foure degrees.

The first of Iune, wee had some snow in the forenoone, but very faire weather in the after∣noone, the wind at West North-west. We perceiuing the Ice to be more open close aboord the shoare, made the best way we could to get in, and to come to Anchor, if the place were conue∣nient; and by seuen a clocke we were in a good Harbour, on the North-west side of the Iland of Resolution, where an East South-east Moone maketh full Sea, or halfe an houre past seuen on the change day, as Sea-men account the water doth rise and fall, neere foure fathomes; the Com∣passe doth vary to the West 24. degrees 6. minutes, and is in longitude West from London 66. degrees 35. minutes. The breadth of the South Channell, or the distance betweene the Iland and the South shoare, is sixteene leagues, and the North Channell is eight miles wide in the narrowest place.

Vpon this Iland we went on shoare, but found no certaine signe of Inhabitants, but the tract [ 10] of Beares and Foxes, Rockes and stonie ground, hardly any thing growing thereon: it is indif∣ferent high Land to the Northward, hauing one high Hill or Hummocke on the North-east side, but to the Southward it falleth away very low.

The second of Iune in the morning the wind came vp at East South-east, with much snow and fowle weather: about noone wee weighed Anchor, and stood vp along by the Iland, so well as the Ice would giue vs leaue to get to the North shoare. Wee continuing our courses so neere the North shoare, as conueniently we could, with much variable weather and windes, but sted∣fast in continuance among Ice, till the eight day, hauing the wind full contrary to vs, and being somewhat neere a point of Land, or rather a company of Ilands, which after wee called Sauage Iles,* 24.239 hauing a great Sound or In-draught, betweene the North shoare and them. At sixe a clocke [ 20] we came to Anchor neere one of them, being the Eastermost sauing one. But whiles wee were furling our sailes,* 24.240 we heard and saw a great company of Dogges running vp and downe, with such howling and barking, that it seemed very strange. Shortly after we had moored our ship, we sent our Boat somewhat neerer the shoare, to see if they could perceiue any people; who retur∣ning, told vs that there were Tents and Boats, or Canowes, with a great many Dogges, but peo∣ple they saw none. After Prayer, when our men had supt, wee fitted our Boate and our selues with things conuenient: then my selfe with seuen others landed, and went to their Tents, where finding no people, we marched vp to the top of a Hill (being about a flight shot off) where we saw one great Canow or Boat, which had about fourteene men in it, being on the furthest, [ 30] or North-west point of the Iland,* 24.241 and from vs somewhat more then a Musket shot. Then I cal∣led vnto them, vsing some words of Groenlandish speech, making signes of friendship. They did the like to vs; but seeing them so fearefull of vs, and we not willing to trust them, I made ano∣ther signe to them, shewing them a Knife and other Trifles, which I left on the top of the Hill, and returned downe to their Tents againe. There wee found some Whale Finnes to the num∣ber of fortie or fiftie, with a few Seale skinnes which I tooke aboord, leauing Kniues, Beades, and Counters instead thereof; and amongst their houses I found a little bagge, in which was a company of little Images of men;* 24.242 one the Image of a woman with a child at her backe, all the which I brought away.

Among these Tents being fiue in number, all couered with Seales skinnes, were running vp [ 40] and downe,* 24.243 about thirtie fiue or fortie Dogges; most of them muzled. They were of our mun∣grell Mastiffes, being of a brinded blacke colour, looking almost like Wolues. These Dogges they vse in stead of Horses, or rather as the Lappians doe their Deere, to draw their sleds from place to place ouer the Ice: their sleds are shod or lined with great bones of fishes to keepe them from wearing, and their Dogges haue Collars and Furniture very fitting.

* 24.244These people haue their Apparell, Boots, Tents, and other necessaries much like to the Inha∣bitants in Groineland, sauing that they are not so neate and artificiall, seeming to bee more rude and vnciuill, ranging vp and downe as their fishing is in season. For in most places where wee came ashoare, we saw where people had beene, although not this yeere; but where their Habita∣tion or their abode in Winter is, I cannot well coniecture.

* 24.245This Iland lyeth in the latitude of 62. degrees 30. minutes, and in longitude West from Lon∣don, [ 50] 72. degrees or neere thereabouts, being sixtie leagues from the entrance of the Streights: here the Compasse doth varie 27. degrees 30. minutes, and a South-east Moone foure degrees East maketh a full Sea: it doth ebbe and flow almost as much water, as it doth at the Resolution, and here the floud commeth from the Eastward, although our Master was of opinion to the contrarie.

The tenth day in the morning, at sixe a clocke we set sayle, the winde at North, which con∣tinued not, but was very variable till noone, and then it came to North-west, we hauing sayled along by the shoare, about some nine leagues and an halfe North North-west, the Ice lying so thicke in the offen, that wee could not well get out of it: then perceiuing a good Harbour betweene two small Ilands and the Mayne, wee went in with our ship, where wee moored her, [ 60] and stayed till the twelfth day at Euening.

In this place it is high water on the change day, at nine of the clocke, or a South-east Moone maketh a full Sea: the latitude of this place is 62. degrees 40. minutes; and the floud doth come

from the Eastward, although our Master was perswaded otherwise, as well in this place, as at Saluage Ilands: for being among Ilands, euery point hath his seuerall set and eddie. But I going to the top of the Iland, plainely perceiued the Ice to come from the South-east, and from the North-west on the ebbe. In this place is no signe of people, as we could perceiue.

The sixteenth day, lying still in the Ice, the weather being very close and hasey, as it hath beene these six dayes: and being neere a great company of Ilands, in the afternoone, the winde being at West North-west, wee stood in amongst these Ilands, and in the euening we moared our Shippe to one of them in a small coue, the better to defend her from the Ice. In this place wee stayed all the seuenteenth day: and vpon the eighteenth, being Sunday, about eleuen a clocke [ 10] we set sayle, being almost calme, making the best way wee could to get forth. Here are a great company of Ilands, each hath his seuerall set and eddy, that the Ice doth so runne to and fro,* 24.246 and with such violence, that our Shippe was in more safetie further off then in this place: the lati∣tude of the Ile we rode by is 63. degrees 26. minutes, and longitude West from London, neere 72. degrees 25. minutes: the Compasse hath variation 27. degrees 46. minutes; and at a quar∣ter of an houre after nine on the Change day, doth make a full Sea. This Euening, and the next morning, wee had a faire steering gale of winde at South-east, wee standing along by the Land, it beeing all small broken Ilands, to a point of Land about twelue leagues in distance from the Ile wee put last from: which Point, I called Broken Point,* 24.247 it being indeede a point of broken Iles.

[ 20] On the nineteenth day, by twelue a clocke at noone, wee were about foure miles from the Point before named, fast inclosed with Ice, very faire weather; and well we might haue called this Point Fairenesse or Faire Point, for from this day till the thirtieth day, the weather was so faire, and almost, or altogether calme, that in few places elsewhere, finer weather could not be; and till the seuen and twentieth at night, wee were so fast inclosed vp with Ice, that at some times one could not well dippe a paile of water by the Ship sides: while wee were thus fast in the Ice, vpon the one and twentieth day, I saw both the Sunne and Moone at one time, as indeede it is vsuall in faire weather.

This one and twentieth, being faire weather, as afore is said, and I seeing both the Sunne and Moone so faire: I thought it a fit time to make an obseruation for the longitude.* 24.248

[ 30] But the two and twentieth day being very faire and cleare, and also calme, being almost as steedy as on shoare: it was no neede to bid me fit my Instrument of variation to take the time of the Moones comming to the Meridian, hauing also my quadrant ready to take the Sunnes almi∣canter, it being indifferent large, as of foure foote semi••••amiter: haue taken the variation of my needle as precisely as possible I could, which was 28. degrees 20. minutes West, and if any be desirous to worke the same, they may, but my worke was as followeth.

The Sunnes almicanter, at the instant when the Moone was on the Meridian, was 26. de∣grees 40. minutes: and the Sunnes declination for that time 23. degrees 6. minutes. By which three things giuen, I found the houre to be fiue a clocke 4. minutes 52. seconds, 1. third 4. fourths, or 76. degrees, 13. minutes, 16. seconds, of the equinoctiall afternoone: and according to Searles Ephe∣merides, [ 40] the Moone came to the Meridian at London at foure a clocke 54. minutes, 30. seconds: and after Origanus the Moone came to the Meridian at foure a clocke 52. minutes, 5. seconds, at Wittenberge the same day. Now hauing this knowne, it is no hard matter to finde the longitude of this place sought. For according to the Moones meane motion, which is 12. degrees a day, that is in time 48. minutes: and to this account, if she be on the Meridian at twelue a clock this day, to morrow it will be 48. min. past 12. So I hauing the time found by obseruation at this place, viz. 5. houres, 4. minutes, 52. seconds, 1. third 4. fourths: but in this I neede not come so precise: and at London, at 4. houres, 54. minutes, 30. seconds: which substracted from the former, leaueth 10. mi∣nutes, 22. seconds, 1. third, 4. fourths, now the Moones motion that foure and twentie houres, was 22. degrees, 38. minutes: which conuerted into time, is 50. minutes 25. seconds 20. thirds: then the proportion standeth thus; If 50. minutes, 25. seconds, 20. thirds, giue 360. degrees, what [ 50] shall 10. minutes, 22. seconds, 1. third, 4. fourths giue? the fourth proportionall, will be 74. degrees 5. minutes, which is West of London; because the Moone came later by 10. minutes, 22. seconds, and by the same working by Origanus Ephemerides, the distance is 91. degrees, 35. minutes, West of West. But whether be the truer, I leaue to others to iudge: in these workings may some er∣rour be committed, if it be not carefully looked vnto: as in the obseruation, and also in finding what time the Moone commeth to the Meridian, at the place where the Ephemerides is suppu∣tated for, and perchance in the Ephemerides themselues: in all which, the best iudicious may erre: yet if obseruations of this kinde, or some other, at places farre remote, as at the Cape Bo∣nasperanze, Bantam, Iapan, Noua Albion, and Magellan Straits, I suppose wee should haue a truer [ 60] Geography then we haue. And seeing I am entred to speake of celestiall obseruations, I will note another which I made the twenty sixt of April, being outward bound at Sea, by the Moones comming in a right line, with two fixed Starres; the one was the Lyons heart, a Starre of the first magnitude; the other a Starre in the Lyons rumpe, of the second magnitude, as followeth: The circumference or outward edge of the Moone, being in a right or straight line, with those

two Starres before named: at the instant I tooke the altitude of the South ballance, which was 2. degrees 38. minutes, because I would haue the time: but in this it is good to waite a fit time, as to haue her in a right line, with two Stars not farre distant, and those not to be much different in longitude, because the Moon will soone alter the angle or position, and such a time would be ta∣ken when the Moone is in the nintieth degree of the eclipticke aboue the horizon, for then there no paralell of longitude, but onely in latitude: but who so is painefull in these businesses, shall soone see what is needefull, and what is not: my obseruations were as followeth:

• Lyons heart Right assention 46. deg. 28. min. 30. sec. Lyons rumpe. Right assention 163. deg. 23. min. 00. se.
• Lyons heart Declination—13. deg. 57. mi. 30. sec. Lyons rumpe. Declination—22. deg. 38. min 00. se.
• Lyons heart Longitude—24. deg. 29. mi. 45. sec. Lyons rumpe. Longitude—5. deg. 53. min. 45. sec. [ 10]
• Lyons heart Latitude—00. deg. 26. min. 30. sec. Lyons rumpe. Latitude—14. deg. 20. min. 00. sec.
• Lyons heart Almicanter—33. deg. 40. min. 00. se. Lyons rumpe.

• Moones Paralax—00. deg. 47. min. 46. sec. North.
• Moones Latitude—03. deg. 20. min. 00. sec. North.
• Moones Almicanter—37, deg. 00. min. 00. sec. North.
• Latitude of the place—56. deg. 43. min.

These notes I haue set downe, that if any other be desirous to trie, they may spend a little time therein; my selfe haue spent some therein, and more I would haue spent, if leisure would haue permitted: but finding it not to my minde, I haue not here set downe my particular worke: the working of this obseruation I receiued from Master Rudston.* 24.249 [ 20]

But if it had pleased God, we had performed the action we were bound for, I would not feare but to haue brought so good contentment to the Aduenturers, concerning the true scituation of notable places, that small doubt should haue beene thereof: but seeing so small hopes are in this place, I haue not set downe so many obseruations as otherwise I would.

We lying here inclosed with the Ice with faire & calme weather (as before is said) till the seuen and twentieth day at euening, at which time we set sayle; the winde at South-east, an easie gale: all the eight and twentieth and nine and twentieth dayes, we made the best way through the Ice we could, but the nine and twentieth day, the Ice was more open then it had beene these ten dayes before, and at noone we saw Salisbury Iland, it bearing due West from vs.

The first of Iuly close foggie weather, with much raine, the winde at South South-east: by [ 30] noone this day we were some three leagues from the Land: but hauing much Ice by the shoare, we stood along the Iland to the Northward: and the next morning wee were faire by another small Ile, or rather a company of small Ilands, which after we called Mill Iland, by reason of grinding the Ice,* 24.250 as this night we made proofe thereof: at noone, being close to this Ile, wee took the latitude thereof, which is neere 64. degrees. Here driuing to and fro with the Ice all this day, till seuen or eight a clocke, at what time the Ice began to open and seperate; The Ice, as is said, beginning to open: we had not stood along by the Ile, on the East side thereof, an houre; but the Ice came driuing with the tide of floud from the South-east, with such swiftnesse, that it ouer went our Shippe hauing all our sayles abroad with a reasonable gale of winde, and put her out of the streame, into the eddy of these Iles. [ 40]

This Iland or Iles, lying in the middle of the channell, hauing many sounds running through them, with many points or headlands, encountering the force of the tide, caused such a rebound of water & Ice (which ran one way, and the streame another) our ship hauing met the Ice with the first of the floud, which put her so neere the shoare, that she was in the partition betweene the Ice, which the eddy caused to runne one way, and the streame the other, where shee endured great distresse; but God, which is still stronger then either Ice or streame, preserued vs and our Shippe from any harme at all. This continued till towards a high water, which was about one a clocke; then with no small trouble we got into the channell, and stood away to the North-west ward. After we had past some distance from this Iland, wee had the Sea more open then it was since we put first into the Straits; and sailed all the next day through an indifferent cleare [ 50] Sea, with the winde at South-west: but towards eight a clocke at night, wee were come a∣gaine into much Ice; this Ice being more thicker and bigger then any wee had beene among: this place where we began to be inclosed againe, is sixe and twenty leagues distant from the small Iland we were at last: and our true course North-west by West: after wee were fast in the Ice, we made but small way, yet we perceiued a great tyde to set to and fro. The next day, wee sounded, and had ground at one hundred & twentie fathoms, soft Osey ground: standing more Nor∣therly: the next morning we had ground at eightie fathoms, then the winde came to the North, and we setting somewhat Southward, had ground at a hundred and ten fathoms. Thus seeing this great abundance of Ice in this place, and the more we got to the North-west ward, the shoalder it was, the Ice also being foule and durtie, as not bred farre from shoare: our Master determined to stand to the Eastward, to be certainely informed of the tide. [ 60]

The sixt day in the morning, we brake in a planke and two timbers in our Ships bow, which after we had mended, we proceeded for to get to the East side, which we called the North shoare, because it is the Land stretching from the Resolution, on the North side of the Straits.

The seuenth day we saw the land, it being but low land, and the Sea is shoald, in respect of o∣ther places, hauing ten or twelue fathom about a league off from shoare, some thirty fathoms fiue or six leagues off shore, but further off some twenty or eighteene leagues, there is a hundred or a hundred and fiue fathoms; hauing very good channell ground, as small stones & shels, some twelue or foureteene leagues from shoare, but the further off the more Osey: and also here is a very great tide runneth to the Northward, which this euening we found to be the tyde of ebbe, for comming with our Shippe neere the shoare, about seuen a clocke, we hoysed out our Boate, then I with fiue other went on shoare, and found it to ebbe: we staied on shoare about an houre and a halfe, in which time the water fell about three foote and a halfe, and a South-south East Moone ma∣keth a full Sea, or halfe an houre past tenne, as Sea men account: we saw no signe of people to be [ 10] here this yeare, but in yeares heretofore they haue beene, as we might well see by diuers places▪ where their tents had stood: and perchance their time of fishing was not yet come, there being such great abundance of Ice as yet.

The eight day the winde was at West, and the ninth almost calme: wee reeking neere to this shoare the tenth day, our Master determined to stand for Nottinggams Iland▪* 24.251 to make triall of the tide there; yet the winde was at South-west, so that we were forced to turne, but towards night it came to the North North-west, so that then we stood away to the West wards, leauing the search of Nottinggams Ile, hauing a great swelling Sea, come out of the West with the winde which had blowne, which put vs in some hope: the eleuenth day in the morning, we saw Land West from vs, but had no ground at one hundred & thirty fathoms: so standing along by the Land [ 20] which here lay about North-west by North, the next morne we were thwart of a Bay: then standing ouer to the Northwards towards a faire Cape or head land which we saw, in the after∣noone it was almost calme, and being about a league from shoare, we hoysed out our Boat, and sent some of our men in her, to see what tide it was by the shoare, and from whence it came; they went from the Ship at fiue a clock, and came aboord againe at eight, who brought vs word, that it was falling water, and that it had eb'd while they were on shoare somewhat aboue two foot: also they affirmed, that the floud came from the Northward in this place, the which we also percei∣ued by the setting of our Ship, she setting a pace to the Northward, although no whit of winde: also we might see by the rocks, that the water was now falne: this put vs in great comfort and hope of a passage in this place.

[ 30] Then our Master called this Cape or head land, Cape Comfort, for the reasons beforesaid;* 24.252 also we had one hundred and fortie fathoms in depth, not a league from the shoare: and here a South by East Moone maketh a full Sea: the latitude of this Cape is 65. degrees 00. min. and 85. degrees 20. minutes West from London. But this our sudaine comfort was as soone quailed, for the next day hauing doubled the Cape, and proceeded not past ten or twelue leagues, but we saw the land trending from the Cape to the Westward, till it bare from vs North-east by East, and very thicke pestered with Ice, and the further we proceeded, the more Ice, and the more Northerly, the shoul∣der water and small shew of any tide. At six a clocke this afternoone, we sounded, & had ground in o••e hundred and thirty fathoms, soft Osey, hauing had at noone one hundred & fiftie fathoms.

This was the farthest of our Voyage, being in ••he latitude of 65. degrees 26. minutes, and longi∣tude [ 40] West from London 86. degrees 10. minutes: for seeing the land North-east by East, from vs about nine or ten leagues off, and the Ice so thicke: our Master was fully perswaded, that this was nought else but a Bay, and so tacked and turned the Shippes head homewards, without any far∣ther search.

The fourteenth day, the winde was for the most part at South-east, that we could make but small way backe againe: and the next morning very foule weather, we comming to an Anchor in a small Inlet, neere the Cape Comfort, on the North-west side thereof; here wee found, as on the other side, a South by East Moone, to make a full Sea; but from whence the floud came, we could not well see, it being so foule weather at Sea: in the afternoone the winde came to North by West: then we waied, and stood along to the Southwards by the shoare, with a stiffe gale of [ 50] winde, and very hasey. By the sixteenth day at noone we met with a great quantitie of Ice, ly∣ing some few leagues within the point of the Land: among this Ice we saw a great number of Sea Morse, not seeing any more in all the Straits but here, and these very fearefull, not suffering a Ship or Boat to come neere them: by eight a clock we were come to this Southern point, which I called Sea Horse point, where we came to anchor open in the Sea, the better to try the tide:* 24.253 here most apparently we found to all our companies sight, that in this place the tide of floud doth come from the South-east, and the ebbe from the Northwest. We weighed, and stood ouer with a stiffe gale of winde, which continued all this day, and toward night very foule weather & a sore storme: by tenne a clocke we were come to Anchor on the North-west side of Nottinghams Ile, [ 60] where are two or three smal Iles, lyeth off from the greater, which make very good Sounds & Har∣bors: about this Ile we had store of Ice, but nothing as we had heretofore in other places. We staied about this Iland til the seuen and twentieth day, hauing much foule weather, many stormes, often fogs, and vncertaine windes, many times we weighed anchor to goe to that side of the Ile, where this Ship road when Captaine Button was in her: finding in other places of this Ile the tyde of

floud to come from the South-east ward, and the time of high water on the change day, to be at halfe an houre past ten, and not at halfe an houre past seuen, as they supposed. In these ten dayes we staied about this Ile, we fitted our Ship with ballast, and other necessaries, as we had neede of.

Then proceeded as followeth the sixe and twentieth day, being indifferent faire weather, we passed betweene Salisburies Ile and Nottinghams Ile at the South Point thereof,* 24.254 I meane of Not∣tinghams Ile, where are many small low Iles, without the which had beene a fit place for vs to haue anchored, to haue found out the true set of the Tyde. But our Master being desirous to come to the same place where they had rode before, stood along by this Ile to the Westward, and came to an anchor in the eddy of these broken grounds, where the ship rode at no certaintie of Tyde.

The seuen and twentieth, the next morning the weather proued very foule with much raine [ 10] and winde, so that our Reger anchor would not hold the ship at eightie fathoms scope, but was driuen into deepe water, that wee were forced to set saile, the winde being at East, and then come to the East North-east and about noone at North-east, still foule weather, being vnder saile, we stood away towards Sea horse Point: our Master (as I suppose) was perswaded that there might bee some passage betweene that Point of Land and that Land which they called Swan Iland: so this afternoone we saw both Sea horse Point and Nottinghams Iland, the distance betweene them is not past fifteene or sixteen leagues,* 24.255 bearing the one from the other North-west and South-east.

The eight and twentieth day in the morning, wee were neere to Sea horse Point, the Land trending away West South-west so farre as wee saw, and very much pestred with Ice. At seuen [ 20] a clocke our Master caused vs to tacke about, and stood away South-east and by South.

* 24.256The nine and twentieth the next day at eleuen a clocke, we came to anchor at Digges Ile, ha∣uing very foule weather. At this place where we rode it lyeth open to the West, hauing two of the greatest Iles, breake off the force of the Flood, till the Tyde be well bent; for after the water were risen an houre and a halfe by the shoare, then would the ship ride truly on the Tyde of Flood all the Tyde after. Now the time of high water on the change day, is halfe an houre past ten or neere thereabout.

The thirtieth day, being faire weather, wee weighed and stood along close by Digges Ile, where we presently perceiued the Saluages to bee close on the top of the Rocks:* 24.257 but when they saw we had espyed them, diuers of them came running downe to the water side, calling to vs to [ 30] come to anchor, which we would haue done if conueniently we could. But in this place the wa∣ter is so deepe, that it is hard to finde a place to ride in, which we seeing lay to and fro with our ship, while some of our men in the Boat killed about some seuentie fowles, for in this place is the greatest number of fowles (whom we call Willocks) that in few places else the like are not seene,* 24.258 for if neede were we might haue killed many thousands, almost incredible to those which haue not seene it. Here also as we lay to and fro with our ship, wee had sufficient proofe of the set of the Tyde: but when our men were come aboord againe, we set all our sailes for homewards, ma∣king the best expedition we could; but on the third of August, wee were forced to come to an∣chor about thirtie leagues within the Resolution Ile on the North shoare. The next day wee weighed anchor: And the fifth day in the forenoone, we past by the Resolution Iland, but saw it [ 40] not: Thus continuing our courses (as in the briefe Iournall may be seene) with much contrarie windes and foule weather.

Wee had sight of Cape Cleere in Ireland the sixt of September: the next morning by day light, we were faire by Seely, and that night at two a clocke the next morne, we came to anchor in Plymouth Sound with all our men liuing, hauing onely three or foure sicke, which soone recouered.

The next yeere being againe employed in discouerie, amongst other instructions they receiued this. For your course you must make all possible haste to the Cape Desolation, and from thence, you William Baffin as Pilot, keepe along the Coast of Groenland and vp Fretum Dauis, vntill you come toward the [ 50] height of eightie degrees, if the Land will giue you leaue. Then for feare of inbaying, by keeping too Northerly a course, shape your course West and Southerly, so farre as you shall thinke it conuenient, till you come to the latitude of sixtie degrees: then direct your course to fall with the Land of Yedzo about that height, leauing your farther sayling Southward to your owne discretion, according as the time of the yeere and windes will giue you leaue, although our desires be, if your voyage proue so prosperous that you may haue the yeere before you, that you goe so farre Southerly as that you may touch the North part of Iapan, from whence or from Yedzo, if you can so compasse it without danger, we would haue you to bring home one of the men of the Countrey, and so God blessing you with all expedition to make your returne home againe.

[ 60]

CHAP. XIX. To the Right Worshipfull Master IOHN WOSTENHOLME Esquire, one of the chiefe Aduenturers for the discouerie of a passage to the North-west.

WOrthy Sir; there neede no filling a Iournall or short Discourse with preamble, comple∣ment, or circumstance, and therefore I will onely tell you, I am proud of any Remem∣brance, [ 10] when I expose your Worth to my Conceit, and glad of any good fortune, when I can auoid the imputation of ingratitude, by acknowledging your many fauours: and seeing it is not vnknowne (to your Worship) in what estate the businesse concerning the North-west hath beene heretofore, and how the onely hope was in searching of Fretum Dauis, which if your selfe had not beene the more forward, the action had well nigh beene left off: Now it remayneth for your Worship to know, what hath beene performed this yeere: wherefore I entreat you to admit of my custome, and pardon me if I take the plaine highway in relating the particulars, without vsing any refi∣ned phrases and eloquent speeches.

Therefore briefly, and as it were in the forefront, I intend to shew you the whole proceeding of the voy∣age in a word: as namely, there is no passage, nor hope of passage in the North of Dauis Streights, wee [ 20] hauing coasted all or neere all the Circumference thereof, and finde it to be no other then a great Bay, as the Map here placed doth truly shew: wherefore I cannot but much admire the worke of the Almightie, when I consider how vaine the best and chiefest hopes of man are in things vncertaine.* 25.1 And to speake of no other matter, then of the hopefull passage to the North-west; How many of the best sort of men haue set their whole indeuours to proue a passage that wayes, and not onely in Conference, but also in Writing and publishing to the World, yea what great summes of money hath beene spent about that action, as your Worship hath costly experience off. Neither would the vaine-glorious Spaniard haue scattered abroad so many false Maps and Iournals, if they had not beene confident of a passage this way, that if it had pleased God, a passage had beene found, they might haue eclipsed the worthy praise of the Aduenturers and true Discouerers; and for my owne part, I would hardly haue beleeued the contrarie, vntill mine eyes became [ 30] witnesse of that I desired not to haue found, still taking occasion of hope on euery little likelihood, till such time as we had almost coasted the Circumference of this great Bay. Neither was Master Dauis to be blamed in his report and great hopes, if he had anchored about Hope Sanderson, to haue taken notice of the Tydes: for to that place which is in 72. degrees 12. minutes the Sea is open, of an vnsearchable depth, and of a good colour, onely the Tydes keepe no certaine course, nor rise but a small height, as eight or nine foote, and the flood commeth from the Southward, and in all the Bay beyond that place the Tyde is so small, and not much to be regarded, yet by reason of snow melting on the Land, the Ebbe is stronger then the Flood, by meanes whereof, and the windes holding Northerly the fore-part of the yeere, the great Iles of Ice are set to the Southward, some into Fretum Hudson, and others towards New found Land, for in all the Channell where the Sea is open are great quantities of them driuing vp and downe, and till this [ 40] yeere not well knowne where they were bred.

Now that the worst is knowne (concerning the passage) it is necessarie and requisite, your Worship should vnderstand what probabilitie or hope of profit might here be made hereafter, if the voyage bee at∣tempted by fitting men. And first for the killing of Whales, certaine it is that in this Bay are great numbers of them, which the Biscainers call the Grand Baye Whales, of the same kinde which are killed at Greenland, and as it seemeth to me easie to be strooke, because they are not vsed to bee chased or bea∣ten, for we being but one day in Whale Sound (so called for the number of Whales that wee saw there) sleeping and lying aloft on the water, not fearing our ship or ought else;* 25.2 that if wee had beene fitted with men and things necessarie, it had beene no hard matter to haue strooke more then would haue made three ships a sauing voyage, and that it is of that sort of Whale there is no feare. I being twise at Greenland,* 25.3 [ 50] tooke sufficient notice to know them againe; beside a dead Whale wee found at Sea, hauing all her finnes (or rather all the rough of her mouth) of which with much labour, we got one hundred and sixtie the same euening we found her; and if that foule weather, and a storme the next day had not followed, wee had no doubt, but to haue had all or the most part of them, but the winde and Sea arising shee broke from vs, and we were forced to leaue her. Neither are they onely to be looked for in Whale Sound, but also in Sir Tho. Smiths Sound, Wostenholme Sound, and diuers other places.

For the killing of Sea Morse, I can giue no certaintie, but onely this, that our Boat being but once a∣shoare in all the North part of this Bay, which was in the entrance of Alderman Iones Sound,* 25.4 at the re∣turne, our men told vs, they saw many Morses along by the shoare on the Ice; but our ship being vnder saile, and the winde comming faire, they presently came aboord without further search, besides the people [ 60] inhabiting about 74. degrees, told vs by diuers signes, that toward the North were many of those beasts, hauing two long teeth, and shewed vs diuers pieces of the same.

As for the Sea Vnicorne, it being a great fish, hauing a long horne or bone, growing forth of his fore∣head or nostrill (such as Sir Martin Frobisher in his second voyage found one) in diuers places we saw of them, which if the horne be of any good value, no doubt but many of them may be killed.

And concerning what the Shoare will yeeld, as Beach finnes, Morse teeth, and such like, I can little say, because we came not on shoare in any of the places where hope was of finding them.

But here some may obiect and aske, why we sought that Coast no better: to this I answere, that while we were thereabout, the weather was so exceeding foule wee could not, for first wee anchored in Wosten∣holme Sound, where presently our ship droue with two anchors a head, then were we forced to stand forth with a low saile. The next day in Whale Sound, we lost an Anchor and Cable, and could fetch the place no more; then we came to anchor neere a small Iland, lying between Sir Tho. Smiths Sound, and Whale Sound, but the winde came more outward, that we were forced to weigh againe: neuerthelesse if wee had beene in a good harbour, hauing but our Ships Boat, we durst not send her farre from the ship, hauing so few men (as seuenteene in all) and some of them very weake; but the chiefe cause wee spent so little time [ 10] to seeke a Harbour, was our great desire to performe the Discouerie, hauing the Sea open in all that part, and still likelihood of a passage: but when we had coasted the Land so farre to the Southward, that hope of passage was none, then the yeere was too farre spent, and many of our men very weake, and withall we ha∣uing some beliefe that ships the next yeere would be sent for the killing of Whales, which might better doe it then wee.

And seeing I haue briefly set downe, what hope there is of making a profitable voyage, it is not vnfit your Worship should know what let or hinderance might be to the same. The chiefest and greatest cause is, that some yeere it may happen by reason of the Ice, lying betweene 72. degrees and a halfe, and 76. degrees no minutes, that the ships cannot come into those places, till toward the middest of Iuly, so that want of time to stay in the Countrey may bee some let: yet they may well tarry till the last of August, in which space much businesse may be done, and good store of Oile made: neuerthelesse if store of Whales come in [ 20] (as no feare to the contrarie) what cannot bee made in Oile may bee brought home in Blubber, and the Finnes will arise to good profit. Another hinderance may bee, because the bottome of the Sounds will not be so soone cleere as would be wished, by meanes thereof now and then a Whale may be lost (the same case sometime chanceth in Greenland) yet I am perswaded those Sounds before named, will all be cleere before the twentieth of Iuly: for we this yeere were in Whale Sound the fourth day among many Whales, and might haue strooke them without let of Ice. Furthermore, there is little wood to bee expected, either for fire or other necessaries, therefore Coles and other such things must bee prouided at home, they will bee so much the readier there.

Thus much I thought good to certifie your Worship, wherein I trust you will conceiue, that much time hath not beene spent in vaine, or the businesse ouer carelesly neglected, and although wee haue not perfor∣med [ 30] what we desired (that is, to haue found the passage) yet what wee promised (as to bring certaintie and a true description) truth will make manifest, that I haue not much erred.

And I dare boldly say (without boasting) that more good discouerie hath not in shorter time (to my remembrance) beene done, since the action was attempted, considering how much Ice we haue passed, and the difficultie of sayling so neere the Pole (vpon a trauerse) and aboue all, the variation of the Compasse, whose wonderfull operation is such in this Bay,* 25.5 increasing and decreasing so suddenly and swift, being in some part (as in Wostenholme Sound, and in Sir Tho. Smiths Sound) varied aboue fiue Points or 56. degrees, a thing almost incredible and matchlesse in all the world beside, so that without great care, and good obseruations, a true description could not haue beene had. In fine, whatsoeuer my labours are or shall be, I esteeme them too little, to expresse my thankefull minde for your many fauours, wherein I shall be e∣uer [ 40] studious, to supply my other wants by my best endeuours, and euer rest at

Your Worships command, WILLIAM BAFFIN.

A briefe and true Relation or Iournall, contayning such accidents as happened in the fift voyage, for the discouerie of a passage to the North-west, set forth at the charges of the right Worshipfull Sir Tho. Smith Knight, Sir Dudly Digges [ 50] Knight, Master Iohn Wostenholme Esquire, Master Alder∣man Iones, with others, in the good ship called the Disco∣uerie of London; Robert Bileth Master, and my selfe Pilot, performed in the yeere of our Lord 1616.

IN the Name of God, Amen. The forenamed ship being in full readinesse vpon the twentie sixe of March,* 25.6 we set saile at Grauesend, being in number seuenteene persons, hauing very faire [ 60] weather, which continued till the second of April: by that time we were off Portland, then the winde comming Westward with foule weather, we kept Sea till the fourth day, then being not able to fetch Plimouth, bore roome for Dartmouth, where wee stayed eleuen dayes, in which time was much foule weather and westerly windes.

The fifteenth day of Aprill, being cleere of Dartmouth, we were forced the next day to put into Plimouth. The nineteenth day we set saile from thence, and the twentieth in the morning we past betweene the Lands end and Silly with a faire winde. Continuing our course, as in the briefe Table or Iournall is set downe, with euery particular from noone to noone, that here I need not make a tedious repetition, nothing worthy of note hapning, but that we had a good passage, and the first Land we saw was in Fretum Dauis, on the coast of Groinland in the latitude of 65. degrees 20. minutes. On the fourteenth of May in the forenoone,* 25.7 then sixe of the people being a fishing came to vs, to whom we gaue small pieces of Iron, they keeping vs companie being very ioyfull, supposing wee had intended to come to anchor: but when they saw vs stand off from [ 10] shoare they followed vs a while, and then went away discontented, to our seeming.

We prosecuting our Voyage, were loth to come to anchor as yet, although the winde was contrarie, but still plyed to the Northward, vntill we came into 70. degrees 20. minutes: then wee came to anchor in a faire Sound (neere the place Master Dauis called London Coast.) The twentieth of May at euening, the people espying vs fled away in their Boates, getting on Rocks wondring and gasing at vs, but after this night we saw them no more,* 25.8 leauing many Dogs run∣ning to and fro on the Iland.

At this place we stayed two dayes, in which time wee tooke in fresh water and other necessa∣ries: here we had some dislike of the passage, because the Tydes are so small as not arising aboue eight or nine foot, and keepe no certaine course, but the neerest time of high water on the change [ 20] day is at a quarter of an houre past nine, and the Flood commeth from the South.

The two and twentieth day at a North Sunne, wee set saile and plyed still Northward, the winde being right against vs as we stood off and on. Vpon the sixe and twentieth day in the af∣ternoone, we found a dead Whale, about sixe and twentie leagues from shoare,* 25.9 hauing all her finnes. Then making our ship fast, wee vsed the best meanes wee could to get them, and with much toile got a hundred and sixtie that euening. The next morning the Sea went very high and the winde arising, the Whale broke from vs, and we were forced to leaue her and set saile, and hauing not stood past three or foure leagues North-westward, came to the Ice, then wee tacked and stood to the shoare-ward, a sore storme ensued.

By the thirtieth day in the afternoone, wee came faire by Hope Sanderson,* 25.10 the farthest Land [ 30] Master Dauis was at, lying betweene 72. and 73. degrees; and that euening by a North Sunne we came to much Ice, which we put into, plying all the next day to get through it.

The first of Iune, we were cleere of the Ice before named, and not farre from shoare, the winde blowing very hard at North North-east, then we put in among diuers Ilands,* 25.11 the people see∣ing vs fled away in all haste leauing their Tents behinde, and vpon a small Rocke they hid two young Maides or Women. Our ship riding not farre off, we espyed them, to whom our Master with some other of our companie went in the Boate, they making signes to be carried to the Iland where their Tents were close adioyning. When they came thither, they found two old women more, the one very old, to our esteemation little lesse then fourescore, the other not so old. The next time we went on shoare, there was another Woman with a child at her back, who had hid [ 40] her selfe among the Rocks, till the other had told her how well wee had vsed them, in giuing them pieces of Iron and such like, which they highly esteeme, in change thereof they giue vs Seales skinnes, other riches they had none, saue dead Seales, and fat of Seales, some of which fat or blubber afterward we carried aboord, the poore women were very diligent to carry it to the water side to put into our caske, making shew that the men were ouer at the Mayne, and at an other small Iland something more Eastward. Then making signes to them that wee would shew them our ship and set them where the men were: the foure youngest came into our Boate; when they were aboord they much wondred to see our ship and furniture: we gaue them of our meat, which they tasting would not eate. Then two of them wee set on the Iland, where they suppo∣sed the men to be; the other two were carried to their Tents againe. Those that went to seeke the men could not finde them, but came as neere the ship as they could, and at euening wee set [ 50] them ouer to the other.

This place wee called Womens Ilands; it lyeth in the latitude of 72. degrees 45. minutes:* 25.12 here the Flood commeth from the Southward, at nep Tydes the water ariseth but sixe or seuen foote, and a South South-east Moone maketh a full Sea. The Inhabitants very poore, liuing chiefly on the flesh of Seales, dryed, which they eate raw, with the skinnes they cloathe themselues,* 25.13 and also make couerings for their Tents and Boats which they dresse very well. The Women in their apparell are different from the men, and are marked in the face with diuers blacke strokes or lines, the skin being rased with some sharpe instrument when they are young, and blacke colour put therein, that by no meanes it will be gotten forth.

[ 60] Concerning their Religion, I can little say:* 25.14 onely they haue a kinde of worship or adoration to the Sunne, which continually they will point vnto and strike their hand on their breast, cry∣ing Ily••nt; their dead they burie on the side of the Hils, where they liue (which is commonly on small Ilands) making a pile of stones ouer them, yet not so close but that wee might see the dead body, the aire being so piersing that it keepeth them from much stinking sauour.* 25.15 So likewise I haue seene their Dogs buried in the same manner.

Vpon the fourth day we set sayle from thence, hauing very faire weather, although the winde were contrary, and plyed to and fro betweene the Ice and the Land, being as it were a chan∣nell of seuen or eight leagues broad: then on the ninth day, being in the latitude of 74. degree 4. minutes, and much pestered with Ice, neere vnto three small Ilands, lying eight miles fromth shore, we came to anchor neere one of them.

These Ilands are vsed to be frequented with people in the latter part of the yeare, as it seemed by the houses and places where the tents had stood▪ but this yeare as yet they were not come: here the tides are very small, especially the floud, which ariseth not aboue fiue or six foot, yet the ebbe runneth with an indifferent streame, the cause thereof (in mine opinion) is the great abun∣dance of Snow, melting on the Land all this part of the yeare.

The tenth day wee set sayle from thence, and stood through much Ice to the Westward, to [ 10] try if that further from the shoare, wee might proceede; but this attempt was soone quailed, for the more Ice we went through, the thicker it was, till wee could see no place to put in the Ships head.

Seeing, that as yet we could not proceede, we determined to stand in for the shoare, there to abide some few dayes, till such time as the Ice were more wasted and gone (for we plainely saw that it consumed very fast) with this resolution we stood in, and came to anchor among many Ilands, in the latitude of 73. degrees 45. minutes. On the twelfth day at night here wee conti∣nued two dayes without shew or signe of any people, till on the fifteenth day in the morning, about one a clocke, then came two and fortie of the Inhabitants in their Boates or Canoas, and [ 20] gaue vs Seale skinnes,* 25.16 and many peeces of the bone or horne of the Sea Vnicorne, and shewed vs diuers peeces of Sea Mors teeth;* 25.17 making signes that to the Northward were many of them: in exchange thereof, we gaue them small peeces of Iron, Glasse Beads, and such like: at foure seue∣rall times the people came to vs, and at each time brought vs of the aforesaid commodities, by reason thereof we called this place Horne Sound.* 25.18

Here we stayed six dayes, and on the eighteenth day at night, we set sayle, hauing very little winde; and being at Sea, made the best way we could to the Northward, although the winde had beene contrary for the most part this moneth, but it was strange to see the Ice so much consu∣med in so little space, for now we might come to the three Ilands before named, and stand off to the Westward almost twenty leagues, without let of Ice, vntill we were more North (as to 74. [ 30] degrees 30. minutes) then we put among much scattered Ice, and plyed to and fro all this month, still in the sight of shoare, and many times fast in the Ice, yet euery day we got something on our way, nothing worthy of note happening, but that at diuers times we saw of the fishes with long hornes,* 25.19 many and often, which we call the Sea Vnicorne: and here to write particularly of the weather, it would be superfluous or needelesse, because it was so variable, few dayes with∣out Snow, and often freezing, in so much, that on Midsummer day, our shrowds roapes and sailes were so frozen,* 25.20 that we could scarse handle them; yet the cold is not so extreame, but it may well be endured.

The first of Iuly we were come into an open Sea, in the latitude of 75. degrees 40. minutes, which a new reuiued our hope of a passage, and because the winde was contrary, wee stood off [ 40] twenty leagues from the shoare, before we met the Ice: then standing in againe; when we were neere the Land, we let fall an anchor to see what tyde went, but in that we found small comfort. Shortly after the winde came to the South-east, and blew very hard, with foule weather, thicke, and foggie: then we set sayle, and ran along by the Land: this was on the second day at night. The next morning we past by a faire Cape, or head land, which wee called Sir Dudley Digges Cape,* 25.21 it is in the latitude of 76. degrees 35. minutes, and hath a small Iland close adioyning to it, the winde still increasing, we past by a faire Sound twelue leagues distant from the former Cape, hauing an Iland in the midst, which maketh two entrances. Vnder this Iland we came to anchor; and had not rid past two houres, but our Ship droue, although we had two anchors at the ground, then were we forced to set sayle, and stand forth: this Sound wee called Wostenholme Sound: [ 50] it hath many Inlets or smaller Sounds in it,* 25.22 and is a fit place fot the killing of Whales.

The fourth day at one a clocke in the morning, the storme began againe at West and by South, so vehement, that it blew away our forecourse, and being not able to beare any sayle, wee lay a drift till about eight a clocke, then it cleared vp a little, and we saw our selues imbayed in a great Sound: then we set sayle and stood ouer to the South-east side, where in a little Coue or Bay we let fall an anchor, which we lost with cable and all, the winde blowing so extreamely from the tops of the hils, that we could get no place to anchor in, but were forced to stand to and fro in the Sound, the bottome being all frozen ouer; toward two a clocke it began to be lesse winde, then we stood forth.

* 25.23In this Sound we saw great numbers of Whales, therefore we called it Whale Sound, and doubt∣lesse if we had beene prouided for killing of them, we might haue strooke very many. It lyeth [ 60] in the latitude of 77. degrees 30. minutes. All the fift day it was very faire weather, and wee kept along by the Land till eight a clock in the euening, by which time we were come to a great banke of Ice, it being backed with Land, which we seeing, determined to stand backe some eight

leagues, to an Iland we called Hackluits Ile, it lyeth betweene two great Sounds, the one Whale Sound, and the other Sir Thomas Smiths Sound: this last runneth to the North of seuenty eight degrees, and is admirable in one respect,* 25.24 because in it is the greatest variation of the Compasse of any part of the World known: for by diuers good Obseruations I found it to be aboue fiue points or fifty six degrees varied to the Westward, so that a North-east and by East, is true North, and so of the rest. Also this Sound seemeth to bee good for the killing of Whales,* 25.25 it being the greatest and largest in all this Bay. The cause wherefore we minded to stand to this Iland, was to see if we could find any finnes or such like on the shore, and so indeed this night wee came to anchor, but with such foule weather, that our Boat could not land. The next day wee were forced to set sayle, the Sea was growne so high, and the wind came more outward. Two dayes wee spent [ 10] and could get no good place to anchor in: then on the eight day it cleered vp, and wee seeing 〈◊〉〈◊〉 company of Ilands lye off from the shoare twelue or thirteene Leagues, wee minded to goe to them, to see if there we could Anchor. When wee were something neere, the winde tooke vs short; and being loth to spend more time, we tooke opportunitie of the wind▪ ••nd left the sear∣ching of these Ilands, which wee called Careyes Ilands, all which Sounds and Ilands the Map * 25.26 doth truly describe.

So we stood to the Westward in an open Sea, with a stiffe gale of wind, all the next day and till the tenth day at one or two a clocke in the morning, at which time it fell calme and very foggie, and wee neere the Land in the entrance of a faire Sound, which wee called Alderman [ 20] Iones Sound. This afternoone being faire and cleere, we sent our Boat to the shoare, the ship be∣ing vnder sayle, and assoone as they were on shoare, the wind began to blow; then they returned againe, declaring that they saw many Sea Morses by the shoare among the Ice, and as farre as they were, they saw no signe of people, nor any good place to anchor in along the shoare. Then hauing an easie gale of wind at East North-east, we ranne along by the shoare, which now tren∣deth much South, and beginneth to shew like a Bay.

On the twelfth day we were open of another great Sound, lying in the Latitude of 74. degrees 20. minutes, and we called it Sir Iames Lankasters Sound▪ here our hope of passage began to be lesse euery day then other, for from this Sound to the Southward, wee had a ledge of Ice be∣tweene the shoare and vs, but cleare to the Sea ward, we kept close by this ledge of Ice till the [ 30] foureteenth day in the afternoone, by which time wee were in the latitude of 71. degrees 16. minutes, and plainely perceiued the Land to the Southward of 70. degrees 30. minutes, then wee hauing so much Ice round about vs, were forced to stand more Eastward, supposing to haue beene soone cleare, and to haue kept on the off side of the Ice, vntill we had come into 70. degrees, then to haue stood in againe. But this proued quite contrary to our expectation: for wee were for∣ced to runne aboue threescore leagues through very much Ice, and many times so fast, that wee could goe no wayes, although we kept our course due East; and when wee had gotten into the open Sea, wee kept so neere the Ice, that many times we had much adoe to get cleare, yet could not come neere the Land, till we came about 68. degrees, where indeede we saw the shoare, but could not come to it by eight or nine leagues, for the great abundance of Ice. This was on the [ 40] foure and twentieth day of Iuly: then spent we three dayes more to see if conueniently wee could come to anchor, to make triall of the tides, but the Ice led vs into the latitude of 65. de∣grees 40. minutes. Then wee left off seeking to the West shoare, because wee were in the indraft of Cumberlands Iles, and should know no certaintie, and hope of passage could be none.

Now seeing that we had made an end of our discouery, and the yeare being too farre spent to goe for the bottome of the Bay, to search for drest Finnes; therefore wee determined to goe for the Coast of Groineland, to see if we could get some refreshing for our men: Master Hu∣bert and two more, hauing kept their Cabins aboue eight dayes (besides our Cooke▪ Richard Way∣nam, which died the day before, being the twenty six of Iuly) and diuers more of our company so weake, that they could doe but little labour. So the winde fauouring vs, we came to anchor in [ 50] the latitude of 65. degrees 45. minutes, at six a clocke in the euening, the eight and twentieth day, in a place called Caukin Sound.* 25.27

The next day going on shoare, on a little Iland we found great abundance of the herbe called Scuruie Grasse, which we boyled in Beere, and so dranke thereof, vsing it also in Sallets, with Sorrell and Orpen, which here groweth in abundance; by meanes hereof,* 25.28 and the blessing of God all our men within eight or nine dayes space were in perfect health, and so continued till our arriuall in England.

Wee rode in this place three dayes before any of the people came to vs; then on the first of August, six of the Inhabitants in their Canoas, brought vs Salmon Peale, and such like, which [ 60] was a great refreshment to our men: the next day following, the same six came againe,* 25.29 but af∣ter that we saw them no more vntill the sixt day, when we had wayed anchor, and were almost cleere of the harbour; then the same six and one more, brought vs of the like commodities, for which we gaue them Glasse Beads, Counters and small peeces of Iron, which they doe as much esteeme, as we Christians doe Gold and Siluer.

In this Sound we saw such great Scales of Salmon swimming to and fro, that it is much to be admired:* 25.30 here it floweth about eighteene foote water, and is at the highest on the change day at seuen a clocke: it is a very good harbour, and easie to be knowne, hauing three high round hils like Piramides close adioyning to the mouth of it, and that in the middest is lowest, and a∣long all this coast are many good harbours to be found, by reason that so many Ilands lye off from the maine.

The sixt of August, by three a clocke in the afternoone, wee were cleere of this place, hauing a North North North-west winde, and faire weather, and the Lord sent vs a speedy and good passage homeward as could be wished: for in nineteene dayes after, wee saw Land on the [ 10] coast of Ireland, it being on the fiue and twentieth day: the seuen and twentieth at noone we were two leagues from S••lly, and the thirtieth day, in the morning wee anchored at Douer in the roade, for the which and all other his blessings the Lord make vs thankfull.

CHAP. XX. A briefe Discourse of the probabilitie of a passage to the Westerne or South Sea, illustrated with testimonies: and a briefe Treatise and Mappe by Master [ 20] BRIGGES.

I Thought good to adde somewhat to this Relation of Master Baffin, that lear∣ned-vnlearned Mariner and Mathematician; who wanting art of words, so really employed himselfe to those industries, whereof here you see so eui∣dent fruits. His Mappes and Tables would haue much illustrated his Voyages, if trouble, and cost, and his owne despaire of passage that way, had not made vs willing to content our selues with that Mappe following of that thrice lear∣ned (and in this argument three times thrice industrious) Mathematician, Master Brigges, [ 30] famous for his readings in both Vniuersities, and this honourable Citie, that I make no further Voyage of Discouery to finde and follow the remote Passage and extent of his name. Master Baffin told mee, that they supposed the tyde from the North-west, about Digges Iland was misreported, by mistaking the houre, eight for eleuen: and that hee would, if hee might get employment, search the passage from Iapan, by the coast of Asia, or (qua data porta) any way hee could. But in the Indies he dyed, in the late Ormus businesse,* 25.31 slaine in fight with a shot, as hee was trying his Mathematicall proiects and con∣clusions.

Now for that discouery of Sir Thomas Button, I haue solicited him for his Noates, and recei∣ued of him gentle entertainment and kinde promises: but being then forced to stay in the Citie [ 40] vpon necessary and vrgent affaires, he would at his returne home, seeke and impart them. Since I heare that weightie occasions haue detained him out of England, and I cannot communicate that which I could not receiue: which if I doe receiue, I purpose rather to giue thee out of due place, then not at all. Once he was very confident in conference with me of a passage that way, and said that he had therein satisfied his Maiestie,* 25.32 who from his discourse in priuate, inferred the necessitie thereof. And the maine argument was the course of the tyde: for wintering in Port Nelson (see the following Mappe) hee found the tyde rising euery twelue houres fifteene foote (whereas in the bottome of Hudsons Bay it was but two foote, and in the bottome of Fretum Dauis discouered by Baffin, but one) yea and a West winde equalled the nep tydes to the spring tydes; plainely arguing the neighbourhood of the Sea, which is on the West side of America. The [ 50] Summer following he found about the latitude of 60. degrees a strong race of a tide, running some∣times Eastward, sometimes Westward; whereupon Iosias Hubbard in his plat, called that place Hubbarts Hope, as in the Map appeareth. Now if any make scruple, because this discouery was not pursued by Sir Thomas Button,* 25.33 let him consider, that being Prince Henries Seruant, and partly by him employed (whence I thinke he named the Country New Wales) the vntimely death of that Prince put all out of ioint; nor was hee so open, that others should haue the glory of his dis∣couerie.

And if any man thinke that the passage is so farre, as the Maps vse to expresse America, run∣ning out into the West: it is easily answered, that either of negligence, or ouer-busie diligence, Maps by Portugals in the East, and Spaniards in the West, haue beene falsely proiected. Hence that fabulous strait of Anian, as before by Francis Gaules testimonie and nauigation is euident: [ 60] And hence the Portugals to bring in the Moluccas, to that moity of the world agreed vpon be∣twixt the Spaniards and them, are thought to haue much curtalled Asia, and the longitude of those Ilands, giuing fewer degrees to them then in iust longitude is requisite. So the older Maps

of America make the Land from the Magelane Straits to the South Sea, runne much West, when as they rather are contracted somewhat Easterly from the North. The like is iustly supposed of their false placing, Quiuira, and I know not (nor they neither) what Countries they make in A∣merica, to run so farre North-westward, which Sir Francis Drakes Voyage in that Sea (his No∣ua * 25.34 Albion, being little further Westward then Aquatulco) plainely euince to be otherwise. Yea the late Map of California found to be an Iland, the Sauages discourses in all the Countries Northwards and Westwards from Virginia: fame whereof filled my friend Master Dermer with so much confidence, that hearing of strange Ships which came thither for a kinde of Vre or earth, the men vsing forkes in their diet, with Caldrons to dresse their meate, &c. things nothing su∣table [ 10] to any parts of America, hee supposed them to come from the East, neere to China or Ia∣pan, and therefore he made a Voyage purposely to discouer: but crossed with diuers disasters, hee returned to Virginia, frustrate of accomplishment that yeare, but fuller of confidence, as in a Let∣ter from Virginia he signified to me, where death ended that his designe soone after. But how of∣ten are the vsuall Charts reiected by experience in these Nauigations, in this worke recorded? Painters and Poets are not alwayes the best Oracles.

For further proofes of a passage about those parts into the West Sea (or South, as it is called from the first discouery thereof to the South, from the parts of New Spaine, whence it was first descried by the Spaniards) there is mention of a Portugall (and taken in a Carricke in Queene E∣lizabeths dayes, of glorious memory) confirming this opinion; Sir Martin Frobisher also from [ 20] a Portugall in Guinie, receiued intelligence of such a passage, he saying he had past it. The Pilots of Lisbone are said generally to acknowledge such a thing; and the Admirall of D. Garcia Geoffrey Loaisa of Cite-Real, in the time of Charles the fifth, is reported by the Coast of Baccalaos and La∣brador, to haue gone to the Moluccas. Vasco de Coronado writ to the Emperour, that at Cibola he was one hundred and fiftie leagues from the South Sea, and a little more from the North. Anto∣nio de Herera, the Kings Coronista Maior (part of whose worke followeth) maketh with vs also, in the distances of places by him described. But to produce some authority more full, I haue here presented Thomas Cowles a Marriner, and Master Michael Lecke Merchant, and after them, a lit∣tle Treatise ascribed to Master Brigges, together with his Map. And if any thinke that the Spa∣niard or Portugall would soone haue discouered such a passage: these will answere,* 25.35 that it was [ 30] not for their profit to expose their East or West Indies to English, Dutch, or others, whom they would not haue sharers in those remote treasures by so neere a passage. First, Thomas Cowles auerreth thus much.

I Thomas Cowles of Bedmester, in the Countie of Somerset, Marriner, doe acknowledge, that six yeares past, at my being at Lisbon, in the Kingdome of Portugall▪ I did heare one Martin Chacke, a Portugall of Lisbon, reade a Booke of his owne making, which he had set out six yeares before that time, in Print, in the Portugale tongue, declaring that the said Martin Chacke had found, twelue yeares now past, a way from the Portugall Indies, through a gulfe of the New found Land, which he thought to be in 59. degrees of the eleuation of the North Pole. By meanes that hee being in the said Indies, [ 40] with foure other Shippes of great burden, and he himselfe in a small Shippe of fourescore tunnes, was driuen from the company of the other foure Shippes, with a Westerly winde: after which, hee past alongst by a great number of Ilands which were in the gulfe of the said New found Land. And after hee ouershot the gulfe, he set no more sight of any other Land, vntill he fell with the Northwest part of Ire∣land; and from thence he tooke his course homewards, and by that meanes hee came to Lisbone foure or fiue weekes before the other foure Ships of his company that he was separated from, as before said. And since the same time, I could neuer see any of those Books, because the King commanded them to be called in, and no more of them to be printed, lest in time it would be to their hindrance. In witnesse whereof I set to my hand and marke, the ninth of Aprill. Anno 1579.

[ 50]

A Note made by me MICHAEL LOK the elder, touching the Strait of Sea, commonly called Fretum Anian, in the South Sea, through the North-west passage of Meta incognita.

WHen I was at Venice, in Aprill 1596. happily arriued there an old man, about threescore yeares of age, called commonly Iuan de Fuca but named properly Apostolos Valerianos, of Nation a Greeke, borne in the Hand Cefalonia, of profession a Mariner, and an ancient Pilot [ 60] of Shippes. This man being come lately out of Spaine, arriued first at Ligorno, and went thence to Florence in Italie, where he found one Iohn Dowglas, an Englishman, a famous Mariner, ready comming for Venice, to be Pilot of a Venetian Ship, named Ragasona for England, in whose com∣pany they came both together to Venice. And Iohn Dowglas being well acquainted with 〈◊〉〈◊〉 be∣fore, he gaue me knowledge of this Greeke Pilot, and brought him to my speech: and in long

talke and conference betweene vs, in presence of Iohn Dowglas: this Greeke Pilot declared in the Italian and Spanish languages, thus much in effect as followeth.

First he said, that he had bin in the West Indies of Spaine by the space of fortie yeeres, and had sailed to and from many places thereof, as Mariner and Pilot, in the seruice of the Spaniards.

Also he said, that he was in the Spanish Shippe, which in returning from the Ilands, Philippi∣nas and China, towards Noua Spania, was robbed and taken at the Cape California, by Captaine Candish Englishman,* 25.36 whereby he lost sixtie thousand Duckets, of his owne goods.

Also he said, that he was Pilot of three small Ships which the Vizeroy of Mexico sent from Mexico, armed with one hundred men, Souldiers, vnder a Captain, Spaniards, to discouer the Straits of Anian, along the coast of the South-Sea, and to fortifie in that Strait, to resist the passage and [ 10] proceedings of the English Nation, which were feared to passe through those Straits into the South Sea. And that by reason of a mutinie which happened among the Souldiers, for the So∣domie of their Captaine, that Voyage was ouerthrowne, and the Ships returned backe from Ca∣lifornia coast to Noua Spania, without any effect of thing done in that Voyage. And that after their returne, the Captaine was at Mexico punished by iustice.

Also he said, that shortly after the said Voyage was so ill ended, the said Viceroy of Mexico, sent him out againe Anno 1592. with a small Carauela, and a Pinnace, armed with Mariners one∣ly, to follow the said Voyage, for discouery of the same Straits of Anian, and the passage there∣of, into the Sea which they call the North Sea, which is our North-west Sea. And that he follow∣ed his course in that Voyage West and North-west in the South Sea, all alongst the coast of No∣ua [ 20] Spania, and California, and the Indies, now called North America (all which Voyage hee sig∣nified to me in a great Map,* 25.37 and a Sea-card of mine owne, which I laied before him) vntill hee came to the Latitude of fortie seuen degrees, and that there finding that the Land trended North and North-east, with a broad Inlet of Sea, betweene 47. and 48. degrees of Latitude: hee en∣tred thereinto, sayling therein more then twentie dayes, and found that Land trending still sometime North-west and North-east, and North, and also East and South-eastward, and very much broader Sea then was at the said entrance, and that hee passed by diuers Ilands in that say∣ling. And that at the entrance of this said Strait, there is on the North-west coast there∣of, a great Hedland or Iland, with an exceeding high Pinacle, or spired Rocke, like a piller [ 30] thereupon.

Also he said, that he went on Land in diuers places, and that he saw some people on Land, clad in Beasts skins: and that the Land is very fruitfull, and rich of gold, Siluer, Pearle, and other things, like Noua Spania.

And also he said, that he being entred thus farre into the said Strait, and being come into the North Sea already, and finding the Sea wide enough euery where, and to be about thirtie or fortie leagues wide in the mouth of the Straits,* 25.38 where hee entred; hee thought he had now well discharged his office, and done the thing which he was sent to doe: and that hee not be∣ing armed to resist the force of the Saluage people that might happen, hee therefore set sayle and returned homewards againe towards Noua Spania, where hee arriued at Acapulco, Anno [ 40] 1592. hoping to be rewarded greatly of the Viceroy, for this seruice done in this said Voyage.

Also he said, that after his comming to Mexico, hee was greatly welcommed by the Viceroy, and had great promises of great reward, but that hauing sued there two yeares time, and obtai∣ned nothing to his content, the Viceroy told him, that he should be rewarded in Spaine of the King himselfe very greatly, and willed him therefore to goe into Spaine, which Voyage hee did performe.

Also he said, that when he was come into Spaine, he was greatly welcommed there at the Kings Court, in wordes after the Spanish manner, but after long time of suite there also, hee could not get any reward there neither to his content. And that therefore at the length he stole away out of Spaine, and came into Italie, to goe home againe and liue among his owne Kindred and Coun∣trimen, [ 50] he being very old.

Also he said, that hee thought the cause of his ill reward had of the Spaniards, to bee for that they did vnderstand very well, that the English Nation had now giuen ouer all their voyages for discouerie of the North-west passage, wherefore they need not feare them any more to come that way into the South Sea, and therefore they needed not his seruice therein any more.

Also he said, that in regard of this ill reward had of the Spaniards, and vnderstanding of the noble minde of the Queene of England, and of her warres maintayned so valiantly against the Spaniards, and hoping that her Maiestie would doe him iustice for his goods lost by Captaine Candish, he would bee content to goe into England, and serue her Maiestie in that voyage for the discouerie perfectly of the North-west passage into the South Sea, and would put his life into her [ 60] Maiesties hands to performe▪ the same, if shee would furnish him with onely one ship of fortie 〈◊〉〈◊〉 burden and a Pinnasse,* 25.39 and that he would performe it in thirtie dayes time, from one end to the other of the Streights. And he willed me so to write into England.

And vpon this conference had twise with the said Greeke Pilot, I did write thereof according∣ly into England vnto the right honourable the old Lord Treasurer Cecill, and to Sir Walter Ra∣leigh, and to Master Richard Hakluyt that famous Cosmographer, certifying them hereof by my Letters. And in the behalfe of the said Greeke Pilot, I prayed them to disburse one hundred pounds of money, to bring him into England with my selfe, for that my owne purse would not stretch so wide at that time. And I had answere hereof by Letters of friends, that this action was very well liked, and greatly desired in England to bee effected; but the money was not rea∣die, and therefore this action dyed at that time, though the said Greeke Pilot perchance liueth still this day at home in his owne Countrie in Cefalonia, towards the which place he went from me within a fortnight after this conference had at Venice.

[ 10] And in the meane time, while I followed my owne businesse in Venice, being in Law suit a∣gainst the Companie of Merchants of Turkie, and Sir Iohn Spencer their Gouernour in London, to recouer my pension due for my office of being their Consull at Aleppo in Turkie, which they held from me wrongfully. And when I was (as I thought) in a readinesse to returne home into England, for that it pleased the Lords of her Maiesties honourable Priuie Counsell in England, to looke into this Cause of my Law suit for my reliefe; I thought that I should be able of my owne pu••se to take with me into England the said Greeke Pilot. And therefore I wrote vnto him from Venice a Letter, dated in Iuly 1596. which is copied here-vnder.

[ 20]

Al Mag^co. Sig^or. Capitan IVAN DE FVCA Piloto de Indias, amigo mio char^mo. en Zefalonia.

MVy honrado Sennor, fiendo yo para bueluerme en Inglatierra dentre de pocas mezes, y accuerdan∣dome de lo trattado entre my y V. M. en Venesia, sobre el viagio de las Indias, me ha parescido bien de scriuir esta carta à V. M. paraque si tengais animo de andar con migo, puedais escribirme presto, en que maniera quereis consertaros. Y puedais embiarmi vuestra carta, con esta nao Ingles que sta al Zante (sino hallais otra coientura meier) con el sobrescritto que diga, en casa del Sennor Eleazar Hyc∣man Mercader Ingles, al tragetto de San Thomas en Venisia. Y Dios guarde la persona de V. M. Fe∣cha [ 30]

en Venesia al primer dia de Iulio, 1596. annos.

Amigo de V. M. Michael Lok Ingles.

And I sent the said Letter from Venice to Zante, in the ship Cherubin. And shortly after I sent a copie thereof in the ship Mynyon. And also a third copie thereof by Manea Orlando Patron de Naue Venetian. And vnto my said Letters he wrote mee answere to Venice by one Letter which came not to my hands. And also by another Letter which came to my hands, which is copied here-vnder.

[ 40]

Al Ill^mo. Sig^or. MICHAL LOCH Ingles, in casa del Sig^or. LASARO Merca. der Ingles, al tragetto de San THOMAS en Venesia.

MVy Illustre Seg^or. la carta de V. M. receui à 20. dias del Mese di Settembre, por loqual veo Loche V. M. me manda, io tengho animo de complir Loche tengo promettido à V. M. y no solo yo, mas tengo vinte hombres para lieuar con migo, porche son hombres vaglientes; y assi estoi esperando, por otra carta che auise à V. M. parache me embiais los dinieros che tengo escritto à V. M. Porche bien saue V. M. como io vine pouer, porche me glieuo Capitan Candis mas de sessanta mille ducados, come V. M. bien sane: embiandome lo dicho, ire à seruir à V. M. con todos mis compagneros. I no spe∣ro [ 50] otra cossa mas de la voluntad è carta de V. M. I con tanto nostro Sig^or. Dios guarda la Illustre per∣sona de V. M. muchos annos.

De Ceffalonia à 24. de Settembre del 1596.

Amigo & seruitor de V. M. Iuan Fuca.

And the said Letter came to my hands in Venice, the 16. day of Nouember, 1596. but my Law suite with the Companie of Turkie was not yet ended, by reason of Sir Iohn Spencers suite made in England at the Queenes Court to the contrarie, seeking onely to haue his money dis∣charged which I had attached in Venice for my said pension, and thereby my owne purse was [ 60] not yet readie for the Greeke Pilot.

And neuerthelesse, hoping that my said suite would haue shortly a good end; I wrote another Letter to this Greeke Pilot from Venice, dated the 20. of Nouember, 1596. which came not to his hands. And also another Letter, dated the 24. of Ianuarie, 1596. which came to his hands. And thereof he wrote me answere, dated the 28. of May, 1597. which I receiued the first of August

1597. by Thomas Norden an English Merchant yet liuing in London, wherein he promised still to goe with me into England, to performe the said voyage for discouerie of the North-west passage into the South Sea, if I would send him money for his charges according to his former writing, without the which money, he said he could not goe, for that he said he was vndone vtterly, when he was in the ship Santa Anna,* 27.1 which came from China, and was robbed at California. And yet againe afterward I wrote him another Letter from Venice, whereunto he wrote me answere, by a Letter written in his Greeke language, dated the 20. of October, 1598. the which I haue still by me, wherein he promiseth still to goe with me into England, and performe the said voyage of discouerie of the North-west passage into the South Sea by the said streights, which he calleth the Streight of Noua Spania,* 27.2 which he saith is but thirtie daies voyage in the streights, if I will send him the money formerly written for his charges. The which money I could not yet send him, [ 10] for that I had not yet recouered my pension owing mee by the Companie of Turkie aforesaid. And so of long time I stayed from any furder proceeding with him in this matter.

And yet lastly, when I my selfe was at Zante, in the moneth of Iune 1602. minding to passe from thence for England by Sea, for that I had then recouered a little money from the Companie of Turkie, by an order of the Lords of the Priuie Counsell of England, I wrote another Letter to this Greeke Pilot to Cefalonia, and required him to come to me to Zante, and goe with mee into England, but I had none answere thereof from him, for that as I heard afterward at Zante, he was then dead, or very likely to die of great sicknesse. Whereupon I returned my selfe by Sea from Zante to Venice, and from thence I went by land through France into England, where I arriued [ 20] at Christmas, An. 1602. safely, I thanke God, after my absence from thence ten yeeres time; with great troubles had for the Company of Turkies businesse, which hath cost me a great summe of money, for the which I am not yet satisfied of them.

A Treatise of the North-west passage to the South Sea, through the Continent of Virginia, and by Fretum Hudson.

THe noble plantation of Virginia hath some very excellent prerogatiues aboue many other [ 30] famous Kingdomes, namely, the temperature of the aire, the fruitfulnesse of the soile, and the commodiousnesse of situation.

The aire is healthfull and free both from immoderate heate, and from extreme cold; fo that both the Inhabitants and their Cattell doe prosper exceedingly in stature and strength, and all Plants brought from any other remote climate, doe there grow and fructifie in as good or better manner, then in the soile from whence they came. Which though it doe manifestly prooue the fruitfulnesse of the soile, yeelding all kindes of Graine or Plants committed vnto it, with a rich and plentifull increase; yet cannot the fatnesse of the earth alone produce such excellent effects, vnlesse the temperature of the aire be likewise so fauourable, that those tender sprouts which the earth doth abundantly bring forth, may bee cherished with moderate heate and seasonable moi∣sture, and freed both from scorching drought, and nipping frost. [ 40]

These blessings are so much the more to be esteemed, because they are bestowed vpon a place si∣tuated so conueniently, and at so good a distance both from Europe, and the West Indies, that for the mutuall commerce betwixt these great and most rich parts of the habitable world, there cannot bee deuised any place more conuenient for the succour and refreshing of those that trade from hence thither: whether they be of our owne Nation, or of our Neighbours and Friends, the multitude of great and nauigable Riuers, and of safe and spacious Harbours, as it were inuiting all Nations to entertaine mutuall friendship, and to participate of those blessings which God out of the abundance of his rich Treasures, hath so graciously bestowed some vpon these parts of Eu∣rope, and others no lesse desired vpon those poore people: which might still haue remayned in [ 50] their old barbarous ignorance, without knowledge of their owne miserie, or of Gods infinite goodnesse and mercy; if it had not pleased God thus graciously both to draw vs thither with desire of such wealth as those fruitfull Countries afford, and also to grant vs so easie, certaine, and safe a meanes to goe vnto them: which passage is in mine opinion made much more secure and easie by the commodious Harbours and refreshing which Virginia doth reach out vnto vs. The coasts of Florida to the West, being not so barberous; and of New England to the East, somewhat more out of the way, amongst so many Flats and small Ilands not so safe. Neither is the commodiousnesse of Virginia's situation onely in respect of this West Atlanticke Ocean, but also in respect of the Indian Ocean, which we commonly call the South Sea, which lyeth on the West and North-west side of Virginia, on the other side of the Mountaines beyond our Falls, and openeth a free and faire passage, not onely to China, Iapan, and the Moluccaes; but also to New [ 60] Spaine, Peru, Chili, and those rich Countries of Terra Australis, not as yet fully discouered. For the Sea wherein Master Hudson did winter, which was first discouered by him, and is therefore now called Fretum Hudson, doth stretch so farre towards the West, that it lyeth as farre West∣ward

[illustration]

[illustration] map of North America

The North part of America

[illustration]

as the Cape of Florida: So that from the Falls aboue Henrico Citie, if we shape our iourney towards the North-west, following the Riuers towards the head, wee shall vndoubtedly come to the Mountaines, which as they send diuers great Riuers Southward into our Bay of Chesepiock, so likewise doe they send others from their further side North-westward into that Bay where Hudson did winter. For so wee see in our owne Countrie, from the ridge of Mountaines conti∣nued from Derbishire into Scotland, doe issue many great Riuers on both sides into the East Ger∣mane Ocean, and into the Westerne Irish Seas: in like sort from the Alpes of Switzerland and the Grizons, doe runne the Danubie Eastward into Pontus Euxinus, the Rhene into the North Germane Ocean, the Rhosne West into the Mediterrane Sea, and the Po South into the Adriatike Sea. This Bay where Hudson did winter, stretcheth it selfe Southward into 49. degrees, and [ 10] cannot be in probabilitie so farre distant from the Falls as two hundred leagues; part of the way lying by the Riuers side towards the Mountaines from whence it springeth: and the other part on the other side cannot want Riuers likewise, which will conduct vs all the way, and I hope carry vs and our prouisions a good part of it. Besides that Bay, it is not vnlikely that the We∣sterne Sea in some other Creeke or Riuer commeth much neerer then that place: For the place where Sir Thomas Button did winter, lying more Westerly then Master Hudsons Bay by one hun∣dred and ninetie leagues in the same Sea, doth extend it selfe very neere as farre towards the west as the Cape of California, which is now found to bee an Iland stretching it selfe from 22. degrees to 42. and lying almost directly North and South; as may appeare in a Map of that Iland which [ 20] I haue seene here in London, brought out of Holland; where the Sea vpon the North-west part may very probably come much neerer then some doe imagine: who giuing too much credit to our vsuall Globes and Maps, doe dreame of a large Continent extending it selfe farre Westward to the imagined Streight of Anian, where are seated (as they fable) the large Kingdomes of Ce∣bola and Quiuira, hauing great and populous Cities of ciuill people; whose houses are said to bee fiue stories high, and to haue some pillars of Turguesses. Which relations are cunningly set downe by some vpon set purpose to put vs out of the right way, and to discourage such as otherwise might be desirous to search a passage by the way aforesaid into those Seas.

Gerardus Mercator, a very industrious and excellent Geographer, was abused by a Map sent vnto him, of foure Euripi meeting about the North Pole; which now are found to bee all tur∣ned [ 30] into a mayne Icie Sea. One demonstration of the craftie falshood of these vsuall Maps is this, that Cape Mendocino is set in them West North-west, distant from the South Cape of Califor∣nia, about seuenteene hundred leagues, whereas Francis Gaule that was imployed in those disco∣ueries by the Vice-roy of New Spaine, doth in Hugo Linschotten his booke set downe their di∣stance to be onely fiue hundred leagues.

Besides this, in the place where Sir Thomas Button did winter in 57. degrees of latitude, the constant great Tydes euery twelue houres, and the increase of those Tydes whensoeuer any strong Westerne winde did blow, doe strongly perswade vs that the mayne Westerne Ocean is not farre from thence; which was much confirmed vnto them the Summer following; when sayling directly North from that place where they wintered, about the latitude of 60. degrees, [ 40] they were crossed by a strong Current running sometimes Eastward, sometimes Westward: So that if we finde either Hudsons Bay, or any Sea more neere vnto the West, wee may assure our selues that from thence we may with great ease passe to any part of the East Indies: And that as the World is very much beholding to that famous Columbus for that hee first discouered vnto vs the West Indies; and to the Portugal for the finding out the ordinarie and as yet the best way that is knowne to the East Indies, by Cape Bona Speranza: So may they and all the world be in this beholding to vs in opening a new and large passage, both much neerer, safer, and farre more wholesome and temperate through the Continent of Virginia, and by Fretum Hudson, to all those rich Countries bordering vpon the South Sea, in the East and West Indies. And this hope that the South Sea may easily from Virginia be discouered ouer Land, is much confirmed by the con∣stant report of the Sauages, not onely of Virginia, but also of Florida and Canada; which dwel∣ling [ 50] so remote one from another, and all agreeing in the report of a large Sea to the Westwards, where they describe great ships not vnlike to ours, with other circumstances, doe giue vs very great probabilitie (if not full assurance) that our endeuours this way shall by Gods blessing haue a prosperous and happy successe, to the encrease of his Kingdome and Glorie amongst these poore ignorant Heathen people, the publique good of all the Christian world, the neuer-dying honour of our most gracious Soueraigne, the inestimable benefit of our Nation, and the admirable and speedie increase and aduancement of that most noble and hopefull Plantation of Virginia; for the good successe whereof all good men with mee, I doubt not, will powre out their prayers to Almightie God.

[ 60] H. B.

Notes

• * 1.1

  A.D. 1609. Secund. Comput. Ang.
• * 1.2

  The Main-sayle without a Bonnet.
• * 1.3

  The Fore-sayle without a Bonnet.
• * 1.4

  Hamersound in Shotland.
• * 1.5

  North Cape in 71. degrees 20. minutes. May the se∣cond.
• * 1.6

  Chery Iland.
• * 1.7

  Ice.
• * 1.8

  The sixt day of May wee were in 74. de∣grees 7. mi∣nutes.
• * 1.9

  Abundance of Ice.
• * 1.10

  74. degrees 15. minutes. vari∣ation 13. de∣grees. 30. mi∣nutes.
• * 1.11

  The Lyonesse was sent to Che∣ry Iland.
• * 1.12

  As Cobodines wildgeese and Willocks. Ice.
• * 1.13

  Much raine.
• * 1.14

  Land the 16. day of May.
• * 1.15

  Note.
• * 1.16

  76. degrees 50 minutes, Pole height.

  Variation 16. degrees.

  The North point westerly.
• * 1.17

  Rockes.
• * 1.18

  Mohorses or Morses. Hornsound. Muscouy Mount.
• * 1.19

  For these pla∣ces see Captain Edges Map.
• * 1.20

  Ice point.
• * 1.21

  Bell point.
• * 1.22

  Point parti∣tion.

  The ayre tem∣perate·
• * 1.23

  Lownesse Ile. Lowsound.
• * 1.24

  The Sounds season.

  Very thicke fogs.
• * 1.25

  Extreame cold weather.
• * 1.26

  Sailes frozen.
• * 1.27

  Black-point Ile
• * 1.28

  Cape-cold. Ice-sound.
• * 1.29

  Faire weather.
• * 1.30

  Fayer-forland.
• * 1.31

  No fish.
• * 1.32

  In all this land by the sea side is good store of Drift-wood, but none groweth here. N. Wood cock. Whale-fins.
• * 1.33

  Hope of a Po∣late passage.
• * 1.34

  Knotty-point.
• * 1.35

  Thirty day of May.
• * 1.36

  Foule-sound.
• * 1.37

  Deere-sound. Close-Coue.
• * 1.38

  Ice.
• * 1.39

  Gornerd-nose.
• * 1.40

  Note.
• * 1.41

  Iune.
• * 1.42

  A Beare slaine▪
• * 1.43

  Foure Deere slaine.
• * 1.44

  His name was Tho. Whiteman.
• * 1.45

  A Beare slaine.
• * 1.46

  A crosse set vp. Crosse-road. A good Road for all winds.
• * 1.47

  There is great store of Fowle in this Land. A Buck slaine.
• * 1.48

  Three Deere slaine.
• * 1.49

  A fawne taken Beares slaine. Mohorses.

  White fishes.
• * 1.50

  Fiue Deere.
• * 1.51

  Isa. 45.18.
• * 1.52

  Two Beares▪ and two Deere slaine.
• * 1.53

  Crosse-road. in 79. degres 15 minutes.

  Compasse vary 18. degrees 16. minutes.
• * 1.54

  Ice.
• * 1.55

  Great store of Whales.
• * 1.56

  Fiue Deere slaine.
• * 1.57

  Faier-Hauen. Abundance of Ice.
• * 1.58

  79. degrees 50. minutes. the Latitude of Gornerds nose. The f••rthest place of my be∣ing this Voyage This Vnicorns horne is the Horne of a fish of which s••e after in Baffins discouery. Ten Beares slaine.
• * 1.59

  Fiue Deere slaine.
• * 1.60

  A yong beare taken.
• * 1.61

  A Beare slaine Take heede of this point.
• * 1.62

  A Bucke slaine
• * 1.63

  A Beare slaine.
• * 1.64

  A Bucke.
• * 1.65

  Iuly the first. 78 degrees, 24. mitutes, var. 17. W.
• * 1.66

  Two Deere slaine.

  Greene-harbour one Deere slaine.
• * 1.67

  Ice.
• * 1.68

  A Beare slaine, two yong ones taken.
• * 1.69

  Ice.
• * 1.70

  A dead Whale.
• * 1.71

  Three Beares slaine.
• * 1.72

  Three Deeres slaine.
• * 1.73

  A Beare with two young ones taken. Fiue Deere slaine.

  Two Beares slaine.

  Sea-coales,
• * 1.74

  Three Bucks slaine.
• * 1.75

  No good cha∣nell.
• * 1.76

  A Beare slaine. A fat Bucke. And although I haue not written of the farnesse of the rest, yet the most of them were two and three inches thicke of fat.
• * 1.77

  My departure from the land. Ice.
• * 1.78

  A fish seene, Ice & fogs two of the greatest hinderances in the Northerne Nauigations.
• * 1.79

  I stood 〈◊〉〈◊〉 England.
• * 1.80

  In 62. degrees 15. minutes.
• * 1.81

  The Colui∣dine is as big as a Mallard, the male is neerer of the colour, and the female browne.
• * 1.82

  Poole enter∣tayned by a certaine sti∣pend. He was as I haue heard, misera∣bly and basely murthered be∣twixt Ratcl••ffe and London, af∣ter his returne from this Voyage.
• * 1.83

  Further disco∣uerie to the North.
• * 1.84

  Thomas Edge, See sup. l. 3 c. 2.
• * 1.85

  Cherie Iland.
• * 1.86

  Agreement with a Tanner for Morses hides.
• * 1.87

  Aduentures and losses in first Discoue∣ries.
• * 1.88

  Sixe Biscainers procured for killing of the Whale (as I haue heard) by Woodcocks ad∣uise, who had liued and been imployed with them in Grand Bay, &c.
• * 1.89

  This was a conceit, as if all places had choi••e of all kindes, which experience hath since taught other∣wise.
• * 1.90

  See of the kinds of Whales sup· 471. I haue ad∣ded this to be compared with that, for fur∣ther light.
• * 1.91

  Spermaceti or Permaciti as the vulgar call it.
• * 1.92

  Ambergreese.
• * 1.93

  The rest as not so necessary to the publike is omitted.
• * 1.94

  Foure Ships.
• * 1.95

  See Sup. l. 3.
• * 1.96

  The Ships se∣parated.
• * 1.97

  Cherie Iland.
• * 1.98

  Crosse Rode.
• * 1.99

  Ice a hinde∣rance to Whale killing and discouery▪
• * 1.100

  80. Degrees.
• * 1.101

  New discouery
• * 1.102

  Hold with Hope▪
• * 1.103

  S••ore of Whales.
• * 1.104

  Cherie Iland.
• * 1.105

  Three hundred Mo••ses.
• * 1.106

  Mary Margaret lost.
• * 1.107

  Ship of Hull.
• * 1.108

  Double dan∣ger.
• * 1.109

  They returne homeward.
• * 1.110

  September 3.
• * 1.111

  Orkney Ilands Pentlow Fryth. in 58. degrees 36. minutes.
• * 1.112

  Many fat Deere, white Beares, white, grey, and dun Foxes.

  Abundance of sundry Fowles. Allen a deuou∣ring Fowle.
• * 1.113

  Many huge Morses.
• * 1.114

  Chery Iland.
• * 1.115

  Blacke point.
• * 1.116

  Great store of Whales. Cape Cold.
• * 1.117

  Foule Sound.
• * 1.118

  Faire Foreland.
• * 1.119

  The Diana of London.
• * 1.120

  Dutch Mer∣chant brake his necke.
• * 1.121

  Six Biscayners:
• * 1.122

  Iune.
• * 1.123

  The Marma∣duke.
• * 1.124

  Marmadukes Discouerie to 82. degrees.
• * 1.125

  Woodcock Pilot of a Biscay ship.
• * 1.126

  The fourth and fifth Whales killed.
• * 1.127

  The sixt whale killed.
• * 1.128

  Three hundred Morses.
• * 1.129

  Biscainers en∣uie.
• * 1.130

  The seuenth Whale killed.
• * 1.131

  The eight Whale killed.
• * 1.132

  The ninth and tenth Whales killed.

  The eleuenth, twelfth and thirteenth Whales killed.
• * 1.133

  Ascension day.
• * 1.134

  Greenland at∣tayned in eigh∣teene dayes.
• * 1.135

  A ship of Saint Iohn de Luz.

  Eight Spaniards on the coast.
• * 1.136

  The Generall was Captaine Beniamin Ioseph after slaine in fight with a Carrike.
• * 1.137

  Dutch ship. No night the 23. of May.
• * 1.138

  Diuers stran∣gers.
• * 1.139

  Lat. 78. deg. 24. minut. Ship of Biscay.
• * 1.140

  Snowe.
• * 1.141

  Greene harbour.
• * 1.142

  Low sound.
• * 1.143

  His Maiesties Armes and a Crosse set vp at Low-nesse. Snowe.
• * 1.144

  Thomas Bonner English man, Master and Pilot.
• * 1.145

  76. deg. 55. min. declination 67. deg. 30. min. Variation 12. deg. 14. min.
• * 1.146

  Abundance of Ice.
• * 1.147

  An Iland in 72 degrees on the Coast of Groinland.
• * 1.148

  Three and twentie whales killed.
• * 1.149

  A man slaine.
• * 1.150

  Latitude 78. deg. 7. min.
• * 1.151

  Note.
• * 1.152

  A South South west Moone maketh a full Sea here.
• * 1.153

  A Biscayn ship of 700. tuns.
• * 1.154

  Many rockes full of Fowle. Lisets Ilands.
• * 1.155

  Eighteene Whales killed.
• * 1.156

  Three Whales killed by the English.
• * 1.157

  Eight & thirtie Whales killed.
• * 1.158

  August 1.
• * 1.159

  Latitude 77. degrees, 40. minutes. Variation, 13. degrees, 11. minutes.
• * 1.160

  Latitude 79. degrees, 14. minutes. This was Ma•• Cudners ship of London.
• * 1.161

  Latitude 79. degrees 8. mi∣nutes.
• * 1.162

  Sunnes refra∣ction.
• * 1.163

  Note.
• * 1.164

  M. Cudner of London. William Gour∣don

  Variation 1. degree 5. min.
• * 1.165

  Rost Ilands or Rosten.

  68. d••g. no min. Th•• vari••tion 4 degrees 8. minutes East.
• * 1.166

  Variation 5. d••g. 3. minutes East.
• * 1.167

  The lying of the land about. Scoutsnesse.
• * 1.168

  We went forth to Sea.

  We met with Ice in 75. deg. 10. minutes.
• * 1.169

  Eleuen Sayles fast in the Ice. M. Th. Sherwin▪
• * 1.170

  Iune.
• * 1.171

  We goe cleere off the Ice.
• * 1.172

  Wee met with the Mary An-Sarah.
• * 1.173

  We came to the Fore land.
• * 1.174

  We proceeded to the North∣wards Maudlen Sound. Hackluyts Head-land. We anchore•• in Maudlen Sound.
• * 1.175

  I went forth in a shallop.
• * 1.176

  We set sayle out of Maud∣len Sound and followed the Ice.
• * 1.177

  Prince Charles Iland in 78. degrees 40. minutes. Wee stood a∣gaine for shoare.

  Eleuen Holland ships.

  We anchored in Sir T. Smiths Bay.
• * 1.178

  We went forth of Sir T. Smiths Bay.
• * 1.179

  We were dri∣uen backe a∣gaine into Crosse-road.
• * 1.180

  We set sayle out of Crosse-road.
• * 1.181

  One shallop to the Northward The other into Maudlen Sound.
• * 1.182

  The Kings Armes set vp in Trinitie Har∣bour.
• * 1.183

  Trinitie Harbor is vnder the parallel of 79. degrees 34. minutes.

  We came to an anchor in Faire Hauen.
• * 1.184

  No Whales were yet come in.
• * 1.185

  The shallop re∣turned from the North∣wards.

  Cape Barrèn.
• * 1.186

  Saddle Iland.
• * 1.187

  A Storme.
• * 1.188

  Iulie.
• * 1.189

  The Whales began now to come in.
• * 1.190

  Two Whales escaped.
• * 1.191

  We came forth of Faire hauen.
• * 1.192

  We met with Ice and stood to the North∣wards.

  Our Shallop came to vs.
• * 1.193

  We returned towards Faire hauen.
• * 1.194

  We intended to discouer in Shallops.
• * 1.195

  I went forth in the one Shal∣lop.
• * 1.196

  Master Baffin came to me in the other Shal∣lop.

  Red-beach.
• * 1.197

  Wee hailed our Shallop vpon the Ice.
• * 1.198

  We returned to our Shallop
• * 1.199

  We were vn∣der saile and came to an an∣chor againe.
• * 1.200

  We killed a Whale.
• * 1.201

  August. We went to the North∣wards with our Shallops.
• * 1.202

  We got to the shoare of Red Beach with out Shallops.
• * 1.203

  We walked o∣uer Red-beach.
• * 1.204

  The Kings armes are set vp at Wiches Sound.

  We passed ouer Wiches Sound.
• * 1.205

  We found Beach Fin••.
• * 1.206

  We met with the Hartsease Shallop.
• * 1.207

  Note.
• * 1.208

  The end of Sir Thomas Smiths Inlet discoue∣red.
• * 1.209

  We returned towards our Ship.

  A storme be∣gan when we were amongst Ice.
• * 1.210

  We get forth of the Ice.
• * 1.211

  We came a∣boord our ship.
• * 1.212

  The Holland Discouerers go homewards. Our Ship went forth to Sea.

  We met with Ice eight leagues from the Shore.
• * 1.213

  We plyed off and on the Ice two dayes.
• * 1.214

  Wee anchored againe in the North Harbor.
• * 1.215

  I went to the Eastwards in a shallop.

  Ice was newly frozen in Red-cliffe Sound. I intended to go once to Point Desire.
• * 1.216

  A great snow began.
• * 1.217

  I could not passe for Ice.
• * 1.218

  The originall cause of Ice at Sea.
• * 1.219

  I went backe againe to Red-beach.
• * 1.220

  I returned to∣wards our ship.
• * 1.221

  Point Welcome.
• * 1.222

  The Kings Armes are set vp againe at Point Welcome. I went into Red cliffe Sound.
• * 1.223

  Point Deceit.
• * 1.224

  I came aboord our ship.
• * 1.225

  A Whale lay sunken four∣teene dayes.
• * 1.226

  The Hartseas•• anchored by vs.

  Warme wea∣ther in the end of August.
• * 1.227

  We set sayle to the Eastward.
• * 1.228

  The Thomasin•• returnes for England.
• * 1.229

  We stood to the westwards.
• * 1.230

  Wee met with Ice.
• * 1.231

  We left the Ice and came for England.
• * 1.232

  A storme be∣ganne.
• * 1.233

  A Corpo Santo. It is often seen at the end of stormes.
• * 2.1

  Hackluyts Headland.
• * 2.2

  Perill and escape.
• * 2.3

  Note. Errour of Grouland.
• * 2.4

  Fogges.
• * 2.5

  High Hill.
• * 2.6

  Drift wood▪
• * 2.7

  Note.
• * 2.8

  Sir T. Smiths Iland.
• * 2.9

  Mount Hack∣luyt.
• * 2.10

  Hudsons Hold-with-hope que∣stioned as be∣fore also.
• * 2.11

  Ships of the King of Den∣marke.
• * 7.1

  Terrible Dis∣aster.
• * 13.1

  Flemmings.
• * 13.2

  Peter Goodford drowned.
• * 13.3

  Cold and heate strangely vari∣able.
• * 13.4

  Tobacco ligh∣ted by the Sun at midnight.
• * 13.5

  Gods mercy to England whiles warres haue infested th•• rest of the World.
• * 13.6

  A. Thuan-bister. l. 135.
• * 13.7

  Iam. 3.
• * 13.8

  Exod. 1.
• * 13.9

  Al. Gwagnin•• descript. Mosc. George brother to the Empe∣ror done to death. Hee addes principal Nobles, here omitted.
• * 13.10

  700. women at one time; 378. prisoners at another, 500. Matrons and Virgins of noble bloud exposed to be rauished by the Tartars in his sight at ano∣ther time &c.
• * 13.11

  A Secretarie cutting off his priuities he died presently; which the Em∣perour con∣struing to be done purpose∣ly, caused him there instantly to eate wh••t he had cut off.
• * 13.12

  Or Theodor
• * 13.13

  Sir Ierom Hor∣sey.
• * 13.14

  The death of Iuan Vasiliwich 1584. April 18.
• * 13.15

  Lord Boris a∣dopted as the Emperors third sonne.
• * 13.16

  The day of Pheodor his co∣ronation.
• * 13.17

  Iohn de Wale.
• * 13.18

  Chare Sibersky Prince of Sibe∣ria taken priso∣ner & brought to Mosco.
• * 13.19

  Sophet Keri Alli King of the Crims arriuall at Mosco.
• * 13.20

  The new Em∣peror Pheodore Iuanowich his L••tters and Requests to the Queene.
• * 13.21

  Master Horseys voyage from Mosco to Eng∣land ouer land.
• * 13.22

  1586.
• * 13.23

  Thuan. hist. lib. 120.
• * 13.24

  Diuorce vrged
• * 13.25

  D. Fl. & S.I.H.
• * 13.26

  Boris his plot.
• * 13.27

  Thuan. hist. lib. 135. sec.

  Demetrius slain some tell that one pretended his col••er stood awry▪ in men∣ding it, cut his throate.
• * 13.28

  It was in the Northern parts at Duglets.
• * 13.29

  Some write that he caused diuers places in Mosco to be fi∣••red, and then afterwards out of his owne cost repaired them.
• * 13.30

  D. Flet.
• * 13.31

  Death of Theo∣dore.
• * 13.32

  The Empresse succeedeth.
• * 13.33

  Russians vse of fortie dayes mourning for an Emperours death.
• * 13.34

  The Queene turneth Nun.
• * 13.35

  Boris his willing vnwillingnesse.
• * 13.36

  Boris his speech
• * 13.37

  Boris Emperor.
• * 13.38

  His Wife, Son, & Daughter.
• * 13.39

  Tartars.
• * 13.40

  Russian New yeere.
• * 13.41

  Boris crowned.
• * 13.42

  His policies.
• * 13.43

  P. Basman.
• * 13.44

  Where the censorious bit∣ternesse also seemeth too much to insult on B••ris his d••sasters.
• * 13.45

  Tedious Title▪
• * 13.46

  Strange re∣quest.
• * 13.47

  His audience.
• * 13.48

  P. Basman.
• * 13.49

  Emperours glorie.
• * 13.50

  Princes splen∣dour.
• * 13.51

  Pollaxes.
• * 13.52

  Counsell and Nobilitie.
• * 13.53

  Plate.
• * 13.54

  Dining room••
• * 13.55

  Change of Rayment.
• * 13.56

  Two hundred Nobles guests.
• * 13.57

  Three hun∣dred noble Seruitors.
• * 13.58

  Garlike and Onions. Drinkes. Meads.
• * 13.59

  Memory of Q. Elizabeth.
• * 13.60

  Gifts.
• * 13.61

  Newes of De∣metrius▪
• * 13.62

  Princes pomp.
• * 13.63

  Peter Basman.
• * 13.64

  Oucsinia the Princesse.
• * 13.65

  Second au∣dience.
• * 13.66

  Citizens Soul∣diers.
• * 13.67

  Golden Seale.
• * 13.68

  Great dinner.
• * 13.69

  Ambassadors departure.
• * 13.70

  Sled-passage.
• * 13.71

  Emperor Bori•• his death.
• * 13.72

  New christe∣ned.
• * 13.73

  Emperors per∣son.
• * 13.74

  His respect to his sonne.
• * 13.75

  Because he had done more for him, then might lawfully be comman∣ded.
• * 13.76

  Peter Basman sent against Demetrius, re∣uolteth.
• * 13.77

  Tumult of the Commons.
• * 13.78

  Demetrius his Letter.
• * 13.79

  Thus he•• but others ascribe this murther to Demetrius his command, and this selfe-murther was pretended to auoid enuy of the fact.

  Death of Mo∣ther & Sonne.
• * 14.1

  Emperor Boris his Mosco Pa∣tent translated whiles Sir Th. Smith was there.
• * 14.2

  Lot Law.
• * 14.3

  Thu. li. 135.
• * 14.4

  The Iesuites first authors, or f••ut••rs at least of this Deme∣trius.
• * 14.5

  Sigismunds fa∣the•• Iohn was impri••oned by King Ericus 1564.
• * 14.6

  Cossaks.
• * 14.7

  Zerniga.
• * 14.8

  Putinna yeel∣ded.
• * 14.9

  The Palatine defeated.
• * 14.10

  Cistercians and Ie••uits.
• * 14.11

  Demetrius his confi••ent Prayer.
• * 14.12

  Demetrius his victorie.
• * 14.13

  Bialogrod.
• * 14.14

  Leptina. Seueria yeelds.
• * 14.15

  Boris dyeth. Some say, that hee had vsed with Aqua vitae to poyson o∣thers.

  Neque enim lex iustio•• vlla est, quam necis ar∣tifices arte pe∣rire sua.
• * 14.16

  Some say of 60000. men.
• * 14.17

  Basman yeel∣deth.
• * 14.18

  Demetrius com∣meth to Mosco, his pompous entrance.
• * 14.19

  Poles aduan∣ced.
• * 14.20

  Clemencie to Suiskey.
• * 14.21

  Respect to his Mother.
• * 14.22

  Iesuits.
• * 14.23

  Emb••ssage ••o Poland.
• * 15.1

  Promise of Ro∣mish Religion.
• * 15.2

  Demetrius his Marriage.
• * 15.3

  Both crowned.
• * 15.4

  Conspiracie.
• * 15.5

  I suppose this should bee Gilbert: for one Captayne Gil∣bert I haue of∣ten he••rd of in that place of seruice, which writ also commentaries o•• these af∣faires which I haue much sought to little purpose in our Merchants hands.
• * 15.6

  Bloudie day.
• * 15.7

  P. Basman slain.
• * 15.8

  Demetrius ta∣ken and slaine.
• * 15.9

  Con••umelious vsage.
• * 15.10

  Poles slaine.
• * 15.11

  The Queene.
• * 15.12

  Merchants spoyled.
• * 15.13

  Russes slaine.
• * 15.14

  Suiskeys speech.
• * 15.15

  He is chosen Emperour.
• * 15.16

  The Deuill is often slande∣red: and by ill willers, bad is made worse. And so per∣haps by Suis∣keys faction was this Deme∣trius.
• * 15.17

  The former part of this in∣telligence I found in Ma∣ster Hackluyts Papers; the la∣ter by confe∣rence, &c. Son o•• Gregory Peu∣poloy. See Suis∣keys Letter fol∣lowing.

  Occasion of ambition. Boris ill go∣uernment.
• * 15.18

  Demetrius Em∣perour.
• * 15.19

  He is slaine.
• * 15.20

  Suiskey Empe∣rour.
• * 15.21

  This might be rumoured: Others say hee was not of that but of very no∣ble bloud. See sup. in Fletcher and Thuanus. Demetrius his person descri∣bed.

  Some say that he was not like Demetrius and that he seemed a dozen yeeres elder: but perhaps they mistake this for an other after Pretender, calling himselfe the same Demetrius, &c. as after shall appeare, a deformed man.
• * 15.22

  Captayne Gil∣bert. Buchenskoy.
• * 15.23

  Stones rare a∣bout Mosco.
• * 15.24

  Captaine Gil∣berts report of a Vision.
• * 15.25

  Another man∣ner of his death repor∣ted. Coluga.
• * 15.26

  I find him cal∣led Shoskey, Suiskey, Ziska, &c. the iust translation and pronuncia••ion being hard.
• * 16.1

  League with the Pole.
• * 16.2

  He taxeth the King of Poland. Allegations a∣gainst the pre∣tending De∣metrius.
• * 16.3

  A Frier. A Clearke.
• * 16.4

  Magician.
• * 16.5

  Greeke Church
• * 16.6

  Flight to Letto.
• m 16.7

  George.
• * 16.8

  Demetry of Owglits. His murther.
• * 16.9

  Buriall.
• * 16.10

  Letters to Po∣land.
• * 16.11

  Polish aides.
• * 16.12

  Smeernoy sent.
• * 16.13

  Crim Tartar.
• * 16.14

  Another Mes∣senger.
• * 16.15

  Mutation of Religion.
• * 16.16

  Romish Religi∣on and Iesuites
• * 16.17

  Large Empire of Russia.
• * 16.18

  See before.
• * 16.19

  Popes Letter.
• * 16.20

  Slaine & burnt.
• * 16.21

  Election of Swisky.
• * 16.22

  Miracles.
• * 16.23

  Sir Iohn Mer∣ricke.

  New Parent.
• * 16.24

  1606.
• * 16.25

  Thu. l. 135.
• * 16.26

  Polish insolen∣cies.
• * 16.27

  Choosing by lot.
• * 16.28

  Suiskeys vices.
• * 16.29

  The like is told of K. Edward the fourth▪ that vpon predicti∣on of one to succeed, whose name began with G, he put to death George Duke of Cla∣rence his bro∣ther, and yet Gloster succee∣ded.

  A printed book 1614. tels of a great man, na∣med Tragus, which betraied by one Glasco was arrayned, and to preuent the furie of Suiskey stabbed himselfe, &c. Cap. Gilbert.
• * 16.30

  Thuan tels that fourteene horses were missing in the Kings stable on the massacre day, and hence was occasio∣ned a suspicion of escape, &c.
• * 16.31

  A strange Iug∣gler.
• * 16.32

  English aide.
• * 16.33

  Sweden Title.
• * 16.34

  Forraine aides to the Russes.
• * 17.1

  1200. Souldiers shipped from England.
• * 17.2

  Colonel Cal∣uine.
• * 17.3

  A tempest.
• * 17.4

  Another tem∣pest of the mu∣tinous vulgar.
• * 17.5

  They land in P••tland.
• * 17.6

  Fish cheape.
• * 17.7

  Ignorant Bores.
• * 17.8

  Iealousie of th•• people.
• * 17.9

  Griffin a base coward and traitor to his fellowes.
• * 17.10

  A wise Gouer∣nour.
• * 17.11

  Two Ships.
• * 17.12

  Hard vsage.
• * 17.13

  Effects of drunkennesse▪
• * 17.14

  Cruell cowar∣dise and base iealousie.
• * 17.15

  King of Den∣marks bounty▪
• * 17.16

  Elzinore.
• * 17.17

  Stockholme.
• * 17.18

  Misery after misery.
• * 17.19

  Captaines cozenage.
• * 17.20

  Finland.
• * 17.21

  Dispersing.
• * 17.22

  Distresse by Frost.
• * 17.23

  Their misera∣ble march into Russia.
• * 17.24

  Want of meate and of Water.
• * 17.25

  Russians runne away.
• * 17.26

  Nouogrod.
• * 17.27

  Polake ene∣mies.
• * 17.28

  They fled.
• * 17.29

  Sconce taken with store of Armes.
• * 17.30

  Poles cruelties most execrabl••
• * 17.31

  Caytiffe Cap∣taines.
• * 17.32

  Fugitiues.
• * 17.33

  Pontus le Guard
• * 17.34

  They meet.
• * 17.35

  An. 1610.
• * 17.36

  Base Russe flight.
• * 17.37

  P. le Guard fleeth.
• * 17.38

  French flee.
• * 17.39

  English honour.
• * 17.40

  Some say he had 100000. which is sca••sly credible.
• * 17.41

  Mosco yeelded.
• * 17.42

  Second Deme∣trius slaine.
• * 17.43

  Vnder the Lord Will••ugh∣by Gen. Sir Iohn Poole, &c.
• * 17.44

  A. Iansonius, quindecies m••lle vasorum pul sul.
• * 17.45

  Suiskeys impri∣sonment and death.
• * 17.46

  Po••ish crueltie.
• * 17.47

  Their reward.
• * 17.48

  Eaters of mans flesh forced to eate mans fl••sh.
• * 18.1

  The Polish Va••u••d whose daughter mar∣ried Demetrie that was slaine; who now had recouered li∣bertie.

  Russia ••poyled by Tartars.
• * 18.2

  The Polish Vaiu••d whose daughter mar∣ried Demetrie that was slaine; who now had recouered li∣bertie.

  Russia ••poyled by Tartars.
• a 18.3

  Generall of the forces of Suiskey in the field.

  A Dane borne, see Doct. Halls Epistles. Euan Vasilo∣wi••h.

  Suiskey now raigning.

  Tho••e of the Citie ••n••ly.
• c 18.4

  Lie••••••nders that inhabit there.
• * 18.5

  The second Demetrius, which was soone after slaine by a Tartar.
• * 19.1

  161••. in En∣glish account. The Poles in Mosco ••esieged by the Russes.
• * 19.2

  English house burnt▪
• * 19.3

  Master S••. Southeby.
• * 20.1

  Dan. 2. & 7. & 8 Ap. 12.3. & 13.1, 2. & 17.1. Iud. 17.6. & 18.1. & 19.1. & 21.25.
• * 20.2

  Iud. 9. Popular go∣u••••nment in Russia.
• * 20.3

  Demetrius supposititius secundus.
• * 20.4

  Demetrij primi 〈…〉〈…〉. Pala∣••••••filia.
• * 20.5

  De Baptismo repetendo.
• * 20.6

  Ru••eck.
• * 20.7

  Pheodor Euano∣wich. Boris Godonoue.
• * 20.8

  Gregorij Eutro∣pio, Rostrige. Demetrij Eua∣nowich. Primates.
• * 20.9

  Lord Palatin of Sandomire.
• * 20.10

  Vasili Euano∣wich Suiskey.
• * 20.11

  The Wor. Coluga.
• * 20.12

  Other Wors, or pretenders, I∣uan, Peter, Pheodor.
• * 20.13

  The King of Poland.

  The Lord of Praemislaue.
• * 20.14

  Michael Salti∣coue.
• * 20.15

  The Articles are before in Latin.
• * 20.16

  Vasili Galichin.
• * 20.17

  Galechin.
• * 20.18

  Halusia a Wor or Pretender.
• * 20.19

  Lepun. Saruski.
• * 20.20

  The King as∣sents.
• * 20.21

  Klutzinsky a Wor or Preten∣der, acknow∣ledged Empe∣rour.
• * 20.22

  Astracan. Lapland••
• * 20.23

  Russian incon∣stancy.
• * 20.24

  Many-headed body.
• * 20.25

  Ianson. A. 1612.
• * 20.26

  Gods proui∣dence permits not the vtter ruine of Russia.
• * 20.27

  Strange altera∣tion of affaires by a Butcher.
• * 20.28

  Pozarsky cho∣sen Generall, and a Butcher Treasurer.
• * 20.29

  Boris Liciu.
• * 20.30

  Micalowich Son to the Chancellor chosen.
• * 20.31

  Our Kings me∣diation.

  His Fathers returne and Patriarkship.
• * 20.32

  Ianson.
• * 20.33

  Sir I. Merikes negotiation. Sir Dudley Digs was also sent Embassador in a troublesome time, when he could not with safetie passe vp to Mosco for the enemie, in the first times of Micalowich.
• * 21.1

  Obliuion of former quar∣rels.

  Michaelo Pheo∣dorowich Em∣peror of Russia. Gustavus Adol∣phus King of Sweden.
• * 21.2

  Great Nouo∣grod, &c. retur∣ned to the Russe.
• * 21.3

  Churches re∣stored with their goods, &c.
• * 21.4

  Sir I. Merike Ambassador.
• * 21.5

  Libertie of persons.
• * 21.6

  Time of deli∣uerie.
• * 21.7

  Odow to re∣mayne cautio∣nary.
• * 21.8

  Charles Philip Prince of Swe∣den not to lay clayme.
• * 21.9

  Zar or Czar, is a Title of the great Duke.
• * 21.10

  Places yeel∣ded by the Mu••co••ite to the Sweden.
• * 21.11

  Money to be giuen to the Sweden.
• * 21.12

  Ordnance and Munition to remaine.
• * 21.13

  The cōtract of V E. for Coreliu and the Terri∣tories, confir∣med to Sweden
• * 21.14

  Commissio∣ners o•• both sides to meet.
• * 21.15

  The title of Leifland resig∣ned by V.E. at Wiburgh, Anno 7117. now con∣firmed.
• * 21.16

  Title to be giuen.
• * 21.17

  Commerce of Trade.
• * 21.18

  Merchants of both Kingdoms to haue houses and Churches in each others Countries.
• * 21.19

  New Ambassa∣dors in case of new successors.
• * 21.20

  Place of Am∣bassadors mee∣ting.
• * 21.21

  Case of Ship∣wracke.
• * 21.22

  Neither party to aide the Pole &e.
• * 21.23

  Confirmation.
• * 21.24

  Names of the Cōmissioners.
• * 21.25

  Ambassadour from Catay and from the King of Altine. See sup. pag. 527. & 552.
• * 21.26

  None able to translate the China Chara∣cters.
• * 21.27

  Easterne Tar∣tar Nations.
• * 21.28

  Russian Pre∣sents.
• * 21.29

  Tarchan of La∣baia. Sirgos.

  Three Leo∣pards, &c. for a Present. His requests.
• * 21.30

  Relation of two Russe tra∣uellers of their Voyage to Ca∣tay.

  Tomo a new Castle beyond Ob. See sup. pag. 527. Kirgis. Mutalla.
• * 21.31

  Sheromugola. Q. Manchika.
• * 21.32

  Wall of Catay. The gate and guard.
• * 21.33

  See for better vnderstanding hereof, Goes & other Iesuites Relations in the second Booke.
• * 21.34

  Such are the Tartars dwel∣lings or flee∣tings, rather with their beasts.

  Their Iournal, or daily iour∣neyes from place to place. Huge Lake.
• * 21.35

  King Altine. Vlusses, or Tar∣tarian Hords.
• * 21.36

  Yellow Mugals▪ or Moal-Tar∣tars.

  Mugalla, or Ta••taria Orien∣talis from Bug∣har in Bact••ia to the Sea.
• * 21.37

  Their buil∣dings.
• * 21.38

  Friers. Idols.
• * 21.39

  Candles.
• * 21.40

  Candle bur∣ning withou•• flame.

  Rites of Reli∣gion.
• * 21.41

  Corne.
• * 21.42

  Fruits. People and attyre.
• * 21.43

  Distilled wine.
• * 21.44

  Cutuffs, or Pa∣triarkes.
• * 21.45

  Lobas, or Friers Continencie, shauing.
• * 21.46

  Three King∣domes. Ortus.
• * 21.47

  Talguth.
• * 21.48

  Shar.
• * 21.49

  Blacke Mugols, or Cara Catay. Shrokalga in Catay.

  Walls of Catay.
• * 21.50

  Tower-becons
• * 21.51

  Cara Catay.
• * 21.52

  But fiue gates in the wall.
• * 21.53

  Shirocalga.
• * 21.54

  Short Ord∣nance.
• * 21.55

  Yara.
• * 21.56

  Tayth.
• * 21.57

  Shirooan.
• * 21.58

  White Castle.
• * 21.59

  Catay greatest Citie of Catay. If Catay be the same with Chi∣na (as before in Goes and the Iesuites is ob∣serued) many difficulties a∣rise. But this Russian Relati∣on and that of Chaggi Memes seeme to agree to place some Catay, North from China, if this did not speake of the wall. The Tar∣tar names so differ from those of the Portugalls, that it is hard to re∣concile them. And the Iesuit•• make foure moneths tra∣uell from the wall to Pequin, which is here but a few daies: except we say the Rus∣ses entred the wall at the North East part of it: which the shortnesse of their iourney admits not. Perhaps this chiefe Citie was but the chiefe of that Prouince where the Vice-roy resided, and they were willing to make the most of their trauells Russi••a fide Yet the neerenesse of the Sea, there also causeth scruple. I sup∣pose rather that these Russes entred China but a little way, and receiued the Vice-royes Letter only (there obserued with Ragall Rites) and had much by Relation, of that little which they tell. How euer I haue here offered this to thy view at more leisure to vse thy more iudgement.
• * 21.60

  Merchants.
• * 21.61

  Kartalla Riuer. Ob.
• * 22.1

  This doth cleer the doubtfull passages, pag. 760.
• * 22.2

  Sealed with the Golden Seale.
• * 22.3

  How to finde out Ob from Pechora.
• * 22.4

  Ouson Riuer.
• * 22.5

  Vgorskdi and Sibierskie.
• * 22.6

  A shipwracke at the mouth of Ob.
• * 22.7

  An Island neere the mouth of Ob.
• * 22.8

  The way to dis∣couer Ob by Sea Mattpheone or Matthewes land A••ter our stile 1584.
• * 22.9

  Caninos.
• * 22.10

  Medemske. Carareca. Carska. Ob.
• * 22.11

  Caninos. Colgoieue. Noua Zembla.
• * 22.12

  Naromske.
• * 22.13

  Mattuschan Ya••
• * 22.14

  The Sands.
• * 22.15

  The two Seas. that is, the North and the East Sea.

  The bignes of the Cliffe or Isle of Mattus∣chan.

  Anthonie Marsh sent two of his men vpon the discouery of Ob by land with foure Russes. Bodan Master Marsh his man brought to Mosco.
• * 22.16

  Russian iealou∣sie of discouery
• * 22.17

  A warme Sea beyond Ob.
• * 22.18

  Mast••r Thomas Linde.
• * 22.19

  Third Volume of English voy∣ages, pag 446.
• * 22.20

  See of these vo••••ges. Hak. Tom. 1.
• * 22.21

  Some thinke that the Mexi∣can Kings (Mu∣tezuma the last, professed that they were stran∣gers) were hence deriued.
• * 22.22

  D.••. Colon de vi∣ta patris Chri∣s••oph. Col. 6.13.
• * 22.23

  See Hak. tom. 3. pag. 5.
• * 22.24

  This Map, some say, was taken out of Sir Seb. Cabots Map by Clem. Adams 1549.
• * 22.25

  Ramus. Tom. 2.
• * 22.26

  See Hak. Tom. 3. pag. 7▪
• * 22.27

  All the Coast to Florida dis∣couered by the English: from 67. deg. 30. min. as he writ to Ramusio. R. prae∣fat. Tom. 3. as likewise he was cause of the Russian and Greenland dis∣coueries.
• * 22.28

  See sup. l. 2. c. 1.
• * 22.29

  W. Purchas.
• * 22.30

  Thorn and Eliot▪ first finders of America.
• * 24.1

  Mosc. and Tur∣kie Compa∣nies.

  Master Cart∣wright had bin in Persia and Turkie. See the former Tome. Buquhamnes.
• * 24.2

  Orkney.
• * 24.3

  The Start.
• * 24.4

  59. degrees 30. minutes. Faire Ile.
• * 24.5

  Two small I∣lands.
• * 24.6

  57. degrees 55. min. no varia∣tion.
• * 24.7

  Variation ele∣uen degrees Westward.
• * 24.8

  No variation.
• * 24.9

  Guls and Pigi∣ons.

  59. deg. 51. min. A great Iland of Ice. Groneland.
• * 24.10

  A maine bank of Ice.
• * 24.11

  Black water as thick as puddle
• * 24.12

  The Cape of desolation.
• * 24.13

  60. deg. 37. min.
• * 24.14

  Store of Guls.
• * 24.15

  America descri∣ed ••n 6••. degr. and 30. min.
• * 24.16

  Warwicks Fore∣land supposed to be an Iland. The greatest hope of the North-west passage.

  A current Westward in sixtie one de∣grees.
• * 24.17

  A current like∣ly to set to the West.
• * 24.18

  A maine bank of Ice in 60. de∣grees.

  The North coast of Ameri∣ca seemeth to be broken land.
• * 24.19

  Blacke puddle water.
• * 24.20

  America againe discried in 63. deg. 53. min.
• * 24.21

  The loathsome noyse of Ice.
• * 24.22

  Sayles, ropes and tackling frozen.
• * 24.23

  Thick fogge freezing as fast as it fell.
• * 24.24

  Mutinie.
• * 24.25

  68. deg. 53. min
• * 24.26

  They returne frō the North.
• * 24.27

  Mutiners pu∣nished.
• * 24.28

  A great Iland of Ice cracked like a thunder∣clap and was ouerthrowne.
• * 24.29

  Great store of Sea Foule vp∣on the Ice.
• * 24.30

  An Inlet in 61. degrees & 40. minutes.
• * 24.31

  The return out of the Inlet.
• * 24.32

  The variation 35. degrees Westward.
• * 24.33

  An Iland on the coast of A∣merica in 55. deg. & 30. min.
• * 24.34

  The Godspeed•• stroke vpon a piece of Ice.
• * 24.35

  Many Ilands.
• * 24.36

  The variation 22. degrees to West.
• * 24.37

  A Storme.
• * 24.38

  55. deg. 31. min. Variation 17. degr. 15. min. They discrie the land again.
• * 24.39

  ••5. deg. 20. min.
• * 24.40

  A pleasant low land, being all Ilands.

  55. degrees. The variation 18. deg. and ••2. min. Westward•• Temperate ayre▪

  Gr••at hope of a passage 〈◊〉〈◊〉 three places.

  〈…〉〈…〉 Rocks strangly vanishing.

  A great Rocke
• * 24.41

  A Whirlwinde taking vp the Sea.
• * 24.42

  They were en∣tred 30. leagues into an Inlet in 56. degrees. They returned for England. This Book was also subscribed by W. Cobreth and Iohn Drew. The lands end.
• * 24.43

  May 1605.
• * 24.44

  Iohn Cunning∣ham.
• * 24.45

  Iohn Knight▪ of whom after.
• * 24.46

  Flec••rie.
• * 24.47

  Variation ob∣serued.
• * 24.48

  A race of a tide
• * 24.49

  Variation ob∣serued.
• * 24.50

  Busse Iland wrong placed.
• * 24.51

  First sight of Groenland.
• * 24.52

  Cape Christian.
• * 24.53

  The shoare full of Ice.
• * 24.54

  Cape Desola∣tion.
• * 24.55

  Compasse va∣ried.
• * 24.56

  Black water.
• * 24.57

  Sight of the Lion.
• * 24.58

  Iune 1605.
• * 24.59

  Ilands of Ice. Mightie in∣cumbrance of Ice.

  A mightie cur∣rent setting North North-west.
• * 24.60

  A huge high Iland of Ice.
• * 24.61

  Noyse by the fall.
• * 24.62

  Our people determined to returne backe againe.
• * 24.63

  Former disco∣ueries.
• * 24.64

  A mightie banke of Ice.
• * 24.65

  Another banke of Ice.
• * 24.66

  The Lions de∣parting from vs.
• * 24.67

  A mightie cur∣rent.
• * 24.68

  Sight of Land.
• * 24.69

  Mount Cun∣ningham.
• * 24.70

  Queene Annes Cape.

  Queene So∣phias Cape.
• * 24.71

  Christians Foord.
• * 24.72

  Our ancho∣ring.
• * 24.73

  Our first lan∣ding in Groin∣land.
• * 24.74

  Our first sight of the people.
• * 24.75

  Boat of Seale skins.
• * 24.76

  Our entring into their Tents.
• * 24.77

  Eaters of Dogs.
• * 24.78

  Of the other sort of Boats. There is one of these Boats in Sir T. Smiths Hall.

  The manner of killing of their great fish or Seales.
• * 24.79

  Their com∣ming to our ships.
• * 24.80

  Obseruation of the latitude. Obseruation of the tides.
• * 24.81

  Our departing in the Pinnasse from the ship.
• * 24.82

  The Sauages begin to sling stones at vs.
• * 24.83

  They sling stones againe.
• * 24.84

  Denmarks Ha∣uen.
• * 24.85

  The people come againe.
• * 24.86

  The subtiltie of the Sauages.
• * 24.87

  My Boy shot with a Dart.
• * 24.88

  The descripti∣on of the land of Groenland.
• * 24.89

  Of the fertility of the Coun∣trey.
• * 24.90

  Store of fowle. Blacke Foxes.
• * 24.91

  Fishes.
• * 24.92

  Of the Coast.
• * 24.93

  Of the people.
• * 24.94

  The colour of the people. The people ve∣ry actiue.
• * 24.95

  They eat their meat most part raw.

  Of their ap∣parell.

  Of their wea∣pons.
• * 24.96

  We could see no Wood. Drift-wood.
• * 24.97

  Iuly 1605.
• * 24.98

  Frost Iland.
• * 24.99

  Our meeting againe with the ship.

  Three of the people taken.
• * 24.100

  Two men set aland.
• * 24.101

  A great cur∣rent setting to the South∣wards.
• * 24.102

  Drift Ice. A mighty bank of Ice.

  A great scul of Whales.
• * 24.103

  A great cur∣rent.
• * 24.104

  We fell with Orkeney.
• * 24.105

  Godske Lindeno.
• * 24.106

  Captaine Cun∣ningham.

  Hans Browne a Gentleman of Norway.

  Rickerson a Dane. Andres Noll of Bergen.
• * 24.107

  Our comming to Flecorie.
• * 24.108

  Our depar∣ture.
• * 24.109

  One of our Groenlanders dyed.
• * 24.110

  The fift and sixt most what calme·
• * 24.111

  Shotland.
• * 24.112

  Our Groenlan∣der dyed.
• * 24.113

  Sight of Land with Ice.
• * 24.114

  A current.
• * 24.115

  The Pinnasse came foule of the Lion.
• * 24.116

  South current.
• * 24.117

  Variation ob∣serued.
• * 24.118

  A current set∣ting South-west▪

  Sight of Ame∣r••ca in 58. de∣gr••es and 30. m••nutes.
• * 24.119

  A Current.
• * 24.120

  Variation ob∣serued.
• * 24.121

  Compassed about with Ice.
• * 24.122

  Land of Ame∣rica.
• * 24.123

  A mightie cur∣rent setting to the westward.
• * 24.124

  Note.
• * 24.125

  Here I did giue direction to the other steer∣man to direct their course for Groenland. Variation ob∣serued.
• * 24.126

  The Current.
• * 24.127

  Variation ob∣serued.
• * 24.128

  Variation ob∣serued.
• * 24.129

  Wee lost the Lion and Gilli∣flowre.
• * 24.130

  The siluer Myne.
• * 24.131

  The place of the siluer Myne.
• * 24.132

  Barter for Seales skinnes and Whales finnes.
• * 24.133

  Many greene Ilands.
• * 24.134

  Another foord.
• * 24.135

  Queene Sophias Cape.
• * 24.136

  Reine Deere.
• * 24.137

  Ramels Foord. A hollow Sea.
• * 24.138

  Fos Bay.
• * 24.139

  No ground at 100. fathoms in the middest of Fos Bay.
• * 24.140

  Fos Riuer in 66. degrees 25. minutes.

  A Town found teach 〈◊〉〈◊〉 vp the Riuer.
• * 24.141

  A man left on Land.
• * 24.142

  Fiue of the people taken againe.

  Groenland cal∣led by the In∣habitants Se∣canunga.
• * 24.143

  Knights Ilands.
• * 24.144

  We met againe with the Lion.
• * 24.145

  Sight of Land.
• * 24.146

  Frost Iland.
• * 24.147

  Variation ob∣serued.
• * 24.148

  A great Sou∣therne Sea. Variation ob∣serued.
• * 24.149

  A Bas Goose.
• * 24.150

  Variation ob∣serued to the North-east.
• * 24.151

  Sight of Ferris.
• * 24.152

  The streame vnder the I∣lands of Farre.
• * 24.153

  Turco.
• * 24.154

  April 18▪ 1606.
• * 24.155

  Pentlefrith, in Orkney.
• * 24.156

  Saint Marga∣rites Sound.
• * 24.157

  Two small Ilands.
• * 24.158

  The Bling-head the North-east part of Lewis.
• * 24.159

  Fifty eight de∣grees 27. min.
• * 24.160

  Eighteene de∣grees of varia∣tion.
• * 24.161

  A current to the Northward
• * 24.162

  Many Gulles and much Rock-weed.
• * 24.163

  A current to the North east¦ward.
• * 24.164

  The variation 13. degrees Westward.
• * 24.165

  An Owle.
• * 24.166

  The variation 14. degrees and an halfe to the West.

  Fiftie eight de∣grees of lati∣tude.

  White fowles. Dead Cowes.
• * 24.167

  The variation of the Com∣passe 24. de∣grees North-westward. Iune 1.
• * 24.168

  Many blacke wild fowles.
• * 24.169

  Latitude 56. degrees.

  Variation 24. degrees West∣ward.

  Fifty eight de∣grees.
• * 24.170

  A small cur∣rent to the South-west. Sight of Land like Ilands.
• * 24.171

  The Land of America des∣cryed in 56. degrees 48. minutes. America here sheweth like broken Ilands.
• * 24.172

  Edward Gorrell the Masters Mate.
• * 24.173

  M. Iohn Knight with fiue more passeth ouer to a great Iland, where he and three of his company seem to haue bin in∣tercepted by the Sauages.
• * 24.174

  Their Trum∣pettor.
• * 24.175

  Their Shallop no•• finished.
• * 24.176

  They could not passe to the great Iland for Ice.
• * 24.177

  The Sauages of the Countrie assault our men at one of the clocke at night.
• * 24.178

  Our men ex∣pulse the Saua∣ges.
• * 24.179

  Aboue fiftie Sauages in sight.
• * 24.180

  Very great Boates of the Sauages.
• * 24.181

  The descriptiō of the Sauages
• * 24.182

  A great Cur∣rent setting to South▪
• * 24.183

  Pintels are small Iron pins made fast to the Rudder, and hung the Rudder to the Stern-post, &c.
• * 24.184

  They get out of the Bay, where they rode.
• * 24.185

  Our Shippes Ke••le was splin∣t••d in two or three places. They consult to touch at New found Land.
• * 24.186

  Broken Ilands in 49. degrees and a halfe, of latitude.
• * 24.187

  Many broken I∣land•• which we••e the Isles de Fogo.
• * 24.188

  Sunken Rocks.
• * 24.189

  Twelue Shal∣lops of Fisher∣men.
• * 24.190

  60. degrees 30. minutes diffe∣rence of longi∣tude betweene the meridian of London and Cockins Sound in Groenland.
• * 24.191

  Obiection.
• * 24.192

  Answere.
• * 24.193

  Cockins Ford in 65. deg. 20. min
• * 24.194

  Variation 23. deg. 58. min.
• * 24.195

  Many good Rodes.
• * 24.196

  Great footing.
• * 24.197

  Ramels Riuer.
• * 24.198

  Iames Hall deadly woun∣ded by a Sa∣uage.
• * 24.199

  The death of Iames Hall.
• * 24.200

  Queene Sophi∣as Cape.
• * 24.201

  Cunninghams Riuer.
• * 24.202

  The supposed Mine found to be of no value. A pleasant Val∣ley.
• * 24.203

  Many of their winter houses in Ramels Riuer The fashion of their greater Boates.
• * 24.204

  Ramels Ford in the latitude of 67. degrees. The variation is 24. degrees 16. minutes.
• * 24.205

  William Huntrice Master of the H••••rts-••ase.
• * 24.206

  They come out of harbour.
• * 24.207

  Thick and fog∣gie weather, the winde be∣ing South.
• * 24.208

  Burnils Cape.
• * 24.209

  Variation 13. degr. 22. min.
• * 24.210

  Variation 11. degr. 10. min.
• * 24.211

  Variation 7. degrees 23. minutes.
• * 24.212

  Vari••tion 7. degrees 20. minutes.
• * 24.213

  The true vari∣ation 6. deg. 4. minutes.
• * 24.214

  They lose com∣pany of their consort, The Hartsease.
• * 24.215

  Variation 6. degrees to the East.

  Ground found.
• * 24.216

  Land descryed.
• * 24.217

  The Iles of Orkney.
• * 24.218

  The lying of the Channell in Orkney.
• * 24.219

  Buquham-ness. They arriue at Hull.
• * 24.220

  High Moun∣taynes of stone very pure.
• * 24.221

  No profitable Vre.
• * 24.222

  Continuall Snow. Grasse. No Trees. Balls Riuer. A Groue of small wood.
• * 24.223

  Foxes. White Hares. Deere.
• * 24.224

  These seeme to be Elkes, or Lo••shes. Dogges like Wolues.

  The pizzel•• of Dogges and Fox••s are bone: so also is the Morses pizzle. of which I haue by me one of stone.

  The great swiftnesse of their Boats. Their Oares broad at both ends.
• * 24.225

  Salmons and Morses, &c. Angles and Lines.
• * 24.226

  Their great Boats 32. foot long.
• * 24.227

  They worship the Sunne. Their salutati∣on.
• * 24.228

  Their burials.
• * 24.229

  They burne the weapons and all other Furniture of the dead.
• * 24.230

  They vse fire.
• * 24.231

  They are not Man-eaters.
• * 24.232

  Nailes & old Iron greatly desired of the Sauages.

  Men are not to goe among Sauages with∣out the••r wea∣pons.
• * 24.233

  The first by Huds•••• in which hee pe∣rished; the se∣cond by Sir Tho••a•• Button, the third by Captaine Gib∣bins.
• * 24.234

  Groenland. Cape Farewell▪
• * 24.235

  High Icie Ilands.
• * 24.236

  Ile of Resolution▪
• * 24.237

  No night.
• * 24.238

  Variation 24. degrees.
• * 24.239

  Sauage Iles.
• * 24.240

  Dogges.
• * 24.241

  Great Boat with 14. men.
• * 24.242

  Bagge of Ima∣ges.
• * 24.243

  Their Dogges described.
• * 24.244

  The people described.
• * 24.245

  Situation.
• * 24.246

  Many Ilands and seuerall tyde Sets.
• * 24.247

  Brok••n Point.
• * 24.248

  Obseruations of longitude.
• * 24.249

  Master Rudston.
• * 24.250

  Mill Iland.
• * 24.251

  Nottinggams Iland.
• * 24.252

  Cape Comfort.
• * 24.253

  Sea Horse point▪
• * 24.254

  Salisburie Ile.
• * 24.255

  Swan Iland.
• * 24.256

  Digges Ile.
• * 24.257

  Saluages.
• * 24.258

  Willocks.
• * 25.1

  Howsoeuer the passage this way was em∣bayed; yet that former disco∣uerie of Sir Tho. Button (then by him kept secret for some intent of his) is both more probable and to the most iudicious more then probable; and that by that Tyde ar∣gument from the West, as in Master Brigs his Map and notes appea∣reth.
• * 25.2

  Store of Grand Bay Whales.
• * 25.3

  Baffin twice at Greenland.
• * 25.4

  Morses. Sea Vnicorne· The horne is still kept in the Robes at Wind∣sore (where I haue seene it) neere seuen foot long and cressed, &c▪
• * 25.5

  Variation of the Compasse admirable.
• * 25.6

  March 26.
• * 25.7

  Groinland.
• * 25.8

  Men and dogs.
• * 25.9

  Dead Whale.
• * 25.10

  Hope Sanderson.
• * 25.11

  Tents, Men and Women.
• * 25.12

  Womens Ilands.
• * 25.13

  The people de∣scribed. Women.
• * 25.14

  Religion.
• * 25.15

  Buriall of Men and Dogs.
• * 25.16

  42. Inhabitants
• * 25.17

  Vnicornes hornes.
• * 25.18

  Horne Sound.
• * 25.19

  They see many Sea Vnicornes.
• * 25.20

  Sharp frost on Midsummer day.
• * 25.21

  Sir Dudly Digs his Cape.
• * 25.22

  Wostenholme Sound.
• * 25.23

  Whale Sound.
• * 25.24

  Sir Thomas Smiths Sound in 78. deg.
• * 25.25

  Variation of the compasse 56. degrees to the West. Which may make questio∣nable D. Gil∣berts rule. Tom. 1 l. 2. c. 1. that where more earth is, more attraction of the compasse happeneth by variation to∣ward it. Now the known con¦tinents of Asia, &c. must be vn∣speakably more then here there can be, and yet here is more variation then about Iapan or Brasil, Peru, &c. Caries Ilands.
• * 25.26

  This Map of the authour for this and the former Voyage with the Tables of his iournall and sayling, were somewhat troublesome and too costly to insert.

  Alderman Iones Sound.

  Sir Iames Lan∣casters Sound. They see Land and find them∣selues embaied Cumberlands Iles.
• * 25.27

  Cockin Sound.
• * 25.28

  Scuruy Grasse▪
• * 25.29

  Six men.
• * 25.30

  Plenty of Sal∣mon.
• * 25.31

  Baffins death.
• * 25.32

  The King satis∣fied touching the passage.
• * 25.33

  Hubbarts hope.
• * 25.34

  This easily appeareth in obseruing his Voiage, & com∣paring that be∣fore of 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Gaul therewith.
• * 25.35

  Some of our Merchants are said not to be so willing for like causes with this discouerie.
• * 25.36

  Captaine Can∣dish.
• * 25.37

  Land trending in 47. degrees.
• * 25.38

  The mouth of the Straight where he en∣tred 30. or 40. leagues broad.
• * 25.39

  The straight to be discouered in 30. dayes.
• * 27.1

  The Ship Santa Anna.
• * 27.2

  The Streight of Noua Spania thirtie dayes iourney in the Streight.