Purchas his pilgrimes. part 3 In fiue bookes. The first, contayning the voyages and peregrinations made by ancient kings, patriarkes, apostles, philosophers, and others, to and thorow the remoter parts of the knowne world: enquiries also of languages and religions, especially of the moderne diuersified professions of Christianitie. The second, a description of all the circum-nauigations of the globe. The third, nauigations and voyages of English-men, alongst the coasts of Africa ... The fourth, English voyages beyond the East Indies, to the ilands of Iapan, China, Cauchinchina, the Philippinæ with others ... The fifth, nauigations, voyages, traffiques, discoueries, of the English nation in the easterne parts of the world ... The first part.

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PEREGRINATIONS, VOYAGES, DISCOVERIES, OF CHINA, TARTARIA, RVSSIA, [ 20] AND OTHER THE NORTH AND EAST PARTS OF THE WORLD, By English-men, and others. THE SECOND BOOKE. (Book 2)

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CHAP. I. The beginning of English Discoueries towards the North, and North-east, by Sir HVGH WILLOVGHBY, RICHARD CHANCEL∣LOR, and others; of the Muscouie Trade, as also Voya∣ges by Russia, ouer the Caspian Sea, and thorow diuers Regions of Tartaria.

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§. I. The first Voyage for Discouerie with three ships, set forth vnder the charge of Sir HVGH WILLOVGHBY Knight, in which he died; and Moscouia was discouered by Captaine CHANCELLOR.

IN the yeere of our Lord 1553. the seuenth of the Raigne of King Edward the sixth of famous memorie, Sebastian Cabota [ 50] was Gouernour of the Mysterie and Companie of the Mer∣chants Aduenturers for the discouerie of Regions, Dominions,* 1.1 I∣lands, and places vnknowne. Certaine instructions were agreed on by him and the said Companie,* 1.2 subscribed by Master Ca∣bota, the ninth of May; the Kings Letters also procured vnto remote Princes in diuers languages, and a fleet of three Ships set forth at that time vnder the command of Sir Hugh Wil∣loughby Knight, Captaine generall▪ which went in the Bona Esperanza Admirall, a ship of an hundred and twenty tunnes, hauing with her a Pinnace and a Boat: William Gefferson was [ 60] Master of the said ship. The Edward Bonauenture was of an hundred and sixty tunnes, and had with her a Pinnace and a Boat, in which went Richard Chan∣cellor, Captaine and Pilot Maior of the fleet, and Stephen Burrough Master. The Bona Confidentia of ninety tunnes, had with her a Pinnace and a Boat, of which Cornelius Durfoorth was Master.

The Captaines and Masters were sworne to doe their true intent, and the ships prouided of ne∣cessaries set forth on the tenth of May,* 1.3 1553. for the discouerie of Cathay, and diuers other Re∣gions, Dominions, Ilands, and places vnknowne. The fourteenth of Iuly they discouered Land Eastward, and went on shoare with their Pinnace, and found thirty little houses, the Inhabi∣tants fled. The Land was full of little Ilands, called as they after learned, Aegeland * 1.4 and Hal∣geland, in 66. degrees. The distance betweene Orfordnesse and Aegeland two hundred and fifty leagues. Then we sayled from thence twelue leagues North-west, and found many other Ilands, and there came to anchor the nineteenth day, and manned our Pinnace, and went on shoare to the Ilands, and found people mowing and making of Hay, which came to the shoare and wel∣commed vs. In which place were an innumerable sort of Ilands, which were called the Iles of [ 10] Rost, being vnder the Dominion of the King of Denmarke: which place was in latitude 66. de∣grees and 30. minutes. The winde being contrarie, we remayned there three dayes, and there was an innumerable sort of Fowles of diuers kindes, of which we tooke very many.

The two and twentieth day, the winde comming faire, wee departed from Rost, sayling North North-east, keeping the Sea vntill the seuen and twentieth day, and then we drew neere vnto the Land, which was still East off vs: then went forth our Pinnace to seeke harbour, and found many good harbours, of the which we entred into one with our ships, which was called Stanfew,* 1.5 and the Land being Ilands, were called, Lewfoot, or Lofoot, which were plentifully in∣habited, and very gentle people, being also vnder the King of Denmarke: but wee could not learne how farre it was from the mayne Land: and we remayned there vntill the thirtieth day, [ 20] being in latitude 68. degrees, and from the foresaid Rost about thirtie leagues North North-east.

The thirtieth day of Iuly about noone, wee weighed our anchors, and went into the Seas, and sayled along these Ilands North North-east, keeping the Land still in sight vntill the second of August:* 1.6 then hailing in close aboord the Land, to the intent to know what Land it was, there came a Skiffe of the Iland aboord of vs, of whom wee asked many questions, who shewed vnto vs,* 1.7 that the Iland was called Seynam, which is the latitude of seuenty degrees, and from Stanfew thirty leagues, being also vnder the King of Denmark, & that there was no merchandise there, but only dried fish, and Trane-oile. Then we being purposed to goe vnto Finmarke, enquired of him, if we might haue a Pilot to bring vs to Finmarke, and he said, that if we could beare in, we should haue a good Harbour, and on the next day a Pilot to bring vs to Finmarke, vnto the Ward∣house, [ 30] which is the strongest Hold in Finmark, & most resorted to by report. But when he would haue entred into an Harbour, the Land being very high on euery side, there came such flawes of wind and terrible whirle-winds, that we were not able to beare in, but by violence were con∣strained to take the sea againe, our Pinnace being vnshipt: we sailed North and by East, the wind encreasing so sore, that we were not able to beare any sayle, but tooke them in, and lay adrift, to the end to let the storme ouer-passe. And that night by violence of winde, and thicknesse of mists, we were not able to keepe together within sight, and then about midnight wee lost our Pinnace,* 1.8 which was a discomfort vnto vs. As soone as it was day, and the fogge ouer-past, we looked about, and at the last wee descried one of our ships to lee-ward off vs: then wee spred an hullocke of our fore-sayle, and bare roome with her, which was the Confidence, but the Ed∣ward [ 40] we could not see. Then the flaw something abating, wee and the Confidence hoysed vp our sayles the fourth day, sayling North-east and by North, to the end to fall with the Ward-house, as we did consult to doe before, in case we should part companie. Thus running North-east and by North, and North-east fifty leagues, then wee founded, and had one hundred and sixty fa∣thoms, whereby we thought to be farre from Land, and perceiued that the Land lay not as the Globe made mention. Wherefore we changed our course the sixth day, and sayled South-east and by South, eight and forty leagues, thinking thereby to finde the Ward-house.

The eighth day much winde rising at the West North-west, we not knowing how the coast lay, strooke our sayles, and lay adrift, where sounded and found one hundred and sixty fathoms as before. The ninth day, the winde bearing to the South South-east, we sayled North-east fiue [ 50] and twenty leagues. The tenth day we sounded, and could get no ground, neither yet could see any Land, whereat we wondered: then the winde comming at the North-east, we ran South-east about eight and forty leagues. The eleuenth day the winde being at South, wee sounded and found forty fathoms, and faire sand. The twelfth day, the winde being at South and by East, we lay with our sayle East, and East and by North thirty leagues.

The fourteenth day early in the morning wee descried Land, which Land wee bare withall, hoysing out our Boat to discouer what land it might be: but the Boat could not come to Land, the water was so shallow, where was very much Ice also, but there was no similitude of habi∣tation,* 1.9 and this Land lieth from Seynam East and by North, one hundred and sixty leagues, being in latitude 72. degrees. Then we plyed to the Northward, the fifteenth, sixteenth, and seuen∣teenth dayes. [ 60]

The eighteenth day, the winde comming at the North-east, and the Confidence being trou∣bled with bilge water, and stocked, wee thought it good to seeke harbour for her redresse: then wee bare roome the eighteenth day South South-east, about seventy leagues. The one

and twentieth day wee sounded, and found ten fathoms, after that wee sounded againe, and found but seuen fathoms, so shallower and shallower water, and yet could see no Land, whereat we maruelled greatly: to auoide this danger, we bare roomer into the Sea all that night North-west and by West.

The next day we sounded, and had twenty fathoms, then shaped our course, and ranne West South-west vntill the three and twentieth day: then we descried lowe Land, vnto which wee bare as nigh as we could, and it appeared vnto vs vnhabitable. Then we plyed Westward along by that Land, which lieth West South-west, and East North-east, and much winde blowing at the West, we haled into the Sea North and by East thirtie leagues. Then the winde comming [ 10] about at the North-east, wee sayled West North-west: after that, the winde bearing to the North-west, wee lay with our sayles West South-west, about fourteene leagues, and then de∣scried Land, and bare in with it, being the eight and twentieth day, finding shallow water, and bare in till we came to three fathom, then perceiuing it to be shallow water, and also seeing drie sands, we haled out againe North-east along that Land, vntill we came to the point there∣of. That Land turning to the Westward, we ranne along sixteene leagues North-west: then comming into a faire Bay, we went on Land with our Boat, which place was vninhabited, but yet it appeared vnto vs that the people had beene there, by crosses, and other signes: from thence we went all along the coast Westward.

The fourth day of September we lost sight of Land, by reason of contrarie windes,* 1.10 and the [ 20] eighth day we descried Land againe. Within two dayes after we lost the sight of it: then run∣ning West and by South about thirtie leagues, we gat the sight of Land againe, and bare in with it vntill night: then perceiuing it to bee a lee shoare, we gat vs into the Sea, to the end to haue Sea roome. The twelfth of September wee haled to shoare-ward againe, hauing then indiffe∣rent winde and weather: then being neere vnto the shoare, and the tide almost spent, wee came to an anchor in thirtie fathoms water. The thirteenth day we came along the coast, which lay North-west and by West, and South-east and by East. The fourteenth day we came to an an∣chor within two leagues off the shoare, hauing sixtie fathoms. There wee went ashoare with our Boat, and found two or three good Harbours, the Land being rocky, and high, but as for people could we see none. The fifteenth day we ran still along the coast vntill the seuenteenth day: then the winde being contrarie vnto vs, we thought it best to returne vnto the Harbour [ 30] which we had found before, and so we bare roomer with the same, howbeit wee could not ac∣complish our desire that day. The next day being the eighteenth, we entred into the Hauen, and there came to an anchor at six fathoms. This Hauen runneth into the Mayne, about two leagues,* 1.11 and is in bredth halfe a league, wherein were very many Seale-fishes, and other great fishes, and vpon the Mayne wee saw Beares, great Deere, Foxes, and diuers strange beasts, as * 1.12 Guloines, and such other which were to vs vnknowne, and also wonderfull. Thus remayning in this Ha∣uen the space of a weeke, seeing the yeere farre spent, and also very euill weather, as Frost, Snow, and Hayle, as though it had beene the deepe of Winter, wee thought best to winter there. Wherefore we sent out three men South South-west, to search if they could finde peo∣ple, who went three dayes iourney, but could finde none: after that, we sent other three West-ward [ 40] foure dayes iourney, which also returned without finding any people.* 1.13 Then sent we three men South-east three dayes iourney, who in like sort returned without finding of people, or any similitude of habitation.

The Riuer or Hauen wherein Sir Hugh Willoughby with the companie of his two ships peri∣shed for cold, is called Arzina in Lapland, neere vnto Kegor. But it appeareth by a Will found in a ship that Sir Hugh Willoughby, and most of the companie were aliue in Ianuary, 1554.

A Letter of RICHARD CHANCELLOR, written to his Vncle Master [ 50] CHRISTOPHER FROTHINGAM, touching his discouerie of Moscouia.

FOrasmuch as it is meet and necessarie for all those that minde to take in hand the trauell into strange Countries, to endeauour themselues not onely to vnderstand the orders, commodities, and fruitfulnesse thereof, but also to apply them to the setting forth of the same, whereby it may incourage others to the like trauell: therefore haue I now thought good to make a briefe rehearsall of the orders of this my tra∣uell in Russia, and Muscouia, and other Countries thereunto adioyning; because it was my chance to fall with the North parts of Russia, before I came towards Moscouia, I will partly declare my knowledge therein. Russia is very plentifull both of Land and People, and also wealthie for such commodities as they [ 60] haue. They be very great fishers for Salmons and small Cods: they haue much Oyle which wee call Trane Oyle, the most whereof is made by a Riuer called D••ina. They make it in other places, but not so much as there. They haue also a great trade in seething of salt water.* 2.1 To the North part of that Countrey are the places where they haue their Furres, as Sables, Marterns, greesse Beuers, Foxes white, blacke, and red, Minkes, Ermines, Miniuer, and Harts. There are also a fishes teeth, which fish is

called a Morsse. The takers thereof dwell in a place called Postesora, which bring them vpon Harts to Lampas to sell,* 2.2 and from Lampas carrie them to a place called Colmogro, where the high Market is holden on Saint Nicolas day. To the West of Colmogro there is a place called Gratanoue, in our language Nouogorode, where much fine Flaxe and Hempe groweth, and also much Waxe and Honie. The Dutch Merchants haue a Staple-house there. There is also great store of Hides, and at a place called Plesco: and thereabout is great store of Flaxe, Hempe, Waxe, Honie; and that Towne is from Colmogro one hundred and twentie miles.

* 2.3There is a place called Vologda; the commodities whereof are Tallow, Waxe, and Flaxe: but not so great plentie as is in Gratanoue. From Vologda to Colmogro there runneth a Riuer called Duina, and from thence it falleth into the Sea. Colmogro serueth Gratanoue, Vologda, and the Mosco, with all the Countrey thereabout with Salt and salt Fish.* 2.4 From Vologda to Iereslaue is two hundred miles: [ 10] which Towne is very great. The commodities thereof are Hides, and Tallow, and Corne in great plen∣tie, and some Waxe, but not so plentifull as in other places.

The Mosco is from Ieraslaue two hundred miles. The Countrey betwixt them is very well repleni∣shed with small Villages, which are so well filled with people, that it is wonder to see them: the ground is well stored with Corne, which they carrie to the Citie of Mosco in such abundance that it is wonder to see it. You shall meet in a morning seuen or eight hundred Sleds comming or going thither, that carrie Corne, and some carrie fish. You shall haue some that carrie Corne to the Mosco, and some that fetch Corne from thence, that at the least dwell a thousand miles off: and all their carriage is on Sleds. Those which come so farre dwell in the North parts of the Dukes Dominions, where the cold will suffer [ 20] no Corne to grow, it is so extreme. They bring thither Fishes, Furres, and Beasts skinnes. In those parts they haue but small store of Cattell.

* 2.5The Mosco it selfe is great: I take the whole Towne to be greater then London with the Suburbes: but it is very rude, and standeth without all order. Their houses are all of timber very dangerous for fire. There is a faire Castle, the walls whereof are of bricke, and very high: they say they are eighteene foot thicke, but I doe not beleeue it, it doth not so seeme; notwithstanding, I doe not certainly know it: for no stranger may come to view it. The one side is ditched, and on the other side runneth a Riuer, called Mos••ua, which runneth into Tartarie, and so into the Sea, called Mare Caspium: and on the North side there is a base Towne, the which hath also a Bricke wall about it, and so it ioyneth with the Castle wall.* 2.6 The Emperour lieth in the Castle, wherein are nine faire Churches, and therein are Reli∣gious [ 30] men. Also there is a Metropolitan with diuers Bishops, I will not stand in description of their buildings, nor of the strength thereof, because we haue better in all points in England. They be well fur∣nished with Ordnance of all sorts.

The Emperours or Dukes house neither in building nor in the outward shew, nor yet within the house is so sumptuous as I haue seene. It is very lowe built in eight square, much like the old building of Eng∣land, with small windowes, and so in other points.

Now to declare my comming before his Maiestie: After I had remayned twelue dayes, the Secre∣tarie which hath the hearing of strangers did send for mee, aduertising me that the Dukes pleasure was to haue me to come before his Maiestie, with the King my Masters Letters: whereof I was right glad, and so I gaue mine attendance.* 2.7 And when the Duke was in his place appointed, the Interpreter came [ 40] for mee into the outer Chamber, where sate one hundred or moe Gentlemen, all in cloth of Gold very sumptuous, and from thence I came into the Counsell-chamber, where sate the Duke himselfe, with his Nobles, which were a faire companie: they sate round about the Chamber on high, yet so that he himselfe sate much higher then any of his Nobles, in a Chaire gilt, and in a long garment of beaten Gold, with an Imperiall Crowne vpon his head, and a Staffe of Crystall and Gold in his right hand, and his other hand halfe le••ning on his Chaire. The Chancellour stood vp with the Secretarie before the Duke. Af∣ter my dutie done, and my Letter deliuered, he bade me welcome, and enquired of mee the health of the King my Master, and I answered, that he was in good health at my departure from his Court, and that my trust was, that he was now in the same. Vpon the which he bade me to dinner. The Chancellor pre∣sented my Present vnto his Grace bare-headed (for before they were all couered) and when his Grace [ 50] had receiued my Letter, I was required to depart: for I had charge not to speake to the Duke, but when he spake to mee. So I departed vnto the Secretaries Chamber, where I remayned two houres, and then I was sent for againe vnto another Palace, which is called, The golden Palace, but I saw no cause why it should be so called; for I haue seene many fairer then it in all points: and so I came into the Hall, which was small and not great as is the Kings Maiesties of England, and the Table was coue∣red with a Table-cloth; and the Marshall sate at the end of the Table with a little white rod in his hand, which Boord was full of vessell of Gold: and on the other side of the Hall did stand a faire Cup∣boord of Plate.

* 2.8From thence I came into the dining Chamber, where the Duke himselfe sate at his Table without Cloth of estate, in a Gowne of Siluer, with a Crowne Imperiall vpon his head, he sate in a Chaire some∣what [ 60] high: there sate none neere him by a great way. There were long tables set round about the cham∣ber, which were full set with such as the Duke had at dinner: they were all in white. Also the places where the tables stood were higher by two steps then the rest of the house. In the middest of the cham∣ber stood a Table or Cupboord to set Plate on: which stood full of Cups of Gold: and amongst all the

rest there stood foure maruellous great Pots or Crudences as they call them, of Gold and Siluer: I thinke they were a good yard and a halfe high. By the Cupboard stood two Gentlemen with Napkins on their shoulders,* 2.9 and in their hands each of them had a Cup of Gold set with Pearles and Precious Stones, which were the Dukes owne drinking Cups: when hee was disposed, hee drunke them off at a draught. And for his seruice at meate it came in without order, yet it was very rich seruice: for all were serued in Gold; not onely be himselfe, but also all the rest of vs, and it was very massie: the Cups also were of Gold and very massie. The number that dined there that day was two hundred persons,* 2.10 and all were serued in Golden Vessell. The Gentlemen that wayted were all in Cloth of Gold, and they serued him with their Caps on their heads. Before the seruice came in, the Duke sent to euery man a [ 10] great shiuer of Bread, and the Bearer called the party so sent to by his name aloude, and said, Iohn Basiliuich Emperour of Russia, and great Duke of Moscouia, doth reward thee with Bread: then must all men stand vp, and doe at all times when those words are spoken. And then last of all hee giueth the Marshall Bread, whereof he eateth before the Dukes Grace, and so doth reuerence and de∣parteth. Then commeth the Dukes seruice of the Swans all in pieces, and euery one in a seuerall dish: the which the Duke sendeth as he did the Bread, and the Bearer saith the same words as hee said before. And as I said before, the seruice of his meate is in no order, but commeth in Dish by Dish: and then af∣ter that the Duke sendeth drinke, with the like saying as before is told.* 2.11 Also before Dinner he changed his Crowne, and in Dinner time two Crownes; so that I saw three seuerall Crownes vpon his head in one day. And thus when his seruice was all come in, hee gaue to euery one of his Gentlemen Wayters [ 20] meate with his owne hand, and so likewise drinke. His intent thereby is, as I haue heard, that euery man shall know perfectly his seruants. Thus when Dinner is done hee calleth his Nobles before him name by name, that it is wonder to heare how he could name them, hauing so many as hee hath. Thus when Din∣ner was done I departed to my Lodging, which was an houre within night.

I will leaue this, and speake no more of him nor his Houshold: but I will somewhat declare of his Land and people, with their nature and power in the Warres.* 2.12 This Duke is Lord and Emperour of ma∣ny Countries, and his power is maruellous great. For hee is able to bring into the field two or three hun∣dred thousand men: he neuer goeth into the field himselfe with vnder two hundred thousand men: And when hee goeth himselfe, hee furnisheth his Borders all with men of Warre, which are no small number. He leaueth on the Borders of Liefland fortie thousand men, and vpon the borders of Letto, sixtie thou∣sand [ 30] men, and toward the Nagayan Tartars sixtie thousand, which is wonder to heare of: yet doth hee neuer take to his Warres neither Husbandman nor Merchant. All his men are Horse-men: hee vseth no Foot-men, but such as goe with the Ordnance and Labourers, which are thirtie thousand. The Horse-men are all Archers, with such Bowes as the Turkes haue, and they ride short as doe the Turkes.* 2.13 Their Armour is a Coate of Plate, with a skull on their heads. Some of their Coates are couered with Veluet or Cloth of God: their desire is to be sumptuous in the field, and especially the Nobles and Gen∣tlemen: as I haue heard their trimming is very costly, and partly I haue seene it, or else I would scarcely haue beleeued it: but the Duke himselfe is richly attyred aboue all measure: his Pauilion is couered ey∣ther with Cloth of Gold or Siluer, and so set with stones that it is wonderfull to see it. I haue seene the Kings Maiesties of England and the French Kings Pauilions, which are faire, yet not like vnto his. [ 40] And when they be sent into farre or strange Countries, or that strangers come to them, they be very gor∣geous. Else the Duke himselfe goeth but meanly in apparell: and when hee goeth betwixt one place and another hee is but reasonably apparelled ouer other times. In the while that I was in Mosco, the Duke sent two Ambassadours to the King of P••leland, which had at the left fiue hundred Horses; their sumptuousnesse was aboue measure, not onely in themselues, but also in their Horses, as Veluet, Cloth of Gold, and Cloth of Siluer set with Pearles, and not scant. What shall I further say? I neuer heard of nor saw men so sumptuous: but it is no daily guize, for when they haue not occasion, as I said before,* 2.14 all their doing is but meane. And now to the effect of their Warres:* 2.15 They are men without all order in the field. For they run hurling on heaps, and for the most part they neuer giue battayle to their Enemies: but that which they do, they do it all by stealth. But I beleeue they be such men for hard liuing as are not vnder [ 50] the Sunne: for no cold will hurt them. Yea, and though they lye in the field two moneths,* 2.16 at such time as it shall freeze more then a yard thicke, the common Souldier hath neither Tent nor any thing else ouer his head: the most defence they haue against the weather is a Felt, which is set against the wind and weather, and when Snow commeth he doth cast it off, and maketh him a fire, and layeth him downe thereby. Thus doe the most of all his men except they be Gentlemen which haue other prouision of their owne. Their lying in the field is not so strange as is their hardnesse: for euery man must carrie and make prouision for himselfe, and his Horse for a moneth or two, which is very wonderfull. For hee himselfe shall liue vpon water and Oate-meale mingled together cold, and drinke water thereto: his Horse shall eate greene wood, and such like baggage, and shall stand open in the cold field without couert▪ and yet will hee labour and serue him right well. I pray you amongst all our boasting Warriours how many [ 60] should we find to endure the field with them but one moneth. I know no such Region about vs that bea∣reth that name for man and beast. Now what might bee made of these men if they were trayned and broken to order and knowledge of Ciuill Warres: if this Prince had within his Countries such men as could make them to vnderstand the things aforesaid, I doe beleeue that two of the best or greatst Princes in Christendome were not well able to match with him, considering the greatnesse of his power and the

hardnesse of his people, and straight liuing both of people and Horse, and the small charges which his Wars stand him in: for he giueth no wages, except to strangers. They haue a yearely stipend and not much. As for his owne Countreymen, euery one serueth of his owne proper costs and charges, sauing that hee giueth to his Harquebusiers certayne allowance for Powder and shot: or else no man in all his Countrey hath one penie wages.* 2.17 But if any man hath done very good seruice, he giueth him a Ferme, or a piece of Land: for the which he is bound at all times to be readie with so many men as the Duke shall appoint: who considereth in his minde, what that Land or Ferme is well able to find: and so many shall he be bound to furnish at all and euery such time as Warres are holden in any of the Dukes Dominions. For there is no man of liuing, but he is bound likewise, whether the Duke call for eyther Souldier or Labourer, to furnish them with all such necessaries as to them belong.

* 2.18Also, if any Gentleman or man of liuing doe dye without Issue Male, immediately after his death the [ 10] Duke entreth his Land, notwithstanding he haue neuer so many Daughters, and peraduenture giueth it forth-with to another man, except a small portion that he spareth to marry the Daughters withall. Also, if there be a Rich man, a Fermour, or man of Liuing, which is stricken in age or by chance is maymed, and be not able to doe the Duke seruice, some other Gentleman that is not able to liue and more able to doe seruice, will come to the Duke and complaine, saying, your Grace hath such an one, which is vn∣meete to doe seruice to your Highnesse, who hath great abundance of wealth, and likewise your Grace hath many Gentlemen which are poore and lacke liuing, and we that lacke are well able to doe good ser∣uice, your Grace might doe well to looke vpon him, and make him to helpe those that want. Immediate∣ly the Duke sendeth forth to inquire of his wealth: and if it be so proued, hee shall be called before the [ 20] Duke, and it shall bee said vnto him, Friend, you haue too much liuing, and are vnseruiceable to your Prince, lesse will serue you, and the rest will serue other men that are more able to serue. Whereupon immediately his liuing shall be taken away from him, sauing a little to find himselfe and his Wife on, and he may not once repine thereat: but for answere hee will say, that hee hath nothing, but it is Gods and the Dukes Graces, and cannot say, as wee the common people in England say, if wee haue any thing; that it is Gods and our owne. Men may say, that these men are in wonderfull great awe, and obedience, that thus one must giue and grant his goods which he hath beene scraping and scratching for all his life to be at his Princes pleasure and commandement. Oh, that our sturdie Rebels were had in the like sub∣iection to know their dutie toward their Princes. They may not say as some Snudges in England say, I would find the Queene a man to serue in my place, or make his Friends tarrie at home if many haue the [ 30] vpper hand. No, no it is not so in this Countrey: for he shall make humble sute to serue the Duke. And whom he sendeth most to the Warres hee thinketh he is most in his fauour: and yet as I before haue said, he giueth no wages.* 2.19 If they knew their strength, no man were able to make match with them: for they that dwell neere them should haue any rest of them. But I thinke it is not Gods will: For I may com∣pare them to a young Horse that knoweth not his strength, whom a little Child ruleth and guideth with a bridle, for all his great strength: for if he did, neither Child nor man could rule him. Their Warres are holden against the Crimme Tartarians, and the Nagayans.

I will stand no longer in the rehearsall of their power and Warres. For it were to tedious to the Rea∣der.* 2.20 But I will in part declare their Lawes, and Punishments, and the execution of Iustice. And first I will begin with the Commons of the Countrey, which the Gentlemen haue rule on: And that is, that [ 40] euery Gentleman hath Rule and Iustice vpon his owne Tenants. And if it so fall out that two Gentle∣mens Seruants or Tenants doe disagree, the two Gentlemen examine the matter, and haue the parties before them,* 2.21 and so giue the Sentence. And yet cannot they make the end betwixt them of the Con∣trouersie, but e••ther of the Gentlemen must bring his Seruant or Tenant before the high Iudge or Iustice of that Countrey, and there present them, and declare the matter and case. The Plaintiffe saith, I re∣quire the Law; which is granted: then commeth an Officer and arresteth the partie Defendant, and v∣seth him contrary to the Lawes of England. For when they attach any man, they heate him about the legs, vntill such time as he findeth Sureties to answere the matter: And if not, his hands and necke are bound together, and hee is led about the Towne, and beaten about the legs, with other extreme punish∣ments till he come to his Answere: And the Iustice demandeth if it bee for Debt, and sayth: Owest [ 50] thou this man any such Debt? He will, perhaps, say nay. Then saith the Iudge: Art thou able to deny it? Let vs heare how? By Oath, saith the Defendant. Then he commandeth to leaue beating him till further tryall be had.

* 2.22Their order in one point is commendable. They haue no man of Law to plead their Causes in any Court: but euery man pleadeth his owne Cause, and giueth Bill and Answere in writing: contrary to the order in England. The Complaint is in manner of a Supplication, and made to the Dukes Grace, and deliuered him into his owne hand, requiring to haue Iustice as in his Complaint is alleaged. The Duke giueth sentence himselfe vpon all matters in the Law. Which is very commendable, that such a Prince will take paines to see ministration of Iustice. Yet notwithstanding it is wonderfully abused: and thereby the Duke is much deceiued. But if it fall out that the Officers be espied in cloking the truth, they haue most condigne punishment. And if the Plaintiffe can nothing proue, then the Defendant must take [ 60] his Oath vpon the Crucifixe, whether he be in the right or no. Then is demanded, if the Plaintiffe bee any thing able further to make proofe: if he be not; then sometimes he will say, I am able to proue it by my body and hands,* 2.23 or by my Champions body, so requiring the Campe. After the other hath his Oath,

it is granted as well to the one as to the other. So when they goe to the field, they sweare vpon the Cru∣cifixe, that they bee both in the right, and that the one shall make the other to confesse the truth before they depart foorth of the field: and so they goe both to the battell armed with such weapons as they vse in that Countrey: they fight all on foot, and seldome the parties themselues doe fight, except they bee Gen∣tlemen, for they stand much vpon their reputation, for they will not fight, but with such as are come of as good an house as themselues. So that if either partie require the combate, it is granted vnto them, and no Champion is to serue in their roome; wherein is no deceit; but otherwise by champions there is. For al∣though they take great oathes vpon them to doe the battell truely, yet is the contrary often seene: because the common Champions haue no other liuing. And assoone as the one partie hath gotten the victorie, hee [ 10] demandeth the debt, and the other is carryed to Prison, and there is shamefully vsed till hee take order.

There is also another order in the Law, that the plaintiffe may sweare in some causes of debt. And if the partie defendant bee poore, hee shall be set vnder the Crucifixe, and the partie plaintiffe must sweare ouer his head, and when hee hath taken his oath, the Duke taketh the partie defendant home to his house, and vseth him as his bond-man, and putteth him to labour,* 2.24 or letteth him for hire to any such as neede him, vntill such time as his friends make prouision for his redemption: or else hee remayneth in bondage all the dayes of his life. Againe, there are many that will sell themselues to Gentlemen or Merchants, to bee their bond men, to haue during their life, meate, drinke and cloath,* 2.25 and at their comming to haue a piece of money; yea, and some will sell their wiues and children to be bawds and drudges to the buyer. Also they haue a Law for Fellons and pickers contrary to the Lawes of Eng∣land. For by their Law they can hang no man for his first offence; but may keepe him long in Prison, [ 20] and oftentimes beate him with whips and other punishment: and there hee shall remaine vntill his friends bee able to bayle him. If hee be a picker or a cut-purse, as there bee very many, the second time he is taken, hee hath a piece of his Nose cut off, and is burned in the fore-head, and kept in prison till he finde sureties for his good behauiour. And if hee be taken the third time, he is hanged. And at the first time hee is extreamely punished and not released, except he haue very good friends, or that some Gen∣tleman require to haue him to the warres: And in so doing, hee shall enter into great bonds for him: by which meanes the Countrey is brought into good quietnesse. But they bee naturally giuen to great de∣ceit, except extreame beating did bridle them.* 2.26 They bee naturally giuen to hard liuing as well in fare as in lodging. I heard a Russian say, that it was a great deale merrier liuing in Prison then foorth, but for the great beating. For they haue meate and drinke without any labour, and get the charitie of [ 30] well disposed people: But being at libertie they get nothing. The poore is very innumerable,* 2.27 and liue most miserably: for I haue seene them eate the pickle of Herring and other stinking Fish: nor the Fish cannot bee so stinking nor rotten, but they will eate it and praise it to bee more wholesome then other fish or fresh meate. In mine opinion there bee no such people vnder the Sunne for their hardnesse of liuing. Well, I will leaue them in this point, and will in part declare their Religion.

They doe obserue the Law of the Greekes with such excesse of superstition,* 2.28 as the like hath not beene heard of. They haue no grauen Images in their Churches, but all painted, to the intent they will not breake the Commandement: but to their painted Images they vse such Idolatrie, that the like was neuer heard of in England.* 2.29 They will neither worship nor honour any Image that is made foorth of their owne Countrey. For their owne Images (say they) haue Pictures to declare what they bee, and how they be [ 40] of God, and so be not ours: They say, looke how the Painter or Caruer hath made them, so wee doe wor∣ship them, and they worship none before they bee Christened. They say wee be but halfe Christians: be∣cause we obserue not part of the old Law with the Turkes. Therefore they call themselues more holy then vs. They haue none other learning but their mother tongue,* 2.30 nor will suffer no other in their Coun∣trey among them. All their seruice in Churches is in their mother tongue. They haue the old and new Testament, which are daily read among them: and yet their superstition is no lesse.* 2.31 For when the Priests doe reade, they haue such trickes in their reading, that no man can vnderstand them, nor no man giueth eare to them. For all the while the Priest readeth, the people sit downe and one talke with ano∣ther. But when the Priest is at seruice no man sitteth, but gaggle and ducke like so many Geese. And as for their prayers they haue but little skill, but vse to say, As bodi pomele: As much to say,* 2.32 Lord haue [ 50] mercie vpon me. For the tenth man within the Land cannot say the Pater noster. And as for the Creed, no man may bee so bold as to meddle therewith but in the Church:* 2.33 for they say it should not be spo∣ken of, but in the Churches. Speake to them of the Commandements, and they will say they were giuen to Moses in the Law, which Christ hath now abrogated by his precious Death and Passion:* 2.34 there∣fore, (say they) wee obserue little or none thereof. And I doe beleeue them. For if they were examined of their Law and Commandements together, they should agree but in few points. They haue the Sacra∣ment of the Lords Supper in both kindes, and more ceremonies then we haue.* 2.35 They present them in a dish in both kinds together, and carrie them round about the Church vpon the Priests head, and so doe minister at all such times as any shall require. They bee great offerers of Candles, and sometimes of money, which [ 60] wee call in England, Soule pence, with more ceremonies then I am able to declare.* 2.36

They haue foure Lents in the yeere, whereof our Lent is the greatest. Looke as wee doe begin on the Wednesday, so they doe on the Munday before: And the weeke before that they call the Butter-weeke:* 2.37 And in that weeke they eate nothing but Butter and Milke. Howbeit I beleeue there bee in no other Countrey the like people for Drunkennesse. The next Lent is called Saint Peters Lent, and begin∣neth

alwayes the Munday next after Trinitie Sunday, and endeth on Saint Peters Eeuen. If they should breake that Fast, their beliefe is, that they should not come in at Heauen gates. And when any of them dye, they haue a testimoniall with them in the Coffin, that when the soule commeth to Heauen gates it may deliuer the same to Saint Peter, which declareth that the partie is a true and holy Russian. The third Lent beginneth fifteene dayes before the later Lady day, and endeth on our Lady Eeuen. The fourth Lent beginneth on Saint Martins day, and endeth on Christmas Eeuen: which Lent is fasted for Saint Philip, Saint Peter, Saint Nicholas, and Saint Clement. For they foure bee the principall and greatest Saints in that Countrey.* 2.38 In these Lents they eate neither Butter, Egges, Milke, nor Cheese; but they are very straightly kept with Fish, Cabbages, and Rootes. And out of their Lents, they obserue truely the Wednesdayes and Fridayes throughout the yeere: and on the Saturday they doe eate flesh. Furthermore, they haue a great number of Religious men: which are blacke [ 10] Monkes, and they eate no Flesh throughout the yeere, but Fish, Milke and Butter. By their order they should eate no fresh-Fish, and in their Lents they eate nothing but Col••w••rts, Cabbages, salt Cucumbers, with other rootes, as Radish and such like. Their drinke is like our peni•• Al••, and is called Quass. They haue Seruice daily in their Churches; and vse to goe to seruice two houres before day, and that is ended by day light. At nine of the clocke they goe to Masse: that ended, to Dinner: and after that to ser∣uice againe: and then to Supper. You shall vnderstand that at euerie dinner and supper they haue de∣clared the exposition of the Gospell that day:* 2.39 but how they wrest and twine the Scripture and that to∣gether, by report it is wonderfull. As for wheredome and Drunkennesse there bee none such liuing▪ and for Extortion, they bee the most abominable vnder the Sunne. Now iudge of their holinesse. They haue twise as much Land as the Duke himselfe hath, but yet hee is reasonable euen with them, [ 20] as thus:* 2.40 When they take bribes of any of the poore and simple, hee hath it by an order. When the Abbot of any of their Houses dyeth, then the Duke hath all his goods mooueable and vn∣mooueable: so that the Successour buyeth all at the Dukes hands: and by this meane they bee the best Fermers the Duke hath. Thus with their Religion I make an end, trusting hereafter to know it better.

Some additions for better knowledge of this Voyage, taken by CLEMENT ADAMS, Schoole-master to the Queenes Henshmen, from the mouth [ 30] of Captaine CHANCELOR.

RIchard Chancelor with his Ship and companie being thus left alone, and become very pensiue,* 2.41 heauie, and sorrowfull, by this dispersion of the Fleet, hee (according to the order before taken,) shapeth his course for Ward-house in Norway, there to expect and abide the arriuall of the rest of the Ships. And being come thither, and hauing stay∣ed there the space of seauen dayes, and looked in vaine for their comming, hee determined at length to proceed alone in the purposed voyage. And as hee was preparing himselfe to depart, it happened that hee fell in companie and speech with certaine Scottish-men: who hauing vn∣derstanding [ 40] of his intention, and wishing well to his actions, began earnestly to disswade him from the further prosecution of the discouerie, by amplifying the dangers which hee was to fall into, and omitted no reason that might serue to that purpose. But he holding nothing so igno∣minious and reproachfull, as inconstancie and leuitie of minde, and perswading himselfe that a man of valour could not commit a more dishonourable part, then for feare of danger to auoyd and shun great attempts, was nothing at all changed or discouraged with the speeches and words of the Scots, remayning stedfast and immutable in his first resolution: determining either to bring that to passe which was intended, or else to dye the death.

And as for them which were with Master Chancelor in his Ship, although they had great cause of discomfort by the losse of their companie (whom the foresaid tempest had separated [ 50] from them,) and were not a little troubled with cogitations and perturbations of minde, in re∣spect of their doubtfull course: yet notwithstanding, they were of such consent and agreement of minde with Master Chancelor, that they were resolute, and prepared vnder his direction and gouernment, to make proofe and tryall of all aduentures, without all feare or mistrust of future dangers. Which constancie of minde in all the companie did exceedingly increase their Cap∣taines carefulnesse: for hee being swallowed vp with like good will and loue towards them, feared left through any errour of his, the safetie of the companie should bee indangered. To con∣clude, when they saw their desire and hope of the arriuall of the rest of the Ships to bee euery day more and more frustrated, they prouided to Sea againe, and Master Chancelor held on his course towards that vnknowne part of the world, and sayled so farre, that hee came at last to the place where hee found no night at all, but a continuall light and brightnesse of the Sunne shi∣ning [ 60] cleerely vpon the huge and mightie Sea.* 2.42 And hauing the benefite of this perpetuall light for certaine dayes, at the length it pleased God to bring them into a certaine great Bay, which was of one hundreth miles or there about ouer. Whereinto they entred, and somewhat farre

within it cast anchor, and looking euery way about them, it hapned that they espyed a farre off a certaine Fisher-boate, which Master Chancelor, accompanied with a few of his men, went to∣wards to common with the Fishermen that were in it, and to know of them what Countrey it was, and what people, and of what manner of liuing they were: but they being amazed with the strange greatnesse of his ship, (for in those parts before that time, they had neuer seene the like) began presently to auoyd and to flee: but hee still following them, at last ouertooke them, and being come to them, they (being in great feare, as men halfe dead) prostrated themselues before him, offering to kisse his feete: but hee (according to his great and singular courtesie,) loo∣ked pleasantly vpon them, comforting them by signes and gestures, refusing those duties and reuerences of theirs, and taking them vp in all louing sort from the ground. And it is strange [ 10] to consider how much fauour afterwards in that place, this humanitie of his did purchase to himselfe. For they being dismissed, spread by and by a report abroad of the arriuall of a strange Nation, of a singular gentlenesse and courtesie: whereupon the common people came together, offering to these new-come ghests victuals freely, and not refusing to traff••que with them, ex∣cept they had beene bound by a certaine religious vse and custome, not to buy any forraine com∣modities, without the knowledge and consent of the King.

By this time our men had learned, that this Countrey was called Russia, or Muscouie, and that Iuan Vasiliwich (which was at that time their Kings name) ruled and gouerned farre and wide in those places. And the barbarous Russes asked likewise of our men whence they were,* 2.43 and what they came for: whereunto answer was made, that they were English-men sent into [ 20] those coasts, from the most excellent King Edward the sixt, hauing from him in commande∣ment certaine things to deliuer to their King, and seeking nothing else but his amitie and friend∣ship, and traff••que with his people, whereby they doubted not, but that great commoditie and profit would grow to the subiects of both Kingdomes.

The Barbarians heard these things very gladly, and promised their ayde and furtherance to acquaint their King out of hand, with so honest and a reasonable a request. In the meane time Master Chancelor intreated victuals for his money, of the Gouernour of that place (who toge∣ther with others came aboord him) and required hostages of them likewise, for the more assu∣rance of safetie to himselfe and his companie. To whom the Gouernours answered, that they [ 30] knew not in that case the will of their King, but yet were willing in such things as they might lawfully doe, to pleasure him: which was as then to affoord him the benefit of victuals.

Now, while these things were a doing, they secretly sent a messenger vnto the Emperour, to certifie him of the arriuall of a strange Nation,* 2.44 and withall to know his pleasure concerning them. Which message was very welcome vnto him, insomuch that voluntarily he inuited them to come to his Court. But if by reason of the tediousnesse of so long a iourney, they thought it not best so to doe, then hee granted libertie to his Subiects to bargaine, and to traffique with them: and further promised, that if it would please them to come to him, hee himselfe would beare the whole charges of poste Horses. In the meane time the Gouernours of the place, differred the matter from day to day, pretending diuers excuses, and saying one while, that the consent of all [ 40] the Gouernours, and another while, that the great and weightie affaires of the Kindome com∣pelled them to differ their answer: and this they did of purpose, so long to protract the time, vn∣till the messenger (sent before to the King) did returne with relation of his will and pleasure.

But Master Chancelor, (seeing himselfe held in this suspense with long and vaine expectation, and thinking that of intention to delude him, they posted the matter off so often,) was very in∣stant with them to performe their promise: Which if they would not doe, hee told them that he would depart and proceed in his voyage. So that the Muscouites (although as yet they knew not the minde of their King) yet fearing the departure indeed of our men, who had such wares and commodities as they greatly desired, they at last resolued to furnish our people with all things necessarie, and to conduct them by land to the presence of their King. And so Master Chancelor began his iourney, which was very long and most troublesome, wherein he had the vse [ 50] of certaine sleds, which in that Countrey are very common, for they are carried themselues vp∣on sleds, and all their carriages are in the same sort, the people almost not knowing any other manner of carriage, the cause whereof is, the exceeding hardnesse of the ground congealed in the Winter time by the force of the cold, which in those places is very extreame and horrible, whereof hereafter wee will say something.

But now they hauing passed the greater part of their iourney, met at last with the Sled-man (of whom I spake before) sent to the King secretly from the Iustices or Gouernours, who by some ill hap had lost his way, and had gone to the Sea-side, which is neere to the Countrey of the Tartars, thinking there to haue found our ship. But hauing long erred and wandered out of his way, at the last in his direct returne, hee met (as he was comming) our Captaine on the [ 60] way. To whom hee by and by deliuered the Emperours letters, which were written to him with all courtesie and in the most louing manner that could bee:* 2.45 wherein expresse commande∣ment was giuen, that post Horses should be gotten for him and the rest of his company without any money. Which thing was of all the Russes, in the rest of their iourney so willingly done,

that they began to quarrell, yea, and to fight also in striuing and contending which of them should put their poste horses to the Sled: so that after much adoe, and great paines taken in this long and wearie iourney, (for they had trauelled very neere fifteene hundred miles) Master Chancelor came at last to Mosco, the chiefe Citie of the Kingdome, and the seate of the King.

[illustration] map of Russia

HONDIVS his Map of Russia.

Russia cum Confinijs

* 2.46Touching the Riphean Mountaines, whereupon the Snow lyeth continually, and where hence in times past it was thought that Tanais the riuer did spring, and that the rest of the wonders of nature, which the Grecians fained and inuented of old, were there to bee seene: our men which lately came from thence, neither saw them, nor yet haue brought home any perfect relation of them, although they remayned there for the space of three moneths, and had gotten in that time some intelligence of the language of Moscouie. The whole Countrey is plaine and champion, [ 50] and few hils in it: and towards the North, it hath very large and spacious Woods, wherein is great store of Firre trees, a wood very necessarie, and fit for the building of houses: there are also wilde beasts bred in those woods, as Buffes, Beares, and blacke Wolues, and another kinde of beast vnknowen to vs,* 2.47 but called by them Rossomakka: and the nature of the same is very rare and wonderfull: for when it is great with young, and ready to bring foorth, it seeketh out some narrow place betweene two stakes, and so going through them, presseth it selfe, and by that meanes is eased of her burthen, which otherwise could not bee done. They hunt their Buffes for the most part a horse-backe, but their Beares a foot, with woodden forkes. The North parts of the Countrey are reported to bee so cold, that the very Ice or water which distilleth out of the moyst wood which they lay vpon the fire, is presently congealed and frozen: the diuersitie [ 60] growing sodainly to bee so great, that in one and the selfe-same fire-brand, a man shall see both fire and Ice. When the winter doth once begin there, it doth still more and more increase by a perpetuitie of cold:* 2.48 neither doth that cold slake, vntill the force of the Sunne beames doth dis∣solue the cold, and make glad the earth, returning to it againe. Our Mariners which wee left in

the ship in the meane time to keepe it, in their going vp onely from their cabbins to the hatches, had their breath oftentimes so suddenly taken away, that they eft-soones fell downe as men ve∣ry neere dead, so great is the sharpenesse of that cold Climate: but for the South parts of the Countrey, they are somewhat more * 2.49 temperate.

The Copie of the Duke of Moscouie and Emperour of Russia his Letters, sent to King EDWARD the Sixth, by the hands of [ 10] RICHARD CHANCELOVR.

THe Almightie power of God, and the incomprehensible holy Trinitie, rightfull Christian Beliefe,* 3.1 &c. We great Duke Iuan Vasiliuich, by the Grace of God great Lord and Emperour of all Rus∣sia, great Duke of Volodemer, Mosco, and Nouograd, King of Kazan, King of Astracan, Lord of Plesko, and great Duke of Smolensko, of Twerria, Ioughoria, Permia, Vadska, Bulghoria, and others, Lord and great Duke of Nouograd in the Low Countrey, of Chernigo, Rezan, Polotskoy, Rostoue, Yaruslaueley, Bealozera, Liefland, Oudoria, Obdoria, and Conden∣sa, Commander of all Siberia, and of the North parts, and Lord of many other Countries, greeting. Before all, right, great and worthy of honour Edward King of England, &c. according to our most [ 20] heartie and good zeale, with good intent and friendly desire, and according to our holy Christian Faith, and great Gouernance, and being in the light of great vnderstanding, our Answere by this our Honou∣rable Writing vnto your Kingly Gouernance, at the request of your faithfull Seruant Richard Chance∣lour, with his company, as they shall let you wisely know is this. In the strength of the twentieth yeare of our Gouernance, be it knowne, that at our Sea-coasts arriued a ship, with one Richard, and his com∣pany, and said, that he was desirous to come into our Dominions, and according to his request, hath seene our Maiestie, and d 3.2 our eyes: and hath declared vnto vs your Maiesties desire, as that wee should grant vnto your Subiects, to goe and come, and in our Dominions, and among our Subiects, to frequent free Marts, with all sorts of Merchandizes, and vpon the same to haue warre•• for their returne. And they haue also deliuered vs your Letters which declare the same request. And hereupon wee haue gi∣uen [ 30] order, that wheresoeuer your faithfull Seruant Hugh Willoughbie, land or touch in our Domini∣ons, to be well entertayned, who as yet is not arriued as your Seruant Richard can declare.

And we with Christian beliefe and faithfulnesse, and according to your Honourable request, and my Honourable commandement will not leaue it vndone: and are furthermore willing that you send vnto vs your ships and Vessels, when and as often as they may haue passage, with good assurance on our part to see them harmlesse. And if you send one of your Maiesties counsell to treate with vs whereby your Coun∣trey Merchants may with all kindes of Wares, and where they will make their Market in our Domi∣nions, they shall haue their free Mart with all free Liberties through my whole Dominions, with all kinde of Wares, to come and goe at their pleasure, without any let, damage, or impediment, accor∣ding to this our Letter, our Word and our Seale which wee haue commanded to be vnder sealed. Written in [ 40] our Dominion, in our Citie and our Palace in the Castle of Mosco, in the yeare 7060. the second Moneth of Februarie.

This Letter was written in the Moscouian Tongue, in Letters much like to the Greeke Let∣ters, very faire written in Paper, with a broad Seale hanging at the same, sealed in Paper vpon Waxe. This Seale was much like the Broad Seale of England, hauing on the one side the Image of a man on Horse-backe in complete Harnesse fighting with a Dragon. Vnder this Letter was another Paper written in the Dutch Tongue, which was the Interpretation of the other writ∣ten in the Moscouian Letters. These Letters were sent the next yeare after the date of King Edwards Letters, 1554.

After this, entercourse of Letters and Embassages passed betwixt King Philip and Queene Marie, [ 50] and the Moscouite: and the Moscouie Company was instituted and receiued Priuiledges both from their owne and that Forraine Prince, a second Voyage beeing set forth in May, 1555. and Master George Killingworth was made their first Agent: the particulars whereof are found at large in Master Hakluyts first Tome of Voyages, as also other things touching that Trade then setled: which heere I omit, and come to Master Ienkinsons Voyage to Mosco, and thence to Tartaria.

[ 60]

§. II. The first * 3.3 Voyage made by Master ANTHONIE IENKINSON, from the Citie of London, toward the Land of Russia, begunne the twelfth of May, in the yeare 1557.

FIrst, by the grace of God, the day and yeare aboue mentioned, I departed from the said Citie, and the same day at Grauesend, embarked my selfe in a good ship, named the Primrose, being appointed, although vnworthy, chiefe Captaine of the same, and also of the other three good ships, to say, the Iohn Euangelist, the Anne, and the [ 10] Trinitie, hauing also the conduct of the Emperour of Russia, his Ambassadour named Osep Nopea Gregoriwich, who passed with his company in the said Primrose. And thus our foure tall ships being well appointed, as well for men, as victuals, as other necessary furniture, the said twelfth day of the moneth of May, we weighed our Anchors, and departed from the said Grauesend, in the after-noone, and plying downe the Thames, the wind being Easterly, and faire weather, the thirteenth day we came a ground with the Primrose, vpon a sand called the blacke tayle, where wee sate fast vntill the fourteenth day in the morning, and then God bee praysed, shee came off: and that day we plyed downe as farre as our Ladie of Holland, and there came to an Anchor, the winde being Easterly, and there remayned vntill the twentieth day: then wee weyed and went out at Goldmore gate, and from thence in at Balsey slade, and so into Orwell wands, where [ 20] we came to an Anchor: but as we came out at the said Goldemore gate, the Trinitie came on ground on certayne Rockes, that lye to the North-ward of the said gate, and was like to be bil∣ged and lost. But by the ayde of God, at the last she came off againe, being very leake: and the one and twentieth day the Primrose remaining at an Anchor in the wands, the other three ships bare into Orwell Hauen, where I caused the said Trinitie to be grounded, searched, and repayred. So we remayned in the said Hauen, vntill the eight and twentieth day: and then the wind be∣ing Westerly, the three ships that were in the Hauen, weighed and came forth, and in comming forth the Iohn Euangelist came on ground vpon a Sand, called the Andros, where she remayned one tyde, and the next full Sea she came off againe without any great hurt, God be praysed.

The nine and twentieth day in the morning all foure ships weighed in the Wands, and that [ 30] tyde went as farre as Orfordnesse, where we came to an Anchor, because the wind was Norther∣ly: And about sixe of the clocke at night, the wind vered to the South-west, and we weighed Anchor, and bare cleere of the Nesse, and then set our course North-east and by North vntill mid-night, being then cleare of Yarmouth sands. Then wee winded North and by West, and North North-west, vntill the first of Iune at noone, then it waxed calme, and continued so vn∣till the second day at noone:* 3.4 then the wind came at North-west, with a tempest, and much raine, and we lay close by, and caped North North-east, and North-east and by North, as the wind shifted, and so continued vntill the third day at noone: then the winde vered Westerly againe, and we went North our right course, and so continued our way vntill the fourth day at three of the clocke in the after-noone, at which time the winde vered to the North-west [ 40] againe and blew a fresh gale, and so continued vntill the seuenth day in the morning, wee lying with all our ships close by, and caping to the Northwards: and then the winde vering more Northerly, we were forced to put roomer with the Coast of England againe, and fell ouer∣thwart New-castle, but went not into the Hauen, and so plyed vpon the Coast the eight day and the ninth.

The tenth day the wind came to the North North-west, and wee were forced to beare roo∣mer with Flamborow head, where we came to an Anchor, and there remayned vntill the seuen∣teenth day. Then the wind came faire, and we weighed, & set our course North and by East, time and so continued the same with a merry wind vntill the one and twentieth at noone, at which we took the Sunne, and had the latitude in sixtie degrees. Then we shifted our course, and went [ 50] North North-east, & North-east and by North, vntill the fiue and twentieth day. Then we dis∣couered certain Ilands,* 3.5 called Heilick Ilands, lying from vs Northeast, being in the latitude of sixty sixe degrees, fortie minutes. Then we went North and by West, because we would not come too nigh the Land, and running that course foure houres, we discouered, and had sight of Rost Ilands, joyning to the mayne Land of Finmarke. Thus continuing our course along the Coast of Norway and Finmarke, the seuen and twentieth day we tooke the Sunne, being as farre shot as Lofoot, and had the latitude in sixtie nine degrees. And the same day in the afternoone appeared ouer our heads a Rain-bow, like a Semicircle, with both ends vpward. Note, that there is betweene the said Rost Ilands and Lofoot,* 3.6 a Whirle-poole called Malestrand, which from halfe ebbe vntill halfe flo••d, maketh such a terrible noyse, that it shaketh the Rings in the doores of the Inhabi∣tants [ 60] Houses of the said Ilands ten miles off. Also if there commeth any Whale within the cur∣rent of the same, they make a pittifull cry. Moreouer, if great Trees be carryed into it by force of streames, and after with the ebbe be cast out againe, the ends and boughes of them haue beene so beaten, that they are like the stalkes of Hempe that is bruized. Note, that all the Coast of

Finmarke is high Mountaynes and Hils, being couered all the yeare with Snow. And hard aboard the shoare of this Coast, there is one hundred, or one hundred and fiftie fathomes of water in depth. Thus proceeding and sayling forward, we fell with an Iland called Zenam,* 3.7 being in the latitude of seuentie degrees. About this Iland wee saw many Whales, very monstrous, about our ships, some by estimation of sixtie foote long: and being the ingendring time they roa∣red and cryed terribly. From thence we fell with an Iland, called Kettlewicke.* 3.8

This Coast from Rost vnto Lofoot lyeth North and South, and from Lofoot to Zenam North-east and South-west, and from Zenam to Kettelwicke, East North-east and West South-west. From the said Kettelwicke we sayled East and by North ten leagues, and fell with a Land called Inger sound, where we fished, being becalmed, and tooke great plentie of Cods.* 3.9 Thus plying a∣long [ 10] the Coast, we fell with a Cape, called the North Cape, which is the Northermost Land that we passe in our Voyage to Saint Nicholas, and is in the latitude of seuentie one degrees and ten minutes, and is from Inger sound East, and to the North-wards fifteene leagues. And being at this North Cape the second day of Iuly, wee had the Sunne at North foure degrees a∣boue the Horizon. The third day we came to Wardhouse, hauing such mists that wee could not see the Land.* 3.10 This Wardhouse is a Castle standing in an Iland two miles from the mayne of Fin∣land, subject to the King of Denmarke, and the Eastermost Land that he hath. There are two other Ilands neere adjoyning vnto that, whereon the Castle of Wardhouse standeth. The Inha∣bitants of those three Ilands liue onely by fishing, and make much Stock-fish, which they dry with Frost: their most feeding is fish; bread and drinke they haue none, but such as is brought [ 20] them from other places. They haue small store of Cattle, which are also fed with fish.* 3.11 From Wardhouse we sayled South South-east ten leagues, and fell with a Cape of Land called Kegor, the Northermost part of the Land of Lappia. And betweene Wardhouse, and the said Cape is a great Bay, called Dommes haff,* 3.12 in the South part whereof is a Monastery of Monkes of the Russes Religion, called Pechinchow. Thus proceeding forward and sayling along the Coast of the said Land of Lappia, winding South-east, the fourth day through great mists and darknesse we lost the company of the other three ships, and met not with them againe, vntill the seuenth day, when we fell with a Cape or head-land called Swetinoz, which is the entring into the Bay of Saint Nicholas. At this Cape lyeth a great s••one, to the which the Barkes that passed there∣by, were wont to make Offerings of Butter, Meale, and other Victuals, thinking that vnlesse [ 30] they did so, their Barkes or Vessels should there perish, as it hath beene oftentimes seene: and there it is very darke and mystie. Note, that the sixt day wee passed by the place where Sir Hugh Willoughby with all his company perished, which is called Arzina reca, that is to say,* 3.13 the Riuer Arzina.

The Land of Lappia is an high Land, hauing snow lying on it commonly all the yeere. The people of the Countrey are halfe Gentiles: they liue in the Summer time neere the Sea side, and vse to take fish, of the which they make bread, and in the Winter they remoue vp into the Countrey into the Woods, where they vse hunting, and kill Deere, Beares, Wolues, Foxes, and other beasts, with whose flesh they be nourished, and with their skins apparelled in such strange [ 40] fashion, that there is nothing seene of them bare but their eyes.* 3.14 They haue none other habita∣tion, but only in Tents, remouing from place to place, according to the season of the yeere. They know no arte nor facultie, but onely shooting, which they exercise daily, as well men as wo∣men, and kill such beasts as serue them for their food. Thus proceeding along the coast from Swetinoz aforesaid, the ninth day of Iuly wee came to Cape Grace, being in the latitude of 66. degrees and 45. minutes, and is at the entring in of the Bay of Saint Nicolas. Aboard this Land there is twentie or thirtie fathoms water, and sundry grounds good to anchor in. The current at this Cape runneth South-west and North-east.* 3.15 From this Cape wee proceeded along vntill we came to Crosse Iland, which is seuen leagues from the said Cape South-west: and from this Iland, wee set ouer to the other side of the Bay, and went South-west, and fell with an Head-land, called Foxenose, which is from the said Iland fiue and twentie leagues.* 3.16 The entring [ 50] of this Bay from Crosse Iland to the neerest Land on the other side is seuen leagues ouer. From Foxenose proceeding forward the twelfth day of the said moneth of Iuly, all our foure ships arri∣ued in safety at the Road of Saint Nicolas, in the Land of Russia, where we anchored, and had sayled from London vnto the said Road seuen hundred and fiftie leagues. The Russian Ambassa∣dour and his companie with great ioy got to shoare, and our ships heere forthwith discharged themselues: and being laden againe, and hauing a faire winde, departed toward England the first of August.* 3.17 The third of the said moneth I with other of my companie came vnto the Citie of Colmogro, being an hundred verstes from the Bay of Saint Nicolas, and in the latitude of 64. de∣grees 25. minutes. I tarried at the said Colmogro vntill the fifteenth day: and then I departed in a l••ttle Boat vp the Riuer of Duina, which runneth very swiftly, and the selfe same day passed [ 60] by the mouth of a Riuer called Pinego, leauing it on our left hand fifteene verstes from Colmogro.* 3.18 On both sides of the mouth of this Riuer Pinego is high Land, great Rockes of Alabaster, great Woods, and Pine-apple trees lying along within the ground, which by report haue lyen there since No••s flood. And thus proceeding forward the nineteenth day in the morning, I came in∣to

a Towne called Yemps, an hundred verstes from Colmogro. All this way along they make much Tarre,* 3.19 Pitch, and ashes of Aspen trees. From thence I came to a place called Vstiug, an ancient Citie, the last day of August. At this Citie meet two Riuers: the one called Iug, and the other Sucana, both which fall into the aforesaid Riuer of Duina. The Riuer Iug hath his spring in the Land of the Tartars, called Cheremizzi, ioyning to the Countrey of Permia: and Sucana hath his head from a Lake not farre from the Citie of Vologda. Thus departing from Vstiug, and passing by the Riuer Sucana, we came to a Towne called Totma. About this place the water is very shallow, and stonie, and troublesome for Barkes and Boats of that Countrey, which they call Nassades,* 3.20 and Dosneckes, to passe that way: wherein merchandise are transported from the aforesaid Colmogro to the Citie of Vologda. These vessels called Nassades, are very long builded, broad made, and close aboue, flat bottomed, and draw not aboue foure foot water, and will car∣rie [ 10] two hundred tunnes: they haue no Iron appertayning to them but all of Timber, and when the winde serueth, they are made to sayle. Otherwise they haue many men, some to hale and draw by the neckes with long small ropes made fast to the said Boats, and some set with long poles. There are many of these Barkes vpon the Riuer of Duina: And the most part of them belongeth vnto the Citie of Vologda: for there dwell many Merchants, and they occupie the said Boats with carrying of Salt from the Sea side vnto the said Vologda. The twentieth of September I came vnto Vologda, which is a great Citie, and the Riuer passeth through the midst of the same. The houses are builded with wood of Firre trees, ioyned one with another, and round without: the houses are foure square without any Iron or stone worke, couered with Birch barkes, and wood ouer the same: Their Churches are all of wood, two for euery Parish, [ 20] one to be heated for Winter, and the other for Summer. On the tops of their houses they lay much earth, for feare of burning: for they are sore plagued with fire. This Vologda is in 59. degrees 11. minutes, and is from Colmogro, one thousand verstes.

All the way I neuer came in house, but lodged in the Wildernesse, by the Riuers side, and car∣ried prouision for the way.* 3.21 And he that will trauell those wayes, must carrie with him an Hat∣chet, a Tinder boxe, and a Kettle, to make fire and seethe meat, when he hath it: for there is small succour in those parts, vnlesse it be in Townes.

The first day of December, I departed from Vologda in poste in a Sled, as the manner is in Winter. And the way to Moscua is as followeth. From Vologda to Commelski, seuen and twen∣tie verstes; so to Olmor fiue and twentie verstes, so to Teloytske twentie verstes, so to Vre thir∣tie [ 30] verstes, so to Voshansk•• thirtie verstes, then to Yeraslaue thirtie verstes, which standeth vp∣on the great Riuer Volga, so to Rostoue fiftie verstes, then to Rogarin thirtie verstes, so to Pera∣slaue ten verstes, which is a great Towne, standing hard by a faire Lake. From thence to Dowb∣nay thirtie verstes, so to Godoroke thirtie verstes, so to Owchay thirtie verstes, and last to the Mosco fiue and twentie verstes,* 3.22 where I arriued the sixt day of December.

There are fourteene Posts called Yannes, betweene Vologda and Mosco, which are accounted fiue hundred verstes asunder.

The tenth day of December, I was sent for to the Emperours Castle by the said Emperour, and deliuered my Letters vnto the Secretarie, who talked with mee of diuers matters, by the commandement of the Emperour. And after that my Letters were translated, I was answered [ 40] that I was welcome, and that the Emperour would giue mee that I desired.

The fiue and twentieth day, being the day of the Natiuitie, I came into the Emperours pre∣sence, and kissed his hand, who sate aloft in a goodly Chaire of estate, hauing on his head a Crowne most richly decked, and a staffe of Gold in his hand, all apparelled with Gold, and gar¦nished with Precious stones. There sate distant from him about two yards his Brother, and next vnto him a Boy of twelue yeeres of age, who was Inheritor to the Emperour of Casan, conquered by this Emperour eight yeeres past. Then sate his Nobilitie round about him, richly apparelled with Gold and stone. And after I had done obeysance to the Emperour, he with his owne mouth calling me by my name, bade me to dinner, and so I departed to my lodging till din∣ner time, which at sixe of the clocke, by Candle light. [ 50]

* 3.23The Emperour dined in a faire great Hall, in the midst whereof was a Pillar foure square, ve∣ry artificially made, about which were diuers Tables set, and at the vppermost part of the Hall sate the Emperour himselfe, and at his Table sate his Brother, his Vncles sonne, the Metropo∣litan, the young Emperour of Casan, and diuers of his Noblemen, all of one side. There were diuers Embassadours, and other strangers, as well Christians as Heathens, diuersly apparelled, to the number of sixe hundred men, which dined in the said Hall, besides two thousand Tartars, men of warre, which were newly come to render themselues to the Emperour, and were ap∣pointed to serue him in his warres against the Lief-landers, but they dined in other Halls. I was set at a little Table, hauing no stranger with mee, directly before the Emperours face. Being [ 60] thus set and placed, the Emperour sent mee diuers bowles of Wine, and Meade, and many dishes of Meate from his owne hand, which were brought mee by a Duke, and my Table serued all in Gold and Siluer, and so likewise on other Tables, there were set bowles of Gold, set with Stone, worth by estimation 400. pounds sterling one cup, besides the Plate which serued the tables.

There was also a Cupboord of Plate, most sumptuous and rich, which was not vsed: among the which, was a piece of Gold of two yards long, wrought in the top with Towers,* 3.24 and Dra∣gons heads, also diuers barrels of Gold and Siluer, with Castles on the bungs, richly and artifi∣cially made. The Emperour, and all the Hall throughout was serued with Dukes: and when dinner was ended, the Emperour called mee by name, and gaue me drinke with his owne hand, and so I departed to my lodging. Note, that when the Emperour drinketh, all the companie stand vp, and at euery time he drinketh, or tasteth of a dish of meate he blesseth himselfe. Ma∣ny other things I saw that day, not here noted.

The fourth of Ianuarie, which was Twelf-tide with them, the Emperour,* 3.25 with his brother [ 10] and all his Nobles, all most richly apparelled with Gold, Pearles, Precious stones, and costly Furres, with a Crowne vpon his head, of the Tartarian fashion, went to the Church in Proces∣sion, with the Metropolitan, and diuers Bishops and Priests. That day I was before the Em∣perour againe in Russe apparell, and the Emperour asked if that were not I, and his Chancellour answered, yea. Then he bad me to dinner: then came hee out of the Church, and went with the Procession vpon the Riuer, being all frozen, and there standing bare-headed, with all his Nobles, there was a hole made in the Ice,* 3.26 and the Metropolitan hallowed the water with great solemnitie and seruice, and did cast of the said water vpon the Emperours sonne, and the Nobi∣litie. That done, the people with great thronging filled pots of the said water to carrie home to their houses, and diuers children were throwne in, and sicke people, and plucked out quickly a∣gaine, [ 20] and diuers Tartars christned: all which the Emperour beheld. Also there were brought the Emperours best Horses, to drinke at the said hallowed water. All this being ended,* 3.27 hee re∣turned to his Palace againe, and went to dinner by Candle light, and sate in a woodden house, very fairely gilt. There dined in the place, aboue three hundred strangers, and I sate alone as I did before, directly before the Emperour, and had my Meat, Bread, and Drinke sent mee from the Emperour.

The Citie of Mosco is great, the houses for the most part of wood, and some of stone,* 3.28 with windowes of Iron, which serue for Summer time. There are many faire Churches of stone, but more of wood, which are made hot in the Winter time. The Emperours lodging is in a faire and large Castle, walled foure square of Bricke, high, and thicke, situated vpon an Hill, two [ 30] miles about, and the Riuer on the South-west side of it, and it hath sixteene gates in the walls, and as many Bulwarkes. His Palace is separated from the rest of the Castle, by a long wall go∣ing North and South, to the Riuer side. In his Palace are Churches, some of stone, and some of wood, with round Towres fairely gilded. In the Church doores, and within the Churches are Images of Gold: the chiefe Markets for all things are▪ within the said Castle, and for sundry things sundry Markets, and euery science by it selfe. And in the Winter there is a great Mar∣ket without the Castle, vpon the Riuer being frozen, and there is sold Corne, earthen Pots, Tubs, Sleds, &c. The Castle is in circuit two thousand and nine hundred paces.

The Countrey is full of marish ground, and Playne, in Woods and Riuers abundant,* 3.29 but it bringeth forth good plentie of Corne. This Emperour is of great power: for he hath conquered [ 40] much, as well of the Lieflanders, Poles, Lettoes, and Swethens, as also of the Tartars, and Gentiles, called Samoeds, hauing thereby much inlarg••d his Dominions. Hee keepeth his people in great subiection: all matters passe his iudgement, bee they neuer so small. The Law is sharpe for all offenders.

The Metropolitan dealeth in matters of Religion, as himselfe listeth,* 3.30 whom the Emperour greatly honoureth. They vse the Ceremonies and Orders of the Greeke Church. They worship many Images painted on Tables, and specially the Image of Saint Nicholas. Their Priests bee married, but their wiues being dead, they may not marry the second time, and so become Monks, whereof there are a great number in the Land. They haue foure Lents in the yeere, and the weeke before Shrouetide, they call the Butter weeke, &c.

[ 50] They haue many sorts of meats and drinks,* 3.31 when they banket and delight in eating of grosse meates, and stinking fish. Before they drinke they vse to blow in the Cup: their greatest friend∣ship is in drinking: they are great Talkers and Lyars, without any faith or trust in their words, Flatterers and Dissemblers. The Women be there very obedient to their Husbands, and are kept straightly from going abroad, but at some seasons.

At my being there, I heard men and women that drunke away their children, and all their goods at the Emperours Tauerne, and not being able to pay, hauing impawned himselfe,* 3.32 the Ta∣uerner bringeth him out to the high way, and beats him vpon the legs: then they that passe by, knowing the cause, and hauing peraduenture compassion vpon him, giue the money, and so hee is ransomed. In euery good Towne there is a drunken Tauerne, called a Cursemay, which the [ 60] Emperour sometime letteth out to farme, and sometimes bestoweth for a yeere or two on some Duke or Gentleman, in recompence of his seruice: and for that time hee is Lord of all the Towne, robbing and spoyling, and doing what pleaseth him: and then hee being growne rich, is taken by the Emperour, and sent to the warres againe: where hee shall spend all that which he hath gotten by ill meanes: so that the Emperour in his warres is lttle charged, but all the

burden lyeth vpon the poore people. They vse saddles made of wood and sinewes, with the tree gilded with damaske worke,* 3.33 and the seat couered with cloth, sometimes of gold, and the rest Saphian leather, well stitched. They vse little drummes at their saddle bowes, by the sound whereof their horses vse to runne more swiftly.

* 3.34The Russe is apparelled in this manner: his vpper garment is of cloth of gold, silke, or cloth, long, downe to the foot, and buttoned with great buttons of siluer, or else laces of silke, set on with Brooches, the sleeues thereof very long, which he weareth on his arme, ruffed vp. Vnder that he hath another long garment, buttoned with silke buttons, with a high coller standing vp of some colour, and that garment is made straight. Then his shirt is very fine, and wrought with red silke, or some gold, with a coller of pearle. Vnder his shirt he hath linnen breeches, vpon his [ 10] legs, a paire of hose without feet, and his bootes of red or yellow leather. On his head hee wea∣reth a white Colepeck, with buttons or siluer, gold, pearle, or stone, and vnder it a black Foxe cap, turned vp very broad. When he rideth on horse-back to the warres, or any iourney, he hath a sword of the Turkish fashion, and his Bowe and Arrowes of the same manner. In the Towne he weareth no weapon, but onely two or three paire of kniues, hauing the hafts of the tooth of a Fish, called the Morse.

In the Winter time, the people trauell with Sleds, in Towne and Countrey, the way being hard, and smooth with snow: the waters and Riuers are all frozen, and one horse with a Sled, will draw a man vpon it foure hundred miles in three dayes: but in the Summer time, the way is deepe with myre, and trauelling is very ill. [ 20]

The Russe, if he be a man of any abilitie, neuer goeth out of his house in the winter, but vpon his Sled, and in summer vpon his Horse: and in his Sled he sits vpon a Carpet, or a white Beares skin: the Sled is drawne with a Horse well decked, with many Foxes and Woolues tailes at his necke, and is conducted by a little boy vpon his backe: his seruants stand vpon the taile of the Sled, &c.

§. III. Notes taken out of another mans Relation of the same Voyage, touching [ 30] the Russian Rites.

ON Christmasse day we were all willed to dine with the Emperors Maiestie, where for bread, meate, and drinke, we were serued as at other times before: but for good∣ly and rich Plate, we neuer saw the like or so much before. There dined that day in the Emperors presence aboue fiue hundred strangers, and two hundred Russes, and all they were serued in vessels of Gold, and that as much as could stand one by another vpon the Tables. Besides this, there were foure Cup-boards garnished with goodly Plate both of gold and siluer. Among the which there were twelue barrels of siluer, contayning aboue twelue gal∣lons a piece, and at each end of euery Barrell were six hoopes of fine gold: this dinner conti∣nued [ 40] about six houres.

* 3.35Euery yeere vpon the twelfth day, they vse to blesse or sanctifie the Riuer Moscua, which runneth through the Citie of Mosco, after this manner. First, they make a square hole in the Ice about three fathoms large euery way, which is trimmed about the sides and edges with white boords. Then about nine of the clocke they come out of the Church with procession towards the Riuer in this wise.

First and foremost there goe certaine young men with waxe Tapers burning, and one carrying a great Lanthorne: then follow certaine Banners, then the Crosse, then the Images of our Lady, of Saint Nicholas, and of other Saints, which Images men carry vpon their shoulders: after the Images follow certaine Priests to the number of one hundred or more: after them the Metropo∣litan [ 50] who is led betweene two Priests, and after the Metropolitan came the Emperour with his Crowne vpon his head, and after his Maiestie all his Noble men orderly. Thus they followed the Procession vnto the water, and when they came vnto the hole that was made, the Priests set themselues in order round about it. And at one side of the same Poole there was a Scaffold of boords made, vpon which stood a faire Chaire in which the Metropolitan was set, but the Em∣perours Maiestie stood vpon the Ice.

After this the Priests began to sing, to blesse and to sense, and did their seruice, and so by that time that they had done, the water was holy, which being sanctified, the Metropolitan tooke a little thereof in his hands, and cast it on the Emperour, likewise vpon certaine of the Dukes, and then they returned againe to the Church with the Priests that sate about the water: but that prease that there was about the water when the Emperour was gone, was wonderfull to behold, [ 60] for there came aboue fiue thousand Pots to be filled of that water: for that Moscouite which hath no part of that water, thinks himselfe vnhappy. And very many went naked into the water, both Men and Women and Children: after the prease was a little gone, the Emperours Iennets

and Horses were brought to drinke of the same water, and likewise many other men brought their Horses thither to drinke, and by that meanes they make their Horses as holy as themselues. All these ceremonies being ended, we went to the Emperour to dinner, where we were serued in vessels of siluer, and in all other points as we had beene beforetime.

The Russes begin their Lent alwayes eight weeks before Easter: the first weeke they eate Egs,* 3.36 Milke, Cheese and Butter, and make great cheare with Pan-cakes, and such other things, one friend visiting another, and from the same Sunday vntill our Shroue-sunday, there are but few Russes sober, but they are drunke day by day, and it is accounted for no reproach or shame a∣mong them.

The next weeke being our first weeke in Lent, or our cleansing weeke, beginning our Shroue-sunday, [ 10] they make and keepe a great Fast. It is reported, and the people doe verily beleeue that the Metropolitan neither eateth nor drinketh any manner of thing for the space of seuen dayes, and they say that there are many Religious men which doe the like. The Emperours Maiestie eateth but one morsell of bread, and drinketh but one draught of drinke once in the day during that weeke, and all men that are of any reputation come not out of their houses during that time, so that the streets are almost voide of companie, sauing a few poore folkes which wander to and fro. The other sixe weekes they keepe as we doe ours, but not one of them will eate ei∣ther Butter, Cheese, Egs, or Milke.

On Palme-sunday they haue a very solemne Procession, in this manner following. First,* 3.37 they haue a Tree of a good bignesse which is made fast vpon two Sleds, as though it were growing [ 20] there, and it is hanged with Apples, Raisins, Figs, and Dates, and with many other fruits abun∣dantly. In the midst of the same Tree stand fiue Boyes in white vestures, which sing in the Tree, before the Procession: after this there followed certaine young men with Wax Tapers in their hands burning, and a great Lanthorne that all the light should not goe out: after them followed two with long Banners, and sixe with round plates set vpon long staues: the plates were of Copper very full of holes, and thinne: then followed sixe, carrying painted Images vpon their shoulders, after the Images followed certaine Priests, to the number of one hundred or more, with goodly vestures, whereof ten or twelue are of white Damaske, set and embroidered round about with faire and orient Pearles, as great as Pease, and among them certaine Saphires and other stones. After them followed the one halfe of the Emperours Noblemen: then commeth the Em∣perours [ 30] Maiestie and the Metropolitan, after this manner.

First, there is a Horse couered with white linnen cloth downe to the ground,* 3.38 his eares being made long with the same cloth, like to an Asses eares. Vpon this Horse the Metropolitan sit∣teth side-long like a woman: in his lappe lieth a faire Booke, with a Crucifixe of Gold-smiths worke vpon the couer, which he holdeth fast with his left hand, and in his right hand he hath a Crosse of Gold, with which Crosse he ceaseth not to blesse the people as hee rideth. There are to the number of thirtie men which spread abroad their garments before the Horse, and as soone as the Horse is past ouer any of them, they take them vp againe and runne before, and spread them againe, so that the Horse doth alway goe on some of them. They which spread [ 40] the garments are all Priests sonnes, and for their labours the Emperour giueth vnto them new garments.

One of the Emperours Noblemen leadeth the Horse by the head, but the Emperour himselfe going on foot, leadeth the Horse by the end of the reyne of his Bridle with one of his hands, and in the other of his hands hee had a branch of a Palme tree: after this followed the rest of the Emperours Noblemen and Gentlemen, with a great number of other people. In this order they went from one Church to another within the Castle, about the distance of two flight shot: and so returned againe to the Emperours Church, where they made an end of their seruice. Which being done, the Emperours Maiestie, and certaine of his Noblemen went to the Metro∣politan his house to dinner, where of delicate fishes and good drinkes there was no lacke. The rest of this weeke vntill Easter day they kept very solemnely, continuing in their houses for the [ 50] most part, and vpon Munday or Thursday the Emperour doth alwaies vse to receiue the Sacra∣ment, and so doe most of his Nobles.

Vpon Good-friday they continue all the day in contemplation and prayers, and they vse eue∣ry yeere on Good-friday to let loose a Prisoner in the stead of Barrabas. The night following they goe to the Church, where they sleepe vntill the next morning, and at Easter they haue the Resurrection, and after euery of the Lents they eate flesh the next weeke following, Friday, Sa∣turday and all.

They haue an order at Easter, which they alwaies obserue, and that is this: euery yeere a∣gainst Easter to dye or colour red with Brazell a great number of Egges, of which euery man and woman giueth one vnto the Priest of their Parish vpon Easter day in the morning. And [ 60] moreouer, the common people vse to carrie in their hands one of their red Egges, not onely vp∣on Easter day, but also three or foure dayes after, and Gentlemen and Gentlewomen haue Egges gilded which they carrie in like manner. They vse it, as they say, for a great loue, and in token of the Resurrection, whereof they reioyce. For when two friends meet during the Easter holy

dayes, they come and take one another by the hand: the one of them saith, the Lord or Christ is risen,* 3.39 the other answereth, it is so of a truth, and then they kisse and exchange their Egges both men and women, continuing in kissing foure dayes together.

His Majestie heareth all Complaints himselfe, and with his owne mouth giueth sentence, and judgement of all matters, and that with expedition: but Religious matters hee medleth not withall, but referreth them wholly vnto the Metropolitane. His Majestie retayneth and well rewardeth all strangers that come to serue him, and especially men of Warre. He delighteth not greatly in Hawking, Hunting, or any other pastime, nor in hearing Instruments or Musicke, but setteth all his whole delight vpon two things: First, to serue God, as vndoubtedly hee is very deuout in his Religion, and the second, how to subdue and conquer his enemies.

He hath abundance of Gold and Siluer in his owne hands or Treasurie: but the most part of [ 10] his know not a Crowne from a Counter, nor Gold from Copper, they are so much cumbred therewithall, and he that is worth two, three, or foure Grotes, is a rich man.

They haue both Monkes, Friers, and Nunnes, with a great number of great and rich Mona∣steries:* 3.40 they keepe great Hospitalitie, and doe releeue much poore people day by day. I haue bin in one of the Monasteries called Troietes, which is walled about with Bricke very strongly like a Castle, and much Ordnance of Brasse vpon the walls of the same. They told mee themselues that there are seuen hundred Brethren of them which belong vnto that House. The most part of the Lands, Townes, and Villages which are within fortie miles of it, belong vnto the same. They shewed me the Church,* 3.41 wherein were as many Images as could hang about, or vpon the [ 20] wals of the Church round about, and euen the Roofe of the Church was painted full of Images. The chiefe Image was of our Ladie, which was garnished with Gold, Rubies, Saphirs, and o∣ther rich Stones abundantly. In the midst of the Church stood twelue Waxe Tapers of two yards long, and a fathome about in bignesse, and there stands a Kettle full of Waxe with about one hundred weight, wherein there is alwayes the wicke of a Candle burning, as it were a Lampe which goeth not out day nor night.

They shewed me a Coffin couered with Cloth of Gold, which stood vpon one side within their Church,* 3.42 in which they told me lay a holy man, who neuer eate or dranke, and yet that he liueth. And they told me (supposing that I had beleeued them) that he healeth many Diseases, and giueth the blind their sight, with many other Miracles, but I was hard of beliefe, because I saw him worke no miracle whilst I was there. [ 30]

After this they brought me into their Sellers, and made me taste of diuers kinds of Drinkes, both Wine and Beere, Meade and Quassie, of sundry colours and kinds. Such abundance of Drinke as they haue in their Sellers,* 3.43 I doe suppose few Princes haue more, or so much at once. Their Barrels or Vessels are of an vnmeasurable bignesse and size: some of them are three yards long and more, and two yards and more broad in their heads: they contayne sixe or seuen tuns a piece: they haue none in their Sellers of their owne making that are lesse then a tunne. They haue nine or ten great vaultes which are full of those Barrels which are seldome remooued: for they haue trunkes which come downe through the Roofe of the vaults in sundry places, through which they powre drinke downe, hauing the Caske right vnder it to receiue the same, for it [ 40] should be a great trouble to bring it all downe the staires.

* 3.44They giue Bread, Meate, and Drinke vnto all men that come to them, not onely while they are at their Abbey, but also when they depart, to serue them by the way. There are a great number of such Monasteries in the Realme, and the Emperours Majestie rideth oftentimes from one to another of them, and lyeth at them three or foure dayes together.

The same Monkes are as great Merchants as any in the Land of Russia, and doe occupie buy∣ing and selling as much as any other men,* 3.45 and haue Boates which passe to and fro in the Riuers with Merchandize from place to place where any of their Countrey doe traffique.

* 3.46They eate no flesh during their liues as it is reported: but vpon Sunday, Munday, Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday, it is lawfull for them to eate Egges, Butter, Cheese, and Milke, and at [ 50] all times to eate fish, and after this sort they lead their liues. They weare all blacke Garments, and so doe none other in all the Land, but at that Abbey onely.

They haue no Preachers, no not one in all the Land to instruct the people, so that there are many,* 3.47 and the most part of the poore in the Countrey, who if one aske them how many Gods there be, they will say a great many, meaning that euery Image which they haue is a God: for all the Countrey and the Emperours Majestie himselfe will blesse and bow, and knocke their heads before their Images, insomuch that they will cry earnestly vnto their Images to helpe them to the things which they need. Al men are bound by their Law to haue those Images in their Houses, and ouer euery gate in all their Townes and Cities are Images set vp, vnto which the people bow and bend, and knocke their heads against the ground before them: as often as [ 60] they come by any Church or Crosse they doe in like manner. And when they come to any House, they blesse themselues three or foure times before they will salute any man in the House.

They reckon and hold it for great sinne to touch or handle any of their Images within the

Circle of the board where the painting is, but they keepe them very daintily, and rich men deck them ouer and about with Gold, Siluer, and Stones,* 3.48 and hang them ouer and about with Cloth of Gold.

The Priests are marryed as other men are, and weare all their Garments as other men doe, except their Night-caps, which is cloth of some sad colour,* 3.49 being round and reacheth vnto the eares: their crownes are shauen, but the rest of their haire they let grow, as long as Nature will permit, so that it hangeth beneath their eares vpon their shoulders: their Beards they neuer shaue: if his Wife happen to dye, it is not lawfull for him to marry againe during his life.

They minister the Communion with Bread and Wine after our order,* 3.50 but hee breaketh the [ 10] Bread and putteth it into the Cup vnto the Wine, and commonly some are partakers with them: and they take the Bread out againe with a Spoone together with part of the Wine, and so take it themselues, and giue it to others that receiue with them after the same manner. They will not permit any Nation but the Greekes to be buried in their sacred Burials, or Church-yards. All their Churches are full of Images, vnto the which the people when they assemble, doe bow and knocke their heads, as I haue before said, that some will haue knobs vpon their fore-heads with knocking, as great as Egges. All their seruice is in the Russie Tongue, and they and the com∣mon people haue no other Prayers but this, Ghospodi Iesus Christos esine voze ponuloi nashe.* 3.51 That is to say, O Lord Iesus Christ, Son of God haue mercie vpon vs: and this is their Prayer, so that the most part of the vnlearned know neither Pater Noster, nor the Beliefe, nor Ten Comman∣dements, [ 20] nor scarcely vnderstand the one halfe of their Seruice which is read in their Churches.

When any child is borne, it is not baptized vntill the next Sunday, and if it chance that it be not baptized then, it must tarry vntill the second Sunday after the birth, and it is lawfull for them to take as many God-fathers and God-mothers as they will, the more the better.

When they goe to the Church, the Mid-wife goeth foremost, carrying the Childe,* 3.52 and the God-fathers and God-mothers follow into the midst of the Church, where there is a small Ta∣ble readie set, and on it an Earthen Pot full of warme water, about the which the God-fathers and God-mothers, with the Childe, settle themselues: then the Clerke giueth vnto euery of them a small Waxe Candle burning, then commeth the Priest, and beginneth to say certayne words, which the God-fathers and God-mothers must answere word for word, among which [ 30] one is, that the Child shall forsake the Deuill, and as that name is pronounced, they must all spit at the word as often as it is repeated. Then he blesseth the water which is in the Pot, and doth breathe ouer it: then he taketh all the Candles which the Gossips haue, and holding them all in one hand letteth part of them drop into the water, and then giueth euery one his Candle againe, and when the water is sanctified, he taketh the Child and holdeth it in a small Tub, and one of the God-fathers taketh the Pot with warme water, and powreth it all vpon the Childes head.

After this he hath many more Ceremonies, as anoynting Eares and Eyes with Spittle, and making certayne Crosses with Oyle vpon the backe, head, and brest of the Childe: then taking the Childe in his armes, carryeth it to the Images of Saint Nicholas, and our Ladie, &c. and spea∣keth vnto the Images, desiring them to take charge of the Childe, that he may liue, and beleeue [ 40] as a Christian man or woman ought to doe, with many other words. Then comming backe from the Images, he taketh a paire of sheares and clippeth the young and tender haires of the Childes head, in three or foure places, and then deliuereth the Childe, whereunto euery of the God-fathers and God-mothers lay a hand: then the Priest chargeth them, that the Childe bee brought vp in the faith and feare of God or Christ, and that it be instructed to clinege, and bow to the Images, and so they make an end: then one of the God-fathers must hang a Crosse about the necke of the Childe, which hee must alwayes weare, for that Russe which hath not a Crosse about his necke they esteeme as no Christian man, and thereupon they say that wee are no Chri∣stians, because we doe not weare Crosses as they doe.

Their Matrimonie is nothing solemnized, but rather in most points abominable, and as neere [ 50] as I can l••arne▪ in this wi••e following.* 3.53

First, when there is loue betweene the parties, the man sendeth vnto the woman a small Chest or Boxe, wherein is a Whip, Needles, Threed, Silke, Linnen Cloth, Sheares, and such ne∣cessaries as she shall occupie when she is a Wife, and perhaps sendeth therewithall Raisins, Figs, or some such things, giuing her to vnderstand, that if she doe offend, she must be beaten with the Whip, and by the Needles, Threed, Cloth, &c. that she should apply her selfe diligently to sew, and doe such things as she could best doe, and by the Raisins or Fruits he meaneth if she doe well, no good thing shall bee with-drawne from her, nor bee too deare for her: and shee sendeth vnto him a Shirt, Hand-kerchers, and some such things of her owne making. And now to the effect.

When they are agreed, and the day of Marriage appointed, when they shall goe towards the [ 60] Church, the Bride will in no wise consent to goe out of the House, but resisteth and striueth with them that would haue her out, and fayneth her selfe to weepe, yet in the end, two wo∣men get her out, and lead her towards the Church, her face being couered close, because of her dissimulation, that it should not be openly perceiued: for shee maketh a great noyse, as though she were sobbing and weeping, vntill she come at the Church, and then her face is vncouered. The

man commeth after among other of his friends, and they carrie with them to Church a great Pot of Wine or Meade: then the Priest coupleth them together much after our order, one pro∣mising to loue and serue the other during their liues together, &c. which being done, they be∣ginnne to drinke, and first the woman drinketh to the man, and when he hath drunke he letteth the cup fall to the ground, hasting immediately to tread vpon it, and so doth she, and whether of them tread first vpon it, must haue the victorie and be Master at all times after, which common∣ly happeneth to the man, for he is readiest to set his foot on it, because he letteth it fall himselfe, then they goe home againe, the womans face being vncouered. The Boyes in the streets cry out, and make a noyse in the meane time, with very dishonest words.

When they come home, the Wife is set at the vpper end of the Table, and the Husband next [ 10] vnto her: they fall then to drinking till they be all drunke, they perchance haue a Minstrell or two, and two naked men, which led her from the Church, dance naked a long time before all the company. When they are wearie of drinking, the Bride and the Bridegroome get them to Bed, for it is in the Euening alwayes when any of them are marryed: and when they are going to Bed, the Bridegroome putteth certayne Money, both Gold and Siluer, if he haue it, into one of his Boots, and then sitteth downe in the Chamber, crossing his legges, then the Bride must pluck off one of his Boots, which she will, and if she happen on the Boot wherein the Money is, shee hath not onely the Money for her labour, but is also at such choice, as she need not euer from that day forth to pull off his Boots, but if shee misse the Boot wherein the Money is, she doth not onely lose the Money, but is also bound from that day forwards to pull off his Boots [ 20] continually.

Then they continue in drinking and making good cheere three dayes following, being ac∣companied with certayne of their friends, and during the same three dayes, he is called a Duke, and she a Dutches, although they be very poore persons, and this is as much as I haue learned of their Matrimony: but one common rule is amongst them, if the woman be not beaten with the Whip once a Weeke, she will not be good, and therefore they looke for it orderly, and the wo∣men say, that if their Husbands did not beate them, they should not loue them.

They vse to marry there very young, their Sonnes at sixteeene and eighteene yeares old, and the Daughters at twelue or thirteene yeares or younger: they vse to keepe their Wiues very closely, I meane those that be of any reputation, so that a man shall not see one of them but at [ 30] a chance, when shee goeth to Church at Christmasse or at Easter, or else going to visit some of her friends.

The most part of the women vse to ride a-stride in Saddles with stirrops, as men doe, and some of them on Sleds,* 3.54 which in Summer is not commendable. The Husband is bound to find the Wife colours to paint her with all, for they vse ordinarily to paint themselues: it is such a common practice among them, that it is counted for no shame: they grease their faces with such colours, that a man may discerne them hanging on their faces almost a flight shoot off: I cannot so well liken them as to a Millers Wife, for they looke as though they were beaten about the face with a bagge of Meale, but their Eye-browes they colour as blacke as I eat. The best pro∣pertie that the women haue, is that they can sewe well, and imbroider with Silke and Gold [ 40] excellently.

* 3.55When any man or woman dyeth, they stretch him out, and put a new paire of shooes on his feet, because he hath a great Iourney to goe: then doe they wind him in a sheet, as wee doe, but they forget not to put a testimonie in his right hand, which the Priest giueth him, to testifie vn∣to Saint Nicholas that he dyed a Christian man or woman. And they put the Corse alwayes in a Coffin of Wood, although the partie be very poore: and when they goe towards the Church, the Friends and Kinsmen of the partie departed carrie in their hands small Waxe Candles, and they weepe, and howle, and make much lamentation. They that bee hanged or beheaded, or such like, haue no testimonie with them: how they are reciued into Heauen, it is a wonder, without their Pasport. [ 50]

There are a great number of poore people among them which dye daily for lacke of suste∣nance, which is a pitifull case to behold: for there hath bin buried in a small time, within these two yeares, aboue eightie persons yong and old, which haue dyed onely for lacke of sustenance, for if they had had straw and water enough, they would make shift to liue: for a great many are forced in the Winter to dry straw and stampe it, and to make bread thereof, or at the least they eate it in stead of bread.* 3.56 In the Summer they make good shift with grasse, herbes, and roots: barkes of Trees are good meat with them at all times. There is no people in the World, as I sup∣pose, that liue so miserably as doe the pouertie in those parts: and the most part of them that haue sufficient for themselues, and also to relieue others that need, are so vnmercifull that they care not how many they see dye of famine or hunger in the streets.

It is a Countrey full of Diseases, diuers, and euill, and the best remedie is for any of them, as [ 60] they hold opinion, to goe often vnto the Hot-houses, as in a manner euery man hath one of his owne, which he heateth commonly twice euery weeke, and all the houshold sweat, and wash themselues therein.

The first and principall Meade is made of the juyce or liquor taken from a Berrie, called in Russia, Malieno, which is of a maruellous sweet taste, and of a Carmosant colour,* 3.57 which Berrie I haue seene in Paris. The second Meade is called Visnoua, because it is made of a Berrie so called, and is like a blacke Gooseberrie: but it is like in colour and taste to the red Wine of France. The third Meade is called Amarodina or Smorodina, short, of a small Berrie much like to the small Raisin, and groweth in great plentie in Russia. The fourth Meade is called Chereunikyna, which is made of the wild blacke Cherrie. The fift Meade is made of Honey and Water, with other mixtures. There is also a delicate Drinke drawne from the Root of the Birch Tree, called in the Russe Tongue Berozeuites, which drinke the Noblemen and others vse in Aprill, May, and [ 10] Iune, which are the three moneths of the Spring-time: for after those moneths, the sap of the Tree dryeth, and then they cannot haue it.

I haue by me a Letter of Master Christopher Hoddesdon, written the seuenteenth of Nouem∣ber 1555. wherein he writes, that it seemes, there is no great punishment for breaking their Re∣gion, some of them aduenturing to eate Milke with him on a Fasting day, which yet others re∣fused. Yarost••sly (so he cals the Towne where he writ) is fairer then Volga, the Riuer almost a mile broad: he was asked seuen Altines for a Sturgeon, he had giuen at Danske nine Mark-sprace for a worser: neither had he seene such abundance of Ling in England, as there of Sturgeons, there being in that dayes Market, about three thousand.

[ 20]

§. IIII. The Voyage of Master ANTHONIE IENKINSON, made from the Citie of Mosco in Russia, to the Citie of Boghar in Bactria, in the yeare 1558. written by himselfe to the Merchants of London, of the Moscouie Company.

THe three and twentieth day of Aprill, in the yeare 1558. (hauing obtayned the Em∣perour [ 30] of Russia his Letters, directed vnto sundry Kings and Princes,* 3.58 by whose Domi∣nions I should passe) departed from Mosco by water, hauing with mee two of your Seruants; namely, Richard Iohnson, and Robert Iohnson, and a Tartar Tolmach, with diuers parcels of Wares, as by the Inuentorie appeareth: and the eight and twentieth day wee came to a Towne, called Collom, distant from the Mosco twentie leagues, and passing one league beyond the said Collom, we came vnto a Riuer, called Occa, into the which the Riuer Mosco falleth, and loseth his name: and passing downe the said Riuer Occa eight leagues, wee came vnto a Castle called Terreuettisko, which we left vpon our right hand,* 3.59 and proceeding for∣ward, the second day of May, wee came vnto another Castle, called Peroslaue, distant eight leagues, leauing it also on our right hand.* 3.60 The third day we came vnto the place where old Re∣zan [ 40] was situate, being now most of it ruined and ouer-growne, and distant from the said Pero∣slaue, sixe leagues: the fourth day we passed by a Castle, called Terrecouia, from Rezan twelue leagues, and the sixt day we came to another Castle, called Cassim,* 3.61 vnder the gouernment of a Tartar Prince, named Vtzar Zegoline, sometime Emperour of the worthy Citie of Cazan, and now subject vnto the Emperour of Russia. But leauing Cassim on our left hand,* 3.62 the eight day we came vnto a faire Towne, called Morom, from Cassim twentie leagues, where wee tooke the Sunne, and found the latitude fiftie sixe degrees: and proceeding forward the eleuenth day, wee came vnto another faire Towne and Castle, called Nyse Nouogrod, situated at the falling of the foresaid Riuer Occa, into the worthy Riuer of Volga,* 3.63 distant from the said Moron fiue and twen∣tie leagues, in the latitude of fiftie sixe degrees eighteene minutes. From Rezan to this Nyse Nouogrod, on both sides the said Riuer of Occa, is raysed the greatest store of Waxe and Honey [ 50] in all the Land of Russia. We tarryed at the foresaid Nyse Nouogrod vntill the nineteenth day,* 3.64 for the comming of a Captaine which was sent by the Emperour to rule at Astracan, who being arriued, and hauing the number of fiue hundred great Boates vnder his conduct, some laden with Victuals, Souldiers, and Munition: and other some with Merchandize, departed altogether the said nineteenth day from the said Nyse Nouogrod, and the two and twentieth wee came vnto a Castle, called Vasiliagorod, distant fiue and twentie leagues, which wee lest vpon our right hand. This Towne or Castle had his name of this Emperours Father, who was called Vasilius, and Gorod in the Russe Tongue is as much to say, as a Castle, so that Vasilia∣gorod is to say, Vasilius Castle:* 3.65 and it was the furthest pl••ce that the said Emperour [ 60] conquered from the Tartars. But this present Emperour his Sonne, called Iuan Vasili∣wich, hath had great good successe in his Warres, both against the Christians, and also the Ma∣hometists, and Gentiles, but especially against the Tartars, inlarging his Empire euen to the Caspian Sea, hauing conquered the famous Riuer of Volga, with all the Countreyes thereabout adjacent. Thus proceeding on our journey, the fiue and twentieth day of May afore-said,

we came to another Castle called Sabowshare, which wee left on our right hand, distant from Vasiliagorod, sixteene leagues. The Countrey hereabout is called Mordouits, and the Habitants did professe the Law of the Gentiles: but now beeing conquered by this Emperour of Russia, most of them are christened, but lye in the Woods and Wildernesse, without Towne or Ha∣bitation.

* 3.66The seuen and twentieth day we passed by another Castle, called Swyasko, distant from Shabow∣share aforesaid, twentie fiue leagues: we left it on our right hand, and the nine and twentieth came vnto an Iland one league from the Citie of Cazan,* 3.67 from which falleth downe a Riuer cal∣led Cazankareca, and entreth into the foresaid Volga. Cazan is a faire Towne after the Russe or Tartar fashion, with a strong Castle situated vpon a high Hill, and was walled round about with [ 10] Timber and Earth, but now the Emperour of Russia hath giuen order to plucke downe the olde wals, and to build them againe of free stone. It hath beene a Citie of great Wealth and Riches, and being in the hands of the Tartars, it was a Kingdome of it selfe, and did more vexe the Rus∣ses in their Warres, then any other Nation: but nine yeares past, this Emperour of Russia con∣quered it, and tooke the King captiue, who being but young is now baptized, and brought vp in his Court with two other Princes, which were also Kings of the said Cazan, and being each of them in time of their Raignes in danger of their Subiects through ciuill discord, came and ren∣dred themselues at seuerall times vnto the said Emperour, so that at this present there are three Princes in the Court of Russia, which had beene Emperours of the said Cazan, whom the Em∣perour vseth with great honour.

We remayned at Cazan till the thirteenth day of Iune, and then departed from thence: and [ 20] the same day passed by an Iland called the Iland of Merchants, because it was wont to be a place where all Merchants,* 3.68 as well Russes and Cazanites, as Nagayans and Crimmes, and diuers other Nations did resort to keepe Mart for buying and selling, but now it is forsaken, and standeth without any such resort thither, or at Cazan, or at any place about it, from Mosco vnto Mare Caspium.

Thus proceeding forward, the fourteenth day we passed by a goodly riuer called Cama, which we left on our left hand.* 3.69 This Riuer falleth out of the Countrey of Permia into the Riuer of Volga, and is from Cazan fifteene leagues: and the Countrey lying betwixt the said Cazan, and the said Riuer Cama on the left hand of Volga is called Vachen,* 3.70 and the Inhabitants bee Gentiles, and liue in the Wildernesse without House or Habitation: and the Countrey on the other side of [ 30] Volga, ouer against the said Riuer Cama, is called the Land of Cheremizes, halfe Gentiles, halfe Tartars, and all the Land on the left hand of the said Volga, from the said Riuer vnto Astracan, and so following the North and North-east side of the Caspian Sea, to a Land of the Tartars called Turkemen,* 3.71 is called the Countrey of Mangat or Nagay, whose Inhabitants are of the Law of Mahomet, and were all destroyed in the yeare 1558. at my beeing at Astracan, through Ci∣uill Warres among them, accompanied with Famine, Pestilence, and such Plagues, in such sort that in the said yeare there were consumed of the people, in one sort and another, aboue one hundred thousand: the like Plague was neuer seene in those parts, so that the said Countrey of Nagay, being a Countrey of great Pasture, remayneth now vnreplenished to the great conten∣tation of the Russes, who haue had cruell Warres a long time together. [ 40]

The Nagayans when they flourished, liued in this manner: they were diuided into diuers companies called Hords, and euery Hord had a Ruler, whom they obeyed as their King, and was called a Murse. Towne or House they had none, but liued in the open fields, euery Murse or King hauing his Hords or people about him,* 3.72 with their Wiues, Children, and Cattell, who hauing consumed the Pasture in one place, remoued vnto another: and when they remooue they haue Houses like Tents set vpon Waggons or Carts, which are drawne from place to place with Ca∣mels, and therein their Wiues, Children, and all their Riches, which is very little, is carried a∣bout, and euery man hath at the least foure or fiue Wiues besides Concubines. Vse of money they haue none, but doe barter their Cattell for apparell and other necessaries. They delight in [ 50] no Art nor Science, except the Warres, wherein they are expert, but for the most part they bee pasturing people, and haue great store of Cattell, which is all their Riches. They eate much flesh, and especially the Horse, and they drinke Mares Milke, wherewith they be oftentimes drunke: they are seditious and inclined to Theft and Murther. Corne they sow not, neither doe eate any Bread, mocking the Christians for the same, and disabling our strengths, saying, wee liue by eating the top of a Weed, and drinke a Drinke made of the same, allowing their great deuouring of flesh, and drinking of Milke to be the increase of their strength. But now to proceed forward to my Iourney.

All the Countrey vpon our right hand the Riuer Volga, from ouer against the Riuer Cama vn∣to the Towne of Astracan,* 3.73 is the Land of Crimme, whose Inhabitants bee also of the Law of [ 60] Mahomet, and liue for the most part according to the fashions of the Nagayes, hauing continuall Warres with the Emperour of Russia, and are valiant in the field, hauing countenance, and sup∣port from the great Turke.

The sixteenth day of Iune we passed by certayne Fishermens Houses, called Petowse, twentie

leagues from the Riuer Cama, where is great fishing for Sturgeon, so continuing our way vntill the two and twentieth day, and passing by another great Riuer called Samar, which falleth out of the aforesaid Countrey, and runneth through Nagay, and entreth into the said Riuer of Volga.* 3.74 The eight and twentieth day we came vnto a great Hill, where was in times past a Castle made by the Crimmes, but now it is ruined, being the just mid-way betweene the said Cazan and A∣strachan, which is two hundred leagues or thereabout, in the latitude of one and fiftie degrees, fortie seuen minutes. Vpon all this shoare groweth abundance of Licoris, whose Root runneth within the ground like a Vine.* 3.75

Thus going forward, the sixt day of Iuly we came to a place called Perouolog, so named be∣cause [ 10] in times past the Tartars carried their Boats from Volga, vnto the Riuer Tanais, otherwise called Don, by Land, when they would rob such as passed downe the said Volga to Astracan, and also such as passed downe by the Riuer Tanais, to Afou, Caffa, or any other Towne situated vpon Mare Euxinum, into which Sea Tanais falleth, who hath his Springs in the Countrey of the Rezan, out of a plaine ground. It is at this streight of Perouolog from the one Riuer to the other, two leagues by Land, and is a dangerous place for Theeues and Robbers, but now it is not so euill as it hath beene by reason of the Emperour of Russia his Conquests.

Departing from Perouolog, hauing the Wildernesse on both sides, wee saw a great Heard of Nagayans pasturing, as is abouesaid, by estimation aboue a thousand Camels drawing of Carts with Houses vpon them like Tents, of a strange fashion, seeming to bee afarre off a Towne: [ 20] that Herd was belonging to a great Murse, called Smille, the greatest Prince in all Nagay, who hath slaine and driuen away all the rest, not sparing his owne Brethren and Children, and ha∣uing peace with this Emperour of Russia, hee hath what hee needeth, and ruleth alone: so that now the Russes liue in peace with the Nagayans, who were wont to haue mortall Warres together.

The fourteenth day of Iuly passing by an old Castle▪ which was Old Astracan, and leauing it vpon our right hand, we arriued at New Astracan, which this Emperour of Russia conquered sixe yeares past, in the yeare 1552. It is from the Mosco vnto Astracan sixe hundred leagues, or thereabout. The Towne of Astracan is situated in an Iland vpon a Hill side,* 3.76 hauing a Castle within the same, walled about with Earth and Timber, neither faire nor strong: The Towne is [ 30] also walled about with Earth: the Buildings and Houses (except it be the Captaines Lodging, and certaine other Gentlemens) most base & simple. The Iland is most destitute and barren of wood and pasture, and the ground will beare no Corne: the A••re is there most infected, by reason (as I suppose) of much fish, and specially Sturgeon, by which onely the Inhabitants liue,* 3.77 hauing great scarsitie of flesh and bread. They hang vp their fish in their streets and Houses to dry for their prouision, which causeth such abundance of flyes to increase there, as the like was neuer seene in any Land, to their great Plague. And at my beeing at the said Astracan, there was a great Famine and Plague among the people, and specially among the Tartars, called Nagayans, who the same time came thither in great numbers to render themselues to the Russes their Ene∣mies, and to seeke succour at their hands, their Countrey being destroyed, as I said before: but [ 40] they were but ill entertayned or releeued, for there dyed a great number of them for hunger, which lay all the Iland through in heapes dead, and like to beasts vnburied, very pittifull to be∣hold: many of them were also sold by the Russes, and the rest were banished from the Iland. At that time it had beene an easie thing to haue conuerted that wicked Nation to the Christian Faith, if the Russes themselues had beene good Christians: but how should they shew compassion vnto other Nations, when they are not mercifull vnto their owne▪ At my being there I could haue bought many goodly Tartars Children, if I would haue had a thousand, of their owne Fa∣thers and Mothers, to say, a Boy or a Wench for a Loafe of bread worth sixe pence in England, but we had more need of victuals at that time then of any such Merchandize.* 3.78 This Astracan is the furthest hold that this Emperour of Russia hath conquered of the Tartars towards the Ca∣spian [ 50] Sea, which he keepeth very strong, sending thither euery yeare prouision of men, and vi∣ctuals, and Timber to build the Castle.

There is a certayne Trade of Merchandize there vsed, but as yet so small and beggerly, that it is not worth the making mention, and yet there come Merchants thither from diuers places. The chiefest Commodities that the Russes bring thither are red Hides, red sheeps skinnes, wood∣den Vessels, Bridles, and Saddles, Kniues, and other Trifles, with Corne, Bacon, and other Vi∣ctuals. The Tartars bring thither diuers kinds of Wares made of Cotton Wooll, with diuers kinds of wrought Silkes: and they that come out of Persia, namely, from Shamacki, doe bring sewing Silke, which is the coursest that they vse in Russeland, Crasso, diuers kinds of pide Silkes for Girdles, Shirts of Male, Bowes, Swords▪ and such like things: and some yeares Corne, and [ 60] Wal-nuts, but all such things in such small quantitie, the Merchants being so begge••ly and poore that bring the same, that it is not worth the writing, neither is there any hope of Trade in all those parts worth the following.

This foresaid Iland of Astracan is in length twelue leagues, and in breadth three, and ly••th East and West in the latitude of fortie seuen degrees, nine minutes: we tarryed there vnti••l th••

sixt day of August, and hauing bought and prouided a Boate in company with certayne Tartars and Persians, wee laded our goods and imbarked our selues, and the same day depar∣ted I, with the said two Iohnsons, hauing the whole charge of the Nauigation downe the said Riuer Volga,* 3.79 beeing very crooked, and full of flats toward the mouth thereof. Wee entred into the Caspian Sea the tenth day of August at the Easterly side of the said Riuer, be∣ing twentie leagues from Astracan aforesaid, in the latitude of fortie sixe degrees, twentie seuen minutes.

* 3.80Volga hath seuentie mouthes or fals into the Sea: and we hauing a large wind, kept the North-east shoare, and the eleuenth day we sayled seuen leagues East North-east, and came vnto an Iland hauing an high Hill therein, called Accurgar, a good Marke in the Sea. From thence [ 10] East ten leagues, we fell with another Iland, called Bawhi••ta, much higher then the other. With∣in these two Ilands to the Northwards,* 3.81 is a great Bay called the Blue Sea. From thence wee sayled East and by North ten leagues, and hauing a contrary wind, wee came to an Anchor in a fathome water, and so rid vntill the fifteenth day, hauing a great storme at South-east, being a most contrary wind, which we rid out. Then the wind came to the North, and wee weighed, and set our course South-east, and that day sayled eight leagues.

Thus proceeding forwards, the seuenteenth day we lost sight of Land, and the same day say∣led thirtie leagues, and the eighteenth day twentie leagues winding East, and fell with a Land called Baughleata,* 3.82 being seuentie foure leagues from the mouth of the said Volga, in the latitude of fortie sixe degrees fiftie foure minutes, the Coast lying neerest East and by South, and West [ 20] and by North. At the point of this Iland lyeth buried a holy Prophet, as the Tartars call him, of their Law, where great deuotion is vsed of all such Mahometists as doe passe that way.

[illustration] map of Tartary

HONDIVS his Map of Tartaria.

TARTA¦RIA

The nineteenth day the winde being West, and wee winding East South-east, we sayled ten leagues, and passed by a great Riuer called Iaic, which hath his spring in the Land of Siberia,* 3.83 nigh vnto the foresaid Riuer Cama, and runneth through the Land of Nagay, falling into this Mare Caspium. And vp this Riuer one dayes iourney is a Towne called Serachicke,* 3.84 subiect to the foresaid Tartar Prince, called Murse Smille, which is now in friendship with the Em∣perour of Russia. Heere is no trade of merchandise vsed, for that the people haue no vse of mo∣ney, and are all Men of warre, and Pasturers of cattell, and giuen much to theft and murther. Thus being at an anchor against this Riuer Iaic, and all our men being on Land, sauing I, who lay sore sicke, and fiue Tartars, whereof one was reputed a holy man, because hee came from [ 10] Mecca, there came vnto vs a Boat with thirtie men well armed and appointed, who boorded vs, and began to enter into our Barke, and our holy Tartar, called Azy, perceiuing that, asked them what they would haue, and withall made a prayer: with that these Rouers stayed, decla∣ring that they were Gentlemen, banished from their Countrey, and out of liuing, and came to see if there were any Russes, or other Christians (which they call Caphars) in our Barke: To whom this Azi most stoutly answered, that there were none, auowing the same by great oaths of their Law, (which lightly they will not breake) whom the Rouers beleeued, and vpon his words departed. And so through the fidelitie of that Tartar, I with all my companie and goods were saued, and our men being come on boord, and the wind faire, we departed from that place, and winding East and South-east, that day being the twentieth of August failed sixteene leagues.

[ 20] The one and twentieth day we passed ouer a Bay of sixe leagues broad, and fell with a Cape of Land, hauing two Ilands at the South-east part thereof, being a good marke in the Sea: and doubling the Cape the Land trended North-east, and maketh another Bay, into which falleth the greater Riuer Yem, springing out of the Land of Colmack. The two and twentieth, three and twentieth, and foure and twentieth dayes, we were at anchor. The fiue and twentieth,* 3.85 the winde came faire, and we sayled that day twentie leagues, and passed by an Iland of lowe land, and thereabout are many flats and sands: and to the Northward of this Iland there goeth in a great Bay, but we set off from this Iland, and winded South to come into deepe water, being much troubled with shoalds and flats, and ranne that course ten leagues, then East South-east, twentie leagues, and fell with the maine Land, being full of copped Hills, and passing along the [ 30] coast twentie leagues, the further we sayled, the higher was the Land.

The seuen and twentieth day we crossed ouer a Bay, the South shoare being the higher Land, and fell with a high point of Land: and being ouerthwart the Cape, there rose such a storme at the East, that we thought verily we should haue perished: this storme continued three dayes. From this Cape we passed to a Port called Manguslaue.* 3.86 The place where we should haue arri∣ued at the Southermost part of the Caspian Sea, ••s twelue leagues within a Bay: but we being fore tormented and tossed with this foresaid storme, were driuen vnto another Land on the o∣ther side the Bay, ouerthwart the said Manguslaue being very lowe Land, and a place as well for the ill commoditie of the Hauen, as of those brute field people, where neuer Barke nor Boat had before arriued, not liked of vs.

[ 40] But yet there we sent certaine of our men to Land to talke with the Gouernour and People, as well for our good vsage at their hands, as also for prouision of Camels to carrie our goods from the said Sea side to a place called Sellyzure, being from the place of our landing fiue and twentie dayes iourney. Our Messengers returned with comfortable words and faire promises of all things.

Wherefore the third day of September 1558. we discharged our Barke, and I with my com∣panie were gently entertayned of the Prince, and of his people.* 3.87 But before our departure from thence, we found them to bee a very bad and brutish people, for they ceased not daily to molest vs, either by fighting, stealing▪ or begging, raysing the price of Horse, and Camels, and Victu∣als, double that it was wont there to be, and forced vs to buy the water that we drinke: which [ 50] caused vs to hasten away, and to conclude wi••h them as well for the hire of Camels, as for the price of such as wee bought, with other prouision, according to their owne demand: So that for euery Camels lading, being but foure hundred weight of ours, we agreed to giue three Hides of Russia, and foure wooden dishes, and to the Prince or Gouernour of the said people one ninth, and two seuenths: namely, nine seuerall things, and twice seuen seuerall things: for money they vse none.

And thus being ready, the fourteenth of September we departed from that place, being a Ca∣rauan of a thousand Camels. And hauing trauelled fiue dayes iourney, wee came to another Princes Dominion, and vpon the way there came vnto vs certaine Tartars on horsebacke, being well armed, and seruants vnto the said Prince called Timor Sultan, Gouernour of the said Coun∣trey [ 60] of Manguslaue, where wee meant to haue arriued and discharged our Barke,* 3.88 if the great storme aforesaid had not disappointed. These aforesaid Tartars stayed our Carauan in the name of the••r Prince, and opened our Wares, and tooke s••ch things as they thought best for their said Prince without money, but for such things as they tooke from mee, which was a ninth (af∣ter much dissention) I rode vnto the same Prince, and presented my selfe before him, requesting

his fauour, and Pasport to trauell thorow his Countrey, and not to be robbed or spoyled of his people: which request he granted me, and entertayned me very gently, commanding me to be well feasted with flesh and Mares milke: for Bread they vse none, nor other drinke except wa∣ter: but money he had none to giue me for such things as he tooke of me, which might be of value in Russe money, fifteene Rubbles, but hee gaue mee his Letter, and a Horse worth seuen Rubbles. And so I departed from him being glad that I was gone: for he was reported to bee a very tyrant, and if I had not gone vnto him, I vnderstood his commandement was, that I should haue beene robbed and destroyed.

This Sultan liued in the fields without Castle or Towne, and sate, at my being with him, in a little round house made of reeds couered without with Felt, and within with Carpets. There [ 10] was with him the great Metropolitan of that wilde Countrey, esteemed of the people, as the Bishop of Rome is in most parts of Europe, with diuers other of his chiefe men. The Sultan with this Metropolitan demanded of mee many questions, as well touching our Kingdomes, Lawes, and Religion, as also the cause of my comming into those par••s, with my further pre∣tence. To whom I answered concerning all things, as vnto me seemed best, which they tooke in good part. So hauing leaue I departed, and ouertooke our Carauan, and proceeding on our iourney,* 3.89 and trauelled twentie dayes in the W••ldernesse from the Sea side without seeing Town or habitation, carrying prouision of victuals with vs for the same time, and were driuen by ne∣cessitie to eate one of my Camels and a Horse for our part, as other did the like: and during the said twentie dayes we found no water, but such as we drew out of old deepe Wells, being very [ 20] brackish and salt, and yet somtimes passed two or three dayes without the same. And the fift day of October ensuing,* 3.90 we came vnto a Gulfe of the Caspian Sea againe, where we found the wa∣ter very fresh and sweet: at this Gulfe the Customers of the King of Turkeman met vs, who tooke custome of euery fiue and twentie one, and seuen ninths for the said King and his brethren, which being receiued they departed, and we remayned there a day after to refresh our selues.

Note, that in times past there did fall into this Gulfe the great Riuer Oxus, which hath his springs in the Mountaines of Paraponisus in India, and now commeth not so fa••re, but falleth in∣to another Riuer,* 3.91 called Ardock, which runneth toward the North, and cons••meth himselfe in the ground, passing vnder the ground aboue fiue hundred miles, and then issueth out againe and falleth into the Lake of Kithay. [ 30]

We hauing refreshed our selues at the foresaid Gulfe, departed thence the fourth day of Octo∣ber,* 3.92 and the seuenth day arriued at a Castle, called Sellizure, where the King, called Azim Can, remayned with three other of his brethren, and the ninth day I was commanded to come be∣fore his presence, to whom I deliuered the Emperours Letters of Russia: and I also gaue him a Present of a ninth, who entertayned me very well, and caused me to eate in his presence as his brethren did, feasting me with flesh of a wilde Horse, and Mares milke without Bread. And the next day he sent for me againe, and asked of me diuers questions, as well touching the affaires of the Emperour of Russia, as of our Countrey and Lawes, to which I answered as I thought good:* 3.93 so that at my departure he gaue mee his Letters of safe conduct.

This Castle of Sellizure is situated vpon an high H••ll, where the King called the Can lieth, [ 40] whose Palace is built of earth very ba••ely, and not strong: the people are but poore, and haue little trade of merchandise among them. The South part of this Castle is low land, but very fruit∣full, where growe many good fruits, among which there is one called a Dynie, of a great bignesse▪ and full of moisture, which the people doe eate after meate in stead of drinke. Also there growes another fruit, called a Carbuse, of the bignesse of a great Cucumber, yellow, and sweet as Su∣gar: also a certaine Corne, called Iegur, whose stalke is much like a Sugar cane, and as high, and the Gra••ne like Rice, which groweth at the top of the cane like a cluster of Grapes; the water that serueth ••ll that Countrey is drawne by ditches out of the Riuer Oxus, vnto the great de∣struction of the said Riuer, for which cause it f••lleth not into the Caspian Sea, as it hath done in time•• past, and in short time all that Land is like to be destroyed, and to become a Wildernesse [ 50] for want of water, when the Riuer of Oxus shall faile.

The fourteenth day of the moneth wee departed from this Castle of Sellizure, and the six∣teenth of the same wee arriued at a Citie called Vrgence,* 3.94 where we payed Custome as well for our owne heads, as for our Camels and Horses. And hauing there soiourned one moneth, atten∣ding the time of our further trauell, the King of that Countrey called Aly Sultan, brother to the fore-named Azym Can, returned from a Towne called Corasan, within the borders of Persia, which he lately had co••q••ered from the Persians, with whom hee and the rest of the Kings of T••rtaria haue continuall warres. Before this King also I was commanded to come, to whom I likewise presented the Emperours Letters of Russia▪ and he entertayned me well▪ and deman∣ded of me diuers questions▪ and at my departure gaue me his Letters of safe conduct.

This Citie or Towne of Vrgence standeth in a plaine ground, with walls of the earth, by esti∣mation [ 60] foure miles about it. The buildings within it are also of earth, but ruined a••d out of good order: it hath one long street that is couered aboue, which is the place of their Market. It hath beene wonne and lost foure times within seuen yeeres by ciuill warres, by meanes whereof there

are but few Merchants in it, and they very poore, and in all that Towne I could not fell aboue foure Kerseys. The chiefest commodities there sold are such wares as come from Boghaer, and out of Persia, but in most small quantitie not worth the writing. All the Land from the Caspian Sea to this Citie of Vrgence, is called the Land of Turkeman, and is subiect to the said Azim Can, and his brethren which bee fiue in number,* 3.95 and one of them hath the name of the chiefe King called Can, but he is little obeyed sauing in his owne Dominion, and where hee dwelleth: for euery one will be King of his owne portion, and one brother seeketh alwaies to destroy an∣other, hauing no naturall loue among them, by reason that they are begotten of diuers women, and commonly they are the children of slaues, either Christians or Gentiles, which the father doth keepe as Concubines, and euery Can or Sultan hath at the least foure or fiue wiues, besides [ 10] young maidens and boyes, liuing most viciously: and when there are warres betwixt these bre∣thren, (as they are seldome without) he that is ouercome if hee be not slaine, fleeth to the field with such companie of men as will follow him, and there liueth in the Wildernesse, resorting to watering places, and so robbeth and spoyleth as many Carauans of Merchants and others, as they be able to ouercome, continuing in this sort his wicked life, vntill such time as he may get power and aide to inuade some of his brethren againe. From the Caspian Sea vnto the Castle of S••llizure aforesaid, and all the Countries about the said Sea, the people liue without Towne or habitation in the wilde fields, remoouing from one place to another in great companies with their Cattell, whereof they haue great store, as Camels, Horses, and Sheepe both tame and wilde. Their sheepe are of great stature with great buttockes, weighing sixtie or eightie pound [ 20] in weight. There are many wilde Horses which the Tartars doe many times kill with their Hawkes, and that in this order.

The Hawkes are lured to seize vpon the beasts neckes or heads, which with chafing of them∣selues, and sore beating of the Hawkes are tyred: then the Hunterr following his game doth slay the Horse with his Arrow or Sword. In all this Land there groweth no grasse, but a certaine brush or heath, whereon the Cattell feeding become very fat.

The Tartars neuer ride without their Bowe, Arrowes, and Sword, although it bee on haw∣king, or at any other pleasure, and they are good Archers both on horse-backe, and on foot also. These people haue not vse of Gold, Siluer, or any other coyne, but when they lacke apparell or other necessaries, they barter their Cattell for the same. Bread they haue none, for they nei∣ther [ 30] till nor sowe: they be great deuourers of flesh, which they cut in small pieces, and eate it by handfuls most greedily, and especially the Horse flesh. Their chiefest drinke is Mares milke sowred, as I haue said before of the Nagayans, and they will bee drunke with the same. They haue no Riuers nor places of water in this Countrey, vntill you come to the foresaid Gulfe, di∣stant from the place of our landing twentie dayes iourney, except it bee in Wells, the water whereof is saltish, and yet distant the one from the other two dayes iourney and more. They eate their meate vpon the ground, sitting with their legs double vnder them, and so also when they pray. Arte or Science they haue none, but liue most idlely, sitting round in great compa∣nies in the fields, deuising, and talking most vainely.

They sixe and twentieth day of Nouember, wee departed from the Towne of Vrgence,* 3.96 and [ 40] hauing trauelled by the Riuer Oxus one hundred miles, wee passed ouer another great Riuer, called Ardocke, where wee payed a certaine petie custome. This Riuer Ardocke is great, and very swift, falling out of the foresaid Oxus, and passing about one thousand mile to the North-ward, it then consumeth it selfe in the ground, and passing vnder the same about fiue hundred miles, issueth out againe, and falleth into the Lake of Kitay, as I haue before declared.

The seuenth of December following, we arriued at a Castle called Kait, subiect to a Sultan called Saramet Sultan, who meant to haue robbed all the Christians in the Carauan,* 3.97 had it not beene for feare of his brother the King of Vrgence, as we were informed by one of his chiefest Counsellours, who willed vs to make him a present, which he tooke, and deliuered: besides, wee payed at the said Castle for Custome, of euery Camell one red hide of Russia, besides petie [ 50] gifts to his Officers.

Thus proceeding in our iourney, the tenth day at night being at rest, and our watch set, there came vnto vs foure Horsemen, which we tooke as Spies, from whom we tooke their weapons, and bound them, and hauing well examined them, they confessed that they had seene the tract of many Horsemen, and no footing of Camels, and gaue vs to vnderstand, that there were Ro∣uers and theeues abroad: for there trauell few people that are true and peaceable in that Coun∣trey, but in companie of Carauan, where there be many Camels: and Horse-feeting new with∣out Camels were to be doubted. Whereupon we consulted and determined amongst our selues, and sent a Poste to the said Sultan of Kaite, who immediatly came himselfe with three hundred [ 60] men, and met these foure suspected men which wee sent vnto him, and examined them so straightly, and threatned them in such sort, that they confessed, there was a banished Prince with fortie men three dayes iourney forward, who lay in wait to destroy vs, if hee could, and that they themselues were of his companie.

The Sultan therefore vnderstanding, that the Theeues were not many, appointed vs eightie

men well armed with a Captaine to goe with vs, and conduct vs in our way. And the Sultan himselfe returned backe again, taking the foure theeues with him. These souldiers trauelled with vs two dayes, consuming much of our victuals. And the third day in the morning very early they set out before our Carauan, and hauing ranged the wildernesse for the space of foure houres, they met vs, comming towards vs as fast as their horse could runne, and declared that they had found the tract of horses not farre from vs, perceiuing well that wee should meete with enemies, and therefore willed vs to appoint our selues for them, and asked vs what wee would giue them to conduct vs further, or else they would returne. To whom wee offered as we thought good, but they refused our offer, and would haue more, and so wee not agreeing they departed from vs, and went backe to their Sultan, who (as wee coniectured) was priuie to the conspiracie. But they being gone, certaine Tartars of our companie called holy men, (because they had beene [ 10] at Mecca) caused the whole Carauan to stay,* 3.98 and would make their prayers, and diuine how we should prosper in our iourney, and whether wee should meet with any ill companie or no: To which, our whole Carauan did agree. And they tooke certaine she••pe and killed them, and tooke the blade bones of the same, and first sod them, and then burnt them, and tooke of the bloud of the said sheepe, and mingled it with the powder of the said bones, and wrote certaine Characters with the said blo••d, vsing many other ceremoni••s and words, and by the same di∣uined and found, that wee should mee••e with enemies and theeues (to our great trouble) but should ouercome them, to which sorcerie, I and my companie gaue no credit, but wee found it true: for within three houres after that the souldiers departed from vs, which was the fifteenth day of December, in the morning, wee escryed farre off diuers horsemen which made towards [ 20] vs, and we (perceiuing them to bee rouers) gathered our selues together, being fortie of vs well appointed, and able to fight, and wee made our prayers together euery one after his Law, pro∣fessing to liue and dye one with another,* 3.99 and so prepared our selues. When the theeues were nigh vnto vs, wee perceiued them to be in number thirtie seuen men well armed, and appointed with bowes, arrowes, and swords, and the Captaine a Prince banished from his Countrey. They willed vs to yeeld our selues, or else to bee slaine, but wee defied them, wherewith they shot at vs all at once, and we at them very hotly, and so continued our fight from morning vntill two houres within night, diuers men, horses and camels being wounded and slaine on both parts: and had it not beene for foure hand-guns,* 3.100 which I and my companie had and vsed, wee had [ 30] beene ouercome and destroyed: for the theeues were better armed, and were also better Archers then wee; But after we had slaine diuers of their men and horses with our Guns, they durst not approach so nigh, which caused them to come to a truce with vs vntill the next morning, which wee accepted, and encamped our selues vpon a hill, and made the fashion of a Castle, walling it about with packes of wares, and layd our Horses and Camels within the same, to saue them from the shot of arrowes: and the theeues also incamped within an arrow shot of vs, but they were betwixt vs and the water, which was to our great discomfort, because neither wee nor our Ca∣mels had drunke in two dayes before.

Thus keeping good watch, when halfe the night was spent, the Prince of the Theeues sent a messenger halfe way vnto vs, requiring to talke with our Captaine, in their tongue, the Cara∣uan [ 40] Basha, who answered the messenger, I will not depart from my companie to goe into the halfe way to talke with thee: but if that thy Prince with all his companie will sweare by our Law to keepe the truce, then will I send a man to talke with thee, or else not. Which the Prince vnderstanding as well himselfe as his company, swore so loude that wee might all heare. And then we sent one of our companie (reputed a holy man) to talke with the same messenger. The message was pronounced aloude in this order.* 3.101 Our Prince demandeth of the Carauan Basha, and of all you that bee Bussarmans, (that is to say, Circumcised) not desiring your blouds, that you deliuer into his hands as many Caphars,* 3.102 that is, vnbeleeuers (meaning vs the Christians) as are among you with their goods, and in so doing, hee will suffer you to depart with your goods in quietnesse, and on the contra∣rie, you shall bee handled with no lesse cruelty then the Caphars, if hee ouercome you, as hee doubteth not. [ 50] To the which our Carauan Basha answered, that hee had no Christians in his companie, nor o∣ther strangers, but two Turkes which were of their Law; and although hee had, hee would ra∣ther dye then deliuer them, and that wee were not afraid of his threatnings, and that should hee know when day appeared. And so passing in talke, the Theeues (contrary to their oath) carri∣ed our holy man a way to their Prince, crying with a loude voyce in token of victorie, Ollo, ollo. Wherewith wee were much discomforted, fearing that that holy man would betray vs: but he being cruelly handled and much examined,* 3.103 would not to death confesse any thing which was to vs preiudiciall, neither touching vs, nor yet what men they had slaine and wounded of ours the day before. When the night was spent, in the morning wee prepared our sel••es to battell againe: which the theeues perceiuing, required to fall to agreement, and asked much of vs: And to bee briefe, the most part of our company being loath to goe to battell againe, and hauing lit∣tle [ 60] to lose, and safe conduct to passe, wee were compelled to agree, and to giue the theeues twen∣tie ninths (that is to say) twentie times nine seuerall things, and a Camell to carrie away the same, which being receiued, the theeues departed into the Wildernesse to their olde

habitation, and wee went on our way forward. And that night came to the Riuer Oxus, where wee refreshed our selues, hauing beene three dayes without water and drinke,* 3.104 and tarri∣ed there all the next day, making merrie with our slaine Horses and Camels, and then departed from that place, and for feare of meeting with the said theeues againe, or such like, wee left the high way which went along the said Riuer, and passed through a wildernesse of sand, and tra∣uelled foure dayes in the same before wee came to water: and then came to a Well,* 3.105 the water being very brackish, and we then as before were in need of water, and of other victuals, being forced to kill our Horses and Camels to eate.

In this wildernesse also, wee had almost fallen into the hands of Theeues: for one night be∣ing [ 10] at rest, there came certaine scouts, and carried away certaine of our men which lay a little separated from the Carauan where with there was a great shoute and crie, and we immediatly la∣ded our Camels, and departed being about midnight, and very darke, and droue sore till we came to the riuer Oxus againe, and then wee feared nothing being walled with the said riuer: and whether it was for that wee had gotten the water, or for that the same theeues were farre from vs when the scouts discouered vs, we know not, but we escaped that danger.

So vpon the three & twentieth day of December,* 3.106 we arriued at the Citie of Boghar in the land of Bactria. This Boghar is situated in the lowest part of all the Land, walled about with a high wall of earth, with diuers Gates into the same: it is diuided into three partitions, whereof two parts are the Kings, and the third part is for Merchants & Markets, and euery Science hath their dwelling and market by thems••lues. The Citie is very great, and the houses for the most part [ 20] of Earth, but there are also many Houses, Temples, and Monuments of stone sumptuously buil∣ded, and gilt, and specially Bath-stoues so artificially built, that the like thereof is not in the world: the manner whereof is too long to rehearse. There is a little riuer running through the midst of the said Citie, but the water thereof is most vnwholesome,* 3.107 for it breedeth sometimes in men that drinke thereof, and especially in them that bee not there borne, a Worme of an ell long, which lyeth commonly in the leg, betwixt the flesh and the skin, and is pluckt out about the Ancle with great art and cunning, the Surgeons being much practised therein, and if shee breake in plucking out, the partie dyeth, and euery day she commeth out about an inch, which is rolled vp, and so worketh till she bee all out. And yet it is there forbidden to drinke any o∣ther thing then water, and Mares milke, and whosoeuer is found to breake that Law, is whip∣ped [ 30] and beaten most cruelly through the open markets, and there are Officers appointed for the same, who haue authoritie to goe into any mans house, to search if hee haue either Aquauita, Wine, or Brag, and finding the same, doe breake the vessels, spoyle the drinke, and punish the masters of the house most cruelly; yea, and many times if they perceiue but by the breath of a man that hee hath drunke, without further examination he shall not escape their hands.

There is a Metropolitane in this Boghar, who causeth this law to be so straightly kept: and he is more obeyed then the King, and will depose the King, and place another at his will and plea∣sure, as hee did by this King that raigned at our being there, and his predecessour, by the meanes of the said Metropolitan: for hee betrayed him, and in the night slew him in his chamber, who [ 40] was a Prince that loued all Christians well.

This Countrey of Boghar was somtime subiect to the Persians,* 3.108 and doe now speake the Per∣sian tongue, but yet now it is a Kingdome of it selfe, and hath most cruell warres continually with the said Persians about their Religion, although they bee all Mahometists. One occasion of their warres is, for that the Persians will not cut the hayre of their vpper lips, as the Bogharians and all other Tartars doe, which they account great sinne, and call them Caphars, that is, vnbe∣leeuers, as they doe the Christians.

The King of Boghar hath no great power or riches, his reuenues are but small, and hee is most maintained by the Citie: for he taketh the tenth penie of all things that are there sold, as well by the Craftsmen as by the Merchants, to the great impouerishment of the people, whom hee keepeth in great subiection, and when hee lacketh money, he sendeth his officers to the Shops [ 50] of the said Merchants, to take their wares to pay his debts, and will haue credit of force, as the like hee did to pay me certaine money that he owed me for nineteene pieces of Kersey. Their money is siluer and copper, for gold their is none currant: they haue but one piece of siluer,* 3.109 and that is worth twelue-pence English, and the copper money are called Pooles, and one hundred and twentie of them goeth to the value of the said twelue-pence, and is more common payment then the siluer, which the King causeth to rise and fall to his most aduantage euery other moneth, and somtimes twise a moneth, not caring to oppresse his people, for that he looketh not to raigne aboue two or three yeeres, before he bee either slaine or driuen away, to the great destruction of the Countrey and Merchants.

The twentie sixth day of the moneth, I was commanded to goe before the said King, to whom [ 60] I presented the Emperour of Russia his letters, who entertained vs most gently, and caused vs to eate in his presence, and d••uers times hee sent for me, and deuised with me familiarly in his se∣cret chamber, as well of the power of the Emperour, and the great Turke, as also of our Coun∣tries, Lawes, and Religion, and caused vs to shoote in hand-guns before him, and did himselfe

practise the vse thereof. But after all this great entertainment, before my departure hee shewed himselfe a very Tartar: for he went to the warres owing me money, and saw me not payed be∣fore his departure.* 3.110 And although indeed hee gaue order for the same, yet wa•• I very ill satisfied, and forced to rebate part, and to take wares as payment for the rest contrary to my expectati∣on: but of a begger better payment I could not haue, & glad I was so to be payd and dispatched.

But yet I must needs praise and commend this barbarous King, who immediately after my ar∣riuall at Boghar, hauing vnderstood our trouble with the Theeues, sent one hundred men well ar∣med, and gaue them great charge not to returne before they had either slaine or taken the sayd theeues. Who according to their commission ranged the wildernesse in such sort, that they met with the said companie of Theeues,* 3.111 and slew part, and part fled, and foure they tooke and [ 10] brought vnto the King, and two of them were sore wounded in our skirmish with our Guns: And after the King had sent for me to come to see them, hee caused them all foure to bee han∣ged at his Palace g••te, because they were Gentlemen, to the example of others. And of such goods as were gotten againe, I had part restored me; and this good Iustice I found at his hands.

There is yeerely great resort of Merchants to this Citie of Boghar, which trauell in great Ca∣ra••ans from the Countries thereabout adioyning, as India, Persia, Balgh, Russia, with diuers o∣thers, and in times past from Cathay, when there was passage: but these Merchants are so beg∣gerly and poore, and bring so little quantitie of wares, lying two or three yeeres to sell the same, that there is no hope of any good trade there to be had worthy the following. The chiefe com∣modities that are brought thither out of these foresaid Countries, are these following. [ 20]

The Indians doe bring fine Whites, which the Tartars doe all roll about their heads, and all other kindes of Whites, which serue for apparell made of Cotton-wooll and Cras∣ca,* 3.112 but Gold, Siluer, precious Stones, and Spices they bring none. I enquired and perceiued that all such trade passeth to the Ocean sea, and the veynes where all such things are gotten are in the subiection of the Portugals. The Indians carrie from Boghar againe wrought Silkes, red Hides, Slaues, and Horses, with such like, but of Kerseis and other cloath, they make little ac∣count. I offered to bartar with Merchants of those Countries, which came from the furthest parts of India, euen from the Countrey of Bengala, and the riuer Ganges, to giue them Kerseis for their commodities, but they would not barter for such commoditie as Cloath.

* 3.113The Persians doe bring thither Craska, Woollen-cloath, Linnen-cloath, diuers kindes of [ 30] wrought pide Silkes, Argomacks, with such like, and doe carrie from thence red hydes with o∣ther Russe wares, and Slaues, which are of diuers Countries, but cloath they will buy none, for that they bring thither themselues, and is brought vnto them as I haue inquired from Aleppo in Syria,* 3.114 and the parts of Turkie. The Russes doe carrie vnto Boghar, red hydes, s••eepe skinnes, woollen cloath of diuers sorts, woodden vessels, brydles, saddles, with such like, and doe carrie away from thence diuers kindes of wares made of cotten-wooll, diuers kindes of silkes, Crasca, with other things, but there is but small vtterance. From the Countries of Cathay are brought thither in time of peace, and when the way is open, Muske, Rubarbe, Satten, Damaske, with diuers others things. At my being at Boghar, there came Carauans out of all these foresaid Coun∣tries,* 3.115 except from Cathay: and the cause why there came none from thence, was the great [ 40] warres that had dured three yeeres before my comming thither, and yet dured betwixt two great Countries and Cities of Tartars,* 3.116 that are directly in the way betwixt the said Boghar and the said Cathay, and certaine barbarous field people, as well Gentiles as Mahometists bordering to the said Cities. The Cities are called Taskent and Caskar, and the people that warre against Taskent are called Cossacks of the law of Mahomet: and they which warre with the said Coun∣trey of Caskar are called Kings,* 3.117 Gentiles and Idolaters. These two barbarous Nations are of great force, liuing in the fields without House or Towne, and haue almost subdued the foresaid Cities, and so stopped vp the way, that it is impossible for any Carauan to passe vnspoyled: so that three yeeres before our being there, no Carauan had gone, or vsed trade betwixt the Coun∣tries of Cathay and Boghar, and when the way is cleare, it is nine moneths iourney. [ 50]

To speake of the said Countrey of Cathay, and of such newes as I haue heard thereof, I haue thought it best to reserue it to our meeting. I hauing made my solace at Boghar, in the winter time, and hauing learned by much inquisition, the trade thereof, as also of all the other Coun∣tries thereto adioyning, and the time of the yeere being come, for all Carauans to depart, and al∣so the King being gone to the warres, and newes come that hee was fled, and I aduertised by the Metropolitan himselfe, that I should depart, because the Towne was like to bee besieged: I thought it good and meete, to take my iourney some way, and determined to haue gone from thence into Persia, and to haue seene the trade of that Countrey, although I had informed my selfe sufficiently therof, as well at Astracan, as at Boghar: and perceiued well the trades not to be much vnlike the trades of Tartaria: but when I should haue taken my iourney that way, it was [ 60] let by diuers occasions: the one was, the great warres that did newly begin betwixt the Sophie, and the Kings of Tartaria, whereby the wayes were destroyed: and there was a Carauan de∣stroyed with rouers and theeues,* 3.118 which came out of India and Persia, by safe conduct: and about ten dayes iourney from Boghar, they were robbed, and a great part slaine. Also the Metropoli∣tan

of Boghar, who is greater then the King, tooke the Emperours letters of Russia from me, without which I should haue beene taken Slaue in euery place: also all such wares as I had re∣ceiued in barter for Cloath, and as I tooke perforce of the King, and other his Nobles, in pay∣ment of money due vnto me, were not vendible in Persia: for which causes, and diuers others, I was constrained to come backe againe to Mare Caspium, the same way I went: so that the eight of March, 1559. wee departed out of the said Citie of Boghar,* 3.119 being a Carauan of sixe hun∣dred Camels: and if wee had not departed when we did, I and my companie had beene in dan∣ger to haue lost life and goods. For ten dayes after our departure, the King of Samarcand came with an armie, and besieged the said Citie of Boghar, the King being absent,* 3.120 and gone to the [ 10] warres against another Prince his kinsman, as the like chanceth in those Countries once in two or three yeeres. For it is maruell, if a King raigne there aboue three or foure yeeres, to the great de∣struction of the Countrey, and Merchants.

The fiue and twentieth of March, we came to the foresaid Towne of Vrgence,* 3.121 and escaped the danger of foure hundred rouers, which lay in wayte for vs backe againe, being the most of them of kindred to that companie of theeues, which wee met with going foorth, as we perceiued by foure spyes, which were taken. There were in my companie, and committed to my charge, two Ambassadors, the one from the King of Boghar, the other from the King of Balke,* 3.122 and were sent vnto the Emperour of Russia. And after hauing tarried at Vrgence, and the Castle of Sellysure, eight dayes for the assembling, and making ready our Carauan, the second of Aprill wee departed from [ 20] thence, hauing foure moe Ambassadours in our companie, sent from the King of Vrgence, and o∣ther Sultans, his brethren, vnto the Emperour of Russia, with answer of such Letters as I brought them: and the same Ambassadours were also committed vnto my charge by the said Kings and Princes: to whom I promised most faithfully, and swore by our Law, that they should bee well vsed in Rusland, and suffered to depart from thence againe in safetie, according as the Emperour had written also in his letters: for they somewhat doubted, because there had none gone out of Tartaria into Russia, of long time before.

The three and twentieth of Aprill, wee arriued at the Mare Caspium againe,* 3.123 where we found our Barke which wee came in, but neither Anchor, Cable, Cocke, nor Sayle: neuerthe∣lesse we brought Hempe with vs, and spun a Cable our selues, with the rest of our tackling, and [ 30] made vs a sayle of cloath of Cotton-wooll, and rigged our Barke as well as wee could, but boate or anchor we had none. In the meane time being deuising to make an anchor of wood of a Cart∣wheele, there arriued a Barke, which came from Astracan, with Tartars and Russes,* 3.124 which had two Anchors, with whom I agreed for the one: and thus being in a readinesse, wee set sayle and departed, I, and the two Iohnsons, being Master and Mariners our selues, hauing in our Barke the said sixe Ambassadours, and twentie fiue Russes, which had beene Slaues a long time in Tartaria, nor euer had before my comming, libertie, or meanes to get home, and these Slaues serued to row when need was. Thus sayling sometimes along the coast, and sometimes out of sight of land. The thirteenth day of May, hauing a contrary winde, we came to an anchor, being three leagues from the shoare, and there arose a sore storme, which continued fortie foure houres, and our ca∣ble [ 40] being of our owne spinning, brake, and lost our anchor, and being off a lee shoare,* 3.125 and hauing no boate to helpe vs, wee hoysed our sayle, and bare roomer with the said shoare, looking for pre∣sent death: but as God prouided for vs, we ranne into a creeke full of Oze, and so saued our selues with our Barke, and liued in great discomfort for a time. For although wee should haue escaped with our liues the danger of the sea, yet if our barke had perished, we knew we should haue been either destroyed, or taken slaues by the people of that Countrey, who liue wildly in the field, like beasts, without house or habitation. Thus when the storme was seased, wee went out of the creeke againe: and hauing set the land with our Compasse, and taken certayn markes of the same, during the time of the tempest, whilest we rid at our anchor, wee went directly to the place where we rid, with our Barke againe, and found our anchor which we lost: whereat the Tartars [ 50] much maruelled, how we did it. While wee were in the creeke, we made an anchor of wood of Cart wheeles, which we had in our Barke, which we threw away, when we had found our Iron anchor againe. Within two dayes after, there arose another great storme, at the North-east, and we lay a trie, being driuen farre into the sea, and had much adoe to keepe our Barke from sinking, the billow was so great: but at the last, hauing faire weather, wee tooke the Sunne, and know∣ing how the Land lay from vs, we fell with the Riuer Yaik, according to our desire, whereof the Tartars were very glad, fearing that wee should haue beene driuen to the coast of Persia,* 3.126 whose people were vnto them great enemies.

Note, that during the time of our Nauigation,* 3.127 we set vp the red Crosse of Saint George in our flagges, for honour of the Christians, which I supposed was neuer seene in the Caspian sea before. [ 60] Wee passed in this voyage diuers fortunes: notwithstanding, the eight and twentieth of May we arriued in safetie at Astracan, and there remayned til the tenth of Iune following, as well to prepare vs small Boates, to goe vp against the streame of Volga, with our goods, as also for the companie of the Ambassadours of Tartarie, committed vnto me, to be brought to the presence of the Emperour of Russia.

This Caspian sea (to say something of it) is in length about two hundred leagues, and in breadth one hundred and fiftie, without any issue to other Seas: to the East part wherof, ioyneth the great desart Countrey of the Tartars, called Turkemen: to the West, the Countries of the Chyrcasses,* 3.128 the Mountaines of Caucasus, and the Mare Euxinum, which is from the said Caspi∣an Sea, a hundred leagues. To the North is the riuer Volga, and the land of Nagay, and to the South part ioyne the Countries of Media and Persia. This Sea is fresh water in many places, and in other places as salt as our great Ocean: It hath many goodly Riuers falling into it, and it a∣uoydeth not it selfe except it bee vnder ground. The notable Riuers that fall into it, are first the great Riuer of Volga, called in the Tartar tongue Edell, which springeth out of a lake in a marrish or plaine ground, not farre from the Citie of Nouogrode in Russia, and it is from the spring to [ 10] the Sea, aboue two thousand English miles. It hath diuers other goodly Riuers falling into it, as out of Siberia, Yaic, and Yem: Also out of the mountaines of Caucasus, the Riuers of Cyrus and Arash, and diuers others.

As touching the trade of Shamakie in Media and Tebris, with other Townes in Persia, I haue enquired, and doe well vnderstand, that it is euen like to the trades of Tartaria, that is little vt∣terance, and small profite: and I haue beene aduertised that the chiefe trade of Persia is into Sy∣ria, and so transported into the Leuant sea. The few ships vpon the Caspian Seas, the want of Mart and port Townes, the pouertie of the people, and the Ice, maketh that trade naught.

At Astracan there were Merchants of Shamakie, with whom I offered to barter, and to giue them Kersies for their wares,* 3.129 but they would not, saying, they had them as good cheape in their Countrey, as I offered them, which was sixe rubbles for a Kersie, that I asked: and while I was [ 20] at Boghar, there were brought thither out of Persia, Cloath, and diuers commodities of our Coun∣tries, which was sold as good cheape, as I might sell ours.

The tenth day of Iune, wee departed from Astracan towards the Mosco, hauing an hundred gunners in our companie at the Emperours charges, for the safe conduct of the Tartar Ambassa∣dours and me. And the eight and twentieth day of Iuly following, we arriued at the Citie of Cazan, hauing been vpon the way from Astracan thither, sixe weekes and more, without any re∣freshing of victuals: for in all that way there is no habitation.

The seuenth of August following, wee departed from Cazan, and transported our goods by water,* 3.130 as farre as the Citie of Morum, and then by land: so that the second of September, wee arriued at the Citie of the Mosco, and the fourth day I came before the Emperours Maiestie, [ 30] kissed his hand, and presented him a white Cowes tayle of Cathay, and a Drum of Tartaria, which hee well accepted. Also I brought before him all the Ambassadours that were commit∣ted to my charge, with all the Russe slaues: and that day I dined in his Maiesties presence, and at dinner, his Grace sent me meate by a Duke, and asked me diuers questions touching the Lands and Countries where I had beene. And thus I remayned at the Mosco about your affaires, vn∣till the seuenteenth day of Februarie that your wares were sent downe: and then hauing licence of the Emperours Maiestie to depart, the one and twentieth day I came to your house to Vologh∣da, and there remayned vntill the breaking vp of the yeere: and then hauing seene all your goods laden into your Boates, I departed with the same, and arriued withall in safetie at Colmogro, the ninth of May 1560. And heere I cease for this time, intreating you to beare with this my large [ 40] discourse, which by reason of the varietie of matter, I could make no shorter, and I beseech God to prosper all your attempts.

I haue certaine notes which seeme to haue beene written at Boghar by some of Master Ienkinsons companie: which containe intelligences there receiued touching Cathay and the wayes thither. But I hope thereof in that which followes to giue better intelligence. It is there said that the people of Comoron are very beautifull, and that they vse Kniues and Forkes of gold and siluer to eate their meate, not tou∣ching it with their hands: that the Musk-beast is as big as a Hound. In Teray they worship the Fire,* 3.131 which is thirtie foure dayes iourney from Cathay. At Cascar is resident the Can. From Cascar to Cocheke is foure weekes; it is the first Land of the Emperour of Cathay: and then to Camche [ 50] fiue dayes by land, and to Cataio eight weekes. In this last iourney is plentie of all things: both Horse to bee had, and Women at too easie ra••e, &c. which as newes to them I haue heere touched, rather then related.

* 3.132I haue also by me, the last Will of Gabriel Willoughbie, kinsman to that honourable Martyr of English Northerne Discoueries Sir Hugh Willoughbie, mentioned in the beginning of this Chapter, and subscribed with his Name, the worth whereof hath caused heere also this subscription. It was found in the Ship where they were frozen.

[ 60]

§. V. Aduertisements and reports of the sixth * 3.133 Voyage into the parts of Persia and Me∣dia, gathered out of sundry Letters written by CHRISTOPHER BVR∣ROVGH; and more especially a voyage ouer the Caspian Sea, and their shipwracke and miseries there endu∣red by the Ice.

FIrst it is to bee vnderstood, that the ships for the voyage to Saint Nicholas in Russia, in [ 10] which the Factors and merchandise for the Persian voyage were transported,* 3.134 de∣parted from Grauesend the nineteenth of Iune, 1579. which arriued at Saint Nicho∣las in Russia, the two and twentieth of Iuly, where the Factors and Merchants lan∣ded, and the merchandise discharged and laden into Doshnikes, that is, barkes of the Countrey, to be carried from thence vp by Riuer vnto Vologda. And the fiue and twentieth day of the said Iu∣ly, the Doshnikes departed from Rose Iland by Saint Nicholas vp the riuer Dwina Peremene, that is to say in poste, by continuall sayling, rowing, setting with poles, or drawing of men, which came to Colmogro the seuen and twentieth day,* 3.135 and departed thence the nine and twentieth of Iuly vp the said riuer Dwina, and came to Vstyoug (which is at the head of the riuer Dwina, and mouth of Sughano) the ninth of August, where they stayed but a small time,* 3.136 prouiding some vi∣ctuals, [ 20] and shifting certaine of their Cossacks or Barkmen, and so departed thence the same day vp the Sughano, and came to Totma (which is counted somewhat more then halfe the way from Vstyoug) the fifteenth day, where they shifted some of their Cossacks, and departed thence the same day, and came to the Citie Vologda the nineteenth of August, where they landed their goods, and stayed at that place till the thirtieth of the same. Hauing prouided at Vologda, Telegas or Waggons, whereupon they laded their goods, they departed thence with the same by land to∣wards Yeraslaue, the said thirtieth of August at eight of the clocke in the morning, and came to the East side of the riuer Volga, ouer against Yeraslaue, with fiue and twentie Telegas laden with the said goods, the seuenth of September at fiue of the clocke afternoone.* 3.137 Then the three stroogs or barkes, prouided to transport the said goods to Astracan, (where they should meete the [ 30] ship that should carrie the same from thence into Persia) came ouer from Yeraslaue vnto the same side of the riuer Volga, & there tooke in the said goods. And hauing prepared the said Barks ready with all necessarie furniture, they departed with them from Yeraslaue down the riuer of Volga, on the fourteenth day of September at nine of the clocke in the morning,* 3.138 and they arriued at Niz∣nouogrod the seuenteenth day at three of the clocke afternoone, where they shewed the Empe∣rours letters to passe free without paying any custome, and tarried there about three houres to prouide necessaries, and then departing, arriued at Cazan (or neere the same Towne) on the two and twentieth of September at fiue of the clocke afternoone, where (through contrary windes,* 3.139 and for prouiding new Cossacks in the places of some that there went from them) they remay∣ned till the sixe and twentieth day, at what time they departed thence about two of the clocke [ 40] after noone, and arriued at Tetushagorod, which is on the Crim side of Volga, and in latitude 55. degrees 22. minutes, the eight and twentieth day at ten in the forenoone, where they anchored, and remained about three houres, and departing thence came to Oueak, which is on the Crims side (on the Westerne side of Volga) the fift of October about fiue of the clocke in the morning. This place is accounted halfe the way betweene Cazan and Astracan: and heere there groweth great store of Liqouris: the soyle is very fruitfull: they found there Apple-trees,* 3.140 and Cherrie-trees. The latitude of Oueak is 51. degrees 30. minuts. At this place had beene a very faire stone Castle called by the name Oueak, and adioyning to the same was a Towne called by the Russes, Sodom: this Towne and part of the Castle (by report of the Russes) was swallowed into the earth by the iustice of God, for the wickednesse of the people that inhabited the same.* 3.141 There re∣mayneth [ 50] at this day to be seene a part of the ruines of the Castle, and certaine Tombes, wherein as it seemeth haue beene layd noble personages: for vpon a tombe stone might be perceiued the forme of a Horse and a man sitting on it with a Bow in his hand, and Arrowes girt to his side: there was a piece of a Scutchion also vpon one of the stones, which had characters grauen on it, whereof some part had been consumed with the weather, and the rest left vnperfect: but by the forme of them that remained, we iudged them to be characters of Armenia: and other characters were grauen also vpon another tombe stone. Now they departed from Oueak the said fift of October at fiue of the clocke after noone,* 3.142 and came to Perauolok the tenth day about eleuen or twelue of the clocke that night, making no abode at that place, but passed alongst by it. This word Perauolok in the Russe tongue doth signifie a narrow straight or necke of land between two [ 60] waters, and it is so called by them, because from the riuer Volga, at that place, to the riuer Don or Tanais, is counted thirtie versts, or as much as a man may well trauell on foot in one day. And se∣uen versts beneath, vpon an Iland called Tsaritsna,* 3.143 the Emperour of Russia hath fiftie Gunners all Summertime to keepe watch, called by the Tartar name Carawool. Betweene this place and A∣stracan are fiue other Carawools or watches.

The First is named Kameni Carawool, and is distant from Perauolok one hundred and twen∣tie verstes. The second named Stupino Carowool, distant from the first fiftie verstes. The third called Polooy Carowool, is one hundred and twentie verstes distant from the second. The fourth named Keezeyur Carawool, is fiftie verstes distant from the third. The fift na∣med Ichkebre, is thirtie verstes distant from the fourth, and from Ichkebre to Astracan is thir∣tie verstes.

* 3.144The sixteenth of October they arriued at Astracan. The ninteenth of Nouember the winde being northerly, there was a great frost, and much Ice in the Riuer: the next day being the twentieth of Nouember, the Ice stood in the Riuer, and so continued vntill Easter day.

The sixth of Ianuarie being Twelfe day (which they call Chreshenia) the Russes of Astracan brake a hole in the Ice vpon the Riuer Volga, and hallowed the water with great solemnitie, ac∣cording [ 10] to the manner of their Countrey, at which time all the Souldiers of the Towne shot off their small Peeces vpon the Ice, and likewise to gratifie the Captaine of the Castle, being a Duke, whose name is Pheodor Michalouich Troiocouria, who stood hard by the ship, beholding them as they were on the Riuer, was shot off all the Ordnance of our ship being fifteene Pee∣ces, viz. two Faulcons, two Faulconets, foure Fowlers, foure Fowlers Chambers, and three o∣other small Peeces made for the Stroogs to shoot Haile-stones, and afterwards the great Ord∣nance of the Castle was shot off.

* 3.145On the one and thirtieth of Ianuarie there happened a great Eclipse of the Moone, which began about twelue of the clocke at night, and continued before shee was cleere an houre and an [ 20] halfe by estimation, which ended the first of Februarie about halfe an houre past one in the mor∣ning: shee was wholly darkned by the space of halfe an houre.

The seuenteenth of Aprill, the variation of the Compasse obserued in Astracan, was 13. de∣grees 40. minutes from North to West.* 3.146 This Spring there came newes to Astracan, that the Queene of Persia (the King being blind) had beene with a great Armie against the Turkes that were left to possesse Media, and had giuen them a great ouerthrow: yet notwithstanding Der∣bent, and the greatest part of Media were still possessed and kept by the Turkes. The Factors of the Companie consulting vpon their affaires, determined to leaue at Astracan the one halfe of their goods with Arthur Edwards, and with the other halfe, the other three Factors would pro∣ceed in the ship on their purposed Voyage to the coast of Media, to see what might bee done [ 30] there: where, if they could not finde safe trafficke, they determined to proceed to the coast of Gilan,* 3.147 which is a Prouince neere the Caspian Sea bordering vpon Persia: and thereupon appoin∣ted the said goods to be laden aboord the ship, and tooke into her also some merchandise of Tisiks or Persian Merchants.

The second of May they weighed, and plyed downe the Riuer Volga, toward the Caspian Sea. The seuenth of May in the morning, they passed by a Tree that standeth on the left hand of the Riuer as they went downe, which is called Mahomet Agatch, or Mahomets Tree, and a∣bout three verstes further, that is to say, to the Southwards of the said Tree, is a place called Vchoog,* 3.148 that is to say, The Russe Weare: (but Ochoog is the name of a Weare in the Tartar tong••e) where are certaine Cotages, and the Emperour hath lying at that place certaine Gun∣ners [ 40] to guard his Fisher-men that keepe the Weare. This Vchoog is counted from Astracan sixty verstes: they proceeded downe the said Riuer without staying at the Vchoog. The ninth and tenth dayes they met with shallow water,* 3.149 and were forced to lighten their ship by the Pauos: The eleuenth day they sent backe to the Vchoog for an other Pauos: This day by mischance the ship was bilged on the grapnell of the Pauos, whereby the companie had sustayned great losses, if the chiefest part of their goods had not beene layd into the Pauos: for notwithstanding their pumping with three Pumps, heauing cut water with Buckets, and all the best shifts they could make, the ship was halfe full of water ere the leake could be found and stopt. The twelfth day the Pauos came to them from the Vchoog, whereby they lighted the ship of all the goods. The thirteenth day in the morning there came to them a small Boat, sent by the Captaine of Astra∣can,* 3.150 [ 50] to learne whether the ship were at Sea cleare off the flats. The fifteenth day by great in∣dustrie and trauell they got their ship cleare off the shoales and flats, wherewith they had beene troubled from the ninth day vntill then: they were forced to passe their ship in three foot wa∣ter or lesse.* 3.151 The sixteenth day they came to the Chetera Bougori, or Iland of foure Hillockes, which are counted fortie verstes from Vchoog,* 3.152 and are the furthest Land towards the Sea. The seuenteenth day they bare off into the Sea, and being about twelue verstes from the Foure hil∣lockes, riding in fiue foot and a halfe water about eleuen of the clocke in the fore-noone, they tooke their goods out of the Pauoses into the ship, and filled their ship with all things necessarie. The eighteenth day in the morning about seuen of the clocke, the Pauoses being discharged de∣parted away towards Astracan, the winde then at South-east, they rode still with the ship, and [ 60] obseruing the eleuation of the Pole at that place,* 3.153 found it to be 45. degrees 20. minutes. The nineteenth day, the winde South-east, they rode still. The twentieth day, the winde at North-west, they set sayle about one of the clocke in the morning, and steered thence South by West, and South South-west, about three leagues, and then anchored in sixe foot and a halfe water, a∣bout

nine of the clocke before noone, at which time it fell calme: the eleuation of the Pole at that place 45. degrees 13. minutes. The one and twentieth, hauing the winde at North-west, they set sayle, and steered thence South by West, and South vntill eleuen of the clocke, and had then nine foote water: and at noone they obserued the latitude, and found it to bee 44. degrees 47. minutes: then had they three fathoms and a halfe water, being cleare off the flats. It is counted from the Foure hillockes to the Sea about fiftie verstes. From the said noone-tide vn∣till foure of the clocke, they sayled South by East fiue leagues and a halfe: then had they fiue fathoms and a halfe, and brackish water:* 3.154 from that till twelue at night they sayled South by East halfe a league, East ten leagues: then had they eleuen fathoms, and the water salter. From [ 10] that till the two and twentieth day three of the clocke in the morning, they sayled three and fiftie leagues, then had they sixteene fathoms water: from thence they sayled vntill noone South and by West seuen leagues and a halfe,* 3.155 the latitude then obserued 43. degrees 15. mi∣nutes, the depth then eight and twentie fathoms, and shallow ground: from that vntill eight of the clocke at night, they sayled South by East fiue leagues and a halfe, then had they three and fortie fathoms shallow ground. From thence till the three and twentieth at foure of the clocke in the morning, they sayled South South-west three leagues and a halfe: then could they get no ground in two and fiftie fathoms deepe. From thence vntill noone they sayled South nine leagues, then the latitude obserued, was 42. degrees 20. minutes. From that till the foure and twentieth day at noone, they sayled South by West seuenteene leagues and a halfe, then the lati∣tude [ 20] obserued, was one and fortie degrees two and thirtie minutes.* 3.156 From noone till seuen of the clocke at night, they sayled South South-west foure leagues, then had they perfect sight of high Land or Hills, which were almost couered with Snow, and the midst of them were West from the ship, being then about twelue leagues from the neerest Land: they sounded but could finde no ground in two hundred fathoms. From thence they sayled South-west vntill mid-night: about three leagues from thence till the fiue and twentieth day, foure of the clocke in the mor∣ning, they sayled West three leagues, being then little winde, and neere the Land, they tooke in their sayles, and lay hulling: at noone the latitude obserued, was 40. degrees 54. minutes:* 3.157 they sounded but could get no ground in two hundred fathoms. At foure of the clocke in the after-noone, the winde North-west, they set their sayles: and from thence till the sixe and [ 30] twentieth day at noone, they sayled East South-east foure leagues. From thence they sayled till eight of the clocke at night South-west three leagues, the winde then at North. From thence they sayled vntill the seuen and twentieth day two of the clocke in the morning, West South-west eight leagues, the winde blowing at North very much. From the said two till foure of the clocke, they sayled South by West one league: then being day light, they saw the Land plaine, which was not past three leagues from them, being very high ragged Land. There were certaine Rockes that lay farre off into the Sea, about fiue leagues from the same Land, (which are called Barmake Tash) they sayled betweene those Rockes and the Land, and about fiue of the clocke they passed by the Port Bilbill, where they should haue put in but could not: and bearing longst the shoare about two of the clocke after noone,* 3.158 they came to Bildih in the Countrey of Media [ 40] or Sheruan, against which place they anchored in nine foot water. Presently after they were at anchor, there came aboord of them a Boat, wherein were seuen or eight persons, two Turkes, the rest Persians, the Turkes vassals, which bade them welcome, and seemed to be glad of their arriuall, who told the Factors that the Turke had conquered all Media, or the Countrey Sheruan, and how that the Turkes Basha remayned in Derbent with a Garrison of Turkes, and that Sha∣maky was wholly spoyled, and had few or no Inhabitants left in it. The Factors then being de∣sirous to come to the speech of the Basha, sent one of the Tisikes (or Merchants that went ouer with them from Astracan, passingers) and one of the Companies seruants Robert Golding, with those Souldiers, to the Captaine of Bachu, which place standeth hard by the Sea,* 3.159 to certifie him of their arriuall, and what commodities they had brought, and to desire friendship to haue quiet [ 50] and safe trafficke for the same. Bachu is from Bildih, the place where they rode, about a dayes iourney, on foot easily to be trauelled, which may be sixe leagues the next way ouer Land: it is a walled Towne, and strongly fortified. When the said Messenger came to the Captaine of Ba∣chu, the said Captaine gaue him very friendly entertaynement.

In the morning very early, hee sent Horse for the rest of the companie which should goe to Derbent, sending by them that went, ten Sheepe for the ship. Whilest they were at breakfast, Master Turnbull, Master Tailb••yes, and Thomas Hudson the Master of the ship, came thither, and when they had all broken their fasts, they went to Bachu. And from Bachu they proceeded to∣wards Derbent, as it was by the Captaine promised, being accompanied on their way for their safe conduct, with a Gentleman, and certaine Souldiers, which had the Captaine of Bachu his [ 60] Letters to the Basha of Derbent, very friendly written in their behalfe. In their iourney to Der∣bent they forsooke the ordinarie wayes, being very dangerous, and trauelled thorow Woods till they came almost to the Towne of Derbent: and then the Gentleman rode before with the Cap∣taines Letters to the Basha, to certifie him of the English Merchants comming, who receiuing the Letters, and vnderstanding the matter, was very glad of the newes, and sent forth to re∣ceiue

them certaine Souldiers Gunners, who met them about two miles out of the Towne, salu∣ting them with great reuerence,* 3.160 and afterwards rode before them: then againe met them other Souldiers, somewhat neerer the Castle, which likewise hauing done their salutations rode be∣fore them, and then came forth Noblemen, Captaines, and Gentlemen, to receiue them into the Castle and Towne. As they entred the Castle, there was a shot of twentie Peeces of great Ordnance, and the Basha sent Master Turnbull a very faire Horse with furniture to mount on, esteemed to be worth an hundred Markes, and so they were conuayed to his presence: who after he had talked with them, sent for a Coat of cloth of Gold, and caused it to be put on Ma∣ster Turnbuls backe, and then willed them all to depart, and take their ease, for that they were wearie of their iourney, and on the morrow he would talke further with them. The next day when the Factors came againe to the presence of the Basha, according to his appointment, they [ 10] requested him that he would grant them his priuiledge, whereby they might trafficke safely in any part and place of his Countrey, offering him, that if it pleased his Maiestie to haue any of the commodities that they had brought, and to write his minde thereof to the Captaine of Ba∣chu, it should be deliuered him accordingly. The Bashaes answere was, that he would willingly giue them his priuiledge: yet for that he regarded their safety, hauing come so farre, and know∣ing the state of his Countrey to be troublesome, he would haue them to bring their commoditie thither, and there to make sale of it, promising he would prouide such commodities as they nee∣ded, and that he would be a defence vnto them, so that they should not be iniured by any: where∣vpon the Factors sent Thomas Hudson backe for the ship to bring her to Derbent. The latitude of Bildih by diuers obseruations is 40. deg. 25. m. the variation of the Compas 10. deg. 40. min. from [ 20] North to West.* 3.161 They arriued at anchor against Derbent East and by South from the said Castle in foure fathom & a halfe water, the two and twentieth of Iune at ten of the clock in the morning: then they tooke vp their Ordnance, which before they had stowed in hold for easing the ship in her rolling. In the afternoone the Basha came down to the water side against the ship, and hauing the said Ordnance placed, and charged, it was all shot off to gratifie him: and presently af∣ter his departure backe, he permitted the Factors to come aboord the ship. The nine and twen∣tieth day their goods were vnladen, and carried to the Bashaes Garden, where hee made choice of such things as he liked, taking for custome of euery fiue and twentie Kersies, or whatsoeuer, one, or after the rate of foure for the hundred. The Factors after his choice made, determined to send a part of the rest of the goods to Bachu, for the speedier making sale thereof. They de∣parted [ 30] from Derbent with the said Barke the nineteenth of Iuly, and arriued at Bildih the fiue and twentieth day. Robert Golding desirous to vnderstand what might bee done at Shamaky, which is a dayes iourney from Bachu, went thither, from whence returning, he was set on by theeues, and was shot into the knee with an Arrow, who had very hardly escaped with his life and goods, but that by good hap he killed one of the theeues Horses with a Caliuer, and shot a Turke thorow both cheekes with a Dag. On the sixt day of August, the Factors being aduer∣tised at Derbent that their ship was so rotten and weake, that it was doubtfull shee would not carrie them backe to Astracan, did thereupon agree and bargaine at that place with an Arme∣nian, whose name was Iacob, for a Barke called a Busse, being of burden about fiue and thirtie tunnes, which came that yeere from Astracan, and was at that instant riding at an Iland called [ 40] Zere,* 3.162 about three or foure leagues beyond, or to the Eastward of Bildih, which Barke for their more safety, they meant to haue with them in their returne to Astracan, and thereupon wrote vnto Wincoll and the rest at Bachu, that they should receiue the same Busse, and lade in her their goods at Bildih, to be returned to Derbent, and to discharge their first Boat, which was obserued by them accordingly. When all their goods were laden aboord the said Busse at Bildih, and being readie to haue departed thence for Derbent, there arose a great storme with the winde out of the Sea,* 3.163 by force whereof the Cables and Halsers were broken, and their Vessell put ashoare, and broken to pieces against the Rockes: euery of them that were in her saued their liues, and part of the goods. But there was a Carobia or Chist, wherein were Dollers, and Gold, which they [ 50] had receiued for the commodities of the Companie, which they sold at Bachu, which at the ta∣king out of the Busse, fell by the Barkes side into the water amongst the Rockes, and so was lost. The packes of Cloth which they could not well take out of the Busse were also lost: other things that were more profitable they saued.

The third day of October all things were brought from the shoare aboord the ship: and that day the Factors went to the Basha to take their leaue of him, vnto whom they recommended those the Companies seruants, &c. which they had sent to Bachu, making account to leaue them behind in the Countrey: who caused their names to be written, and promised they should want nothing, nor be iniured of any. After this leaue taken, the Factors went aboord, purposing pre∣sently to haue set sayle and departed towards Astracan, the winde seruing well for that pur∣pose [ 60] at South South-east: And as they were readie to set sayle, there came against the ship a man, who weued: whereupon the Boat was sent ashoare to him, who was an Armenian sent from William Wincoll, with his writing tables, wherein the said Wincoll had written briefly, the mis-hap of the losse of the Busse, and that they were comming from Bildih towards Derbent,

they, and such things as they saued with a small Boat, forced to put ashoare in a place by the Sea side called the Armenian Village: Whereupon the Factors caused the ship to stay, hoping that with the Southerly winde that then blew,* 3.164 they would come from the place they were at to the ship, but if they could not come with that winde, they meant to sayle with the ship, with the next wind that would serue them, against the place where they were, and take them in, if they could: which stay and losse of those Southerly winds, was a cause of great troubles, that they afterwards sustayned through Ice, &c. entring the Volga as shall be declared.

The latitude of Derbent (by diuers Obseruations exactly there made,* 3.165 is fortie one degrees fif∣tie two minutes. The variation of the Compasse at that place about eleuen degre••s from North [ 10] to West. From Derbent to Bildih by Land fortie sixe leagues. From Derbent to Shamaky by Land, fortie fiue leagues. From Shamaky to Bachu, about ten leagues, which may bee thirtie miles. From Bachu to Bildih fiue or sixe leagues by Land, but by water about twelue leagues. From the Castle Derbent East-wards, there reach two stone wals to the border of the Caspian Sea, which is distant one English mile. Those wals are nine foot thicke, and eight and twentie or thirtie foot high, and the space betweene them is one hundred and sixtie Geometricall paces, that is, eight hundred foot. There are yet to bee perceiued of the ruine of those wals, which doe now extend into the Sea about halfe a mile: also from the Castle West-ward into the Land, they did perceiue the ruines of a stone wall to extend, which wal, as it is reported, did passe from thence to Pontus Euxinus, & was built by Alexand. the great, when the castle Derbent was made.

[ 20] The fift of October about noone, the winde North North-east they weighed Anchor, and set sayle from Derbent, being alongst the Coast to the South-wards to seeke their men: but as they had sailed about foure leagues the winde scanted Easterly, so that they were forced to An∣chor in three fathome water.

The seuenth day about seuen of the clocke in the morning, they set sayle, the wind South-west. They considered the time of the yeare was farre spent, the ship weake, leake, and rotten, and therefore determining not to tarry any longer for Wincoll and his fellowes, but to leaue them behind, bent themselues directly towards Astracan: and sayling North North-east vntill mid∣night about sixteene leagues, the wind then came to the North North-west, and blew much, a very storme, which caused them to take in all their Sayles, sauing the fore Corse, with which they were forced to steere before the Sea, South by West, and South South-west. And on the [ 30] eight day about two of the clocke in the morning, their great Boat sunke at the ships sterne, which they were forced to cut from the ship to their great griefe and discomfort: for in her they ho∣ped to saue their liues if the ship should haue miscarried. About ten of the clocke before noone, they had sight of the Land about fiue leagues to the South of Derbent, and bare alongst the Coast to the South-east-wards vnto Nezauoo, where they came at Anchor in three fathomes, and blacke Ozie, good Anchor hold, whereof they were glad,* 3.166 as also that the winde was shifted to the North-west, and but a meane gale. Wincoll and the rest of his fellowes being in the Arme∣nian Village, which is about eighteene Versts to the West-wards of Nezauoo, the place where against they rode at Anchor, saw the ship as she passed by that place, and sent a man in the night [ 40] following alongst the Coast after her, who came against the ship where shee rode, and with a fire-brand in the top of a Tree made signes, which was perceiued by them in the ship, where∣vpon they boysed out their Skiffe, and sent her ashoare to learne what was meant by the fire: which returned a Letter from Wincoll, wherein he wrote that they were with such goods as they had at the Armenian Village, and prayed that there they might with the same goods bee taken into the ships.

The tenth day they sent their Skiffe to the Armenian Village to fetch those men and the goods they had, with order that if the winde serued,* 3.167 that they could not returne to fetch the ship, they of the ship promised to come for them, against the said Village. But in their want God sent them two Couies of Partridges, that came from the shoare, and lighted in and about their [ 50] ships, whereby they were comforted, and one that lay sicke, of whose life was small hope, re∣couered his health.

Pauoses were sent from Astracan, in which they laded the ships goods, leauing her at Anchor with Russes to keepe her.

The thirteenth of Nouember they departed also in those Lighters, with the goods towards the Chetera Bougori, leauing the ship at Anchor, and in her two Russes, which with three more that went in the Pauoses to prouide victuals for themselues and the rest, and therewith promised to returne backe to the ship with all speed, had offered to vndertake for twentie Rubbles in Mo∣ney, to carrie the ship into some Harbour, where shee might safely winter, or else to keepe her where she rode all Winter, which was promised to bee giuen them if they did it: and the same [ 60] day when with those Lighters they had gotten sight of the foure Ilands, being about eight Ver∣stes South-west from them, the wind then at North-east, did freese the Sea so as they could not row, guide, stirre, or remoue the said Lighters, but as the wind and Ice did force them. And so they continued driuing with the Ice, South-east into the Sea by the space of fortie houres, and then being the sixteenth day, the Ice stood. Whiles they droue with the Ice, the dangers which

they incurred were great: for oftentimes, when the Ice with force of wind and Sea did breake, pieces of it were tossed and driuen one vpon another with great force, terrible to behold, and the same happened at sometimes so neere vnto the Lighters, that they expected it would haue ouer-whelmed them to their vtter destruction: but God who had preserued them from many perils before, did also saue and deliuer them then.

Within three or foure dayes after the first standing of the Ice, when it was firme and strong, they tooke out all their goods, being fortie and eight Bales or Packes of Raw Silke, &c. laid it on the Ice, and couered the same with such prouisions as they had. Then for want of victuals, &c. they agreed to leaue all the goods there vpon the Ice, and to goe to the shoare: and there∣vpon brake vp their Chests and Corobias,* 3.168 wherewith, and with such other things as they could get, they made Sleds for euery of them to draw vpon the Ice, whereon they layed their [ 10] clothes to keepe them warme, and such victuals as they had, and such other things as they might conueniently carrie, and so they departed from the said goods and Pauoses very early, about one of the clocke in the morning, and trauelling on the Ice, directed their way North, as neere as they could judge, and the same day about two of the clocke in the after-noone, they had sight of the Chetera Babbas (foure Hillocks of Ilands so called) vnto the same they directed themselues,* 3.169 and there remayned that night. The goods and Pauoses which they left on the Ice, they judged to be from those Chetera Babbas, about twentie Versts. And the next morning departed thence East-wards, and came to the Chetera Bougories (or foure Ilands before spoken of) before noone (the distance betweene those places is about fifteene Versts) where they remained all that night, [ 20] departing thence towards Astracan: the next morning very early they lost their way through the perswasion of the Russes which were with them, taking to much towards the left hand (con∣trary to the opinion of Master Hudson) whereby wandering vpon the Ice foure or fiue dayes, not knowing whether they were entred into the Crimme Tartars Land or not, at length it fortu∣ned they met with a way that had beene trauelled, which crost back-wards towards the Sea: that way they tooke, and following the same, within two dayes trauell it brought them to a place, called the Crasnoyare (that is to say, in the English Tongue) Red Cliffe, which diuers of the company knew.

There they remayned that night, hauing nothing to eate but one Loafe of Bread, which they happened to find with the two Russes that were left in the ship, to keepe her all the Winter (as [ 30] is aforesaid) whom they chanced to meet going towards Astracan, about fiue miles before they came to the said Crasnoyare, who certified them that the ship was cut in pieces with the Ice, and that they had hard scaping with their liues.* 3.170

In the morning they departed early from Grasnoyare towards the Ouchooge, and about nine of the clocke before noone, being within ten Versts of the Vchooge, they met Amos Riall, with the Carpenter, which he found at Ouchooge, and a Gunner newly come out of England, and also six∣tie fiue Horses with so many Cassacks to guide them, and fiftie Gunners for guard, which brought prouision of victuals, &c. and were sent by the Duke to fetch the goods to Astracan. The mee∣ting of that company was much joy vnto them.

The Factors sent backe with Amos Riall, and the said company to fetch the goods, Thomas [ 40] Hudson the Master, Tobias Paris his Mate, and so they the said Factors and their company mar∣ched on to the Vchooge, where they refreshed themselues that day, and the night following. And from thence proceeded on towards Astracan,* 3.171 where they arriued the last day of Nouem∣ber. These that went for the goods after their departure from the Factors, trauelled the same day vntill they came within ten Versts of the Chetera Babbas, where they rested that night. The next morning by the breake of the day they departed thence, and before noone were at the Che∣tera Babbas, where they stayed all night; but presently departed thence Thomas Hudson with the Carpenter and Gunner to seeeke where the goods lay: who found the same, and the next day they returned backe to their company at the Chetera Babbas, and declared vnto them in what sort they had found the said goods. [ 50]

The third day early in the morning, they departed all from the foure Babbas towards the said goods, and the same day did lade all the goods they could finde vpon the said sleds, and withall conuenient speed returned backe towards Astracan.* 3.172 And when they came to the Chetera Bou∣gori, where they rested the night, in the morning very early before the breake of day, they were assaulted by a great company of the Nagays Tartars Horse-men, which came shouting and hallowing with a great noyse, but our people were so inuironed with the sleds, that they durst not enter vpon them, but ranne by, and shot their Arrowes amongst them, and hurt but one man in the head, who was a Russe, and so departed presently. Yet when it was day, they shewed themselues a good distance off from our men, being a very great troope of them, but did not as∣sault them any more.* 3.173 The same day our men with those carriages, departed from thence to∣wards [ 60] Astracan, where they arriued in safetie the fourth of December, about three of the clock in the after-noone, where our people greatly rejoyced of their great good hap to haue escaped so many hard euents, troubles and miseries, as they did in that Voyage, and had great cause therefore to prayse the Almightie, who had so mercifully preserued and deliuered them.

They remayned the Winter at Astracan, where they found great fauour and friendship of the Duke, Captaine, and other chiefe Officers of that place: but that Winter there hapned no great matter, worth the noting.

In the Spring of the yeere 1581. about the midst of March, the Ice was broken vp, and cleare gone before Astracan.* 3.174

A Letter of Master HENRIE LANE to the worshipfull Master WILLIAM SANDERSON, containing a briefe discourse of that which passed in the [ 10] North-east discouerie, for the space of three and thirtie yeeres.

MAster Sanderson, as you lately requested me, so haue I sought, and though I cannot finde some things that heretofore I kept in writing, and lent out to others, yet perusing at London copies of mine old Letters to content one that meaneth to pleasure many, I haue briefly and as truely as I may, drawne out as followeth: The rough hewing may bee planed at your lea∣sure, or as pleaseth him that shall take the paines.

First, the honourable attempt to discouer by Sea North-east and North-west named for Cathay, being chiefly procured by, priuiledge from King Edward the sixt, and other his Nobilitie, by and at the cost [ 20] and sute of Master Sebastian Cabota, then Gouernour for Discoueries, with Sir Andrew Iudde, Sir George Barnes, Sir William Garrard, Master Anthony Hussie, and a companie of Merchants, was in the last yeere of his Maiesties raigne, 1553.* 3.175 The generall charge whereof was committed to one Sir Hugh Willoughbie Knight, a goodly Gentleman, accompanied with sufficient number of Pilots, Ma∣sters, Merchants, and Marriners, hauing three Ships well furnished, to wit, The Bona Sperança, the Edward Bonauenture, and the Confidentia. The Edward Bonauenture, Richard Chancelor be∣ing Pilot, and Steuen Burrough Master, hauing discouered Ward-house vpon the Coast of Finmark, by storme or fogge departed from the rest, found the Bay of Saint Nicholas, now the chiefe Port of Rus∣sia, there wintred in safetie, and had ayde of the people at a Village called Newnox.

The other two ships attempting further Northwards (as appeared by Pamphlets found after written by [ 30] Sir Hugh Willoughbie) were in September encountred with such extreame cold, that they put backe to seeke a wintring place: and missing the said Bay fell vpon a desa••t Coast in Lappia, entring into a Riuer immediately frozen vp, since discouered, named Arzina Reca, distant East from a Russian Monasterie of Monkes called Pechingho, from whence they neuer returned, but all to the member of seuentie persons perished, which was for want of experience to haue mad•• Caues and Stoues. These were found with the Ships the next Summer, Anno 1554. by Russe-fishermen:* 3.176 and in Anno 1555. the place sent vnto by English Merchants, as hereafter appeareth.

Anno 1554. the said ship Edward Bonauenture (although robbed homewards by Flemings) retur∣ned with her companie to London,* 3.177 shewing and setting foorth their entertainments and discouerie of the [ 40] Countries, euen to the Citie of Mosco, from whence they brought a priuiledge written in Russe with the Kings or great Dukes seale, the other two ships looked for and vnknowne to them where they were.

Anno 1555. the said companie of Merchants for a discouerie vpon a new supply, sent thither againe with two Ships, to wit, the Edward Bonauenture,* 3.178 and another bearing the name of the King and Queene, Philip and Marie, whose Maiesties by their Letters to the said Muscouite, recommended sundry their subiects then passing, whereof certaine, to wit, Richard Chancelor, George Killing∣worth, Henrie Lane, and Arthur Edwards, after their arriuall at the Bay, and passing vp Dwina to Nologda, went first vp to Mosco, where, vpon knowledge of the said Letters, they with their trayne had speciall entertainment, with houses and dyet appointed, and shortly permitted to the Princes presence, they were with Gentlemen brought through the Citie of Mosco, to the Castle and Palace, replenished with numbers of people, and some gunners. They entred sundry roomes, furnished in shew with ancient [ 50] graue personages, all in long garments of sundry colours, Gold, Tissue, Baldekin, and Violet, as our Vestments and Copes haue beene in England, sutable with Caps, Iewels, and Chaines. These were found to bee no Courtiers, but ancient Muscouites, Inhabitants, and other their Merchants of credit, as the manner is, furnished thus from the Wardrobe and Treasurie, waiting and wearing this apparell for the time, and so to restore it.

Then entring into the Presence, being a large roome floored with Carpets, were men of more estate, and richer shew, in number aboue one hundred set square: who after the said English-men came in,* 3.179 do∣ing reuerence, they all stood vp, the Prince onely sitting, and yet rising at any occasion, when our King and Queenes names were read or spoken. Then after speeches by interpretation, our men kissing his hand, and bidden to dinner, were stayed in another roome, and at dinner brought through, where might bee seene [ 60] massie siluer and gilt Plate, some like and as bigge as Kilderkins, and Wash-bowles, and entring the Di∣ning place, being the greater roome, the Prince was set bare-headed, his Crowne and rich Cap standing vpon a pinacle by. Not farre distan•• sate his Metropolitan, with diuers other of his kindred, and chiefe Tartarian Captaines: none sate ouer against him, or any, at other Tables, their backes towards him:

which tables all furnished with ghests set, there was for the English-men, named by the Russes, Ghosti Carabelski, to wit, Strangers or Merchants by ship, a table in the midst of the roome, where they were set direct against the Prince: and then began the seruice, brought in by a number of his young Lords and Gentlemen, in such rich attire, as is aboue specified: and still from the Princes table (notwithstanding their owne furniture) they had his whole messes set ouer all in massie fine Gold, deliuered euery time from him by name to them, by their seuerall Christian names, as they sate, viz. Richard, George, Henrie, Ar∣thur. Likewise Bread and sundry drinkes of purified Mead, made of fine white and clarified Honey. At their rising, the Prince called them to his table, to receiue each one a Cup from his hand to drinke, and tooke into his hand Master George Killingworths beard, which reacheth ouer the table, and pleasant∣ly deliuered it the Metropolitane,* 3.180 who seeming to blesse it, said in R••sse, This is Gods gift. As indeed at that time it was not onely thicke, broad, and yellow coloured, but in length fiue foote and two inches of as∣size. [ 10] Then taking leaue, being night, they were accompanied and followed with a number, carrying pots of drinke, and dishes of meate dressed, to our lodging.

This yeere the two Ships, with the dead bodyes of Sir Hugh Willoughbie, and his people, were sent vnto by Master Killingworth, (which remayned there in Mosco Agent almost two yeeres) and much of the goods and victuals were recouered and saued.

* 3.181Anno 1556. The Companie sent two Ships for Russia, with extraordinarie Masters and Saylers to bring home the two ships, which were frozen in Lappia, in the riuer of Arzina aforesaid. The two ships sent this yeere from England sayling from Lapland to the Bay of Saint Nicholas, tooke in lading with passengers, to wit, a Russe Ambassadour, named Ioseph Napea, and some of his men shipped with Ri∣chard [ 20] Chancelor in the Edward. But so it fell out that the two which came from Lappia, with all their new Master and Marriners, neuer were heard of, but in foule weather, and wrought Seas, after their two yeeres wintring in Lapland, became, as is supposed, vnstanch, and sunke, wherein were drowned also di∣uers Russes Merchants, and seruants of the Ambassadour. A third ship the Edward aforesaid, falling on the North part of Scotland, vpon a rocke was also lost, and Master Chancelor with diuers other, drowned. The said Russe Ambassadour hardly escaping, with other his men, Marriners, and some goods saued, were sent for into Scotland, from the King, Queene, and Merchants, (the messenger being Ma∣ster Doctor Laurence Hussie, and others:) And then, as in the Chronicles appeareth, honorably enter∣tayned and receiued at London.

* 3.182This yeere also the company furnished and sent out a Pinnesse, named the Serchthrift, to discouer the [ 30] Harborowes in the North coast from Norway to Wardhouse, and so to the Bay of Saint Nicholas. There was in her Master and Pilot, Stephen Borough, with his brother William, and eight other. Their discouerie was beyond the Bay,* 3.183 toward the Samoeds, people dwelling neere the Riuer of Ob, and found a sound or sea with an Island called Vaigats, first by them put into the Card or Map. In that place they threw Snow out of their said Pinnesse, with shouels in August, by which extremitie, and lacke of time, they came backe to Russia, and wintred at Golmogro.

* 3.184Anno 1557. The companie with foure good Ships, sent backe the said Russe Ambassadour, and in companie with him, sent as an Agent, for further discouerie, Master Antonie Ienkinson, who after∣ward Anno 1558. with great fauour of the Prince of Muscouia,* 3.185 and his letters, passed the riuer Volga to Cazan, and meaning to seeke Cathay by Land, was by many troupes and companies of vnciuill Tarta∣rians [ 40] encountred, and in danger: but keeping companie with Merchants of Bactria, or Boghar, and Vr∣geme, trauelling with Camels, he with his companie, went to Boghar, and no further: whose entertain∣ment of the King is to be had of Master Ienkinson,* 3.186 which returned Anno 1559. to Muscouie. And in Anno 1560. hee, with Henrie Lane, came home into England: which yeere was the first safe returne, without losse or shipwracke,* 3.187 or dead fraight, and burnings. And at this time was the first trafficke to the Narue in Liuonia, which confines with Lituania, and all the Dominions of Russia: and the Markets, Faires, Commodities, great Townes and Riuers, were sent vnto by diuers seruants: the reports were ta∣ken by Henrie Lane, Agent, and deliuered to the companie, 1561. The trade to Rie, and Reuel, of old time hath beene long since frequented by our English Nation, but this trade to the Narue was hitherto concealed from vs by the Danskers and Lubeckers. [ 50]

Anno 1561. the said Master Antonie Ienkinson went Agent into Russia, who the next yeere after, passing all the riuer of Volga to Astracan, and ouer the Caspian sea, arriued in Persia, and opened the trade thither.

Also betweene the yeeres of 1568. and 1573. sundry Voyages after Master Ienkinsons, were made by Thomas Alcock,* 3.188 Arthur Edwards, Master Thomas Banister, and Master Geffrey Duc∣ket, whose returne (if spoyle neere Volga had not preuented by rouing Theeues) had altogether salued and recouered the Companies (called the old Companies) great losse, charges, and damages: But the saying is true, By vnitie small things grow great, and by contention great things become small. This may bee vnderstood best by the Companie. The frowardnesse of some few, and euill doing of some vniust Factors, was cause of much of the euill successe.

Arthur Edwards was sent againe 1579. and dyed in the voyage at Astracan. About which [ 60] matters, are to bee remembred the Voyages of Master Thomas Randolph Esquire, Ambassa∣dour Anno 1567. And late of Sir Ierome Bowes, Anno 1583. both tending and treating for further Discoueries, Freedomes, and Priuiledges, wherewith I meddle not. But in conclusion, for their paines

and aduentures this way (as diuers doe now adayes other wayes) as worthie Gentlemen sent from Prin∣ces, to doe their Countrey good, I put them in your memorie, with my heartie farewell. From Saint Mar∣garets neere Dartforth in Kent.

To the Reader.

I Haue had much trouble to giue thee this Authour, both for his Language, being Portugall (which for this, and some other parts of this worke, I was forced to get as I could) and for the raritie of his Relations, seeming both in themselues so stupendious, and not seconded in many things, that I say not [ 10] contraried, by other Authours. Besides his booke came not out, till himselfe was gone out of the world. I answere, that Ricius the Iesuite his Relations came not to vs, till himselfe was likewise gone; and that that might rather plead not onely for the Maturitie, but the sinceritie, by that Cassian rule, Cui bono; for whom should a dead man flatter, or for what should hee lye? Yea, hee little spares his owne companie and Nation, but often and eagerly layeth open their vices: and which is more, I finde in him little boa∣sting, except of other Nations; none at all of himselfe, but as if he intended to expresse Gods glorie, and mans merit of nothing but miserie. And howsoeuer it seemes incredible to remember such infinite par∣ticulars as this Booke is full of, yet an easie memorie holdeth strong impressions of good or bad: Scribunt in marmore laesi, is said of one; and of the other, Omnia quae curant senes meminerunt. Nei∣ther [ 20] is it likely but that the Authour wrote Notes, which in his manifold disaduentures were lost otherwise, but by that writing written the firmer in his memorie, especially new whetted, filed, forbushed with so many companions of miserie, whom in that state, Haec olim meminisse juuabat; their best mu∣sicke in their chaines and wandrings being the mutuall recountings of things seene, done, suffered. More maruell it is, if a lyar, that he should not forget himselfe, and contradict his owne Relations; which som∣times he may seeme to doe in the numbers of the yeere of the Lord; yea, and other numbers: but his leaues were left vnperfect at his death, and those numbers perhaps added by others after: and besides, mine owne experience hath often found figures mistaken from my hand, which being by the Compositor set at large,* 3.189 haue runne at large by ten times so much; and girt in otherwhiles as narrow with the tenth place dimini∣shed, or one figure set for another. And none but the Authour, or he which knowes the subiect, can ea∣sily amend that fault, being so great by so small and easie a lapse. The graduations of places I doe con∣fesse [ 30] otherwise then in the Iesuites, and as I suppose not so truely as theirs: for I thinke that he neither had Arte * 3.190 or Instrument to calculate the same, but contented himselfe in the writing of this Booke to looke into the common Maps of China, and to follow them in setting downe the degrees, and so the blind led the blind into errour; no printed Map that I haue seene being true. And perhaps the Chronicler to whom the papers were brought vnfinished might out of those Maps doe it; erring either of ignorance, or (which we haue often seene in Cards of remote places East and West) purposely, to conceale from others that which they haue found sweet and gainfull; the Mariner and Merchant not looking with the gene∣rous eyes of the ingenious, ingenuous Scholer.

For his repute at home; it was dedicated to King Philip the Third of Spaine, which impudence would not haue obtruded (if altogether a tale) on such Maiestie; licenced by the Holy Office, and prin∣ted [ 40] at Lisbon; translated into the Spanish by the Licentiate, Francisco de Herrera Maldonado, Canon of the Church Riall of Arbas, and dedicated to a Clergie-man Senerin de Faria, Printed 1620. at Madrid (and small credit it had beene to the House of the Farias, that one of them should publish in Portugall, and in Castile to another should be dedicated, a friuolous tale and deuised foolerie.) I adde also the Authours stile so religious, and his often protestations: his credit, as Herrera reporteth with King Philip the Second, who spent much time in discourse with him about these things. I might adde the Spanish Translators Apologie at large, and out of him Fr. Andrada the Portugall Chroni∣clers testimonie.

If this moue thee not to beleeue, yet beleeue thus much, that I haue no minde to deceiue thee, but giue [ 50] thee what I found, onely much contracted, and not going all the way with our Authour, whose originall Booke is aboue one hundred and fiftie sheets of paper in folio, but contented with his China and Tarta∣ria Relations: that also too much, if not true. And yet I would not haue an Authour reiected for fit speeches framed by the Writer, in which many Historians haue taken libertie; no, if sometimes he doth mendacia dicere, so as he doth not mentiri; that is, if he be so credulous to beleeue, or so improuident to proffer to others faith, probable falshoods related by others (as I will not sweare but of himselfe hee might mistake, and by others be mis-led, the Chinois here might in relating these rarities to him enlarge, and de magnis maiora loqui) so as he still be religious in a iust and true deliuerie of what himselfe hath seene, and belye not his owne eyes: the former is rashnesse and distastfull, the later is dishonest and detestable. Once, the Sunne Rising hath found many worshippers, but the Westerne Sunne is neerer night: [ 60] and neerer obscuritie and meannesse are our Westerne affaires then those China Raies of the East; and wee were Backes and Owles not to beleeue a greater light then our selues see and vse.* 3.191 All China Au∣thours how diuersified soeuer in their lines, yet concurre in a centre of Admiranda Sinarum, which if others haue not so largely related as this, they may thanke God they payed not so deare a price to see them; and for mee, I will rather beleeue (where reason euicts not an ••••ectione firma) then seeke to see

at the Authours rate; and if he hath robbed the Altars of Truth, as he did those of the Calempluy Idols, yet in Pequin equity we will not cut off the thumbs (according to Nanquin rigour) vpon bare sur∣mise without any euidence against him, Howeuer, cheaper I am sure he is by farre to thee then to mee, who would haue beene loth to be so true a labourer in a lying Authour, willingly or commonly (in my con∣ceit) falsifying his owne sight, though perhaps not seldome deceiued in things taken vp on China mens trust, or entred into their China Bookes, such as he here often citeth. Men refuse not Siluer for the Oare; gather the Rose notwithstanding the prickles; neglect not Haruest mixed with weeds, Wheat with the chaffe, Fruit for the shells, and hate not Honie for the Bees sting; nor will I either in prodiga∣litie of faith beleeue all, or be so penurious as to reiect the most of that which here I present. Vse thou thy freedome, and him at thy pleasure (I say not mee) and if thou wilt not pardon such a briefe [ 10] collection, thou wouldst hardly giue Castilian entertainement to all, and more then all, often yeelding brauadoes and enlarging flourishes of stile, beyond a translation, as if his Authour had not said enough. The variety, if it had beene meerly deuised, presents I know not how many entercourses as interludes of Comicke and Tragicke euents, more worthie the reading then most in this kinde, and as fit to recreate: how much more, where veritie is (as I suppose) the ground and substance, though perhaps inlayed with other phantasies among. That the Iesuites in some things differ, is their authoritie against his, who as more learned and iudicious, and longer experienced, might finde out some truths better then hee; as his various fortunes, and that time, might let him see many particularities which they could not, writing sixtie yeeres after. In many things they both agree: and Gaspar de Cruz hath many the same things; and that his strange Relation of the Crosse in China and the Hungarian of the Mount Sinai, is deli∣uered [ 20] by Lucena, perhaps learned by some of His companie: and these exceptions by mee mentioned, are rather praeoccupations of censorious iudging my iudgement, then my iudiciall sentence, which the iudi∣cious will suspend, and leaue to better experience. Iudicent posteri; veritas Temporis filia.

CHAP. II. Obseruations of China, Tartaria, and other Easterne parts of the World, taken out of FERNAM MENDEZ PINTO [ 30] his Peregrination.

§. I. MENDEZ his many miserable aduentures, his strange expedition with ANTONIO DE FARIA; diuers coasts visited, Pirats tamed, miseries suffered, glorie recouered. [ 40]

FErnam Mendez Pinto, borne at old Montemor in the Kingdome of Portugall, was placed in seruice at ten or twelue yeeres of age in Lisbon, the thirteenth of De∣cember, An. 1521. on the day of breaking the Scutchions, or publike mourning for King Emanuel. A yeere and halfe after he fled vpon occasion of a sudden ac∣cident, and got aboord a Caruile which was taken by a French Pirat, which would haue made sale of them at Larache to the Moores. But a fortnight after taking another Portugall ship comming from Saint Thome worth 40000. Duckets, they retur∣ned for France, carrying some with them for Sea seruice, the rest they set on shoare by night on the shoare of Melides, naked; which came to Santiago de Cacem, where they were relieued. [ 50] Thence he went to Setuual, and serued Francisco de Faria a Gentleman belonging to the Master of Santiago, and after that was Page to the Master himselfe. But his meanes being short hee left his seruice.

An. 1537. he went for Indiae in a Fleet of fiue ships; the Admirall was Don Pedro de Sylua, sonne of Vasco * 3.192 da Gama (first Discouerer of the Indies, whose bones he carried with him in the ship at his returne, which were receiued by King Iohns appointment in greater Funerall pompe, then had beene seene done to a Subiect.) They arriued at Diu the fifth of September. Thence after seuenteene dayes he went with two Foists for the Straight of Mecca, and came in sight of Curia Muria, and Abedalcuria, almost wracked with foule weather, and comming to Sacotora, watered neere the Fortresse which Francisco d' Almeida first Vice-roy of India, had [ 60] built, 1507. Hauing receiued some refreshing of the Christians there, they departed, and in the heighth of Masua tooke a ship, but fiue men being therein left of eightie; one of which was the Captaine, a Renegado of Malorquy, who for loue of a Moorish woman had denyed his Faith, and refusing to returne to Christianitie, notwithstanding all perswasions, wee bound him hand

and foot, and threw him into Sea with a great stone tyed about his necke: The ship also sunke, and little was saued.

They went to Arquico (then) in the Countrey of Preste Iohn; to deliuer a letter to Aurique Barbosa, the Factor of Antonio Sylueira, sent three yeeres before by Nuno de Cunha, who with fortie others escaped from the rebellion Xael, in which Dom Manoel de Meneses, with one hun∣dred and sixtie Portugals were taken, foure hundred thousand Duckets, and sixe Portugall Ships, which were those that Solyman Bassa A. 1538. brought with prouision for his Armada to the siege of Diu; the King of Xael hauing sent them with sixtie Portugals for a Cairo present;* 3.193 the rest hee bestowed as almes on Mahomets house at Mecca. I with three others, were sent some dayes iourneys into the Countrey to Barbosa, then in the Fort of Geleytor in guard of the Queene, [ 10] mother of the Preste Iohn, who welcommed them, as the nightly dew to the flowerie Garden, and as Helena to Ierusalem, so were they (said she) to her eyes.

But (to leaue those things) he went thence to Ormus, and then to Goa; there offered his seruice to Pero de Faria Captaine of Malaca, which entertained him. The occurrences of Bata, Achem, Aaru in Samatra, Queda in the continent, and his imployments in those parts, as also of Siaca, Paon, Patane, I omit.

He saith that hee was wracked at Sea comming from Aaru; of eight and twentie, fiue onely escaping, two of which the Crocodiles deuoured. Hee was taken and sold to a Moore, which carried him to Malaca. Thence Pero de Faria sent him to Patane in trade: from thence againe, imployed by Antonio de Faria to Lugor, Coia Acem a Guzarate Pirate set vpon them, tooke, and killed all, Burall and Pinto only escaping, which leaping into the Sea were reserued by a Barke, and sent to Patane. Faria afraid to return to Malaca, where he was so indebted for those goods, vowed to be reuenged of the Pirat. And by helpe of his friends armed a Iunke with fiue & fifty Souldiers, of which I and Borall (extreamely both indebted and wounded) were. From Patane we set forth in May, 1540. and to a Hauen called Bralapisaon, some sixe leagues off the firme Land, where we found a Iunke of the Lequios, bound for Siam with an Embassadour of Nautaquim de Lindau,* 3.194 Prince of the Ile of Tosa situate in six & thirty degrees, which seeing vs come,* 3.195 hasted away with all speed. Faria sent a Chinese Pilot to them with faire offers of loue and courtesie, who returned with a present, a rich Sword, and sixe and twentie Pearles in a Boxe of Gold, with this answer, [ 30] That the time would come, when they should communicate with vs in the Law of the true God of infinite mercy, who by his death had giuen life to all men, with a perpetuall inheritance in the house of the good:* 3.196 and hee beleeued that this should bee after the halfe of the halfe of time were past. Neither could Antonie de Faria returne any thing in recompence, they being gotten farre into the Sea.

Heere wee watered, and after coasted to search the Riuer of Pulo Cambim,* 3.197 which diuides the Kingdome of Champaa, from the Seniorie of Camboia in the height of nine degrees. Thither we came in the end of May, and the Pilot went vp the Riuer three leagues, to a great Towne called Catimparù, where we stayed to take in prouision twelue dayes. Faria being curious, desired to know whence that Riuer came, the originall thereof (they told him) was a Lake called Pinator,* 3.198 Eastward from that Sea, two hundred and sixtie leagues in the Kingdome of Quitirvan;* 3.199 which [ 40] Lake was compassed with high Hills, at the bottome of which, alongst the waters side, were eight and thirtie Townes, thirteene great, the rest small. One of these Great ones was named Xin∣caleu, where was a great Gold Mine, whence euery day was taken a Barre and a halfe of Gold,* 3.200 which in our money amounteth by the yeere to two and twentie millions of Gold.* 3.201 Foure Lords are sharers, and are still at warres for a singular proprietie. They said that one of these called Raiabitau, in the Court of his house in iarres, had set vp to the necke in earth six hundred Bars of Gold in poulder, as good as that of Menancabo in Samatra; and that if three hundred of our men were sent thither, with one hundred Caliuers, they would without doubt become masters there∣of. They said also that in Buaquirim, another of those Townes, was a Rocke of Diamonds,* 3.202 better then those of Laue, and of Taniampura in the Ile of Iaua.

[ 50] Proceeding along the Coast of Champaa, from Pullo Cambim, we came to a shelfe called Saley∣iacuu, and the next day to the Riuer Toobasoy, in the mouth whereof a Iunke passed by,* 3.203 to which we offered the courtesie of the Sea, and they in scorne made shew of a Negroes Buttockes, with many trumpets and other iollitie. Hence grew displeasure: in the night three Barks came to assaile vs, which we tooke, with the Captain, two Acheners, a Turke, & the Negro. This Negro confes∣sed himselfe a Christian, slaue to Gasper de Mello a Portugall, whom that dogge (he pointed to the bound Captaine) slew two yeeres since in Liampoo, with sixe and twentie Portugals besides with him in the Ship. What said Faria, is this Similau? Yea, said he, and he had thought in so small a Barke, there had not beene aboue sixe or seuen, and hee would haue bound your hands and feet, and impaled you as hee serued my master. Faria hauing serued him and his with the same [ 60] sauce, tooke the Iunke, in which was thirtie six thousand Taeis of Iapon Siluer, which make fif∣tie foure thousand Cruzados or Duckets, besides much good merchandize.

Faria proceeded alongst the Coast of Champaa, and came to the Riuer Tinacoru,* 3.204 by our men called Varella: into which enter the Ships of Siam and the Malaya Coast, which goe for China, and Truck for Gold, Calamba and Iuory, whereof that Kingdome hath store. Many Paraos or

small Barkes came aboord vs, and wondred to see white men with beards. They told him that if he would goe vp the Riuer to the Citie Pilaucacem,* 3.205 where the King resides, hee might in fiue dayes sell his goods: for great Merchants resorted thither from the Lauhos, and Pafuaas, and Gue∣os. That Riuer they said came from the Hill Moncalor, eightie leagues from that place, and be∣yond that Hill it is much larger,* 3.206 but shallower, in some places making shallow fields, where bred infinite store of Fowles which couer the ground, in such innumerable numbers, that two and for∣tie yeeres before they caused the Kingdome of Chintaleuhos,* 3.207 (which is eight dayes iourney) to be dispeopled. Beyond that Country of Birds, is another wilde and mountainous, where abide many creatures much worse then those Birds, Elephants, Rhinocerotes, Lions, Wilde-swine, Buffals, and Wilde-kine. In the midst of that Land or Kingdome (so it had beene in old time) [ 10] is a great Lake, which the Natiues call Cunebetee, others Chiammay, from which proceeds this riuer, with other three in great quantitie washing that land. That lake, as some write, containeth in circuit sixtie Iaons (each of which is three leagues) alongst which are Mines of Siluer, Copper, Tinne, and Lead, carried thence by Merchants in Cafilas, with Elephants and Badas (Rhinoce∣rotes) to the Kingdomes of Sornau, or Siam, Passiloco, Sauady, Tangù, Prom, Calaminhan, and other Kingdomes. Being asked of the weapons of those Countries, they answered, That they haue none but Poles burned, and short Crises of two spannes. They might not go vp the Riuer in lesse then two months, or two and a halfe, by reason of the force of the water, which way downe, they might dispatch in eight or ten dayes.

* 3.208Faria going from thence, came to Pullo Champeiloo, an Iland not inhabited in fourteene degrees [ 20] and twentie minutes, at the entrie of the Bay of Cauchin-China: and thence hauing fitted his Ordnance to Ainam, to seeke Coia Acem: and being come to Pullo Capas, a Fleet of fortie great Iunkes, of two or three Deckes * 3.209 a piece was seene in the Riuer by Boralho, whom Faria had sent to discouer, and after that another seeming two thousand saile great and small, and a walled Towne of some ten thousand houses. At his returne hee saw also one Iunke in the Barre of the Riuer at anchor,* 3.210 which seemed of another Coast. Faria supposed this last was of that Pyrat Coia Acem, which therefore hee assailed and tooke. One of the company was a Christian of Mount Sinai,* 3.211 named Tome Mostangue a Merchant, whose Barke Solyman Bassa had taken A. 1538. in the Port of Iudaa, with seuen others to be victuallers for his Armada of sixtie gallies, wherewith he was sent by the Great Turke, to restore Sultan Baadur to his Kingdome of Cambaya, whereof the [ 30] Mogor had then dispossessed him, and to driue the Portugalls out of India. And when he deman∣ded of the Turkes his freight, which they had promised, they tooke his wife and his daughter, and openly rauished them before his eyes; his sonne, which cried at that spectacle, they threw into the Sea bound hand and foot: and laid himselfe in yrons, tooke away his goods, worth aboue sixe thousand Duckets. His wife and daughter died, and hee as desperate leaped one night into the Sea, at the Bar of Diu, with a sonne which there hee had▪ and got to Surat, and came thrice to Malacca in a Ship of Garcia de Saa; whence by Stephen Gama he was sent for China, with Chri∣stouan Sardinha, Factor of Maluco; whom riding at anchor in Cincapura Quiay Tayiam, Captaine of this Iunke slew with six and twentie Portugals, and saued him aliue because he was a Gunner. Faria cried out that he had heard of this Quiay Tayiam, that he had killed aboue one hundred Por∣tugals, [ 40] and spoiled them of one hundred thousand Cruzados, and that since he killed Sardinha, he caused himselfe to bee called by his name. Hee asked this Armenian where he was, hee shewed where he with sixe or seuen others were hidden in the Iunke. Faria went and opened the skut∣tle, and Taiam with his company began a new fight, killed two Portugals and seuen boyes, and wounded twentie; but in the end were slaine. Faria hasted away for feare of the Iunkes in the Riuer, and came to the Coast of Cauchin-China where he rifled this Iunke, and found in her Spi∣ces and other goods, to the value of sixtie thousand Cruzados, besides Artillery, which the Pirate had taken out of the Ships of Sardinha, Oliueyra, and Matos.

* 3.212The next day hee set saile againe for Ainam, and by the way lighted on Boates fishing for Pearles,* 3.213 to whom they offered contract, who told them that Guamboy, a Port somewhat before, [ 50] (as in Cantan, Chinch••o, Lamau, Comhay, Sumbor, and Liampoo, and other Coast Cities) was a place of trade for strangers, and counselled him to goe thither: for there they had nothing but Pearles, which they fished for the treasure of the Sonne of the Sunne, by the command of the Tu∣tan of Comhay, supreme Gouernor of all Cauchin-China. And that the law was, that if any Barke besides the appointed entred, it should bee burnt with all the people therein. And because hee was a stranger, it was best for him to saile away before Buhaquirim the Mandarin, which was but seuen leagues thence came; who had fortie great Iunkes, with two thousand Mariners, and fiue thousand Souldiers; and did abide there the sixe moneths of fishing, from March to August both included. They much maruelled at the Portugall fashion, hauing neuer seene any such men, and suspected them theeues (they professing themselues Merchants of Siam) with gifts and [ 60] courtesie they wonne good estimation of these Fishers.* 3.214 One of these being asked touching Ay∣nam, answered, That it was once an absolute Kingdome gouerned by Pr••chau Gamu, who dying without an heire there arose such contentions, that in foure yeeres and a halfe there dyed sixteen Lacasaas of men, which are so many hundred thousands, whereby the Land was so dispeopled,

that the Cauchin King made himselfe master thereof, with seuen thousand Mogores, which the Tartar sent him from Tuymican, then the chiefe Citie of his Empire. Hee set ouer the same Hoyha Paguarol, who rebelled and made himselfe tributarie to the King of China, paying sixe hundred thousand Duckets, or foure hundred thousand Taeis yearely: and dying without heire, two hundred thirtie fiue yeares since, hee declared the King of China his Successour: and so it hath continued. He counselled him not to goe to Aynam; because they were Dissemblers, nor would the Monson suffer him to go to Liampoo▪ but to go to the good riuer Tanauquir, stil sounding as he went for the shoalds; there he should haue sure Anchorage,* 3.215 and in little space hee might sell all his goods; where yet it was not safe by reason of reasonlesse men to aduenture his goods on Land.

[ 10] To that Riuer we went, and in the mouth thereof not able to stemme the Current, two Iunks assayled vs, and their first Language was sixe and twentie Peeces of Ordnance: the Issue was, Pa∣ria tooke them both, most of their men being drowned or slaine, and found therein seuenteene Christians Prisoners, by whom hee learned that the Captayne was a Rouer which bare two names, one of a Christian, Francisco de Saa, the other of a Gentile, Necoda Xicaulem. Fiue yeares he had beene a Christian at Malaca; Garcia de Saa Captayne of the Fortresse,* 3.216 in his Baptisme imparting his owne name to him, who married him to a Gentlewoman of Portugall. But hee going, Anno 1534. for Chincheo in a China Iunke with twentie Portugals and his Wife, slue both her and them at Pulo Ca••an: and the next yeare took another Portugall Iunke at Chincheo, which came from Sunda, and slue ten Portugals in her, and thence-forth practised Pyracie on Chine∣ses, [ 20] (••s hee thought vs to bee) and Portugals.* 3.217 The goods of the two Iunkes amounted to fortie thousand Taeis, and seuenteene Bras••e Peeces. The Captayne of this place was in league with him, and shared a third of his Pyracies. Faria therefore went to another Port fortie leagues Eastward, called Mutipinan, wherein were many Merchants which came in Cafilas from the Land of the Lauhos, and Pàfuaas, and Gucos with great store of siluer. The current setting strong against vs at the Rock of Tilauinera. Wee came to Mutipinan, and learned that the Riuer was deepe, the best in that Bay; the people peaceable,* 3.218 that Merchants had come nine dayes before from the Kingdome of Benan in two Cafilas, each of fiue hundred Oxen, with store of Siluer, Iuory, Waxe, Benioyn, Camfire, Gold in poulder, to buy Pepper, Drugs, and pearles of Aynam;* 3.219 that they had not any Armada of great ships because the Wars which the Prechau (King) of the Cauchins made wereby land, that he abode at Quangepaaru, a Citie twelue dayes iourny thence; [ 30] that his Mynes yeelded him fifteene thousand Pikes of Siluer,* 3.220 halfe of which by Diuine Law belonged to the people, which had remitted it to him on conditon to pay no other tributes, wher∣to the ancient Prechaus had sworne to keepe it, as long as the Sun should giue light to the Earth. There hee sold a great part of his goods till newes of the Tanauquir Rouer made them afraid to come aboard: so that he was forced to set saile.

Thus after many dayes spent in this Bay of Cauchin-china; because Coia Acem and the Py∣rates which robbed Christians were in league with the Mandarines, and sold that which they had gotten in Ainan, he pursued that purpose againe, and came to Anchor in Madel a Hauen in that Iland where he encountred with Hinimilau, a Chinese Rouer which had becomne lately a Moore, and bitter enemy of Christians, of which Religion hee had also beene.* 3.221 Fiue Portugall [ 40] Captiue Boyes, which were aboard him, cryed out for mercy, whereby Faria mooued, sent to know what they were, which answering with stones on their heads that came in the Boat, a cruell fight followed, in which Faria remayned Victor, and seised of the Captaine with fif∣teene others left aliue. He demanded for the Portugall Boyes, who told them they were in the Prow vnder Hatches; whereupon sending to see, they found them lying on a heape with their heads off, a woman with her two children being also so serued. Faria asked why hee dealt so with the small Innocents? He answered, it was sufficient that they were children of Portugals. Being asked why he had forsaken the Christian Religion: he said, because the Portugals had re∣spected him being a Gentile, with Cap in hand saluting him Quiay Nicoda, but after hee was Christian, made little account of him; whereupon he became a Moore in Bintam, and the King [ 50] of Iantan vsed him with much honour, his Officers called him Brother, and hee sware on a Booke to become an Enemy to the Portugall and Christian Name as long as he liued, the King and Priest applauding and promising all happinesse to his soule. Seuen yeares he had beene in exe∣cution of that Oath, and had taken a Iunke of Luys de Pauia in the Riuer of Liampoo, with foure hundred Bares of Pepper, slue eighteene Portugals, besides slaues: and after that had taken at times foure ships, in which he had slaine neere three hundred persons, seuentie of them Portu∣gals, and taken fifteene or sixteen hundred Bares of Pepper and other Commodities, of which the King of Pan had halfe, to secure him and let him haue sale: in the Riuer Choaboque on the Coast of China, he had killed Ruy Lobo, his old acquaintance, with seuenteene Portugals, escaping a [ 60] wracke, and taken into his Iunke on condition to pay him two thousand Cruzados, to set him on shoare at Patane; which notwithstanding, hee slue him and the rest by the Moores counsell one night as they were asleepe. Faria would heare no further, but caused him to bee slaine and cast into the Sea. In Silke and other goods he found in the Iunke to the value of fortie thousand Taeis: the Iunke he burned, hauing none to man her.

The other Necodas or Captaynes of the Iunkes, seeing what Faria had done, consulted toge∣ther, and seeing he might also doe as much to them, sent two chiefe men to him, desiring him as King of the Sea, to giue them securitie to passe, in dispatch of their businesses before the Monson were ended, and that as his Tributaries, they would giue him twentie thousand Taeis of Siluer: to which he sware, and that no Thiefe should rob them: and with a Present receiued the Mo∣ney brought him within an houre after. A Boy which writ their Passes, gayned in thirteene dayes aboue foure thousand Taeis (besides gifts for dispatch) each Iunke giuing fiue Taeis and the lesse Barkes two. The Vice-Roy also of Ainan sent him a rich Present, with a Letter to in∣treat him to serue the Sonne of the Sunne as Admirall from Laman to Liampoo, at ten thousand Taeis annuall wages, besides (after three yeares end) further aduancement: whereto he excused [ 10] his vnworthinesse,* 3.222 and departed to Quangiparu, a Citie of fifteene thousand Housholds, and so coasted all alongst the Iland of Ainan seuen monethes space, till the Souldiers were wearie, and required their shares as had beene agreed; which was quieted with promise to winter at Siam, and hauing there made Money of all to giue each man his part.

* 3.223With this agreement they came to an Iland, called Theaues Iland, because standing out of the Bay, it is their place to take the first of the Monson. Here at the new Moone in October wee were encountred with a cru••ll Tempest in the night, by which the foure Vessels were broken in pieces, fiue hundred eightie sixe persons drowned, of which eight and twentie Portugals; three and fiftie of vs by Gods mercie saued,* 3.224 Faria being one, and one and twentie other Portugals, the rest Slaues and Mariners. They spent two dayes and a halfe in Buriall of their dead, and to [ 20] get some of their prouision, which yet hauing taken Salt-water, would not last aboue fiue dayes of the fifteene they stayed there. Faria comforted them saying, that God would not permit so much euill but for a greater good; nor would haue taken from them fiue hundred thousand Cruzados, but to giue them sixe hundred thousand: God doth not punish with both hands, his mercie curing the wounds which his Iustice maketh.

Thus we walked naked, and bare-foot on the Strand & in the Wildernes, suffering hunger and cold,* 3.225 many of our companions dying, not so much for want of food, as the stinke and putrified vnholsomnesse thereof. In this disconsolate plight, a Sea-kite * 3.226 came flying from behind the South Cape of the Iland▪ and let fall from his Talons a Mullet a span long; which he taking vp with great prayse to God, and Prayer to Iesus Christ, not to consider their merits, but his merits for [ 30] them, hee caused it to bee rosted and giuen to the sicke. Looking to the place whence the Fowle came, they saw more of them flying vp and downe, and going thitherwards, discouered a Val∣ley with diuers Fruit-trees, and before they came at it, they found a Deere which a Tygre had newly killed, and with their generall cry was scarred from it, hauing begun to eate it. Wee fea∣sted with it, and with many Mullets which those Sea-kites got, and (scarred with our cries) let fall.* 3.227 This fishing they continued from Munday till Saturday, and then seeing a saile they hid themselues in the Woods. It was a Lantea or Barke with Oares, which came thither with thir∣tie persons to wood and water; and whiles they were disporting themselues, and had left their Barke vnmanned, Faria apprehended the occasion, and hauing instructed them, at the name of Iesus they all ranne vpon it, entred without gain-saying, and loosing the Prow put to Sea. The [ 40] Chinois seeing their Lantea taken, hasted to the shoare, but scarred with a little Iron-piece out of their Lantea, they fled to the Thickets. We presently fell to eate, what an old man was dressing for the Chinois, and after searched and found Silkes, Damaskes, Muske, and other goods worth foure thousand Cruzados, besides Rice, Sugar, Hennes, which we most esteemed for recouerie of the sicke. There was a Boy of twelue or thirteene yeares old, whom Faria asked, whence and whose the Lantea was: hee answered, it was his Fathers, from whom they had vnhappily taken is lesse then an houre, all hee had gotten in aboue thirtie yeares: hee came from a place, called Quoaman, where in bartar for Siluer he had gotten those goods,* 3.228 which he was going to sell to the Iunkes of Siam in the Port of Comhay:* 3.229 and now hee going to supply his want of water, you haue taken away his goods without feare of the Iustice of Heauen. Faria promising to vse him as his Sonne; then, said hee, [ 50] set me on shoare in that miserable Land where my true Father is, with whom I had rather dye then liue with so bad people. Much reasoning passed, and he said, they could speake well of God, but little vsed his Law: neither would he eate in three dayes space.

We determined to goe for Liampoo, two hundred and sixtie leagues Northwards from thence, and to get if we could, a better Barke, this being little, and scarsly able to brooke those New Moone-stormes on the Coast of China.* 3.230 At Sun-set wee set sayle, and next morning going East North-east, came to an Ile called Guintoo, where we tooke a fisher-barke with store of fresh fish, whence we tooke what we thought fit, with eight men of her, twelue to serue for the Lantea, our men being weake. They told vs that eighteene leagues thence was a good Riuer, called Xin∣guan, within which was a poore fisher-village, called Xamoy, and three leagues higher vp, a Citie [ 60] of good Trade. The next day in the euening we came to Xamoy, where a Iunke rode fitter for Farias purpose, which in the night he tooke, the men being asleepe; whom he bound, threatning to kill them all if they made any cry;* 3.231 and sayled presently with her to the Ile Pullo Quirim, nine leagues off, and in three dayes after to an Iland called Luxitay, where for the recouery of the

sicke hee stayed fifteene dayes. In the Iunke hee found no Merchandize but Rice, the most of which he cast into the Sea to lighten her, and fit her for our Voyage. Thence wee put forth for Liampoo, where we heard were many Portugals from Malaca, Zunda, Siam, and Patane, which vsed there to winter.

In the way we encountred, after two dayes sayling, with a Iunke of Patane, which belonged to a China Pyrate, called Quiay Panian, a great friend of the Portugals,* 3.232 of whom he had thirtie in his company entertayned in his pay. They not knowing vs, began with a terrible salutation of fifteene Peeces of Artillery, but by Crosses in their Banner, we knew them and made signes, by which both congratulated each other with heartiest greetings, and Quiay Panian and he joyned in league to pursue their Fortunes together. They now purposed to goe to Chincheo,* 3.233 and th••re [ 10] found fiue sayle of Portugals, which told them of a great Fleet of foure hundred Iunkes, with one hundred thousand men gone to the Iles of Goto, in succour of Sucan of Pontir,* 3.234 who had volun∣tarily subjected himselfe to the King of China, in one hundred thousand Taeis Tribute yearely. We tooke out of those fiue ships thirtie fiue Souldiers more, and proceeded on our way for Li∣ampoo. In the way we encountred a small P••raoo with eight Portugals sorely wounded, where∣of Antonio Anriquez, and Mem Taborda were, rich men of great esteeme.

These recounted to him that a Guzerate Rouer, Coia Acem,* 3.235 with three Iunks and foure Lanteas (in which were fiue hundred men, one hundred and fiftie of them Moores) set vpon them (ha∣uing parted seuenteene dayes agoe from Liampoo, for Malaca, purposing to goe for India, if the Monson had permitted) before the Ile Gumbor, and after some houres fight tooke them; eightie [ 20] two persons (eighteene of them Portugals) were slaine, and as many others captiued, with one hundred thousand Taeis value in their Iunke: one of the Pyrats Iunks was fired and burnt to the water. These few in the furie of the entry escaped in the little Boat which hung at sterne; they being busied in the spoyle, and the Sunne then set, could not follow, but went into the Riuer with much triumph.

Faria and Quiay Panian who had kindred at La••loo, prouided themselues there of Powder,* 3.236 Lead, Victuals, and other necessaries for Money, by leaue of the Mandarine, (no Countrey in the World being like China for all kind of prouisions) and there got two greater Iunkes in truck of the other, and two Lanteas, and one hundred and sixtie Mariners, so that they were in all fiue hundred persons, of which ninetie fiue were Portugals. They had one hundred & sixty Harquebus∣ses, [ 30] forty Brasse Peeces, & sixty Quintals of Powder, nine hundred pots of Powder, foure thousand Darts headed with Iron, Arrowes, and many Fire-workes, with other Weapons. Thus proui∣ded, they set forth in pursuit of Coia Acem, and by a Fisher-boat learned that he was in the Ri∣uer Tinlau, there to furnish and fit the Iunke lately taken from the Portugals, to goe with it and two others for Siam (where he was borne) about ten dayes thence. Faria sent Vicente Morosa in the Fisher-boat, with some of his company to informe himselfe more fully, which making a shew of fishing with the rest, he easily did, and brought word aboard of the easinesse of the at∣tempt. In the night they anchored, and went vp the Riuer in the morning, the enemy know∣ing nothing till they came in sight, and Faria crying out, Hey, my Masters, in the Name of Christ, [ 40] to them, to them, Santiago, off went the Ordnance, the small shot succeeded, that none now in the Iunkes durst appeare. His small Vessels (Lorche) comming from the shoare with succour were so entertayned with great shot that they could not helpe themselues, and by our small Ves∣sels were fired with the fire-po••s; in three of them two hundred persons were slaine. Out of the fourth they leaped into the water, and were most slaine by Panians men.

Coia Acem which before was not knowne, seeing his Moores ready to try the waters courte∣sie to escape those fiery enemies, armed in Buffe, with Plates fringed with Gold, cryed out aloud that he might be heard, La ••lah, ill••llah Muhamed roçolalah: what shall you Muslemans and iust men of the Law of Mahomet, suffer your selues to be conquered of so f••eble a Nation as are these Dogges, which haue no more heart then white Hens, and bearded women? to them, to them, the Booke of Flowres hath giuen promise from our Prophet to you and me, to bathe our selues in the bloud of these Cafres with∣out [ 50] Law. With these cursed words, the Deuill so animated them, that it was fearefull to see how they ranne on our Swords. Faria on the other side heartned his in the name of Christ crucified, and with a zealous feruour reached Coia Acem, such a blow with a two hand Sword on his Head-piece of Maile, that he sunke to the ground, and with another blow cut off his legges.* 3.237 Whereupon his men with such furie assayled Faria, not caring for thirtie Portugals which stood about him, that they gaue him two wounds, which put such spirit into our men, that in little space, eight and fortie of the Enemies lay dead vpon Coia Acem, and the rest they slue all but fiue, whom they tooke and bound, the Boyes cutting the others in quarters, and throwing them into the water with Coia Acem, and the King of Bintans chiefe Caciz, or Priest,* 3.238 the shedder and the drinker of Portugall bloud, as he stiled himselfe in the beginning of his Writings, for which [ 60] hee was of that cursed Sect much honoured.

Of the Enemies were slaine three hundred and eightie, of ours fortie two (eight of which were Portugals, Faria searched the Iland, and found a Village therein of fortie or fiftie houses, which Coia Acem had sacked, slaying some of the Inhabitants. Not farre off was a great house

seeming a Temple full of sicke and wounded men, ninetie sixe in number, which the Pyrat had there in cure, whom he burned, setting the house on fire in diuers places, those that sought to escape being receiued on Pikes and Launces. The Iunke which they had taken from the Portugals, sixe and twentie dayes before, Faria gaue to Mem Taborda, and Antonio Anriquez in Almes for re∣mission of his sinnes, taking their Oath to take no more but their owne. He tooke speciall care of the wounded, and caused the slaues to be set free. After all this, there remayned of cleere gaines, one hundred and thirtie thousand Taeis in Siluer, of Iapan and other goods, which that Pyrat had taken along that Coast from Sumbor to Fucheo.

[ 10]

§. II. ANTONIO FARIA his taking of Nouda a Citie in China, triumph at Liampoo; strange Voyage to Calempluy, mi∣serable shipwracke.

* 3.239FAria hauing recouered his sicke men, set sayle for Liampoo, and beeing comne to the point of Micuy in sixe and twentie degrees, by a storme he was driuen vpon a Rock in the darke night, and was forced to cast out all the goods, and cut all their Masts ouer-board; and with much adoe we escaped with their helpe (two and twentie [ 20] drowned by ouer-hastinesse) to the Iunke of Mem Taborda.* 3.240 The second day after came two Portugals from Quiay Panians Iunke, and plained to vs their almost like misfortune (one gust ha∣uing taken away three men, and cast them a stones cast into the Sea) and the losse of the small Iunke with fiftie persons, most of which were Christians, and seuen Portugals. One of the Lan∣teas came and told of their disaduenture, the other Lantea lost, only thirteene men escaping, which the Countrey people carryed Captiues to Nouday:* 3.241 so that two Iunkes and a Lantea with aboue one hundred persons were lost, and in Munition and other goods, aboue two hundred thou∣sand Cruzados, the Captayne and Souldiers hauing nothing left but that on their backes. The Coast of China is subiect to these strokes more then other Countries,* 3.242 so that none can sayle [ 30] thereon one yeare without disasters, except at the full and change, they betake them to their Ports, which are many and good, without barred entries, except Laman and Sumbor.

Faria went and anchored before Nouday and sent some to sound, and to take some of the people to enquire of his men, who brought a Barke with eight men and two women, one of whom (hauing first sworne by the Sea, that it below, and the winds aboue should pursue him if he•• brake his Faith, and the beautie of the starres whose eyes beheld all wrong, as the Chinese requested) told him that he taking them to be Sea Rouers and Robbers, had taken them and cast them in Irons. Faria writ to the Mandarin by two of those Chinois, with a Present worth two hundred Duckets to returne his men, which returned the next day with an Answere written, that him∣selfe should come and demand Iustice at his feet, and he would doe as hee saw cause. Hee wrote [ 40] againe, offering two thousand Taeis for their Redemption, signifying that hee was a Portugall Merchant, which came to trade at Liampoo, and payd Customes without any Robbery; and that the King of Portugall his Lord was in true amitie with his Brother the King of China, and in Malaca his subjects vsed the Chinois justly. This calling the King of Portugall the King of Chi∣nas Brother, he tooke so hainously, that he caused the China Messengers to be whipped, and their eares cut, and sent them backe with a railing Answere written to Faria, which had so proudly blasphemed, calling his King the Brother of the Sonne of the Sunne, the Lion crowned with incre∣dible power in the Throne of the Vniuerse, vnder whose feet all Crownes of all that gouerne the Earth, are placed with all their Seniories, as all Writers affirme in their Histories. For this Heresie he burned his Writing with his Picture, as he would doe to himselfe, charging him presently to set sayle [ 50] and be gone. Faria enraged, resolued to assault the Towne, hauing three hundred men, (seuentie of them Portugals) with the company of Quiay Panian, for that feat.

Hauing therefore taken foure Barkes, the next morning betimes with them, three Iunkes and a Lorcha or Lantea,* 3.243 he went vp the Riuer, and had sixe fathomes water and an halfe anchoring by the wals. And striking sayle without salutation of Artillery, we put off our Flagge of con∣tract, after the China custome, to fulfill all complements of peace, sending new offers of loue and further satisfaction for the Prisoners. But the Mandarine full of indignation, hardly vsed the Messengers on the wall in sight of the Armada; whereupon, Faria desperate of doing any good that way leauing order with the Iunkes continually to shoot at the Enemie where they were thickest, he with his company landed without contradiction, and marched to the Towne. When we were comne within little more then a Calieuer shot of the Ditch without the wall, [ 60] there issued by two gates one thousand, or twelue hundred; about one hundred of them Horse∣men, or Hackneymen rather (for they rode on leane Iades) which began to skirmish in such dis∣ordered sort, encountring one with another, and many of them falling to the ground, that they

seemed to be of some neighbour Villages, which came more of force then with force or heart to the businesse. Faria expected them, encouraging his men, and making a signe to the Iunkes.

The Horsemen diuided themselues, and wheeled about, as if that would haue fearred vs, which seeing, without effect they joyned in one bodie or heape rather; whereat the Captayne commanded all the Caleeuers to shoot off at once, with such successe, that the former halfe of the Horsemen fell to ground. And then wee which till that time had stood still gaue the assault, crying on the name of Iesus, insomuch that they fled so confusedly, that they fell one vpon ano∣ther, and when they came to the Bridge ouer the Ditch, they thronged themselues so that none could goe forward. In this case we came on them, and slue aboue three hundred, none of them [ 10] scarsly drawing Sword to defend themselues. Wee prosecuted the victory to the gate, in which was the Mandarine with sixe hundred men▪ fairely mounted, armed with a Corslet of Crimson Veluet gilded, which we knew after to haue belonged to Tome Perez,* 3.244 which King Emanuel of glorious memorie had sent Embassadour to China. Hee and his began a fight with vs in the en∣trie of the gate, more valorous then the former,* 3.245 till a Boy of ours dismounted the Mandarine from his Horse with a Harquebusse shot thorow the breast, which caused the rest disorderly to flee, and we with them into the Towne. They casting downe their weapons ranne out at an∣other gate toward the Countrey, none remayning. Antonio Faria gathering his companie toge∣ther, marched orderly to the Chifanga, the Prison where our men were, brake vp the gates and grates, and freed his men. Then did he appoint halfe an houre to his people for spoile,* 3.246 himselfe going to the Mandarines house, and had 8000. Taeis of Siluer there, & fiue great boxes of Muske: [ 20] the rest he gaue to the Boyes, which was much Silke twisted, and vnwrought, Damaske, Sat∣tin, Porcelane; the sacke was so rich, that foure Barkes or Vessels in which they came, went foure times laden therewith to the Iunkes, that there was neither Boy nor Mariner which had not a Chist or Chists of pieces, besides what they had secretly. Hauing spent an houre and halfe, he seeing night now come on, set fire in ten or twelue parts of the Citie, which being built of Pine timber suddenly arose into such a flame, that it seemed a Hell. And without impediment, he embarked his company with much riches, and many faire Girles tyed by foures and fiues with Match, they crying, ours triumphing.

It was now late, yet had Faria care of the wounded, which were fiftie of them, eight Portu∣gals, [ 30] and to burie the dead, which were nine only one Portugall; and keeping good watch that night, as soone as it was day, he went to a Village on the otherside of the water, and found not one person in it, the houses still furnished with goods and prouisions, with which he laded the Iunkes: and departed for a desart Iland fifteene leagues from Liampoo, called Pullo Hinh••r, where was good water and anchorage.* 3.247 After wee had sayled fiue dayes betwixt the Iles Comolem and the continent, Prematà Gundel a Rouer which had done much damage to the Portugals in Pa∣tane, Sunda, Siam, taking vs for Chineses, set vpon vs with two great Iunkes, in which were two hundred fighting men besides Mariners, and grapling with the Iunke of Mem Taborda, had almost taken it, when Quiay Panian came to her succour with such a stroke on her quarter, that both sunke; the three Lorchae which Faria brought from Nouday comming in, saued most of our [ 40] men, the enemies being all drowned, and Mem Taborda freed. Meane while,* 3.248 Prematà Gundel had with two hookes and Iron chaines fastned himselfe to Farias Iunke, both in the poope and prow, such a cruell battell following, that in lesse then an houre most of Farias men and him∣selfe were wounded, and twice in danger of taking, when the three Lorchae, and a little Iunke which Pero Sylua had taken at Nouday, came in to his succour, so that eightie sixe Moores which had entred Farias Iunke were slaine, who had cooped our men before in the poop-roome; and thence entring the Pirats Iunke, put all therein to the sword.

This victorie cost seuenteene of ours their liues, fiue of them of the best Portugall Souldiers, besides three and fortie wounded. The prize was valued at eightie thousand Taers,* 3.249 the most of it Iapan Siluer, which the Pirate had taken in three Iunkes, come from Firando bound for Chin∣cheo. [ 50] In the other sunken Iunkes was said to be as much. With this prize Faria went to a little Iland, called Buncalou, foure leagues off, and stayed there eighteene dayes,* 3.250 making Cottages for the wounded, which there recouered health. Thence they departed, Quiay Panian going in that Iunke of the Pirate, with 20000. Taeis ouer and aboue for his part: in sixe dayes we came to the Ports of Liampoo, which are two Iles,* 3.251 in which the Portugals made at that time their contractation, and was a Towne of one thousand houses, and sixe or seuen Churches built by them, with Sherifs, an Auditor, Alcaides, and other Officers; the Notaries vsing to write, I, N. publike Notarie for the King our Lord, in this Citie of Liampoo, &c. as if it had beene sea∣ted betwixt Santarem and Lisbon: and such was their forwardnesse, that some houses cost three or foure thousand Cruzados, all which were razed afterwards by the Chinois; so vncer∣taine [ 60] are the things of China (which in these parts are so esteemed) so subiect to disastres and disaduentures.

When Faria was come to Portas de Liampoo, he sent Mem Taborda, and Anriques first to ac∣quaint the Townes-men what had passed, who sent Ieronymo do Rego with two Lanteas, to thanke him for the bountie shewed in the case of Coia Acem, and with refreshings; and for the

businesse at Nouday, he need not be afraid there to winter, the King of China being as they said, lately dead,* 3.252 and ciuill warres succeeding, thirteene competitors being in Armes to enforce their pretended right: and that the Tutan Nay, which was next person to the King in all the Go∣uernment, with meere and mixt Empire of Maiestie Regall, was besieged in the Citie of Quo∣ansy, by Prechau Muan Emperour of Cauchinas; in whose fauour it is holden for certaine, that the King of Tartaria is comming with an Armie of nine hundred thousand men: and that in this troubled estate Nouday would not be thought of, which was in comparison of many other Cities in China, lesse then Oeiras compared with Lisbon. He was sixe dayes after with great tri∣umph and glorious shewes,* 3.253 made of his owne Fleet, and of the many Boats, Barkes, and Citi∣zens which came to fetch him, there being three hundred men in festiuall apparell, with many Gold Chaines, and gilded Swords, till he came into the Port, in which rode in a rew, twentie six [ 10] Ships, and eightie Iunks, besides a greater number of smaller vessels, fastned one before another in two wings, making a street betwixt them, adorned with Laurell, and other greene boughes, and sweet herbs, the Ordnance thundring on both sides a congratulation. The Chinois wondred, and asked if he were Brother or neere Kinsman to their King, they receiued him in such honour: Nay, said a conceited Portugall, but his father shooed the Kings Horses, and therefore is he wor∣thie of this honour. Hereat they were more then amazed, and said, There were great Kings in the World, of which their Authours had made no mention, and the King of Portugall seemes one of them, and much to exceed the Cauchim, or the Tartar, and it were no sinne to say he may hold compare with the Sonne of the S••nne, the Lion crowned in the Throne of the World. [ 20] Others confirmed the same, alledging the great riches which the bearded men generally posses∣sed. A glorious Lantea was purposely adorned for his person in which hee went, with many Musicall Instruments of the Chinas, Malayos, Champaas, Siamites, Borneos, Lequios, and other Nations which there secured themselues vnder the Portugals, for feare of Rouers which filled those Seas.

I should wearie you to let you see the rest of this pompous spectacle, and more to heare their Orations preferring him before Alexander, Scipio, Annibal, Pompey, Caesar: Neither will Religion let mee goe with him to their Masse: nor doe I euer dine worse then at solemne Feasts; and others will grudge me a roome at Comedies: all which pompes, I will leaue to our Author, enlarged by the Spanish translator, Canon of the Church of Arbas, as dedicated to Manuel Seuerin de Faria. There hee stayed fiue [ 30] moneths, spending the time in Hawking, Hunting, Fishing, Feasting. Quiay Panian in this time dyed. After hee made ready to goe to the Mines of Quoangiparu. Others disswaded him by rea∣son of warres in those parts, and a famous Pyrat called Similau, told him of an Iland called Calem∣pluy,* 3.254 in which seuenteene Kings of China were buried with much treasures, in Vests, and Idols of Gold, and other incredible riches; which hee on no other testimonie embraced, (without con∣sulting with his friends, who not a little blamed him therefore) and went with Similau in search of this Iland, setting out May the fourteenth, 1542.

* 3.255He set foorth with two Panouras, which are as it were Frigots, but somewhat higher: Iunkes he vsed not, both for secrecie, and because of the Currents which set out of the Bay of Nanquin, which great ships cannot stemme, by reason of the ouer-flowings from Tartaria and Nixibum [ 40] Flaon, in those moneths of May, Iune, and Iuly. He had with him sixe and fiftie Portugals, with a Priest, and fortie eight Mariners of Patane, and fortie two Slaues: more our Pilot Similau would not admit, fearing suspition in trauersing the Bay of Nanquin, and entry of many Riuers much i••habited.* 3.256 That day and night wee cleared the Iles of Angitur, and followed our voyage thorow a Sea before neuer sayled by Portugals. The first fiue dayes, we sayled with good winde, in sight of land to the entrie of the Bay of Nanquins fishings, and passed a gulfe of fortie leagues, and had sight of a high Hill called Nangafu,* 3.257 alongst which we ranne to the North fiue dayes; at the end whereof, Similau put into a small Riuer, the people whereof were white, of good sta∣ture, with small eyes like the Chinois, but differing in speech and behauiour. After three dayes the tempest ceasing, we set sayle East North east seuen dayes together in sight of land, and cros∣sing [ 50] another gulfe,* 3.258 there was a straight open to the East, called Sileupaquim, ten leagues in the mouth, within which we sayled fiue dayes in sight of many Townes and Cities very faire; and this Riuer or straight was frequented with innumerable shipping; insomuch that Faria was a∣fraid to bee discouered, and would needs against Similaus minde turne some other way. Thus out of the Bay of Nanquin (Similau telling them of a moneths worke of sayling by the Ri∣uer Sumhepadan,* 3.259 one hundred and seuentie leagues distant thence to the North) wee sayled fiue dayes, at the end whereof wee saw a very high H••ll called Fanius, and comming neere it, entred a goodly rode, where one thousand ships might ride at anchor. Wee sayled thence thirteene dayes along the coast,* 3.260 and came to the Bay of Buxipalem in 49. degrees, where wee found it som∣what cold and saw Fishes of strange shapes,* 3.261 some like Thornbacks, aboue foure braces or fa∣thoms [ 60] compasse, flat nosed like an Oxe; some like great Lizards, speckled blacke and greene, with three rewes of prickles on the backe, like ••ristles, three spannes long, very sharpe, the rest of the body full, but of shorter; these Fishes will contract themselues like Hedge-hogs, and looke fearefully; they haue a sharpe blacke snout with tuskes, after the manner of a Bore, two spannes

long. Other deformities and diuersities of Fishes we saw. Fifteene leagues further, we came to an another fairer Bay called Calnidan, sixe leagues in compasse set round with Hills,* 3.262 diuersified with Woods and Riuers, foure very great.

Similau sayd that the filth of dead Carcasses of creatures, proceeding from the ouerflowings, specially in Nouember, December, and Ianuarie, at the full of the Moone, caused the generation of such diuersitie of Fishes and Serpents in that Bay, and the former, which were not seene in o∣ther parts of that Coast. Faria asked him whence those Riuers came, and hee said that he knew not, but if it were true which was written,* 3.263 two of them came from a great lake called Moscum∣bia, and the other two from a Prouince of great Mountaines, which all the yeere were couered [ 10] with snow, called Alimania, and in Summer when great part of the snow was melted,* 3.264 they be∣came so impetuous, as wee now saw: and for that Riuer in the mouth whereof we were entred, called Paatebenam, wee were now in the name of the Lord of heauen to turne the Prow to the East, and East South-east * 3.265 to search againe the Bay of Nanquim,* 3.266 which we had left behind two hundred and sixtie leagues, all which way we had made higher then Calempluy. The second day we came to a high Mountaine called Botinafau, stored with diuers kindes of wilde beasts, which continued neere fiftie leagues and sixe-dayes sayling:* 3.267 and after came to another Hill as wilde as the former, called Gangitanou, and all the way forward was mountainous,* 3.268 and so thicke of trees that the Sunne could not pierce. Similau sayd, that in ninetie leagues space there was no habi∣tation, and in the skirts thereof liued a deformed sauage people onely by their Hunting, and [ 20] some Rice which they got in China, by exchange of wilde beasts skinnes, which hee sayd came to aboue a million yeerely. Of these Giganhos, wee saw a beardlesse youth with sixe or seuen Kine before him, to whom Similau made a signe, and hee stayed till we came to the Bankes side, and shewing him a piece of greene Taffata (which hee sayd they much esteemed) with a harsh voyce he sayd, Quiten paran faufau, words which none vnderstood. Faria commanded to giue him three or foure Conados of the taffata, and sixe Porcelanes, which he receiued with much ioy,* 3.269 saying, Par pacam pochy pilaca hunangue doreu, signing with his hand to the place whence hee came, and leauing his Kine, he ranne thither. He was cloathed with a Tygers skin, the hayre out∣ward, his armes, head and legges bare, with a rude pole in his hand; well shaped, seeming ten palmes or spans long, his hayre hanging on his shoulders. Within a quarter of an houre hee re∣turned [ 30] with a liue Deere on his backe, and thirteene persons with him, eight men and fiue wo∣men, with three Kine tyed in coards dancing at the sound of a Drum,* 3.270 giuing now and then fiue strokes on it, and other fiue with their hands, crying aloude, Cur cur hinan falem. Antonio de Fa∣ria, caused to shew them fiue or sixe pieces and many Porcelanes. All of them were cloathed in like manner, only the women had on their wrists grosse bracelets of Tin, their hayre longer then the men, and full of Flowers, and on their neckes a great neck-lace with coloured Shels, as big as Oyster-shels. The men had great poles in their hands, furred halfe way with such Pelts as they wore; they were strong set, with thicke lippes, flat noses, great open nostrils, bigge faces. Faria caused to measure them, and none of them were higher then ten spannes and a halfe, one old man nigh eleuen, the women not ten: but I suppose the most sauage [ 40] that euer yet were discouered. Faria gaue them three corges of Porcelane, a piece of greene Taffata, and a basket of Pepper; and they fell on the ground,* 3.271 and lifting vp their hands with their fists shut, sayd, Vumguahileu opomguapau lapan, lapan, lapan. They gaue vs the three Kine and the Deere, and after many words, in three houres conference returned with like dance as they came.

Wee followed our way fiue dayes more vp the Riuer, about fortie leagues, in which we had sight of that people, and sixteene dayes more without sight of any, at the end of which we came to the Bay of Nanquim, hoping in fiue or sixe dayes to effect our desires. Similau willed Faria not to let his Portugals be seene. And hauing sayled sixe dayes East and East North-east, we had sight of a great Citie called Sileupamor, and entred into the Port two houres within night, being [ 50] a faire Bay almost two leagues in ci••cuit, where abundance of shipping rode at anchor,* 3.272 seeming aboue three thousand: which made vs so afraid, that out againe we went, and crossing the Ri∣uer (which may bee about sixe or seuen leagues ouer) wee ranne alongst a great Champaine the rest of the day with purpose to get some refreshing, hauing passed thirteene hungry dayes. We came to an old building called Tanamadel, and got prouision to our mindes. This place,* 3.273 the Chi∣nois which wee found there, told vs▪ belonged to an Hospitall two leagues thence for entertain∣ment of the Pilgrims, which visited the Kings Sepulcher. Wee continued our voyage seuen dayes more, hauing spent two moneths and a halfe since wee came from Liampoo, and now Faria could no longer conceale his discontent, that hee had thus followed Similaus proiect, and recei∣uing of him answer little to the purpose, had stabbed him with his Dagger if others had not in∣terposed [ 60] Similau, the night following as wee rode at anchor neere the land, swam a shoare, the watch not perceiuing, which Faria hearing was so impatient, that going on shoare to seeke him, hee returned frustrate, and found of his sixe and fortie Chinais, two and thirtie fled. Full now of con••usion, it was by counsell resolued to seeke Calempluy, which could not be farre off: and the next night entred a Barke riding at anchor, and tooke fiue men sleeping therein; of whom hee

learned that Calempluy was ten leagues off, and with their helpe found it, eightie three dayes af∣ter he had set out on that enterprise.

This Iland was seated in the midst of the Riuer, and seemed to bee a league in Compasse. Hi∣ther came Faria with trouble and feare, three houres within night, anchoring about a chamber shot from it. In the morning it was agreed, first to goe about it to see what entrances it had, and what impediments might befall their designe. The Iland was all enuironed with a ••ampire of hewen Marble, sixe and twentie spannes-high, so well cut and set together, that all the wall seemed but one piece,* 3.274 the like whereof wee had neuer seene in India, or elsewhere: from the bot∣tome of the water to the brim, it contayned other sixe and twentie spannes. In the top was a border of the same worke round ingirting it, like a Friers girdle, of the bignesse of a rundlet [ 10] of twelue gallons, on which were set grates of Latten turned, euery sixe fathoms fastened into holes of the same Latten; in each of which was the Idoll of a woman, with a round ball in her hands, none knowing what it signified. Within these grates, was a rew of many Monsters of cast Iron,* 3.275 which in manner of a dance hand in hand, compassed the Ile round. Further in∣wards from those monstrous Idols, in the same ranke, was another of Arches of rich worke pleasant to behold. And all from hence inward, was a groue of dwarfe Orange-trees thicke set; in the midst whereof were builded three hundred and sixtie Hermitages, dedicated to the Gods of the yeere,* 3.276 whereof those Paynims haue many fabulous praises. A quarter of a league higher, on a hill to the East, were seene buildings with seuen fronts of houses like Churches, all from the top to the bottome wrought with gold, with high Towers seeming Bell-steeples; and without, two streets with Arches which encompassed these buildings, of the same worke [ 20] with the fronts; and all from the highest top of the steeple pinacles to the bottom wrought with gold;* 3.277 whereby we iudged it some sumptuous and rich Temple.

After this view taken, Faria resolued (though it were late) to goe on shoare, to see if he could speake with any in those Hermitages; and so (leauing sufficient guard in the Barkes) with fortie Souldiers, twentie Slaues, and foure Chinois, (which knew the place, and had beene sometimes there,* 3.278 and might serue vs for Interpreters) he committed the two Barkes to Father Diego Loba∣to, and entred at one of the eight Entrances; walking thorow the Orangetto-groue to an Her∣mitage, two Caliuer shots from our landing place, with the greatest silence that might bee, and with the name of Iesus in our heart and mouth.* 3.279 Hauing yet seene no person, he felt at the doore of the Hermitage with his Halberd, and perceiued it locked on the inside: hee bade one of the [ 30] Chinois knocke, which hauing done twice, he heard an answer within answering, Praised bee the Creator which gilded the beautious Heauens, goe about and I will know thy businesse. The Chinois went about and entring the backe ••oore,* 3.280 opened that where Faria stood, who with his com∣panie going in, found one man seeming aboue one hundred yeeres old, in a long Russet Damaske garment, by his presence seeming Noble (as after wee learned he was) who seeing such a troupe fell downe, trembling hand and foot. A good while it was before hee could speake, and then as∣ked what wee were, and what we sought. The Interpreter answered by Farias command, that hee was the Captaine of these strangers of Siam,* 3.281 who bound for the Port of Liampoo in trade of Merchandise was wracked at Sea; hee and these escaping miraculously, and therefore vowing to come to that Holy land on Pilgrimage, to praise God for deliuerance from so great a dan∣ger,* 3.282 [ 40] and was now come to fulfill it; and withall to demand somewhat in almes to relieue him for his returne, protesting after three yeeres to restore it double whatsoeuer hee now tooke. Hiticou (that was his name) answered, I haue well heard what thou hast said, and that damna∣ble designe whereto thy blindnesse (as the Pilot of Hell) hath drawne thee and thine associates to the bottome of the lake of night. For in stead of thankes for so great a benefit, thou commest to rob: and what I pray thee will the Diuine iustice repay thee at thy last breath! change thou thy euill pur∣pose, and (beleeue me) God will change thy punishment. Faria prayed him, hee would not bee angry, saying, hee had no other remedie of life: whereat the Hermite lifting his hands and eyes to Heauen, sayd, weeping. Blessed bee thou Lord, which sufferest on earth men, [ 50] which take for remedie of life thine offences, and for certaintie of glorie will not serue thee one day. And then turning his eyes to the companie which were rifling the Hangings and Chests, taking the siluer from amongst the bones of the deceased therein, hee fell twice from his seate with griefe; and pensiuely put Faria in minde of his last breath, of restitution, of pe∣nance perpetuall to his flesh, and liberall and discreet communicating to the poore, that the ser∣uant of night should haue nothing to accuse him in the day of account: praying him also to com∣mand his companie, to gather vp the bones of the Saints, that they should not lye contemp∣tible on the ground. Faria gaue him many good words and complements, professing him∣selfe (which hee whispered neerer) sorrie of what had passed,* 3.283 but if hee should not doe it, his companie had threatened to kill him. If it bee so, said the Hermit, then shall thy paine bee [ 60] lesse then these ministers of night, whom as hungry Dogs, it seemes all the siluer of the world would not satisfie.

Thus with many good words hee tooke leaue of the Hermit (hauing taken all they could get) who told him his knowledge might make his sinne more penall. Nuno Coelho praying him not to be

so angry for so small a matter, hee replyed, More small is the feare which thou hast of death, when hauing spent thy life in foule facts, thy soule shall stand as foule at the passage of this dung-hill of thy flesh. And if thou seekest more Siluer to fill thy infernall appetite, thou mayst finde in the houses ad∣ioyning enough to make it split, as well in danger of Hell for this already, saue that more burthened thou shalt descend swifter to the bottome. Pray, sayd Coelho, take all in patience, for so God hath com∣manded in his holy Law: the Hermit shaking oft his head, sayd, I now see that which I neuer thought to haue heard, Inbred wickednesse and vertue famed, the same man stealing and preaching: and turning to Faria, prayed him that hee would not suffer them to spet on the Altar, being liefer to dye a thousand times then to see it, which he promised. Hee then demanded of Hiti∣con, [ 10] what persons liued in all those houses; who answered, three hundred and sixtie Talagre∣pos onely, and fortie Menigrepos which serued them without, for their prouision,* 3.284 and the care of the Sicke. Hee asked if the Kings vsed to come thither: no sayd he, The King being sonne of the Sunne, can absolue all and none may condemne him. Asked of their Armes, hee sayd, To goe to Heauen, there needed not armes to offend, but patience to suffer. For the mixture of that Siluer with dead bones in the chests, hee answered, that it was the Almes which the deceased carryed with them, to prouide them of necessities in the heauen of the Moone. Asked of women with them, hee sayd, that the Bee stings those which eate the honey, and pleasures of the flesh needed not to the life of the Soule. And thus parted hee from the Hermit with embraces, with purpose to returne the next day (it being now night) to the other houses, and not taking aboard with him this Hermit, as hee was aduised, saying, his gowtie legges could carrie no tydings of vs: which yet [ 20] hee did, creeping to the next, and bidding him goe call the Bonzij.

For an houre after midnight, wee saw fires in a rew, which our Chinois told vs,* 3.285 were signes of our discouerie, and therefore aduised vs to haste away. Faria was awakened, and would needs a shoare with sixe men, and ranne like a mad-man from one place to another: his companie re∣quested him to haste away, and he answered, for his honour hee would first see the danger, and intreated them to stay one halfe houre, and swearing hereto, away hee goeth, and followes the sound of a Bell to an Hermitage, in which were two men in religious habits; the place was ri∣cher then the former wee had beene in. They tooke thence an Idoll of Siluer from the Altar with a myter of Gold on his head, and a wheele in his hand, and three Candlesticks of siluer with long chaynes; and taking the two Hermits with them, returned aboard the Barkes with [ 30] great haste. Of one of these, they learned that Pilau Angiroo had come to the house of the Se∣pulchers of the Kings, and cryed out to them to awaken out of their sleepe, telling them of their oath to the Goddesse Amida, of Strangers with long beards and Iron bodies, which had robbed the Saints, and would kill them all, whence followed the fires, and sending to giue no∣tice to the Cities Corpilem, and Fumbana for ayde, their Religion prohibiting them to handle any thing which might draw bloud. Faria now hauing gone downe the Riuer a great way, was much enraged for omitting such oportunitie, plucking his beard, and beating himselfe with an∣guish, till not long after his heate was cooled.

[ 40]

§. III. Their Shipwracke in which Faria and most of them were drowned; the miserable wandrings of the rest to Nanquin: their Imprisonment, sentence and appeale to Pequin; rarities obserued in those places and wayes; of the begin∣nings of the China Kingdome, and of their ad∣mirable Wall.

SEuen dayes wee sayled thorow the Bay of Nanquim, the force of the current carrying vs more speedily, and came all discontent to a Village called Susoquerim, and there [ 50] prouided our selues of victuall and instruction, and entred into a straight called Xalin∣gau, in which wee ranne in nine dayes one hundred and fortie leagues,* 3.286 and turning to enter the same Bay of Nanquim, which was there ten or twelue leagues wide, wee sayled with Westerly windes thirteene dayes: and being in the sight of the Mines of Conxinacau in 41. de∣grees and two thirds, there a Tufan or tempest from the South,* 3.287 tooke vs with windes and raines seeming more then naturall, and the winde chopped into the North North-west, the Sea go∣ing so high that (except our prouisions and Chests of plate) we threw all into the Sea, cut both our masts ouer-board, and about midnight heard a great cry in the Panura of Antonia de Faria Mercy Lord God, whereby wee imagined shee was cast away; we seconded the same cry,* 3.288 but heard no answer. Our Barke also the next day, split on a Rocke, and of fiue and twentie Portu∣gals, [ 60] eleuen were drowned, besides eighteene Christian boyes, and seuen China Mariners. This hapned the fifth of August, 1542.

Wee fourteene which escaped, the next day trauelled into the Land, alongst a Hill, and disco∣uered a Lake, without shew of Land, which made vs returne backe, where wee found our men

cast on shoare, to the renewing of our sorrow, and the next day buried them, that the Tigres (of which there are many) should not eate them. In this, hauing nothing but our hands to doe it, and they thirtie sixe now stinking, wee spent the most part of the day. Thence wee went Northward thorow the Woods three dayes, till wee came at a straight, without sight of any person. In swimming ouer three men and a boy were drowned, being faint, the current strong, and the water somewhat spacious:* 3.289 the men were two brethren Belchior and Gaspar Barbosa, and Francisco Borges Cayciro, all of Ponte de Lima, and of good account. Wee which remayned (eleuen men and three boyes) passing that obscure nights winds, raines, and cold, imitated by our disconsolate sighs, teares, and feares, saw before day a fire Eastward, and went right towards it, commending our selues to God our only hope. And trauelling along the Riuer, wee came in the euening where fiue men were making Coles, and casting our selues at their feet, desired them [ 10] to take pitie on vs, and helpe vs to some place where wee might finde reliefe. They gaue vs a little Rice and warme water,* 3.290 and shewed vs the way to a Village where was an Hospitall, to which wee came an houre within night, and found there foure men appointed to that charge, which vsed vs charitably.

The next day they asked what wee were, and whence: and wee told them, strangers of Siam * 3.291, which came from the Port of Liampoo to the fishing at Nanquim, where by tempest we lost all but our battered flesh. They asked what wee intended to doe, and wee answered, to goe to Nanquim, to get passage to Cantan, or Comhay, where our Countrey-men haue trade by licence of the Aitao of Paquim, vnder the shadow of The Sonne of the Sunne, the Lion crowned in [ 20] the Throne of the World; for whose sake we desired them to let vs stay there till we had recoue∣red strength to trauell, and to giue vs some clothing to couer vs. They carried vs about the Vil∣lage, and begged some old clothes and victuals, and two Taeis in money for our reliefe, and gaue vs two Taeis of the House; and with words of much comfort to trust in God, they gaue vs a Letter of commendation to the Hospitall of Siley iacau,* 3.292 which was in a great Towne three leagues thence, and had better maintenance. Thither we went, and shewed our Letter from the Ouerseers of Buatendoo, in the said Village of Catihora•• to the Officers of this house, which sate then at Table in consultation, and the Scribe reading the Letter, they accommodated vs in a neat roome with fourteene Beds, a Table, and many Stooles, and Meate; and next morning examined vs, wee answering as before. They gaue charge to a Physician to cure vs, and wrote [ 30] our names in a Booke, to which we subscribed. In eighteene dayes wee all recouered, and went thence to a place called Susoanganee,* 3.293 fiue leagues off, and sate downe wearie at a Well, where one came to vs with a handful of Wheat eares, which he wetted in the water, and adjured vs holding the same in our hands, by these substances of bread and water, which the high Creator had made for the sustenance of man to tell the truth what we were, &c. which we did, answering as be∣fore; and he gaue leaue to his neighbours to relieue vs. They layde vs in a Church Porch, and gaue vs victuals, and the next day we begged from doore to doore foure Taeis, which well hel∣ped our wants.

* 3.294Thence we went two leagues to Xiangulee, with intent to goe to Nanquim, one hundred and fortie leagues distant. Comming thither late, three boyes which were feeding Cattell, ranne [ 40] into the Towne with an out-crie of Theeues; the people running out, and so welcomming vs, that one of the boyes died with the blowes. They kept vs two dayes in a Cisterne of water vp to the waste, full of Hors-leaches, without victuals, and our hands bound; whence by a man of Suzanganee, wee were freed, reporting better things of vs. Thence wee went to Fingmilan (in the way finding good reliefe at a Gentlemans house) still auoyding Cities and Townes of note, for feare of stricter iustice, two moneths holding on our way, sometime in, sometimes out, from Village to Village,* 3.295 one of which was Chautir, where a woman was then buried which had made the Idoll her Heire, and we were inuited as poore men to eate at her Graue, and had sixe Taeis giuen vs to pray for her soule.* 3.296 At Taypor an Off••cer charged vs to be Rogues, begging against the Law, and therefore layed vs in Prison, where we continued sixe and twentie dayes, [ 50] in which Rodrigues Brauo,* 3.297 one of our companie died. Thence wee were sent to Nanquim, and there continued sixe weekes in a miserable Prison (in which was said to be foure thousand Pri∣soners) where two of our companie and a boy died of the whipping, and the rest hardly esca∣ped; being besides sentenced also to haue our thumbs cut off as theeues.

After this bloudy whipping, they brought vs to a house within the Prison where wee were cured, being as it were an Hospitall for the sicke, where in eleuen dayes wee were pretily well recouered, but lamenting the cutting off our thumbes according to the rigour of the Sentence which had beene giuen, one morning came in two honourable persons which were Procurers of the poore. These questioned vs of our case, and hearing the same, made a Petition to the Chaem on our behalfe, and the eight Conchacis, which are as it were Criminall Iudges; and being there delayed, they made another Petition to another Table, called Xinfau nicor pitau, where are foure [ 60] and twentie Talagrepos assistants,* 3.298 austere Religious men, as Capuchines amongst vs, which re∣uiew the cases of the poore, which prohibited the Chaem to proceed, and granted an appeale to the Aitau of Aitaus in Pequim to moderate the Sentence, which the two Procurers brought vs.

Wee and thirtie others were embarked, chained with long chaines, the two Procurers pro∣curing vs some clothing, and Rice, and commending vs to Chifu, the Officer or Captaine ap∣pointed to carrie vs, with a Certificate in our behalfe to procure vs almes. The Riuers being then high swollen hindred our iourney. Three dayes wee stayed at a Village called Minca••utem, where Chifu dwelt, and embarked his wife and children; wee were tyed to the seats where wee rowed, and could not haue perfect sight of the Cities, yet thus much wee obserued.* 3.299 Nanquim is in 39. degrees and a third, washed by the Riuer Batampina, which signifieth The flower of fish: which Riuer, as I was then told and after saw, comes from Tartaria, out of the Lake Fanostir, nine leagues from the Citie Lançame, where Tamerlane King of the Tartars resided. This Lake [ 10] is eight and twentie leagues long, and twelue broad, very deepe, and yeelds fiue Riuers; first, this of Batampina, running thorow the midst of China three hundred and sixtie leagues, and en∣tring the Bay of Nanquin in 36. degrees. The second Lechune which goeth alongst the Hills of Pancruum, & diuiding the Land of Cauchim, and Catebenan, which within the Countrey confines with the Kingdome of Champaa in 16. degrees. The third is Tauquiday, that is, The mother of waters, passing West North-west by the Kingdome of Nacataas (a Land whence China was peopled) and falls into the Sea in the Kingdome of Sornau, or Siam, by the Barre of Cuy an hun∣dred and thirtie leagues beneath Patane. The fourth Riuer is Batobasoy, which passing by the Prouince of Sansim (which was drowned An. 1556.) goeth into the Sea by the Barre of Cos∣mim in the Kingdome of Pegù. Leysacotay is the fifth, runneth Eastward to the Archipelagus (as the Chinois say) of Xinxinpou, which confineth the Moscouites, entring into a Sea innaui∣gable, [ 20] as being in 70. degrees of latitude. The Chinois affirme, that in Nanquin are eight hundred thousand housholds, foure and twentie thousand houses of Mandarines, sixtie two great market places; one hundred and thirtie shambles, each hauing eightie blockes; eight thousand streets, of which the sixe hundred principall haue grates of Latten on both sides all alongst; two thou∣sand three hundred Pagodes or Temples, one thousand of which are Monasteries of Religious per∣sons, richly built, with Towres of sixtie or seuentie Bells of Metall and Iron, which make a noise horrible to heare; thirtie Prisons great and strong, each hauing two or three thousand Pri∣soners, and an Hospitall. The houses of the Mandarines are of earth, encompassed with Walls and Ditches, with faire Bridges, and rich Arches. The principall Magistrates haue high Towers [ 30] with gilded pinacles, where are their Armories and Treasures. The Street-arches with their night shut Gates, their new and full Moone feasts, incredible fishings, their ten thousand Silke-loomes, one hundred and thirtie Gates in the strong wall, with as many Bridges ouer the ditch (a Porter, and two Halbardiers in each to see what goeth in or out) twelue Fortresses with Bul∣warkes and Towers, but without Artillerie, the value to the King three thousand Cruzados a day, or two thousand Taeis, I can but touch. The rarities of China, compared with the things seene at home, seeme doubtfull or incredible.

In the first two dayes wee saw in our iourney by the Riuer no notable Citie or Towne, but of Villages a great quantitie which seemed to be of Fisher-men and Labourers, and within Land as farre as we saw, appeared woods of Pines and other trees, Orange groues, fields of [ 40] Wheat, Rice, Millet, Panike, Barley, Rie, Pulse, Flaxe, Cotton, and Gardens with houses for the Grandes. Cattell appeared alongst the Riuer as much as in Pre••e Iohns Countrey. On the tops of Hills were seene Temples with gilded * 3.300 Steeples shining farre off. On the fourth day we came to a good Citie called Pocasser, twice as big as Cantan, well walled with Townes and Bulwarkes, in manner like ours, with a Hauen before the wall of two Falcon shots long, fastned with Iron grates in two rewes, with Gates for the entrance and vnlading of ships, which come thither from all parts. In the end of the Towne on a Mount stood a Castle with three Bul∣warkes and fiue Towers, in one of which the Chinois told vs, that the Father of this King held Prisoner nine yeeres a King of Tartaria, poisoned at last by his owne vassals, vnwilling to giue so much to redeeme him as was demanded. In this Citie, Chifu gaue leaue to three of vs nine, to goe (with foure Halbardiers to guard vs) and begge Almes, which in sixe or seuen streets gat the [ 50] worth of twentie Cruzados in clothes and money, besides Flesh, Rice, Fruits, and Meale; halfe of which our Guard had according to the custome. They carried vs to a Temple where was great concurse of people that day, being solemne to that Sect of Tauhinarel (one of their 32. Gentile Sects.) That House they said had beene the Kings, and that this Kings Grand-father was borne there, his Mother dying in child-birth, in honour of whose death and buriall in the same chamber he had dedicated this Temple in that Palace. All the Building with the Offices,* 3.301 Gar∣dens, and all the appurtenances are founded in the aire on three hundred and sixtie Pillars (each of one stone) seuen and twentie spannes high, bearing the names of the three hundred and sixtie dayes of the yeere; and in each of them is a feast with much almes, bloody Sacrifices, and [ 60] dances to the Idoll of that day and Pillar, which stands therein richly enshrined, with a Siluer Lampe before him. Beneath goe eight streets or wayes enclosed on both sides with Latten grates, with doores for the people which come to those feasts.* 3.302

Ouer the house where the Queene was buried was a round Chappell all lined with Siluer, see∣ming richer in the worke then matter. In the midst was a siluer Throne of fifteene steps, round

to the top encompassed with sixe rewes of siluer grates with the tops gilded. On the highest of them was a great Globe, and thereon a Lion of siluer, bearing vp a chist of Gold three spans square, in which they said were her bones, by the blind people worshipped as great Re∣likes. There hung on foure siluer tyres which crossed the House, fortie three siluer Lampes (so many yeares she liued) and seuen of Gold in memory of her seuen Sonnes. Without at the entry were two hundred fiftie three siluer Lampes great and rich, which the Chaens and great mens Wiues presented in her honour. Without the doores were in sixe rewes round about Statues of Giants fifteene spans high, well proportioned of Brasse, with Halberds and Maces in their hands, which the Chinois said were twelue hundred. Amongst them were foure and twentie Serpents of Brasse very great, each hauing a woman sitting thereon with a Sword in her hand of [ 10] the same metall, and a siluer Crowne on the head: so many had sacrificed themselues at her death to doe her seruice in the next World. Another compasse environed that of the Giants, all of trium∣phant Arches gilded, with a great quantitie of siluer Bels hanging on siluer chaines, which by the motion of the Aire continually yeelded a strange sound. Without those Arches in the same proportion stand two rankes of Latten grates encircling the whole worke, set in spaces with Pillars of the same, and thereon Lions set on balls, which are the Armes of the Kings of China.

* 3.303At the foure corners were placed foure Monsters of Brasse, one (which the Chinois call the Deuouring Serpent of the deepe Caue of the House of smoke) in the figure of a dreadfull Serpent, with seuen Serpents comming out of his brest, sported with greene and blacke with many [ 20] prickles more then a span long, quite thorow the bodie like Hedge-hogges, each hauing in his mouth a woman ouerthwart, with disheuelled haires, looking deadly. The old or great Serpent holds in his mouth a Lizard halfe out, of aboue thirty spans in length, as bigge as a Pipe, with nose and lips full of bloud, and in his hands he holds a great Elephant so forcibly, that his en∣trailes seeme to come out of his mouth; all so naturally represented, that it is most dreadful to be∣hold. The folds of his tayle were aboue twentie fathome long, enfolding therein another Mon∣ster, the second of the foure, called Tarcamparoo, which they say was the Sonne of that Serpent, which stands with both his hands in his mouth, which is as bigge as a gate, the teeth set in or∣der, and the blacke tongue hanging out aboue two fathomes. Of the two other, one was the Figure of a woman, named Nadelgau, seuenteene fathomes long, and sixe about, from whose waste [ 30] issued a beake or face aboue two fathomes, which cast smoake out of the nosthrils, and flames of fire out of the mouth, which they make therein continually, saying, shee is the Queene of the Fierie Spheare, and shall burne the Earth at the end of the World. The fourth is like a man, set cowring with cheekes puffed like ships sayles, so monstrous that a man could not endure the sight. The Chinois call him Vzanguenaboo, and say, that it is hee which makes Tempests in the Sea, and throwes downe Houses by Land, to which the people giue much Almes not to hurt their Iunkes.

* 3.304The second day we went from Pocasser, and came to another Citie called Xinligau, very great, well built, walled with Tyles, ditched about; with two Castles at the end, hauing their Towres, Bul-warkes, and Draw-bridges: in the midst of each Castle was a Towre of fiue [ 40] Lofts with many workes painted, in which the Chinois said, were fifteene thousand Picos of siluer, of the Rents gathered in that Archipelago, which this Kings Grand-father there layd vp in memory of his Sonne Leuquinau,* 3.305 which signifieth the ioy of all, holden for a Saint, because he dyed a Religious man, and lyes there buried in the Temple of Quiay Varatel, the God of all the Fishes in the Sea, of whom they haue large Legends. In that Citie and another fiue leagues from it is made the greatest part of the Silke of that Kingdome, the waters there giuing quic∣ker colours (they say) then in other parts. The Weauers Loomes of these Silkes, which they affirme thirteene thousand,* 3.306 pay yearely to the King three hundred thousand Taeis. Going further vp the Riuer, wee came the next day Euening to a great Champaigne, continuing ten or twelue leagues, in which were many Kine, Horses, and Mares, pastured for the shambles [ 50] as well as other flesh, and kept by many men on Horse-backe. These Champaignes past, wee came to a Towne,* 3.307 called Iunquileu, walled with Tyles, but without Towres or Bul-warkes. Here wee saw a stone Monument with an Inscription, Heere lyeth Trannocem Mudeliar, Vn∣cle to the King of Malaca,* 3.308 who dyed before hee was reuenged of Captayne Alboquerque, the Lion of Sea Robberies. We enquiring hereof, an old Chinese said, that about fortie yeares agoe, the man there interred had come Embassadour from a King of Malaca, to sue to the Sonne of the Sunne, for succour against a Nation of a Land without name, which had comne from the end of the World,* 3.309 and taken Malaca, with other incredible particularities printed in a Booke which hee made thereof. Hauing spent three yeares in this Suite, and brought it to some ma∣turitie, hee sickned of the Aire one night at Supper, dyed in nine dayes, and left this [ 60] Memoriall.

Wee proceeded on our way the Riuer growing lesse, but the Countrey more peopled, scarsly a stones cast free of some House, eyther of a Pagode, or Labourer. And two leagues higher on a Hill compassed with Iron grates were two Brasse Statues standing on their feete, one of a

man, the other of a woman, both seuentie foure spans long with their hands in their mouthes, and puffed cheekes; fastned to Cast-Iron Pillars, seuen fathomes high.* 3.310 The Male was named Quiay Xingatalor, the woman Apancapatur. The Chinois told vs that the man was Fire-blower in Hell to torment such as in this life gaue them no Almes: the woman was the Hell-Porter, which suffered the Almes-giuers to flye by a Riuer of cold water, called Ochileuday, and hid them their from the Deuils hurting them. One of our company laughed at this Tale, where∣at a Bonzo was so offended, that hee set Chifu in rage with vs, who bound vs hand and foot, and gaue vs one hundred stripes a-piece. Twelue Priests were incensing these Mon∣sters when wee were there with Siluer-censours full of sweet Odours, Saying, as wee serue thee, helpe thou vs: another company of Priests answering: So I promise thee as a good Lord. [ 10] And thus went they on Procession about the Hill an houres space sounding certayne Bels cau∣sing a dreadfull noyse.

Hence wee passed vp the Riuer eleuen dayes, all peopled with Cities, Townes, Villages,* 3.311 Castles, in many places, scarsly a Calieuer shot distant one from another: and all the Land in compasse of our sight had store of great Houses, and Temples with gilded Steeples, which a∣mazed vs with the sight. Thus wee came to the Citie Sampitay,* 3.312 where wee stayed fiue dayes by reason of the sicknesse of Chifus Wife. There by his leaue wee went thorow the streets, a begging, the people wondering at vs, and giuing vs largely. One woman amongst others which busily questioned with vs, shewed vs a Crosse branded on her left arme, asking if we knew that signe, and wee deuoutly answering, yes▪ shee lifted vp her hands to Heauen, and sayd, [ 20] Our Father which art in Heauen, hallowed be thy Name, in Portugues, and could speake no more, but proceeded in China speech, and procured leaue to lodge vs at her House those fiue dayes:* 3.313 tel∣ling vs she was named Inez de Leiria, and was the Daughter of Thomas Perez, which came Embassadour to China, and by reason of a Rebellious Portugall Captayne, hee was taken as a Spye with twelue others; so beaten that fiue dyed, the other seuen sundred to diuers places, where they dyed in misery, only Vasco Caluo, being now left aliue. Her Father, she said, was banished to this Towne, and there marryed with her Mother hauing somewhat to mayntaine her, and by him made a Christian. They liued together many yeares like good Catholikes, and conuer∣ued many to the Faith of Christ, in that Citie three hundred assembled on Sundayes to her house to their holies. She shewed vs an Oratorie in which was a Crosse of wood gilded, with a Can∣dlesticke [ 30] and siluer Lampe. Wee asked her what they did, when they came there, and shee said, nothing but kneele before that Crosse, with their hands and eyes lifted to Heauen, and say, Lord Iesus Christ, as it is true that thou art the true Sonne of God, conceiued by the Holy Ghost in the wombe of the Holy Virgin Mary, for the saluation of Sinners, so pardon our sins, that wee may obtayne to see thy face in the glory of thy Kingdome, where thou sittest at the right hand of the Highest. Our Father which art in Heauen, hallowed be thy Name. In the Name of the Father, and of the Sonne, and of the Holy Ghost, Amen. And so kissing the Crosse, ••hey embraced one another and went home; alway li∣uing friendly with each other. Her Father (she said) had left other Prayers written, which the Chinois had stolne away, so that now they could say no more. Whereupon we promised to leaue her other Prayers, and taught the Christians seuen times there, and Christopher Borrall writ in [ 40] China Letters the Lords Prayer, Aue Mary, Creed, Salue Regina, Tenne Commandements, and other good Prayers. Shee had giuen a Present to Chifus Wife to deale with her Husband to giue vs this leaue, and to vse vs kindly, and the Christians there gaue vs fiftie Taeis of Siluer, and Inez de Leiria other fiftie closely, de••••ring vs to remember her in our Prayers.

We continued our journey vp the Batampina, to a place called Lequimpau, of tenne or twelue thousand Houses.* 3.314 Neere to the wall stood a long house with thirtie Furnaces for the purifying of siluer which was taken out of a Hill fiue leagues distant, called Tuxenguim; in which Mines the Chinois told vs, there continually laboured one thousand men, and that it yeeled to the King yearely fiue thousand * 3.315 Pikes of siluer. We departed thence in the Euening, and the next Eue∣ning anchored betwixt two small Cities standing ouer against one another, one named Pacan, the [ 50] other Nacau, both well walled and builded. These two Cities occasion mee to recite what I haue heard often heard read in the thirteenth Chapter of the first Chronicle of the fourescore which they haue of the Kings of China; that sixe hundred thirtie nine yeares after the Floud, there was a Land, called Guantipocau, in which liued a pettie Prince, called Turban, which had by his Concubine Nancaa, three Sonnes, refusing to marry,* 3.316 and entring into Religion of the Idoll Gizom (still much esteemed in Iapon, China, Cauchin-china, Camboia, Siam, of which I haue seene many Temples) appointing his oldest Sonne by the said Nancaa his heire. His Mother then liuing was against this, and marryed herselfe with Silau a Priest, and slue Turban, where∣vpon Nancaa and her children fled downe the Riuer seuentie leagues, and fortified a place which [ 60] she called Pilaunera, that is, the refuge of the poore. Fiue yeares after Silau prepared a Fleet of thirtie Barkes to destroy her and all her faction, thinking that her Sons comming of age might dispossesse him. But she hauing Intelligence, hauing of men, women, and children, not aboue one thousand and three hundred persons, and but three or foure Boats not sufficient to conueigh away those few,* 3.317 by common consent and aduice appointed a three dayes Fast therein to begge su••cour

of God, in all which time none might eate aboue once, in paine of death. This Fast ended they cast Lots and the Lot fell on a Boy of seuen yeares old, which was also named Silau, whom after all Ceremonies ended) they bid lift vp his hands to Heauen, and tell them some remedie to these dangers. Who prophesied Victory to her ouer the Tyrant Silau, commanding her to embarke hers in her Enemies Barkes, and at the sound of the waters to runne along the Land, till God shewed where shee should found a habitation of great name, which through all times should send out his mercy with voyces and bloud of strange Nations: after which words the Boy fell downe dead.

* 3.318The thirty Barkes came (saith the Storie) fiue dayes after without any people therein: for at a place called Catebasoy, a blacke Cloud arose ouer them, which rayned on them scalding drops, [ 10] which destroyed them all. Nancaa with teares and thankes embarked her three Sonnes and the rest, and went downe the Riuer conducted by the sound fortie seuen dayes, and then came to the place where Pequim now stands. Fiue dayes after they came aland, was the first stone layd thereof by Pequim, eldest Sonne of Nancaa, and the Citie called by his owne name. And a siluer shield hangeth on the Arch of the chiefe gate Pommicotay, and hath this inscribed, in which are fortie Warders, and in the rest ordinarily but foure. The day also of the foundation (beeing the third of August) is kept with great Solemnitie, and thereon the King vseth to shew himselfe to the people.* 3.319 The later Kings also haue made a Law that no Strangers, except Embassadours and Slaues should enter the Kingdome. The two other Brethren founded these two Cities, called by their owne names Pacan and Nacau, and their Mother founded Nanquin, which tooke the [ 20] name of hers.

IN the fift Booke of the chiefe places of that Empire, is written, that King Crisnagol (which reigned as we may accord our computation with theirs) about the yeare of our Lord 528. buil∣ded the wall, the people contributing ten thousand Pikes of siluer (which are fifteene Millions of Cruzados) and two hundred and fiftie thousand men (thirtie thousand Officers and the rest Labourers) which was continued seuen and twentie yeares,* 3.320 and then finished, being, saith that Booke the length of seuentie Iaons (euery Iaon is foure leagues and an halfe) which make three hundred and fifteene leagues. The Priests and Iles are said to contribue as many, and the King and Officers another third, so that seuen hundred and fiftie thousand men laboured therein. This [ 30] wall I haue seene and measured,* 3.321 being generally sixe fathomes high, and fortie spannes thicke: and foure fathomes runneth a kind of Rampire, twice as thicke as the wall strengthened with a Bituminous substance on the out-side like Potters worke; and in stead of Bulwarkes it hath hou∣ses of two lofts with beames of blacke wood, called Caubesy, that is, Iron-wood, seeming stronger then if they were of stone-worke.* 3.322 This wall or Chanfacau (so they call it, that is, strong resi∣stance) runneth with an equall course till it encounters with Hils, which are all Chanfred and made so that it is stronger then the wall it selfe, the wall being only in the spaces twixt Hill and Hill, the Hils themselues making vp the rest.

* 3.323In all that way are but fiue entrances, caused by the Tartarian Riuers, which with impetuous force cut the Countrey aboue fiue hundred leagues entring the Sea of China, and Cauchin-china: [ 40] And one of them more forcible then the others enters the Kingdome of Sornau (commonly called Siam) by the Barre of Cuy.* 3.324 At euery of those fiue entrances the King of China hath one Fort and the Tartar another: in euery of the China Forts there are seuen thousand men, six thou∣sand foot, and one thousand Horse, in continuall pay; most of them Strangers, Mogors, Cham∣paas, Pancrus, Coracones, and Gizares of Persia, the Chinois being but meane Souldiers. In all the space of this wall are three hundred and twentie Regiments, each of fiue hundred men (in all one hundred & sixty thousand) besides Ministers, Commanders, and their retinue which the Chinois said, made in all two hundred thousand men, allowed by the King only sustenance, all or most of them being condemned to that seruice, and therefore receiuing no pay. And in Pe∣quim is a great and admirable Prison-house,* 3.325 in which are Prisoners continually for the Fabricke [ 50] of this wall of three hundred thousand men and vpwards, most of them from eighteene to fiue and fortie yeares old: whereof some are men of good qualitie, which for their ill behauiours and enormities are hither sentenced, expecting to be remoued hence to the seruice of the wall: whence they may haue returne according to the Statutes thereof made, and approoued by the Chaens, which therin dispense the Regall power with meere and mixt Empire. There are twelue of them which may pay to the King a Million of Gold for Rent.

[ 60]

§. IIII. Mindo Salt-pits: Mines of Coretumbaga, Copper-workes; Idolatry and Chri∣stianitie; China Trades, and Riuer Faires; their comming to Pequin, tryall and sentence. Rarities of Pequin.

TO returne to our Voyage, from Pacan and Nacau,* 3.326 wee passed vp the Riuer to Min∣doo, a greater Citie then either of the former, which on the Land side had a great [ 10] Lake of Salt-water, with great store of Salt-pits therein, which the Chinois said, did ebbe and flow like the Sea, from which it is aboue two hundred leagues distant; and that this Citie Rents to the King yearely one hundred thousand Taeis, of the thirds of the Salt, and as much more of the Silkes, Sugars, Porcelane, Camfire, Vermillion, Quick-siluer,* 3.327 which are there in great quantitie. Two leagues aboue this Citie were twelue long Houses, in which many men were sounding and purifying Copper, making such a noyse with the Ham∣mers that this place (if any on Earth) may resemble Hell. In each House were fortie Furnaces, twentie on a side, with fortie great Anuiles, on each whereof eight men were hammering round, with such quicknes as scarce permitted the eyes obseruance;* 3.328 so that in each house there were three hundred and twentie continuall Labourers, besides Workmen of other kinds. Wee asked how much Copper they might make yearely, and they answered, betwixt one hundred and ten, and one hundred and twentie thousand Pikes, of which the King had two parts, because the Mynes were his; the Hill where the Mine was, is called Coretumbaga, that is, Riuer of Copper, which in two hundred yeares (so long was since the Discouery) was not emptied.

Aboue these Houses one league neere the Riuer, wee saw on a Hill encompassed with three rewes of Iron Grates, thirtie Houses in fiue rankes, very long, with great Towres of Bels of Metall, and Cast-Iron, with gilded Pillars and carued workes, and artificiall Frontis-pieces of stone. Here we went on Land by Chifus leaue, because hee had so vowed to that Pago∣de, which is called Bigaypotim, that is, the God of one hundred and ten thousand Gods, Corchoo,* 3.329 Fun∣gane, [ 30] ginato ginaca, strong & great (say they) aboue all the rest: For they hold euery thing hath a particular God which made it and preserues it in its nature, & that this Bigaypotim brought forth all of them at his arme-pits, and that of him they all hold their being, as of a father by filiall vni∣on, which they call Bijaporentesay. In Pegu where I haue beene sometimes, there is a Pagode like this (there called Ginocoginana,* 3.330 the God of all greatnesse) whose Temple was built by the Chinois when they ruled in India, which was after their Computation accorded with ours from Anno Dom. 1013. till 1072. conquered by Oxiuagan, whose Successor seeing how much bloud was payd for so little good, voluntarily relinquished it. In those thirtie Houses stood a great quantitie of Idols of gilded wood, and as many more of Tinne, Copper, Latten, Iron, Porcelane, so many that I dare not mention the number. Wee had not gone thence sixe or seuen [ 40] leagues, when we saw a great Citie ruined with the houses and wals on the ground, seeming a league in circuit. The Chinois said, that it had beene called Cohilouzaa, that is, Flowre of the field,* 3.331 sometimes prosperous; and that one hundred fortie two yeares since, as is written in a Booke, na∣me Toxefalem, there came in company of Merchants from the Port of Tanaçarini, a man which wrought Miracles, in a moneths space raising vp fiue dead persons, the Bonzos saying, he was a Witch, and because they could not hold dispute with him, prouoking the people against him, saying, that if they did not kill him, God would punish them with fire from Heauen.* 3.332 The in∣raged multitude killed one Iohn a Weauer, where he sojourned, and his two Sonnes in Law, and his Sonne; which sought to defend him, and when they had gone about to burne him, in vaine, the fire being extinct, the Bonzos stoned him, preaching Christ vnto them, which had come [ 50] from Heauen to dye for Sinners, and to giue life to all which professed his Law with Faith and Works. They say, that the bodie was cast into the Riuer, which for the space of fiue dayes would not runne lower, and thereby many were moued to professe that Religion: and as wee doubled a point of Land, we saw a Crosse of stone on a little Hill enuironed with Trees. Chifus Wife fal∣ling into trauell (of which she dyed) we stayed there nine dayes, and did our Deuotions thereto,* 3.333 prostrate on the Earth. The people of the Village (called Xifangu) maruelling, came running to the place and falling on their knees, kissed the Crosse often, saying, Christo Iesu, Iesu Christo, Maria Micau, late impone Moudel, that is, was a Virgin in his Conception, Birth, and after it. They asked if they were Christians, and we affirming it, had vs to their Houses and vsed vs kindly, being all of that Weauers Posteritie and Christians. They also confirmed that which [ 60] the Chinois had told vs, and shewed vs the Booke printed of his Miracles, which they said was named Matthew Escandel, an Hungarian by Nation, an Heremite of Mount Sinay,* 3.334 borne at Bu∣da. That Booke tels that nine dayes after his death, the Citie Cohilouza shooke so, that the peo∣ple ranne out into the fields, and abode in Tents;* 3.335 to whom the Bonzos came and bid them feare nothing, for they would beseech Quiay Tiguarem, The God of the night, to command the Earth

to doe so no more, otherwise they would giue him no Almes. Thus went the Priests alone in Procession to that Idols House, and making their night-Sacrifices and Perfumes, the Earth qua∣ked about eleuen of the clocke at night, and ouerthrew the whole Citie (one only of about foure thousand Bonzos remayning aliue) into a Lake more then one hundred fathomes deepe, called after this Fiunganorsee, that is, punished from Heauen.

* 3.336Hence we came to a great Citie, called Iunquilinau, very rich, with many Iunkes and Barkes, where we stayed fiue dayes, Chifu there celebrating his Wiues Exequies, and giuing vs food and rayment for her soule, freeing vs from the Oare, and giuing vs leaue to goe on Land when wee would, without our * 3.337 Collers, which was very great ease to vs. Thence we went vp the Riuer, still seeing on both sides many and faire Cities and Townes, and other very great populations, [ 10] strongly walled, and Fortresses alongst the water with Towres and rich Houses of their Sects, with innumerable cattell in the fields, and shipping in the Riuer, in some places fiue hundred, six hundred,* 3.338 yea, one thousand sayle, in which were sold all things could be named. Many Chinois affirmed, that there were as many liued in that Empire on the water, as in Cities and Townes: so many in both, that were it not for the good gouernment of their Trades, they would eate one an other. As in Duckes, one trades in buying and hatching the Egges, and selling the young; another in breeding them for sale when they are great, others in the Feathers, others in the heads, and in wares, others in the Egges, &c. none interloping the others Trade vnder paine of thirtie stripes. In Hogs, one trades in selling them together aliue, others kill them, and sell them by weight, others in Bacon, others in Pigges, others in Souse. So in fish, hee which sels fresh [ 20] may not sell salt, some sell them aliue, &c. and so in Fruits and other things. And none may change his Trade without license.* 3.339 They haue also along this Riuer of Batampina, in which wee went from Nanquin to Pequin, (the distance of one hundred and eightie leagues) such a number of Ingenios for Sugar, and Presses for Wines, and Oyles made of diuers sorts of Pulse and Fruits, that there are streets of them on both sides of the Riuer, of two or three leagues in length. In o∣ther parts are many huge store-houses of infinite prouisions of all sorts of flesh, in which are salted and smoked Beefe, tame and wilde Hogs, Ducks, Geese, Cranes, Bustards, Emes, Deere, Buffals, Ants, Horse, Tygres, Dogs, and all flesh which the Earth brings forth, which amuzed and am••∣zed vs exceedingly, it seeming impossible that there should bee people in the World to eate the same. Wee saw also great store of Barkes fenced at Poupe and Prow, with Reedes of Canes full [ 30] of Ducks to sell, in diuers lofts ouer one another, which goe out at foure strokes of a Drumme, sixe or seuen thousand together to feed, where they set them, at the sound of the Drumme re∣turning againe, with like exceeding crie. In the like sort they let them out to lay on the grasse. They that hatch them haue long houses with twentie Furnaces full of dung, with some hundreds of Egges couered therein, and hatched by that heate, the mouth stopped till they thinke fit time, then putting in a Capon halfe plucked and wounded on the brest, they shut it againe, and after two dayes, the Capon hath drawne them all forth, and they put them into holes pro∣uided for them.

* 3.340We saw along the Riuer in some places store of Swine wild and tame kept by men on Horse∣backe, in other places tame Deere kept by Footmen, all maymed in the right foreleg, that they [ 40] should not runne away, which they doe when they are young. Wee saw Pennes full of little Dogges to sell, Barkes full of Pigges, others of Lizards, Frogs, Snakes, Snailes, all being meate with them.* 3.341 In these (being of small price) they may fell many kinds. Yea, the dung of men is there sold, and not the worse Merchandize, that stinke yeelding sweet wealth to some, who goe tabouring vp and downe the streets to signifie what they would buy. Two or three hundred sayle are seene sometimes fraighted with this lading in some Port of the Sea; whence the fat∣ned soyle yeelds three Haruests in a yeare.

Wee came to a Faire of China where on the water 2000. Barkes, besides small Boats which goe vp and downe and small Barkes were assembled in one place, and made a Citie with streets in the water aboue a league long,* 3.342 and a third part of a league broad. These Faires are principally [ 50] on the Holy day of some Pagode, whose Temple is by the waters side. In this Water-citie, by the order of the Aitao of Bitampina (who is chiefe President of the thirtie two Admirals of the thirtie two Kingdomes of this Monarchie) are sixtie Captaynes appointed; thirtie for the go∣uernment and ordering of the same in matters of Iustice, and other thirtie to guard the Mer∣chants in comming safely secured from Theeues. Ouer all these is a Chaem, which hath Mere and mixt Rule in Causes Ciuill and Criminall without Appeale. These Faires last from the new Moon to the ful, in which it is a goodly thing to see two thousand streets or ranks strait, enclosed with Barkes,* 3.343 most of them flourishing with Streamers and Banners, and railes painted, whereon are sold all things that can be desired, in others Mechanike Trades, & in the midst Boats going vp and downe with people to trade without any confusion or tumult. As soone as it is night, the [ 60] streets are enclosed with Cables. In euery street is ten Lanthornes lighted on the Masts (which yeelds a fairer lustre then the former sight by day) to see who goeth by and what is his businesse. In each of these streets is a Watch-bell, and when that of the Chaems sounds, all the rest answer with as strange an Object to the Eare as the former to the Eye. In euery of these Vowes are

Oratories built on Barkes with gilded Tents, where the Idoll and Priests receiue the Deuoti∣ons and Offerings of the people.

Amongst other remarkable things we saw one rew or street of aboue one hundred Barkes la∣den with Idols of gilded wood of diuers sort, which are sold to be offered in the Pagodes; and besides, feet, legs, armes, and heads, which sicke folkes offered for Deuotion. Other Barkes there are with Tents of Silke, in which Comedies and pastimes are represented. In others are sold Let∣ters of Exchange, the Priests giuing them Bils to receiue in Heauen what their folly lay downe there, with great increase (Our Scriueners would scarsly grow rich here with that Trade) others are laden with skuls of dead men, they dreaming that all the Almes of those men, whose skuls these [ 10] haue beene, shall belong to their soules, and that the Porter of Heauen seeing them come with thus many attending, will open to him as an honourable person: Others haue Cages of Birds, and call to men to set free those Captiues, which are the creatures of God, with their Almes which they which doe, let loose the Bird and bid him tell God what he hath done in his Seruice: others do the like with liuing fishes, offering their freedome to the charitable Redeemers (which themselues will not giue them; much like the sale of Indulgences) saying, they are Innocents which neuer sin∣ned, which freed by Almes are let goe in the Riuer with commendations of this their Redee∣mers Seruice to the Creator. Other Barkes carry Fidlers and Musicians to offer their Seruice: Others (the Priests) sell Hornes of sacrific••d Beasts, with promise of I know not what Feasts in Heauen: others had Tents of sorrow, Tombes and all Funerall appurtenances with Women-mour∣ners, [ 20] to be let out for Burials: others laden with Books of all sorts of Historie, and these also haue Scriueners and Proctors; others haue such as offer their seruice to fight in defence of their honour; others haue Mid-wiues, others Nurses; others carry graue men and women to comfort those that haue lost Husbands, Wiues, Children, and the like disconsolate persons: others Boyes and Girles for seruice; others offer Counsellors in Cases of Law or Learning; others Physicians: and to conclude, nothing is to bee sought on the Land which is not here to be found in this Water-citie.

Once, the cause of the greatnesse of this Kingdome of China, is this easie concourse of all parts by water and Riuers: some of which in narrow places haue bridges of stone like ours, and some made of one only stone laid ouer, sometimes of eightie, ninetie, or one hundred spannes, long, and fifteene or twentie broad. All the High-wayes haue large Causies made of good stone,* 3.344 [ 30] with Pillers and Arches fairely wrought inscribed with the Founders names and prayses in gol∣den Letters. In many places they haue Wels to refresh the Trauellers. And in more barren and lesse inhabited places are single women which giue free entertainment to such as haue no monie, which abuse and abomination, they call a worke of Mercie,* 3.345 and is prouided by the deceased for good of their soules, with Rents and mayntenance. Others haue also bequeathed in the like places, houses with Lights to see the way, and fires for Trauellers, water and Lodging. I haue in one and twentie yeares vnfortunate trauels seene a great part of Asia, and the riches of Eu∣rope, but if my testimonie be worthy credit, all together is not comparable to China alone: such are the endowments of nature in a wholsome Ayre, Soyle, Riuers, and Seas, with their Policie, Iustice, Riches and State, that they obscure all the lustres of other parts. Yet such is their [ 40] bestiall and Deuillish Idolatry, and filthy Sodomitry publikly permitted, committed, taught by their Priests as a vertue, that I cannot but grieue at their vngratitude.

Departing from this admirable Citie, we sailed vp the Riuer, till on the ninth of October,* 3.346 on Tuesday we came to the great Citie of Pequim, whither wee were sent by Appeale. Wee went three and three as Prisoners, and were put in a Prison called Gofania serca, where for an entrance they gaue each of vs thirtie stripes. Chifu which brought vs presented to the Aitao our Pro∣cesse signed with twelue seales from Nanquiu. The twelue Conchalis which are Criminall Iud∣ges, sent one of their company with two Notaries, and sixe or seuen Officers to the Prison where wee were, and examined vs, to whom we answered as before, and hee appointed vs to make petition to the Tanigores, of the holy Office by our Proctors, and gaue vs a Taell for [ 50] almes, with a caueat to beware of the Prisoners that they robbed vs not; and then went into ano∣ther great Roome, where he heard many Prisoners Causes, three houres together, and then cau∣sed execution to be done on seuen and twentie men, sentenced two dayes before, which all dyed with the blowes to our great terrour.

And the next day wee were collared and manicled,* 3.347 being much afraid that our Calempluys bu∣sinesse would come to light. After seuen dayes the Tanigores of the Hospitall of that Prison came in, to whom we with pitifull lamentation gaue the Certificate which wee brought from Nan∣quin. By their meanes the Conchalis petitioned the Chaem to reuoke the Sentence of cutting off our thumbs, seeing there was no testimonie of theft by vs committed,* 3.348 but only our pouer∣tie, we more needed pitie then rogour. He heard the pleading for and against vs for diuers daies, [ 60] the Prometor or Fiscall laying hard against vs that wee were theeues; but being able to proue nothing, the Chaem suspended him from his Office, and condemned him in twentie Taeis to vs, which was brought vs. And at last we were brought into a great Hall painted with diuers re∣presentations of execution of Iustice for seuerall crimes there written, very fearefull to behold: and at the end a fairer gilded roome crossed the same, where was a Tribunall with seuen steps,

compassed with three rewes of grates, Iron, Latten, and blacke Wood; inlayed with Mother of pearle, hauing a Canopie of Damaske fringed with Gold and greene Silke, and vnderneath a Chaire of Siluer for the Chaem,* 3.349 and a little Table before him, with three Boyes attending on their knees richly attired, with chaines of gold on their neckes; the middlemost to giue him his Penne, the other two to receiue Petitions and to present them on the Table; two other Boyes standing at his side in exceeding rich aray, the one representing Iustice, the other on the right hand Mercy, without which conioyned, the Iudge (they say) becomes a Tyrant. (The rest of the state and ceremonie I omit) wee kneeling on our knees, with our hands lifted vp, and our eyes cast downe to the ground, heard gladly our Sentence of absolution. Only we were for one yeere banished to the workes of Quansy, and eight moneths of that yeere ended to haue free pasport to goe home,* 3.350 or whither we would. After the Sentence pronounced, one of the Conchalys stood [ 10] vp, and fiue times demanded aloud if any could take exception against the Sentence: and all being silent, the two Boyes representing Iustice, and Mercy, touched each others Ensignes which they had in their hands, and said aloud, let them be free according to the Sentence, and presently two Chumbims tooke off our Collars and Manicles, and all our bonds. The foure moneths (the Tanigores told vs) were taken off the yeere, as the Kings almes in regard of our pouertie; for had wee beene rich,* 3.351 wee must haue serued the whole yeere. They gaue vs foure Taeis of almes and went to the Captaine which was to goe for Quansy to commend vs to his charitie, which vsed vs accordingly.

[ 20]

* 3.352PEquin may be called the Mother Citie of the Worlds Monarchie for the wealth, gouern∣ment, greatnesse, iustice, prouisions. It stands in the height of 41. degrees to the North; it contayneth in circuit, as the Chinois (and as I after heard read in a little Booke written of the greatnesse thereof, called Aquesendoo, which I brought with mee into this Kingdome) thirtie leagues, ten in length, and fiue in bredth, all which space is enuironed with two Walls, and in∣numerable Towers and Bulwarkes. Without is a larger space, which they say, was anciently peopled, which now hath but Hamlets, and scattered Houses, and Garden-houses (of which sixteene hundred are of principall note, in which are the sixteene hundred Proctors for the six∣teene hundred Cities and Townes of note, of the two and thirtie Kingdomes of this Monar∣chie, which reside there three yeeres for the said Townes. Without this circuit or wall, there [ 30] are in the space of three leagues broad,* 3.353 and seuen long, foure and twentie thousand Sepulchres of Mandarines, with their little gilded Chappels, encompassed with grates of Iron and Latten, with rich Arches at their entries. Neere to them are Gardens, Groues, Tankes, Fountaines; the walls lined within with fine Porcelane, adorned also with Lions and Pinacles of diuers pain∣tings.* 3.354 There are in that space fiue hundred Lodgings, called Houses of the Sonne of the Sunne, for entertainment of Souldiers maimed in the Kings warres (besides many others for the old and sicke) euery of which receiue their monethly allowance, and haue in them as they said two hundred men,* 3.355 in all one hundred thousand. Wee saw another street very long, where liued foure and twentie thousand Rowers for the Kings shipping: and another aboue a league long, where liued fourteene thousand Tauerners for prouision for the Court;* 3.356 and another where were [ 40] infinite Curtesans freed from tribute (which those of the Citie pay) for seruice of the Court, many running from their husbands, and here protected by the Tutan of the Court, which is su∣preme in cases of the Kings house.

* 3.357In that compasse also liue the Landerers of the Citie, which were, as they told vs, aboue one hundred thousand, there being many Tankes or Ponds compassed with stone and Riuers. There are therein, as that Booke sayth, thirteene hundred Noble houses of Religious men and women, which professe the foure chiefe Sects of the two and thirtie which are in that Kingdome: some of which, they say, haue aboue one thousand persons within them besides seruitors. There are other houses store with great walls in which are Gardens, and Groues with game for hunting; and are as it were the Halls of Companies where many resort to see Playes, and the great men [ 50] make their feasts there with incredible costs. Some of these houses cost aboue a million, main∣tayned by Companies of rich Merchants, which are said to gaine * 3.358 much thereby. And when any will make a feast, he goeth to the Xipatom of the house, who sheweth him a Booke wherein is contayned the order of feasts and seruices (which Booke I haue seene and heard read) of all sorts, and of what prices they are, whether Sacred to their Idols, or Secular, (of which our Au∣thour hath a large Chapter, here omitted.)

* 3.359Now for Pequin, it hath three hundred and sixtie Gates, each hauing a Castlet with two Towers, and a Draw-bridge, a Notarie, and foure Warders, to take notice of those which goe in and out, and an Idoll proper according to the dayes of the yeere, euery of which is festiuall in one of them.* 3.360 The Chinois reported that there are therein three thousand eight hundred Temples or Pagodes, in which are continually sacrificed birds and wilde beasts, which they say, are more [ 60] acceptable then tame: those especially very faire which are of the Menigrepos, and Conquiais, and Talagrepos,* 3.361 the Priests of the foure chiefe Sects, of Xaca, Amida, Gizon, and Canom. The streets are long and large, the houses faire, of one or two lofts, encompassed with Iron and Lat∣ten

grates, and at the streets end are triumphall arches, closed at night; in the chiefe are Watch∣bells. Euery street hath a Captaine and foure Quarter-masters or Corporals, which euery ten dayes acquaint the Lonchacys or Chaems with occurrents. That Booke reports of one hundred and twentie water-passages, sixe fathome deepe of water, and twelue wide,* 3.362 with many stone bridges, which are said to be eighteene hundred rich and faire, with arches, pillars, and chaines: it tels also of one hundred and twentie Market-places, each of which haue their monethly Faires, (which make some foure faires a day thorow the yeere) of which we saw ten or twelue in our two moneths free abode, very full of horse-men and foot-men with all commodities to be sold. There are one hundred and sixtie Shambles,* 3.363 each hauing one hundred blockes for Flesh of all sorts, the price set downe on euery blocke, and besides the shop-weights, are weights at [ 10] euery Gate to examine the weight againe. And besides those generall shambles, euery street hath fiue or sixe shops which sell all kinde of Flesh: houses also for Poultrie, and for Bacon, and hanged Beefe.

§. V. Foure Buildings incredibly admirable in Pequin, and diuers of their superstitions: their Hospitals and prouisions for the Poore. The Kings reuenues [ 20] and Court; their Sects.

BVt nothing seemed to me more admirable, then the Prison, called Xinanguibaleu, that is, the Prison of the exiled, whose compasse contayneth about two leagues square,* 3.364 as well in length as breadth, walled high and ditched deepe, with draw-bridges hanged on Iron cast pillars very great. It hath a high arch with two towers, whereon are six great watch-Bels, at the sound whereof the rest within answer, which are sayd to bee one hundred. In this Prison are continually three hundred thousand men from * 3.365 sixteene to fiftie yeers of age, all con∣demned to banishment, for the fabrike of the wall betwixt Tartaria and China; whom the King findes maintainance onely, without other pay.* 3.366 After they haue serued sixe yeares they may goe [ 30] out freely, the King freely remitting their sentence in satisfaction of their labour. And if in the meane time, they kill an enemie, or haue beene thrice wounded in sallies, or performe any worthy exploit, he is also freed. There are * 3.367 two hundred & ten thousand employed in that ser∣uice, of which yeerly in those that dye, are maimed or freed, one third part is set off, and supplyed from that Prison, which was builded by Goxiley the successor of Crisnagol, the founder of the wall, brought thither from all parts of the Realme, and sent to the Chaem of the wall at his appoint∣ment. These prisoners are sent from other prisons, being loose, saue that they weare at their necke, a board of a spanne long and foure fingers broad, inscribed with their name, and sentence of exile, such a time. In this Prison are two Faires yeerely, one of which wee saw,* 3.368 kept in Iuly [ 40] and Ianuarie, franke and free without payment of tolls; to which are thought to assemble three millions of persons: the Prisoners being meane-while shut vp. The Prison hath three Townes, as it were, with streets and Officers, besides the Chaems lodgings, fit to entertaine a King. There are also all necessaries sold. Their are groues, and tankes of water for washing, Hospitals also and twelue Monasteries, with rich houses, wanting nothing that a rich and noble Citie should haue: the Prisoners hauing their Wiues and Children with them, the King allowing a competent house for them.

Another building about as great as that, was the Muxiparan, or treasure of the Dead,* 3.369 compas∣sed with a strong wall and ditch, with many stone Towers and painted pinacles: the wall on the top in stead of battlements, was compassed with Iron grates, close to which were set great store of Idols of different figures, of Men, Serpents, Horses, Oxen, Elephants, Fishes, Snakes, [ 50] monstrous formes of Wormes, and creatures neuer seene; all of Brasse and cast Iron, and some of Tinne, and Copper; a sight more admirable to the view, then can be imagined. Passing by a bridge ouer the ditch, wee came to a great Hill, * 3.370 at the first entrie all enuironed with thicke grates of Latten, floored with stones white and blacke, so shining that a man might see himselfe therein, as in a glasse. In the midst of that Hill stood a marble pillar of sixe and thirtie spannes high, all seeming to bee but one stone; on the top whereof stood an Idoll of siluer with a womans face, with both hands griping a Serpent spotted with blacke and white. And further, before the gate (which stood betwixt two high towers, borne vpon foure and twentie bigge stone pillars) stood two figures of men with Iron maces or battle Axes, in their hands, as guarding the passage, one hundred and fortie spannes high, with dreadfull countenances, called Xixipitau Xalican, that is, [ 60] the Blowers of the House of Smoake. At the entrie of the gate, stood twelue Halberdiers,* 3.371 and two Notaries at a table, which writ downe all that en••red. After wee were entred, we came into a large street set on both sides with rich Arches, with infinite bells of Latten hanging thereon, by latten chaynes, by the moouing of the ayre yeelding a great sound. The street was almost halfe

a league long, and within those arches were two rankes of houses, like as it were great Churches with gilded pinacles,* 3.372 and painted inuentions, in number as the Chinois affirmed three thousand, all from the bottome to the roofe full of Sculls of dead men. Behind those houses was a hill of Bones, reaching to the roofes of the houses, of the same length of halfe a league and very broad. Wee asked the Chinois, if any account were kept thereof, and they answered, that the Talagre∣pos which had the gouernment of those houses, had registers for them all, and that euery house yeelded two thousand Taeis rent,* 3.373 left thereto by the deceased for their soules discharge, the King hauing therof the fourth part, and the Talagrepos the rest for expences of the Fabrike; the Kings fourth part was spent on the exiled Prisoners of Xinamguibaleu.

* 3.374Wee walked thorow the street, and in the midst saw a great hill round encompassed, with two rewes of Latten grates; in the midst whereof was a brazen Serpent, aboue thirtie fathoms in her [ 10] circles, well proportioned, notwithstanding that incredible massinesse. This monstrous Snake which the Chinois call the Serpent deuourer of the House of smoake, had set in his head, a Ball or Bullet of cast Iron of two and fiftie spannes circumference. Aboue twentie paces further, was the figure of a Man in brasse, of Giantly limbes and proportion, who sustained with both his hands another bullet, which (eying the Serpent with an angry visage) made as though he threw it at him. Round about that figure, were many smal gilded Idols on their knees, with hands lifted vp to him as in admiration: and in foure wyres of Iron enuironing, were one hundred and sixtie two siluer Candlestickes, each hauing sixe, seuen, and ten nosles. This Idoll gaue name to the whole Fabrike, and was called Muchiparom, who was, sayth the Chinois, the Treasurer of all the bones of the dead, and that Serpent comming to rob them, hee threw that bullet in his hands, [ 20] and made her flee to the darke bottome of the house of smoake, where God had cast her for her badnesse: And that three thousand yeeres before hee made the former throw, and that three thousand yeeres after, he shall make another, and so each three thousand yeeres another, till the fifth which shall kill her: after which all these bones shall returne to their bodyes, to remayne alway in the house of the Moone. This their Bonzos preach, and that those soules shall bee hap∣pie, whose bones are thither brought, so that no day passeth in which two thousand bones are not brought thither. And they which are too farre distant to haue their bones brought, send a Tooth or two, which with their almes will doe as much good as the whole: so that I suppose there are teeth enough in those houses to lade many ships.

A third building wee saw without the walls, sumptuous and rich, named Nacapirau, which [ 30] signifieth, The Queene of Heauen; which they meane not of the Virgin Marie, but thinke that as temporall Kings are married,* 3.375 so also is the Heauenly, and that the Children which hee get∣teth of Nacapirau, are the Starres; and when the starres seeme to shoute or fall in the ayre, that then one of those Children dye, all his brethren weeping so many teares, that the Clouds are therewith filled, and water the earth, and make it fruitfull, as being the almes which God giues for the soule of the deceased. Wee saw heere one hundred and fortie Monasteries, of their wic∣kedly Religious men and women; in euery of which, were sayd to bee foure hundred persons, which come to sixe and fiftie thousand; besides seruitours, which haue not yet vowed the pro∣fession, as those within, who goe in sacred habite of red with greene stoles, their beards and heads shauen, with beades about their neckes, for their prayers, but aske no almes, hauing sustenance of [ 40] their owne proper.* 3.376 In this Edifice of Nacapirau, the Tartarian King lodged, Anno 1544. when hee layd siege to this Citie, as shall after bee deliuered; wherein for a diuellish and bloudie Sacri∣fice,* 3.377 he commanded 30000. persons to be slaine: fifteen thousand of which were Women, or girles rather, the Daughters of the chiefe men of the Kingdome, and Religions, professed of the Sects of Quiay Figrau, God of the Motes of the Sunne, and of Quiay Niuandel, God of the Battells, and of Compouitau, and of foure others, Quiay Mit••••, Quiay Colompom, Quiay Muhelee, and Muhee Lacasaa, whose fiue Sects, are the chiefe of the two and thirtie. Within this building wee saw diuers memorable things. One was a Wall against the other, almost a league compasse, borne vp with stone arches, and in stead of battlements, arounded with Latten grates, and at euery sixe [ 50] fathoms, Iron workes on pillers of Brasse fastened one to another, whereon by chaynes hung in∣numerable bells, making a continuall strange noyse, with the motion of the ayre.

At the great Gate of this second wall, in terrible shapes, stood the two Porters of Hell (as they call them) Bacharom and Qugifau,* 3.378 with Iron Maces in their hands, terrible to looke on. Passing vnder an Iron chayne, fastened to the brests of these Diuels, wee came into a faire street long and wide, compassed with painted arches, on the top whereof were two rankes of Idols all that length, in which were aboue fiue thousand Images, wee knew not of what matter, being all gilded, with Myters on their heads of diuers inuentions. At the end of this street, was a great square Hill set with blacke and white shining stones, the whole square compassed with foure rewes of Giants of mettall, each of fifteene spannes, with Halberds in their hands, and gilded [ 60] beards.* 3.379 At the end of all stood Quiay Huiaon, God of the Raine, set vp against a bastion or bor∣der, seuentie spannes long, and his head so high, that it reached to the battlements of the tower, (which were aboue twelue fathoms) by his mouth,* 3.380 eyes, nostrils, and brests, casting out water, which the people below gathered as a great relique. This water came from the top of the tower

by secret pipes. Wee passed vnder his legges, which stood as a great portall, and came to a large house like a Church, with three Iles on marble pillars, and on the walls on both sides, many I∣dols great and small of diuers figures, all gilded, set on their bases in good order. At the end of this house on a round of fifteene steps, stood an Altar made in fashion of a Throne,* 3.381 and thereon the Image of Nacapirau, like a goodly woman, with her hayre loose, and her hands lifted to hea∣uen, all of gold so burnished, that it dazeled the eyes. About that tribunall in the foure first steps, stood twelue Kings of China crowned in siluer. And beneath, were three rewes of gilded Idols on their knees, with their hands lifted vp, many siluer Candle-sticks hanging about them. Go∣ing thence, wee came to another street of arches like the former; and from thence by two o∣thers [ 10] of rich buildings, to a great hill, in which were eightie two Bells of mettall very great, hanging by chaynes from Iron beames sustained with Iron Columnes. Thence wee went to a strong Gate 'twixt foure towers, in which stood a Chifu with thirtie Halberdiers, and two Notaries, which tooke the names of all passengers, to whom wee gaue thirtie Reis for entrance.

The fourth remarkable and famous building, was in the Riuer of Batampina, in an Iland about a league in compasse, walled round with stone eight and thirtie spannes aboue water,* 3.382 within fil∣led with earth, round encompassed with two rewes of Latten grates; the vttermost sixe spannes high for people to leane on, the inner of nine, holding siluer Lions with balls, the Armes of the China Kings. Within these grates in good order,* 3.383 were placed one hundred and thirteene Chap∣pels, [ 20] in manner of round Bulwarkes; in each of them, was an alabaster Sepulcher seated on the heads of two siluer Serpents, with faces of women and three hornes on their heads. In euery of them were thirteen Candlesticks of siluer, with seuen lights in each burning. In the midst of a spa∣cious place compassed with three rewes of grates, with two rankes of Idols, stood a high Tower with fiue steeples of diuers paintings, and on their tops, Lions of siluer; in which tower the Chinois sayd, were the bones of the one hundred and thirteene Kings, worshipped by them for great reliques. These bones say they, euery New Moone, feast one with another, whereup∣on the vulgar at those times, offer to them infinite store of Fowles of all sorts, Rice, Kine, Hogges, Sugar, Honey, and other prouision; which the Priests receiue, and deceiue them in recompence, with as it were Iubilees, of plenarie Indulgences, and remission of sinnes as they [ 30] beleeue.* 3.384

In this Tower wee saw a rich house all lined with siluer plates, from the top to the bottome,* 3.385 in which stood those one hundred and thirteene Kings statues, and the bones of each King in his owne statue; and they say, that by night these Kings communicate and passe the time together, which none may see but the Cabizondos, (a higher degree of Bonzos, as that of Cardinals with vs) which fables they beleeue for very certaintie. In this great circuit wee told three hundred and fortie Bells of mettall and cast Iron, in seuenteene places, by twentie in a place, which all sound on those New-moone feasts abouesayd. Neere to that tower, in a rich Chappell built on seuen and thirtie columnes of stone, stood the Image of Amida made of siluer,* 3.386 with the hayres of gold, on a Throne of foureteene steps, all wrought with gold, the hands eleuated to Heauen: [ 40] beneath her shoulders, hung (like lines of beades) many little Idols, as big as the middle finger: and the secret parts were couered with two great Oyster-pearles, garnished with gold: They being demanded the meaning of this mysterie, sayd, that after the generall Floud in which all mankinde was drowned, God sent Amida from the Heauen of the Moone,* 3.387 (being great Cham∣berlaine to Nacapirau his wife) to restore the destroyed world; who setting heere feete in Ca∣lempluy before mentioned, being lately freed of the waters, shee turned it into gold, and there standing on her feet with her face in heauen, a great quantitie of Creatures issued from downe her arme; downe her right hand Males, and Females downe the left; hauing no other place in her bodie whence to bring them foorth, as other women of the world, whom for sinne God hath subiected to filthinesse of corruption, to shew how filthy sinne is. After shee had finished [ 50] this trauell or child-birth of 33333. Creatures, (as they number) one third part Males, and two parts Females; shee remayned so weake, hauing no bodie to prouide her any thing, that with dizzinesse shee fell to the ground dead without recouerie. Whereat the Moone in condoling her death couered her selfe with sorrow, which are those shadowes wee see from the earth; which say they, shall remaine so many yeers as she produced Creatures (33333) & then the Moone shall put off her maske of sorrow, and the night shall bee after as cleere as the day. Such and other like mad stuffe did they tell, which might make one wonder, and more to weepe, that the Deuill should gull them with such manifest lyes, being otherwise so vnderstanding a people.

From this Hill we went to another Temple of Nuns, sumptuous and rich,* 3.388 in which they told vs was the Mother of this King, Nhay Camisama, but would not let vs enter being strangers. [ 60] Thence by a street of Arches, wee went to a hauen called Hicharioo Topileu, where was store of strange shipping of diuers Kingdomes, which come continually to that Temple for a plenarie Iubilee, which the King with many priuiledges hath granted them, and dyet on free cost. To speake of other Temples and matters of China, which wee saw in our two moneths libertie were infinite.

The King of China most resideth at Pequin, for so he sweareth at his Coronation. There are certaine streets seuered in this Citie by themselues,* 3.389 wherein are houses called Lag nampur, that is, The Schoole of the poore, in which Orphans which know no father are taught to write and reade, and mechanike trades to earne their liuings. Of these Houses they haue aboue two hun∣dred, and as many more of poore Nurses which giue sucke to Children, exposed or cast foorth by their Parents (which are punished if they bee knowne) and after they are weaned, are commit∣ted to the former houses. And if any by naturall defect are vnable to learne a Trade, they apply him to that whereto he is able, as those that are blind to Mills, two to grind, and one to ••ift; and so in other cases.* 3.390 Besides, no Trades-man may keepe shop without licence, which is not granted but with imposing on them some of these poorer. The Miller is to giue meate and drinke to each of those blinde persons, and clothes, and fifteene shillings yeerely, which when hee dieth [ 10] he may giue for his soule, that no poore should perish, according to the fourth precept of * 3.391 Ami∣da. For Creeples which cannot goe, they place them with makers of Frailes, Baskets, and o∣ther handiworkes:* 3.392 and those which cannot vse their hands haue great Hampers giuen them, and Baskets to serue for Porters to carrie what men buy, from the Markets to their houses; such as haue neither hands nor feet to vse, are placed in great houses like Monasteries, where are ma∣ny mercenary women which pray for the dead, halfe of the Offerings remayning to them, the other halfe to the Priests. If they be dumbe, they place them in a house like an Hospitall, where they are sustayned with the Fines imposed on Regraters and scolding women. For common women which are diseased they haue other houses, where they are cured and prouided for, at the costs of other common women, each paying a monethly fee. The Dowries or Ioynters of con∣uicted [ 20] Adulteresses are bestowed on the Hospitals of female Orphans, that honestie may gaine by dishonesties losse. Other honest poore men are maintayned in other streets, at the charges of Sollicitors and Lawyers which maintayne vniust Suits, and of partiall bribed Iudges.

* 3.393For the prouision of the poore I haue further heard read out of their Chronicles that Chansi∣ran Punagor, Great Grandfather of the King now reigning, desiring to doe God seruice (being blinde after a sicknesse which he had) ordayned that in euery Citie there should be store-houses of Wheat and Rice, that if any dearth should happen, there might be a yeeres prouision, and the poore should not perish: and to this purpose he applyed the tenth part of the Kings Customes. They say, that God recompenced this his charitie with restitution of his sight, which conti∣nued [ 30] fourteene yeeres after till his death. This is still obserued, and the number of those Store-houses is said to be fourteene thousand. At Haruest the old is diuided to the Inhabitants as they haue need, which after two moneths are to lay in as much new, and sixe in the hundred more, that the store be not diminished. But if the yeere proue barren, it is diuided to them without gaine: and that which is giuen to the poore which haue not to satisfie, is paid out of the Kings Rents of that place,* 3.394 as the Kings Almes. And all the rest of the Royall reuenues are diuided into three parts; one for maintenance of the Kings estate, and for the gouernment of the King∣dome; the second for the defence of the Countrey, for Ports, Fleets, and the like; the third is put vp in the Treasurie at Pequin, with which the King by ordinary power may not meddle, being deputed for defence of the Kingdome against the Tartars, and other warres with confi∣ning [ 40] Kings; this part of the treasure is called Chidampur, that is, The wall of the Kingdome. For they say, that if such occasions happen, the King shall not lay tribute whiles that lasteth, not shall the people be vexed, as in other Countries, where such prouidence is not vsed.

Indeed I feare to particularize all that we saw in this Citie, lest the Reader should doubt▪ or mutter at the raritie,* 3.395 measuring things by that little they haue seene, and iudging by their owne curtalled conceits the truth of those things which mine eyes haue seene. But high capacities, haughtie spirits, and large vnderstandings, that measure not other states by the miseries and meannesse before their eyes, will perhaps be willing to heare things so rare; which I hold the more pardonable in others to doubt of, forasmuch as I verily confesse, that I my selfe which be∣held them with mine eyes, am often amazed, when with my selfe I recount the greatnesses of [ 50] Pequim, in the admirable estate of that Gentile King, in the splendor of the Chaens of Iustice, and of the Anchacys of gouernment, in the terror and dread caused in all by their Officers, in the sumptuousnesse of the Houses and Temples of their Idols; and of all the rest therein. For only in the Citie Minapau which stands within the wall of the Kings Palace are 100000. * 3.396 Eunuchs, and 30000. women, 12000. men for his Guard, and 12. Tutans, which is the greatest dignitie, and commonly called the Sun-beames, as the King is called, the Sonne of the Sunne, whose per∣son they represent. Beneath these 12. are 40. Chaens as Vice-royes, besides the inferiour dig∣nities, as Anchacys, Aytaos, Ponchacys, Lauteaas, and Chumbins, all which in the Court are aboue 500. and none of them haue lesse then 200. men depending, the greater part of which are Mogores, Persians, Coraçons, Moens, Calaminhans, Tartars, Cauchins, and some Bramaas; the [ 60] Naturals being little esteemed as effeminate, and wanting valour, how wittie soeuer in Arts and husbandrie. The women are white, chaste, more giuen to labour then the men.

The earth is fertile, which their ingratitude rather ascribes to the merit of their King, then the prouidence of God. Some Priests also barter with them vpon Bills of exchange to bee re∣payed

an hundred for one in Heauen, which Letters they call Cuchimiocos. Other Priests are of another Sect, called Naustolins, which denye the Soules immortalitie,* 3.397 and therefore teach to take their pleasures in this life. Another Sect is called Trimecau, which holds, that a man shall so long lie in his Graue as hee hath liued aboue ground; after which, by the prayers of their Priests, the Soule shall returne into another creature seuen dayes, and then seeke for the old bo∣die left in the Graue, to carrie it to the Heauen of the Moone, where it shall sleepe many yeeres, till it be conuerted into a Starre, and there remayne fixed for euer. Another beastly Sect, cal∣led Gizom, holds that Beasts onely shall enioy Heauen,* 3.398 in recompence of their penance and tra∣uels here sustayned, and not Men which follow their lusts, except they leaue to Priests at their death, to pray for them.

[ 10]

§. VI. Their remoue to Quansy, quarrels, miseries; Tartarian huge Armie, and losse at the siege of Pequim, reported. Quansy taken, and Nixianco: MENDEZ his exploit. Their entertaynment by the Tartar King, and going to Cauchinchina with his Embassadours, with many Tartarian obseruations.

[ 20]

AFter we had two moneths and a halfe gone vp and downe in the Citie of Pequim, on Saturday the thirteenth of Ianuary,* 3.399 1544. they carried vs to Quansy to fulfill our Sentence, where we were brought before the Chaem, who made vs of his Guard of eightie Halbarders allowed him by the King, which made vs thankfull to God, being a place of little labour and more maintenance and liberty. But after a moneth,* 3.400 the Deuill sowed strife betwixt two of our companie, which in reasoning about the Families of the Madureyras, and the Fonsecas, whether were more eminent, grew to heate, thence to brauing words, and af∣ter to blowes and wounds, not onely of those two, but by part takings of fiue of the rest. The Chaem and Anchacys sentenced vs to thirtie blowes a man, which made vs more bloudy then [ 30] our wounds. Then they carried vs to a prison, where we lay in Irons sixe and forty dayes. Af∣ter which we were brought to the Barre, and receiued other thirty stripes,* 3.401 and remoued to ano∣ther prison, where we stayed two moneths, then remoued to certaine Iron-works fiue moneths, much pinched in backe and belly, and being diseased with a contagious sicknesse, they sent vs forth to begge, which wee did foure moneths. In this miserie wee sware to each other to liue Christianly and louingly, and that each moneth one should bee chiefe, whom all the rest should obey, whereby wee after liued in peace.

Christouan Borralho the chiefe for that moneth, distributed vs by couples to take their turnes weekely to begge, two to fetch water, and make ready what we got, two to get wood. I and Gaspar de Meyrelez went one morning to the Wood, and Meyrelez being Musicall played on his [ 40] Viall, and sung; a thing pleasing to that people, which spend much time in pastime and ban∣quets, and profitable to vs in procuring almes. As wee went,* 3.402 wee met with a Funerall pompe with Musicke in the midst: one of which Musicians knowing Meyrelez, prayed him to play and sing as loud as he could, that this dead man wee now carrie to buriall may heare thee, to com∣fort him in leauing his wife and children, whereto he was much affected. Hee modestly refu∣sing, the other angerly answered, and others intreated, and almost forced him to goe with them to the burning Buriall after their custome. I thus left alone, went and got my bundle of wood on my backe. In the way homeward I met in the way an old man, clothed in blacke Damaske furred with white Lambe, who hauing shewed mee a siluer Crosse, told me, that he was a poore Portugall, Vasco Caluo, which seuen and twentie yeeres since was captiued with Tomé Pirez,* 3.403 [ 50] whom Lope So••rez had sent Embassadour to China, which had a miserable successe by reason of a Portugall Captaine. Hee brought me to his house, and told me the storie of his and his fellowes aduentures, and I ours to him: and at his request I fetched the rest of our companie to his poore house. Hee brought vs to another roome, where his wife was, with her two little sonnes, and two small daughters. Shee entertayned vs louingly, and shewed vs her Closet with an Altar, and a Crosse thereon, secretly kept; shee also and her children said a Portugall Prayer, with the Pater noster, Creed, and Aue Maria, to our great ioy.

Eight moneths being spent in this our miserie and beggerie,* 3.404 on Wednesday the thirteenth of Iuly, a great tumult and crie arose amongst the people, by reason of newes of the Tartarian [ 60] King his comming to Pequin, with a greater power then euer any King had in the World; that there were in his Armie 1800000. men, 600000. of which were Horse-men, which had comne by Land from La••çame, and Fanistir, and Mecuy, with 80000. Badas * 3.405 to carrie their prouision.* 3.406 Twelue hundred thousand Foot-men had comne in sixteene thousand Laulees and Ia••gas downe the Batampina. And because the King of China durst not resist so great a power, hee was gon••

to Nanquim. Moreouer it was said that in the Pinall of Manicataron, a league and halfe off was lodged one Nauticor,* 3.407 a Tartarian Captaine with 70000. Horse, who within few houres would bee at that Citie. This newes much terrified vs, and the next morning the Enemie appeared with Colours quartered greene and white in seuen battels, neere to a Pagode called Petilau Na∣meioo, a little from the walls. From that Pagode they came with sound of Instruments of warre in one grosse Sq••adron like a halfe Moone, and encircled the Citie: and being within Ca∣liuer shot, they made a shout as if Heauen and Earth would haue gone together, and scaling it with two thousand Ladders which they brought with them,* 3.408 assaulted it in all places they could very resolutely, and at last brake into the gates by certaine deuices of great Iron Presses, and slue the Chaem with many Mandarines, putting the Citie to the sword, sacke, and fire; killing, [ 10] as was thought, 60000. persons, and after stay of seuen dayes there, went for Pequim, where their King was.

* 3.409Two dayes after they were gone, they came to a Castle called Nixiamcoo, which he besieged. Nauticor called the seuentie Captaines to consultation, and agreed to ma••e ready fiue hundred Ladders that night for the next dayes assault. The next day their Palinguindoens (so they call their Martiall Instruments) sounded, and fourteene battalions marched, and gaue assault with great cries, scaling the walls, and fighting furiously; the besieged also defending themselues cou∣ragiously, and in two houres killing three thousand Tartars, the rest fleeing; many wounded with poisoned Arrowes,* 3.410 whereof they died. A Counsell of Warre was hereupon called, one of them being the man which had vs in custodie; who returning with two Captains of his acquaintance [ 20] to supper, in their discourse of that misfortune they cast eyes vpon vs there prisoners, and que∣stioned of what Nation we were, and whether our Kings vsed to warre, and whether any of vs knew any Stratagem to get that Castle, promising our freedome if we could effect it. To wh•••• we answered accordingly,* 3.411 and George Mendez vndertooke the designe against our likings fearing his disabilitie, and our further danger. One of these Captaines told the Mitaquer (Nauticor) hereof, who sent to Tileymay the Captaine which had charge of vs, to bring vs to him. He gaue vs a graue welcome (being now in counsell with the seuenty Coronels, two houres after mid∣night, and first made vs to eate, hauing taken off part of our Irons; and then made large promi∣ses to George Mendez if he could doe as he had said; to which he answered, that hee could an∣swere nothing till he saw it, and then he would tell him the way to take it. Wee were remo∣ued [ 30] to a Tent adioyning, and there guarded, full of feare lest this vndertaking would cost our liues with a People so cruell. The next day George Mendez and two others of our companie were carried with a band of Horse-men about the Castle to view it, and then brought to the Mitaquer, to whom he professeth great facilitie of effecting his purpose: which so contented him, that he sware by the Rice he eate to present vs to the King, and to fulfill his promises, pre∣sently taking off the remainder of our Irons. Hee made vs to eate neere him, and did vs other honour. After which, George Mendez as Camp-master appointed store of Chists, Boxes, and matterials to fill vp the ditch, and three hundred large scaling Ladders able to hold each three Souldiers, against the next morning to be made ready two hours before day. All this was happily effected,* 3.412 the ditch filled, and Mendez with two others of vs first scaled the wall, and set vp the [ 40] Tartars Colours; fiue thousand Tartars gallantly seconding, so that with a hote skirmish the be∣sieged were all slaine, and the Castle taken; the gates opened to the Mitaquer, who with great ceremonies tooke thereof possession. He caused George Mendez and the rest of vs to eate neere him, razed the Castle, and taking Mendez with him on horse-backe returned to his Tent, gi∣uing him 1000. Taeis, and each of vs 100. the cause of much emulation in some of our com∣panie,* 3.413 who by his meanes had obtayned libertie. Thence the Mitaquer marched by places de∣solate, to a good Towne by the Riuers side, called Lautimey, the people whereof were fled; the Towne these barbarians fired, as they did other places where they came. The next day they burned Bunxay, a sowne field of aboue sixe leagues circuit, most Wheat; and came to the Hill Pommitay, and the next day to the Riuer Palemzitau, within two leagues of the Kings Campe. [ 50] Guijay Paran sonne of the King of Persia, at the Castle of Lautir, by the Kings appointment stayed for him; to whom Mitaquer on his knees deliuered his Scimitar, hauing first kissed the ground fiue times. Hee welcomed him with honourable termes, and after that, stepping backe two or three paces with a new ceremonie, and with a voyce high and seuere (as he which repre∣sented the Kings person) said, He, whose rich border of his garment my mouth continually kisseth, whose great power ruleth ouer others by Land, and on the Iles of the Sea, sends to tell thee by mee his Slaue, that thy honourable comming is as welcome to his presence as the sweet Summer morning, where∣in the bathing of cold water most delights the flesh: and that without delay thou hastenest to heare his voice, mounted on this Horse richly furnished out of his Treasurie with mee, that thou mayest be equall in honour with the principall of his Court, and they which see thee thus honoured may know that thou art [ 60] a strong member, whose valour deserues this reward.

Thus with great state and pompe they went to the King: and fifteene dayes after he brought vs to the Tents of the King well horsed, then in the sumptuous House of Nacapirau. When he came to the Trenches, hee descended from his Litter (wee from our Horses) and asked leaue of

Nautaran to enter, which granted, he againe went to his Litter, and we followed on foot: at the next passage he descended, and went in leauing vs to expect him.* 3.414 An houre after he retur∣ned with foure faire Boyes gallantly arayed in greene and white, with their golden Xor••as on their feet, to whom all the people rose vp, and drawing their Scimitars laid them on the ground, saying three times, A hundred thousand yeeres liue the Lord of our heads. Wee lying prostrate with our faces on the ground, one of the Boyes said to vs with a loude voice, Reioyce yee men of the Worlds end, for the houre of your desire is comne, in which the libertie which the Mitaquer pro∣mised you in the Castle of Nixianco, shall bee granted you. Lift vp your heads from the ground, and your hands to Heauen, giuing thankes to the Lord which made the Stars. Wee answered as wee were [ 10] taught, Let it bee our fortune that his foot tread on our heads: the Boy answered, The Lord grant your request.

These foure Boyes with Mitaquer guided vs on thorow a Gallerie standing on sixe and twen∣tie Pillars of Brasse, from which wee entred a great Hall of timber, in which stood Mogores, Persians, Berdios, Calaminhans, and Bramas: thence wee came to another Hall, called Tigihipau, where were great store of armed men in fiue files quite thorow the Hall,* 3.415 their Swords garnished with Gold. There Mitaquer performed some ceremonies, swearing on the Maces which the foure Boyes carried, kneeling and kissing the ground three times. Then we passed another gate, and came to a square great Hall like the Cloister of a Monasterie, in which stood foure files of brazen Images like Sauages with Maces and Crownes, seu••n and twentie spannes high, and sixe broad, which the Tartars said were the three hundred and sixty Gods which made the dayes of [ 30] the yeere; which the Tartar King had taken out of a Temple, called Angicamoy, in the Citie Xipatom, in a Chappell of the Sepulchres of the Kings of China, to carrie home in triumph.* 3.416 In this Hill was a Garden of strange herbs and flowers, and therein a Tent vpon twelue turned posts of Camphire wood,* 3.417 in which was a Throne all garnished with much curiositie of Gold and Siluer workes, representing very liuely the Sunne, Moone, Starres, Cloudes. In the midst of the Throne stood a siluer great Statue, called Abicaunilancor, that is, God of the health of Kings, (taken also from Angicamoy) about which stood foure and thirtie Idols as big as children about sixe yeeres old, in two rankes set on their knees and hands lifted vp as in veneration. At the entrie of the Tent were foure Boyes gorgeously arayed which went about it with Censers, and [ 30] at the sound of a Bell prostrated themselues on the ground, and censing, said, Let our crie come vnto thee as a sweet sauour that thou mayest heare vs. That Tent was guarded by sixtie Halbarders, standing a pretie distance from it round about. Beyond that Hill wee entred another place, where were foure rich roomes, in which were many great persons.

Thence we followed Mitaquer and the Boyes vnto a great Hall like a Church, where stood sixe Porters with Maces, which with new ceremonie let vs in. Here was the King of Tartars,* 3.418 accompanied with his Grandes, among which were the Kings of Pafua, Mecuy, Capimper, Raia Benam, and the Anchesacotay, and other Kings to the number of fourteene, all in rich attire, placed at the foot of the Throne, two or three paces distant; and a little further off stood two and thirtie faire women, playing on diuers Instruments. The King sate on the Throne, encom∣passed [ 40] with twelue Boyes on their knees, with small Scepters of gold on their shoulders; a∣mongst which was a faire Damsell which euer and anone fanned the King. This was the sister of Mitaquer, who by her meanes enioyed that grace and respect in the Armie.* 3.419 The King was about fortie yeeres old, tall, not fleshy, well set; his beard short with Mostachos like the Turks, his eyes somewhat small, his countenance seuere; clothed in a shining reddish vesture set with Pearles; on his feet certaine Slippers greene wrought with Gold and Pearles; and on his head a kind of Sallet with a border of Diamonds and Rubies. Before we came at him by ten or twelue paces, we made our courtesie, three times kissing the ground, with other ceremonies which wee were taught. The King commanded the Musike to cease, and bid Mitaquer aske this Nation of the end of the world, i•• they haue a King, and how their Land is called, and how farre it is from [ 50] China. One of vs answered for the rest, that our Land was called Portugall, our King was great and mightie, and from thence to Pequin was about three yeeres Voyage; whereat he much mar∣uelled, as not thinking the World so great; and s••riking on his thigh said aloud with eyes to Heauen, O Creator of all things, which of vs poore Pismires on the Earth may be able to comprehend the maruels of thy greatnesse? And signing with his hand he made vs come neerer to the steps of the Throne where the fourteene Kings were placed, and demanded vs againe, how faire? and when we said, three yeeres; he asked, why we came rather by Sea then by Land? wee answe∣red, that the diuersitie of States and Kings in the way hindred. He asked, What doe you seeke with so farre trauels and great troubles? wee gaue as good reason as we could; whereat he sha∣king his head, said to the King of Benan, an old man, th••t it seemed that our Countrey had much [ 60] Couetousnesse, and little Iustice; so, said the other, it appeares; for those men which flie on the top of all waters, by wit and industrie to get that which God hath not giuen them, either pouerty forceth to forsake their Countrey, or vanitie and blindnesse caused by couetousnesse, makes them forget God and their Fathers. After this, the women began againe to play and the King retired himselfe into a house alone with his women which played, and the Damsell

that fanned. One of the twelue Scepter-boyes told Mitaquer from his Sister, that the King commanded hee should not goe away, which he tooke for a great grace, and wee returned to our Tents.

Fortie and three d••yes after we came to the Campe Royall (in which space were many fights betwixt the besiegers and besieged,* 3.420 two assaults by scaling with the Tartars losse) the Tartarian called a Councell, where were assembled seuen and twentie Kings, and many great men and Captaines, which agreed that seeing Winter was now comming, and the waters of both Riuers had risen and filled the Trenches, and many were sicke (foure or fiue thousand dying daily) that it was best to rayse the siege. The King therefore embarked the Foot-men with the munitions, fired the Tents, and went away with 300000. Horse by land, and 20000. Badas, 450000. men [ 10] being found by accounts, to haue dyed in this expedition, most of sicknesse, 300000. Horses and 60000. Badas, for want of prouisions the two last moneths and a halfe of this Siege (which endured sixe moneths and a halfe.* 3.421) Besides, 300000. had runne to the Chinois, wonne by their great pay. Hee lodged the first night of his departure at a Riuer called Quaytragum; the next day he came to Guijampee, which hee found wholly forsaken; thence to Liampew, and after se∣uenteene dayes (eight leagues a day) he came to Guauxitim,* 3.422 and forced it, committing therein cruell slaughters, to prouide his Armie of necessaries by the spoyle thereof. The next day hee came to Caixilo, which he medled not with being great and strong, hauing therein 50000. men, of which 10000. were Mogores, Cauchims, and Champaas, better Souldiers then the Chinois. Thence hee passed to the walls of Singrachirou, and the next day to Xipator, and then sent away [ 20] most of his Souldiers, spending seuen dayes in the pay, and execution of Iustice on Prisoners. Thence discontent,* 3.423 hee went to Lançame by water, (with onely one hundred and twentie Laulees, in which were some ten or twelue thousand men) where sixe dayes after hee arriued in the night without any pompe.

There he stayed sixe and twentie dayes, till all his companie were come both of horse and foot, after which hee went to a greater Citie called Tuymican, where he was personally visited by confining Princes and Ambassadours from remoter Kings,* 3.424 Xatamas of Persia, Siammom Emperour of the Gueos, which within the Countrey confine with Brama of Tangu, the Calaminhan Lord of the brute force of Elephants, the Sornau of Odiaa, (intituled King of Siam) whose Segniorie comprehendeth seuen hundred leagues of coast, from Tanauçarim to Champaa, containing seuen∣teen [ 30] Kingdomes;* 3.425 the King of the Mogores whose Kingdome lyes within land, betwixt Corazan neere Persia, and the Kingdome of Dely and Chitor, and an Emperour called Caran, whose Segni∣orie confineth within the Mountaines of Goncalidan, with a Nation which the Naturals call Moscoby, of whom wee saw some in this Citie, ruddie, of bigge stature, with shooes, and furred cloathes, hauing some latine words, but seeming rather for ought wee obserued Idolaters then Christians, and much giuen to vnnaturall lust. To the Ambassadour of that Prince Caran, better entertainment was giuen then to all the rest.* 3.426 Hee brought with him one hundred and twentie men of his guard, with Arrowes and gilded quiuers, all cloathed in Shamois skinnes murrie and greene; and twelue Porters on horsebacke with Maces of Siluer, leading twelue Horses in their right hands with rich embroidered Furnitures. After whom followed twelue men of high [ 40] and Giant-like stature, cloathed Sauage-like in Tygers skinnes, leading great Grey-hounds in chaynes and collers of Siluer, muzled. Then came twelue Boyes, faire and well proportioned of equall stature in gallant array, & next them Leixigau the Ambassador himselfe, in a Chariot (they call it a Pirange) with three wheeles on a side, garnished with Siluer and a Chayre of the same, attended with fortie Foot-men in murrie and greene, yeelding a goodly sight, all things mani∣festing the greatnesse of his Lord. Wee were one day in his lodging with Mitaquer, who was sent to visit him, where amongst other strange things, we saw fiue roomes hanged with Tape∣strie of Frogges very rich, like that vsed amongst vs, as if they had come from one place; the Canopies, Siluer-tables, Furniture and State, all rich. This Ambassadour came not only to wel∣come home the Tartar,* 3.427 but to treate also of a Marriage for his Lord, with one of the Tartars Si∣sters, [ 50] named Meica Vidau, a woman of thirtie yeeres, very charitable to the poore, whom wee haue often seene in their Festiuall dayes.

Mitaquer at our request mentioned vs to the King, who sayd, he would send vs with his Am∣bassador shortly to Cauchenchina;* 3.428 and caused vs to be brought againe to his presence with great ceremonie of State and Maiestie as before at Pequim, where hee questioned vs, if we would serue him, which we excused saying, we had Wiues and Children in our owne Countrey; and asking George Mendez, hee accepted. Eight of vs were commended to the Ambassadour which was to goe to Vzanguee in Cauchenchina & we went in the same Barke. We set forth from Tuymican the ninth of May,* 3.429 and came to a Schoole or Vniuersitie called Guatipamor, where wee lodged in a Temple (or Monasterie) called Naypatim.* 3.430 Next morning wee followed our voyage downe the [ 60] Riuer, and two houres within night came to Puxanguim, a small Citie, well fortified with Towers and Bulwarks after our fashion,* 3.431 with store of Artillerie of wood, like the Pumps of ships,* 3.432 the stocks where the Barrels were fastned being plated with Iron, and carrying a bullet as bigge as a Falcon: which inuention they say, they receiued of a people called Alimanis, of a land

named Muscoo, which by a great and deepe lake of salt water, came thither with nine Barkes of oates, in companie of a Lady, which was sayd to bee exiled out of her Countrey by a King of Denmarke. The next day wee came to Linxau,* 3.433 and fiue dayes after we continuing our course downe the Riuer, came to Singuafatur, a huge Temple, more then a league in compasse; in which space were built one hundred and sixtie foure large and long houses full of Skuls, the other bones lying without in great piles. On a Hill compassed with nine grates of Iron, was standing against a strong stone wall, a monstrous statue of Iron thirtie braces high, and six broad, in both his hands holding a bullet sixe and thirtie spannes about, of cast Iron also. (This to wound the Serpent which came to robbe them) himselfe being hee which should one day restore the flesh to their owne bones, if they gaue Almes, otherwise to the most vnable and putrid: his name Pachina∣rau [ 10] Dubeculem Pinanfaque, who 74000. yeeres agoe, was borne of a Tortoyse named Migania, and of a Sea-horse one hundred and thirtie braces long, named Tibremoucan. The Ambassadours told vs, that of his Confraternities, there arose to him of annuall rents aboue 200000. Taeis, and as much more of the Sepulchers of the Nobles, which were by themselues; that there belonged to him twelue thousand Priests preying on him, and praying for the dead, who might not with∣out their Superiours licence depart out of that Circuit.* 3.434 These Priests once a yeare may defile themselues in fornication within that Circuit; without, as oft as they will, without sinne, the Chisangues permitting egresse. There are many women also enclosed, who by their Libangús or Prioresses leaue, permit themselues to those Priests.

The second day after, wee came to a great Citie on the Riuer side called Quanginau, where the [ 20] Ambassadours stayed three dayes for prouision,* 3.435 and by reason of a Feast at the entrance of Tala∣picor of Lechune, who is there as a Pope: who had priuiledged these inhabitants to be all Priest••, authorised to Sacrifice and giue Bills of exchange for money to bee repayed in Heauen.* 3.436 He gaue the Ambassadour grace to legitimate in his Countrey for money, and to giue ty••les of Honour; which hee recompenced, giuing to the Priests all that he could make, and two thousand Taeis the King had giuen vs, for whith he gaue vs fifteene in the hundred. Foure dayes wee passed downe the Riuer to Lechune, the mother Citie of that false Religion of Gentilitie,* 3.437 as Rome is with vs, wherein is a sumptuous Temple, in which are seuen and twentie Tartar Emperours buried in rich Chappels lyned with Siluer, hauing abundance of siluer Idols. On the North-side a little from the Temple, was a notable strong great wall,* 3.438 within which were built two hundred and [ 30] eightie Monasteries, of men and women;* 3.439 in which were sayd to bee two and fortie thousand re∣ligious professed, besides seruitours. In those Houses are many Brazen pillars with Idols of their Saints thereon, so much more gilded as esteemed. In one of them was the Kings Sister a widow, which had beene wife of Raia Benan, Prince of Pafua, after whose death shee entred Religion with sixe thousand women. The Ambassadour visited her, and kissed her foot as a Saint.

Departing thence downe the Riuer fiue dayes, wee came to a great Citie called Rendacalem,* 3.440 in the confines of Tartaria. And thence forwasds began the Segniorie of Xinaleygrau, thorow which wee trauelled foure dayes, and then came to a Towne called Voulem,* 3.441 where the Ambas∣sadours were well receiued, and prouided of Pylots for those Riuers; which wee descended se∣uen dayes without seeing any thing of note, and then came to a straight called Quatanqur, into [ 40] which the Pylots entred to escape a Pyrat, which had spoyled the most part of the Countrey. Thus wee came to the Lake Singapamor, called by the Naturals Cunebetee,* 3.442 and sayd to contayne sixe and thirtie leagues in Circuit. Foure Riuers runne thence, Ventraw Eastward thorow Siam, entring the Sea by the barre of Chiatabu, in twentie sixe degrees; Iangumaa Southwards by the Laos and Gueos, and part of Dābambu enter the Sea at Martauan, in the Kingdome of Pegu; Pumfileu runnes thorow all Capimper and Sacotay, and all the Empire of Monginoco, with part of Meleytay and Souady, and so to the barre of Cosmim, neere Arracan. Of the fourth Riuer the Ambassadours could giue vs no instructions, but some thought it to bee Ganges. In seuen dayes more, wee came to a place called Caleypute, where they threw stones at vs, and would not suffer [ 50] vs to land. Thence we sayled by another larger Riuer nine dayes,* 3.443 and came to Tarem a good Towne, subiect to the Cauchim, where we were well receiued: and in seuen dayes more came to a good Citie called Xolor. There were Siluer mines, in which one thousand men were at worke, whence they sayd was yeerely taken sixe thousand Pikes,* 3.444 which makes eight thousand Q••intals of ours. Thence wee went other fiue dayes by that great Riuer, the Countrey being well peo∣pled, and came to the Citie Manaquileu at the foot of the Hills Comhay in the borders of China, and Cauchim; thence to Tinamquaxy. Thence they sent their foure Barkes to Huzamguee,* 3.445 the chiefe Citie of Cauchim, and went by Land to Panaugrem, where the King was.* 3.446

Their entertainment there and iourney thence to Iapan, I omit, with their following long Pilgrimage in that Easterne world; wherein I am afraid to wander in places and affaires so vncouth. Wearie al∣readie [ 60] of things so strange, and therefore vncertaine, I will passe to other Authors; and first to the Philippina's and Spanish Commerce of China. The Voyage of Legaspi, is taken out of a Latine Ma∣nuscript, the rest out of Mendoza, his Spanish discourse of China, and certayne Friars which went thi∣ther; the two Letters except, borrowed of an Italian Author.

CHAP. III. Spanish plantation of the Philippinas, and what entercourse hath thence hapned betwixt them and the Chinois.

§. I. First discouerie of the Philippinas: written by Frier IVAN GONZALES DE MENDOSA. [ 10]

* 3.447MAgalianes, was the first that discouered these Ilands, hauing passed the straight (which vnto this day beareth the tytle of his name) and came vnto the Iland of Zubu, whereas they did Baptise certaine of the Inhabitants, and afterwards in a banquet, the same Ilanders did kill him, and other fortie of his companions, which was the occasion that Sebastian de Guetaria, a naturall Biskin borne, for to escape with his life, did put himselfe in a ship that remayned of the voyage (which afterwards was named the Victorie) and in her, and with a few people that helped him, with the fauour of God hee came vnto Siuill, hauing compassed the whole world, from the O∣rient vnto the Ponent, a thing which caused vnto all men great admiration, but in particular vn∣to [ 20] the Emperour Charles the fift of famous memorie, who after he had giuen many gifts and fa∣uours vnto the sayd Sebastian de Guetaria,* 3.448 he gaue order that a new Armie should bee made rea∣die, and to returne againe in demand of the sayd Ilands, and to discouer that new world.

So when all things were in a readinesse, for to depart on their Voyage (the which was done with great breuitie) they ordayned for Generall of all that fleete, one Villa Lobos, commanding him to goe by the Nuoua Espania,* 3.449 The Villa Lobos, arriued at the Ilands of Malucas, and at those of Terrenate, and at other Ilands joyning vnto them, the which Ilands were layd to gage by the aforesayd Emperour vnto the Crowne of Portugall. In these Ilands they had great warres by meanes of the Portugals, and seeing themselues with little helpe and small resistance, for to [ 30] goe forwards with their conquest, they left it off, and went to the most part of them with the aforesayd Portugals, vnto the India of Portugall, from whence afterwards, they sent them as prisoners vnto the sayd King of Portugall, as offenders, that had entred his Ilands without his licence: who did not onely leaue to doe them any harme, but did intreate them very well, and sent them vnto their owne Countrey of Spaine, and gaue them all things necessarie for their iour∣ney, and that in abundance.

Then certaine yeeres after, Don Philip King of Spaine, being very willing that the discoue∣ring should goe forwards, which the Emperour his father had so earnestly procured, sent and commanded Don Luys de Velasco, who was his Vice-roy of the Nuoua Espania, that hee would ordayne an armie, and people for to returne and discouer the sayd Ilands, and to send in the sayd [ 40] fleete for Gouernour, of all that should bee discouered. Miguel Lopez de Legaspi, who did ac∣compilsh all that his Maiestie had commanded, and made the discouerie thereof as followeth, to bee declared.

When the Spaniards came vnto them, they were without Lord or head, or any other to whom they should shew dutie, but hee which had most power and people, did most command: so that this (and that there were so many of equall power) was the occasion that ciuill warres continu∣ed, without any resqect of nature, kindred, or any other dutie, but like vnto bruite Beasts, kil∣ling, spoyling, and captiuing one another, the which was a great helpe vnto the Spaniards, for to subiect that Country with so great ease vnto the King, and called them the Ilands Philippinas, in respect of his name. They did vse amongst them, to make Captiues and Slaues, such as they did [ 50] take in vnlawfull warres, and for trifling matters, the which God did remedie, by the going thither of the Spaniards: for you should haue a man with fortie or fiftie friends in his companie, or seruants, that vpon a sodaine, would goe and set vpon a small Village of poore people and vn∣prouided, and take and binde them all, and carrie them away for Slaues, without any occasion or reason, and make them to serue them all the dayes of their life, or else sell them to other Ilands. And if it so chanced, that one did lend vnto another, a basket or two of Rice (the which might bee worth a Ryall of plate) with condition, to returne it againe within ten dayes: if the debtor did not pay it the same day, the next day following hee should pay it double, and afterward to double it euery day, so long as he did keepe it, which in conclusion, would grow to bee so great, that to pay the same, hee is forced to yeeld himselfe for Captiue and Slaue. [ 60]

But vnto all such as were captiued in this order, or in such like, the King of Spaine hath com∣manded to giue libertie, yet this iust commandement is not in euery point fulfilled and accom∣plished, because such as should execute the same, haue interest therein. All these Ilands were Gentiles and Idolaters, but now there is amongst them many thousands Baptised, vnto whom the

King hath shewed great mercie, in sending vnto them the remedie for their soules in so good time: for if the Spaniards had stayed any more yeares, they had beene all Moores at this day, for that there were come vnto the Iland of Burneo, some of that Sect that did teach them, and lacked little, for to worship that false Prophet Mahomet, whose false, peruerse and corrupt me∣mory, was with the Gospel of Christ easily rooted out.

In all these Ilands they did worship the Sunne and Moone, and other second causes, figures of men and women, which are called in their Language Maganitos, at whose Feasts (which they doe make very sumptuous, with great Ceremonies and Superstition) they doe call Magaduras. But amongst them all, they haue in most veneration an Idoll, whom they called Batala, the which reuerence they had for a Tradition, yet can they not say what should be the occasion that [ 10] he should deserue more then any of the rest, to be had in so great estimation. In certayne Ilands not farre off, called the Illocos, they did worship the Deuill, and made vnto him many Sacrifices,* 3.450 in recompence of a great quantitie of Gold he had giuen vnto them, but now by the goodnesse of God, and the great diligence put and done by the Fathers of the Order of Saint Austin (who were the first that passed into those parts, and liued worthily) and also by the Friers of Saint Francis, which went thither ten yeares after, all these Ilands or the most part of them are bapti∣zed, and vnder the Ensigne of Iesus Christ: and the rest which doe remayne and are not, is more for lacke of Ministers and Preachers, then for any obstinacie of their parts. There is now gone thither certayne Fathers of the Order called Iesuits, who will be a helpe vnto them with their accustomed zeale and labour. And now goeth thither many other Religious men, very well lear∣ned [ 20] and Apostolike, of the Order of Saint Dominicke, who will doe their endeuour to conuert them vnto Christ, as it behooueth Christians to doe.

They of these Ilands were accustomed to celerate their Feasts aforesaid, and to make Sacrifi∣ces vnto their Idols, by the order of certayne women which were Witches,* 3.451 whom they doe cal in their Language Holgoi, that were had in as great estimation amongst them, as be the Priests amongst Christians. These did talke ordinarily with the Deuill, and many times in publike, and doe Deuillish Witch-crafts both in wordes and deedes: into whom it is to bee beleeued that that the Deuill did enter, for that straight-wayes they did answere vnto all things that were demanded of them, although for the most part they would tell a Lye, or else such words that might be giuen diuers interpretations of, and of diuers vnderstandings. They did also vse to cast [ 30] Lots, they were great Agorismers, or obseruers of times: in so much that if they beginne any Iourney, and at the beginning they meete with a Cayman or Lizard, or any other sauage Worme, they know it to be a signe of euill fortune, whereupon they would straight-wayes leaue off their Iourney, although it did import them very much, and returne vnto their Houses, saying, that the Heauen will not that they should goe forwarde on that Iourney: but all these lyes and falsenesse haue beene taught them, and they perswaded to by the Deuill, are ouerthrowne and taken away by the Law of the Gospel (as aforesaid) and haue now amongst them many Mona∣steries full of Religious men, of the Order of Saint Austine, Saint Francis, and of Iesuits. Ac∣cording vnto the common opinion, at this day there is conuerted and baptized more then foure [ 40] hundred thousand soules, which is a great number: yet in respect of the quantitie that are not as yet conuerted, there are but a few. It is left vndone (as aforesaid) for want of Ministers, for that, although his Majestie doth ordinarily send thither, without any respect of the great charge in doing the same, yet by reason that there are so many Iland, and euery day they doe discouer more and more, and being so farre off, they cannot come vnto them all, as necessitie requireth. Such as are baptized doe receiue the faith with great firmenesse, and are good Christians, and would be better, if that they were holpen with good ensamples:* 3.452 as those which haue beene there so long time are bound to doe: that the lacke thereof doth cause some of the Inhabitants so much to abhorre them, that they would not see them once painted vpon a wall. For proofe whereof (and for to mooue such as haue power and authoritie to put remedie in the same, I will declare vnto you here a strange case, the which royally did passe of a truth in one of these Ilands, [ 50] and is very well knowne amongst them: that is, there chanced to dye an Ilander, a principall man amongst them: a few dayes after that he was baptized, beeing very contrite for his sinnes, the which he had done against God before he was baptized, and after hee dyed. So after by the Diuine permission of God he appeared vnto many of that Iland whom hee did perswade forth∣with to receiue the Baptisme, with reasons of great efficacie,* 3.453 and declared vnto them (as one that had experienced the same) the reward of that good deed which without all doubt should be giuen vnto them, if they would receiue the same, and liue after conformable, and according vnto the Commandements of Christ, for the which he told them, and said, that forth-with so soone as he was dead, he was carried by the Angels into glory, there whereas all things were of delight, pleasure, and content, and did communicate onely in the sight of God, and that there [ 60] was none that entred therein, neither could enter, except he were baptized, according vnto the preaching of the Spaniards, of whom and of others that were like vnto them, there was an in∣finite number. Therefore, if so be that they would goe and enjoy of those benefits and delights, it is necessary that first they should be baptized, and afterwards to obserue and keepe the Com∣mandements

that be preached vnto them by the Fathers, that are amongst the Castillas, and therewith he vanished away,* 3.454 and they remayned treating amongst themselues, concerning that which they had heard, and was the occasion that some of them forth-with receiued the Bap∣tisme, and that others did delay it, saying, that because there were Spaniard Souldiers in glorie, they would not goe thither, because they would not be in their company. All this hurt is done by one peruerse or impious man, and with one euill ensample, the which amongst many good, as you haue in those parts: but especiall amongst them in particular, it ought to bee reprehen∣ded and punished seuerely with rigour.

These Ilands at the first discouery of them, had the fame to be Mal Sauos, or vnwholesome, but since experience hath shewed and proued it to the contrary: It is a Countrey maruellous fer∣till, [ 10] and yeeldeth very much Rice, Wheate, Goates, Hennes, Deere, Buffes, Kine, and great store of Hogges, whose flesh is so sauourie as the Mutton they haue in Spaine: there be also many Cats that yeeld Ciuet,* 3.455 great store of fruits which be very good and sauourie: great abundance of Ho∣ney, and Fish, and all sold at so small a price, that almost it is sold for nothing. Also there is great store of Cinamom, but no Oyle of Oliues, but that which is carried thither out of the Nuoua Espania: they haue much Oyle of Algongoli, and of Flaxe-seed, the which they doe spend ordi∣narily in that Countrey, so that the Oyle of Oliues is not missed with them.

There is great store of Cloues, Saffron, Pepper, Nutmegs, and many other Drugges: great store of Cotton and Silke of all colours, the which is brought vnto them by Merchants of China, euery yeare a great quantitie, from whence commeth more then twentie ships laden with pieces [ 20] of Silkes of all colours, and with Earthen Vessell, Powder, Salt-peter, Iron, Steele, and much Quick-siluer, Brasse, Copper, Wheate, Flowre, Walnuts, Bisket, Dates, Linnen Cloth, Coun∣ting Chests very gallantly wrought, Calls of Net-worke, Buratos, Espumillas, Basons and Ewres, made of Tinne, Parchment Lace, Silke Fringe, and also of Gold, the which is spunne and twi∣sted after a fashion neuer seene in all Christendome, and many other things of great curiositie, and all this aforesaid is sold very good cheape. Likewise such things as the Ilands doe yeeld, are sold very good cheape, for you shall haue foure Roues of Wine, which commeth of the Palme-tree for foure Rials of Plate (the which for lacke of that made of Grapes is very good) twelue Haneges of Rice for eight Rials of Plate, three Hens for one Riall, a whole Hogge for eighteene Rials, a whole Buffe for foure Rials, a Deere for two Rials, and yet it must bee both great and good, foure Roues of Sugar for sixe Rials, and the like. [ 30]

§. II. First Plantation of the Philippinas, by MICHAEL LOPEZ DE LEGASPI.

MIchael * 3.456 Lopez de Legaspe, Generall of the Spanish Armada, on Tuesday the one and twentieth of Nouember, Anno Dom. 1565. set forth of the Hauen of Natiuitie in [ 40] New Spaine, and sayled betwixt the South and the West, and after West-ward, till he came in nine degrees; in that height seeking the Ilands de los Reyes, thence to make for the Philippinas. After eight dayes, the ship called Saint Luke was missing, the Cap∣tayne whereof was Alfonsus de Arellano, suspected to haue maliciously with-drawne himselfe. The Fleet continuing their course in nine and ten degrees, after fiftie dayes had sight of an Iland of Fishermen and many other small Ilands not inhabited, which they passed by. It was agreed that they should heighthen their course to thirteene degrees, in which way they came on Mon∣day the seuenteenth of Ianuary,* 3.457 1566. to one of the Ilands of Theeues, called Goean, and say∣ling toward it, sixe miles off, fiftie or sixtie Paraos swift sayling Barkes with eight or ten men quite naked met them and inuited them to their Habitations, where at night they anchored. [ 50] The next morning, sixe hundred of their Paraos came about them with victuals to sell, Rice, Honey, Sugar-canes, Plantans, Fruits of diuers kinds, and Ginger whereof there groweth great store naturally. Their principall desire in barter was Iron Nailes, giuing a large sacke of Rice for a Naile; their sackes deceitfully filled with grauell and chaffe, with Rice in the top. These people are well proportioned and strong. They fought with the Spaniards which were watering, and in the time of fight would be trucking with the ships, as senslesse of their danger. A Mari∣ner which stayd behind was slaine, whose death they reuenged with many of the Sauages slaine in the night, one of them being taken and sent into New Spaine. Their name fits their Theeuish disposition.* 3.458 [ 60]

Eleuen dayes after the fleet renewed their Voyage, and course in thirteene degrees eleuen dayes longer, and then had sight of the Philippinas, hauing sailed from the Port of Natiuitie, eight thousand miles. They anchored in a faire Bay called Baia de Sibabas, and there rode seuen dayes; whiles two Boats went to discouer, one to the North, the other Southward..

A Gentleman of one of them was slaine by an Indian, rashly leaping on shoare. These Indians haue Iron Launces, with a head or tongue a handfull and halfe long. They haue also shields, Bowes and Arrowes. In making peace each man takes two or three drops of bloud of his arme or brest and mixe both in some Vessell together, which is drunke with Wine and Water. Many Paraos came to the Spaniards with a white flag in the Prow, in token of peace, and the Admiral erected the like in her Poope to signifie their leaue to enter. These Indians are clothed, but bare∣foot. The Spaniards demanded prouision, which the other promised, but gaue only to the Cap∣tayne a sucking Pigge and an Egge. These people are very timorous, perfidious, and therefore suspicious. The Ilands beare Hogges, Goats, Hennes, Rice, Millet, Potatoes, Pome-citrons, [ 10] Frisoles, Cocos, Plantans, and many sorts of Fruits. They weare Bracelets, and Earings, and Gold Chaines, and whithersoeuer the Fleet went, was shew of Gold in the Land,* 3.459 whereof they digge but for necessary vses: the Land is their Money bagge.

The Fleet departed hence, and two dayes after came to the Port of the Ile Tandoia,* 3.460 where a small Riuer enters; vp which they went in Boats, and came to a Towne called Camungo.* 3.461 There they were well entertayned, and had victualls set them: which whiles they were eating, an Indian spake some Spanish words, and asked for Antonie Baptista Villalobos, and Captaine Cabeça de Vaca: for which the Lord of the place was angrie with him, and hee appeared no more. The next day the Spaniards returning found them armed, threatning them if they came on shoare. They minding not to deale cruelly, Martin de Goyte was sent to discouer some conuenient har∣bour, [ 20] who saw the Citie Tandaya, and other Townes of other neere Ilands,* 3.462 and hauing gone six∣tie miles found the great Bay where was Cabalia a Towne well inhabited. Thither went the Fleet, and the Inhabitants fled. Onely Camatuan the sonne of Malataque a blind man, chiefe of that place, came to them, whom they detayned thinking thereby to get some prouision; but in vaine. He sent forth Souldiers which brought him fiue and fortie Hogs, leauing in lieu somwhat for exchange, and dismissing Camatuan, who had taught the Captaine the names of the neigh∣bouring Iles and of their Gouernours. Hee brought them to Mesagua two and thirtie miles off,* 3.463 and then was sent away apparelled and ioyfull. The Iland Masagua hath beene frequent, but then had but twentie Inhabitants, which would not see the Spaniards. They went to another Iland where the people were fled with their goods. Then went they to Butuan which is subiect [ 30] to the Ile Vindena or the Ilands Corrientes. The winde draue them to Bohol,* 3.464 where they ancho∣red. The next day they saw a Iunke and sent a Boat to it, which wounded some of their men. They had Arrowes and Lances and a Base, and two brasse Peeces. They cryed to the Spaniards abordo, abordo. The Spaniards sent out another Boat better fitted, which tooke eight, the rest were slaine or fled, hauing fought valiantly. In the Iunke they found white sheets painted, Silke, Almayzarez, Callicos, Iron, Tin, Brasse, and some Gold. The Iunke was of Borneo, and so were these Moores. All was restored (their intent being to get friends, and the Bur∣neois satisfied.

The Captaine sent the Saint Iohn to discouer the Coast of Butuan, and learne where the Ci∣namon was gathered, and to find some good Port in fit place to build. The Burneois told the [ 40] Captaine the cause of the Indians flight,* 3.465 that about two yeeres before some Portugals bearing themselues for Spaniards, had comne thither from the Molucas, and hauing made peace with them, set on them and slue aboue a thousand Indians, the cause of that depopulation. This the Portugals did to make the Spaniards odious, that if they came thither, they might not be admit∣ted. The Captaine sent a well furnished ship to search the Coast, which came to a place where the Borneo Gouernour said he had friends, and leaping on shoare hee was slaine of the Indians. The Saint Iohn returned from Buthuan, which said, they had seene the King, and two Iunkes of Moores in the Riuer at anker, and that the Iland was great and rich, and exchanged with them fine Gold for Testons, one for six in equall weight. They bought Wax of the Moores but had Earth inclosed in the Cakes; they also incensed the Indians against the Castilians,* 3.466 which would [ 50] haue made purchase of them, but were forbidden by the King. They said, they had there seene Wax, Cinamon, Gold, and other precious things.

On Easter Euen the other ship returned to their great ioy, which had thought her lost, hauing staid twentie dayes longer then her limited time.* 3.467 They had sailed about the Iland Igla the space of six hundred miles: and in their returne came to Subo a well peopled Iland,* 3.468 and plentifull of all things. The Captaine determined to goe thither to buy prouision, or else to force them. For Magelane had beene there; and the King, and most of the Inhabitants were baptised, and ac∣knowledged the Catholike King; Magelane also dying in their defence, and thirtie other Soul∣diers in Matan. They also had broken league and slaine some of Magelane Souldiers.* 3.469 On Fri∣day April twentie seuen, the Fleet arriued at the Port of Subo, and one came from King Tupas [ 60] to them, saying, that Hee with ten chiefe men would come to them. The Captaine expected them a whole day and the next, in which space the Ilanders hid their goods in the Woods. The third day the Captaine sent his brother Andrew and the Camp-master, to admonish the King in the Malayan tongue, to receiue them, as Vassals of the Spanish King. Which not succeeding, hee resolued to vse force. The Indians out of other Ilands had assembled together to the number of

two thousand, which prouoked our men, but at the report of the Ordnance ran away, and the Spaniards wan the Towne. Many signes of Gold and Gemmes appeared in the Iland. And being situate so neere to the richest Regions, the Gouernour hopeth accesse thereby to the increase and glorie of the Spanish Crowne, if Spanish Colonies be there planted. The Captaine from the Citie of Subo sent the Admirall ship with his brother Andrew de Vrdanera, to certifie the L. Lewys de Velasco, the sonne of the Vice-roy, what had beene done,

* 3.470Miguel Lopez de Legaspi, Generall of the Fleet, and Gouernour of the Countrey which they should discouer, dyed in the said Ilands with the Title of Adelantado, hauing first peopled some of them to the vse of His Maiestie, especially that of Manilla, which is fiue hundred leagues in circuit; in which is seated the Citie of Luson (called also Manilla) as the Metropolitan of all [ 10] the Iland, where the Gouernours haue setled their residence euer since the first discouerie. They haue there founded a Cathedrall Church, and Friar Dom. Domingo de Salachar was consecrated the first Bishop thereof in Madrid, 1579. At this present there be three Monasteries of Religi∣ous men in that Iland, the one of the Order of Saint Austine, and were the first that by the Commandement of his Majestie did enter into this Ilands, preaching the Law of the Gospell, which was great profit vnto their soules, yet great trauell vnto them, & cost many of them their liues in doing it: the other Monasterie is of barefoot Friers of the Order of S. Francis of the Pro∣uince of S. Ioseph, who haue bin great Examples, with great profit vnto them of those Parts. The third are of the Order of S. Dominicke, or Preachers, who haue done their dutie in all things so well as the other. These three Orders were alone in those Ilands for certayne yeares, till now of [ 20] late time haue gone thither Iesuits, which haue bin a great ayde and helpe vnto their Religion.

When these Spaniards were come vnto these Ilands, they had straight-wayes notice of the mightie Kingdome of China, as well by the relation of them of the Ilands (who told vnto them the maruels thereof) as also within a few dayes after, they did see and vnderstand, by ships that came into those Ports with Merchants, that brought Merchandize and other things of great cu∣riositie from that Kingdome, and did particularly declare the mightinesse and riches thereof. This being knowne vnto the Religious people of Saint Austin, who at that time were alone in those Ilands: but in especiall vnto the Prouinciall, Frier Martin de Herrada, seeing the great capacitie or towardnesse which the Chinois had more then those of the Ilands in all things, but in especial•• in their gallantnesse, discretion and wit: hee straight-wayes had a great desire to [ 30] goe thither with his fellow to preach the Gospell vnto those people, of so good a capacitie to receiue the same: who with a pretended purpose to put it in vre and effect, he began with great care and studie to learne that Language, the which he learned in few dayes: and did make there∣of a D••ctionarie. Then afterwards they did giue great entertaynment and Presents vnto the Merchants that came from China for to procure them to carrie them thither, and many other things, the which did shew their holy zeale: yea, they did offer themselues to bee slaues vnto the Merchants, thinking by that meanes to enter in to preach: but yet none of these diligences did take effect, till such time as the Diuine Majestie did discouer a better way, as shall bee decla∣red vnto you in this Chapter following.

[ 40]

§. III. Of LIMAHON a China Robber and Rouer, by whose occasion the Spaniards sent into China.

THe Spaniards did enjoy their neere habitation of Manilla in great quietnesse & in obedi∣ence vnto the Christian King Don Philip, and in continuall Traffick with the Chinois. But being in this securitie and quietnesse, vnlooked for, they were beset with a migh∣tie [ 50] and great Armada or Fleet of ships,* 3.471 by the Rouer Limahon, of whose vocation there are continually on the Coast, the one by reason that the Countrey is full of people, where∣as of necessitie must be many idle persons: and the other and principall occasion, by reason of the great tyrannie that the Gouernours doe vse vnto the Subjects.* 3.472 This Limahon came vpon them with intent to doe them harme as you shall vnderstand. This Rouer was borne in the Citie of Trucheo, in the Prouince of Cuytan, which the Portugals doe call Catim. He was of meane Pa∣rentage, and brought vp in his youth in libertie and vice, he was by nature Warlike and euill in∣clined. He would learne no Occupation, but was giuen to rob in the high-wayes, and became so expert that many came vnto him and followed that Trade. Hee made himselfe Captaine o∣uer them which were more then two thousand, and were so strong that they were feared in all [ 60] that Prouince where as they were. This being knowne vnto the King and to his Councell, they did straight way command the Vice-roy of the Prouince whereas the Rouer was, that with all the haste possible he should gather together all the Garrisons of his Frontiers, to apprehend and take him, and if it were possible to carry him aliue vnto the Citie of Taybin, if not his

head. The Vice-roy incontinent did gather together people necessary, and in great haste to fol∣low him.

The which being knowne vnto Limahon the Rouer, who saw, that with the people hee had, he was not able to make resistance against so great a number as they were, and the eminent dan∣ger that was therein, hee called together his Companies, and went from thence vnto a Port of the Sea, that was a few leagues from that place: and did it so quickly and in such secret, that be∣fore the people that dwelt therein, could make any defence (for that they were not accustomed to any such assaults, but liued in great quietnesse) they were Lords of the Port, and of all such ships as were there: into the which they imbarked themselues straight-wayes, weighed Anchor [ 10] and departed to the Sea, whereas they thought to be in more securitie then on the Land (as it was true.) Then he seeing himselfe Lord of all those Seas, beganne to rob and spoyle all ships that hee could take, as well strangers as of the naturall people: by which meanes in a small time he was prouided of Mariners, and other things which before hee lacked, requisite for that new Occupation. He sacked, robbed and spoyled all the Townes that were vpon the Coast, and did very much harme. So hee finding himselfe very strong with fortie ships well armed, of those he had out of the Port, and other that hee had taken at the Sea, with much people such as were without shame, their hands imbrued with Robberies and killing of men, he imagined with him∣selfe to attempt greater matters, and did put it in execution: he assaulted great Townes, and did a thousand cruelties. So he following this trade and exercise,* 3.473 he chanced to meete with another Rouer as himselfe, called Vintoquian, like wise naturally borne in China, who was in a Port void [ 20] of any care or mistrust, whereas Limahon finding opportunitie, with greater courage did fight with the ships of the other: that although they were threescore ships great and small, and good Souldiers therein, he did ouercome them, and tooke fiue and fiftie of their ships, so that Vinto∣quian escaped with fiue ships. Then Limahon seeing himselfe with a fleet of ninetie fiue ships well armed, and with many stout people in them, knowing that if they were taken, they should be all executed to death; setting all feare apart, gaue themselues to attempt new inuentions of e∣uill, not onely in robbing of great Cities, but also in destroying of them.

For the which, commandement was giuen straight-wayes vnto the Vice-roy of that Pro∣uince (whereas he vsed to execute his euill) that with great expedition he might be taken, who in few dayes did set forth to Sea, one hundred and thirtie great ships well appointed, with forty [ 30] thousand men in them, and one made Generall ouer them all, a Gentleman called Omoncon,* 3.474 for to goe seeke and follow this Rouer with expresse commandement to apprehend or kill him. Of all this prouision, Limahon had aduertisemant by some secret friends, who seeing that his Ene∣mies were many, and he not able to counteruaile them, neither in shippes nor men, determined not to abide their comming, but to retyre and depart from that Coast: so in flying he came vnto an Iland in secret, called Tonznacaotican, which was fortie leagues from the firme Land, and is in the right way of Nauigation to the Ilands Philippinas.

From this Iland they did goe forth with some of their ships robbing and spoyling all such as they met with Merchandize, and other things that they carried from one Iland to another, and [ 40] from the Iland vnto the firme, and comming from thence amongst them all, they caused to take two ships of China which came from Manilla, and were bound to their owne Countrey. And ha∣uing them in their power, they searched them vnder hatches, and found that they had rich things of Gold, and Spanish Rials, which they had in trucke of their Merchandize, the which they car∣ried to the Ilands. They informed themselues in all points of the State, and fertilitie of that Countrey, but in particular of the Spaniards, and how many there were of them in the Citie of Manilla, who were not at that present aboue seuentie persons, for that the rest were separa∣ted in the discouering and populing of other Ilands newly found, and vnderstanding that these few did liue without any suspition of Enemies, and had neuer a Fort nor Bulwarke, and the Ord∣nance which they had (although it was very good) yet was it not in order to defend them-nor offend their Enemies, hee determined to goe thither with all his fleete and people, [ 50] for to destroy and kill them, and to make himselfe Lord of the said Iland of Manilla, and other adjacent there nigh the same. So with this determination hee departed from those Ilands whereas hee was retyred, and went to Sea, and sayling towards the Ilands Philippinas, they passed in sight of the Ilands of the Illocos, which had a Towne called Fernandina, which was new founded by the Captayne Iohn de Salzedo,* 3.475 who at that instant was in the same for Lieutenant to the Gouernour: Foure leagues from the same they met with a small Galley, which the said Iohn de Salzedo had sent for victu••ls. He cast about towards her, and with great ease did take her, and did burne and kill all that was in her, and pardoned one of them. This being done, hee did prosecute his Voyage according vnto his determination, and passed alongst, but not in such secret but that he was discouered by the Dwellers of the Towne of Fernandina,* 3.476 [ 60] who gaue notice thereof vnto the Lieutenant of the Gouernour aforesaid, as a wonder to see so many ships together, and a thing neuer seene before at those Ilands. Likewise it caused admira∣tion vnto him, and made him to thinke and to imagine with great care what it might be, he saw that they did beare with the Citie of Manilla, and thought with himselfe, that so great a fleet

as that was, could not goe to the place which they bare in with, for any goodnesse towards, the dwellers therein, who were voide of all care, and a small number of people, as aforesaid: Wherewith he determined with himselfe with so great speed as it was possible, to ioyne toge∣ther such Spaniards as were there, which were to the number of fiftie foure, and to depart and procure to get the fore-hand of them, to aduertise them of Manilla, and to aide and helpe them to put their Artillerie in order, and all other things necessarie for their defence.

This Limahon was well prouided of prouision, and all other things necessarie, and hauing the wind faire, hee was alwaies in the fore-front, and came in the sight of Manilla vpon Saint Andrewes Eue,* 3.477 in the yeere 1574. whereas hee came to an anchor that night with all his whole estate.

For all the contradiction of the winde this same night the foure hundred Chinois did put [ 10] themselues within a league of the Citie, vpon Saint Andrewes day at eight of the clocke in the morning, whereas they left their Boats and went on land, and in great haste began to march for∣wards in battel aray diuided in two parts, with two hundred Harquebusses afore, and immediat∣ly after them other two hundred Pike-men: and by reason that they were many, and the Coun∣trey very plaine, they were straightwaies discouered by some of the Citie, who entred in with a great noise, crying, Arme, arme, arme, the Enemies come. The which aduice did little profit, for that there was none that would beleeue them: but beleeued that it was some false alarme done by the people of the Countrey for to mocke them. But in conclusion, the Enemies were come vnto the house of the Generall of the Field,* 3.478 who was called Martin de Goyti, which was the first house in all the Citie that way which the Enemies came. And before that the Spaniards [ 20] and Souldiers that were within the Towne could be fully perswaded the rumour to be true, the Enemies had set fire vpon his house, and slue him and all that were within.

At this ••ime, by the order of his Maiestie was elected for Gouernour of these Ilands Philippi∣nas,* 3.479 Guido de Labacates, after the death of Miguel Lopez de Legaspi, who vnderstanding the great fleet and power of Lymahon the Rouer, and the sma••l resistance and defence that was in the Ci∣tie of Manilla, with as much speed as was possible he did call together all their Captaines and dwellers therein: and with a generall consent they spared no person of what qualitie and de∣gree soeuer he was, but that his hand was to helpe all that was possible, the which endured two dayes and two nights, for so long the Rouer kept his ships and came not abroad. In which time of their continuall labour,* 3.480 they made a Fort with Pipes and Boards filled with sand and other [ 30] necessaries thereto belonging, such as the time would permit them: they put in carriages, foure excellent Peeces of Artillerie that were in the Citie. All the which being put in order, they gathered all the people of the Citie into that little Fort. The night before the Enemie did giue assault vnto the Citie, came thither the Captaine Iohn de Salzedo, Lieutenant vnto the Gouer∣nour. The Rouer in the morning following, before the breake of the day (which was the se∣cond after he gaue the first assault) was with all his fleet right against the Port, and did put a-l••nd sixe hundred Souldiers,* 3.481 who at that instant did set vpon the Citie, the which at their plea∣sure they did sacke and burne. They did assault the Fort with great cruelty, as men fleshed with the last slaughter, thinking that their resistance was but small. But it fell not out as they did be∣leeue, for hauing continued in the fight almost all the day, with the losse of two hundred men, [ 40] that were slaine in the assault, and many other hurt, he straightwaies departed from thence, and returned the same way that he came, till they arriued in a mightie Riuer, fortie leagues from the Citie of Manilla,* 3.482 that is called Pangasinan, the which place or soyle did like him very well, and where he thought he might be sure from them, who by the commandement of the King went for to seeke him. There hee determined to remayne, and to make himselfe Lord ouer all that Countrey, the which he did with little trauell, and built himselfe a Fort one league within the Riuer, whereas he remayned certaine dayes, receiuing tribute of the Inhabitants thereabouts, as though he were their true and naturall Lord: and at times went forth with his ships robbing and spoyling all that he met vpon the coast. And spred abroad, that he had taken to himselfe the Ilands Philippinas, and how that all the Spaniards that were in them, were either slayne or [ 50] fled away. With this consideration they entred into counsell, and did determine to ioyne to∣gether all the people they could, and being in good order, to follow and seeke the Rouer. Then the Gouernours commanded to be called together all the people bordering thereabouts, and to come vnto the Citie whereas hee was. Likewise at that time hee did giue aduice vnto such as were Lords and Gouernours of the Ilands,* 3.483 called Pintados, commanding them to come thither, with such ships as they could spare, as well Spaniards as the naturall people of the Countrey. The Generall * 3.484 of the field with the people aforesaid, did depart from Manilla the three and twentieth day of March, Anno 1575. and arriued at the mouth of the Riuer Pagansinan vpon tenable Wednesday in the morning next following, without being discouered of any. Then [ 60] straightwaies at that instant the Generall did put a-land all his people and foure Peeces of Ar∣tillerie, leauing the mouth of the Riuer shut vp with his shipping, in chayning the one to the other, in such sort, that none could enter in neither yet goe forth to giue any aduice vnto the Rouer of his arriuall: he commanded some to goe and discouer the fleet of the Enemie, and the

place whereas he was fortified, and charged them very much to doe it in such secret sort, that they were not espied: for therein consisted all their whole worke. Hee commanded the Cap∣taine Gabriel de Ribera, that straightwaies he should depart by Land, and that vpon a sudden he should strike alarme vpon the Enemie, with the greatest tumult that was possible. Likewise he commanded the Captaines Pedro de Caues and Lorenso Chacon, that either of them with forty Souldiers should goe vp the Riuer in small ships and light, and to measure the time in such sort, that as well those that went by land, as those that went by water, should at one instant come vpon the Fort, and to giue alarme both together, the better to goe thorow with their pretence: and he himselfe did remayne with all the rest of the people, to watch occasion and time for to [ 10] aide and succour them if need be required. This their purpose came so well to passe, that both the one and the other came to good effect: for those that went by water, did set fire on all the fleet of the Enemie: and those that went by land at that instant had taken and set fire on a Trench made of timber, that Limahon had caused to bee made for the defence of his people and the Fort: and with that furie they slue more then one hundred Chinos, and tooke prisoners se∣uenty women which they found in the same Trench, but when that Limahon vnderstood the rumour, hee tooke himselfe straightwaies to his Fort which hee had made for to defend him∣selfe from the Kings Nauie, if they should happen to finde him out.

The next day following, the Generall of the field did bring his Souldiers into a square bat∣tell, and beganne to march towards the Fort, with courage to assault it if occasion did serue [ 20] thereunto: hee did pitch his Campe within two hundred paces of the Fort, and found that the Enemie did all that night fortifie himselfe very well, and in such sort, that it was perillous to assault him, for that he had placed vpon his Fort three Peeces of Artillerie, and many Bases, besides other Engines of fire-worke. Seeing this, and that his Peeces of Artillerie that hee brought were very small for to batter, and little store of munition, for that they had spent all at the assault which the Rouer did giue them at Manilla, the Generall of the field, and the Captaines concluded amongst themselues, that seeing the Enemie had no ships to escape by wa∣ter, neither had he any great store of victuals for that all was burnt in the ships, it was the best and most surest way to besiege the Fort, and to remayne there in q••iet vntill that hunger did constraine them either to yeeld or come to some conclusion: which rather they will then to [ 30] perish with hunger.

This determination was liked well of them all,* 3.485 although it fell out cleane contrarie vnto their expectation; for that in the space of three moneths that siege endured, this Limahon did so much that within the Fort he made certaine small Barkes, and trimmed them in the best manner he could, wherewith in one night he and all his people escaped.

It happened vpon a day, that there came to the Campe a ship of Miguell de Loarcha, where∣in was Friar Martin de Herrada Prouinciall of the Augustine Friars. Seuen leagues after they were out of the mouth of Pagasinan, they met with a ship of Sangleyes, who made for the Port, and thinking them to bee Enemies, they bare with them (hauing another ship that followed them for their defence) and had no more in them but the said Prouinciall and fiue Spaniards, be∣sides [ 40] the Mariners. This ship of Sangley seeing that hee did beare with them, would haue fled, but the winde would not permit him, for that it was to him contrary, which was the occasion that the two ships wherein the Spaniards were, for that they did both sayle and rowe, in a small time came within Cannon shot. In one of the ships there was a Chino, called Sinsay. This Sinsay went straightwaies into the fore-ships, and demanded what they were, and from whence they came: and being well enformed, hee vnderstood that hee was one of the ships of warre that was sent out by the King of China, to seeke the Rouer Limahon, who leauing the rest of the fleet behind, came forth to seeke in those Ilands to see if hee could discouer him to bee in any of them: and the better to bee enformed thereof, they were bound into the Port of Bu∣liano, from whence they came with their two ships: from whom they would haue fled, thin∣king [ 50] they had beene some of the Rouers ships. Being fully perswaded the one of the other, they ioyned together with great peace and friendship: the Spaniards straightwaies entred in∣to their Boat, and went vnto the ship of the Chinos, and carried with them the aforesaid Sin∣say, for to be their Interpreter, and to speake vnto the Chinos. In the said ship came a man of great authoritie, who was called Omonc••n, who brought a Commission from their King, and shewed it vnto the Spaniards, and vnto the Father Prouinciall: in the which the King and his Counsell did pardon all those Souldiers that were with Limahon, if that forthwith they would leaue him and returne vnto the Kings part: and likewise did promise great gifts and fauour vn∣to him that did either take or kill the aforesaid Rouer. Then did Sinsay declare vnto him of the comming of the Rouer vnto the Ilands, and all that happened in the siege of the Citie, as a∣foresaid: [ 60] and how they had him besieged in the Riuer of Pagansinan, from whence it was not possible for him to escape.

The Captaine Omoncon reioyced very much of these newes, and made many signes of great content, and did embrace the Spaniards many times, and gaue other tokens whereby hee did manifest the great pleasure hee receiued, and would therewith straightwaies depart vnto the

rest of the fleet. And for that they looked euery day for the death or imprisonment of the Rouer, the better to enforme himselfe: hee determined (for that it was so nigh hand) to goe and see the Generall of the field in Pagansinan, and carrie with him Sinsay, one that was known both of the one and the other: by whose meanes they might treate of such things that best accomplished the confirmation of the peace and friendship betwixt the Chinois and the Spa∣niards, as also of the death or imprisonment of Limahon. With this resolution, the one departed vnto Pagansinan, whereas they arriued the same day, and the others vnto Manilla, whither they went for victuals.

Omoncon remayned there certaine dayes, after the which he seeing that the siege did long en∣dure, and that his staying might cause suspicion of his death: and againe, that the whole fleet did tarrie his comming to his intelligence of the Rouer, being fully perswaded and certaine, that [ 10] he could not escape the Spaniards hand: they had him in such a straight, and that they would without all doubt, send him vnto the King aliue or dead (as they promised him) hee was deter∣mined to returne vnto China, with the good newes that hee had vnderstood, with a determi∣nate intent, to returne againe and carrie the Rouer, after that they had him prisoner. With this resolution in the end of certaine dayes hee went vnto the Gouernour, certifying him of his pretence, whereby hee might giue him licence to put it in execution. The Gouernour did like well of his pretence, and did promise him the same, the which the Generall of the field did of∣fer vnto him: and which was, so soone as the Rouer should be taken prisoner, or slayne, to send him vnto the King without any delay, or else, to put him whereas he should be forth-comming, [ 20] and to giue them aduertisement to send for him, or come himselfe: and did offer him more, that for his voyage he should bee prouided forthwith of all things necessarie, without lacking of any thing. Omoncon did giue him great thankes for the same, and in recompence thereof did promise vnto the Gouernour, for that he vnderstood, and had intelligence of the Fathers, of Saint Augustine, that his Honour, and his Antecessor, and the Adelantado, Miguel Lopez de Legaspi, had desired many times to send vnto the Kingdome of China some Religious men, to treate of the preaching of the Gospell, and to see the wonders of that Kingdome, and how that they neuer could put this their desire in execution, for that those Chinois which came thi∣ther, although they did offer them whatsoeuer they would demand, fearing the punishment that should be executed on them according vnto the Lawes of the Kingdome: hee did promise [ 30] him, that he would carrie them with him vnto China, such Religious men as his Honour would command,* 3.486 and some Souldiers, such as would goe with them: hoping with the good newes that hee carried, to runne in no danger of the Law, neither the Vice-roy of Aucheo to thinke euiill thereof, and for a more securitie that they should not bee euill entreated, hee would leaue with him pledges to their content.

The Gouernour being very ioyfull of these newes, did therewith send for the Prouinciall of the Augustine Friers, who was elected but few dayes past: his name was Frier Alonso de Al∣uarado, vnto whom hee declared the offer that the Captaine Omoncon had made vnto him, whereat he reioyced.* 3.487 They determined that there should goe but two Religious men, by re∣son that at that time there was but a few of them, and two Souldiers in their companie. The [ 40] Religious men should be,* 3.488 Frier Martin de Herrada of Pamplona, who left off the dignitie of Prouinciall: and in companie with him should goe, Frier Hieronimo Martin, who also was ve∣ry well learned, and of the Citie of Mexico: the Souldiers that were appointed to beare them companie were called, Pedro Sarmiento, chiefe Sergeant of the Citie of Manilla of Vilorado, and Miguel de Loarcha, both principall men, and good Christians, as was conuenient for that which they tooke in hand. These Fathers did carrie them for this purpose, that if they did re∣maine there with the King, preaching of the Gospell, then they should returne with the newes thereof, to giue the Gouernour to vnderstand of all that they had seene, and happened vnto them: and likewise vnto the King of Spayne, if need did so require. And the Gouernour in to∣ken of gratitude,* 3.489 did giue vnto the Captaine Omoncon in the presence of them all, a gallant [ 50] Chaine of Gold, and a rich Robe of crimson in graine: a thing that hee esteemed very much, and much more esteemed in China, for that it is a thing that they haue not there. Besides this, they did ordayne a reasonable Present for to send vnto the Gouernour of Chincheo,* 3.490 hee that dis∣patched Omoncon by the commandement of the King, to goe and seeke the Rouer: also an∣other Present for the Vice-roy of the Prouince of Ochian▪ who was at that present in the Ci∣tie of Aucheo. And for that Sinsay should not finde himselfe agreeued (who was a Merchant well knowne amongst them, and perhaps might bee the occasion of some euill and distur∣bance of their pretence) they gaue vnto him also another Chaine of Gold, as well for this, as also for that hee was euer a sure and perfect friend vnto the Spaniards. Then straightwaies by the commandement of the Gouernour there were brought together all such Chinois as were [ 60] captiue and taken from Limahon out of the Fort aforesaid, at Pagansinan, and gaue them vn∣to Omoncon, to carrie them free with him: and gaue likewise commandement that the Ge∣nerall of the field, and all such Captaines and Souldiers that were at the siege of the Fort, should giue vnto him all such as did there remaine: binding himsefe to pay vnto the

Souldiers, to whom they did appertaine, all whatsoeuer they should bee valued to bee worth.

Vpon a sunday at the break of day, being the fiue and twentieth of Iune, after they had prayed vnto God to direct their voyage, they set sayle with a prosperous wind: there were with the Friars, Souldiers and men of seruice, twentie persons, besides the Chinos that were captiues, and the people of the Captaine Omoncon. They were not so soone off from the coast,* 3.491 but the wind abated, and they remayned becalmed certaine dayes: but afterwards they had a lustie gale, that carried them forwards.* 3.492 The Chinos doe gouerne their ships by a compasse diuided into twelue parts, and doe vse no Sea Cards, but a briefe description or Ruter, wherewith they sayle: and commonly for the most part they neuer goe out of the sight of Land. They maruelled very [ 10] much when that it was told them, that comming from Mexico vnto Philippinas, they were three moneths at the Sea and neuer saw Land. Vpon the Sunday following, we had sight of the Land of China: so that wee found all our Voyage from the Port of Buliano, from whence wee had last departed, vnto the firme Land to bee one hundred and fortie leagues; and twentie leagues before they came in the sight thereof, they had sounding at threescore and ten and foure∣score fathom, and so waxed lesse and lesse vntill they came to the Land:* 3.493 which is the best and surest token they haue to bee nigh the Land. In all the time of their Voyage the Captaine Omoncon with his Companie shewed such great courtesie and friendship to our men, as though they had beene the owners of the said ship: and at such time as they did embarke themselues, hee gaue his owne Cabine that was in the sterne to the Friers, and vnto Pedro Sarmiento, and [ 20] to Miguel de Loarcha, hee gaue another Cabine that was very good, and commanded his com∣panie in the ship that they should respect them more then himselfe: the which was in such sort, that on a day at the beginning of their Voyage, the Fathers found them making of Sa∣crifice vnto their Idols, and told them, that all which they did was a kinde of mockage, and that they should worship but onely one God: and willed them to doe so no more. Who onely in respect of them did leaue it off, and not vse it after in all the Voyage: whereas before they did vse it euery day many times. Besides this,* 3.494 they would worship the Images that the Friers did carrie with them, and kneele vpon their knees with great shew of deuotion: who now hauing fight of the firme Land, in so short time, and passed that small Gulfe so quietly, which was wont to bee very perillous and full of stormes: they did attribute it vnto the Prayers of the Friers, their companions and Souldiers. As they drew neerer the Land, they might disco∣uer [ 30] from the Sea, a very gallant and well towred Citie, that was called Tituhul,* 3.495 whereas the King hath continually in Garrison ten thousand Souldiers, and is vnder the gouernement of the Prouince of Chincheo. The next day wee came vnto a Watch-towre, which was situa∣ted vpon a Rocke at the entrie into a Bay, who had discouered our ship, and knew the Stan∣dard or Flagge to bee the Kings: and made a signe vnto seuen ships which were on the other side of the Point, which was part of a companie ordayned for to keepe and defend the coast, which were more then foure hundred. Straightwayes the Captaine of the seuen ships came forth to know what wee were. Hee issued forth from behind the Point, with three ships that did rowe with Oares very swift: and when he came nigh vnto them, he shot at them to make [ 40] them to amaine: the which Omoncon would not doe, for that he supposed (as afterwards hee did confesse) that he should be some man of little estimation, and not the Generall of the coast. But as he drew nigher vnto him, he did know him by the Flagge hee bare on the sterne, in the Foist wherein he was himselfe with his Souldiers, and straightwaies caused to amaine his sayles, and tarried for him. The Generall did the like, and stayed behind, sending a Boat for to bring the Captaine vnto him, and to declare what hee was, and from whence hee came. Omoncon did forthwith embarke himselfe into his Boat without any resistance, but rather with feare that he should be punished for that hee did flee from him. The Generall gaue him good entertainment.

This Generall was a goodly man of person, and was very well apparelled, and did sit in a Chaire in the sterne of his ship, the which was all couered to keepe away the Sunne: he com∣manded [ 50] the Captaine Omoncon to sit downe by him vpon the hatches, without Chaire or any other thing, who did obey him, although first he did refuse it with great modestie, as not wor∣thie to haue that honour, which was not esteemed a little. After that he was set, hee gaue him to vnderstand in effect of all his voyage and successe, and in what extremitie hee left Limahon, and also how that he carried with him the Friars and other Spaniards, which went to carrie the newes, and to treat of peace with the Vice-roy of Aucheo: vnto whom, and vnto the Gouer∣nour of Chincheo, he carried presents, sent from the Gouernour and Generall of the field of the Ilands Philippinas. When the Generall had heard this relation, he commanded the Boat to re∣turne and to bring them before him, that he might see what manner of men they were of per∣son, and the vse of the apparell: and likewise to satisfie himselfe of other desires that came in∣to [ 60] his mind by that which Omoncon had said of them. The Fathers and their companions did obey the commandement, and did embarke themselues in the Boat, and came vnto the ship whereas the Generall receiued them with great courtesie after his fashion.

§. IIII. Friar MARTIN DE HERRADA, and other Spaniards entertaynment in China, and their returne to the Philippinas.

WIthin a little while after, Omoncon and his companie arriued at the Port of Tanfuso hard by,* 3.496 vpon Wednesday in the euening, being the fift day of Iuly. This Tanfuso is a gallant and fresh Towne of foure thousand Housholders, and hath continually a thousand Souldiers in Garrison, and compassed about with a great and strong wall, and the gates fortified with plates of Iron, the foundations of all the houses are of Lime and [ 10] Stone, and the walls of Lime and Earth, and some of Bricke: their houses within very fairely wrought, with great Courts, their streets faire and broad all paued. Before that Omoncon did come vnto an anchor, they saw all the Souldiers and the people of the Towne were gathered together vpon the Rockes that were ioyning vnto the Port, all armed ready vnto the battell, amongst whom there was a principall Captaine, and three more of his companions, that were sent him by the Gouernour of Chincheo, whom they doe call in their language, Insuanto, who had vnderstanding of the comming of Omoncon, when the ship entred into the Port, Omoncon did salute the Towne with certaine Peeces of Artillerie, and discharged all his Harquebusses sixe times about, and therewithall tooke in her sayle, and let anchor fall. Then straightwaies the [ 20] Captaine whom the Insuanto had sent, came aboord the ship, who had expresse commission, not to leaue the companie of our people after that they were disembarked, till such time as they came whereas he was, but to beare them companie, and to prouide them of all things necessarie: the which he did accomplish.

* 3.497All these Captaines and Ministers of the King doe weare certaine ensignes for to be knowne from the common people, to wit, broad Wastes or Girdles embossed after diuers manners: some of Gold and Siluer, some of the Tortois shell, and of a sweet wood, and other some of Iuorie, the higher estates hath them embroidered with Pearles and precious stones, and their Bonnets with two long eares, and their Buskins made of Sattin, and vnshorne Veluet.

* 3.498Then after, so soone as they were come to an anchor in the Port, the Iustice did send them [ 30] a Licence in writing for to come forth of the ship, as a thing necessarie, for that without it the Waiters or Guards of the water side, will not suffer them to put foot on land. This Licence was written vpon a boord whited, and firmed by the Iustice, whose charge it is to giue the Licence. Then when they came ashoare,* 3.499 there were the Souldiers that were appointed by the Insuanto in a readinesse to beare them companie, and did direct and leade them vnto the Kings houses of the said Citie: the like hath euery Citie almost throughout all the Kingdome, and there they bid lodge them. These houses are very great and very well wrought, and gallant, with faire Courts below, and Galleries aboue: they had in them Stanges or Ponds of water full of fish of sundry sorts.

The people of the Citie did presse very much to see these strangers, so that with the presse, as [ 40] also with the great heate, they were maruellously afflicted: which being perceiued by the Iu∣stice, he gaue order that they might bee eased of that trouble, and caused Sergeants to keepe the doore, and their Yeomen to make resistance against the people. When night was come, the Iu∣stice of the Citie did make a Banquet according to the fashion of the Countrey:* 3.500 and it was in the fashion following. They were carried into a Hall that was very curiously wrought, where∣in were many Torches and waxe Candles light, and in the midst thereof was set for euery one of the Guests a Table by himselfe, as is the vse and fashion of that Countrey; euery Table had his couering of Damaske or Sattin very well made, the Tables were gallantly painted, with∣out any Table-clothes, neither doe they vse any, for they haue no need of them, for that they doe eate all their victuals with two little stickes made of Gold and Siluer, and of a maruellous [ 50] odoriferous wood, and of the length of little Forkes, as they doe vse in Italie, with the which they do feed themselues so cleanly, that although their victuals be neuer so small, yet doe they let nothing fall, neither foule their hands nor faces. They were set downe at these Tables in very good order, and in gallant Chaires, in such sort, that although they were euery one at his Table by himselfe, yet they might see and talke one with another, they were serued with di∣uers sorts of cates, and very well dressed, both of flesh and fish, as gamons of Bacon, Capons, Geese, whole Hens, and pieces of Beefe, and at the last, many little baskets full of sweet meats made of Sugar,* 3.501 and Marchpanes all wrought very curiously. They gaue them Wine of an in∣different colour and taste, made of the Palm-tree. All the time that the supper lasted, there was in the Hall great store of Musicke of diuers Instruments, whereon they played with great con∣sort, [ 60] some one time and some another. The Instruments which they commonly doe vse, are Hoybuckes, Cornets, Trumpets, Lutes, such as be vsed in Spaine, although in the fashion there is some difference. There was at this Banquet (which endured a great while) the Captaine that was ordayned for their Guard, and the Captaine Omoncon, and Sinsay. When Supper was

done, they were carryed into very faire Chambers, whereas were faire Beds, where they slept and eased themselues.

The next day in the morning, was brought vnto them their ordinarie victuals, and that in a∣bundance, as well of Flesh as of Fish, Fruits and Wine, to be dressed vnto their owne content, and according vnto their manner: they would take nothing for the same, for so they were commanded by the Insuantes. This was brought vnto them euery day, so long as they were there, & in the way when as they went vnto Chincheo. The same day arriued a Captayne of fortie Ships in the same Port, and so soone as hee was ashoare,* 3.502 he went straight-wayes vnto the Palace for to see the strangers: who being aduertised of his comming, came foorth and receiued him at the Palace [ 10] gate, whereas was vsed betwixt them great courtesie. The Captayne came with great Maiestie, with his guard of Souldiers and Mace-bearers before him, with great musicke of Hoy-buckes, Trumpets and Drums, and two Whiffelers, or Typ-staues, that made roome, putting the people aside: also there came with him two executors of Iustice,* 3.503 hauing each of them in their hands a Set made of canes, which is an instrument wherewith they doth whip and punish offenders. When this Captayne came vnto the Palace gate, whereas the father Friars and their companions did receiue him, he was brought on the shoulders of eight men very richly apparelled, in a chayre wrought of Iuorie and Gold, who stayed not till they came into the inner Chamber, whereas he did alight from the chayre, and went straight vnder a Cloath of estate, that was there ordinarily for the same purpose, and a Table before him: there hee sate downe, and straight-wayes arose vp, and standing he did receiue the strange ghests, who did courtesie vnto him according vnto their [ 30] fashion, which is to joyne their hands together, and to stoope with them and their heads downe to the ground: hee gratified them againe, with bowing his head a little, and that with great grauitie. These speeches being finished, there was brought foorth certaine pieces of blacke Silke of twelue vares long a piece. And his Officers did put on the Friars shoulders each of them two▪ which was for either shoulder one, and was brought about their bodies and girt therewith: the like was done in order vnto the Spanish Souldiers, and vnto Omoncon, and Sinsay, and to their In∣terpreter. But vnto Omoncon, and Sinsay, was giuen vnto either of them a branch or Nosegay made of Siluer, which was set vpon their heads, which is accustomable honour, that is done vnto such as haue done some great enterprise, or such like. After that this ceremonie was done, they [ 30] played vpon the Instruments aforesayd, which came with the Captayne. In the meane time of their musicke, there was brought foorth great store of Conserues, March-panes, and things made of Sugar, and excellent good Wine: and so being on foote standing, hee caused them to eate, and hee himselfe from the Chayre whereas he sate, did giue them to drinke euery one in order, with∣out rising vp, which is a ceremonie and token of great fauour, and of loue.

This being done, hee arose from the chayre vnder the Cloath of state, and went and sate downe in that which was brought on mens backes, and with declyning of his head a little, hee departed out of the Hall and out of the house, and went vnto his owne house, whereas by the counsell of Omoncon, and Sinsay, within an houre after they should goe and visite him, the which they did: hee receiued them maruellously well and with great courtesie: who maruelled at his [ 40] great Maiestie and authoritie, for that Omoncon and Sinsay, when they did talke with him were vpon their kn••es, and so did all the rest. Hee gaue them againe in his owne house a gallant ban∣quet, of diuers sorts of Conserues and Fruits, and excellent Wine of the Palme-tree, and did talke and reason with them in good sort, and was more familiar than at his first visitation.

After that the Fathers with their companions had remained two dayes in the Port of Tansuso, the thrid day they departed in the morning towards Chincheo. At their going forth of the Town, they were accompanied with a great number of Soldiers, both Harquebusses & Pikes, and before them a great noyse of Trumpets, Drums, and Hoy-bucks, till such time as they came vnto the Ri∣uers side, whereas was a Brygandine prouided and made readie in all points, to carrie them vp the Riuer: all the streets alongst whereas they went, there followed them so much people that it was innumerable, and all to see them. All alongst the Riuers whereas they went, was seated [ 50] with Villages very gallant and fresh, both on the one side and on the other.

At the end of the two leagues, they came vnto a great Bay, where was at an Anchor a fleete of more then one hundred and fiftie Ships men of warre, whose Generall was this Captaine, whom wee haue spoken of. At such time as the fleete did discouer them, they began to salute them, as well with great pieces of Artillerie, as with Harquebusses, and other kinde of pastimes, which commonly they doe vse at such times.

Our Spaniards did trauell vp the Riuer more than three leagues, hauing continually both on the one side and on the other, very many and faire Townes, and full of people. In the end of the three leagues, they went aland halfe a league from the Towne of Tangoa, whereas straight-wayes [ 60] all such things as they carryed with them, were taken vpon mens backes,* 3.504 and carryed vn∣to the Towne before them, whereas they were tarrying their comming, for to giue them great entertaynment. At their going ashoare, they found prepared for the two Religious men, little Chayres to carrie them vpon mens backes, and for the Souldiers and the rest of their companions horse. The Fathers did refuse to bee carryed, and would haue gone a foot, but Omoncon, and the

other Captayne would not consent thereunto. The Fathers obeyed their reasons, and entred into the Chayres, and were carryed with eight men a piece, and the other their companions with foure men a piece, according vnto the order giuen by the Gouernour. Those that carryed the Chayres, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 it with so good a will, that there was striuing who should first lay hands to them. This Towne of Tangoa, hath three thousand Souldiers, and is called in their language Co∣an: at the entring in, it hath many Gardens and Orchards and a street where through they car∣ryed the Spaniards vnto their lodging, they aff••rmed to bee halfe a league long, and all the street whereas they went, was full of boards and stalles whereon was layd all kinde of Merchandise very curious, and things to bee eaten, as fresh Fish and salt Fish of diuers sorts, and great abun∣dance of Fowle, and Flesh of all sorts, Fruits and greene Herbes in such quantitie, that it was [ 10] sufficient to serue such a Citie as Siuill is. They were brought vnto the Kings house, which was very great, marueilously well wrought with stone and bricke, and many Halls, Parlours, and Chambers, but none aboue, but all below. So soone as they were a foote, there was brought from the Captayne or Iustice of the Towne, whom they doe call Ticoan, a message, bidding them welcome, and therewith a present, which was great store of Capons, Hennes, Teales, Duckes, Geese, Flesh of foure or fiue sorts, fresh Fish, Wine, and fruits of diuers sorts, and of so great quantitie, that it was sufficient for two hundreth men. All the which they would haue giuen for a little coole ayre, by reason that it was then very hot weather; and againe, the great number of people that came thither to see them did augment it the more. In the Euening the two Spa∣nish Souldiers went foorth into the streets to walke abroad, and left the two Friars within their [ 20] lodging, vnto whom afterwards they did giue intelligence of all things that they had seene, which did cause great admiration: the wall of the Towne was very broad, and wrought with lyme and stone, full of loope-holes and watch-towers. And as they passed through the streets there came foorth of a house a very honest man,* 3.505 as it seemed, who was very well apparelled and stayed them, for that in the same house, there were certayne Dames principall personages, that did see them a farre off, and not content therewith, they did request them with great curtesie for to enter into the house, that they might the better see them: the which they did straight-wayes accomplish, and entring in, they were brought into a court, whereas was set Chayres for them to sit downe, and the Ladies were there a little from them, beholding them with great ho∣nestie and grauitie. Then a little after, they set them a banquet with March-panes and sweet [ 30] meats made of Sugar, which they did eate without any curi••sitie, and drunke after the same. The banquet being done, they made signes and tokens vnto them, that they receiued great content with their sight, and that they might depart when that their pleasure was, the which they did, after that they had made great curtesies with thankes, for their friendship receiued of both parts. So after they had taken their leaue,* 3.506 they went to see a House of pleasure, that was hard by the Towne-wall, wrought vpon the water, with very faire galleries and open lodges to banquet in, made of Masons worke, and therein many Tables finely painted, and round about it Cisterns of water, wherin was store of Fish, and joyning vnto them Tables of very faire Alabaster, all of one stone, and the least of them was of eight spannes long: and round about them were brookes of running water, that gaue a pleasant sound in the meane time they were banquetting, and nigh [ 40] thereunto many Gardens full of all sorts of Flowers. And a little from that place they saw a Bridge all of Masons worke,* 3.507 and the stones very well wrought and of a mightie bignesse, they measured some of them, that were twentie and two and twentie foote long, and fiue foot broad, and seemed vnto them, that it was a thing impossible to bee layd there by mans hands. Of this bignesse, yea and bigger they did see layd vpon many other Bridges, in the discourse of their voy∣age, going to Chincheo and Aucheo. The next day in the morning when they were vp and rea∣die, they found in the house all things in a readinesse and in very good order, for their departure, as well their little Chayres, and Horse, as for men to carrie their stuffe and apparell, which did not a litle make them to maruell, how that euery one of them with a waster vpon their shoulders, did diuide their burthen in two parts, sixe roues before and sixe roues behinde, and did trauell [ 50] with the same with so great ease and swiftnesse, that the Horse could not indure with them. They went vnto the Ticoan his house. They found him with great Maiestie, but yet gaue them great and good entertaynment. Hee did likewise put vpon each of them, two pieces of Silke, in the same order as the Gouernour of Tansuso did.

From this Towne of Tangoa vnto Chincheo, is thirteene leagues, and so playne way that it giueth great content to trauell it:* 3.508 in all the way they could not see one spanne of ground but was tilled and occupied. The like they doe say, is of all the ground that is in the whole King∣dome: it is full of people, and the Townes one so neere to another, that almost you can not iudge them to bee many Townes but one, for that there was but a quarter of a league distant, one Towne from another, and it was told vnto them that in all the Prouinces of the Kingdome, it is [ 60] peopled in the same order. All their ground they till is watred, which is the occasion of the fruit∣fulnesse therof, so that they doe gather fruit all the yeere long, and our Spaniards did see in all pla∣ces whereas they came,* 3.509 that they were gathering of Rice, some new sprung vp, some with eares, and some ripe. They doe plough and till their ground with Kine, Bufalos, and Bulls, which are

very tame, and although they bee very great, yet be their hornes but of a spanne long and tur∣ning backwards to the tayle, in such sort that they cannot doe any hurt or harme with them: they doe gouerne them with a coard that is made fast to a ring that is in their nose, and in like sort doe they gouerne the Bufalos. They doe feed them commonly in the fields of Rice,* 3.510 for that they haue no other grasings, and all the time that they are feeding, a Boy doth ride on euery one of them to disturbe them, that they doe no harme therein. But to eate the weedes and grasse that doe grow in the Rice.

All the high-wayes are couered with the shadow of very faire Orchards, which doe garnish it very much, and they are planted in very good order: and amongst them there are Shops, where∣as [ 10] is sold all manner of Fruits, to the comfort of all such as doe trauell by the way, which is an infinite number, some on foote, some on horse-backe, and others in little chayres. Their waters by the high-wayes, are very good and light. The same day when they had trauelled halfe way, they saw a farre off comming marching towards them in very good order, a squadron of Soul∣diers, which at the first caused them to maruell, and to bee afrayd, till such time as they drew nigher, it was told vnto them, that it was the Captayne of the guard vnto the Insuanto, or Go∣uernour of Chincheo, who came by his order to receiue them with foure hundred Souldiers, very well armed with Pikes and Harquebusses, and well apparelled. So soone as the Captayne came vnto them, hee was mounted on a bay Horse, but of small stature, as they for the most part bee in all that Prouince, hee alighted and came vnto the Fathers, and his companions (who likewise [ 20] did alight from their little Chayres) and did salute the one the other with great courtesie.

The Captayne came very well apparelled with a Chayne of gold about his necke, a man of a good audacitie and vnderstanding. Hard vnto his stirrop hee had a Page that went with him, and carryed a great Tira sol, made of Silke, that did shadow him all ouer. Hee had before him great musicke of Trumpets and Hoybuckes, whereon they played in great concord.* 3.511 This Cap∣tayne with his foure hundreth Souldiers, did continually guard them for pompe, not necessitie; for the people may not weare weapons but the Souldiers. In this high-way continually there went and came many packe-Horses, laden with Merchandise and other things, but the most part of them were Mules. The high-wayes are very broad,* 3.512 that twentie men may ride together on a ranke, and one not hinder another, and are all paued with great stones.

[ 30]

VPon a Saturday being the eleuenth of Iuly, came our Spaniards vnto the Citie of Chincheo, foure houres before it was night. This Citie is of the common sort in that Kingdome,* 3.513 and may haue seuentie thousand housholds. It is of great trafficke and well prouided of all things, for that the Sea is but two leagues from it: it hath a mightie Riuer running alongst by it downe in∣to the Sea, by which is brought by water and carryed downe all kinde of merchandise. There is a Bridge ouer the sayd Riuer, which is supposed to bee the fairest that is in all the world:* 3.514 it hath a draw bridge to serue in time of warres, or for any other necessitie: the Bridge is eight hundred paces long, and all wrought with stones of two and twentie foote long, and fiue foote broad, a thing greatly to bee maruelled at: at the entrie thereof, there were many armed Souldiers rea∣die [ 40] to fight, who when they came within Harquebusse shot did salute them in very good order. There was nigh vnto the sayd bridge in the Riuer riding at anchor,* 3.515 more then a thousand Ships of all sorts, and so great a number of Boates and Barkes, that all the Riuer was couered, and eue∣ry one full of people that had entred into them for to see the Castillas, for so they did call the Spa∣niards in that Countrey, for the streets in the Suburbes, nor in the Citie could not hold them, the number was so great, yet their streets are as broad as our ordinary streets in any Citie in all Spaine. This Citie is compassed with a strong Wall made of stone, and is seuen fathom high, and foure fa∣thom broad, & vpon the Gates many towers, wherein is placed their Artillerie, which is all their strength, for that they doe not vse in their Kingdome strong Castles, as they doe in Europe.* 3.516 The houses of the Citie are all built after one sort and fashion, but faire, & not very high, by reason of [ 50] the Earthquakes which are ordinarily in that Country. All the streets (but especially that wher∣in they passed at their comming thither) haue on the one side and on the other, Sheds, vnder the which are shops, full of rich Merchandise and of great value, and very curious. They haue in e∣quall distance the one from the other, many triumphant Arches which doe set out the streets very much, and is vsed in euery principall street throughout all the Kingdome, in the which they haue excellent Market-places, whereas is to bee bought all things that you will desire to be eaten, as well of Fish, as of Flesh, Fruits, Hearbs, Comfits, Conserues, and all things so good cheape, that it is almost bought for nothing.

The Insuanto or Gouernour of the Citie, did send that forthwith they should goe vnto his House, for that hee had great desire to see them. In the midst of the streete,* 3.517 where was no lesse [ 60] number of people then in the other, whereby they entred into the Citie, they met with a Loy∣tia, that came to entertaine them with great Maiestie, and had carryed before him many Ban∣ners, Mace-bearers, and Tipstaues, and others which carryed Sets or Whips, which they did trayle after them, made fast vnto long stickes, which were the Executioners, the which doe goe alwayes making of way, parting the people before the Loytias, as you haue heard. The maiestie

and company wherewith he came was so great, that they verily did beleeue him to be the In∣suanto:* 3.518 but being certified, they vnderstood that it was one of his Counsellors that came from the Gouernours home to his owne house, which was in the same street whereas hee met with them.* 3.519 This Counsellor was carried in a Chaire of Iuorie, garnished with Gold and with Curtaines of Cloth of Gold, and on them the Kings Armes, which are certayne Serpents knotted toge∣ther (as hath beene told you.) But when he came right against the Spaniards, without any stay∣ing he made a signe with his head, and commanded that they should returne backe againe vnto his house, which was hard by: the Captaines did straight-wayes obey his commandement, and returned with them. The Counsellor entred into his house, which was very faire, hee had in i a faire Court, and therein a gallant Fountaine and a Garden. After him entred the Spaniards all alone, the rest remayned without in the street at the Loytias commandement, hee entertayned [ 10] them with very good words of semblance, and commanded a Banquet to be brought forth, and Wine to drinke, he began first both to eate and drinke. Then he commanded to call in the Cap∣taine, vnto whom was giuen the charge to beare them companie, and did chide with him very sharpely and seuerely, because he did carrie them on foot (they could not vnderstand whether it were done for a policie, or of a truth, although the effects wherewith hee did chide seemed of a truth) hee straight-wayes commanded two rich Chaires to bee brought forth to carry the Fa∣thers, and to giue vnto their companions Horses: the which beeing done, hee willed them to goe and visit the Gouernour, who did tarrie their comming: and that another time at more lei∣sure he would see and visit them. [ 20]

They followed their way all alongst the street, which seemed vnto them to bee more fairer then the other wherein they entred, and of more fairer houses and triumphant Arches: and also the shops that were on the one side and on the other,* 3.520 to bee better furnished with richer things then the others, in so ample sort, that what therewith, as also the great number of people which they saw, they were so amazed, that they were as people from themselues, thinking it to bee a Dreame. To conclude, after they had gone a good while in that street, delighting their eyes with new things neuer seene of them before: they came into a great place, whereas were many Souldiers in good order with their Harquebusses, Pikes and other Armour in a readinesse, appa∣relled all in a Liuery of Silke, with their Ancients displayed. At the end of this place, was there a very faire and sumptuous Palace,* 3.521 the gate was wrought of Masons worke of stone, very [ 30] great and full of figures or Personages, and aboue it a great window with an Iron grate all gilt: they were carried within the gates, the Soulders and the people which were without number, remayned without and could not be auoyded but with great difficultie. When they were with∣in the first Court, there came forth a man very well apparelled and of authoritie, and made signes with his hand vnto them that brought the Spaniards, that they should carrie them into a Hall that was vpon the right hand, the which was straight-wayes done. The Hall was very great and faire, and at the end thereof there was an Altar, whereon were many Idols, and all did differ the one from the other in their fashion: the Altar was rich and very curiously trimmed with burning Lampes: the Altar-cloth was of cloth of Gold: and the fruntlet of the same.

After awhile that they had beene there whereas the Idols were, there came a Seruant [ 40] from the Gouernour and said vnto them in his behalfe,* 3.522 that they should send vnto him the In∣terpreter; they straight-wayes commanded him to goe. And the Gouernour said vnto him that he should aduise the Fathers and the rest of his companions, that if they would talke and treate of such businesse as they came for, that it must be done with the same ceremonie and respect, as the Nobles of that Prouince doe, vse to talke with him, which is vpon their knees (as afterwards they did see many times vsed) if not that they should depart vnto the House whereas they were lodged, and there to tarrie the order that should be sent from the Vice-roy of Aucheo.

The Spaniards were of diuers judgements, striuing amongst themselues a good while, but yet in conclusion, the Religious Fathers, whom the Gouernour of the Ilands had ordayned and sent as principals in this matter, and whose judgement they should follow, said, that they ought to [ 50] accept the condition, seeing that by no other meanes they could not come vnto that they pre∣tended: and not to leaue it off for matters of small importance, for that therein they make no offence vnto God, and it may be a meane vnto the conuerting of that mightie Kingdome.

When that the Insuanto vnderstood that the Spaniards would enter with the reuerence accu∣stomed, and in such order as was declared vnto them, hee straight-wayes commanded that they should come into the Hall whereas hee was, they entred into another Hall as bigge as the first: whereas were many Souldiers with their weapons in their hands in very good order, and richly apparelled, and next vnto them were many Tipstaues and Sergeants, with different Ensignes or Badges, all apparelled with long Robes of silke, garded and embroydered with Gold, and euery one of them had a Helme on his head, some of siluer and other some of Tinne gilt ouer, which [ 60] was a gallant thing to see: all had long haire and died yellow, which hung downe behind their eares vpon their backes: they were placed in very good order, and made a lane that the Spaniards might passe thorough: then they came into a Gallerie, which was joyning vnto the Chamber where the Gouernour was, and there they heard such a noyse of Instruments of diuers sorts,

which endured a good while, and was of so great melodie, that it seemed vnto them that they neuer before heard the like: which caused vnto them great admiration to see so great Majestie amongst Gentiles. When the Musicke was ended, they entred into the Hall aforesaid,* 3.523 and had not gone many steps, when as they met with the Counsailer that met with them in the street afore-said, and with him other two of his companions all on foot and bare-headed before the Go∣uernour, and their Ensignes of Majestie left off: which is generally vsed in all the Kingdome, the inferiour to make any shew when that he is before his Superiour.* 3.524 Then they made signes vnto them for to kneele downe, for that the Insuanto was nigh at hand in a rich Towre, vnder a Ca∣nopie of great Riches, and did represent so great Majestie as the King himselfe: hee did enter∣tayne [ 10] them with tokens of great loue, and humanitie, and told them by their Interpreter, that they were very well welcome, and that hee did greatly rejoyce to see them, with many other words of great fauour. This Gouernour was a man of goodly person, well fauoured, and of a merry countenance, more then any that they had seene in all that Countrey. Hee caused to bee put vpon the shoulders of the Fathers and of the Souldiers that were with him, euery one of them two pieces of silke, which was crossed about them like Skarfes, and likewise to either of them a branch of siluer: the like courtesie he did vnto the Captaine Omoncon, and vnto Sinsay, and commanded to giue vnto all their Seruants euery one of them a Mantle of Cotton painted. This being done, the Fathers did giue vnto him the Letters which they carried from the Gouer∣nour and Generall of the field, and a note of the Present that was sent him: crauing pardon for that it was so small, but time and oportunitie would not serue as then to send vnto him a thing [ 20] of greater price and valour: certifying him, that if the friendship which they pretended did goe forwards, and come to be established, that then all things should be amended and amplified. Hee answered vnto their proffers with words of great fauour, and made signes vnto them to arise, and to goe and take their rests there, whereas they were lodged: the which they did, and found all things in very good order and well furnished, as well of Beds as of all other necessaries, which was done by the commandement of the Gouernour. Before they departed out of the Palace the Captaine of the guard did carrie them vnto his Lodging, which was within the Court, and there he made them a Banquet with Conserues, and Fruits in abundance: the which being done, hee and other Gentlemen of the Palace did beare them company vntil they came to their Lodgings, which they greatly desired, for that they were wearie of their Iourney, and also with the trou∣ble [ 30] of the great presse of people that pressed on them in the streets, & otherwise for to see them: the which Captaine of the guard did appoint a Company of Souldiers for to guard them both night and day, the which was done more for Maiestie then for necessitie or securitie of their per∣sons. They had a Steward appointed to prouide them and all their company of all things ne∣cessary, and that in abundance, and not to take of them any thing, which was giuen by particu∣lar commandement by the Gouernour.

The next day, many of the Gentlemen of the Citie did goe vnto the Spaniards to visit them, and such as could not goe themselues did send their Seruants, bidding them welcome. The Spa∣niards did make answere, and gratified them all, in the which visitation they spent all the whole [ 40] day, hauing great admiration to see the good behauiour, nurture, and gallant demeanour of those Gentlemen, and the great discretion they had in the demanding of any thing they would know as also in their Answeres made to our requests. The next day the Insuanto sent a commande∣ment wherein he willed the two Fathers to remayne in their Lodgings and take their ease: but the two Souldiers Pedro Sarmiento, and Miguel de Loarcha, should come and speake with him, and that they should bring with them their Interpreter, for that hee had one there with him (who was a Chino, and vnderstood the Language of the Philippinas, but so badly, that they could not by his Interpretation talke of any matter of importance. So when they came thither, they were brought whereas he was, but with lesse ceremonie, he requested them to declare vnto him the whole circumstance of the comming of Limahon the Rouer, vnto the Ilands, and how the Spaniards dealt with him: that although he had beene informed particularly in all things, by the [ 50] Captaine Omoncon and Sinsay, yet he was in a iealousie that they told him not the truth. Hee was nothing deceiued in that he suspected,) for after that our Souldiers had made a true Relation of the comming of the Rouer vnto Manilla, and of all the rest, hee found that they differed very much, the one from the other,* 3.525 for that they did attribute it wholly vnto themselues to get ho∣nour and benefit: but the Insuanto like a wise man straight-wayes vnderstood their pretence. But when that he perceiued that Limahon was neither dead nor Prisoner, but onely besieged, he offe∣red vnto them that if they would returne againe vnto Pagansinan vpon him whereas he was, he would giue vnto them fiue hundred ships of warre, with people sufficient to serue both by Sea and Land, and more if they would request. They answered him, that all such cost and labour were but in vaine, for that the Generall of the field who hath him in siege, with the people and [ 60] ships that he hath are sufficient to end that Enterprize, and to send him hither aliue or dead, and that long before that their fleet should come thither. And besides this,* 3.526 their Ilands were poore of victuals, and could not sustaine so great an Armie many dayes. Beeing satisfied with these reasons, he gaue place that the Interpreter which they brought should come in where as they

were, for he remayned at the doore without, for that hee would bee fully certified to auoid the suspitious doubt he had before he come in presence, yet he did helpe them very much. So when their Interpreter was come in, the Spaniards seeing good occasion and oportunitie for to declare that which passed the day before,* 3.527 betwixt them and the Fathers, touching the speaking vnto him on their knees: and seeing, as it seemed vnto them, that he was at that time in a good mind for to heare them, they did vtter vnto him all the whole contention (after that they had decla∣red many reasons of great consideration, to giue them to vnderstand that it was not conuenient to doe it, but especially to religious men, who were there as principals ouer the rest, vnto whom the King of Spaine (their Lord) himselfe doth stand on foot, when as they doe intreate of any matter, although it be but of small importance: for that they are Priests and Ministers of God, [ 10] whom he doth worship and reuerence.

The Insuanto with a merry countenance did answere them, that vnto that time hee vnder∣stood no more of them, then in that he was informed by the Captaine Omoncon, and did not ac∣knowledge them to bee any other but Castillas: without knowing wherefore they came, nor from whom, for lacke of the Letters sent from their Gouernour, and Generall of the field, the first time that hee spake with them: neither had hee any knowledge of the custome of their Countrey: yet notwithstanding, that which hath passed heere, without any exception of per∣son, if they would take it in good part, in that which is to come shall be amended: and from that day forwards, at all times whensoeuer it were their pleasure to come of themselues, or at such time as they were sent for, for to talke with him as they doe vse in Castilla or Spaine, vnto such of their dignitie and vocation, the which hee granted with a very good will: although hee not [ 20] grant vnto any that pre-eminence, no not vnto a Vice-roy, except he were an Ambassador sent from some King.

The next day, the Gouernour called a Gentleman of his House vnto him, and commanded him to go and visit the Spaniards, and to informe himselfe of them if that they lacked any thing. And also that he should in his name inuite them for the next day following to dine with him in his House. This Gentleman went vnto them and accomplished his message: and the Spaniards answered, kissing his hand for the great care he had of them: they were carryed into a Hall that was below in the second Court, whereas were many Chaires of Veluet and Tables that were painted with their frontals before.* 3.528 In the first Chaires they caused the Friers to sit downe, euery one at a Table by himselfe, and each of them other sixe Tables, placed in order, compassing [ 30] round like a Circle: then were the Spanish Souldiers set in the same manner, and each of them had fiue Tables, and next vnto them the Captaine of the guard belonging vnto the Gouernour, and two other Captaines: and euery one of them had three Tables. For that it is the custome of that Countrey to make a difference in the qualitie of the guests, by the number of the Tables. All these were placed in circle or compasse (as aforesaid) that they might see one another.* 3.529 In the midst betwixt them there was a round compasse, whereas was represented a Comedie with much pastime, and indured all the Dinner time, and a good while after. There was also great store of very good and excellent Musicke, accompanied with gallant voyces, also Iesters with Puppets,* 3.530 and other things of great pastime, to driue the time away. On the first Table was set to euery one of the guests, little Baskets wrought with Gold and Siluer wyre, full of sweet [ 40] meates made of Sugar, as March-panes, Castles, Pitchers, Pots, Dishes, Dogges, Buls, Elephants, and other things very curious, and all gilt: besides this there were many Dishes full of flesh, as Capons, Hennes, Geese, Teales, Gamons of Bacon, pieces of Beefe, and other sorts of flesh wherewith all the Tables were replenished, sauing that whereat they did sit to dine, which was replenished with victuals that was dressed (for all the other was raw) and was of so great abun∣dance, that there was at times more then fiftie dishes, and they were serued with great curiosi∣tie. They had Wine of diuers sorts, and of that which they doe make in that Countrey of the Palme-tree, but of so great excellencie, that they found no lacke of that which was made of Grapes. The Dinner endured foure houres, in so good order that it might haue beene giuen vnto [ 50] any Prince in the World.

Their Seruants and Slaues that they brought with them at the same time, did dine in another Hall nigh vnto the same, with so great abundance as their Masters. When Dinner was done, the Gouernour commanded the people to come vnto him, with whom hee did talke and common with great friendship, and good conuersation, and would not consent that they should kneele downe, neither to be bare headed. So after that he had made vnto them tokens of friendship, and detayned them a while, in demanding of many things, lastly, he told them that there was an order come from the Vice-roy of Aucheo, that they should goe thither with great speed. So hee tooke his leaue of vs with great friendship and courtesie. At their going forth out of the Hall, they found the Captaine that did dine with them, and with him many other Gentlemen that [ 60] tarried their comming for to beare them company vnto their Lodging: going before them ma∣ny Seruants, that did carrie the raw meate, that was vpon the other Tables ouer and aboue that which they did eate on, the which was done for great Maiestie, and a Ceremonie very much vsed in that Kingdome, so many times as they doe make any Banquet.

When they came vnto their Lodging they found that the Insuanto had sent them a very good Present, in the which was for euery one of them foure pieces of silke, and counting chists with other things, and certayne painted Mantles for the Seruants and Slaues. After they had taken their leaue of the Captaines and Gentlemen that did beare them company home, they beganne with great ioy to put all things in order for their Iourney the next day following.

THe next day in the morning, before that the Spaniards were stirring, there was within the House all things necessary for their Iourney, as well of Litter chaires, as of Horses and Men for to carrie them, and their stuffe, the which they did with so good a will (as aforesaid) that they did fall out and striue amongst themselues, who should be the first that should receiue their [ 10] burthen. So all things beeing in good order, they departed, hauing in their company the same Captaine and Souldiers, that vnto that time had beene their guard, vntill they came vnto the Citie of Aucheo, whereas the Vice-roy was. This day by reason they vnderstood that they should depart, the prease and multitude of the people was so great,* 3.531 that although they had Tip-staues before them, to beate the people away and to make roome, yet was it almost night before they could get out of the Citie: so that they were constrained to remaine in a Towne there hard by all that night, whereas by the commandement of the Gouernour they were very well lodged, and their Supper made readie in very good order, as it was in seuen dayes together, till such time as they came vnto Aucheo, without taking for the same, or for any other thing ne∣cessarie for their sustentaion, any price or value. There went continually before them a Post [ 20] with a prouision from the Gouernour, written in a great board wherein was declared who they were, and from whence they came, and commanding that there should be prouided for them all things necessarie in abundance, vpon the Kings cost, which was the occasion that so much peo∣ple came for to see them, that in the high-waies they were many times disturbed with great trouble, the third day they came vnto a Citie which was called Megoa,* 3.532 which was sometimes the head gouernment, the which was of forty thousand housholds, but a great part thereof was dispeopled: the occasion thereof they told vs (and was) that about thirtie yeares past, the Iapo∣nes, who brought for their Guides three Chinois,* 3.533 came vpon that Citie (to reuenge themselues of an injurie that was done vnto them) the which they put in execution with so great secrecie and policie, that they made themselues Lords of the Citie without any danger or hurt vnto them∣selues: [ 30] for that fiftie Iapones, men fit for that purpose, did apparell themselues in Chinois ap∣parell without being knowne, and came vnto a Gate of the Citie, whereas the Souldiers that had the charge thereof were void of all suspition. And within a little while after that, followed two thousand that did dis-imbarke themselues in a secret and vnknowne place, and came in very secret order, because they would not be discouered, and did beset that gate of the Citie, whereas their companions were, which they sent before: who so soone as they saw them nigh at hand, drew out their weapons, the which they carried hid vnder their apparell, & set vpon the Soldiers (that were void of feare and vnarmed) with so great furie and force, that they being amazed wert easily slain, so that they were Lords of the Gate, whereas they left very good guard, and followed their victorie, and made themselues Lords of the Citie, without any danger vnto their persons, [ 40] and did possesse the same certaine daies, and did sacke the same in spite of them all, with great harme and losse vnto the Inhabitants thereof, vntill such time as the Vice-roy of Aucheo did le∣uie an Armie together of threescore and ten thusand men, but they seeing that they could not defend themselues against so many, in one night they left the Citie and went vnto their ships, whereas they had left them in very good order, and carried with them the spoile of the Citie, leauing it beaten downe.

So soone as they came thither, the Friers remayned in their Lodgings, but Pedro Sarmiento and Miguel de Loarcha went to visit the Gouernour, vsing the Spanish courtesie with him: and he receiued them with great joy and courtesie. After they had taken their leaue and returned vn∣to their Lodgings, the Gouernour sent to visit them El Tyu, who is the ancientest of his Coun∣cell. At their departure from this Citie, trauelling towards Aucheo,* 3.534 they passed ouer a mightie [ 50] great Riuer, by a Bridge all made of stone: the goodliest and greatest that euer they had seene, whose greatnesse did cause wonderfull admiration, so that they stayed and did measure it from one end to another, that it migt be put amongst the wonders of that Countrey, which they tooke a note of. They found that it was one thousand and three hundred foot long, and that the least stone wherewith it was built, was of seuenteene foot, and many of two and twentie foot long, and eight foote broad, and seemed vnto them a thing impossible to bee brought thither by mans art, for that all round about so farre as they could see, was plaine ground without any Mountaines: by which they judged them to be brought from farre. When they were passed that Bridge, they trauelled all the rest of the day till night vpon a Cawsie that was very broad and [ 60] plaine, and on both sides many Victualling Houses, and the fields sowed with Rice, wheate, and other Seeds: and so full of people as in the streets of a good Towne or Citie

After they had trauelled more then halfe a league in the Suburbs of the Citie of Aucheo, they met with a Post that came from the Vice-roy: who brought order that they should re∣mayne

in a house that was appointed for them in the sayd Suburbes.* 3.535 So soone as they were a∣lighted, there came a Gentleman to visite them, sent from the Vice-roy to bid them welcome, and to know how they did with their iourney, and also to see that they were well prouided for that night, of all things necessarie, and that in abundance. After this Gentleman, came other Captaynes to visite them, and brought with them great store of Conserues, Wine and Fruit: which is a common custome amongst them, when that they goe in the like visitation, and it is carryed by their seruants in little Baskets very curiously wrought, or else in Barrels made of earth all gilt. Within two houres after their comming thither, there came another messenger from the Vice-roy, with many men laden with Capons, Hennes, Geese, Teales, gamons of Ba∣con, and Conserues of diuers sorts, and of great abundance, sufficient for one hundred men to [ 10] suppe that night, and for their dinner the next day. The next day in the morning very earely, there came much people vnto their lodging, sent by the Vice-roy, and brought with them two rich Chayres, for to carrie the Fathers in, and the Curtaines tyed vp, that they might the better bee seene, and for their companions very good Horses, sadled after the fashion which they doe vse. They foorthwith made haste for to depart, and although they made great speed, yet were they a good houre and a halfe, before they could come vnto the gates of the Citie, and seemed vnto them that they had trauelled two leagues in the Suburbes: well peopled, faire houses, and many shops full of Merchandise.

Before they came vnto the Gates, they passed a mightie Riuer three times ouer Bridges, that were great and very faire, and the Riuer so deepe, that great Ships came vp the same, but their [ 20] mastes stooping downe, to passe vnder the bridges. This Citie is the head Citie of all the Pro∣uince, verie rich and fertile, and many Townes belonging vnto it, and but eight leagues from the Sea. They had no leasure to tell the Souldiers, but they saw that from the Gate vntill they came vnto the Vice-royes Palace on both sides, which was a good way, to bee full of them, and all richly apparelled and of one colour. The people that were at the windowes and in the street, betwixt the houses and the Souldiers were so great a number, that it seemed to be doomes day,* 3.536 and that all the people in the world were there ioyned together in that street. When they came vnto the Palace which was two houres after day, the Gentlemen that were their guides, did cause the Spaniards to enter into a roome which was hard by, till such time as the Gate was open, for that it is open but once a day, and so continue no longer time then the audience endu∣reth,* 3.537 [ 30] which is done by the Vice-roy once euery day, and that is but a small time. But first, be∣fore he doth enter into audience, there is shot off foure peeces of Artillerie, with a great noyse of Trumpets, Drums and Waytes. And there is no day that passeth without audience, as our people did see by experience so long as they were there, and were likewise informed of others. The houre being come, and the ceremonie done as aforesayd, the Gates were opened, and there was in the Court many Souldiers, apparelled in the same liuerie that those were of in the street. From the midst amongst them came foorth a Gentleman, who was as it was told them, the Captayne of the guard of the Vice-roy, who came with great grauitie and authoritie, towards the place whereas our people were, and after they had saluted the one the other, hee made signes vnto them, that they should goe towards the gates of the Palace. When they were with∣in [ 40] the first Court, which was great and wrought with mightie pillars, there was a great number of Souldiers, and many Sergeants, that entred into another great court, and mounted vp a payre of stayres that was on the one side, whereas all the people were with great silence, sauing the Captayne of the guard, who went with our people till they came to the gates of the Hall, where was the Vice-roy, at which gate hee stayed with his head discouered, and made signes vnto ours that they should doe the like.

Then straight-wayes came foorth of the Hall a man apparelled in a long Robe, of good per∣sonage,* 3.538 and asked of the Spaniards, if they would speake with the Vice-roy, and they answered, yea: then asked hee againe from whom they came, and by whom they were sent, they answe∣red, that they were sent by the Gouernour of Philippinas, who was seruant vnto the mightiest [ 50] King in all Christendome. When he had this answer, he returned againe into the Hall, and with∣in a little while after he came foorth, and bad them come in, but gaue them to vnderstand, that in entring into the hall whereas the Vice-roy was, that they should kneele downe, and talke with him in that order, till hee commanded to the contrarie, if they would vse this Ceremonie, that then they should come in, if not, that they should returne backe againe. They sayd, that they would obserue the order giuen vnto them. Therewith hee went in, who seemed to bee the Master of ceremonies, making a signe that they should follow after him, and doe that which hee willed them to doe.* 3.539 At the entring in at the doore, they stayed a little, and then kneeled downe right ouer against there whereas the Vice-roy sate, in a Chayre very high like vnto a Throne, with a Table before him, and was in so darke a place that almost they could not see his face very [ 60] well. On the one side of him, there were some like vnto Heralds of Armes, with Scepters in their hands, and on the other side, two men of a gallant comlinesse armed with Corslets, made of scales of Gold downe to the calfe of their legges, with Bowes in their hands of gold, and Qui∣uers at their backs of the same. Both the one and the other were vpon their knees. There was

vpon the Table before him, paper and all things necessarie to write: which is an ordinarie vse amongst them at all times, when there is any publike audience,* 3.540 and on the one side of the board a Lion made of blacke wood, which was (as after they vnderstood) the Armes of that Prouince. So straight-wayes hee made signes vnto them to draw neere, which they did, and kneeled downe a little from the Table which was whereas the Master of Ceremonies did will them. In this sort they began to talke with him by their Interpreter, and told them the occasion of their comming into that Citie and Kingdome, and from whom and vnto whom they were sent. But hee made signes vnto them that they should arise, the which they did with a very good will, and did perseuer in their intent. But the Vice-roy did cut them off before they could make an [ 10] end, and asked if they had brought any Letter from their King, vnto the King his Lord, whom they would goe to see and talke with▪ but when they answered no, hee straight-wayes tooke his leaue of them, saying, that they were welcome, and that they should depart vnto their lodg∣ings and to take their ease, for that afterwards they should haue occasion to declare their mindes vnto him, and hee would giue them their answer, for that the King was farre off, and it requi∣reth along time to come whereas hee is, but he would write vnto him, and according vnto his commandement, he would make them answer. And therewith hee tooke the Letter, and the memoriall of the present, and commanded in his presence, to put about the neckes of the Friars in manner of a scarfe, to either of them sixe pieces of Silke, and vnto the Soldiers their compani∣ons, and vnto Omoncon, and Sinsay, each of them foure pieces, and to euery one of their seruants [ 20] two a piece, and to giue vnto the two Friars and the Souldiers, Omoncon, and Sinsay, euery one of them two branches of Siluer.

With the Silke about their neckes, and with the branches in their hands, they returned out of the Hall and downe the stayres the way they came, and so through the court into the streets, from whence they saw them shut the Court gate with so great a noyse, as when they did open it. From thence at the request of Omoncon, and Sinsay, they went vnto the house of Totoc,* 3.541 who is the Captayne generall of all the men of Warre, and vnto the house of Cagnitoc, who is the chiefe Standard-bearer: their houses were nigh the one the other, very faire and great.* 3.542 They found them with as great Maiestie as the Vice-roy, and in the same order, with a Table before them, and had on each side of them armed Souldiers, kneeling on their knees. Yet did they not [ 30] vse our men with the courtesie that the Vice-roy vsed, to cause them to stand vp, which was the occasion, that straight-wayes they made a show that they would depart and bee gone, complai∣ning of Omoncon, and Sinsay, for that they did carrie them thither, and told them with anger, that the Gouernour of Manilla, did intreat them in a different sort, who was there resident for the mightiest Prince in all the world, and they but easie Merchants, neither was their going thither to bee equalled, vnto the benefite that they came thither for. This discontent the which they receiued, was the occasion that they would not goe to make any more visitations, although the sayd Omoncon, and Sinsay, for their owne interest, would haue carryed them to the houses of other Officers, and Gentlemen of the Court.

At their comming thither, they found all their stuffe in good order, and their dinner maruei∣lous [ 40] well prouided, and the whole house hanged and trimmed, as though it had beene for the Kings owne person, with many wayting men and Souldiers, those which did guard them both day and night, and hanging at the doore two tables or boards (commanded by the Vice-roy) whereon was written who they were, that were there lodged, and from whence they came, and wherefore, and that none whosoeuer, should bee so hardie as to offer them any wrong or di∣sturbance, vpon payne to bee for the same offence seuerely punished. In this house they were more in quiet, then in any other place, whereas they had beene, neither did the people giue them so much trouble,* 3.543 by reason of the great care which the Iudges had in putting order for the same, by the commandement of the Vice-roy, yet was it the greatest Towne and most populed, of all that Prouince (although in other Prouinces there bee that be much bigger) and is affirmed that the Citie of Taybin, or Suntiem, (there whereas the King and his Court is resident) hath [ 50] three hundred thousand housholds, and yet there is a bigger Citie in the Kingdome cal∣led Lanchin.

This Citie of Aucheo, hath a very faire and strong Wall made of stone, which is fiue fathom high, and foure fathom broad, the which was measured many times by our people,* 3.544 for that they had a gate out of their lodging that did open to the same. This wall is all couered ouer with tyles to defend the rayne-water for hurting of it, which could not to the contrarie but re∣ceiue damage, for that there is no lyme vsed in the whole wall. They haue not one Castle in all this Citie, neither is there any vsed in all that Kingdome, for all their force and strength is in their Gates, the which bee made very strong, with a double wall, within very broad, betwixt the which are continually many Souldiers, such as doe keepe watch and ward both day and [ 60] night. Vpon these gates they haue much Ordnance, but very ill wrought. The whole wall is full of battlements,* 3.545 and thereon written the names of such Souldiers as are bound to repayre thi∣ther in the time of necessitie. At euery hundred paces they haue lodgings, the which are very huge and great: there whereas in the time of necessitie doe remayne and dwell their Captaynes,

so long as their troubles doe indure,* 3.546 all the wall is fortified with two great mo••es or ditches, the one within and the other without, the which they doe fill at all times when they please, by sluces which they haue from the Riuer for the same purpose, and doe serue of water almost all the houses in the Citie, whereas they haue their stanges for the most part full of Fish. This mightie Citie is si••uated in a great playne,* 3.547 and compassed round about with mightie Rockes and Mountaines, which is the occasion that it is not so heal••hfull, and the Inhabitants say, that it is by re••son of the Mountaines, and many times it is ouer-flowen in the winter, by spring-tydes from the Riuer. And in that yeere that this doth happen, it doth destroy and ruinate a great part of the Citie,* 3.548 as it was at that time when our people did see it, for that in the winter before they were troubled with these great tydes, which did them much harme.

The next day after that our people came into the Citie, the Vice-roy did send to inuite them [ 10] to dinner to his owne house,* 3.549 whereas he made them a great banquet in the forme following. At their comming vnto the Palace there came forth a great number of Gentlemen, seruants vnto the Vice-roy, to bid them welcome, with great store of musicke and tokens of mirth. Being en∣tred into the first Court, they brought them into a mightie Hall that was maruellously well trimmed, wherein was a great number of Tables set in such order, as they were in the banquet that was made them by the Gouernour of Chincheo, (as hath beene told you) although the num∣ber and furniture did farre excell the other. But before they did sit downe, there came vnto them two Captaynes principall men, vnto whom the Vice-roy had committed the charge of the ban∣quet, to doe all things in his name, for that it is a custome in that Kingdome, that Noble men [ 20] must not be present in their banquets they make. So the charge was giuen vnto them, to make them be merrie, & to bid his ghests welcome. When they came vnto them they vsed great cour∣tesie, and passed away the time in gallant discourses, till it was time to go to dinner, and that they began to bring in their victuals.* 3.550 Then before they did sit downe, the Captaynes did take each of them a cup in his hand, in manner of a Sorlue, as they doe vse, and being full of Wine, they went together whereas they might discouer the Heauen and offered it vnto the Sunne, and vnto the Saints of heauen, adding thereunto many words of prayers: but principally they did request that the comming of their new ghests might be profitable vnto them all, and that the friendship which they did pretend to establish, might be for good both vnto the one and to the other. This their prayer being done, they did spill out the Wine making a great courtesie, then were they [ 30] straight-wayes filled againe, and making reuerence vnto their ghests euery one by himselfe, they set the Cups downe vpon the Tables whereas the Fathers should dine, whereas they were set e∣uerie one by himselfe. This being done, the first seruice was set vpon the boards, and the Cap∣taynes were set at other Tables. The time which the banquet indured (which was very late) there was great store of musicke of diuers Instruments, as of Vials, Gitterns, and Rebuckes, and with them many Iesters did make them merrie at their dinner. The which being done, the sayd Captayns did beare their ghests companie out of the Palace, whereas they did anew inuite them to dinner for the next day, in the same Hall: they obeying their request did come, whereas was made vnto them a banquet more notable than the first. This day at the banquet was present the Totoc.* 3.551 In this second banquet they had as the day before, very much musicke, and a Comedie [ 40] that indured long, with many prettie and merrie iests: there was also a Tumbler, who did his feates very artificially,* 3.552 as well in vauting in the ayre, as vpon a staffe that two men did hold on their shoulders. Before the Comedie did begin, by their Interpreter the signification thereof was told them, that the better they might content themselues in the conceiuing.

The next day they sent the present, and those who carryed it in, did afterward giue our peo∣ple to vnderstand that in opening the present,* 3.553 there was a note thereof taken before a No••arie, and straight-wayes put in againe where it was taken out, before the sayd Notarie and other wit∣nesses, the which being done, hee sealed it vp, and sent it vnto the Citie of Taybin, vnto the King and his Counsell, for that they haue a rigorous Law in that Kingdome, that doth prohibite all such as haue any office of Gouernment, to receiue any present of what qualitie soeuer it bee, [ 50] without licence of the King or of his Counsell. This is conformable vnto that, which the Go∣uernour of Chin••heo did in the presence of our people.

The next day following, the Vice-roy did ••end to visite them, and to aske of them a Sword, a Harquebusse and a Flaske: for that hee would cause others to bee made by them, the which they did send, and afterwards vnderstood, that they had counterfeited the same, although not in so perfect manner.

Then af••er a time our people seeing, that their being in that Citie seemed to be long and like to be longer,* 3.554 they did procure to driue away the time in the best manner they could, and went abroad into the Citie, and did by either of them that which they thought best. Whereof they found great abundance, and of so small price, that they bought it almost for nothing. They bought [ 60] many Bookes that did intreat of diuers matters, which they brought with them to the Ilands. The next day they went to see the Gates of the Citie, and all such curious things as were to bee seene, so farre as they could learne or vnderstand, which were many. But amongst them all, they saw a sumptuous Temple of their Idols,* 3.555 in whose chiefe Chappell they counted, one hundred

and eleuen Idols, besides a great number more that were in other particuler Chappels, all were of carued worke, very well proportioned and gilded:* 3.556 but in especiall three of them that were pla∣ced in the midst of all the rest, the one had three heads proceeding out of one bodie, the one loo∣king on the other in full face, the second was the forme of a Woman with a Child in her armes, the third of a Man apparelled after the forme and fashion, that the Christians doe paynt the Apo∣stles. Of all the rest some had foure armes, and some had sixe, and other eight, and other some maruellous deformed monsters. Before them they had burning Lamps, and many sweet per∣fumes and smels, but in especiall, before the three aboue specified.

But when that the Vice-roy did vnderstand,* 3.557 that our people did goe viewing the Citie gates and Temples (and perceiueth that they that gaue him the notice did suspect it, that it was to [ 10] some ill intent) therewith hee straight-wayes commanded, that they should not goe forth of their lodging, without his licence: and likewise commanded the Captayne that was their guard not to consent thereunto, as he had done, and likewise that none should carrie them any thing for to sell, for he that did it should be punished with whipping. Yet notwithstanding, they had e∣uery day very sufficient necessaries for their personages in such ample wise, that there did always remayne, and not lacke. In this closenesse and keeping in, they suffered many dayes with much sadnesse, and oppressed with melancholicke humours, to see that their purpose wherefore they went thither seemed to be long, and euery day was worse and worse. Yet notwithstanding they did passe it ouer in the best wise they could, in committing it with heartie zeale vnto God, for whose honour and glory they did attempt that voyage, and prayed vnto him for to mooue their [ 30] hearts to consent, that the religious Fathers might remayne in that Countrey, for to learne the language (as they had begun many dayes before) by which meanes their soules might be saued, and clearely deliuered from the tyrannie of the Deuil, who of truth had them in possession. So after many dayes, that they had remayned in that close estate, as aforesayd, they determined for to goe and talke with the Vice-roy, and to bee fully resolued, either to tarrie or returne from whence they came, but were not permitted.

In this order they remayned in the Citie certayne dayes, and for to conclude, either to stay there, or depart the Kingdome, they were resolute, and determined to write a Letter vnto the the Vice-roy. They could finde none that would write this letter for them, although they would haue payed them very well for their paines. Till in the end, by great request and prayings, the [ 30] Captayne Omoncon did write it for them, and straight-wayes departed vnto the Citie of Ampin, that was not farre off, to put away the suspition they might conceiue,* 3.558 that hee did write the let∣ter, if that peraduenture the Vice-roy would take it in ill part. Their letter being written, they found great difficultie in sending the same, for that there was none that would carrie it,* 3.559 neither would they consent, that our men should enter into the Palace to deliuer it. But in conclusion, what with requests and gifts, they perswaded their Captayne of their guard to carrie it, who did deliuer the same vnto the Vice-roy, in name of the Castillos, saying, that he tooke it of them to bring it vnto him, for that they did certifie him, that it was a thing that did import very much. Hauing read the letter, he answered that he would giue the King to vnderstand thereof, [ 40] as hee said at the first time. And in that, tou••hing the Friars remaining in that Countrey to preach, at that time he could make them no answer, for that in such matters, it was first requisite to haue the good-will of the Royall Counsell. Yet would hee make answer vnto the Letter they brought from the Gouernour of Manilla, and that they might depart, and returne againe at such time as they brought Limahon prisoner or dead, the which being done, then shall the friendship be concluded which they doe pretend, and to remayne and preach at their will. With this an∣swer they remayned without all hope to remaine there, and did incontinent prepare themselues for to depart from Manilla, and bought many bookes to carrie with them, wherein was compre∣hended all the secrets of that Kingdome. By reason whereof, they might giue large notice vnto the royall Maiestie of King Philip. The which being vnderstood by the Vice-roy, who had set spyes to watch their doings, he did send them word that they should not trouble themselues in [ 50] the buying of bookes, for that he would giue them freely, all such bookes as they would desire to haue: the which afterwards hee did not accomplish.

In the meane time that they stayed in this Citie, amongst all other things that they vnder∣stood, to driue away the time was one, it was giuen them to vnderstand that in one of the Pri∣sons, there was a Portugall prisoner, who was taken in a ship of the Iapones, with others of his Nation, who were all dead ••n the Prison, and none left aliue but hee alone. Our people being very desirous for to see him, and to learne of him some secrets of that Countrey,* 3.560 for that hee had beene there a great while, they did procure to talke with him, asking licence of the supreame Iudge and Lieutenant vnto the Vice-roy, who did not onely refuse to g••ant it them, but [ 60] did make diligent inquirie who they were, that did giue them to vnderstand thereof, for to punish them.

Vpon a sodaine there came newes vnto the Citie, that the Rouer Limahon, was vpon the coast of Chincheo, vsing his old accustomed cruelties, and how that he had spoyled and robbed a Towne vpon the sea coast. This newes was throughout all the Citie, and appeared to bee true, touching

the effect of the deed:* 3.561 yet false touching the person, for that the Rouer was called Taocay, an enemie, and contrarie vnto Limahon: but a friend vnto Vintoquian, of whom wee haue spoken of. But thereupon the Vice-roy, and all of the Citie, were comformable in the suspition that they had receiued, which was that our people were come into that Kingdome vpon some euill pre∣tence, and to see the secrets thereof, to some euill end, which was the occasion that from that time forwards, they shewed them not so good countenance as they did before. These newes was not so soone come, but straight-wayes the Vice-roy did send for Omoncon, (who was then retur∣ned from his visiting) and Sinsay, vnto whom he had done courtesie, and giuen them the tytle of Loytias and Captaynes, and hee did reprehend them very sharpely for that they had brought o∣uer people thither, and sayd, that they had told him a lye, in saying that Limahon was besieged, in such sort that hee could not escape, neither had the Castillos burnt his Ships, and that all was [ 10] but a made matter amongst themselues, and how that the Captiues which they brought, and sayd that they had taken from Limahon, they had robbed from other places, and sayd that the Spaniards, were spyes that came to discouer the secrets, and strength of the Kingdome, and that they had brought them thither, by force of gifts that they had giuen them. They answered him with great humilitie, in saying, that in all that which they had sayd they did speake the truth, and that it should appeare at such time, as the newes of the Rouer should bee better knowne, the which if it shall appeare to be contrarie, they were there readie for to suffer what∣soeuer punishment that should bee giuen them. The Vice-roy being somewhat satisfied with this their iustification, bad them to depart, remitting all things vnto time for the true declarati∣on [ 20] thereof. Then Omoncon, and Sinsay, came straight-wayes to giue the Spaniards to vnderstand of all that had passed with the Vice-roy, and what they vnderstood of him, which caused in them so great feare, that for the time which it indured (which was till such time as they vnder∣stood the truth as aforesayd) they payed very well for their feasts and banquets the which they had made them.* 3.562 All this happened in the time that Omoncon, and Sinsay, were at variance, and spake many iniurious words the one of the other, discouering their intents and deuises, where∣by it plainely appeared, that in all that which they had told vnto the Vice-roy, they lyed, but in especiall Omoncon. Sinsay did dissemble, for hee sayd and told vnto all people, that by his or∣der and industrie, our people did fire the Ships of Limahon, and besieged him, with other spee∣ches in the like sort, yet twentie dayes before his comming thither, all was ended and done [ 30] as appeared. The occasion of their enmitie and falling out, was for that the Vice-roy had giuen vnto Omoncon, a tytle and charge of more honour, then vnto Sinsay, hauing made betwixt them a consort, that the reward or dignitie should bee equally diuided betwixt them, and that the one should speake of the other the best they could, because the Vice-roy should doe them friendship. This condition and consort (as appeareth) was euill performed by Omoncon, being addicted vnto selfe-loue, and seemed vnto him that Sinsay, did not deserue so much as hee did, for that he was a base man, and of the Sea, and hee of the more nobilitie, and had the office of a Captayne.

WIth this griefe and care remayned the Spaniards certaine dayes kept close in their lod∣gings, [ 40] and were not visited so often as they were when they first came thither, which did augment very much their feare, till such time as they vnderstood, that the Vice-roy either of his owne good-will, or else by some particular order from the King and his Counsell, had cal∣led together all the Gouernours of that Prouince of Aucheo, to intreat of matters touching Li∣mahon, as also in particular, why and wherefore the Spaniards came thither, and to resolue them∣selues wholly in all things requisite for the same. So when that they were all come together, which was in a short time,* 3.563 and amongst them the Gouernour of Chincheo, who by another name was called Insuanto, they had particular meetings together with the Vice-roy, in the which they were all agreed to haue a generall meeting, whereunto should bee called the Castillos, and to demand of them in publike audience, the cause of their comming and being heard, to giue [ 50] them their answer according as they had determined: for the which vpon a day appointed they met all together (but not the Vice-roy) in the house of the Cagontoc, and commanded to come before the Castillos, who did accomplish their request with a great good-will, for that they vn∣derstood that they were called to entreat of their matter, either to tarrie or depart. So when they came thither, they were commanded to enter into a mightie Hall, whereas they were all set in verie rich Chayres with great grauitie and maiestie. The Insuanto seemed to bee the chie∣fest amongst them, but whether it was for that hee was the principallest next vnto the Vice-roy (or as it was told them) for that it was hee that sent Omoncon, in the chase of the Rouer Lima∣hon, they knew not, but so soone as they were entred into the Hall, they were commanded to draw nigh, there, whereas they were all placed, without bidding them to sit downe, neither did [ 60] they vse any particular circumstances or courtesie. The Insuanto tooke vpon him the charge, and demanded of the Spaniards (by meanes of the Interpreters) what was the occasion of their com∣ming into that Countrey. The Spaniards answered as they thought: and supposed, that at that time it could not bee, but that Limahon was either taken prisoner or slaine. Then did the Insuanto

conclude his speech, in saying vnto them that they should returne vnto their owne Countrey to the Ilands, and at such time as they did bring Limahon, they would conclude all things touching the friendship they requested, and also for the Preaching of the Gospell.

So from that day forwards, they did procure with all haste for to depart, and gaue the Vice-roy to vnderstand thereof, who answered them and sayd, that they should comfort themselues and receiue joy and pleasure, and that hee would dispatch them, so soone as the Visitor of that Prouince was come to Aucheo, which would bee within ten dayes, for that hee had written vnto him, that he should not dispatch them vntill his comming, for that he would see them. From that day forwards, he commanded that sometimes they should let them goe foorth abroad to recreate themselues,* 3.564 and that they should shew vnto them some particular pleasure or friend∣ship. [ 10] So one of them was carryed to see the Mustering of their men of warre, which they haue in a common custome throughout all the Kingdome, to doe it the first day of the New-moone, and is sure a thing to bee seene: and they doe it in the field which is joyning vnto the walls of the Citie, in this manner following.* 3.565 There were joyned together little more or lesse then twen∣tie thousand Souldiers, Pike-men and Harquebusse shot, who were so expert, that at the sound of the Drum or Trumpet, they straight-wayes put themselues in battle aray, and at another sound in a squadron, and at another the shot doe diuide themselues from the rest, and discharge their Pieces with very gallant and good order, and with a trice put themselues againe into their places or standings: this being done, the Pike-men came foorth and gaue the assault all toge∣ther, with so good order and consort, that it seemed vnto the Spaniards, that they did exceed all [ 30] the warlike orders vsed in all the world: and if it were so, that their stomacks and hardinesse were equall vnto their dexteritie, and number of people, it were an easie thing for them to con∣quer the dominion of all the world. If it so chance, that any Souldier should lacke in his Office, and not repayre to his place appointed, hee is straight-wayes punished very cruelly,* 3.566 which is the occasion, that euery one of them hath a care vnto his charge. This their Muster indured foure houres, and it was certified vnto the Spaniards, that the same day and houre it is done in all Cities and Townes, throughout the whole Kingdome, although they are without suspection of enemies.

Fiue and twentie dayes after that the Insuanto had giuen the resolute answer vnto the Spani∣ards, came the Visitor thither: and the whole Citie went foorth to receiue him,* 3.567 who entred in [ 30] with so great Maiestie, that if they had not knowne who hee was, they could not haue beene perswaded, but that he had beene the King. The next day following, the Spaniards went to vi∣site him, for duties sake, as also for that hee had a desire to see them. They found him in his lod∣ging, where he began to make visitation of the Citie. In their Courts were an infinite number of people, which came thither with Petitions and complaynts, but in the Halls within,* 3.568 there was none but his Seruants and Sergeants. When that any came for to present his Petition, the Porter that was at the entrie made a great noyse, in manner of an O••est, for that it was a good way from the place whereas the Visitor did sit, then commeth foorth straight-wayes one of his Pages, and taketh the Petition, and carryeth it vnto him. At this time it was told him how [ 40] that the Castillas were there: hee commanded that they should enter, and talked with them a few words, but with great courtesie, and all was touching the Imprisonment of Limahon, with∣out making any mention of their departure or tarrying. So after a while that hee had beheld them and their apparell, he tooke his leaue of them, saying, that by reason of the great businesse hee had in that visitation, he could not shew them any courtesie, neither to vnderstand of them what their request and desire was, but gaue them great thankes for their courtesie shewed, in that they would come to visite him.

Three dayes after the Visitor was come thither, the Insuanto departed for his owne house, with order that with all speed possible, hee should ordayne Ships wherein the Castillas should re∣turne vnto the Philippinas. Likewise the same day, all those that were there assembled by the order of the Vice-roy, departed vnto their owne houses. And the Spaniards were commanded [ 50] for to stay vntill the full of the Moone, which should bee the twentieth of August, and that day they should take their leaue of them: for on that day amongst them, it is holden for good to be∣gin any thing whatsoeuer. Wherein they doe vse great superstition,* 3.569 and doe make many ban∣quets, as vpon New-yeeres day.

The day before the departure of the Spaniards, there came some in behalfe of the Vice-roy to inuite them, and made them banquet in the order and fashion as at the first:* 3.570 although this (for that it was at their departure) was more sumptuous, wherein was represented a Comedie, which was very excellent and good, whose argument was first declared vnto them. All the which they did represent so naturally, and with so good apparell and personages, that it seemed a thing to [ 60] passe in Act. There was not in this banquet the Vice-roy, but those Captaynes which were there the first time: and another Captayne, vnto whom was giuen the charge to bring the Spaniards vnto Manilla, who was called Chautalay, a principall Captayne of the Prouince. When the banquet was ended, they were carryed with great companie from the Hall whereas the banquet was made, vnto the house of the Cogontoc, who was the Kings Treasurer, & dwelt there hard by,* 3.571

of whom they were maruellously well receiued with louing words and great courtesie: in say∣ing that he hoped very shortly to see them againe, at such time as they shall returne with Lima∣hon, and that as then their friendship should be fully concluded, and would intreat with them in particular of other matters. This being done, he gaue vnto them a Present for to carrie vnto the Gouernour of Manilla in recompence of that which was sent vnto the Vice-roy:* 3.572 the Present was forty pieces of Silke and twentie pieces of Burat••, a Litter Chaire and gilt, and two Qui∣tasoles of Silke, and a Horse. Likewise hee sent the like Present vnto the Generall of the field, and to either of them a Letter in particular: these things were put in Chists which were very faire and gilt. Besides this he gaue other forty pieces of Silke of all colours for to bee parted a∣mongst the Captaines and other Officers that were at the siege of Limahon, with three hundred blacke Mantles and as many Quitasoles to be parted amongst the Souldiers. Besides all these, he [ 10] gaue vnto the Friers each of them eight pieces of Silke, and vnto the Souldiers their compani∣ons foure pieces of each of them,* 3.573 and to euery one his Horse and a Quitasol of Silke; their Hor∣ses were very good to trauell by the way. This being done, the Cogonroc tooke his leaue of them, and willed them to goe and take leaue and licence of the Vice-roy and the Visitor, that they might depart, for that all things were in a readinesse for their Voyage: the which commandement they did straight-wayes accomplish, being very well content and satisfied of the great fauours and courtesies, the which they receiued both of the one and the other: Likewise of the Tococ, is Captaine Generall, whom they also did visit and tooke their leaue.

The Spaniards departed from the Citie of Aucheo, vpon a Tuesday, beeing the three and twentieth of August in the sight of all the people of the Citie, who came forth to see them [ 20] with so great presse and throng, as they did when they first came thither into the Countrey: they were all carried in Litter Chaires, yea, their very slaues, for that it was so commanded by the Vice-roy: the Friers were carried by eight men a piece, and the Souldiers by foure men a piece, and all their Seruants and Slaues were carried by two men a piece. Looke so many men as was to carrie them, there went so many more to helpe them when they waxed wearie, be∣sides foure and twentie that carried their Stuffe. There went alwayes before them a Harbinger for to prouide their Lodgings, and with him went a Pay-master, whose charge was to ordaine and prouide men for to carrie their Litter Chaires, and to giue them for their trauell that which is accustomed, and to pay all costs and charges spent by the Spaniard.

After that they departed from Aucheo, they made of two dayes Iourney one, which was the [ 30] occasion that they came to Chincheo in foure dayes. At their entring into the Citie they found a Seruant of the Insuanto, with order and commandement, that they should proceed forwards on their Iourney, and not to stay in the Citie, but to goe vnto the Port of Tansuso, whither he will come the next day following. They obeyed his commandement, and made so much haste that in two dayes they came vnto the Village of Tangoa, whereas they had beene before, and parti∣cular mention made thereof. In the same Village they were lodged, well entertayned and had great good cheere: from thence they went in one day to Tansuso, which was the first Port wher∣as they did dis-imbarke themselues, when as they came from the Ilands vnto that firme Land: the Iustice of the Towne did lodge them in the same House whereas they were first lodged, and did prouide for them of all things necessary and needfull, and that in abundance, till the com∣ming [ 40] of the Insuanto, which was within foure dayes after, for that hee could not come any soo∣ner (although his desire was) for that it was very foule weather.

* 3.574The third of September, the Insuanto sent and commanded the Spaniards that they should im∣bark themselues, for that it was that day the conjunction of the Moone (although at that time the ships were not fully in a readinesse.) They obeyed his commandement, and the Insuanto himselfe went to the water side, in whose presence came thither certaine Religious men of their manner, and after their fashion they made Sacrifice with certaine Prayers, in the which they craued of the Heauens to giue good and faire weather, and a sure Voyage and fauourable Seas vnto all those that saile in those ships. This Ceremony being done (which is a thing very much vsed in that Countrey) the Spaniards went vnto the Insuanto, who was there with great company and Ma∣iestie: [ 50] he entertayned them very friendly and with cheerefull words making an outward shew that he bare them great loue,* 3.575 and that their departure was vnto him a great griefe. Then he re∣quested them to giue him a remembrance of such things as was necessary and needfull for their prouision for the Sea, for that he would giue order for the prouiding of the same, the which hee did, and was with so great abundance that they had for the Voyage, and remayned a great deale to spare. He then commanded to be brought thither Cates to eate and drinke, and gaue it them with his owne hands, as well the one as the other: he himselfe did eate and drinke with them, which is the greatest fauour that can be shewed amongst them.* 3.576 The Banket being ended, he com∣manded them in his presence to goe aboard their ships, because that was a luckie day, and also to [ 60] accomplish that which the Vice-roy had cōmanded, which was that he should not depart from thence, vntill they had first seene them imbarked. The Spaniards obeyed the commandement, and tooke their leaue of the Insuanto, with great courtesie and reuerence, and with outward shewes that they remayned indebted for the great courtesie & good will that they had receiued:

and therwith they departed to the waters side, towards the Boat which was tarrying for them.

As they passed by the Religious men (that before we spake of) they saw a great Table set, and vpon it a whole Oxe with his throat cut, and hard by the same a Hogge and a Goate, and other things to be eaten: the which they had ordained for to make Sacrifice, which they doe vse in the like Affaires.

They being imbarked in the Boate, they were carried aboard the Admirall, which was the ship appointed for them to goe in: then presently they beganne to stirre the ship, from one place vnto another with certaine Boats and Cables which they had there readie for the same purpose. The ship did not so soone begin to mooue, but the Religious men ashoare did beginne their Sa∣crifice, [ 10] the which did indure vntill night, ending their Feasts and Triumphs in putting forth of the Citie, and vpon their Gates many Cressets and Lights. The Souldiers shot off all their Har∣quabusses, and the shippes that were in the Port shot off all their Artillerie, and on the shoare a great noyse of Drummes and Bels: all the which being ended and done, the Spaniards went ashoare againe vnto their Lodging: but first the Insuanto was departed vnto his owne House, with all the company that he brought with him.

The next day the said Insuanto did inuite them vnto a Banket, which was as famous as any which had beene made them vnto that time. He was at the Banket himselfe,* 3.577 and the Captaine Generall of all that Prouince. There was abundance of meates and many pretie deuises to passe away the time, which made the Banket to indure more then foure houres: the which being done, [ 20] there was brought forth the Present which the Insuanto did send vnto the Gouernour of Manil∣la in returne of that which was sent to him. The Present was fourteene pieces of silke for the Gouernour of Manilla, and ten pieces for the Generall of the field: he also commanded to be giuen vnto the Friers each of them foure pieces, and vnto the Souldiers each of them two pieces, and vnto their Seruants and Slaues certaine painted Mantels, and therewith hee tooke his leaue of them very friendly, and gaue vnto them Letters, the which he had wrote vnto the Gouernour, and vnto the Generall of the field, answere vnto those, the which they had wrote vnto him, and said that all things necessary for their departure was in a readinesse, with victuals for tenne moneths put aboard their ships, so that when as wind and weather did serue they might depart.* 3.578 Also that if in their Voyage it should so fall out, that any of the Chinois that went in their ships, [ 30] should doe vnto them any euill, either abroad or at the Ilands: that the Gouernour thereof should punish them at his pleasure, and how that the Vice-roy will thinke well thereof: In con∣clusion, he said vnto them, that he hoped to see them there againe very shortly, and to returne againe with Limahon, and ••hen he would supply the wants which now they lacked. The Spa∣niards did kisse his hands, and said, that they had receiued in courtesie more then they deserued, and that in all things, there did abound and not lack, that they remained greatly indebted vnto him for their friendship, and would giue their King notice thereof, that whensoeuer occasion should be offered, to repay them with the like▪ and therewith the Insuanto departed to his owne House, leauing in the company of the Spaniards fiue Captains, those which should go with them in their company to Sea, and also Omoncon and Sinsay who were that day in the Banket, with [ 40] the Habit and Ensigne of Loytias, for that the day before it was giuen vnto them by the Insuanto.

Vpon Wednesday which was the fourteenth of September, the wind came faire, where∣with they hoysed vp their Sayles and went to Sea: at their departure there was at the waters side the Insuanto and the Iustice of Chincheo to see them sayle, they sayled forwards directing their course towards a small Iland that was not farre off, with determination there to take water for their ships, for that it had in it many Riuers of very sweet water. Within a small space they arriued there, and it had a very faire and sure Port, wherein might ride in securitie a great Nauy of ships. All Thursday they were there recreating and sporting themselues, for that it was a pleasant Iland, and full of fresh Riuers. Vpon Friday being the sixteenth of September, the day being somewhat spent, they made saile and tooke Port foure leagues from that place in another [ 50] Iland called Laulo, for to put themselues in a new course, different and contrary vnto that which they tooke when they came vnto that Kingdome,* 3.579 for that the Chinois had by experience pro∣ued, that in those monethes the winds were more fauourable then in other monethes,* 3.580 and for the most part North and North-east winds: all that night they remained in that Iland, and the next day following they sayled vnto another Iland which was called Chautubo,* 3.581 not farre distant from that of Laulo. This Iland was full of little Townes, one of them was called Gautin, which had fiue Forts of Towers made of Lime and stone, very thicke and strongly wrought: they were all foure square, and sixe fathome high, and were made of purpose for to receiue into them all the people of those little Townes, to defend themselues from Rouers and Theeues that daily come on that Coast.

[ 60] They very much noted, that although this Iland were rockie and sandie, yet was it tilled and sowed full of Rice, Wheate, and other Seeds and Graine.* 3.582 There was in it great store of Kine and Horse, and they vnderstood that they were gouerned, not by one particular man, to whom they were subiect, neither by any other amongst themselues, nor of China, but in common▪ yet notwithstanding they liued in great peace and quietnesse, for that euery one did content himselfe

with his owne. Vpon Sunday in the afternoone they departed from this Iland, and sayled their course all that night, at the next morning they arriued at another Iland, called Corchu, which was twentie leagues from the Port of Tansuso,* 3.583 from whence they departed. The Spaniards seeing what leisure they tooke in this their Voyage, they requested the Captaines to command the Mariners that they should not enter into so many Ports or Harbours. The Captaines an∣swered, and requested them to haue patience, for that in making their Iournies as they did, they doe accomplish and follow the order set downe by the Vice-roy and Insuanto, the Chinois are very fearefull of the Sea, and men that are not accustomed to ingulfe themselues too farre, neither to passe any stormes.

* 3.584Neere vnto this Iland there was another somewhat bigger, which is called Ancon, wholly dispeopled and without any dwellers, yet a better Countrey and more profitable for to sow and [ 10] reape then that of Corchu. The Spaniards being at an Anchor there, vnderstood by the Chinois that in times past it was very well inhabited, vnto the which arriued a great Fleet belonging to the King of China, and by a great storme were all cast away vpon the same: the which losse and destruction being vnderstood by another Generall that had the Guard of that Coast, suspecting that the dwellers thereof had done that slaughter, hee came to the shoare and slue many of the Inhabitants, and carried all the rest in their ships vnto the firme Land, who afterwards would neuer returne thither againe, although they gaue them licence after that they vnderstood the truth of that successe: so that vnto that time it remained dispeopled, and full of wilde Swine, of the brood that remained there at such time as they were slaine and carried away as you haue [ 20] heard.

This Iland and the rest adjoyning thereunto (which are very many) haue very excellent and sure Ports and Hauens, with great store of fish. These Ilands endured vntill they came vnto a little Gulfe,* 3.585 which is fiue and fortie leagues ouer, and is sayled in one day, and at the end there∣of is the Port of Cabite, which is neere vnto Manilla. So when that winde and weather serued their turne, they departed from the Iland of Ancon, and sailed till they came vnto another Iland called Plon, where they vnderstood by a ship that was there a fishing, how that the Rouer Lima∣hon was escaped in certaine Barkes, which he caused to bee made very secretly within his Fort, of such Timber and Boards as remained of his ships that were burnt, the which was brought in by night by his Souldiers, on that side of the Fort which was next vnto the Riuer, and were [ 30] not discouered by the Castillas, which were put there with all care and diligence to keepe the mouth that come in to helpe them. And towards the Land there whereas he might escape, they were without all suspection (they were so strong) and did not mistrust that any such thing should be put in vre, as afterwards did fall out, the which was executed with so great policie and craft, that when they came to vnderstand it, the Rouer was cleane gone, and in safeguard, calking his Barkes at the Iland of Tocaotican, the better for to escape and saue himselfe, and they said, that it was but eight dayes past that he fled. With this newes they all receiued great alteration, but in especiall Omoncon and Sinsay.

After they had remained three weeks in that Harbour detayned with a mighty North-wind, that neuer calmed night nor day in all that time. The eleuenth day of October two houres before [ 40] day, they set sayle and went to Sea. Sixteene leagues from the Port, sailing towards the South, they discouered a mightie Iland very high Land, which was called Tangarruan, and was of three score leagues about, all inhabited with people like vnto those of the Ilands Philippinas. Vpon Sunday in the morning being the seuenteenth day of October, they discouered the Iland of Ma∣nilla,* 3.586 of them greatly desired, they sayled towards the Iland that they so long desired to see, and came thither the twentie eight day of October, as aforesaid. So that from the Port of Tansuso, which is the first Port of China, till they came vnto the Iland of Manilla, they were fiue and fortie dayes, and is not in all ful two hundred leagues, which may be made with reasonable wea∣ther in ten dayes at the most.

I could haue here added two other Voyages of Franciscans, to China, the one by Peter de Alfaro, [ 50] and other three of his Order, 1579. the other 1582. by Ignatio, &c. both written at large by Mendo∣za. But I hasten to our Iesuites exacter Relations. Only I will conclude this Storie with Alfaros returne from China to the Philippinas; and his Relation of their Witch-crafts vsed in a Tempest then happe∣ning: after that two Letters mentioning English ships on that Coast.

* 3.587But it so fell out, as they were going alongst the Coast of the Iland for to enter into the Port of Manilla, and being within fiue leagues of the entry thereof, vpon a sudden there arose the North-wind with so great furie, and caused so great a Sea, that they found themselues in a great deale more danger then in the other storme past, in such sort that they sponed before the winde with their fore-sayle halfe Mast high, shaking it selfe all to pieces, and in euery minute of an houre readie to be drowned. The Chinois for that they are Superstitious and Witches, beganne [ 60] to inuocate and call vpon the Deuill, for to bring them out of that trouble (which is a thing commonly vsed amongst them, at all times when they find themselues in the like perplexitie) also they doe request of him to shew them what they should do to bring themselues out of trou∣ble. But when the Spaniards vnderstood their dealings, they did disturbe them that they should

not perseuer in their Lots and Inuocations, and beganne to conjure the Deuils, which was the oc∣casion that they would not answere vnto the Inuocation of the Chinois,* 3.588 who did call them after diuers manners, yet they heard a Deuill say, that they should not blame them because they did not answere vnto their demand, for they could not doe it for that they were disturbed by the conjuration of those Spanish Fathers, which they carried with them in their ship.

So presently when the night was come, God was so pleased that the storme ceased, and be∣came in few houres very calme, although it endured but a while, for as they began to set sayle to nauigate towards the Port, and almost at the point to enter into the same, a new storme sei∣zed on them, and with so great force, that they were constrayned to returne vnto the Sea, for feare to bee broken in pieces vpon the shoare.* 3.589 The Chinos began anew to inuocate the Deuils [ 10] by writing, which is a way that they neuer let but doe answere them, as they did at this in∣stant, and were not disturbed by the coniurations of the Fathers; yet notwithstanding they lyed in their answer, for that they said, that within three dayes they should be within the Citie of Manilla, and after it was more then foure dayes.

In conclusion, hauing by the fauour of almightie God ouercome all their trauels by the Sea, and the necessitie of the lacke of water and victuals, they arriued at the desired Port the second day of February, Anno 1580. whereas they were receiued by the Gouernour, and of all the rest with great ioy, &c.

[ 20]

Two Letters taken out of BARTOLOME LEONARDO DE ARGENSOLA his Treatise, called Conquista de las Islas Malucas, Printed at Madrid, 1609. pagg. 336.337. mentioning the comming of two English ships to China: which seeme to bee two ships of the fleet of * 3.590 BENIAMIN WOOD: The former written by the Visitor of Chincheo in China, vnto the Gouernor of the Philippinas, Don PEDRO DE ACVNNA.

TO the grand Captaine of Luzon. Because wee haue vnderstood, that the Chineses,* 3.591 which went [ 30] to trade and trafficke into the Kingdome of Luzon, haue beene slaine by the Spaniards, wee haue made inquisition of the cause of these slaughters, and haue besought the King to doe iustice on him, that hath beene the cause of so great mischiefe, to procure a remedie for the time to come, and that the Mer∣chants may liue in peace and safety. In the yeeres past, before I came hither to be Visitour, a certaine Sangley, called Tioneg, with three Mandarines or Iudges hauing the Kings Passe,* 3.592 came to Cabit in Luzon, to seeke Gold and Siluer: which was all lyes: because he found neither Gold nor Siluer. And therefore I besought the King, that he would punish this deceiuer Tioneg, that the good iustice that is vsed in China might be knowne. In the time of the former Vice-roy, and Capado, Tioneg and his companion Yanlion deliuered this vntruth. I afterward besought the King, that hee would cause all [ 40] the Papers of the cause of Tioneg to be coppied out, and that he would send for the said Tioneg with his processes before himselfe: And I my selfe saw the said Papers, and caused it to appeare that all was but lyes which the said Tioneg had said. I wrote vnto the King, saying, That by reason of the lyes which Tioneg had made, the Castillians suspected that wee sought to make warre vpon them: and that therefore they had slayne aboue thirtie thousand Chineses in Luzon.* 3.593 The King did that which I besought him. And so he chastised the said Yanlion, commanding him to bee put to death. And hee commanded Tionegs head to be cut off, and to be put in a Cage. The people of China which were slayne in Luzon, were in no fault. And I with others negotiated this businesse with the King, that I might know his pleasure in this affaire: and in another matter, which was this:* 3.594 That there came two English ships to these coasts of Chincheo; a thing very dangerous for China: That the King might consider what was to bee done in these two matters of so great importance. Likewise wee wrote vnto [ 50] the King, that he would command the two Sangleys to be punished, which shewed the Hauen to the Eng∣lishmen. And after wee had written these things aforesaid to the King, he answered vs th••t wee should learne, wherefore the English ships came vnto China? whether they came to robbe or no? That they should dispatch from thence a Messenger immediatly to Luzon: and that they should signifie to them of Luzon, that they should not giue credite to the base and lying people of China: And that forthwith they should put to death those two Sangleyes, which shewed the Hauen to the Englishmen.* 3.595 And touching the rest that wee wrote vnto him, wee should doe as wee thought best. After wee had receiued this or∣der, the Vice-roy, the Capado, and I sent this message to the Gouernour of Luzon: That his Lordship might know the greatnesse of the King of China. Seeing hee is so mightie, that hee gouerneth all that the Moone and Sunne doe shine vpon. And also that the Gouernour of Luzon may know the great [ 60] wisedome wherewith this mighty Kingdome is gouerned. Which Kingdome this long while none durst attempt to offend. And albeit the Iaponians haue pretended to disquiet Corea, which is vnder the Go∣uernment of China: yet they could not obtayne their purpose: but they were driuen out of it: And Corea hath remayned in great peace and safety, as at this day they of Luzon doe well vnderstand.

The Answer of Don PEDRO DE ACANNA, Gouernour of the Philippinas, to the Visitour of Chincheo in China.

THe Gouernour answered these Letters by the same Messengers that brought them: vsing termes full of courtesie and authoritie. Hee rehearsed the rebellion of the Sangleyes, from the beginning: Hee iustified the defense of the Spaniards, and the punishment that was executed vpon the Offenders. Hee said, that no Common-wealth can be gouerned without chastising the bad, nor without rewarding the good. And therefore that he did not repent him of that execution: because it was done for repres∣sing of them that thought to destroy vs. That the Visitour should bee Iudge, what hee would doe, if the like case should happen in China. That the griefe that he had was, that he could not saue certaine San∣gleyes [ 10] Merchants Anhayes, which died among the offenders: But that this was vnpossible to be reme∣died; because the furie of warre doth not giue leaue to kill some, and to saue others, especially being not knowne of the Souldiers in the heate of battell. That vsing mercy to those that remayned aliue, condem∣ned them to rowe in the Galleyes: which is the punishment, which is ordayned among the Castillians for those that haue deserued death. Yet if it seeme in China that it ought to be moderated, hee would grant them libertie. But let it be considered, said Don Pedro, that this may be a cause, that in not chasti∣sing so great an offence, they may hereafter fall againe into the same. A thing that would shut vp all accesse vnto fauour. That the goods of the Chineses that were slayne are in safe custodie. And that it may be seene, that no other affection moueth mee then that of iustice, I will shortly send them to be deli∣uered [ 20] to the right Heires, or vnto such persons as of right they belong vnto. None other respect moueth mee to any of these things, but that of reason. Whereas you tell mee, That if I will not set at libertie those prisoners, licence will be granted in China to the kinsfolke of those which died in the Rebellion, to come with an Armie to Manila, it breedeth no feare in mee. For I hold the Chineses to be so wise, that they will not be moued to such things vpon so weake a ground: especially none occasion thereof being giuen them on our part. And in case they should be of another minde, wee Spaniards are a People which know very well how to defend our Right, Religion, and Territories. And let not the Chineses thinke, that they are Lords of all the World,* 3.596 as they would haue vs thinke. For wee Castillians, which haue mea∣sured the World with spannes, know perfectly the Countreyes of China. Wherefore they shall doe well to take knowledge, that the King of Spaine hath continuall warres with as mighty Kings as theirs is, [ 30] and doth suppresse them, and putteth them to great troubles. And it is no new case, that when our ene∣mies thinke that they haue vanquished vs, they finde vs marching and destroying the Confines of their Land, and not to cease, vntill wee haue cast them out of their Thrones, and taken their Scepters from them.* 3.597 I would be much grieued with the change of the commerce: But I beleeue also that the Chineses would not willingly lose it, since that thereby they obtayne so great profit, carrying to their Kingdome our Siluer, which neuer faileth in trucke of their merchandise, which are slight things, and soone worne out.

The ships of the Englishmen, which arriued on the coast of China, it was determined not to receiue: because they be no Spaniards, but rather * 3.598 their enemies, and Pirats. Wherefore if they come to Ma∣nila, they shall be punished. Finally, b••caus•• wee Spaniards doe alwaies iustifie our causes, and doe boast [ 40] our selues, that it cannot bee said in the world, that wee vsurpe other mens possessions, nor inuade our friends, that shall be fulfilled which is here promised. And from hence forward let them know in China, that wee neuer doe any thing for feare, nor for threats of our enemies. Don Pedro concludeth, offering continuance of amitie by new bonds of peace with the Kingdomes of China: and that he will set at li∣bertie in due time the Prisoners which he held in the Galleyes: albeit he thought to vse them, as he did, in the voyage of Maluco; which he put in execution with speed. And all this he precisely performed.

CHAP. IIII. [ 50] The report of a Mahometan Merchant which had beene in Cambalu: and the troublesome trauell of BENEDICTVS GOES, a Portugall Ie∣suite, from Lahor to China by land, thorow the Tartars Countreyes.

* 3.599IErome Xauere a Iesuite, in a Letter from Lahor in India, subiect to the Mogoll, da∣ted, August, 1598. relateth that an old man there knowne to haue distributed 100000. Peeces of Gold at Mecca, affirmed to the Prince that he had liued in Xatai thirteene yeeres,* 3.600 in Xambalu the chiefe Citie; that the King thereof [ 60] was mighty, and had in his Empire one thousand and fiftie Cities, some very populous; that he had often seene the King, with whom no man speakes but by a Supplication, nor is answered but by an Eunuch. And asked how hee had accesse thither, he said,* 3.601 he being a Merchant sustayned also the person of the Embassadour of the King of Caygar,

and being detained in the first Citie by the Magistrate, he shewed his Commission, and Poste was presently sent to the King, who returned in a moneth,* 3.602 riding ninety or an hundred courses a day, with change of Horses▪ bringing him Letters of admission. Hee said that they punish theeues seuerely: that these Xaitaians are white, long bearded, personable, and comely, therein to be preferred before the Rumes or Turkes; in Religion Isauites▪ (Christians, so called of Iesus) some Musauites or Iewes, and many Mahumetans, insomuch that they hoped to bring the Chri∣stian King to that Sect. They had (he said to the Iesuite in another conference) many Temples, and Images painted and grauen, and Crucifixes which they with great deuotion worshipped; many Priests, much reuerenced, each hauing his owne Church; to whom they offer their gifts, [ 10] they liued single and kept Schooles; one supereminent: at the Kings charge were the Churches built and repaired; they ware blacke clothes, and on holidayes red, with Caps like the Iesuites; but greater; many Monasteries of both Sexes, and some in their owne houses, obseruing a single life; the Countrey rich, hauing many siluer Mines; and that the King had foure hundred Ele∣phants, which they said were brought from Malaca, and that Merchants resorted thither; the Voyage sixe moneths. Xauerius addeth, that in Caximir he heard of many Christians in Rebat, a Kingdome adioyning to Catai, with Churches, Priests, and Bishops. These reports (sayth Trigantius) the Saracens made, either of purpose to deceiue, after their wont; or were deceiued by like shew of Holies in Images, Lamps, Altars, Priests vestments, Processions, Singings, and the like, which the Deuill hath imitated among the Chinois like to our (Romish) Rites.

[ 20] These reports caused the Iesuites in India to thinke of sending one of their Society into those parts. Pimenta the Father Visitour sent notice thereof to the Pope, and to the King of Spaine, who tooke Order with the Vice-roy to be aduised herein by Pimenta. Benedictus Goez a brother of that Society and Coadjutor to Xauerius, was thought fit for that designe, hauing the Persian tongue.* 3.603 And hauing come from Echebar (father of the present Mogol) who had lately taken Brampor, with his Legat, to Goa; hee was sent backe to Lahor, to accompanie the Merchants; which euery fifth yeere, as that Saracen related, with title of Legats of the King of Persia, and other Easterne Kings (not otherwise admitted) went thither. In the yeere therefore 1602. he went to Agra, where Echebar applauded his purpose, and gaue him foure hundred Crownes for his iourney, besides a thousand Rupias hee had already spent. He changed his habite, and dis∣guised [ 30] himselfe like an Armenian Merchant, and so went to Lahor, calling himselfe Branda Abe∣dula, whither he came on the eight of December. He went to the house of Iohn Galisco a Vene∣tian, and there prouided himselfe of necessaries, wearing his haire and beard long, and Leo Gri∣mone a Greeke, well skilled in Turkish and Persian, vndertaking to be his companion, with De∣metrius another Greeke, and Isaac an Armenian. Furnished with diuers writings and a Catalogue of moueable Feasts till An. 1610. he set forth An. 1603. the sixth of Ianuarie from his Superiour, and in Lent after from Lahor, with the companie of Merchants which goe from the Mogols to Cascar, almost fiue hundred men, with many Camels and carriages.

In a moneths iourney they came to a Citie called Athec, in the Prouince of Lahor;* 3.604 and after fifteene dayes, passed a Riuer a flight shot broad, where they stayed fiue dayes, being told of [ 40] theeues in great number at hand. Two moneths after they came to another Citie called Passaur,* 3.605 where they rested twentie dayes. Thence they going to another small Towne, met with a cer∣taine Anchorite a stranger, by whom they vnderstood that thirtie dayes off was a Citie named Capherstam, into which the Saracens are not permitted entrance,* 3.606 and if they enter are put to death. But Ethnike Merchants are admitted their Citie, yet not their Temples. Hee said, that the Inhabitants of that Region goe to Church all of them in blacke; their Countrey fertile, and plentifull of Grapes. Hereby Goes supposed that they were Christians. In the place where they found this stranger, they stayed other twentie dayes. And because the way was infested with Theeues they receiued of the Lord of the place a Conuoy of foure hundred Souldiers. In fiue and twentie dayes they came from hence to a place called Ghideli,* 3.607 all which way their carriages [ 50] went at the foot of a Hill. The Merchants with Armes on the tops of the Hill made search for Theeues, which vse to throw stones from thence on the Passengers, except thus preuented. In this place the Merchants pay Tribute. Being assaulted by Theeues many were wounded,* 3.608 and they had much adoe to saue their liues and goods. Benedict escaped by flight into the Woods. At night they came againe together, and auoyded the Theeues. After other twentie dayes iourney they came to Cabul, a Citie and Mart frequent,* 3.609 not yet hauing passed the Mogols Do∣minions. Here they stayed eight dayes: for some of the Merchants would goe no further, and others durst not, being so few. In this Mart the Sister of the King of Cascar, by whose Domi∣nion they were to passe to Catay, happened on the Carauan. The Kings name was Maffamet Can; this his Sister was Mother to the King of Cotan, and called Agehanem (Age is a title gi∣uen [ 60] by the Saracens to those which haue beene on Pilgrimage at Mecca, whence she now retur∣ned.) Being destitute of prouision for her iourney, shee demanded aide of the Merchants, pro∣mising to restore all faithfully with encrease when they were comne to her Kingdome.

Goes thought it a fit occasion to procure the friendship of another King, his Mogoll Patents now wearing out. Hee lent her therefore on sale of some goods sixe hundred Crownes, refusing

any contract of interest, which shee bountifully repayed in pieces of Marble much esteemed in China,* 3.610 the best merchandise for such as goe to Catay. Leo Grimane the Priest, wearied with the tediousnesse of the iourney, went no further, and Demetrius stayed in this Citie on merchandi∣sing affaires. Goes held on with Isaac the Armenian, in the companie of other Merchants, which gaue likelihood of better securitie.* 3.611 The first Citie they came at was called Ciaracar, in which place is great store of Iron. Here Goes was not a little troubled, the Mogols Seale in these his borders being neglected, which all this way hitherto had freed him from payment of Customes.* 3.612 Ten dayes after they came to a small Towne, called Paruam, the vtmost of the Mogoll confines.

After fiue dayes stay, they had twentie dayes iourney ouer high Mountaines into a Region named Aingharan.* 3.613 In fifteene dayes more they came to Calcia. The people of this Region hath [ 10] yellow haire on head and beard like the Low-Countrey-men, and dwell in diuers Villages. Ten dayes after, they came to a place called Gialalabath, where the Bramanes exact Customes gran∣ted them by the King Bruarate. After other fifteene dayes ••key came to Talban, where Ciuill broiles detayned them a moneth; the Calcians rebelling and endangering the wayes. Hence they passed to Cheman.* 3.614 Vnder Abdulahan King of Samarhan, Burgania, and Bacharate, and of other neighbouring Kingdomes, is a small Towne, the Captaine whereof sent to the Merchants to containe themselues within the walls, the Calcians infesting all without. They answered, that they would pay their Customes, and pursue their iourney by night. But hee forbad them, saying, that the Rebels had no Horses as yet, which if they could take from the Carauan, they [ 20] would proue more mischieuous: much better it were, if they would ioyne with him to repell them. Scarcely were they comne to the walls, when the rumour came of the Calcians com∣ming: at which newes the Captaine and his ranne away. The Merchants erected a sudden fortification of their packes, and carried into the same great store of stones to serue their turnes if Arrowes failed. The Calcians perceiuing that, sent a message to the Merchants, that they should feare nothing, for they would accompanie and defend them. They durst not trust them, but resolued to flee to the next Wood, the Theeues taking out of the packes what they plea∣sed, and then calling them forth, and permitting them with their emptied packes to enter the emptie walls. Benedict lost nothing but a Horse, for which also hee after receiued Cotton clothes. They liued within the walls in great feare. But at that time a great Captaine, named [ 30] Olobet Ebadascan, sent his Brother out of the Bucharate Region to the Rebels, which caused them to permit the Merchants to goe freely: in all which iourney the Rere was vexed with Pilferers. Foure of them set vpon Goes, to escape whom hee threw amongst them his Persian Turbant, whereof they making a foot-ball, hee meane while set spurres to his Horse and ouer∣tooke his companie.

* 3.615Eight dayes after with a tedious passage they came to Badascian, called Tengi, which signi∣fieth A troublesome way: for there is space but for one to passe, and that on the high banke of a great Riuer. The Inhabitants with a companie of Souldiers set vpon the Merchants, and tooke from Goes three Horses, which he after redeemed with gifts. Here they stayed ten dayes, and thence in one day came to Ciarciunar,* 3.616 where they were fiue dayes detayned with raines in the [ 40] open field,* 3.617 and were besides assaulted by Theeues. Ten dayes after they arriued at Serpanil, a place quite forsaken. They climbed into a high Hill, called Sacrithma, whither the strongest Horses were only able to passe, the rest going about. Two of Goes his Horses halted, and had much adoe to ouertake their fellowes. In twentie dayes iourney comming to the Prouince Sarcil,* 3.618 they there found many neighbouring Villages. After two dayes stay for refreshing, they in two dayes more came to the foot of a Hill, termed Ciecialith, which they ascended, thicke co∣uered with Snow,* 3.619 wherewith many were frozen, and Goes was in great danger. For the Snow held them sixe dayes; after which they came to Tangetar, which belongs to the Kingdome of Cascar. There Isaac the Armenian fell from the banke of a great Riuer into the water, and was eight houres space halfe dead.* 3.620 In fifteene dayes more they attayned the Towne Iaconich, [ 50] such an ill way that Goez lost sixe Horses with the trauell. In fiue dayes he got (hasting before the companie) to the chiefe Citie named Hiarchan,* 3.621 whence hee prouided his companions of ne∣cessaries, who soone after arriued there in Nouember, 1603.

Hiarchan the Seat Royall of the Kingdome of Cascar, hath great resort of Merchants, and is also well stored with variety of merchandise. The Carauan of Cabul here ends their Voyage: and from thence to Catay is a new one furnished,* 3.622 the Captainship whereof the King selleth at a great price, and conferreth on the Captaine Regall power ouer the Merchants thorow all that way. It was a yeeres space before they could all bee ready to so long and dangerous a iourney, which required many persons. Neither is it performed euery yeere, but by them onely which know they shall be admitted into Catay. There is no better merchandise (as before is said) then a certaine shining Marble,* 3.623 which wee are wont to call Iasper, for want of a fitter word; which [ 60] the King of Catay buyeth at a great price; and what hee leaueth they may sell to others at ex∣ceeding rates. Of it they make diuers ornaments for Vessels, Garments, Girdles, with leaues and flowers artificially engrauen. The Chinois call it Tuscè; and of it are two kinds, one more

precious which is taken out of the Riuer Cotan, not farre from the Citie Royall, in manner as the Diuers fish for Pearles, and is brought out like thicke flints; the other meaner is digged out of Hils, and is sawed into broad stones aboue two Ells wide, after fitted to the Voyage. This Hill is twentie dayes Iourney from that Citie Royall, and is stiled Cansangui Cascio, that is, The sto∣nie Mountayne. They are thence taken with incredible labour, both for the desertnesse of the place, and the inexorable hardnesse of the Marble, which they say is forced with fire made there∣on to yeeld: the license also to take it, is deere sold by the King to some one Merchant, who pur∣chaseth the Monopoly; and when they goe thither they carrie a yeares prouision for the Labou∣rers, which in that space returne not.

[ 10] Goez visited the King, whose name is Mahamethin, and presented him with a Watch, a Glasse and other European Commodities, which made him very welcome.* 3.624 Hee would not at first tell him of going to Catay, but only spake of the Kingdome of Cialis East-ward from thence, and procured his grant thereto, assisted by the Sonne of his Sister the Pilgrime Queene before men∣tioned. Sixe moneths passed, and Demetrius one of his old Societie which staid at Cabul, came thither. At that time by the Kings License one of the Merchants was stiled Emperour as in jest, to whom the other Merchants after the custome gaue Presents, which Demetrius refusing, was in danger to be imprisoned and beaten (for so large is his power) had not Benedict interce∣ded and by a gift compounded the businesse. Theeues also brake into the House and setting a Sword to the Armenians brest terrified him from crying; but our Brother Demetrius hearing, [ 20] cried out and scarred them away. Benedict was gone to the King of Quotans Mother for pay∣ment of his Debt: his Residence was ten dayes Iourney thence, so that he spent a moneth there∣in before his returne. In this space the Saracens raised a report that he was dead, slaine by their Priests for refusing their holies. Now because he dyed intestate, they sought to seize on his goods, which was very troublesome to Isaac and Demetrius, both for defence of the goods, and losse of their Friend, which redoubled their joy at his returne with plentie of that Marble, and hee in thankfulnesse gaue much Almes.

On a day as he was eating with other Saracens, one came in armed, and setting his Sword to his brest, charged him to inuoke * 3.625 Mahomet. He answered, that in his Law there was no such name inuoked, and therefore refused: and by the company that mad fellow was extruded. The [ 30] like zeale oft endangered him on like termes of Mahumetan profession. On another day he was called by the King of Cascar in the presence of his Cacises, the Priests, & the Mullas or learned men, and asked what Law he professed, whether that of Moses, of Dauid, or Mahumet, and which way he turned himselfe in praying. Hee answered, that hee professed the Law of Iesus, whom they call Isai, and turned any way when he prayed, beleeuing that God was euery where: about which rose amongst them great controuersie, they vsing to turne to the * 3.626 West: yet they concluded that our Law also might seeme good.

Meane-whiles one Agiafi of that Countrey was named Captaine of the future Carauan, who inuited our Brother to his House (hauing heard well of him) to a Feast, wherein they had Mu∣sicke after their manner. At the end, hee desired his company to Catay, which he much desired, [ 40] but had learned by experience how to deale with the Saracens, and would be intreated, that he might seeme to doe, rather then receiue, a Fauour. The Captaine vseth the Kings mediati∣on, who desired him to accompany the Carauan Bassa,* 3.627 which he accepted vpon condition of his Letters Patents for all that way. His Cabul companions were herewith offended, as loth to lose his company, and much disswaded him; but hee made shew as though hee were loth herein to displease the King, and for his sake had promised the Carauan Bassa, which now hee might not reuoke. They said that these people were perfidious, and would deuoure him and his: nor was their feare causlesse, for many of the Natiues had told them, that those three Armenians (so they called all these three Christians) as soone as they were out of the walles would bee slaine. This terrified Demetrius from going further, who also disswaded Goez but in vaine, saying, he [ 50] would not disappoint the hopes of so many, the Archbishop of Goa, and the Vice-roy to lose his expences, but would aduenture his life in the Designe.

Hee prouided ten Horses for his Carriages, and for his fellow, hauing another at home. The Bassa was gone to his house fiue dayes Iourney thence to make all readie, and thence sent to Goez to hasten.

Anno 1604. about the midst of Nouember, they came to a place called Iolci,* 3.628 where they vse to pay Customes, and their Commissions are examined. Hence they went to Hancialix Alceghet, to Hagabateth, to Egriar, to Mesetelec, to Thalec, to Horma, to Thcantac, to Min∣gieda, to Capetalcol Zilan, to Sarc Guebedal, to Canbasci, to Aconsersec, to Ciacor, to Acsu: in this way they spent fiue and twentie dayes, the way troublesome, both with store [ 60] of stones or Rockes, and with Sands. Acsu is a Towne of the Kingdome of Cascar, the Go∣uernour whereof was Nephew to the King, then twelue yeares old. Hee would needs see Goez, who went and gaue him childish Presents, Sugar and the like, and was gently entertayned of him. There being then a solemne dancing before him, he requested our Brother to dance, which to satisfie him, he did.* 3.629

He visited also his Mother and shewed her his Patent, which was with great reuerence ad∣mitted: to her he gaue a Chrystall glasse, a Calico cloth of India, and the like. The Childs Go∣uernour also, or Protector, which swayd the publike Affaires, sent for him. In this way one of Goez his Horses fell into a swift Riuer, and escaped to the other side; and came againe of him∣selfe, the Name of Iesus being inuoked.

In this way the Desert is passed called Caracathai, that is, The blacke Land of the Cathayans, in which they say the Catayans stayed long.* 3.630 In this Towne they stayed fifteene dayes for other Merchants, and then departing went to Oitograch Gazo, to Casciani, to D••llai, to Saregabedall, to Vgan, and after to Cucia, a small Towne where they stayed a whole moneth to refresh their beasts, which by the irksomnesse of the wayes, and weight of the Marble, and want of Barley were almost spent. Here the Priests demanded of Goez, why in their Solemne Fast (Lent) he [ 10] fasted not, and almost forced him in hope of some Largesse or Fine. After they were gone hence in fiue and twentie dayes they came to the Citie Cialis, which was little, but well fortified. This Countrey was gouerned by a base Sonne of the King of Cascar, who hearing that Goez professed another Religion, began to terrifie him, saying, it was a bold part for a man of another profes∣sion to enter those parts: for he might lawfully take from him his life and goods. But when he read his Letters Patents he was pacified, and with a Present was made also a friend. One night disputing about their Law, with the Priests and Learned men, he sent for Benedict into the Pa∣lace (whereupon suspition arose of some ill intent being at so vnseasonable a time) hee went and being commanded to dispute, with force of Arguments silenced the Aduersaries. The Vice-roy [ 20] alway protected him, approuing his Sayings, and concluding that the Christians were the true Misermans,* 3.631 saying, that his Progenitors had professed the same Law. After the Disputation hee made him a Banquet, and caused him to lye that night in the Palace, so that Isaac was wee∣ping at his returne, and almost in despaire to see him. In this Citie they stayed three moneths. For the Carauan Bassa would not depart without a great company (it being so much more gaine to him) nor suffer any man to goe before. Goez wearied with this tedious stay and chargeable expence, with a Gift obtayned leaue of the Viceroy, the Carauan and Captaine being against it.

He then intended to proceed from Cialis, when the Merchants of the former Carauan retur∣ned from Catay. These faining an Embassage (after their wont) had pierced into the Royall [ 30] Seat of Catay,* 3.632 and hauing conuersed in the same Palace of Strangers with our (Iesuites) repor∣ted strange and certaine newes of Father Matthew and the Companie, to Goez, who wondred that Catay was become China. These Saracens were the same hereafter reported * 3.633 of, which liued three moneths with ours, and told him that the Fathers had presented to the King, Watches, Pictures and other European Presents, and were much respected in the Palace, of the greatest, and (adding some lies) said that they had often spoken with the King. They reasonable well painted their faces,* 3.634 but knew not their names: by reason that after the China manner they had taken other names. And for further Argument they shewed a Paper written in Portugall, which they had taken out of the dust, when the Seruant swept the Chamber, to shew in their owne Countrey. This cheared Goez hearing that Catay was China, and that Pequin the Royall [ 40] Citie was Cambalu.* 3.635

The Vice-roy gaue him his Letters for securitie, and demanding whether he would be inscri∣bed a Christian, he answered yea; for all this way he had comne, called by the Name of Isai, and so would hold out to the end. An old Saracen Priest hearing this, cast his Cap on the ground, ap∣plauding his resolute Zeale, saying, that theirs are reported to dissemble and alter their Religion with the Region. Goez went on with his companion, and a few others, and in twentie dayes came to Pucian a Towne of the same Kingdome, where the Gouernour vsed him kindly and amply prouided him out of his owne House.* 3.636 Thence they proceeded to Turphan, and staid a whole moneth in that fortified Citie. Thence they passed to Aremuth, and after to Camul, a for∣tified place where they refreshed themselues another moneth, because they were well vsed in all [ 50] the Kingdome of Cialis,* 3.637 which ends at this Towne. From Camul in nine dayes they came to the Northerne wals of China, to a place called Chiaicuon, where they staid fiue and twentie dayes for the Answere of the Vice-roy of that Prouince.

* 3.638After this they were admitted entrance within the walles, and in one day came to Socieu a Citie, where they heard much of Pequin, and other names knowne; so that now hee was out of all doubt that Catay and China differed only in name. All the way from Cialis to the borders of China, is infamous with incursions of the Tartars: and therefore Merchants passe these places with great feare,* 3.639 searching by day from the Neighbour Hils whether there bee any out-rode of Tartars, and if they judge the wayes secure they trauell by night with silence. In the way they found many Saracens miserably slaine, hauing aduentured to goe alone: although the [ 60] Tartars seldome kill the Natiues, saying, they are their Slaues and Herdsmen, from whom they take away their flocks of Sheepe, and Herds of Bullocks. They eate no Wheate, Barley, nor Pulse,* 3.640 saying, it is food for beasts, not men. They feed only on flesh, not sparing Horses, Mules, Camels, and yet are said to liue one hundred yeares.

The Saracen Nations bordering on these parts of China, might easily by the Chinois bee sub∣dued, as being not warlike men, if the Chinois cared to enlarge their Dominions. In this way one night Benedict fell from his Horse, his company going on and not missing him till they came to their Lodging, and then Isaac went backe to seeke him and found him by the sound of the Name Iesus, almost despairing to see his company any more.

These walls were built on the West of China, as it trends North-wards, about the space of two hundred * 3.641 miles, where the Tartarian out-roads are now lesse dangerous. Against them are builded two fortified Cities with choise Garrisons. They haue a peculiar Vice-roy and other Magistrates ouer them, which are commanded only from Pequin. In one of these (Canceu in the [ 10] Prouince of Scensi) the Vice-roy resideth with other chiefe Magistrates. The other (named So∣ceu) hath a speciall Gouernour, and is distributed into two parts; in one of which the Chinois (whom the Saracens here call Catayans) in the other the Saracens, haue their Habitation, which come from Cascar, and the like Westerne Kingdomes for Merchandizing Affaires. Some of them, as the Portugals at Amacao, in the Prouince of Canton, settle their abodes and haue wiues and children, accounted as Natiue subiects. But those Portugals liue according to their owne Lawes, and haue Magistrates of their owne, whereas these Saracens are gouerned by the Chi∣nois, and euery night are shut vp by them within their owne Citie, inclosed with peculiar walls. The Law is, that he which hath stayed there nine yeares, may not returne to his Countrey. The Merchants come vsually from the West to this Citie, which with fayned Embassage, by an∣cient [ 20] leagues of seuen or eight Kingdomes with that of China, haue obtayned, that euery sixth yeare seuentie two in name of Legats should pay Tribute to the King, that shining Marble, pie∣ces of Diamonds, blue colour and other things; thence they goe to the Court at publike charge, and likewise returne. Their Tribute is rather by way of honour or homage then any way profi∣table; for no man payes dearer for this Marble then the King himselfe, who esteemes it a disho∣nour to take any thing of Strangers for nothing. And they are so entertayned at the Kings cost, that all things reckoned, they get euery day aboue their necessarie charges a Ducket a man. Hence are many ambitious of this Embassage an•• purchase it of the Carauan Bassa (who hath the nomination) at great price: at that time counterfeiting their Kings Letters, acknowledging vassallage to the King of China. The like Embassages the Chinois admit from diuers Kingdomes, [ 30] from Cauchin-china, Siam, Leuchieu, Corea, and some of the Tartars Kingdomes, not without in∣credible expenses of the publike treasure: of which fraud the Chinois are not ignorant, but flat∣ter with their King, as if all the World paid Tribute vnto him, when as rather the Chinois in this manner pay Tributes to them.

At the end of the yeere 1605. Our Benedict came to Soceu, growne wealthy by his long Iourney; hauing thirteene Horses, fiue hired Seruants, two Boyes which hee bought, and the most precious Marble of the rest, all valued at 2500. Duckets. Hee also and Isaac were well in health. In this Citie he lighted vpon other Saracens returned from Pequin,* 3.642 which confirmed the former Reports of the Fathers, with other things beyond all measure of Faith, that the King of China paid them money daily by a certaine measure and not by weight. Hee writ presently [ 40] to Father Matthew to Pequin, to acquaint him with his comming, and gaue the Letters to cer∣taine Chinois: but because he knew not the China name wherewith Ours were called, and the Region where they resided, and writ in European Characters, those Chinois could not deliuer them. The next yeare at Easter, he sent againe by a Saracen Fugitiue (for they may neither goe in nor out without the Magistrates leaue) and writ to them of his Voyage and state, desiring them to take some course to free him from that Prison, that he might returne by Sea into India, the Portugall way. The Father had long before learned by Letters from India, of this intended Iourney, and yeerely expected him, and made much enquirie of those counterfeit Embassadors, but could not till now heare of him. They were now therefore much joyed to read his Letters, which in Nouember following came to their hands, and one was presently sent, to bring him by [ 50] some meanes to Pequin, not one of the Societie lest one stranger should hinder another,* 3.643 but a Pu∣pill which lately admitted, had not yet entred his probation, named Iohn Fernandus a wise young man, with a companion, a new Conuert, skilled in those parts. And if hee could not bring him thence by the Magistrates leaue or by other Arts, he should stay there with him, and write to the Company, who by their friends would procure him passage.

This Iourney was vnreasonable in the hardest of Winter, being almost foure moneths Iourney from Pequin. Yet would not Father Matthew deferre any longer, which if he had done, Goez would haue beene dead before his comming. Hee and two others of the Societie writ to him. Meane-while Goez suffers more wrongs of the Saracens in this place then hee had done in the way, and was faine to sell his Marble halfe vnder the price for prouisions, whence he made 1200. [ 60] Duckets and paid his Debts, and sustained his Family a yeere. Meane-while, the Carauan came with their Captaine, and he with entertainments was againe forced to borrow,* 3.644 and because hee was chosen into the number of the seuentie two, he prouided him of some Marble pieces, with∣out which had beene no going to Pequin. Hee hid one hundred pounds in the ground that the Saracens should not know thereof. Ferdinandus went from Pequin the eleuenth of December,

and his Seruant ranne from him at Singhan, the Mother Citie of the Prouince of Sciansi, carrying away halfe their prouision.* 3.645 At the end of March, 1607. he yet made shift to get to Soceu, and found Goez lying on his Death-bed, who had dreamed that one of our company would come thither the next day, and sent Isaac into the Market who brought Ferdinandus to him. Hauing re∣ceiued the Letters, he brak into a Nunc dimittis, as seeming to haue ended his Pilgrimage. Eleuen dayes after Goez dyeth,* 3.646 not without suspition of Poyson from the Saracens. They had perpetuall Spies to watch and catch what he left, which they did most barbarously execute, and amongst the rest his Iournall was lost which he had written in very small Letters. They sought for it to preuent payment of Debts there entred. They would haue buried him like a Saracen, but Isaac and Ferdinand excluded them and buried him, with a recitall of the Rosarie, in defect of other Bookes. Thus died Benedict Goez, a man of great parts, which had after his admission done great [ 10] seruice to the Societie (howsoeuer he was not a Priest) much esteemed by the Great Mogoll, whom he auerted from the Warre of India. He disswaded before his death that Ours should not trust the Saracens, not aduenture this way, as vnprofitable and dangerous. And although hee dyed without Confession in so many yeeres, yet he was cheerefull in the mercie of God, and professed that his conscience did not accuse him of matters of any moment.

* 3.647By a Tartarian custome they diuide the goods of the deceased amongst them all, and therefore bound Isaac threatning to kill him if he turned not Mahumetan; but Ferdinand put vp a Suppli∣cation to the Vice-roy at Canceu, who subscribed that the Gouernour of Soceu should examine the businesse. He first was fauourable, but corrupted by bribes threatned to whip him, and held him in Prison three dayes. But he sold his Garments for want of Money, and continued the [ 20] Suit fiue moneths, not being able at first to conferre with Isaac for want of Language. Isaac on∣ly vttered a few Portugall words, and the Iudge had thought they had spoken in the Canton Tongue. At last, Ferdinand learned to speake Persian, and was able to conferre with him. The Saracens pleaded that Ferdinand was a Chinese by his countenance, the other a Saracen: hee an∣swered that his Mother was a Chinese, whom he resembled. But nothing moued the Iudge more then that he was an enemy to their Religion, and pulling a piece of Porke out of his sleeue, they both did eate it; whereupon with laughter of the Assembly, the Saracens abhominated both, spitting at the Armenian, and leauing the Suit, saying, that the Armenian was deluded by the China-coozener.* 3.648 For in all the way to preuent offence, Benedict and Isaac had abstayned from [ 30] Porke. And thus all was by the Iudges sentence restored to Ferdinand which had beene Bene∣dicts: but nothing was found, saue Marble pieces which had beene hidden in the ground, which was sold, and yeelded to pay their Debts and prouision for their Iourney to Pequin, whither both of them came. They brought a faire gilded Crosse-Picture and the Charters of three Kings, Cascar, Quotan and Cialis, which are reserued at Pequin for a memoriall. Isaac related all this Storie to Father Matthew vpon credit of his memorie, and hauing stayed a moneth, was sent the wonted way to Amacao; where being well entertayned, hee in sayling thence to India, was taken by Hollanders, and lost both goods and libertie. But the Portugals of Malaca redeemed him, and he held on his course to India, and hearing of his Wiues death, went not to the Mogols Countrey,* 3.649 but staid at Chaul, and is now at the writing hereof aliue.

[ 40]

CHAP. V. A Generall Collection and Historicall representation of the Iesuites entrance into Iapon and China, vntill their admission in the Royall Citie of Nanquin.

[ 50]

§. I. Of FRANCIS XAVIER, MELCHIOR NVNNES, VALIGNANVS, RVGGERIVS and PASIVS.

FOrasmuch as we haue sailed so lately from the Philippinas to China, and backe a∣gaine with our Friers, and haue giuen you a Iesuits Land Iourney, we thought it worthy our labour also to launch into the deepe of their Nauigations, and to ho∣nour the Iesuits, (to whom in the following parts of this Historie we are so in∣debted) [ 60] with obseruing their Obseruations of Iapon,* 3.650 and the intercourse thereof with China; and from it (as the greatest and most glorious Easterne Iesuiticall Conquest) to ship our selues in their Barge to China. How Francis Xauier (now Sainted at Rome, together with Ignatius Loiola, first Founder of that Order) laboured the Conuersions of

Gentiles and Pagans to Christianitie, as in other parts of the Indies, so heere in Iapan I willingly acknowledge; yea, so farre am I from enuying either him or his Order, or any other Order sti∣led Religious, their Trophees of Conuersions, that I could wish the Pope seated in Miaco, and all the Iesuits, & Friers, yea, all his Iesuited Clergie fully possessed of the Bonzian Colledges & Tem∣ples in Iapon; whence a double good might issue; to the Ethnikes some light in stead of a totall darknesse, a diseased life being better then death; and to Europe, to be lightned of their burthen, where professing themselues Lights, they proue Lightnings, and raise so manifold combustions. And most especially could I wish this honour to my Countrey-men the English Iesuites, and Priests, Popi••h Emissaries of whatsoeuer Order, that they were there ordered, or (which fits [ 10] their ambition better) ordering that Easterne World, rather then here disordered and disorde∣ring, playing the Lords of Mis-rule in the West. The very Name of Christ is sweet to mee, euen in Iapan, yea, from a Iesuites mouth, or a Iesuites Conuert; and would God they taught them Iesus more, and lesse Iesuitish fancies of exchanged worship of Creatures, howsoeuer gilded with Christian Names, that the Iaponians might learne to acknowledge Iesus and Maria truly, and not with Names and Images of they know not what, to worship Venus and her Sonne Cupid,* 3.651 in stead of the Blessed Virgin, and that incarnate Blessednesse her blessed Sonne, who is God ouer all blessed for euer.

One told Cortes the Mexian Conqueror then speaking great words, that there is much diffe∣rence in conquering Neighbours at home, and naked Americans; I adde, that a man may be Chri∣stened, [ 20] and yet farre short of Christianitie, (euen by Iesuites * 3.652 testimonies) and that somewhat more is required to a Christian then Christian Names, giuen in Baptisme to hundreds at once, as some haue done without further instruction. Deuotion is rather to be prized by weight and worth, then by tale and numbers, as happens in their Beades here, and too often in their Con∣uersions there: which were they indeed so much to be magnified and gloried in, would aswell preuaile in men of capacitie to ouerthrow strong holds and high imaginations, as here to worke on our silly women laden with sinnes, hoping for their Confession-cure; and there,* 3.653 with sillinesse it selfe,* 3.654 or such as Reason turnes Christians because they will not runne madde with their owne to such Monsters as their Bonzi teach them. Themselues confesse, that it is not much, they can preuaile with Mahumetans any where; or here in China: and Ours haue found them to say more [ 30] then they had done in that little.

I should much rejoyce that their Reports were true, and that as an Orator * 3.655 of theirs hath so∣lemnized the Canonization of Loiola, their Patriarke, and Xauier the Indian Apostle (so hee sti∣leth them) this Saint Francis had conuerted three hundred thousand Soules, of innumerable Nations; yea, all Heretikes in neere sixteene hundred yeeres, had not conuerted so many, nay, had not peruerted so many not Christians, to all their Heresies together, as he alone adjoyned to Christ in eleuen yeeres. I am glad to heare it, and that which hee addeth, that all Heretickes whatsoeuer had not infect••d so many Languages and peoples, as those of which hee had illustra∣ted many with Christian Truth and Pietie. Doth this man consider how much of the World hath beene Christian, and how much after that Hereticall? how many more Nations the Nesto∣rian [ 40] Heresie hath infected then Xauier saw, leauening, in manner, all Asia from Constantinople where it began, vnto Tartaria? Cathay, or China, and the Indies,* 3.656 and hath not the Iacobite He∣resie preuailed ouer Africa? and before that the Arrian, ouer all the World, which as Saint Hie∣rome saith, groned and wondred to see it selfe growne Arrian? But these perhaps rather peruerted Christians then any way conuerted Ethnikes! Yet the great Nations of the Gothes and Vandales were of Ethnikes made Arrians, the great Nations of the Lithuanians, Muscouites, Russes, &c. haue not many hundred yeeres since of Ethnikes beene conuerted to the Greeke Church, which they hold not Catholike (that I mention not the Armenians, Georgians, and others) one of which numbreth many times three hundred thousand.

And that one Impietie of Mahumet hath more Followers many, then all whatsoeuer professi∣ons [ 50] of Christianitie in all Languages, Nations, Rites whatsoeuer (I greeue to tell it) and that from peruerse Ethnikes and peruerted Christians. And although Luther and Caluin went not out of Germanie and France (which he objects) yet their sound, the Gospell which they preached hath gone ouer all the Earth, (as these our Relations shew in the Voyages of English, Dutch, French, yea, the Apostles themselues) and they haue shaken the Towres of Babylon in Europe, where they were strongest (where Antichrist hath his Throne, a Conquest more then Indian or Iapo∣nian) and when the Prophesie of Babylons vtter ruine is fulfilled, the same word shall conquer (I hope) both Iewes and Gentiles; yea, these Iesuites and their Preachings,* 3.657 may by Diuine Dis∣pensation become Harbengers to the Gospell hereafter, as the Iewish Dispersions in the Transla∣tions of the Scripture and profession of the true God, were fore-runners of the Apostles prea∣ching. [ 60] Meane-while they find vs worke at home to watch ouer our Flockes, lest such grieuous Wolues enter,* 3.658 and make vs to leaue the Pharisies glorie of compassing Sea and Land to winne Pro∣selites to these their Heires and Successors in this, as in many other things. But I will leaue them glorying of their Conuersions, grieuing that they are not herein better then their reports. I will follow them to these parts of China, and here for Chinas sake to Iapon,* 3.659 and with that Rule of

Cassius (Cui bono) obserue them, in things not gainefull to their Religion, approue and applaud their industrie, yea, accept and thankfully acknowledge their authoritie. In their Conuersions to the Faith, I suspend my faith in the qualitie, if I admit their quantitie. For how could one man well instruct so many in so little time, except hee could haue giuen the Holy Ghost, as the Apostles in their conuersions did.

Francis Xauier, in the yeere 1541. sayled from Lisbon, wintred at Mosambique, whence hee passed into India, after that to Malaca, and to Iaponia, Et Cunctas oras (sayth the former Au∣thor) quas Oceanus ab Indico mari vsque ad extremos Sinas,* 3.660 id est totius Orbis dimidi••m, circum∣fluit, Euangelica praedicatione illustrauit & impleuit, (Iapon was first discouered and knowne to the Portugals by Mota, carryed out of his course to China thither by tempest, 1542.) Hee dyed, [ 10] Anno 1552. the fiue and fiftieth of his Age, of his Indian peregrination the eleuenth, in the Ile Sancian, on the Coast of China. This was the Indian Standrad-bearer to all of that Societie (be∣ginning his trauell to Lisbon the first yeere of their Confirmation 1540.) and now deified or Canonized, and inuoked by Doctor Schulchenius, Chancellor of Collen his Orator, Ignati & Fran∣cisce vestris succurrite precibus, &c. A Letter of his written from Iapon, in Nouember, 1549. thus relateth.

* 3.661Wee came by Gods grace in August to Iapon, on the Feast day of the Assumption of the Virgin Marie, hauing set foorth from Malaca on Midsommer day, The Master of the Ship was a Chinese, which had vndertaken that office to the Captayne of Malaca, and sayled prosperously till the Master altered his minde (as those Barbarians are vsually inconstant) and lingred long amongst the Ilands in the way. [ 20] This troubled vs in two respects principally, both for the losse of the season which God offered, and which being past,* 3.662 wee were compelled to winter on the Coast of China; and againe, because in the same Ship was carryed an Idoll of the Deuill, to which the Mariners in sight and spight of vs, sacrificed after the manner of their Countrey. They also by lots demanded answers thereof, touching their Voyage; which (as they sayd and beleeued) were sometimes good, sometimes bad. A hundred leagues from Malaca, holding our course to China, wee stayed at an Iland, where after many Ceremonies the Deuill was consulted, what fortune wee should haue, who answered, very prosperous: Whereupon with great alacritie wee set sayle: they worshipped the Idoll placed in the poope, with Candles burning and incense of sweet Wood; wee trusted in God the Creator of Heauen and Earth, and in his Sonne our Lord Iesus Christ, desiring to carrie his Religion into those parts. When wee were vnder sayle, they demanded of the Deuill, whether [ 30] this Ship should returne from Iapon to Malaca: the answer was made by the lot-casters, that it should goe to Iapon, but not returne to Malaca; which made them alter their mindes, thinking it better to win∣ter in China, and to deferre the voyage to Iapon till the next yeere. You may well thinke how it grieued vs, that the Deuill must bee consulted touching our course. After this we came to Cauchinchina, where two aduerse things happened, Emanuel Sina our companion, by the rolling of the Ship in the troubled Sea fell into the sinke, almost dead with the bruise and water, but in few dayes recouered: which before it was ended, the Masters Daughter with the like rolling of the Ship fell into the Sea, and in all our sight was drowned, and much lamentation followed. The Barbarians presently sought to pacifie the Deuill, and without rest all the day and night, tooke paines to kill Birds to the Idoll, and to set dishes (of meate before it,) and by lots consulted to know the cause of that misfortune. The answer was, that if Emanuel [ 40] which first fell in, had dyed, the Girle had not fallen into the Sea. You see in what danger the Deuill here∣by had cast vs, if our Lord had not restrayned his rage, &c.

The tempest being asswaged, wee came in few dayes to the Port of Canton in China. And there they purposed to Winter,* 3.663 notwithstanding all our intreaties and expostulations: but I know not how on a sudden they would goe to Chincheo, on the same Coast. And when wee were almost there, the Master was certified by some which sayled by,* 3.664 that there was store of Pirats at Chincheo; whereupon the winde being faire for Iapon, and crosse for Canton, they brought vs to Cangoxuma, the Countrey of our friend Paul, whose friends vsed vs vnkindly. There wee spent fortie dayes in learning the Elements of the Iaponian tongue with great labour, and began to publish the Decalogue, and other heads of Christian learning, which Paul had accurately conuerted into his owne Language; and wee purposed speedily to [ 50] Print them, whereby the knowledge of Christ is further and more easily founded, &c. The occasion of his journey thither, hee sheweth in another Letter, that some Portugals being lodged in a House possessed by Deuils,* 3.665 compassed the sayd house with Crosses, and that there was great hope of good to bee done in those parts: whereupon, notwithstanding those Seas are very tempestuous, and much infested with Pirats, hee resolued to goe thither.

Ricius and Trigantius, adde that the Iaponian Priests alledged in defence of their Idolatries, the Chinois wisedome against him, whereupon hee returned to India, to aduise with the Vice-roy to send an Ambassage into China, without which there was no entrance, and obtayned that Iames Pereira was named Legate, with whom he had before conferred about the businesse at Sancian, where the Portugals at that time vsed to trade with the Chinois, (Amacao not yet established) [ 60] but Aluarus Taidius the Captayne of Malaca opposed. Xauier loath herein to bee crossed, vsed the Popes Bull, which constituted him Apostolicall Nuncio, and grieuously Cursed all that should hinder his proceedings in promoting Religion. And when Aluarus would not otherwise relent, hee interdicted him and his followers. Soone after Aluarus was possessed with a Lepro∣sie,

and further contemning the Vice-roy, was taken and cast in Irons, and dyed miserably. Xauier burning with zeale of his China expedition,* 3.666 sought to get some Chinois by fauour or re∣ward, to conueigh him by stealth into China, and to expose him some-where on the Continent, although hee knew that imprisonment attended such strangers, as came into China without li∣cence. Being admonished to take leaue of the Captayne, What, sayd hee, should I goe to salute an Excommunicate person? I shall neuer see him, nor hee me, in this life, nor after, but when in the Vale of Iosaphat I shall accuse him before the Iudge, Christ. And praying for him,* 3.667 after with a counte∣nance full of Maiestie, hee put off his shooes, and shooke off the dust, according to the Euangelicall precept. Thus he came to Sancian a Desart Iland, where the Portugals vsed to make oothes of [ 10] boughes or straw, (for the time of their Trading with the Chinois) with whom hee consulted a∣bout some way to effect his desires, though with losse of libertie or life. At last he agreeth with a China Merchant, for as much Pepper (giuen him of the Portugall Merchants in almes) as was worth aboue two hundred Duckets, to set him and his Interpreter on shoare secretly. Hee vn∣dertooke it, but either secretly terrified by other Portugals, or with his owne danger,* 3.668 his Inter∣preter forsooke him: and after that, the Merchant also vanished. He stayed yet wayting for him, till a Feuer tooke him out of the world, in December, 1552. His corps was after tran∣slated to India.

The Portugals of those times, were very desirous of Trade with the Chinois, who on the other side were very suspitious of them, both by that which they saw of their Ships and Ordnance, [ 20] and by that which the Moores at Canton reported of these Franks, (so the Mahumetans * 3.669 call Europaeans) that they were warlike and victorious, as appeared in Malaca and all India, vnder colour of Merchandise subiected to the Portugals. The Chinois at Canton call them still Falanks: for they want the R, and pronounce not two consonants without a vowell interposed. By the same name they call also the Portugals Ordnance. Yet desire of gaine preuayled, that they were admitted to such a trade as ye haue heard, so as the Mart ended, they must away with their goods to India. That course continued diuers yeeres, till the Chinois growing lesse fearefull, granted them in the greater Iland a little Peninsula to dwell in. In that place was an Idoll, which still remayneth to bee seene, called Ama, whence the Peninsula was called Amacao, that is, Amas Bay. This Rocke indeed rather then Peninsula, began to bee inhabited not onely of Portugals,* 3.670 [ 30] but of the confluence of all neighbouring Nations, in regard of the commerce of Commodities of Europe, India, and the Moluccas, brought in Portugals Ships, and especially loue of the Siluer Coynes, brought the Chinois thither to dwell. In continuance of time, a Citie began by degrees to bee built, and the Portugals made not onely contracts of Merchandise, but of Marriage, with the Chinois, and so the Peninsula was filled with priuate houses, and out of a barren Rocke arose a noble Mart. And as gayne brought Merchants thither, so the care to keepe and to get soules, brought thither Priests and Religious men, and the Portugall Kings priuiledged the place with the tytle of a Citie, and made it a Bishops See. There the Iesuites fixed a residence, and first ere∣cted a Church to our Ladie, and after that diuers others. For it seemed conuenient to their de∣signes, the world of China lying to the North, the Moluccas to the South, Iapon, and the Philip∣pinas [ 40] to the East, to the West Cochinchina, Camboia, Siam, and others.

From hence, many intended the China imployment without successe, those fields not then white to the haruest. Melchior Nunnes, (Anno 1555.) from Canton, writes of his accidentall going a shoare on China, in his voyage to Iapan,* 3.671 occasioned by a terrible tempest whereto those Seas are much subiect. They came in Iuly to Sancian an Iland, thirtie leagues from Canton, be∣ing much indangered by the Rockes in the way, and there hee sayd Masse ouer the place where Xauier had beene buryed; and easily obtayned admission into Canton. This is reported to bee the least of all the Mother Cities of the Prouinces, yet seeming to exceed Lisbone, in frequencie.* 3.672 The buil∣dings are good, the walls strong: a thousand Arches with inscriptions are seene therein, which the Ma∣gistrates vsually leaue as Memorials at their departures. The people are giuen to their bellies, and to [ 50] pleasure. The Gouernment is admirable. The Chiefe Iustice they call Hexasi, the Treasurer Pon∣chasi, the Admirall and Gouernour of Strangers, Aitan. The Chaens Ensignes, are a Hand and an Eye; his office is to see the Execution of the Kings Sentences, to order or depriue Magistrates. The Tutan is Vice-roy, conspicuous by his Cap and his Garments, wrought with a gilded Lion, which * 3.673 is the Kings Armes: in State hee excelleth European Kings. The Portugall Captaynes and wee speake not to him, but aloofe on our knees. If any will speake with him, at euery Gate of his sumptuous Palace, hee must aloud vtter his businesse, before the Porter admits him. Hee hath many for his Guard. And one hundred thousand men are sayd to bee maintayned at the Kings cost, for the keeping of this Prouince. His Officers goe two and two and make way with great cryes. Their Cane-whippings are terrible, the Canes burned at the end, a cubite long, foure fingers broad, &c. The Chinois are wittie and iudicious, [ 60] in matters of the world: but haue little care of the soule, ignorant of its * 3.674 immortalitie, of one God, and of eternall rewards and punishments. Their Priests haue a kinde of Myter on the head, are shauen head and beard, otherwise contemptible. I could not with great diligence finde any that could shew mee their Ceremonies, and the lawes of their Holies. The Inhabitants all haue Idols, which they incense; and diuine by lots, beating the Idols if the Lots proue vnluckie. I was twice at Canton, and spent two

moneths there to redeeme Portugall prisoners. The Chinois kill or captiuate the Portugals, which are wracked on that Coast, which yet they cease to doe, since they pay their Customes. I went thence in May to Iapan.

* 3.675Alexander Valignanus, was sent by the Iesuiticall Generall into India as Visitor, and hauing visited other parts, came to Amacao, in his way to Iapon, forced to stay there ten moneths with the Iesuites. There hee more fully informed himselfe of the state of China, and raised the embers of the almost extinguished zeale of that expedition.* 3.676 Hee is thought to bee the Author of that treatise called Admiranda Regni Sinensis, contayning a summarie of the wonders in China, wor∣thy heere to haue beene inserted, but that wee rather ayme at things seene then heard, as hauing better certaintie. Oculatus testis vnus prestat auritis decem. Vpon the consideration of their wits, Peace, Policie, studies of Learning, hee conceiued that if any were skilfull of their Lan∣guage [ 10] and Letters, he might doe some good for their Conuersion. Hereupon hee resolued to im∣ploy some that way, although many others of the companie which had experience of the Chi∣na affayres, held it labour in vayne. Yet hee went on and because of the paucitie of ours at Amacao, and none so fit for that designe, hee sent into India to the Prouinciall, to send thither at least one Priest for that purpose. And he going to Iapon, left order what hee which was sent should doe.

* 3.677Michael Ruggerius, an Italian of the Kingdome of Naples, was sent, and came to Amacao, in Iuly, Anno 1579. and applyed himselfe to learne the language which the Courtiers in China vse, and is common thorow all China, (the Prouinces hauing otherwise peculiar languages) also to learne to reade and write their Characters, which are as many as words. That language was ve∣rie [ 20] hard both in it selfe, and for the want of teachers. For those Christian Chinois which liued at Amacao, in habit of Europeans, & those which came thither in Merchandise, were almost as igno∣rant of the Court tongue, as of the Portugall: and though they vnderstood it, yet they could not well pronounce it. And for the Characters, they know those which belonged to their Merchan∣dising and common vse. Labor improbus omnia vincit. With pictures his teacher was often for∣ced to supply characters. And whereas the Portugals twice a yeere in the Mart season haue ac∣cesse to Canton,* 3.678 about Ianuarie and Iune, he went with them thither. For in time they obtayned this libertie, that not in a desart Iland, as first, nor in the Amacao Hauen, but in the Metropoli∣tan Citie two dayes vp the Riuer, they might haue trading by day, but lye aboard at night, with so many eyes and watches on them, as it is manifest they are not altogether free of [ 30] their former feares.

These Marts continue two moneths each of them, or longer, and haue beene the onely meane of admitting the Iesuites into China,* 3.679 by the industrie and pietie of other Portugals. Ruggerius therefore with his merchandise also aduentured with them, and found an impediment at first. Another Iesuite which before had gone thither had conuerted a youth, Disciple to a Priest, and closely conueyed him to Amacao. His Master made complaint and procured the Magistrate to fetch him backe by force, to the great trouble of Ours, and seeming discredit as if by ill arts they had seduced Children from their Parents, which is a thing at Canton, both vsuall and Capi∣tall. Ruggerius enterposed himselfe with great care and discretion, and appeased the Admirall or Hai-tao which hath the command of Strangers,* 3.680 who hereby had an opinion of his vertue, and de∣lighted [ 40] to see him studious of the China bookes. He therefore permitted him to stand at his side when others kneeled, and freed him also from the going aboard at night, and allowed him a place in the Palace,* 3.681 where the Ambassadours of the King of Siam were vsually entertayned, bringing their present or tribute (such as you haue heard in Goez) to the King. There hee studied night and day the China bookes, and on Sundayes and Holy-dayes, the Portugals came thither to him to Masse and to receiue the Sacraments. This continued whiles they continued, for when the Mart ended hee was commanded to returne with them. The Father procured acquaintance also with the chiefe Captayne of the Souldiers of that Prouince (the Chinois call him Zumpim) to whom hee gaue a watch.* 3.682 By this meanes many of those which came to Amacao, began to shake off their Ethnike darknesse, and the deuout Portugals erected a House for the Catechumeni [ 50] (new Conuerts to bee instructed in Christian mysteries before Baptisme) where hee instructed them, and more freely followed his China studies, by helpe of Interpreters. One businesse hin∣dred another, and his Marts absence (which tooke vp neere halfe the yeere) this Catechising, and a tongue is hardly learned by studie without vse; and therefore the Visitor sent for Mat∣thew Ricius out of India,* 3.683 (which had come out of Europe with Ruggerius, and now had finished his Diuinitie course at Goa) to bee his yoake fellow, one to whom the China expedition is most indebted.

Anno 1582. Valignanus the Visitor, carryed certayne Iaponian Princes sent to Rome to yeeld subiection to the Pope, in the name of those Kings which sent them, as you shall heare. He stay∣ing [ 60] for the Monson at the Colledge of Amacao,* 3.684 tooke great paines to aduance the China busi∣nesse. And to that purpose hee instituted the Fraternitie or fellowship of Iesus in our House, with lawes fitting to New Conuerts; forbidding any Portugals to bee therein admitted, but onely Chinois, and Iaponians, and those which were newly conuerted of other Nations: alway to bee

gouerned by one of those Fathers which should bee assigned to the China Expedition, called, The Father of the new Conuerts, taking care not onely of their saluation, but their other affaires and pouerty.

The Vice-roy of Canton Prouince is one of the chiefe Vice-royes,* 3.685 because his Prouince is farre from Pequin, and coasting on the Sea; infested therefore with often Piracies, especially Iaponian. Hereupon the Canton Vice-roy exerciseth iurisdiction also in the adioyning Prouince Quamsi,* 3.686 if occasion require to leuie more Souldiers, although Quamsi hath also a Vice-roy of her owne. For this cause the Canton Vice-roy resideth not at Canton, but at Sciauquin,* 3.687 a Citie bordering on both Prouinces. At this time Cinsui borne in the Prouince of Fuquien, was Vice-roy, a co∣uetous man, who to get money of the Amacaons sent thither his Writ for the Bishop and Cap∣taine [ 10] to come to his Court, vnderstanding that they commanded all there. They thought it not agreeing to the Portugall honour to goe, nor to their safety to neglect his summons, and there∣fore by Valignanus his aduise, Ruggerius was sent in the name of the Bishop, to see if hee could get a perpetuall Station in that Kingdome, and Penella the Auditor, in place of the Captaine. And to obtaine his fauour, that he should not disturbe their merchandising, a Present was sent him at publike charge, of such things as the Chinois most regard, as waued garments of silke Da∣maske (which the Chinois then knew not how to make) Crystall Glasses, and other things va∣lued at 1000. Duckets. The Vice-roy receiued them in great pompe, more to terrifie then ho∣nour them; but at the sight of the Presents (the scope of his purpose) hee became gentle and courteous, and decreed that they might liue in his Port in manner as hitherto they had done, obeying [ 30] the Lawes of the China Magistrates: which words seeme formall, the Portugals liuing there af∣ter their owne Lawes; and other Nations, yea the Chinois themselues which are Christians in habite and religion, being subiect to them. The other Chinois are subiect to common Officers sent thither from Canton. The Vice-roy would haue nothing, but hee would pay for it, which hee did because bribes and gifts are there seuerely punished: but priuily hee sent to them,* 3.688 that money was giuen them to procure him as many other like.

Ruggerius desired that which he came for, saying, he learned the China Tongue and read their Bookes, which he seemed much to like, and gaue him hopes at his next returne to obtayne it. And hauing giuen them weight of Siluer; with prouision, great attendance of Magistrates and Souldiers, much Musicke of Hoybuckes and other Instruments, hee sent them pompously tho∣row [ 30] the publike streets of the Citie to their shipping. So weighty is hope of gaine. In August had comne (as they vse) Portugall ships to Amacao, in them of our Society not a few, and a∣mongst others, Father Matthew Ricius,* 3.689 w••o brought with him an artificiall Watch from the Prouinciall for the aduancing this China businesse. About that time the Captaine of Amacao hauing made readie those things which the Vice-roy prescribed, sent backe the Auditor to Sci∣auquin, but Ruggerius vnseasonably (or seasonably rather as the euent manifested) fell sicke; yet sent word to the Vice-roy that he could not come to him as he had promised: and withall, that he had a Clocke-watch which did without any striker sound the houres,* 3.690 a thing euen still of much wonder to the Chinois. Hearing of his sicknesse, hee seemed sorrowfull, but this Watch awaked him, and caused him to make his Secretarie presently write a Licence for the Father to [ 40] come to him with that admirable worke, as soone as he should bee able. When this Charter was read at Amacao, it contayned more; for the Fathers were inuited by publike Authoritie to erect a publike and priuate house in that Citie, which caused great ioy. But the Visitor was afraid as yet to send Ruggerius, as not furnished fully for that designe; the beginning of a thing being the greatest part. The other Iesuites perswaded, and Father Francis Pasius bound for Iapon, a man well qualified for gouerning was sent, and Ruggerius adioyning his Colleague. Ricius was made Gouernour of the Colledge of the Catechumeni, and appointed to follow the other two, if occa∣sion serued. And if the businesse proceeded not, Pasius was to proceed to Iapon, and the other two to attend better opportunitie in their China businesse.

Those two Iesuites went to Sciauquin,* 3.691 and offered their Watch with a triangle Glasse pre∣senting [ 50] variety of colours, a thing admired of the Chinois as a precious Iewell: both which were exceeding welcome to the Vice-roy, who assigned them a conuenient station in a Subur∣bian Temple, called Thien-min-zu, whither he often sent them diuers viands, and often admit∣ted them in Visitation to his Palace. There they abode foure or fiue moneths, often visited in that Temple by principall men and Magistrates of the Citie, and were in hope of their perpe∣tuall continuance, hauing obtayned licence of the Secretarie also for Ricius to come, who was preparing for the Voyage, when all was disturbed on a sudden, the Vice-roy being I know not for what fault, depriued of his place. He fearing least in the chiefe Citie the presence of Stran∣gers might further hurt him, dismissed the Iesuites so, as hee permitted them to stay at Canton, [ 60] commanding the Magistrate there to prouide them a house and ground. The Chinois call that Citie Quam-cheu which the Portugals (by the name of the Prouince deluded) call Canton.* 3.692 They well knew that his commission was of no force, yet they went, and the Haitau, to whom the Charter was directed was absent, and no regard being had thereof, they were not permitted to ascend the bankes, and therefore with griefe returned to Amacao. Pasius presently sayled ac∣cording

to the Visitors appointment to Iapon, and after diuers yeeres labour there, was Vnder∣prouinciall of the China and Iaponian Missions: and when both of those expeditions were by the Generals order made a Prouince,* 3.693 he was declared Visitour thereof, and came to Amacao, to take order for China, where within few moneths he died.

§. II. Iaponian Embassage to the Pope; Of Nabunanga and Quabacondono their gouernment; Corai inuaded, Embassage from China, TAICOSAMAS [ 10] Temple, and OGOSHOSAMAS succession.

HAuing mentioned that Embassage of Iaponian Kings sent to the Pope by procurement of the Iesuites, out of their writings I haue heere added for further illustration, the acts of the publike Consistorie in this forme of words.

* 3.694Pope Gregorie the thirteenth, sitting in the Hall designed for entertaynment of Kings, and their Embassages on the three and twentieth of March, 1585. in the morning, in a most ample Session of the Cardinals of the Holy Romane Church, and in a great assembly of Princes and Prelates with greatest industry, and most frequent attendance of all Orders: Man∣tius and Michael (who was also of the Prince of Omur) two Legates of Iaponian Kings, were [ 20] brought in, and one of the two Iaponian companions of the same Embassage, of principall Nobi∣litie, to wit, Martine, for Iulian the other of them was withholden by sicknesse.) After solemne adoration of the Pope, and the kisses of his blessed feet, receiued of him with great demonstra∣tion of beneuolence and charitie, they went aside into a place appointed them with great mo∣destie. Afterwards, the Letters of the Kings which they had brought are publikely read, being translated out of the Iaponian Tongue into the Italian, and thence into the Latine. First, that of Francis King of Bungo, who therein professeth the Diuine bountie in sending the Iesuites foure and thirtie yeeres before into those parts,* 3.695 whose seed had taken some rooting in his breast, which hee a∣scribes to the Popes prayers and merits. And had it not beene for his age, warres, and sicknesse, bee would haue visited those holy places, and haue kissed his holy feet, and set them on his head, and receiued [ 30] his blessing, his breast crossed by his most holy hand: but so detayned, had thought to haue sent his sisters sonne, the Lord Ierome, Sonne of the King of Fiunga his Embassadour, whose Cousin-german Man∣tius in his absence he now sent; thankes him for the Relikes sent him, &c. Ian. 11. 1582. Inscribed, To the great and most holy Pope to be adored, and holding on Earth the place of the King of Heauen. Subscribed, Francis King of Bungo, prostrate at your Blessednesse most holy feet. Not much vnlike was the tenour of the second Letter, sent from Protasius King of Arima, who detayned by di∣uers lets, had sent his Cousin-german in his roome, to his Holinesse, which with sincere and humble minde hee adoreth. Inscribed, To the great and holy Lord whom I adore, holding the roome of God. The Prince of Omur sent also the said Michael his Brothers Sonne with a Letter of like import, inscribed. With lifted vp hands adoring I offer these to the most holy Lord the Pope, Vicar of the [ 40] great God. Subscribed in substance as the first.

After this, silence was commanded; and in the name of the said Kings and Legates, Gasper Gonsaluas a Portugall Iesuite made an Oration vnto the Pope, comparing and preferring this Embassage with that of certaine Indians to Augustus, and the conuersion of Britaine by the first Gregorie with this of Iapon, and other Ilands by the Thirteenth, succeeding * 3.696 and exceeding that, now fallen from the Pope; applying Esays Prophecies of the Churches encrease to this Iesuiti∣call Haruest, and magnifying the great glories of that Pope, founder of Seminaries, and magni∣fied extra anni Solis{que} vias. Antonio Buccapadulio answered in the name of the Pope, That Fran∣cis King of Bungo, Protasius King of the Arimans, and Bartholmew his Vncle, Prince of Omur, [ 50] hath sent you their kinsmen to him from the remote Iaponian Ilands to the veneration of that power in presence, which by Gods bounty he holdeth, they haue done godly and wisely. For there is one Faith, one Catholike Church, one made Gouernour ouer the said Church, and Pastor of Christs Flocke, that is, of all Catholikes thorow the World, in the succession of Peter, the Roman Bishop. That they acknow∣ledge and professe this, together with the mysteries of the orthodoxe Faith, our most holy Lord reioyceth, and giueth immortall thankes to the Diuine bounty,* 3.697 and iudges this to be the most true ioy which procee∣deth from the studie of Gods glorie, and the saluation of Soules. Therefore most willingly, together with these his venerable Brethren, Cardinals of the Roman Church, hee embraceth the testification of their Faith, Obedience, Deuotion. He wisheth and prayeth that by their example other Kings and Prin∣ces also of those Iles, and of the whole World, reiecting the worship and errour of Idols, may know the [ 60] true God, and whom he hath sent Iesus Christ; for this is life eternall.

This done, the Consistorie was dismissed. The Legates when they had attended the Pope, after the custome, into the inner roomes, were first entertayned of the Popes brothers sonne, the Cardinall of Saint Sixtus, with a Banket; after that admitted to the Popes pr••uate and fa∣miliar

conference, they discoursed by Interpreters with him of many things, touching the Iour∣ney and Religion: then went to Saint Peters Church, and the holy Thresholds of the Apostles piously saluted, at night were honourably brought to their lodging.

This was prepared and furnished in the Iesuites Colledge by the Popes appointment at their first comming to Rome, the two and twentieth of March,* 3.698 who also sent two troops of Horse to guard them. They went from their Charet to the Temple, and whiles they praised God, and worshipped at the greatest Altar, the Students of the German Colledge in a double Quire sang, Te Deum laudamus. The Legates next day had audience as yee haue heard; their Vestment was parti-coloured and embroidered, a short Sword on the left hand, an Arab Dagger on the right, the other part of their habite Iaponian. The pompe of all sorts, and the Ordnance attended them [ 10] to the Vatican, & there the Italian Garrison, and Heluetian Guard with their Peeces and military Musicke receiued them. Then were they lead into the Hall, and after all things there finished, the Legates carried the Popes traine at his departure. And on the fiue and twentieth day, fe∣stiuall for the Annuntiation, the Pope going on solemne Procession, these Legates rode in the last place. What should I say more? (sayth our Authour) it cannot be told,* 3.699 how all magnifie the mercy of God which brings farre more at this time from the East and West to the Catholike Church, then the Deuill hath seduced in the North.

These Iaponian Lords returned into India, 1586. as Valignanus writeth, and were much en∣dangered by a tempest. Their returne into Iapon is signified by the Letters of Michael to the Archbishop of Ebora, testifying their arriuall the one and twentieth of Iuly, 1590. at Nangasach [ 20] with the said Valignanus; and by the Letter of Don Sancius, Sonne and Successour to Bar∣tholmew Prince of Omur to Pope Xistus the fifth, with thankes for the wood of the Crosse, and the Sword sent his Father which should be kept amongst his principall Iewels.* 3.700 Protasius also the King of Arima wrote to the Great and most holy Pope Xistus or Sixtus in this manner.

On the sixteenth of the sixth Moone, which was the one and twentieth of Iuly, 1690. heere arriued the Father Visitour of the Societie of Iesus, with Cingiua Don Michael my kins-man, Don Mancius, and other companions which I had sent to Rome to put their heads vnder your Holinesse feet. Whose comming did as much reioyce me, as if a thousand Autumnes had comne to me, and ten thousand yeeres had beene added to my life. Don Michael related with what honour and fauour hee was entertayned of your Holinesse, of King Philip, and other Catholike Princes, for which I render those thankes which [ 30] Pen and Paper cannot expresse. He deliuered me Letters also which your Holinesse vouchsafed mee, fa∣uourably reckoning mee amongst the Christian Kings. Hee brought me also part of the holy Wood of the true Crosse, a Hat, and a Sword,* 4.1 which your Holinesse is wont to send to Christian Kings and Prin∣ces. Which fauour and studies are such, and so esteemed of mee, that I haue determined to consecrate them to eternall memory, and to place them amongst my chiefe Treasures, and the Ornaments and Mo∣numents of my posteritie. And this honour conferred on mee is such, that greater cannot be in this life, and it redounds vnto a future good life.* 4.2 I had determined (according to the order prescribed of your H. in his Letters, and as the fauour, and so great benefits bestowed on mee deserued) to haue receiued the said Presents with all the celebritie and pompe that might be in my Kingdome: but the Father Visitour [ 40] shewed mee that respect was to be had of the tyrannie and great hatred wherewith Quabacondono the Lord of all Iapon, persecuteth the Fathers and Christians these three yeeres together; and this feast to be deferred till he returneth from Meaco, whither hee is going in Embassage from the Vice-roy of India to Quabacondono, &c.

The ninth yeere of the Era called Tenscio, the tenth of the eighth Moone, which is the two and twentieth of September, An. 1590.

At your Highnesse feet, Arimano, Sciurino, Daibu Don Protasius.

This Quabacondono (as L. Froes writeth) was now growne the greatest Monarch that euer Iapon had, hauing ascended thereunto from a base estate,* 4.3 which was (as hee hath diuers times [ 50] with his owne mouth confessed) to cut wood, and to carrie it to the Market to sell for his daily food. Nobunanga his Predecessor had growne to great height, such as many ages had not there seene. In Frenoiama eight hundred yeeres before, a King of Iapon had builded 3800. Temples, with houses adioyned for the Bonzi••, which employed themselues in the studie of the Lawes and Sects: for whose quietnesse he remoued the Husbandmen, and builded them two streets, allowing to their maintenance about the third part of the Customes (or Rents) of the Vomen Kingdome. Thus became it a fountaine of their superstitions. In time those Temples disper∣sed in sixteene Vallies were lessened to 800. and the Bonzian discipline, and studies melted into pleasures, hardned into Armes, and ranged into robberies, so that they fired Meaco with great slaughter, and opposed Nobunanga: who hauing destroyed the Militarie Bonzi (called ••coxos) [ 60] and taken away their Castles, inuaded Frenoiama, professing he feared not their Gods.* 4.4 On the top of a Hill was the Temple of Quanon, to whom prayers and pilgrimages were made for health, wealth, and long life; and yeerely solemnities and Playes with huge pompe and cost were made in his honour (to which the Gibon feast at Meaco succeeded) with frequency of men,

deuices of work-men, and such order, that it may appeare that Satan there imitates the anni∣uersary solemnitie of Corpus Christi amongst vs.* 4.5 Thither the Bonzi had gotten, but it, and they, and their streets were destroyed, and foure hundred Temples with their furniture burned. At Facusangin also were a thousand houses of the Bonzi by themselues, besides Monasteries, which he destroyed. Xinguea the King of Cainochun had forced his Father to exile, and impri∣soned his elder Brother, and then seized on the Kingdome: after which he shaued his beard and haire, and became a Bonzo, and would needs repaire Frenoiama, and stiling himselfe, Chiefe in the house of the Kings and of Religions, gathered an Armie. Nabunanga wrote to him, calling himselfe, Tamer of Deuils, and enemie of Sects. Hee proceeded first against the Bonzi with these terrours; and after would needs himselfe be worshipped, but eighteene dayes after in a conspi∣racy of his owne against him,* 4.6 he was slaine, and his dispersed. Quabacondono succeeded, and in [ 10] greatnesse of attempts and ambition exceeded.

This Quabacondono is a title which Faxiba assumed, and is as much, as Treasurer. These titles are giuen by the Vo, or Dairi, descended of the ancient Kings, and now enioying a strange Em∣pire, which is to giue titles of honour, (for which all great men haue their Factors with him) and is esteemed as a God, not suffered to tread on the ground (that were deposition) nor often seene, and gets much treasure out of those Titles, which he so often changeth, that the King of Bungo was by the Iesuites obserued foure and thirty times to haue altered his appellations. There is a high Priest,* 4.7 who with Papall power authorizeth Sects, confirmeth and consecrateth the Tundi or Bishops which are nominated by the Kings, and enioyeth Royall reuenues. The Quin∣gue [ 20] is the third person, and hath power ouer Iudgements and Warres. But the Lords of Tensa, that is, such as haue power to get into their hands Meaco, and the Region adioyning, are really chiefe Lords, and command the State, though in seeming ceremonie (as the Turkes to their Mufti, and more manifestly the Soldans of Egypt to their Califas) they yeeld a seeming sub∣iection; the Dairi not daring to crosse them.

Faexiba Cicugendono obtayned that title of Quabacondono (Dono is a generall title of honour) the next to the Dairi, and hauing subiected Iapon, minded to conquer China, by the way of Co∣rai.* 4.8 The King of Corai sent his Embassadour to him with three hundred attendants in vaine, he minding to send and place in those new Conquests all the suspected Princes of Iapan, and to eternize his owne name, being exceeding vain-glorious. He tooke from the Bonzi their Lands: [ 30] and after that, making ditches round about Meaco, hee forced them all to dwell together neere the said ditches:* 4.9 which reducing their discrepant Sects to an vnformed Chaos together, made ma∣ny of them forsake their profession. Hee enioyed euery foot of Land in Iapon, gaue, or remoued, or depriued Kings at pleasure, tooke away all Armes from the Rustikes; forbad all contentions and fights vpon paine of death, if any guilty hereof fled, punishing the kindred, or seruants, or neighbours, crucifying them. He administred iustice very seuerely without partiality, or par∣doning any man: and had almost put to death the Meacon Bonzi for their Concubines if the Gouernour of Meaco had not interposed and vndertaken their amendment. Hee neuer suffered the Souldiers to be idle, but vsed them in warres or buildings. The Vice-roy sent him an Em∣bassage and Presents; the foure Iaponian Lords which had beene in Europe attending Valigna∣nus [ 40] the Embassadour. Quabacondono would needs heare these Iaponians play Europaean Musicke, which they had there learned: and made great shewes of kindnesse to them all, and sent this Letter with Presents to the Vice-roy.

Sir, I haue receiued Letters which your Lordship from so remote Regions sent mee, in opening and reading whereof I seemed to see the length of the leagues by land and sea. This Kingdome of Iapon as you wrote, contayneth aboue sixtie States or Iurisdictions, in which before haue beene great disorders and warres,* 4.10 no peace nor quiet. For many wicked men, Traitors to their Countrey conspired to denye obedi∣ence to their * 4.11 King, a thing which from my youth hath vexed me. And long since I bethought mee of a course to subiect this People, and to pacifie the whole Kingdome: and layed for a foundation three vertues, to wit, Gentlenesse and affabilitie of speech in conuersing with men; Prudence in considerate [ 50] iudging of things, and egregious fortitude and courage of minde: by the aide whereof I haue subdued all this Nation, and haue brought all the Kingdomes into this forme of one Empire, wicked men being extinct, and worke-men which labour in the fields promoted. And I haue so restored peace and quiet∣nesse to these Kingdomes, and in few yeeres haue so setled and stablished the Monarchie of Iapon, that it is now like a great Rocke which cannot be remoued. Whence it is come to passe that in all foure parts of the Kingdome they haue a King eminent in much wisedome; and the King likewise hath all of them obedient. And in this order I haue declared and exercised the power of a good Captaine, to whom these Kingdomes are subiect; by taking away the wicked, and rooting out all Robbers by sea and land. So the people,* 4.12 families, and all places of the Kingdome enioy maruellous quiet. I haue also determined to in∣vade the Kingdome of China, and in few dayes I will take ship and doubt not of victorie. When I shall [ 60] possesse it, your Lordship may more easily communicate with mee in all things.

Now concerning the Fathers, * 4.13 Iapon is the Kingdome of Chamis, whom wee hold to be the same with Scin, which is the beginning of all things. This Scin is the substance and the very being of all things; and all things are one and the same with Scin, and into Scin are resolued. Who in Scina is

called Iutto, and in Tescincu Buppo. Further, in the obseruation of the Lawes of this Chamis consi∣steth all the Politicall gouernment of Iapon, which being neglected, there is no difference betwixt Lords and Subiects: if it be kept, the vnion and concord is perfected which ought to bee twixt the Father and Sonne, the Husband and wife. Therefore the whole, both internall and externall gouernment of Men and Kingdomes is placed in the conseruation of this vnion and policie.* 4.14 Now the Fathers formerly haue en∣tred these Kingdomes to preach another Law for the sauing of men: but because wee are instructed and settled in the Lawes of Chamis, we desire no other Law: for the diuersities of Lawes and opini∣ons are hurtfull and preiudiciall to the Kingdome. Wherefore I commanded the Fathers to depart out of Iapon, and haue forbidden them to preach their Law, nor will I that heereafter they preach any new Law in this Kingdome. Although these things be so, yet I greatly desire that a stable communi∣cation [ 10] may remayne betwixt vs: for so this Kingdome shall bee free from Theeues, by Land and Sea. And I giue leaue to all Merchants which bring merchandise, to sell them all without let. I desire your Lordship to approue the same. I receiued all the gifts which you sent out of those Southerne parts, as it is written in your Letters. I likewise send some others out of these Kingdomes, with a me∣moriall of the gifts, and the names of them which haue giuen. The Legate will declare the rest, where∣fore I will bee no longer. Dated 20. yeere of Tenscij, 25. of the seuenth Moone.

In the end was the Seale and Subscription. It was written in a leafe eight palmes long, foure broad, painted with golden Flowers, and put in a red silke bagge wrought with Gold and siluer; and that inclosed after the Iapon manner in a Boxe, which for the price and workman∣ship was so admirable,* 4.15 that the subtiltie and excellence of the worke might amaze all Euro∣peans. [ 20] Within it was couered and without, with Vrosci (made of Gold beaten into pow∣der) distinguished with Flowers of Gold and Siluer, so inserted in the Vrosci that none could discerne the coniunction, but he which knew the making of the Boxe. It had also Roses, and gold Chaines to tye the Boxe; which Boxe was put into another Bag, and that into another Boxe very artificiall. The gifts were Armours, Armes, and other things very precious.

He assembled his Lords about this China Warre, which durst not expresse any other opinion,* 4.16 hee hauing protested, that hee would not heare his Sonne disswade him, if he were aliue againe, and if any should hinder him, it should cost him his life. Thus for some moneths space nothing might be seene else, but prouision for Ships, Armes, Munitions, and necessaries for the Warre. Hee made a Catalogue of all his Lords, exempting none from the expedition, and setting euery [ 30] one his number of followers. To Augustine a Christian Lord hee gaue the fauour of first im∣pression into Corai, other Lords staying still at Suscima eighteene leagues distant.* 4.17 Corai is ad∣ioyning to the Continent of China at one end, diuided by a great Riuer from China, and tribu∣tarie to the King of China; it is in length about an hundred leagues, and sixtie broad: the people vnlike the Chinois in language and bodily strength, but following their lawes, customes, and go∣uernement. They are better Archers then at any other weapons: and not comparable to the Iaponians, except in shipping, wherein they and the Chinois exceed. Yet at this time they were destitute of that defence, and Augustine gaue them a great ouerthrow. Before Quabacondono would goe, he made his Brothers Sonne by the Dairi to be entituled Quabacondono, as his Heire and Successour, contenting himselfe with the title of Taicosama, that is, Great Lord. All the [ 40] Iaponian Princes were commanded to be present at the translation, to giue him obedience; to whom the Dairi gaue the Fortresse of Meaco, and the Palaces of Quabacondono, making him Lord of Tensa. But his Vncle held the sway of all in his owne hands, and after hauing a * 4.18 Sonne of his own, caused this his Nephew with some others to crosse himselfe (that is, to cut his breast acrosse, his bowels falling out, and some one of those which died with him, cutting off his head.

Augustine with a Fleet of eight hundred sayles entred Corai, and tooke two Fortresses, the Coraians being driuen from the walls by the Iaponders Gunnes, vnknowne to the other, and fiue thousand of them slayne. This wanne him great credite with Taicosama, who promised him much, yet performed little. Hee defeated also an Armie of twenty thousand, and after another of fourescore thousand, and the King fleeing into China tooke the Meaco, or Royall Citie of [ 50] Corai, Taicosama sent him a Horse, and a Sword, the honour that Nabunanga was wont after any great Victorie to doe to him. The Coraians seeing their King with his troops in safety, fled with their prouisions into Woods and Hills, and would not thence bee brought by any promi∣ses. The Iaponian possessed of the Fortresses wanted men to till the ground, and therefore must needes want necessaries: the wayes also were by the Coraians vpon all occasions assaulted. There are two hundred thousand Iaponians at this present in Corai, and Augustine is in the extreme borders adioyning to China,* 4.19 separated notwithstanding by a Riuer three leagues broad, abounding in ships, and the shores fortified with multitudes of men, so that the suc∣cesse is doubtfull.

[ 60] Froes in his Epistle, 1595. writeth that there were then an hundred and ninety Iesuites in Ia∣pon and China: that Taicosama not succeeding in his Coraian expedition, returned to Meaco,* 4.20 and quarrelled the new Quabacondono out of his life, who with fiue others at Taicos command executed themselues after the Iaponian manner. Augustine meane while endeauoured an Em∣bassage to bee sent from the King of China, who thinking himselfe Lord of the World, sent to

Taicosama, that it was an vnmeet thing that He, whose industrie and valour had subdued three∣score and sixe Kingdomes of Iapon to his Empire, should permit the Dairi a priuate man, and Subiect to the King of Iapon to hold his former place of dignitie. And if hee would depriue him thereof, hee promised to send him a Crowne, and the title of King, and by the same Le∣gates to treate further about the Iaponians forsaking Corai.* 4.21 Two Embassadours were sent from Pequin to Augustine to Corai: who presently sent word to Taico, the Embassadours abiding with him, because of the solemne entertaynment which Taico intended for the renowme of his name to all posteritie. The Nobles exhaust in the former expedition were yet now en∣forced to new braueries and expences.* 4.22 Hee caused at Ozaca a Hall to bee erected, with a thou∣sand Tatami (very elegant Mats) the timber costly, and gilding incredible. Yet by store of [ 10] raynes a great part thereof fell downe, which hee intended soone to repaire, hauing an hun∣dred thousand men at worke there both night and day in great miserie, standing with their feet in the water. If any runne away they are killed. Before this Hall hee erected a Theatre for Comedies, exceeding stately and costly with artificiall paintings of Vrusci. Hee repaired the Tower of Ozaca seuen stories high. The gilded Plates or Tiles, the Bridge called, The Bridge of Paradise, the new Citie of Fuscimo which he builded, and other his immane expenses (the Offerings to his Idoll of Fame,) I omit. Hee caused his little Sonne to goe with great State to Sandai to the Dairi, that is, to bow his head thrice before him downe to the Mats, who entertayned him with a solemne feast, with great Iubilee in alteration of names and titles of honour to the Nobles. [ 20]

Taico had settled peace thorow all Iapon from Warres, from Robbers by land, and from Rouers by sea, which before continually infested all with Piracies (one of which Noximan∣dono is mentioned by the Iesuites in this time to haue had a great Fleet of ships,* 4.23 and to haue forced a great part of the Coast to yeerely tribute vnto him, to bee freed from his Robberies) onely the Dairi had higher title: and a Crowne and Scepter seemed wanting to his realitie of Regalitie and Soueraigntie already possessed. And now whiles hee intended to exceed himselfe in his entertaynment of the Embassadours, one of them hating this long detention or impri∣sonment in Corai,* 4.24 fled; which newes Augustine sent to both Courts. From China the Legacy was renewed, the Delinquents kindred punished. Meane while the two and twentieth of Iuly, 1596. at Meaco it rayned ashes, wherewith the houses, hills, and trees were couered as with [ 30] snow, and a great myst accompanied it. At the same time at Ozaca and Sacaia it rayned sands. At Meaco after the showre of ashes came another of haires, long and white like the hoary haires of an old womans head, but softer, and not so smelling when cast into the fire. In the Northerne Kingdomes of Iechu, Iechingo, Scimano, and Nota, the land and houses were coue∣red with them. A Comet appeared in August: on the thirtieth whereof followed an Earth-quake as a warning to a greater on the fourth of September,* 4.25 which threw downe Taicos magni∣ficent Hall with a thousand Tatamos, in which hee had purposed to entertayne the China Le∣gates; and the Tower of seuen lofts, and another Tower, and almost all the buildings of the Fortresse, and the Store-houses, which were very large, and stored with Corne, and halfe the houses of Ozaca, all in halfe an houre, sixe hundred people being buried in the ruines. It made [ 40] a noise like Thunder, and like the waues beating on the shoare. The Earth opened in many places. A great new Temple and a Monastery fell downe, and the same day in which the Iesuite had heard a Bonzi in the same Temple inuiting to call vpon Amida, and much depredicating his mercies. The next day at Meaco was a noise greater then of the greatest Cannons that euer were heard, dreadfull to man and beast, and wee said the Letanies on our knees, but scarsely could keepe on our knees for the Earth-quake. Others forsooke their houses, lamented their dead (fiue hundred being ouerwhelmed; and fifteene or twenty Temples) called on their Amida: and some ranne to Fuscimo (Taicos new Citie for him and his Nobles) whereof the best part was ruined,* 4.26 and much harme happened in many other places. Taicos Palace at Fuscimo fell downe, and oppressed seuenty women, himselfe escaped into the Kitchin vntouched: and the relations [ 50] of that Earth-quake would yeeld a booke alone. Taico yet would seeme to dominere ouer Na∣ture, and leuell a very huge Hill with the Valley, to erect new Palaces. And because hee could not entertayne at Fuscimo the China Embassadours, he receiued them at Ozaca. The solemne state and pompe I omit. They had audience the twentieth of October.

The Kings Letter was written in a plate of Gold very great and ponderous, inclosed in a gol∣den Coffer, wherein also was the Vest, and royall Crowne for Taico, and in another was a Crown for Mandocorasama his Wife with title of Queene. Hee sent also twenty Vests of Quingui with title and dignity of China for twenty Lords (the first of which was Augustine) by him named, and as many for those whom Taico should name. In the Epistle of the King were these words, Futatabi cioscen vocasu cotonacare, that is, Thou shalt not returne againe into Corai, and if thou re∣turnest, [ 60] thy dignitie shall no longer aduantage thee, words importing their vassallage to the Chinois. The Embassadour and Taico were equall in sitting on the Tatamis; the chiefe Lords of Iapon were present; and after the taste of their * 4.27 Chia, Taico receiued the Epistle or golden plate, and layd it on his head, and the Vests, going in to put them on. At his returne the Chinois adored

him, and a feast followed with pompous plenty: which was continued other dayes. But when the Legates moued him to pull downe his Forts in Corai, and to pardon the Coraians, hee brake into exceeding furie, and commanded them backe to Corai, and extruded them in great haste out of the Countrey with inhumane vsage.

About this time Peter Martines first Bishop of Iapon came thither.* 4.28 Taico died Sept. 16. 1598. hauing taken politike order for the State, and as foolish for himselfe to be made a God, prescri∣bing the forme of his Temple: One was crucified for speaking of his death. Word was sent by the Gouernours which Taico had appointed as protectors for his Sonne, to the Iaponian Lords in Corai, to returne, and so after seuen yeeres that warre had end.* 4.29 What euents followed after in Iapon, you may see in my Pilgrimage, and somewhat also before in Captayne Saris, and Master [ 10] Cocks relations: Taicosamas posteritie rooted out, and Ogasha Sama seizing the Soueraigntie to himselfe. So much harder is it to be a Man then a God, and easier to bequea••h a Temple and ty∣tle of Camus, and diuine worship as to a new Faciman or Mars (all which his Ex••cutors perfor∣med and caused to be effected; his body not burned after the wont, but as he had prescribed, put in a C••est and translated to that sumptuous Temple, where he is worsh••pped as the principall of all the Cami) with an Image erected to him, (seene by Cap. Saris) then to bequeath long life to himselfe, accomplishment to his Coraian designes, or sure succession to his posteritie, in all which hee fayled. But we will with our persecuted Iesuites leaue Iapon, and ship our selues for China.

[ 20]

§. III. RVGGERIVS enters againe into China with RICIVS, and is forced backe to Amacao; thence sent for againe by the Vice-roy. Sande and Almeida are sent to them, and enter the Countrey as farre as Ce∣quion, and returne to Sciauchin.

IT is a custome in China, that of all Charters granted by the Magistrates a copie is kept in the Registrie, and the execution, or what hath therein beene done, subscribed at the end. The succeeding Vice-roy finding the copie of that Charter granted to the Iesuites [ 30] at their departure, without such subscription (because nothing had beene done there∣in) wrote to Canton, to the Aitao; he (which then was absent) to the Ansam or Hiam-xan, the Gouernour of the Citie, and he being ignorant thereof, to the Port-gouernours at Amacao. They went to the Bishop, and by him were sent to our Colledge where they were shewed the sealed Charter: but there being then Melchior Carnerus Patriarch of Ethiopia (which expedition was dissolued) Capralis, Gomez, Pasius, and other principall Iesuites, it was thought fit,* 4.30 that it should not be deliuered to the Souldiers, but carried by two Iesuites to the Aitao: and Rugge∣rius with Ricius were therein employed, the China Captaines also consenting that they should goe to Ansan, thence by the Ci-hien or Gouernour, to be sent to Canton.* 4.31 This Ci-hien when they [ 40] came thither would haue sent it and not them, which they refused, whereupon he grew angry, cast it on the ground, and commanded them to returne backe; saying, that a deposed Vice-royes grant could no way benefit them. They went to their Inne, and there consulted to goe without his leaue, deceiuing a Ship-master with sight of the said Charter, who tooke them into his ship; but terrified by others, cast them out againe with their goods. At this time came a message to the Ci-hien of his Fathers death, whereupon (according to the China Custome) he lost his office and returned home during his three yeere•• mourning. They by this occasion, and a weightier cause, (money giuen to the Successour) and the Notaries subtiltie in a seeming seruice to the Common-wealth, were sent in manner as prisoners to Canton, as strangers found there.

The Aitao notwithstanding gaue them kinde entertaynment. They petitioned, shewing,* 4.32 that they were Religious men which had passed so many Seas allured by the fame of China, there to spend [ 50] their dayes: and desired nothing but a small piece of ground to raise thereon a little house to the Lord of Heauen, and they would be further burthensome to none, but procure liuelihood of their owne mens bene∣uolence. They mentioned nothing of Christian Religion, lest it might cause suspicion, and bee a let to them; the Chinois thinking too well of themselues, that strangers should teach them a∣ny thing, which they haue not already more complete in their owne Bookes. Rebellions haue also begunne vnder colour of new Sects. The Aitao or high Admirall commended their desires, but said, it belonged to higher Magistrates, and could onely bee granted by the Ciai-yuen (the Visitour of the Prouince) or the Vice-roy.* 4.33 They desired that hee would at least let them stay there in the Palace of the King of Siams Legates, till the Portugals Mart came, and in meane [ 60] time they would trye what they could doe with the Visitour or Vice-roy. This hee granted, but the same day repeated, professing that he feared the Visitor (if out of Mart-time he should finde st••angers there) whose censure is dreadfull to euery Magistrate. He therefore commanded them presently to packe for Amacao. They were comne backe to Ansan, and found things in worse case then before. For at the gates of the Citie they found an Edict set vp by Co the

new Vice-roy, blaming the China Interpreters which had put into the heads of Stranger-priests to learne the China language and Characters, and to desire some place for to erect a sacred and priuate house,* 4.34 threatning those interpreters if they persisted. In this dispayre of proceeding, they had not beene a weeke gone, when from Sciauquin, the seate of the Vice-roy, one of his guard came to Amacao and brought the Ci-fu, (so they call the Gouernour of that Prouince) his Letters Patents by the Vice-royes authoritie, inuiting the Fathers to Sciauquin, there to receiue a piece of ground for a Church and dwelling house. The cause hereof was an offer made by the Fathers (when they were sent away from Sciauchin, by the deposed Vice-roy to Canton) of a summe of money to any which should procure of the New Vice-roy license for their returne. One of the meanest Souldiers in name of Interpreter to the Societie had put vp a Petition to the Vice-roy, who sent it to the Gouernour of the Region called Guam-puon, of Cequion Prouince) [ 10] to bee dispatched, who gaue the former Letters Patents to the Souldier, which brought them himselfe to Macao. They with great ioy, as seeing the Diuine hand herein, made ready for the iourney,* 4.35 which the former expenses and late Ship-wrackes (especially of the Iapon Ship in the Ile Leuquiceo, which alone hath most of the wealth of the Citie in it) made difficult; but Gaspar Viegas charitably bestowed the expense, seconded also by others.

Thus full of hope they set sayle, and in Canton, both now and when before they were dismis∣sed from Sciauquin, they found Spaniards. Then, a Ship which from the Philippinas was bound for New Spaine,* 4.36 was wracked at the Ile Nan-tau, on the Canton coast; the men which escaped were kept in durance: And now, seuen or eight Franciscan Friars, which had gone from the same [ 20] Philippinas for Cauchinchina, hearing the King was become a Christian, and in their returne were wracked on the Ile Hainan, and taken and spoyled, and presented to the Magistrates for Pirats, whose libertie these Iesuites procured,* 4.37 promising all recompence at Amacao. Hence they had set foorth in the beginning of September, 1583. and in the same moneth came to Sciauquin, in that Souldiers companie, by whom they were conueyed to the Gouernours Palace, and kneeling be∣fore him made request as in the Souldiers mentioned Petition had beene contayned, and were kindly answered, that they should goe about the Citie and spye out some conuenient place for their purpose,* 4.38 which hee doubted not to procure of the Vice-roy for them.

At the same time at Sciauquin, they were erecting by the common charge of the Eleuen Ci∣ties of that Iurisdiction, a Tower (whereof one floore was now raysed, to which they intended [ 30] to adde nine others aboue it) in a pleasant place by the Riuers side, a myle and more from the Citie,* 4.39 the Suburbes continuing further then it. In the same place they set foorth a Temple, and therein erected a Statue to the Gouernour, whose sixe yeeres gouernment had well deserued of the learned, and of the vulgar. A piece of that field in which the flourishing Tower (so they called it) was building, they desired, which hee liked well, and promised to further them with the Vice-roy.* 4.40 The Iesuites at their former departure, had left an Altar with one Ciu Nico, who had placed the same in a conuenient place, for want of Images inscribing aboue, it Thien Chu in Cu∣bicall letters, that is, To the Lord of Heauen. Hee made also thereunto diuers Incenses, and at set times yeelded diuine honors before it; which much reioyced the Fathers, seeing that there was one found which inuoked the true God. And this man gaue them entertaynment, till they had [ 40] receiued the Vice-royes answer, app••ouing their request; and the next day the Gouernour set foorth a plot of ground for them with straight caution to obserue the Lawes of China, and to ad∣mit no Strangers companions to dwell with them; which they promised. Much was the con∣course and admiration of people, much the wonder at their triangle Glasse, the Image of our La∣die, a wrought Handkerchiffe, with which they presented the Gouernour; but hee returned all afterward,* 4.41 fearefull of Bribe-imputation. Much trouble arose about that place, and another was assigned them, where they began to build and were forced to pawne their precious triangle Glasse, to fit it for their vse; they obtayned also an ample Charter from the Vice-roy, and two Patents from the Gouernour which protected them from wrongs.

In these beginnings they made little mention of the Gospell, but imployed their spare time [ 50] in learning the Language and Characters, by a Holy life seeking to insinuate themselues into the peoples good liking. Their habite was like the modestest of the Chinois, a long Gowne with large sleeues: Their house had two Cells, and betwixt them a Hall with an Altar in the midst, on which they set the Image of the Blessed Virgin,* 4.42 carrying her Sonne. They called their God, Thien-cui, Lord of Heauen; for the Chinois want the D. which caused that they could not giue any name more fit: and this name continueth to this day, although they vse others also, as Highest Ruler of all,* 4.43 First beginning of all, and the like. The blessed Virgin is called the Great Mo∣ther of God. This Image on the Altar, all which visited them both Magistrates, Students, Priests, and common people, did religiously worship, kneeling and (after their rite) knocking lightly the ground with their fore-heads. They admired the excellencie of the Picture and colours [ 60] without ceasing. But when it began to bee rumoured, that they worshipped a Woman for God, they tooke away that Picture and substituted the Image of Christ. After this, they painted the ten Commandements in the China language, which many approued. Some brought them In∣cense for holy vses, and some bestowed their Almes; others also Oyle for the Lampe which bur∣ned

before the Altar; and the Fathers commended their Law, as agreeing to the light of Nature. The first which was Baptised, was a poore diseased man cast foorth by his parents,* 4.44 whom they instructed, and a little before his death baptised. The reliefe which they bestowed on him be∣fore, caused a rumour amongst the vulgar, that those Strangers knew by the mans complexion,* 4.45 that hee had a precious stone in his head, the cause of all that benificence. The Chinois much ad∣mired the Bookes, of which the Fathers had store, the artificiall binding, gilding, cost, goodli∣nesse of the Print, and their studiousnesse in the China bookes; and receiued with great applause a Booke of Christian learning which they printed. Yea, the Gouernour after the China rite would needs doe them publike honour,* 4.46 which is done by sending a goodly Table with Cubitall [ 10] letters in praise of them, with the Magistrates name, and the date inscribed in lesse letters. Two of these with great pompe hee sent vnto them, the one to bee set ouer the entrance with inscrip∣tion, The house of the flowre of Diuine men; the other to bee placed in the Hall, inscribed, The holy Nation of the West: which wanne them great reputation, this Magistrate being much re∣puted for learning and vertue.

Our wants caused Ruggerius to intreat leaue to goe to Amacao for supply, which hee obtay∣ned with a faire Ship and thirtie Rowers. The Gouernour requested also, that a Clocke might bee made for him. But the pouertie of the Amacaons, their Ship not being come from Iapon, and the Colledge enioying no Rents, caused him to send the workman to Sciauquin, to make it there; which hee tooke in good part. Now the Chinois are a people suspicious of Strangers, especially [ 20] those ruder parts of the Prouince of Canton, and much muttered at the Portugals Commerce,* 4.47 say∣ing, they made all things dearer, and the profit came but to few. They gaue an odious appella∣tion to the Portugals, calling them Deuils. To this, Fame had added a spurre, reporting that their famous Tower was the worke of Strangers, (which had no ground but that their house was building at the same time) and the Flourishing Tower, was stiled the Strangers Tower.* 4.48 They there∣fore in Ruggerius absence offered great abuses by throwing stones, being angrie that they kept their house shut, which they would haue had made an Idoll Temple, alway open to all. One boy in throwing stones, was taken by the seruant and brought in, but at others request soone dismissed. Hereupon two neighbours conspired, to set a fellow on worke to accuse these stran∣gers for seducing Children, as they had done this youth his brother,* 4.49 (so they agreed) and kept [ 30] him three dayes, with intent to sell him for a Slaue at Amacao. The two neighbours offered to bee witnesses hereof. The accusation was put vp in pittifull manner, and the Gouernour much moued, the Father fetched into Court by an Officer, before hee could haue leasure to write his answer. The Interpreter had filled his sleeues with stones, which hee powred out in Court as witnesses of their abuses. The Iudge smelt the businesse,* 4.50 and by examination of the Tower work-man which had seene it, found out the knauerie, and rewarded it with terrible whipping; and forbad all abuses to bee offered to them.

Ricius his skill in the Mathematickes which hee had learned, being an Auditor of Clauius at Rome, was no small helpe to them. They had a Cosmographicall Map in Europaean Characters,* 4.51 hanging in their Hall, which the learned beheld with great pleasure, much desiring to see it in [ 40] China characters, little knowing, as little hauing to doe with the rest of the world. They had Maps pretending a Description of the world, but presented onely their fifteene Prouinces, with the Sea and a few Ilands, and the names of such Kingdomes as they had heard of, all which King∣domes scarcely equalled one Prouince of China.* 4.52 They now wondred much to see themselues straightned in an Easterne corner of the world, and Ricius at the Gouernours request, published it in China characters: and inserted, as hee saw cause, the rites of the world and the Christian holies. They haue a conceit, that the Heauens are round, the Earth square,* 4.53 and their Empire to bee seated in the midst thereof; hee therefore so proiected his Description, that he presented China in the midst. They that before thought basely of all other men,* 4.54 as if else-where were no King, nor Republike, nor Bookes, began to be better conceited of Europaeans, and to bee bet∣ter [ 50] prepared for the seed of the Gospell: and might hereby also lesse feare Europaean forces so remote from them. This worke hee often reuised and corrected, till it came at last both to the two Royall Cities, and to the Kings house. The workeman at the same time fini∣shed the Clocke, and both were together presented to the Gouernour, who at his owne cost published the Map, and soone after restored the Clocke, because hee had none which knew how to order it.

The Ship comming from Iapon, Ruggerius well releeued returned,* 4.55 whereby the house was fi∣nished, their debts payed, and the building with stories, the disposition of the windowes, furni∣ture, faire situation on the Riuer with goodly prospect, and Europaean rarities, brought many, e∣uen great Magistrates, to behold it. Ricius proceeded to make Spheares of Brasse and Iron;* 4.56 hee [ 60] Printed also Globes, and made Sunne-dyals, which hee gaue to the Magistrates. And by his le∣ctures on these subiects, he got reputation of the best Astrologer in the world, they esteeming o∣thers by themselues. The Gouernour was about this time aduanced to a higher Dignitie,* 4.57 called Lin-si-tau, hauing the rule of two or three Regions and all the Townes therein, not remoouing from Sciauquin: and as the Chinois are superstitious obseruers of Auguries, he conceiued that he

prooued the luckier man by this familiaritie with our men, which hee signified when they came to him, with a present to gratulate these honours.

In the Philippinas the newes of the Iesuites successe caused the Gouernour to send the Treasurer Iohn Baptista Romanus to Amacao,* 4.58 with Father Alfonso Sancius a Spanish Iesuite, with a Watch and other presents and letters to the Iesuites, to procure an Ambassage from the King of Spaine to China. The Iesuites had with petitioning brought the businesse to good forwardnesse, when they receiued contrary mandates from Amacao, it being likely to prooue the destruction of that Citie, if the Spaniards with their plentie of Siluer from Peru and New Spaine, should haue trade in China; neither did this belong to the Spaniards, but to the Portugals, according to the Com∣position betwixt the two Kings made by Alexander the sixth: and although they are both sub∣iect now to one Crowne, yet their priuiledges remayne distinct without confusion. Thus both [ 10] the Magistrate aduised, and their superiour the Rector prohibited them to proceed. Yet the for∣mer working was not ceased by Silence, till the Amacaon Magistrates laboured with diuers reasons to diuert the Ambassage. Capralis the Rector was desirous to see their house, and they procured the Linsitaus leaue, so that hee came thither, viewed all, and Baptised both the young-man before mentioned which kept the Altar, and a learned man which read the China Bookes to the Fathers, this called Paul, the other Iohn, the first China Conuerts. Valignanus made Pro∣uinciall of India, hearing of this successe, sent thither Father Edward Sande, and Father Antonie Almeida: and obtained of the Vice-roy Edward Menese, an annuall stipend for this mission. They came to Amacao in Iuly, 1585.

At the same time it seasonably hapned, that Linsitau was commanded from the Court, to pro∣cure [ 20] of the Strangers at Amacao, certaine goodly feathers for the King. He furnished a faire ship and sent Ruggerius thither,* 4.59 and brought with him Father Edward Sande, who went to salute Linsitau, and gaue him no meane gift of our Commodities to procure abode, whereof nothing so pleased him as a triangle Glasse. Hee giues him leaue to stay, on condition that they admit no other companion. In Linsitaus place had succeeded another of Cequion Prouince, a great friend of the Fathers, who being to goe to Pequin about some affayres of his Office euery third yeere, was feasted at our house (where the Magistrates were often solemnly entertayned) and then of∣fered to carrie one of ours with him in his iourney, at least as farre as Cequion his owne Coun∣trey.* 4.60 They willing to erect some new seate, least some disaster might in a moment strip them [ 30] easily of one and all, agreed that Ruggerius and Sand•• should goe, and receiued licence for entring the Prouinces of Cequian and Huquan, and places adioyning. This was the Mart time whither Ruggerius went, and found Almeida come thither with the Portugals. Thither also a Brother of Lusitau was gone with much Merchandise of Silke, (the most whereof is made in the Cequian Prouince) which the Portugals bought at his price by the Fathers intreatie, who therefore tooke the Fathers, his brothers friends, to his Citie in Cequian, called Sciauhin, (a name some∣what neere the other, but in China a little difference prooueth great) the natiue place of both the Gouernours.

The Chinois haue a custome to be called by many names, and no man calls them by their pro∣per name,* 4.61 (but themselues in naming or writing themselues, or somtimes their superiours) with∣out [ 40] iniurie: they taking a greater name, which others giue them for more honour. Now the Fa∣thers had yet assumed no other name, but their seruants called them by their proper name, a thing amongst the Chinois reputed barbarous. They therfore (to become all things to all, to winne all to Christ) then followed that fashion, and euer since at their first entrance assume a new Name. Their Iourney is thus written by Almeida.

* 4.62On the eleuenth of the Kalends of December, 1585. wee departed from Canton. The third day the Ship happened to bee on fire, some imputing that vnluckinesse to vs: but without much harme it was quenched. Whiles wee sayled through the Canton Prouince, wee seldome came in sight and neuer want out of the Ship till wee came to Moylimpor. I can therefore relate nothing of that Prouince, but that there were very many Cities, and Townes very frequent, and steepe high Mountaines, betwixt which that [ 50] Riuer slideth to diuers tracts of the Prouince stored with waters, Wares and Shipping. Euery where wee beheld sumptuous Aedifices dedicated to the worship of Deuils, and of Ships almost infinite multitude, and of water-Fowle innumerable store, and herds of Goats feeding by the Woods, to the seuenth of the Ides of December.* 4.63 Then wee arriued at Moilim a Citie, neere which is the beginning of that Riuer, whose course being swift, wee were drawne by ropes and rowed with Oares against it. Into this Citie wee should hardly haue found admission, the passage being by a Bridge with two Iron chaynes, opened onely and shut at the will of the Gouernour. But our Conductor hauing acquaintance with the Linsitau, wee had present entrance,* 4.64 hardly able to passe for the multitude of Ships, there wayting. Wee were there well enter∣tayned, and on Sunday and Munday sayd Masse. On Tuesday wee went to a Citie eight miles distant, there regaizing the commoditie of another Riuer. All that way was paued with stones; in which we passe [ 60] a Mountaine, on the top whereof was an arch with an inscription of his name, who had facilitated that way, otherwise difficult. The weather was vnseasonable, rainie and cold, perhaps because the whole way in manner was Mountainous.* 4.65 I doe not remember that euer I saw way so frequented, not then when Mer∣chants resort to publike Faires: for all the Merchandise from Nanquin, and the places adioyning are

brought hither. Also the Merchants which inhabit the remotest Cities in that way, on both sides had Part∣ners for the conueying of their Wares, very fitly; for our Conductor had nothing to doe but to deliuer one hundred and fiftie Packes of Wares with other prouisions for the way, to his Hoast,* 4.66 which all hee should find in his Inne in the next Towne. These Partners also prouide Horses for the Seruants and Seats for the Masters to bee carried in by two Porters defended from the Raine by Sumbreros, or Shadowes which they carrie in their hands. When hee had passed halfe the way, wee changed our Seats and Porters, and had others to the Inne; to these nothing is due but some small gratuitie, the Hoast beeing paid for all: and a Seat is at as easie a rate here, as a Horse in our Countrey, with great commoditie and frequen∣cie of Innes. In the Euening we came to the Towne Faquen, and staid there two dayes,* 4.67 such concourse of Citizens comming to see vs, that we were almost ouer-whelmed, and were glad to get a ship-board on [ 10] Friday. On Saturday we sailed downe the streame, fifteene dayes continuing our course, in which wee hi∣red three Barkes, in one of which we only were carried. On both Bankes many and faire Townes walled about, present themselues to the view of Passengers, seeming as bigge as Canton,* 4.68 which made mee me∣ditate of the facilitie of conueying the Gospell in these parts, we making all this way with as great tran∣quilitie of bodie and minde, that wee might in the ship pray or studie and doe other things as commo∣diously, as at home.

On the sixteenth of the Kalends of Ianuary, we came to a most frequent Citie far greater then Can∣ton, where the Tutan or Vice-roy of the Prouince Chiansi resideth.* 4.69 It is high walled diuided into three parts, a Riuer flowing thorow with a Bridge of Barkes, ioyning two parts of the Citie. On this Bridge customes are paid, but our Conduct being the Lancitau•• Brother passed without search. And although [ 30] we feared to be examined by the Magistrate, yet no man troubled vs, they being not so inquisitiue in o∣ther parts as in Canton Prouince, about strangers: yea, they entertayne them more honourably euery∣where then your Worship at Xauchin. About halfe a mile from this Bridge another Riuer ioyneth with this, which runneth by the other side of the Citie, and makes the third part of the Citie. I wished the Fathers a Colledge in this place both for the fertilitie of the soyle and holsomnesse of the Aire. Hauing prouided necessaries for the rest of our Iourney in this Citie, wee went aboard and in the space of sixe or seuen dayes going downe the streame, we beheld on both sides very goodly Woods, and many Piles of wood on the Bankes necessary for those cold Regions, and holding on our course passed by seuen Cities, or more, famous for greatnesse and Merchandise: and on Christmas Euen came to the greatest Citie of all Chiansi, where wee staid that night for that Solemnitie. But hee which then was borne exercised our [ 30] patience with a grieuous North-wind, whereby the Riuer water (otherwise cleere) was so troubled that on Christmas day wee could not drinke it. For the Riuers course is North-ward,* 4.70 which therefore by a North-wind is so moued.

The next day sailing by a Citie which by the sight we iudged greateer then Lisbone, in one dayes pas∣sage further, we came to the way which leads to Nanquin, where diuers Riuers ioyning together make a kind of Crosse with great commoditie for Trade and passage.* 4.71 For a Barke well defended against wind and weather, conuenient for two Gentlemen with their Seruants and baggage, may here be hired for twen∣tie or thirtie dayes, at an easier rate then a man shall pay for Horses from Coimbra to Li••bone. For from Canton to Moilin fifteene dayes iourney, for a ship which carried two hundred Packes of Mer∣chandize of diuers kinds, we paid but nine Iaes, and seuen for those three which wee hired for twentie [ 40] dayes more. After that, leauing the Northerne way which goeth to Nanquin or Lanquin,* 4.72 wee turned West-ward against the streame, yet with benefit of the wind fauoring vs, we went fifteene and sometimes twentie * 4.73 miles a day: in which space sailing by very large fields we arriued at a Citie where faire Por∣celane is made, thence carried into India and Europe. Wee passed by many Woods also and some Cities. The cold meane-while was so great, that one day all was couered with Snow. The Riuer decreased, and on the third of the Nones of Ianuarie, they vnladed the Merchandise into ten lesse Boates, and sailed two dayes, wee came to a large Citie, to which wee had entry by a Bridge borne vp with fiftie painted Barkes.

On the Nones of Ianuary wee came to Gouli, a Citie at the end of our Nauigation by that Riuer. Here in celebrating Masse wee were thronged by the multitude. And a Priest of the Idols inuited vs, [ 50] which then performed to his Idols Ceremonies at his House, Altars there erected, & Priests inuited,* 4.74 & Hymnes vsed, where he and those Bonzi vsed vs kindly. Here wee obserued that the Deuill counterfei∣ted the Ceremonies of the Catholike Church. We went thence by the foot way carried in portable seats as before sixe or seuen miles: and then entred the Prouince of Ciquion, at the Sun-set entring the Citie Cuixion.* 4.75 On the Ides of Ianuarie we againe went a ship-board holding our course by another Riuer which in that Citie first beginneth to be Nauigable, the slow streame lingring with vs three dayes, in which yet we saw eight Cities, about which we found vnmeasurable quantitie of Oranges, very high Hils abounding with Trees and vnder-woods,* 4.76 betwixt which that pleasant Riuer sweetly slides, receiuing from euery place new Tributes of waters that it prooueth now as large as that of Canton Prouince. And [ 60] although China haue name of fertilitie, yet here appeared some prints of Iaponian sterilitie. For in fiue dayes space we could get nothing but Rapes and Rice, and a little fish. On the eleuenth of the Ka∣lends of February, we passed by a large Citie twice as great as Canton,* 4.77 as those which knew the Region affirmed: for we by reason of Snowes and Mists could see nothing but some high Towres. At Sunne going downe wee came to a Towne, against which a Bow-shot distant on the other side of the Riuer, wee

were forced to take a new ship, and causing our ship to bee drawne (a light hanged out at the Mast) the next morning we came to the Citie Ciquion, the end of our iourney. In this Citie, which as Father Ro∣gers (or Ruggerius) is wont to say,* 4.78 is a type and representation of Venice, God hath prouided vs of a good House, on one side hauing the Citie, on the other the Riuer for prospect, with conuenient Roomes and a Garden, and a fit place for a Chappell. On both sides of vs dwell Idolatrous Priests, which yet vse vs kindly, and daily come to heare our Doctrine, as doe others in great multitudes, that we cannot yet auoide their frequent concourse to heare and see vs. To the chiefe of them we shewed our Altar erected to the Immortall God, which they beheld with great reuerence, worshipping the Image of our Sauiour. And the greatest Magistrates were so affected with our Christian Ceremonies, that they said they would not suffer vs to depart. Some of them inuited and entertayned Father Rogers: one of them of farre [ 10] greater ranke then the Gouernour of the Citie, who then mourned for his Mother, and inuited vs by his Steward to her Funerall Solemnitie; whom we answered that our Prayers auayled not but to the wor∣shippers of the true God. He vsed the Father with very great respect, giuing him the higher place at ta∣ble, and accompanying him at the parting to the vtmost gate of his Palace, seeming much delighted with the Mysteries of our Faith. Three others greater then the Gouernour haue comne to visit vs, and others come so frequent that it is troublesome. The Priests also giue vs good lookes, whatsoeuer they thinke. The Aedifices both publike and priuate, the streets and Lanes of the Citie are larger and fairer then in the Citie of Canton. The Citizens also in grauitie of manners, and ciuilitie of Habit, differ not a little from the Inhabitants of Canton and Sciauchin. There is no Citie in Portugall, Lisbone except, that is any way for greatnesse comparable, The singularities I shall write at another time. Ciquion the [ 20] fourth of the Ides of Februarie, 1586.

* 4.79The Prouinciall of India writ to the Generall that at their returne to Xauchin they found fortie Christians added to the Church, which number in those beginnings in the ample and bar∣barous Kingdome of China, may be equalled to fortie thousand Christians in the Iaponian Pro∣uinces: from Goa 14. Kal. Ian. 1587.

§. IIII. False Brethren and others accusations detected, they are expelled Sciauchin: erect a [ 30] Seat at Xauceum. Monasterie of Nanhoa and other things of note in those parts. They alter their habit; Voyage to Nanquin; the Lake, Riuers, Idols and other Rarities.

RIcius cals that Citie where they resided Sciauhin, and saith, it is a principall Citie, though not the Metropolitan of the Prouince, noble in commerce, in scituation (in the midst of a fresh water Lake) in wits and learned men. They baptized there Linsitaus Father and two or three Infants, which then dying they thrust into Heauen at vnwares. Sixtus the Pope granted a great Indulgence to the Societie, to further the Iaponian and Chinese businesse: [ 40] and Aquaviva the Generall sent them three Watches and an artificiall Clock, which was great, yet mooued by wheeles without waights, and strucke also the quarters to the great admiration of the Chinois.* 4.80 Others sent Pictures, one the worke of Gaspar Coelius who first taught the Ia∣ponians and Chinois the European Painting to the great good of both Churches. But the Kinsmen of Linsitau seeing such flocking to the Fathers grew suspicious of danger, and caused them to bee recalled, and Linsitau also to be estranged from them. Also one Tansiao-hu a great acquaintance of Linsitau, with purpose to get somewhat from the Fathers, questioned Ruggerius why hee had not seene Mount Vu-tan in the Prouince of Hu-quam, a famous resort of Pilgrimes; who answe∣red that hee durst not without the Magistrates leaue:* 4.81 I will procure it, saith hee, and did so. In the way Ruggerius went to the Mother Citie of Quam-si, where hee visited one of the Royall [ 50] bloud, not knowing that such haue nothing to doe with the State, and was not admitted, but bidden first to goe to the Vice-roy, to whom he went and had no injury, nor yet wonted huma∣nitie, but was bidden to prosecute his Pilgrimage and not to stay there. Linsitau hearing of this, sought to shift his hands of them, and with much adoe they obtayned that two might bee per∣mitted to stay in their house.

* 4.82Another danger happened by one Martin a new Conuert which had made two other Con∣uerts beleeue that the Fathers could by a certaine herbe turne Quick-siluer into siluer, and by that meanes maintayned themselues. Now the Chinois being exceedingly affected to that Alchy∣misticall vanitie, these gaue money to buy a Wife, and other costs to that false brother who vn∣dertooke to learne of Father Ruggerius and to teach the other two that Science. And hauing got∣ten [ 60] what he could of them, he also borrowed the Triangle Glasse of the Fathers, with which hee ranne away. The Gouernour one day desiring to see it, they told him who had stolne it, and he sent an Officer which found him out and brought him bound. Hee, to bee reuenged of the Fa∣thers, accused one of them of Adultery; and the Husband of the pretended Adulteresse (partner

in the Conspiracie) put vp a Petition against Ruggerius, who vpon inquisition was found at the time named to haue beene in Quam-si, two moneths journey thence. The Accuser hoped to get some-what, being poore, to stop his mouth, which they refased vtterly, and hee for feare fled, together with his Wife. The Father was iudicially cleered, and Martin in his presence receiued twentie cruell stripes, and condemned to the Gallies,* 4.83 was sent to Linsitau who had first com∣mitted him to confirme the sentence; who added sixtie stripes more, and being beggered and cast in bonds he was forsaken of all his Friends, and (the Fathers meane-while releeuing him) dyed within few dayes of the wounds. He which had gotten the Glasse from Martin, another Con∣uert, came and restored it to them, left it might breed him danger being found with him.

Linsitau was preferred to a higher dignitie in the Prouince of Hu-quam. To him the Citie [ 10] had erected a Temple, and on the Altar had set his Statue;* 4.84 before the Altar a great Harth for burning incense: Candlestickes were also magnificently placed; and at his departure the whole Citie there visited him, and after their rite, p••lled off his old Boots (Bootes are the ensignes of Magistracy) and put on new, putting the old in a Chist, and locking them vp to bee reserued for a monument of his worth. Ruggerius went to Amacao, and Matthew got leaue for Father Edward the Superiour to returne to Sciauquin. The new Conuerts which had lost their money, by Martins death, deuised new tumults against the Fathers; the Riuer (which is a mile broad) ouerflowing, damnified the houses of the Citie, whence grew occasions of new abuses to Ours. The Visitour endeauoured to procure Legation from the Pope to China, and Ruggerius was sent to Europe on that businesse, which tooke little effect by the death of diuers Popes; hee spending [ 20] the rest of his life at Salerne in the Kingdome of Naples.* 4.85

Ricius was alone a good while, till Almeida came to him. His Clocke, by the Diall to the eyes, and by selfe-striking to the eares, caused no little wonder. But a new calumnie much endange∣red them made to the Ciai-yuen. For certaine old men of Canton, which are honoured for that in their whole liues they neuer haue accused any, nor beene accused of any, enioying therefore a yeerely feast out of the publike treasure, a peculiar Vest, and diuers other immunities,* 4.86 put vp a Petition, admonishing of the danger of the Amacaons,* 4.87 and especially those Spies which had builded houses of diuers stories, and euery day proceed with new arts, giuing money toward the building of Sciauquin Tower to get entrance into that Citie, sayling to and fro without im∣pediment, dangerous to the State. This is that which our Bookes fore-tell, Yee haue sowen thornes [ 30] and nettles in a gentle soyle, yee haue brought in Serpents and Dragons into your houses. That of Ama∣cao is like a sore on the hands or feet easily cured at leasure, but this of Sciauquin, an vlcer seizing on the breast and heart timely to be remedied, &c. The Visitour reputed a seuere man committed it to the Haitu, and at last it came to the Gouernour of Sciauchin, who then being at Pequin to per∣forme the customary trienniall visitation to the King, Phan his colleague (our friend, then Lieute∣nant) assisted vs with his Counsell, and they gaue their Glasse to the new Linsitau, who ended the quarrell with the Visitour, as being a false calumnie.

The two Marts prouided them of exhibitions and European Presents from Canton, and their Clocke, Mathematike Instruments, Geographicall Maps, Pictures, and Bookes, with Musicall Instruments, had procured them much visitation, and much estimation of Europe, and some fruit [ 40] thereof in Conuersions. Neither was this Station vnprofitable to Amacao, helping their af∣faires with the Magistrates, in businesses with the Vice-roy, in cases of shipwrackes,* 4.88 in redu∣cing fugitiue slaues. It happened at that time the Vice-roy dying, his Successour would not through superstition enter his Palace till hee had pulled it quite downe and built it anew at the Kings charge. Meanewhile spending his time in Canton Prouince, he was made against vs and banished vs. But the Magistrates being our friends,* 4.89 and order comne then from Pequin to buy Scarlets of the Portugals, F. Mat. Ricius was employed, and got their good liking, but not leaue by any meanes of the Vice-roy to stay at Sciauchin. Yea, hee forced vpon the Gouernour the execution of his Mandate to packe them away, offering money for the house, which they refused to take, saying, a house built for Gods seruice might not be sold, and it were ill merchan∣dise [ 50] to take sixtie pieces of Gold for sixe hundred which it had cost them.* 4.90

When they came at Canton the Admirall was absent, and whiles they waited for him the Vice-roy sent a Barke for them to returne, and then permitted them to chuse any other place of residence. Ricius chose Nanhium in the Prouince of Quiansi (or Quamsi, or Chiansi) which hee refused not, but wished them first to trye at Nanhoa, or at Xauceum, commending them to the Assistant of the Gouernour thereof, then present, and gaue Ricius a bundle of bookes of his owne acts in token of good will, who thanked him with his fore-head to the ground, after their fashion. They departed from Sciauchin on the Assumption day, 1589. They came to the place called Sanceui, or Three-waters,* 4.91 where the Riuers of Xauceum from the North falls into a great Riuer: there they vse to change ships, to haue others fitted in other fashion to sayle against the [ 60] streame. In eight dayes sayling to the North, they came to the place where the Gouernours seruant stayed for them to bring them to the Temple or Monasterie of Nanhoa, part of which the Vice-roy had giuen them if they liked it. This Monasterie they found in a goodly Plaine,* 4.92 enuironed with pleasant Hills, enriched with hand-set fruit-bearing trees, watered with a

Riueret in the midst: the goodliest Hill, graced with a plentifull Fountaine, was the Seat of the Temple, a great pile; nigh which was the Monasterie wherein a thousand Priests (by the impious piety of the Ancestrie, Lords of that ground) had their abode.

* 4.93The originall thereof was a man which liued about eight hundred yeeres since, called Lusu, who is reported to haue flourished in great reputation of holinesse by reason of his austere course of life; with a chaine girded to his bare flesh, wonted to sift Rice, and to beate it lightly after their manner, as much as serued for the daily food of a thousand Monasteries. With that chaine his flesh putrified,* 4.94 so that wormes bred therein: of which if any happened to fall to the ground, he placed it there againe, saying, Hast thou nothing to eate? why doest thou runne away? There is his carkasse preserued and that famous Temple built to his worship, to which is concourse of Pilgrimes out of all the Kingdome,* 4.95 euery-where he and all his being much reputed. These Mi∣nisters [ 10] of the Deuill are diuided into twelue Stations, each hauing his Superiours, and ouer all an Abbot. When the Father came thither sent by the Vice-roy, they supposed hee had come to be their Abbot and to reforme their abuses; for they not only had their Concubines and Bastards, but robbed by the high-wayes. Now all the Idoll Priests are as subject to the Magistrates as o∣ther men; perhaps because their Learned esteeme not Idols, nor account these their Priests. Yet with China dissimulation they gaue the Fathers faire entertainment with much pretended joy,* 4.96 and officiously offered all at their Seruice, making them also a Solemne Feast, and then shewing them the chiefe places of their Monastery. They were full of great Idols of Brasse and other Metals,* 4.97 and of wood gilded. In one Station were told fiue hundred. There were also many [ 20] Steeples and Bels of Metall cast, one such as they had neuer seene in Europe to their remem∣brance.

The bodie also of their Saint, Lusu, was shewed, all shining with that their China bituminous Vernish (so vulgarly thought,* 4.98 and preserued with incredible veneration, though many deny it to be his bodie:) In the midst of the Temple is an eminent place to which they ascend by neate steps, in which hang about fifty Lampes, but not all burning except on set dayes. The Chinois maruelled at the Fathers doing no worship, a thing vsually performed by those Chinois, which otherwise repose no confidence in those Idols. They both agreed; the Chinois Monkes to bee rid of their feare, and the Fathers to goe to the Citie.

At their departure, Father Almeida went by water, and F. Matthew by Land with the Go∣uernours [ 30] Seruant, the Abbot bearing him companie. He there told the Magistrate that he liked not of the Temple, because the men had an ill report as vnsafe Neighbours, and hee worshipped one God, and not Idols. This amazed the Gouernour, perswaded before, that there was in the World no other Law nor Characters then theirs,* 4.99 till Father Matthew pulled forth his Prayer-booke. The Abbot also testified that hee had worshipped none of the Idols, no not Lusus selfe. At last, the Gouernour was perswaded by him, that that of Idol-worship was a later Sect a∣mongst them; yea, the Abbot affirmed, that they deserued no worship, but that former Magi∣strates had obserued that without Idols the vulgar would not keepe Religion, and therefore set vp these to be worshipped.* 4.100 They visited all the Citie Magistrates which vsed them with more courtesie then those of Sciauchin. They went also to another Temple or Monasterie called [ 40] Quamhiao, on the other Westerne side of the Riuer, and carried their goods thither till they were prouided of a House.

The Citie Xauceum is seated betwixt two Nauigable Riuers which here met: the one which passeth by Nanhium on the East, the other running out of the Prouince of Vquam on the West. But the Citie wals and Houses are builded in the midst of the field, but they are forced by the straitnesse to build also on the other-side the Riuer, joyned with a Bridge on Barkes. It contay∣neth fiue thousand Housholds is fertile but vnholsome, the third or fourth part of the Inhabi∣tants being sicke of a Tertain from October to December, which takes away many, and leaues a pale Impression on the rest. Strangers also are no lesse arrested by it, when they come thither on businesse. And the Iesuites had almost lost themselues in this new purchase, where being re∣couered [ 50] they had a Charter from the Vice-roy to build their House in ground belonging to the Monasterie.* 4.101 Thither the Visitor sent them Sebastian Fernandus and Francis Martinez which had beene trayned vp in the Schoole of Amacao, the first Probationers in China. They to auoid expense, built this House of one Storie after the China manner: and soone liked better of this then their former Residence.

Chiutaiso (the sonne of one of the second ranke of Magistrates called Sciansciu, a man fa∣mous,* 4.102 as being the first named of the three hundred Doctors made euery third yeare, and Author of Learned Workes) had spent his Patrimony after his Fathers death with Prodigalitie and ex∣periments of Alchymie: and now was forced to shift, with his Wife and Seruants wandering thorow the Kingdome to his Fathers Friends, and becomming a Sollicitor for other men to the [ 60] Magistrates of his acquaintance. Hee hauing obtayned of the Vice-roy a Roome in that Mona∣sterie became Neighbour to the Fathers; and one day with set Pompe (after the China custome) and precious Gifts came to Father Matthew, and chose him for his Master. It was not safe for the Father to refuse (though he requited his gifts, lest he should seeme to haue beene brought thi∣ther

by couetousnesse) and first taught him Arithmeticke. For that which the Chinois haue is with a Linnen Instrument whereon Beads are put by wires,* 4.103 and shifted hither and thither to reckon their numbers: certayne, but subiect to Error, and vnprofitable to high Sciences. He read to him also the Sphere of Clauius, and the first Booke of Euclides Elements, and taught him to make Sun-dials of many sorts, and Geometricall Rules to measure Altitudes. He being of subtile wit, committed these things to writing in elegant stile, and shewed them to Magistrates of his Acquaintance, so procuring great opinion and admiration to the Iesuits. His wit and exceeding industry brought him to great skill, that hee made Spheres, Astrolabes, Quadrants, Compasses, Dials and other like, very artificially, and some of siluer: withall so setting forth his Master [ 10] and the European Learning, that it proued of no small consequence. By his meanes the Fathers had acquaintance with Pimpithan a Military Commander, with the Gouernours of the Citie and diuers other Magistrates. Almeida fell sicke and was sent to Macao, to see if Physicke might recouer him, and there dyed.

Ricius set forth a goodly Image hitherto vnseene, on the Altar adorned with Waxe Lights, which brought such concourse to see it,* 4.104 that their enuious Neighbours stoned the House and Ser∣uants by night: whereat Chiutaiso offended acquainted the Gouernour, which had before set his Decree ouer their doore prohibiting all wrongs. He called the Street Gouernours (as Consta∣bles with vs) and was likely there to haue scourged them, pretending their ignorance, and put∣ting chaines about their neckes after the fashion, sent them to seeke out the wrong doers,* 4.105 and [ 20] bring them to his Tribunall. They fearing to anger their Parents, durst not name them, till he commanded to whip the one and send the other to Prison, whereupon they named two,* 4.106 whose punishment with much intreatie of the Father was pardoned. Father Francis de Petris, was sent (by the Magistrates License obtayned) to succeed in Almeidas place.* 4.107 The Vice-roy was then preferred by his Friends procurement and Bribes to a higher place, but the Prouinciall Visitor had so complained of his wrongs, that by the way hee was acquainted that hee was depriued of all Office, and fined at forty thousand pieces of Gold to the King. Besides, a filthy Vlcer brake out of him, and soone after he miserably dyed. Thus did God punish his pride, which to erect a Temple to himselfe at Sciauchin, had depriued the Iesuits of their House. The fame at Sciau∣chin was that the Iesuits were expelled for refusing to teach the Vice-roy the Arte of Al∣chymie.

[ 30]

One Cosunboa a Merchant of the Citie Taicho in Chiansi, abode in Nanhiun,* 4.108 and had some for∣tie persons in his Family, a very Superstitious Idol-worshipper, in whose seruice hee macerated his whole life in that China abstinence from Flesh, Fish, Egges, and Milke, liuing only of Pulse, Rice, Herbs, and certaine Cakes, industrious for his saluation in another life,* 4.109 but not satisfied with any of the China Sects. He had learned by Chiutaiso of the Iesuits, and came to Xauceum and acquainting Father Ricius with his purpose, he was instructed and baptized Ioseph. He stayed with them a moneth, and after Ricius went to Nanhiun to him, and preached and baptized ten others. Theeues by night assailing their House, the Gouernour was made acquainted,* 4.110 who would haue them indited by the Fathers (which they did very sparingly,* 4.111 whereas the China [ 40] manner is to adde excessiuely) and he put them to torture; and forced them to confesse:* 4.112 one whose Hat or head couering falling off had bewrayed him, he condemned in Capital sentence; the other to be sent to the Gallies, or amongst the Kings Slaues: which sentence was to passe to Superiour Gouernours, and so to Sciauchin, and Father Ricius must goe thither about it, which happened well for the new Conuerts which had for the most part growne wild. From thence he went to Amacao to speake with the Visitor, and returned to Sciauchin, where the Parents of the theeues procured him their Aduocate which should haue beene the Plaintiffe. Amongst the China Ma∣gistrates is one which hath his name of Pardoning punishments: Hee is sent in the Name of the Queene Mother, into each Prouince one. Their Office is to visit Prisons, to exempt the smaller offenders and to mitigate Sentences; for which the Magistrates hold them in great esteem.* 4.113 But [ 50] hee would not succour these men, though the Father intreated. The Prouinciall Visitor only re∣mayned, who alone doth last of all reuise the Sentences, and they despaired that hee would re∣uoke the judgement of seuen or eight Magistrates. Hereupon they conspired fiftie of them conioyning in an impious Sacrifice in a certayne Temple to expell ours from Xauceum. But none of the Magistrates of the Citie subscribing (except one, who did it, to offend the Fathers grea∣test friend) they better bethought themselues, and intreated Ricius to be their Intercessor; where∣by the Visitor was perswaded to pronounce them Dicers and not Theeues, and to exchange their sentence into twentie stripes a piece.* 4.114 For the name of Theeues would haue beene an ignominious brand to them and to their Kindred for euer. Yet would they haue renewed their accusation to the Visitor, but he would not heare them. About that time the President of the Court of Rites at [ 60] Pequin, passed that way towards Hainam his Natiue Countrie,* 4.115 who hearing of Ours (which he did not to the Visitors) visited them with gifts, and spent a whole day with them, promising at his returne to carry Father Matthew to Pequin with him to correct their Kalendars.

In Nouember 1594. Father Francis de Petris dyed, and Father Lazarus Cataneus succeeded, Ricius bethought him of another course: for howsoeuer they had shaken off the name of Bonzi,

yet because they shaued their beards like the Portugall Priests,* 4.116 and cut their hayre, and liued sin∣gle, had their Temple and set prayers, they could not free themselues of that infamous title which made them vnfit for greater Designes. Hee aduised the Visitor, that by this meanes they were accounted as the Idoll Priests, and that it were fitter to let their hayre and beards grow, and to weare the habite of the Learned men, each of them hauing a garment of Silke to visit the Magistrates, without which they might on equall tearmes amongst the Chinois, conferre with them: also that it was fit to remoue their residence from this vnwholsome ayre of Xauceum, or to diuide it.* 4.117 To all these the Visitor yeelded, vndertaking to acquaint the Generall of the Order and the Pope. For howsoeuer for vertue and learning (wanting to their Bonzi) the Magistrates had alway shewed countenance to Ours, yet the vulgar held them in that vulgar respect; nei∣ther might the Magistrates breake their custome, to giue them equall entertaynment. Nor did [ 10] they now beare themselues for Learned men of China, but for Europaean Learned, imitating the habite of that Countrey.

* 4.118The next yeere, 1595. the Chiefe Iudge of the Councell of Warre, by the Chinois called Scilaù, which is farre aboue the dignitie of Vice-roy, (who before had after diuers Dignities betaken himselfe to a priuate life) vpon occasion of the inuasion of Corai, was by the King of China (which sent in defence thereof an Armie of eightie thousand) called backe to the Royall Citie. Hee had a Sonne of twentie yeeres old, who for griefe that he had lost the first degree of their Students, lost his wits. Hee sent a Captayne for the Fathers, thinking they could recouer his Sonne which he had with him, and gaue them such entertaynment, that the Magistrates were amazed.* 4.119 He caused a Charter to bee giuen to Ricius for going to Naugau, chiefe Citie in Chiansi, [ 20] where hee hoped to doe good on his Sonne. He passed Mount Moilin, which lyeth betwixt the two Prouinces and the two Riuers, a dayes iourney, and the most notable thorow-fare in the whole Kingdome. For at the foot thereof to the South, the Riuer of Nanchiun becomes nauiga∣ble, which runneth into Canton and the South Sea. On the other side of the Hill at the Citie Naugau, ariseth another great Riuer, which visiteth the Prouinces of Chiansi and Nanquin, and many Cities before hee enters the Sea Eastward. Thus what comes from forraine Kingdomes to Canton, is this way conueyed to the in-land Kingdomes, as also from those hither: Horses and seates, or Chayres for carriage on mens shoulders, Beasts for carriage and Porters, being al∣most innumerable euery day, yet all in good order. The Mountayne is common to both Prouin∣ces, which are distinguished by a Gate erected among the stonie precipices. All the way is set [ 30] with Trees, paued with stones, frequen•• with Hostries, as secure by night as by day, both by the guards of Souldiers, and frequencie of Trauellers: neither are their ouer-flowings by raynes. On the Hill top is a neate Temple, and therein a Garrison, both Prouinces thence offered to the view.* 4.120 Naughan signifieth the Southerne Inne. Hee went in one of the Presi∣dents Ships, till hee came to the Citie Canceu; by the way often entring into his owne Ship and discoursing with him of Europaean affayres, Sciences, and Religion. But so many visita∣tions for Magistrates hindred all dealing with his Sonne in this iourney, so that by his Father it was deferred.* 4.121

In this Citie Canceu, resideth a Vice-roy greater then the Vice-roy of that Prouince, they call him the Vice-roy of foure Prouinces, Chiansi, Fuchien, Canton and Vquam: not that all those [ 40] Prouinces are subiect to him, but because hee gouerneth two adioyning Regions, or lesse Prouin∣ces out of each of them. The cause of appointing this Vice-roy extraordinarie was, the multi∣tude of Theeues in those parts, which bordering on so many Prouinces, could not easily by ordi∣narie course of Iustice bee apprehended; whence two Regions out of each were committed to one,* 4.122 who by Militarie forces repressed those insolences. And because the militarie Magistrates are subiect to that Councell of Warre at Pequin, the President was heere receiued with greater State: aboue three thousand men were sent to meete him a league off, with their Captaynes, Co∣lours and Armes, many with Hand-gunnes mixed, shooting off as he passed, making a faire show on both sides the Riuer, which there is not very large. When hee was come into the Citie, the [ 50] Vice-roy with other Magistrates visited him with Gifts, Prouisions, Banquets; and some com∣panies were set to guard the Ships: which was also done euery where, such is the China venera∣tion of such Magistrates by their inferiours.* 4.123 Heere was a Bridge of Boates, opened but once a day for Ships passage which haue payd their customes.

* 4.124After they were past this Citie, another Riuer addes it selfe to this, whence they come into a place called Sciepathau, about thirtie miles long, in which are many Rockes dispersed, on which the impetuous force of the water causeth many ship-wrackes, goods lost, and men drowned; and requireth expert Ship-men; a strange thing to see a Riuer full of shelues and sharpe rockes, in the midst of the continent. In the entrance of this dangerous passage is an Idoll Temple, wherein the passengers deuoutly commend the safetie of their fortunes to these vanities, which Scilan al∣so [ 60] heere did in vaine: for although with multitude and industrie of Saylers his Ship auoyded the Rockes, yet was that broken in which his Wife and Children were carryed, though they esca∣ped drowning, by reason of her high building, euery one getting vp into the highest decke, which lifted vp it selfe aboue those shallower waters. They cryed pittifully, and Father Mat∣thew

hauing then gotten a Boate for himselfe came first and receiued them, going himselfe into another lesse, which went before to conduct the way. Scilan sent for another Ship presently to Canceu. Father Matthew was taken into another Ship of burthen, which was in a gust ouer-throwne, Iohn Barradas his boy was drowned, and hee hardly recouered: the Commodities by dyuing were gotten againe, though much hurt by the water. They came to a noble and popu∣lous Citie called Chiengan, where the winde by night was so violent,* 4.125 that it dispersed all the Fleet, which hardly escaped wracke.

Scilan terrified with this disastrous passage by water, purposed to goe by land to Pequin,* 4.126 which is done at the Kings cost; in certayn places there being Horses, Lighters, Porters, prouisions ready prouided. Now thinking to send backe Ricius to Xanceum, least some might accuse him in a time [ 10] of warre for bringing Strangers to the Court; hee shewed some the wonders of his triangle Glasse,* 4.127 which hee was willing to giue the President if hee knew he should hold on with him in the Iourney. They acquainted their Lord, and hee gaue him license to goe to Nan∣quin, and to enter those two Prouinces of Cequion or Cechien, and Nanchin or Nanquin. Hee was carryed thither with two of Scilans seruants, still hauing Souldiers from all places to guard him, they thinking that some of his Sonnes were there carryed. When hee came to that Mother Citie (for before hee seldome went foorth, to preuent all lets) which is in twentie nine degrees, to the Northermost part of the Prouince, hee made shew of himselfe as one of Scilans houshold seruants: and not knowing whither to goe to deliuer his Letters, hee first went into a Temple of note, which beares name of the Iron Pillar.* 4.128 For they fable that one [ 20] Huiunsin, had some hundreds of yeeres agoe, brought perfect Siluer out of Quick-siluer, and had deliuered this Citie from a huge Dragon, whom hee ouer-whelmed in the ground, and ty∣ed to that Iron Pillar, and then flew with his whole house, Mice and all, into Heauen. The building of this Temple is worthy the view, against which are perpetuall Faires, in which no∣thing is lacking to bee sold. The Priests are those which they call Thausu, which let their hayre and beards grow. When hee entred that Temple, much concourse of people came about him to see a Stranger, a strange sight there, yea, reputed holy, for they had thought that the fame of that Idoll, had brought him thither from farre Countries. But when hee did no worship thereto, hee was admonished to doe that which the greatest Magistrates refused not; then threatned, after they would force him, till one of the Ship sayd, hee worshipped no Idols. [ 30] But seeing the multitude still flocking about him, he returned to the Ship, and signified that hee came with the President, whom euery man knew. The seruants visited their Masters friends, and receiued gifts of some, especially of the Vice-royes Physician.

Scarcely had they sayled out of the chiefe Citie,* 4.129 when they meete with a Lake admirable for the greatnesse and other things: on all the bankes as farre as a man can see, are innume∣rable Townes, Castles, Villages, great Houses; thence they may passe into Fuchien, and thence to the Sea Eastward. Amongst other Townes there is one Citie called Nancan, at the foot of a Hill called Liu, in which Hill are diuers Anchorites, each in his owne Cell, macerating himselfe with afflicting his bodie. Those Houses are sayd to bee as many,* 4.130 as are dayes in the yeere: and they tell as a miracle, that the Sunne shining cleere round about, that Hill is al∣way [ 40] couered with Clouds and mysts; so that that Hill (so neere) cannot bee seene out of the Lake. The course of the Riuer is to Nanquin, but in that breadth the streame hath small force, and easily may with the winde bee sayled any way. After you are out of the Lake, a great Ri∣uer out of Vquam Prouince, runneth thither and therein loseth his name and waters. For the greatnesse, it is thence-forward called Yamsu, which signifieth, the Son of the Sea, being in many places two or three myles broad, dangerous also for tempests like his Father,* 4.131 and they say the waters are so whirled therein, that swimming can little profit those which fall there∣into. The Chinois sayle it with great feare, and are there often wracked. Great Ships sayle therein, and happely our Ships (not the greatest of all) and our Galleyes might sayle hitherto [ 50] from the Sea. Many other Riuers pay their tributes to it. They sayle it not by night, but betake themselues to some Port, which they may readily doe also in a storme. To this Lake the Spring-tydes at Change and Full come, at other times not obseruable: at Nan∣quin euery day, but it is fresh water. When hee was come to Nanquin the Presidents seruants left him.

[ 60]

§. V. Nanquin described; RICIVS expelled thence, hee setleth at Nancian, thence goeth to Nanquin againe, and to Pequin; description of it, the way thither, the Kings Palace, and of Suceu, and Hamceu.

* 4.132NAnquin or Nanchin by the Portugals is called Lanchin: for they heard of it by the In∣habitants of the Prouince Fuchian or Fuquian, which vse L for N. It is called also [ 10] Intienfu, because the Gouernour of the Region there resideth. This is that Citie, which in the Chinois opinion excelleth all Cities of the world, both in greatnesse and goodli∣nesse: neither may many be compared to it. For it is full of very great Palaces, Temples, Towers, Bridges, which all yet are exceeded by those of the same kinde in Europe. It excelleth also in temperature of the ayre, fertilenesse of the soyle, goodnesse of wits, gentlenesse of manners, ele∣gance of speech, multitude of inhabitants of euery ranke, of People, and Learned, and Magistrates: these also holding equall ranke with those of Pequin, in number and dignitie, howbeit by the ab∣sence of the King, that equalitie is made vn-equall. And so in all the Kingdome of China, and the bordering Kingdomes, it is commonly (all things considered) iudged the first or chiefe Citie. [ 20] It is compassed with three Walls; the first, that of the Kings Palace exceeding stately. That is also compassed with a three-fold wall, in manner of a Tower, with ditches filled with water. It hath foure or fiue Italian myles in circuit. And I dare boldly say, that no King any where hath a more excellent Palace (not if you weigh particulars together, but) comparing all things. The second wall encompasseth the Palace, and the principall part of the Citie, opened with twelue Gates, which are fortified with Iron plates, and Ordnance planted ouer against them within the Citie.* 4.133 This second Wall comprehendeth eighteene Italian myles compasse. The third Wall and vttermost is not euery where continued, but where need is, Art hath added sup∣plyment to Natures fortification.

* 4.134The circuit thereof can hardly bee knowne. The Inhabitants say, that two Horse-men in a [ 30] whole dayes riding, hauing gone out of the same Gate, met together at night: whence the pro∣digious quantitie may bee obserued, especially the forme of the Citie being Circular, and there∣fore most capable. Although within the walls are great spaces of Mountaynes, Lakes, Groues, Gardens,* 4.135 yet the greatest part is very frequently inhabited. The garrison Souldiers (which one would not beleeue, had not eye-witnesses confirmed it) which keepe the Citie alone, are fortie thousand. The Pole is eleuated 32. degrees, and so it is seated in manner in the midst of the Kingdome, from North to South. The Riuer runneth by it at the West, exceedingly both enriching and beautifying it. Nor doth it onely passe by, but is in many places brought in∣to the Citie by Channels (whereby greater vessels may enter the Citie) being enlarged by Art. In times past it was called the chiefe Citie of the Kingdome, and may seeme to haue beene anci∣ently [ 40] more glorious.

* 4.136Ricius went a-land in the Suburbe, which is without the three Walls, and is so large and fre∣quently inhabited, that it may seeme another great Citie. There a Physician of the Vice-roy of Schiauchin knew him, and hee visited the Vice-royes sonne, and by his meanes grew acquain∣ted with others. When he went into the Citie, hee vsed to bee carryed in a close Chayre, to preuent noueltie, and for more authoritie, and because the length of the way to friends houses often required it. There hee thinking to fixe a residence, learned of one Sciutagin a Magi∣strate of his former acquaintance, to whom hee had before giuen a Globe and an Houre-glasse, receiuing promises of much kindnesse.* 4.137 To him he went full of hope and not emptie handed: but hee being both miserably couetous, and ambitiously hunting after new places, was offen∣ded [ 50] with his presence (hee pretending that he came to see him) sent for his Hoast, and threat∣ned him terribly, causing him to ship away his new Ghest; hauing also agreed with the No∣tarie of his Court to giue euidence against him, as a troublesome and dangerous man former∣ly expelled from Sciauchin. Thus against the streame both of his affection and the Riuer, is Ri∣cius forced (loath to displease Magistrates) to returne to Chiansi Prouince. In the way full of thoughts, hee had a vision (as the Storie sayth) in which God appeared to him, and promised to bee propitious in both the Cities Royall to him.

* 4.138In Nancian the chiefe Citie of Chiansi hee abode. This is as great in circuit, but not in Mer∣chandise as Canton, and though none of those portentuous great Cities, yet is it famous for the number of Learned men, which thence are aduanced to diuers parts: the people are thriftie and [ 60] contented with little,* 4.139 and many of them obserue that first aforesayd. Of the Learned men there is also a Societie, in which on set dayes the more learned doe Lecture or discourse touching ver∣tues in very modest manner. The Physician aforesayd, famous for his Art and well respected by

the Vice-roy, was visited by him. Hee now vsed his Silken vest and Cap vsed by the Learned, somewhat like but higher, then that which Priests in Spaine weare, (for he had learned to keepe state and not to deiect himselfe too much) and carryed two seruants with him in long garments made of Callico, and his gestatorie Chayre: without which pompe a man cannot bee taken for a Learned man, the poorest Students vsing them, and otherwise contemned. The Physician enter∣tayned him kindly, and after inuited him to a Feast, where were many Students,* 4.140 and some of the Royall bloud (of which that Citie hath very great store) which were glad of his acquaintance; and when he had once mentioned his staying there, the Physician was so eager in desire thereof, that he feyned that the President Scilan had written to him, to procure him residence there,* 4.141 be∣cause [ 10] in the former abode he had not his health. The Chinois esteeme such lyes to bee wisedome. Hee soone got credit amongst them by Mathematicall lectures and instruments, and by his arti∣ficiall memorie especially.* 4.142 For the Chinois aboue all others commit whole bookes to memorie with vnwearyed paynes, and in the first yeeres of their studies doe nothing else. He repeated the most confused and independant Characters in order, yea, backwards as well as forward. Many desired to learne it, and some hee entertayned. Physicians being of no great authoritie, he sought to insinuate into fauour of the Magistrates; but a certayne Student had counselled him to neg∣lect their license, and thereupon enquirie being made by the Vice-roy, this his friend and land∣lord very friend-like, would needs throw him suddenly out of doores,* 4.143 and hee was forced by force to defend himselfe. But the Vice-roy hauing receiued a Libell from him, testifying who he [ 20] was, greatly reioyced (hauing heard of him) and when hee came to his Court, arose from the Tribunall to meete him, would not suffer him to kneele, and gaue him good vsage and magnifi∣cent Titles, inuiting him also to reside there. Whose affections were after kindled into a greater flame by his Physicians, magnifying his Mathematickes, Memoratiue, Bookes, three square Glasse and other nouelties. The Vice-roy would haue him make him a Dyall, and teach his Sonnes, but for that admirable Glasse, hee would by no kinde force accept the gift.

And whereas time out of minde many of the Royall bloud are there,* 4.144 two of them hauing the tytle of Kings, Chiengan, and Longan, sent their principall Seruants or Courtiers, to inuite Fa∣ther Matthew to the Palace, which is fitting to Royall Maiestie, both for Greatnesse, magnifi∣cence of Building, pleasure of Gardens, and other furniture of houshold and attendance. Chien∣gan [ 30] first inuited and entertayned him, attyred with a Royall vesture and Diadem▪ Father Mat∣thew gaue him a Dyall with the Signes of the Zodiacke, and a Globe with China characters, and other Europaean commodities; which hee recompenced with Silkes, weight of Siluer, and diuers viands. Nothing gaue him such content as two Bookes of Iapon paper, smooth and hard bound in Europaean manner: one contayning Maps and other Mathematicall representations, with an explication in their Language; the other was a tractate of Friendship,* 4.145 wherein Dialogue-wise (as Cicero in his Laelius) hee bringeth in the King, questioning what the men of Europe thought of Friendship, and set downe the sentences of Philosophers, Doctors, and other Authors; a worke to this day read there with great applause and admiration, Printed in diuers Prouinces. Chiengan continued his friendship and left it as a legacie to his Sonne, who vsed when the Father [ 40] visited him, to pay the Porters, and to giue money to his seruants, a token with them of great welcome. The Societie also of Learned men grew acquainted with him, and the chiefe of them,* 4.146 hearing him complayne of multitude of visitors, wished him to command his Seruants to say hee was not at home: which officious lye he affirming to bee by our Law vnlawfull, bred in him and the rest much wonder.

In the meane while at Xauceo they sustayned abuses, and Sebastian Fernandus was vsed igno∣miniously by the calumnies of their quarrelsome neighbours, and sentence of a partiall Iudge,* 4.147 which caused two Seruants to bee whipped vnheard, and Fernandus to stand as in a Pillorie, with his head in a board an ell and halfe square, therein a hole fitted for the necke,* 4.148 to bee opened and shut; so that a man cannot put his hand to his mouth: and this forsooth for beating the Bachellors. [ 50] This was written as the cause of his punishment. Hee afterwards sought the Iesuites fauour, a∣shamed of his fact, inuited them, and set vp an Edict for their safetie. Fernandus was sent here∣vpon to Ricius, and Cataneus continued alone without any Father, till the yeere 1597. and fell sicke:* 4.149 then going to Amacao (Father Iohn Aroccia was sent in his place) hee returned with Fa∣ther Nicholas Longobard a Sicilian. Father Matthew was appointed superiour of the China missi∣on by the Visitor Valignanus, without subjection to the Rector of Amacao. To him precious watches were sent, and Images with other things, which might further their China proceedings, the Portugals of Amacao continuing their liberalitie herein.

Father Matthew minding to trie all meanes to peerce to the Court, assayed Chiengan in vaine, who feared to raise any suspicion of himselfe. Hearing therefore that Guan (which had as you [ 60] heard) visited the house of Xauceo, in his way to Hainan, was thence called by the King to Nan∣quin to bee President of the first Councell, called Li Pu, that is, the Councell of Magistrates:* 4.150 in his way at Nancian they visited him with a present, (in which nothing so pleased him as the tri∣gone Glasse) and tooke opportunitie to signifie to him, their desire of presenting the King with some Europaean rarities. Hee approued thereof and sayd, they should not onely goe with him to

Nanquin, but to Pequin also; whither within one moneth of his comming hee was to goe. Ricius with Cataneus attend him (leauing two of the company at Nancian) with two brethren of the company,* 4.151 Seb. Fernandus, and Emanuel Pererius, of China parentage in Amacao: who of their God-fathers take vsually both Christian name and Sir-name, vsing also their China names in dealing with Chinois. They set foorth from Nancian on Midsummer day, 1598. and when they were come to Nanquin they found all full of feare, by reason of the Iaponian warre in Co∣rai, so that none durst giue vs entertaynment, grieuous Proclamations hauing lately forbidden to receiue men any way suspicious, by occasion of Iaponian Spyes taken. Euen the President himselfe, feared to bee author in so troublesome time of bringing Strangers: and Ricius when he visited him,* 4.152 vsed his Gestatorie seate. They gaue eight pieces of Gold to a cunning Clerke to [ 10] write their Petition (so deare doe Learned men there prize their labour) which when they gaue the Chancellour (which sends Petitions from Nanquin to the King••) hee would not meddle with it, but put it off to the President, that hee should carrie them with him to Pequin. He being to bee there to gratulate the King at his Birth day, in name of the sixe Tribunals or Coun∣sels, sent his goods by water and the Iesuites with them, but went himselfe by land.

When this President came to Nanquin, other Magistrates visited him with presents after the manner,* 4.153 and one the Vice-roy of that Prouince with a Map of Ricius his inuention, concealing the name of the Author in a new impression; which hee shewed to Ricius, who soone knew and challenged his owne. This the President intimated, that the Author was going with him to Pequin. Hee presently sends the Captayne of the Souldiers, to desire the President that he might [ 20] haue sight of a man whom hee so much admired; sending withall a Chayre, and Porters with Horses also. For the Vice-roy of Nanquin resideth not in Nanquin, because in that High Court are higher Magistrates, which would seeme to eclipse his Greatnesse. So Cataneus went with the Ship,* 4.154 Ricius to the Vice-roy, whom hee sal••ted with Europaean gifts. He stayed with him ten dayes, so great desire he had to conferre with him. And when hee shewed him the Image of Christ, he would not take view of it there, but would first ascend to a neate Chappell which he had on the top of his House, therein after the rites of their Learned, to worship Heauen; with three doores to it,* 4.155 from the South, East, and West: about it round was a Gallerie distinguished and cancelled. There he caused an Altar to bee erected, and thereon Wax-lights and Incense to be fired; and then the Image being set thereon, hee came in his most sumptuous attire and did worship foure times, after their accustomed rites: after which hee would not stand before it but [ 30] besides it, to take view, which hee did a good space. After him, his familie did likewise: and e∣uery day they reiterated the same, one also being appointed to keepe perpetuall Odours burning before it. Hee brought other Magistrates also to see the same: and when he might not detayne the Father longer, he sent him away with great weight of Siluer, which came fitting to their necessitie. Hee gaue aduise also touching their designe, and told them of that frustrate successe which followed. He went with him to the Riuer, and sent one with him till he had ouertaken his companion. The Chinois call that Riuer Iansu-chian, Chian signifying the greatest Riuer; o∣ther Riuers they call Cho.* 4.156

That Riuer of Nanquin which I called (Yamsu or) Iansu, the sonne of the Sea, goeth North∣ward to Nanquin, and then returning somewhat Southward, runneth into the Sea with great [ 40] force; fortie myles from which it passeth by Nanquin. And that from hence to Pequin there might bee passage by Riuers, the Kings of China haue deriued a large Channell from this to ano∣ther Riuer, called the Yellow Riuer, such being the colour of that troubled water. This is the o∣ther famous Riuer of that Kingdome, in greatnesse and note, which ariseth without the King∣dome to the West, out of the Hill Cunlun, conjectured * 4.157 to bee the same whence Ganges ariseth, or one neere to it. Where it first breakes foorth, it maketh a Lake which they call of the Con∣stellations: thence it pierceth into the borders of China in Sciensi, the most Westerly Prouince, and goeth out againe out of the Northerne walls into the Tartars Countries: after which it re∣turneth to the South, and that Prouince whence it had come, and washeth another Prouince na∣med [ 50] Sciansi, and another named Honan: then turneth into the East and entreth the Easterne Ocean, not farre from the Sonne of the Sea. This Riuer against their lawes for Strangers, entreth China from Barbarous Regions, and as in reuenge of their malice to Strangers, often ouer-floweth great part of the Kingdome, and shifteth his Channell being full of Sands which it mooueth. Certayne Off••cers or Magistrates designed doe sacrifice thereto, or to the Spirit of it (for they set Spirits ouer diuers things) with many rites:* 4.158 and they fayne that it cleeres the troubled waters, but once in one thousand yeeres; whence it is prouerbiall of a ••ild-seene thing▪ When the yellow Ri∣uer shall bee cleered. They that sayle therein, must therefore keepe the water many dayes till it setleth, the third part prouing myre and sand. Before the ingresse and egresse of this Riuer, are Channels which giue passage to Ships that carry prouision to Pequin. Those Ships are sayd to [ 60] bee ten thousand,* 4.159 sent onely out of fiue Prouinces, Chiansi, Cechian, Nanchin, Vquam, and Scian∣tum. For these Prouinces pay their yeerly tribute in Rice and Corne, the other ten in Siluer. Besides these, there passe innumerable Ships of Magistrates and of priuate Merchants: but pri∣uate men are forbidden to goe out of the Hiansu into those lesse Riuers (those onely passe which

dwell within such Riuers to the North) lest the multitude of Ships should hinder the passage, or bee able to doe harme to Pequin. Yet is there such store of Ships notwithstanding, that they are forced to stay sometimes diuers dayes, one hindring another, especially at some seasons when water is scarce, for remedie whereof, they haue lockes and stood-gates, which opened make way from one to another of them, with great labour and tedious lingring. The crossenesse of windes and labours of drawing with ropes, I need not mention. Some ships are ouerwhelmed at the o∣pening of those lockes.* 4.160 They haue woodden Engines on the bankes to draw the ships of Magi∣strates, at the Kings cost, against the streame all the way. And in fitting this Riuer to Nauiga∣tion, a million is spent yeerely; the feare of the Sea and Pyrats, haue made them take this course [ 10] rather then that by Sea.

In all this way, many Cities most worthy note appeare, of the Prouinces Nanquin, Scian∣tum, Pequin, and besides the Cities there are so many Townes, Villages, Houses on the bankes, that all the way may be sayd to bee inhabited; so that the Saylers no where want to furnish themselues with Corne, Rice, Fish, Flesh, Fruits, Hearbs, Wine and the like, at a very cheape rate. By the same Riuer, Wood, Timber, Boards,* 4.161 Pillars (for the Chinois make reckoning onely of those of wood) are carryed for the Kings workes: especially, then when the Kings Palace had beene on fire, which consumed two parts of three thereof. In all the Iourney, ours found great rankes of Timber-trees tyed together, and of other wood, which many thou∣sands of men drew with huge toyle, and scarcely could get forwards fiue or sixe myles in a day, and from the Prouince Suscuen, which is furthest from the Court, such Timber-trees were in [ 20] going vp, two or sometimes three yeers space: whence euery pillar made of them prodigiously arose each to three thousand pieces of Gold: and of those Timber-rankes they encountred one, seeming longer then the rest, which was esteemed to reach two myles in length. The Bricks al∣so (which the Chinois preferre before Stone) for the Kings Palace,* 4.162 were carryed this way fifteen hundred myles, and many Ships had no other vse, so many as might seeme sufficient, not for a Palace but a great Citie. Out of the Southerne Prouinces, are yearely sent those things which in the more barren Prouinces of Pequin are wanting; as Fruits, Fish, Rice, Silkes, Cloathes and other things: and a day is set them, at which if they bee not there, they incurre grie∣uous penalties. Of the Ships called Horses, the Kings Eunuches haue command.* 4.163 By this Riuer [ 30] they sayle almost onely when the Riuers swell ouer their bankes, peraduenture by the melting of the Snowes from the Hills whence they spring. By the heate in that Iourney of a moneth, and sometimes two moneths, the viands which they carrie,* 4.164 are often corrupted before they come to Pequin, for which cause they coole them with Ice, and in all those wayes much Ice is preserued for that purpose, and distributed to the passengers, and so all things are carryed fresh to the Court.

The Eunuches of those Ships, sell emptie roomes to the Passengers for their gayne: for the Chinois thinke it a glory to send that which goeth to the King in many ships, & not to giue them their full lading, which is also profitable for that sterilitie of Pequin, Merchants by these con∣uenient fraights making nothing to want there where nothing growes. Ours hyred a roome in [ 40] like manner for their ease. By reason of the great heat they all fell sicke, yet by Gods helpe reco∣uered. When they were to passe out of the Riuer, in the Prouince of Sciantum, they met with a hand-made Riuer, which runnes out neere Pequin, to the Tower Tiensin.* 4.165 Another Riuer from Pequin or rather from Tartaria, meetes it, and runnes together with it into the Sea, or in∣to that Bay, betwixt Corai and China, after they haue runne together one day. In this Tower there was a new Vice-roy extraordinary, by reason of that inuasion of Corai from Iapon. Hee prouided a huge Fleet for defence of Corai,* 4.166 by which meanes that whole Riuer was full of Ships of warre and militarie tumult. Ours went thorow the thickest of them without let, and at length came to the Port or Banke rather of Pequin, which banke is a dayes journey from the walls of Pequin. And although by Art they haue made a huge Channell to the walls, yet lest it should bee filled with multitude of Ships, they suffer none but the Kings burthens to goe that [ 50] way, the others being carryed by Carts, Beasts, and Porters. They came to Pequin on a festiuall day, the Eeuen of the Virgins Natiuitie.

The chiefe Mart Townes in this way were Iamcheu in Nanquin Prouince, in thirtie two degrees thirtie minutes. Hoaingan in thirtie foure not all so much;* 4.167 Sinceu in thirtie foure de∣grees thirtie minutes. In Sciantum Prouince Zinim in thirtie fiue degrees fortie minutes. Lincin in thirtie seuen degrees fortie minutes. In Pequin Prouince Tiencin in thirtie nine degrees thirtie minutes. Pequin in fortie large. They are deceiued which eleuate it to fiftie. Now from Can∣ton (which is two dayes from Amacao) are of China furlongs (fiue of which make a mile, and fifteene a league) by Riuer to Nanhiun, one thousand one hundred and seuentie. Thence to Nan∣cian [ 60] eleuen hundred and twentie. From that to Nanquin, one thousand foure hundred and fortie.* 4.168 And thence to Pequin three thousand three hundred thirtie fiue, in all seuen thousand sixtie fiue: which makes of miles, one thousand foure hundred and thirteene.

PEquin is situated in the Northerne border about one hundred miles from the wall against the Tartars.* 4.169 Nanquin exceeds it in greatnesse, composition of the Streets, hugenesse of Buil∣dings, and Munitions: but Pequin exceedeth it in multitude of Inhabitants, and of Magistrates. To the South it is compassed with two walls high and strong, so broad that twelue Horses may easily runne abrest oin the breadth without hindering one the other. They are made of Brickes, saue that on the foot it stands all on huge stones,* 4.170 the midle of the wall is filled with Earth: the height farre xceeds those in Europe. To the North is but one wall. On these walls by night is kept as vigilant watch as if it were time of warre:* 4.171 in the day Eunuches guard the gates, or rather exact Tributes, which is not done in other Cities.

* 4.172The Kings Palace riseth within the inner Southerne wall, neere the City gates and extends to [ 10] the Northerne walls, seeming to take vp the whole Citie: the rest of the Citie running forth on both sides: It is some-what narrower then the Palace of Nanquin, but more goodly and glorious; that seeming by the Kings absence,* 4.173 as a carkasse without soule. Few of the Streets are paued with Bricke or Stone, so that in Winter dirt, and dust in Summer, are very offensiue: and be∣cause it raineth there seldome, the ground is all crumbled into dust, and if any wind blow, it en∣ters euery Roome. To preuent which they haue brought in a custome, that no man of whatso∣euer ranke goeth on foot or rideth without a Veile or Bonnet hanging to his brest,* 4.174 of that sub∣tiltie that he may see, and yet the dust not annoy him: which also hath another commoditie that he may goe any whither vnseene, so freed from innumerable tedious salutations, and also he spares attendance and cost. For to ride is not magnificent enough with the Chinois, and to bee [ 20] carried in their Seats is costly, with Attendants especially; and in that time of Warre it fitted with ours to passe vnknowne, being Strangers.

* 4.175Muletters stood at the Palace, and City gates, and in euery Street to let Mules, themselues also attending the Hirers whether they would in the City; which leading the beasts by the bri∣dle, in that frequencie made way, being also skilfull of the wayes, knowing most of the great mens Houses:* 4.176 all at a reasonable rate. There is a Booke also which truly relateth all the Streets, Lanes, Regions of the City: Porters also with Seats to carrie Men, and Horses are euery-where found, but dearer then at Nanquin, or other places.

* 4.177All things are to bee had in abundaace, but brought thither and therefore dearer. Wood is scarce, but supplied with Mine-coles (we call them Sea-cole) necessary to that Region, cold be∣yond [ 30] what the Glimate vsually exacteth: their Beds are so made with Brick-workes, that they by a new kind of Stones admit the heate of those Coles: a thing vsuall in all those Northerne Regions.* 4.178 These Northerne Chinois are some-what more dull, but better Souldiers then the o∣ther. Here they learned that this Kingdome is Cataio, and the King of China the great Can, and Pequin Cambalu.

For the nine Kingdomes (of Mangi) are those Southerly Prouinces which are vnder the great Riuer Iansuchian, and sixe vpon it make vp the fifteene, so great that some one of them is as great as all Italy. Anno 1608. whiles we write, it is fortie yeares since two Turkes or Moores out of Arabia brought to China a Lion (a beast seldome here seene) by Land, which had an Of∣fice giuen by the King to them and theirs, to keepe the Lion, and that they should carry no [ 40] Tales thence. They in conference called this Kingdome great Catay, and this City Camhalu the like we heard of others which had comne from Persia. The Chinois also haue heard of that name,* 4.179 and still call the Tartars Lu, and the North parts Pa and Pe: to which Can the Tartarian Title added easily makes Canpalu or Cambalu with others; for the Chinois seldome vse B. and Marco Polo comming in with the Tartars called it by their name. And at this time without the walls of China is found no Catay. The Portugals called it China, borrowing the name as may be supposed from the Siamites, and hence Cosmographers made them two Kingdomes. But Goez his Iourney by Land to Catay Hath taken away all scruple.* 4.180

To returne to ours now come to Pequin, the President gaue them entertainment, and procured an Eunuch to vndertake the businesse for the Presents, which were a Clocke, two Pictures, two [ 50] Trigone-glasses and a Bell:* 4.181 all pleased the Eunuch, but his minde ranne more on making Siluer of Quick-siluer, which he had heard they could doe, and which would bee more gratefull to the King. And when he saw that would not be vndertaken, neither would he vndertake to acquaint the King, in this time of Corayan Warres; and ours also were taken for Iaponians, or neere vnto them, they not knowing how by true names to distinguish Nations. The President also began to be fearefull and purposed to carry them backe with him to Nanquin. Yet they staid a moneth after him (he being at a certaine day by Law to depart) and when they had tryed all wayes in vaine, none daring to acknowledge Strangers, they returned to Nanquin. They had a Bill of Exchange from Amacao to take vp money at Pequin,* 4.182 but the Merchant had plaid the Merchant and Chinese too, none such there to be found. They hired a ship at an easie rate for their returne [ 60] (because they goe empty) but not easie in this respect that the Owners pouertie made the Iour∣ney tedious for what of helpes. This benefit they made of this Iourney to learne the Language better,* 4.183 making a Dictionary, obseruing their Accents with Points deuised; (that speech consi∣sting wholly of Monosyllables, the want of skill in those Accents had caused that they neither

did, nor were vnderstood) Cataneus sk••ll in Musicke helping to distinguish those sounds. What course Ricius and he instituted, that the Company still obserue in their Writing.

All the Riuers in China vse to be frozen in the beginning of Winter, that ships cannot passe by water, and Carts by Land are safer.* 4.184 They agreed that Father Matthew should goe by Land with two Seruants, to try if he could settle at Nanquin, the rest and the burthens to stay till the Riuer were thawed. He purposed also to goe to Suceu whither Chiutaisu had often inuited him, being his Countrey. Passing thorow Sciantum, he visited Siuceu and Yamceu famous Marts, and passing the Riuer Yamceu, at Chinchiamfu,* 4.185 the chiefe City of that Prouince hee entred into a hand made Riuer, by which is sailed to Suceu and to the chiefe Citie of Cechian Hamceu. This Riuer being Southerly and neere frozen ouer, is so narrow that multitudes of shippes cloy it so [ 10] somtimes that they cannot passe forward or backward. He was forced therefore to go by another way, which is a Coach or Wagon of one wheele, so builded that one sitting in the midst,* 4.186 and two on the sides, the Coach-man behind with woodden Leauers or Barres driues it forwards both surely and swiftly; that in short time he came to Suceu.

This Noble Mart is one of them whereof is the Prouerbe, That which is in Heauen the Seat of the Blessed, that in Earth is named Suceu, and Hamceu: in splendour, wealth,* 4.187 frequencie remark∣able. It is built in a calme fresh-water Riuer, and quite thorow one may goe, as in Venice, by Land or Water, but herein it excelleth Venice that the water is fresh. The streets and buildings stand vpon piles of Timber, the Wares from Amacao and other parts are most sold here. It hath one ga••e to the Land, the other are water-wayes. The Bridges are innumerable, & Magnificent, [ 20] Ancient, but of one Arch in those narrow Chanels. Butter and White-meates are plentie, Rice, and the best Wine, which thence is carryed to Pequin and other parts. It is scarsly two dayes from the Sea. It is well fortified, the chiefe City of the Region, which hath eight Cities.* 4.188 One of the Princes held this, when the Tartars were expelled, against this Royall Race; whereupon it still payeth a great Tribute, to wit, the halfe of ••ll things growing, (so that some two whole Prouinces pay lesse then this one Region to the King against whom it had stood out) it is still also awed with a frequent Garrison. Chiutaiso was then absent at Tanian a Neighbour City,* 4.189 who receiued him with great humanitie. He abode in a Monasterie, and resigned his bed to his Master, who tired by trauell fell sicke, and was likely there to haue dyed. Recouered by his care, he gaue him a Triangle Glasse, which he put in a Siluer case with Gold Chaines at the ends, and [ 30] adorned it further with a Writing that it was a fragment of that matter whereof the Heauens consist.* 4.190 One was said to offer him fiue hundred pieces of Gold soone after for it, which till Father Matthew had presented his to the King hee would not sell: after that hee set a higher price and sold it.

At the beginning of the China yeare▪ all are busied in sending Presents to their friends, feasts and salutations.* 4.191 They went to Cinchian to the p••blike Solemnitie where Chiutaiso was well knowne, and by his speech Father Matthew and from thence they went to Nanquin, in Fe∣bruary, 1599. Before wee come thither wee will looke backe to our Canton Iesuits.

[ 40]

§. VI. Letters from Father LONGOBARD and TAISO. RICIVS his entertaynment at Nanquin and Residence there. The Chinois vnlearned Lear∣ning.

FAther Nicolas Longobard wrote vnto Claudius Aquaviva the Iesuiticall Generall,* 4.192 the eig••teenth of October, 1598. that in the Kingdome of China there were then se∣uen [ 50] Iesuits distributed into two Residences and one Mission: at Nancian, Father Iohn Soerius and Iohannes à Roccia; himselfe and Francis Martines a Chinese at Sciau∣ceum in Canton Prouince, Ricci and Cataneus, and Sebastian Fernandez a Chinese, were then gone to Pequin: that China condition and conditions agreed so well with him, that hee seemed to bee in the midst of Italy: that much respect had accrewed to them in conceit of the Chinois toge∣ther, with that Habit of their Learned, which they had taken, the Bonzi and their Habit estee∣med base alike. He also much commends Thaiso or Taiso,* 4.193 (Chiutaiso before mentioned) who much euery-where commended the Iesuits and their Learning, as much exceeding what euer had beene taught in China. And truly, saith he, the Chinois Learning exceedeth not the Science of the Romanes in the time of Cicero.

[ 60] They are much exercised in a kind of writing and speaking briefe and pithie Sentences: their Bookes expresse well Ethickes and Politickes, but are rude in Naturall Philosophie. When I had

l••tely runne thorow two of their Bookes, which they esteeme as their Metaphysikes, or first Philosophie, one of their learned men gratulated my proficience; when as I found therein no more difficulty then in Tully, or Titus Linius. They say, none but the Chinois can vnderstand them, Father Ricci vseth to adde none better then the Europeans. A Letter of Taiso to Ricci hee addeth thus inscribed. Thaiso * 4.194 younger Brother which stand at the * 4.195 side to learne, doe sub∣mit my head to the ground, and exhibite honour and reuerence to the elder Brother, Master and Father Matthew Ricci, a famous Peere, and Master of the most choise flowers of the great Law, and cast downe my selfe at the feet of his Seat and Chaire. The Letter followeth.

After our departing (it being foure yeeres since sight of each other) there hath not beene a day in which I haue not set before mine eyes the excellent vertue of your Worship. I gaue two yeeres since to Sciauchin, my Countreyman, a Merchant, Letters to your Worship, thereby to learne where and what it [ 10] did. I know not whether they haue attayned that, to come to your magnificent hands, &c. When I went from your Worship I said it must goe into the North parts, if it would behold the splendour and magni∣ficence of this Kingdome, that my Countrey had nothing singular, that Nanquin Court was trouble∣some, and mixed of all sorts: that Chiansi Prouince was fit onely for dwelling, because there were lear∣ned men in it of excellent vertue, and of a true and solid spirit to receiue the Law—This yeere gathering together those things which your Worship taught mee, I made a Booke, and exhibited it to the Society of learned men, of which there was none which did not admire and subscribe, saying your Wor∣ship was Scingin, that is, a Saint of these times. Those things which I haue added haply may be errone∣ous, and I feare lest they contradict its sounder and higher learning: and therefore haue sent my seruant to bring it to your Worship to reade, which I most humbly entreat, and to correct, to approue the trueth, [ 20] to blot out the false, to illustrate the obscure, writing all in another Booke, and sending it by the same seruant in few dayes, because I would presently commit it to the Presse, that your Worships learning might be knowne thorow the World. In these places are of greatest reckoning the Bookes of Hothu, Co∣scui, Pequa, Queuscieu, Thaiquitu, and other like, which haue written of a Point, Line, Extremitie, and Thicknesse. All these learned make of a Line a Circle: but according to your Worships teaching, of a Line is made the termination of a Circle, and a Circle consists therein. From which principles the con∣clusions brought of Thaiquu, that is, of God, doe farre exceed the Commentaries of all our learned men. And they are enough to illustrate a thousand obscurities of antiquitie, which hitherto haue not beene pierced. This one thing afflicts mee, that my writing and stile is meane and abiect, and most vnfit to illustrate and enlarge the most excellent conceits of its mind. Meane while I much long, and as it [ 30] were on tiptoes looke about euery where, if haply I may see your face. From Suceo the two and twentieth of the fourth Moone, and the foure and twentieth of the Raigne of Vanlia. Subscribed; Thaiso younger Brother againe bends his head to the ground, &c.

Lombard proceedeth in his Letter, and sheweth the commodiousnesse of one King which ru∣leth all, of one Mandarine Tongue, of the common industrie and cheapnesse of prouisions (not as in the pouertie of Iapon, where the worke-mens maintenance must come from other parts) all fitting to bring in the Gospell.* 4.196 There are, sayth he, almost infinite houses of Bonzi maintayned by the King, besides gifts which they receiue of others which yet repose no great confidence in Idols: what would these doe if they beleeued to receiue a hundred for one, and eternall life? [ 40] Their composition of bodie, complexion, condition, rites; no vse of weapons, not so much as a Knife carried (but by Souldiers in Garrison, not in the way or at home) their habite long, and anciently vsed, with their hands alway hidden in their long sleeues. except in vse of their fanne, which all, euen the meanest carrie with them; their quarrels, if any happen in the vulgar, en∣ded in a few boxes or brawles; their seemely behauiour equall to the European; yea, in some things to the Religious there;* 4.197 their studiousnesse of learning the onely foundation of dignitie and greatnesse, as many Athens there as great Cities, each hauing a Schoole or Vniuersitie with∣out mixture of other Regions) their politike and morall Rules and Lawes; all these might be furtherances to the Gospell. Their tenacitie also of their owne customes and jelousie of Stran∣gers, might better secure them from Heresies. Hee commends also their workes of Piety, and [ 50] Charity, Almes, Hospitals for poore, voluntary chastisements of the bodie to subdue the affe∣ctions, as fastings (in which they abstaine from Flesh, Fish, Milke, and Egges, but eate other things as oft and as much as they will) liberties and gifts by Magistrates to Widowes which contayne themselues from second marriages; triall of a mans selfe in all his actions com∣mended in their Bookes, especially of those things which other men cannot know; and here∣vpon the liking of a solitary and contemplatiue life in the Countrey, and restoring themselues to the first state, as they say, wherein the Heauen created them; for which purpose are congre∣gations of learned men, together in Villages addicted to contemplation, and fleeing publike Offices (as the ancient Fathers had their conferences in woody and mountainous places) in which also their women are as forward as the men, many of them liuing in Nunneries, gouerned [ 60] by an Abbesse; and all China women liue so enclosed, as if their owne houses were Cloisters: These he commends in them, as also that of all vertues they giue the first place to Obedience to Parents as in which consists a mans perfection. And that no man may be ignorant of his duty, if they cannot reade (of which there are but few) they haue a short Summe (or Catechisme)

for publishing whereof there is a man appointed at publike charge, euery full and change,* 4.198 to publish the same in euery street of the City, so that on the same day & houre, a little before Sun∣rising the same doctrine is propounded in all the Cities of China, and thorow all their streets. This is sixe Articles or Principles, which are, First, Obey Father and Mother: Secondly,* 4.199 reuerence Betters and Elders: Thirdly, make peace among Neighbors: Fourthly, teach Children and Nephewes: Fifthly, let euery man well discharge his office: Sixthly, commmit no offence, that is, not to kill, steale, fornication, &c. which in manner comprehend the second Table of the Decalogue. As for the first Table, the Chinois, especially the learned are Atheists, little regarding Idols, whereof their Houses and Temples are full; little minding the rewards or punishments of the life to come, or the soules immortalitie, which yet are easily found in their bookes touching the punishments [ 10] at least of Holy Pao (so they call God) in Hell. Of rewards of blessednesse there is not such euidence, as Thaiso affirmed. And although many difficulties happened to ours in the Bonzian habite, yet is it now farre otherwise. As for Canton Prouince, the Mandarines which come this way, aske vs why we stay amongst these Mangines, that is, Rusticks and Barbarians: We must,* 4.200 say they, leaue the Barke and pierce to the pith and marrow of the Kingdome, if we would see the China splendor and politie. He writes for Labourers, Bookes, Images, and Pictures, for con∣solation of new Conuerts: the Ethnicks worship that of the Virgin,* 4.201 and call her Scin mu nian nian, that is, holy Mother, and Queene of Queenes: and ends with imploring the patronage and intercession of all the heauenly Quire, specially of the blessed Virgin, the Apostles, the An∣gels guardians of China, to obtaine of the holy Trinitie happy successe to their endeuours, [ 20] &c. But wee will returne to our best acquainted in China, Ricius, whom we left newly arriued at Nanquin.

The case was now altered at Nanquin,* 4.202 they went on foot without impediment to their lodg∣ing, which was in a huge Monastery, called Cinghensu, in which is great resort of guests which there hire lodgings, being built in the centre of the Citie. The Iaponians were now beaten from Corai and Quabacondono was dead, which had so terrified that vnwarlike Nation. He heard that they had heard of his going to Pequin, and that the Corai warre was the frustrating of his de∣signes in that vnseasonable time. The President was verie glad of his comming, and exhorted him to buy a house there, and sends two of his followers to looke out for one. Scarsly had he and Chiutaiso gotten home to their lodging, when the President followeth to visit them, which [ 30] hee did with the solemnest Rites. And when they were set in the Hall,* 4.203 the Abbot came to offer them the wonted potion, kneeling to all three (to the President hee was bound as supreme go∣uernour of Temples) and the President inuited the Father to spend two or three daies in his house, to see the Fire-workes, which that full Moone, the first of the yeere would bee to bee seene, which strange deuices of lights that and the following nights; which he did and beheld that which without wonder cannot be beholden, the Nanquiners herein exceeding as may be thought the whole world.

When it was reported that the President had visited him, all the Maiestie of Magistrates did the like, yea some whom he had not visited. The President of the Court of Criminall Causes, and [ 40] the President of the Treasury (which is the second Tribunall) came with rites & gifts, as also did others; yea hee which a little after was the High Colao at Pequin, which all vrged him to buy a house; and he now went thorow all Streets and Palaces without gainesaying (which he knew from a vision hee before had had thereof) and procured a house which the President helped to furnish. So much admiration and respect had the opinion of Europaean science acqui∣red to him, these being to the China wits baits for the Gospels fishing. Now first did they heare that the Earth was round (for they conceited the Heauen round and the Earth square) that the Centre drew all heauie things to it, that the Vniuerse was inhabited round, that there were Antipodes,* 4.204 that the Earths interposition caused the Moones eclipse (some saying that the Moon opposite to the Sunne was dazled or amazed; others that there was a hole in the Sunne, against [ 50] which the Moone opposed lost her light) that the Sunne was greater then the Earth; and that the Starres also, this was out of measure paradoxicall: the like was the soliditie of the Orbes, and their number; the fixed posture of the Starres, the Planets wandrings, the eleuation and depression of the Pole according to the various Climates;* 4.205 and likewise the inequalitie of the daies, without the Tropikes Geographicall Maps in plano, and Globes, Meridians, Parallels, Degrees, the Line, Tropikes, Poles, Zones, Spheres, Sun-dialls, they had not at all vnderstood, with other points of Europaean learning. A Doctor of theirs confessed himselfe ashamed; For, said hee, you may thinke of me as wee doe of the Tartars and barbarous out-lawes; for you begin where wee end (which hee spake of the studie of eloquence, which takes vp our childhood, their whole life.) They numbred fiue Elements, Metall, Wood, Fire, Water, Earth, one of which they [ 60] said was procreated of the other: the Aire they did not acknowledge for one, because they see it not, placing a vacuum or emptinesse where wee place the aire: as incredible it was that the fierie Element was the highest, and that Comets and Exhalations were there with fired. Father Matthew writ a booke of the Elements in their language much applauded,* 4.206 and often by them reprinted. Diuers became his Schollars; one sent from his Master in Hanlin Colledge in

Pequin (the chiefe place for China learning, to be admitted into, which is a great dignitie.) Hee was very wittie, and without any Master attained the first booke of Euclide, and exacted of Father Matthew Geometricall demonstrations.* 4.207 And when hee added some things of Christia∣nitie, you need not, saith he, confute that Idolatrous Sect, it is enough to teach the Mathema∣tikes.* 4.208 For these Bonzi would also be Philosophers and Mathematicians. They said the Sunne hid himselfe by night behinde a Hill called Siumi, rooted in the Sea foure and twentie miles deepe.* 4.209 And for the eclipses, they said that the God Holochan caused that of the Sun couering it with his right hand, and that of the Moone with his left.

Not at Pequin alone, but at Nanquin also is a Colledge of China Mathematicians of better building then Astrologicall Science.* 4.210 They do nothing but bring their Almanacks to the rules [ 10] of the ancients, when they mis-reckoned, they ascribed it to irregularitie of nature, not theirs, deuising some prodigious euent to follow. These at first were afraide that Father Matthew would haue depriued them of their dignitie; and freed of that feare, they visited him friend∣ly, and he them, where hee saw a strange sight. There is an high Mountaine, on the top whereof is an open Plaine or Floore fit to contemplate the Starres. In this open space one euery night is appointed to watch, and obserue if any Comets or other alterations be in the skie, thereof to giue the King notice, and what it portends. In this place, of cast mettall are Mathematicall In∣struments,* 4.211 admirable for their greatnesse and neatnesse, the like whereof wee haue not seene in Europe. They haue continued there in all chance and change of weather neere two hundred and fiftie yeeres without damage.* 4.212 Of them were foure greater, the one a huge Globe distinguished [ 20] by degrees with Meridians and Parallels, as great as three men can fadome: it stood on a huge Cube of brasse likewise, vpon his Axel-tree: in the Cube was a little doore, sufficient for it to passe when need was. On the vtter superficies was nothing grauen, neither Stars, nor Regions, whereby it appeares that it was either vnfinished, or purposely so left that it might serue both for a Celestiall and a Terrestriall Globe.* 4.213 The second was a huge Sphere, the Diameter where∣of was a fadome; with Horizon and Poles, and in stead of Circles, certaine double chaines, the space betwixt them representing the Circles in our Spheres: all these were diuided into three hundred and sixtie degrees, and a few minutes. In the middest was a Globe of the Earth, but a certaine pipe hollowed like the barrell of a Peece, which might bee turned any way, and set in any degree and eleuation for triall of the Starres very artificially.* 4.214 The third was a Diall two [ 30] fadoms high in a huge & long Marble set to the North, with a channell about the table to hold water, whereby to trie if it stood plaine or no: the stile placed perpendicular, both it and the stone distributed into degrees: it seemes, for exact triall of the shadowes of Solstices and Equi∣noctialls.* 4.215 The fourth and greatest was an engine or instrument of three or foure huge Astro∣labes set one by another, each containing a Geometricall pace in a Diameter, with their Fidu∣ciall line, or Halhilada, and Dioptra: one of them represented the aequator inclined to the South, another (which made a crosse with the former) to the North; another stood erected to the South, perhaps for knowledge of the Verticall Circle, but turned about to shew any Verticall: all had the degrees marked with iron knots standing forth, that they might bee knowne by feeling in the night.* 4.216 This Worke of Astrolabes was set in a plaine floore of Marble also, with channels [ 40] about. In euery of these Instruments was expressed in China Characters what euery thing signi∣fied; the foure and twentie Constellations of the Zodiake, answering in the number doubled to our twelue Signes. There was in them this one errour, that they were set in the sixe and thir∣tieth degree of the Pole eleuated, whereas Nanquin stands without all doubt in two and thirtie and a quarter of a degree.* 4.217 They seeme to haue beene made to be placed somewhere else, and placed here by some vnskilfull Mathematician. Afterwards Father Matthew saw the like, or the same Instruments rather at Pequin, cast with the same hand, at that time when the * 4.218 Tartars ruled ouer the Chinois, by some expert of our sciences.

The greatest Magistrate desired Father Matthew to reuise the Vniuersall Map, which he had made in Canton Prouince, and make larger Commentaries, and hee would print it at publike [ 50] cost, which he did, and with an elegant Proeme commended the Author of the worke. This was published and carried into all parts, and in other places reprinted. The Vice-Roy of Cuiceu Prouince printed it with another methode, making to euery Kingdome a proper Com∣mentarie in a booke, adorning the Author also with his praises. Besides, the Presidents of the sixe Tribunalls (equall except for the Kings presence, in the gouernement of their Prouince, to these of Pequin) hee had three other friends, yet vnmentioned. There is a certaine hereditarie dignitie deriued to the eldest sonnes, from those Captaines which expelled the Tartars: they are called Quocum; their posteritie are honoured by the King, most of all the eldest, which in processe of time haue growne into a numerous Family; and although they beare no publike office, except some militarie commands, yet haue they great dignitie and wealth: and these [ 60] onely doe truely resemble the Nobilitie of Europe. One head of this Family is at Nanquin, li∣uing in great pompe, with Palace, Furniture, Gardens, all like a King. He one day inuited Fa∣ther Matthew,* 4.219 and entertained him in the best Garden in the Citie: in which, besides other pleasing rarities, he saw an artificiall Mount or Rocke of diuers vnpolished Marbles, hollowed

into Caues; it contained Chambers, Halls, Staires, Fish-ponds, Trees, and other things, Art wantonising with Nature to engender pleasure; especially in time of heate to coole themselues in their studies or feasts with this Caue-retiring; which although it comprehended no great space of ground, yet would it aske the space of two or three houres time to visit all the parts, the egresse being by another gate. This Nobleman was yong, and desired to see some things of Europe.

Another which became familiar with Father Matthew,* 4.220 was the Commander of all the Nan∣quin Souldiers, which had also another great Office, called Heu, who often visited him, and be∣came his great friend, whose friendship gaue vs security, to whom the watch and ward, and se∣curity of the Citie belongeth. Besides, I will name the chiefe Eunuch,* 4.221 which hath great au∣thority [ 10] ouer the Nanquin Eunuchs, whereof are numbred some thousands, who is Ruler ouer the Kings Palace, and hath command of all the Citie gates, and ouer the military Musters together with the former Captaine, with other parts of authority, and expresseth the same with great pompe. He was almost decrepit, and after the Eunuchs fashion there, not so gentle; and when Ricius came to him, his Courtiers commanded him to giue him a title which answe∣reth to Highnesse with vs. I explane it thus; when they speake to the King,* 4.222 they wish to him ten thousand thousand yeeres of life in these three syllables, Van van siu, which is all one with the title of Maiestie: to others in the Palace, the Queenes, or Children of the King, they with inferiour title pray, one thousand yeeres. Now the Eunuchs are so arrogant that they expect this thousand yeeres wish, and to bee saluted on the knee. Father Matthew could not doe this safely, lest hee [ 20] should doe more to him then to the chiefe Magistrates; but hee had learned not to neglect in China their rites; and he being deafe, one that hollowed in his eare made vp what the Father wanted. Hee gaue him a great gift, which he refused, and denyed him the trigone Glasse: yet this caused the other Eunuchs to honour him.

At that time liued in Nanquin one which had obtayned the first place in the declaration of Doctors (which is a very great dignity) who liued here in this Countrey priuate,* 4.223 but all great esteeme of all. Hee had degenerated to become a Preacher of the three China Sects, and profes∣sed great knowledge of them. Hee had at his house a famous Votarie, or Bonzi-Monke,* 4.224 who renouncing the publike Offices which he had borne, had shaued his head, and (which is not v∣suall in China) of a Learned Man, had become a Minister of the Idols. And because hee was [ 30] both learned in the China Sciences, and growne seuenty yeeres old, he had acquired much same and many Disciples, professors of that new Sect which he deuised. These visited Father Mat∣thew, to the wonder of all; that Literate-apostata confessed the truth of our Law, and presen∣ted the Father with a Fanne with two elegant Epigrams therein. Two other visited him,* 4.225 one of which counterfeited himselfe to haue liued three hundred yeeres, whom the China Grandes much followed, as doting on the studie of long life, the precepts whereof he read to his Schol••rs. Hee also boasted of Geomancy. The other was a Physician, and companion to the other, each blazing the others Science: and whiles both preferred the Father, some suspected that hee had liued some Ages (which they vse to affirme of Strangers differing in countenance from them) and would not let it be knowne.

[ 40] The Chinois haue one day solemne to Confutius the Prince of the Learned, in which they make a kind of Sacrifice to him, not as to their God, but their Master. They call it a Sacrifice,* 4.226 but in larger extent of the word. Musike was prepared against that day, at the triall whereof Father Ricius was present. The Priests of the Learned, called Tansu, ordered the Musike;* 4.227 and in the Kings Hall (or Temple rather) dedicated to the Lord of Heauen, this triall was made. The Priests came forth in precious vestures, as if they would sacrifice, who after their wonted rites to the President, fell to their Musike: in which were small brasse Bells, Basons, other as it were Tabors, others of stone, stringed Instruments, Pipes, Organs blowed with the mouth, not with Bellowes; others resembled Beasts out of the hollow bellie yeelding a sound: all these sounded together with such discording discord as you may imagine; the Chinois themselues con∣fessing [ 50] the concord and harmoniacall consent to bee lost; onely the Instruments remayning from their Ancestors.

That Temple was great and magnificent, built neere the Citie in a Pine-groue,* 4.228 compassed with walls twelue miles about. The wall of the Temple was of bricke, the other parts of tim∣ber: it is diuided into fiue Iles; the Pillars were round of huge timbers as great as two men could fathome, the heigth proportionable to that thicknesse; the roofe is excellently carued, and all gilded: and although it be two hundred yeeres since it was built, and the King resides not at Nanquin, nor sacrificeth there, yet is it little decayed from the first splendour. In the midst of the Temple is a more eminent place of most precious marble, in which is a double Throne, both of marble; the one for the King when he sitteth to sacrifice, the other is left for him to ••it [ 60] by, to whom the sacrifice is made. The Cloisters without are beautified with most elegant windings, and lest the Birds should defile all, the windowes are all netted with Iron wyers (which is vsuall thorow all the Palace:) all the gates of the Temple are couered with Brasse plates gilded, and wrought with neat Visages of the same metall. Without the Temple were many Altars of red marble, which represented the Sunne, Moone, Starres, and Hills of China▪

Lakes and Seas, intimating that that God which is there worshipped made the rest, which are placed without, lest they might be worshipped for Deities. It is prohibited by grieuous penal∣ties, to cut the trees of that Groue, or any bough thereof, whence they are great and old. In the circuit of the Temple are many Cells, which are said to haue beene Baths for the Kings to wash in when they were to sacrifice.

* 4.229The Father vsed the Habit of the Learned (as is said) of those especially which professe them∣selues Preachers of the Law; the Habit modest, and the Cap not vnlike ours in Crosse fashion al∣so. He confuted both the Sects of Idolaters, and commended that of the Learned, praysing Con∣futius, which was rather silent, then would deuise any thing touching the next life, and taught good Rules for the Life, Family, and Republike. A great man flourished at Nanquin then (which had some thousands of Disciples) in opinion of Vertue and Learning, and had set dayes in [ 10] which to heare and to be heard euery moneth. Chiutaiso brought the Father, and this Father together, and in some reasoning Ricius wrung from him that some corruptions were in the Idoll Sects,* 4.230 which he followed not, holding that only (he sayd) which was good. It being a fashion that Learned men met in their Societies to conferre of Morall Vertues, in one of those meetings this man learnedly confuted Confutius, which another Magistrate tooke haynously, and cryed out, it was intolerable that the Sect of Idols brought out of other Countreyes should bee prefer∣red before Confutius, whom the Learned Ricius also admireth, refelling the Idol-follies. He an∣swered, he had spoken with the man, but he was not yet well acquainted with China businesse, and he would instruct him better. Soone after he inuited him to a Feast (for the Chinois vsually [ 20] in such meetings determine Controuersies) and there hee met Sanhoi a famous Idol-Priest,* 4.231 a Learned Philosopher, Orator, Poet, and well skilled in others Sects also. When they were set, this Priest and the Father together, the Priest began shewing his desire to conferre of Religion. Ricius first asked what he thought of the first beginning of Heauen and Earth, and the Creatour of things whom we call the Lord of Heauen. I deny not, sayd he, that there is such an one, but he hath no Majesty nor Deity, but I am equall to him, and so are all others. Canst thou (saith Ricius) make those things which he hath done? he granted. Make then such a Chasing-dish (one stood before him) this, sayd the other, was an vnworthy demand. Thou (sayth he) art an Astro∣nomer, and makest new Sunnes in thy minde when thou reasonest thereof. That, sayth Ricius, is but an Image or likenesse which the minde from things seene conceiueth, as in reflexion of a Glasse whereon the Sunne shineth, yet doth not the Glasse create a Sunne. The Hoast for feare [ 30] of further quarrell parted them. At Dinner the Chinois disputed of a Question of humane na∣ture, how it came bad (they want Logicke and cannot well distinguish betwixt morall and na∣turall good, and neuer heard of originall sinne) they discoursed thereof a whole houre: after which Ricius repeating what had beene sayd, entred into dispute with Sanhoi, who laughed at his and their Reasons and answered all with a Tale of I know not what Floud, according to his Sect; but he straitned him with Arguments, so that he and this Disputation grew famous. They conceiue that God and the Creatures are all of one substance, and that God is as a great Soule of the Vniuerse; which opinion from the Idol-sects hath infected the Learned. Ricius writ a sum∣mary of that point, which gaue men good satisfaction, and his Law seemed not so barbarous as [ 40] they imagined.

* 4.232The Kings Treasure was exhaust by the Corayan Warre, whereupon contrary to the Lawes he caused the ancient Mines which were sayd to be stopped, to bee sought, and opened, and im∣posed new Tributes, that in all Prouinces, Merchandizes should pay two of a hundreth: which had beene tolerable if gathered by Magistrates; but his Eunuches, sent to euery Prouince, with∣out shame or mercie exacted on the people, and raysed a worse combustion then that of Coray. So many Impostors, Counterfeits, Theeues were euery-where: if a man dwelt in a good House, they would digge it vp to search for a Myne, to force composition from the owner. Some whole Cities and Prouinces compounded with these Caterpillers to free themselues from their vexati∣ons; the money so gotten they gaue the King as taken out of their Mynes. This caused Dearth, [ 50] and in some, Commotion. The Magistrates petitioned the King against these abuses, but sweet∣nesse of gaine had not only stopped that eare, but procured grieuous penalties to those which withstood his Catch-poll-Eunuches, which by those punishments grew more insolent. Ours which wintered at Lincin, happily escaped these Harpy-clutches, who with their Presents arri∣uing at Nanquin rejoyced to see a Residence so prepared there. These Presents intended for the King, bred such an amazement in the beholders that others were ready to offer force to see them. They still minding to present the King, (the weather now more cleare and peaceable) Cataneus went to Amacao; where was much rejoycing for these hopes, but soone quenched with sorrow for losse of their ship which tradeth to Iapon, men and goods lost, on which ship all their Commerce dependeth. They found themselues therefore vnable to maintayne three Resi∣dences: [ 60] the Iesuites Rector scraped all hee could for that purpose, and added a Watch and Image of the blessed Virgin, and Trigone Glasses, Houre-g••afles and other Rarities to their Presents.* 4.233

Father Diego Pantoia a Spanish Priest also accompanyed Cataneus to Nanquin, and thence

went with Ricius to Pequin, with Sebastian and Emanuell. Father Iohn was called from Nancian to reside with Cataneus at Nanquin. They went with an Eunuch then going to Pequin with six ships, who shewed them much kindnesse.* 4.234 In Zinin a City of the Prouince of Sciantum is a Vice-roy which is as High Admirall ouer all the ships, whether they carry prouision or other things,* 4.235 which gaue kind entertaynment to Ricius▪ telling him at parting, Sithai (that was Ricius his China name) I also desire to goe to Paradise, intimating that all his Heauen was not in earthly honours, but that he minded also what the other p••eached. Presently with great pompe and state hee followed him to his ship and there visited him with vsuall Rites of Vrbanity and a Present, and wondred much at the sight of those Presents they carryed for the King. He sent an [ 10] Officer also to make him a readier way. One Liciu had made way to this Vice-royes friendship, who soone after killed himselfe, hearing that vpon some complaint of his Books,* 4.236 the King had commanded him to bee imprisoned and his Books to bee burned; preuenting so the study of his Aduersaries to put him to some shamefull death.

Amongst those Eunuches which the King had sent to oppresse the people, was one Mathan,* 4.237 which dwelt at Linci••, whose exactions had raysed the people and Souldiers into mutiny, which burnt his Palace and killed his Seruants, himselfe escaping disguised, but the Captiue and Slaue of Couetousnesse no lesse then before. Our Eunuch addressed himselfe to him,* 4.238 but could not till the third time be admitted, because his Gifts were not answerable to the others appetite. Hee to make way for himselfe betrayed Ours to this Harpy, they not knowing it, saying, that in [ 20] one of his ships were strangers with precious Gifts for the King, which he shewed closely to his Officers▪ with these he might get the Kings fauour. The Gouernour which in that and the Neighbour Cities had great command was his great friend, of whom Ricius asked counsell: he told him that now the Eunuches reigned, and they almost only were the Kings Counsellors, nor could the greatest Magistrates withstand their iniuries. Yet the countenance of this Magistrate was a great helpe to him, this being the man whom of all the Gouernours he most feared; a man so well deseruing that his Citizens erected to him a Temple, Image, and Inscription; who now also both countenanced Ricius what he might, and gaue him the best aduice how to carry him∣selfe to this Eunuch, and perhaps but for him they had lost all and themselues to.* 4.239 This Capon had erected Palaces and Temples, and had built a huge ship in which the King himselfe might haue [ 30] sayled; so many were the Cels, Chambers, Hals, and other commodious Buildings thereof; the Windowes, Galleries of vndecaying wood carryed with many Meanders, * 4.240 all shining with Vernish and glittering with Gold. In this ship was hee carryed to ours, where Ricius met him. He viewed and liked all, and downe on his knees to the Virgins Picture, promised to procure her a place in the Palace. Ricius modestly refusing his seruice for them to the King, saying, many Magistrates of best ranke had vndertaken that kindnesse: he smiled, saying, none of them could doe so much as he with the King: the King answeres my Petitions the same day, to them or late, or nothing. The Eunuch which brought ours was sent away, and all the Presents put a-board his ship. Hee carryed the Iesuites with him to the Towre of Thiensin,* 4.241 whither hee went to send thence the six moneths Tribute to the King: he feasted them, Comedies, Rope-runners, Tum∣blers, [ 40] Vaulters, and Mimicke Ape-men attending the cheare with such disports as they had ne∣uer seene in Europe. One cast three great Kniues into the Ayre one after another,* 4.242 and catched them againe in their sheathes: another lay on the ground, raysing his feete ouer his shoulders, with which hee tossed vp and tumbled too and fro an Earthen Pitcher in such sort, as hardly could bee done with the hands; the like hee did with a Drumme on a Table. A Comedie was acted only with gestures, of disguised Gyants in glorious habits; one from the Theatre pronoun∣cing all their parts. A Boy danced admirably, and then as it were falling, layd his hands on the ground, and another Boy of Clay came forth, which vsing his hands for feete, imitated all the prankes of the other, and fell to wrestle with the liuing Boy, as if both had beene aliue.

We will leaue you Spectators here, and now bring you forth another Actor, which hauing in little while [ 50] trauelled much, and learned more of his Fellowes; suddenly sent into Europe these Relations not vnworthy your view: which I haue therefore examined with the Originall Spanish, and the Latine Translation, and cut off some superfluities to giue you more full content and to preuent Repetitions; the rather because bee descendeth to many particularities which Ricius looking higher and knowing more, hath omitted.

[ 60]

CHAP. VI. A Letter of Father DIEGO DE PANTOIA, * 4.243 one of the Company of IESVS, to Father LVYS DE GVZMAN, Prouinciall in the Prouince of Toledo; written in Paquin, which is the Court of the King of China, the ninth of March, the yeere 1602.

[ 10]

§. IIII. Difficulties of entring China, their dwelling at Nanquin, going from thence to Paquin, with Presents for the King, troubles in the way by an Eunuch.

RIght Reuerend Father in Christ, the peace of Christ bee with you. I thinke I doe not satisfie the dutie which I owe vnto your Worship, for the loue which you haue [ 20] alway shewed vnto mee, and the Obligation wherein I am bound to so many most dearely beloued Fathers and Brethren of this Prouince, if being as I am in this great Kingdome of China, procuring the good of these Pagans, (whereunto it pleased our Lord to choose mee) I should not giue you some briefe Relation of the things that concerne this our new Mission, and of some things also concerning the greatnesse of this Kindome, the Customes, Gouernment and Policy thereof.

Being come, as heretofore I wrote to your Worship, to Macao a City of the Portugals, ad∣joyning to the firme Land of China,* 4.244 where there is a Colledge of our Company: and there at∣tending till the Persecution, Tumults, and Warres of Iapon, would permit ten or twelue Fa∣thers of vs to passe thither, which stayed expecting fit oportunitie: when we were readie to de∣part, [ 30] within few monethes, it pleased our God to change my Lot, and Enterprize which I had before myne eyes, and to send mee to enter into China, whereinto I entred in the end of the yeare of our Lord 1599. There were in this Mission at this time, only fiue Fathers diuided into three Houses. For though it be twentie yeeres since they first began to enter, yet the entrance of Strangers is so hard and so straitly forbidden,* 4.245 and their state and perseuerance is so difficult, that in all this time there neuer passed aboue fiue or sixe Fathers, and those which succeeded since, though by little and little, did discouer the Countrey; But their entrance was by stealth and secretly. Considering that all passages were shut vp, and that in all China there was no man that could or durst presume to giue licence to preach the Gospell; we alwayes sought to get some ac∣cesse vnto the King, either by way of Embassage, or by way of Present, and Gifts, and to seeke [ 40] to obtayne this in part,* 4.246 or in the whole, to this end and purpose.

The Fathers alwayes sought to obtayne some Ambassage of the Pope, or of the Catholike King. But perceiuing they could not obtayne this, they procured it by way of giuing a Present, not so much of precious things,* 4.247 for they had none of that kind, as of strange things neuer seene before in China. And hauing procured this for many yeares space, without hauing any meanes to obtayne it; the Diuine Prouidence ordayned one in the yeare of our Lord 1590. which was this: The Fathers being in Xaucheo, (a Residencie of the Prouince of Canton) there passed that way a great Mandarin, called by the King, to giue him an Office in the Court, which among vs is like vnto a President of one of the chiefest Councels, which had known the Fathers long time; and now seeing themselues with him, and signifying vnto him the desire which they had to goe [ 50] to Paquin, to giue a Present to the King, and that if hee would doe them the courtesie to carrie them along with him vnder his shadow and protection, they would alwayes remayne thanke∣full, and exceedingly bound to serue him. After this and other motiues which they presented vnto him, did that follow which wrought most effect, which was a good Present, with hope of other things afterward, whereupon he shewed himselfe very tractable to grant their request, and to take them with him to Paquin.

Being glad of this resolution, they prepared themselues for the Voyage, and tooke the things which they desired to giue the King, which hereafter I will mention. It pleased God to bring them to Paquin, in the company of so great a Mandarin, without the hinderance of any bodie. Being come to Paquin they began secretly to negotiate their businesse: because they durst not, [ 60] neither was the Mandarin that brought them willing that they should shew themselues abroad. But though they attempted all possible meanes, neither with gifts, nor any thing else, there was not any man that would meddle with this businesse, because it was a matter that concerned Strangers, considering what might hereof happen vnto them. After they had spent certayne

moneths, and saw they profited nothing, and fearing some innouation, they determined to re∣turne to their Residencies from whence they came.

Hauing returned three hundred leagues, they came to the great Citie of Nanquin, which was the ancient Seat and Court of the Kings of China: and now (though the King reside not there) yet is it the most noble, great, strong, and beautifull of all this whole Kingdome, and retayneth her being the Royall Court, with all the same Offices which the Citie hath where the King re∣sideth. They desired greatly to get an entrance into this City, because, as I haue said, it is a fa∣mous place, and hath such store of graue persons in it, thereby to make themselues knowne,* 4.248 and here to procure with more facilitie an entrance or accesse vnto the King. But it seemed a thing impossible, because it is a City straitly guarded, especially for Strangers, for whose guard and [ 10] Watch it hath ordinarily aboue one hundred thousand Souldiers. And if they went about to get licence, it seemed impossible to obtayne the same of so many great Mandarins, as gouerned the same. But our Lord (to whom euery thing is alike possible) vouchsafed to comfort the Fa∣thers for their trauell and small fruit which they had reaped of their journey to Paquin: and by the counsell of some friends which they had there, and with the protection of the Mandarin had carryed them to Paquin, which at that season came vnto this City, they dwelt in Nanquin, without the contradiction of any Mandarin, although all of them knew thereof: howbeit, as a very great man said, which afterward became our great friend, hee was readie to send to ap∣prehend the Fathers, vntill hee vnderstood that they were peaceable people, which had long time abode in China.

[ 20] After they were purposed to remayne there, there was another difficulty to get leaue to dwell and haue an House within the wals. But the Diuine Prouidence gaue them a very sweet and easie meane for all this, as here I will declare. The Mandarins liue in this City in houses which are not their owne, but belonging to the Offices which they beare: and when one hath ended his Office, hee that succeedeth him, succeedeth him in his Houses, which are all builded at the Kings cost. At this time a great Mandarin had builded one of these, wherein by his Office hee was to dwell: But when he had finished it, it pleased God, that he enjoyed it not: and hee sent many Deuils to enter into it, as they did in deed, which with fearefull shapes did terrifie those which dwelt in it, especially by night: and this continued so long a time, that all men left it, and none would dwell in it. As Father Matthew Riccio (who was the party which negotiated [ 30] this businesse, as the Procurator of all this Mission) went about to seeke to buy an House, by way of jest they asked him, whether he would buy an house full of Deuils? The Father answered, that hee tooke it not for a jest, but that if the house liked him, hee would not vary for that; for he serued a God whom the Deuils feared and dreaded, and that trusting in his helpe he was no∣thing at all afraid of them, but that they did rather much feare him, because he was the Seruant of such a Lord. They went to see the House, which presently liked him: and as they sold it good cheape because of the bad report that it had, in two words they agreed together: and the Mandarin that sold it was so glad, that he gaue vs Patents to possesse it perpetually in China;* 4.249 a thing which in no place could be obtayned of any other Mandarin. Forth-with they went to it, and at their comming in they blessed it according to the Rite of the Holy Mother Church; [ 40] and by the grace of God there was neuer dreame of any euill thing that troubled the same. All men looked what would become of this, and what successe they should haue with the Deuils. And when they saw the great quietnesse, without any shew of Spirits, they were greatly asto∣nied, saying, that without doubt this was a great God,* 4.250 and that hee sought to dwell in that House, and that therefore he had commanded the Deuils to dwell there, and not to suffer others to enter therein; and that when he came they went their way.

To this so good beginning the progresse from thence forward was answerable:* 4.251 for the graue Mandarins vnderstanding, together with the fame that they were Learned men, that they had many Bookes, that they were men of a good life, and that they had some things of their Coun∣trey, which were neuer seene in China (as certayne Clocks with Wheeles, and Images in Oyle,* 4.252 [ 50] and other pretie things) all of them setting feare apart, and other respects, came to visit the Fa∣thers in great estate, because they were the greatest Mandarines of all China, but with much hu∣manitie, respect and courtesie, with Presents of things to eate, and Banquets as they vse with their equals. They were so well pleased with all that they saw and heard, that all of them be∣came their great Friends and Patrones: and gaue so good report of them, that all men sought to doe the like: and for continuance of their amity they came oftentimes to visit them, and often∣times inuited them to their Palaces: and with this fame and honour of the grauest sort of people, all the rest of the inferiour and baser sort vsed them with much reuerence, no man daring to doe,* 4.253 or say vnto them any discourteous thing.

[ 60] This was the state of things when it pleased God to choose me for this Mission, and when I entred into it we had three Residences, one in the Prouince of Canton, another in the Prouince of Quianci, which is somewhat more within the Land, another in the Citie of Nanquin, which is in the midst of the Kingdome, and three hundred leagues from Macao. I entred secretly, as all the rest did (I say without particular Licence of any Mandarin.) But my secrecie continued

but a while, as hereafter I will declare. I came at the first, without staying in any other House, to Nanquin, where three Fathers of vs were foure moneths; Father Matthew Riccio our Supe∣riour,* 4.254 Father Lazarus Catanio, and my selfe, and a Brother a Chinois, one of the two which are receiued into this Mission, and euery thing goeth well. But as in matter of strangers the Chinois are exceeding scrupulous, more then your Worship can beleeue, so there were many which spake of our abiding in Nanquin, considering that now wee had three Houses in China. Wee beganne with much more earnestnesse to procure another better foundation, and to returne to Paquin more openly, and seeke accesse vnto the King. And because in Nanquin there bee Mandarines to whom this belongeth, and some of them were our Friends, wee beganne to speake of this point.

But it was not needfull to spend many words; for straight way we met with a Mandarin, to [ 10] whom by right this matter appertayned,* 4.255 who frankly and freely offered vs Patents, Dispatches, and whatsoeuer was needfull to accomplish this businesse.

The promises of this Mandarin were not vaine: for when the time came that the Riuer was vnfrozen, (which all the Winter is frozen ouer) and Barkes began to goe for Paquin, he perfor∣med his word faithfully,* 4.256 giuing vs Patents and Passe-ports needfull for the money; and besides, hee sent vs a Barke of the Kings to carry our Present and our owne things. Beeing glad of these good newes and dispatch, we consulted how we should deale in certayne things which of∣fered themselues in this businesse, and who should goe: There was no question but Father Mat∣thew Riccio should be one, but who should be his companion: for whom they choose me, and the [ 20] Brother.* 4.257 We set our things in order, particularly those which were of the Kings Present, Which were two Clockes with Wheeles, one great one of Iron, in a very great Case made faire with a thousand ingraued workes, full of gilded Dragons, which are the Armes and Ensignes of this King, as the Eagle is the Emperours: another little Clocke very faire, aboue an handfull high, all of golden Metall, of the best Worke which is made in our Countrey, which our Father Generall had sent vs for this purpose; which was set in a gilded Case, as the other was: and in both of them in stead of our Letters were grauen the Letters of China, and an hand that came forth did point at them. Besides these there were three I∣mages in Oyle, two great ones of an Ell high, and one little one. The greatest was the figures and por∣trature of Our Lady of the Poplar, of Saint Lucar: The second was of our Lady with the Babe Ie∣sus, and Saint Iohn: the third, was a Picture of Christ, which was the least; all of them were of excel∣lent [ 30] Worke. Besides this, there were certayne Looking-glasses; two Triangle-glasses (which though among vs they be of no account, yet are they esteemed here among them) adorned with Chaines of Sil∣uer, and set in an excellent Case of Iapon, which was of twentie times more value then the Glasses, to them that know what Glasses are. A Booke of The Theatre of the World, and a Breuiarie exceeding fairely bound, with an inscription, That that was the Doctrine of the True God, whose Images they did present him withall. A very faire Monocord, because it is an Instrument whereat the Chinois doe wonder much, and other pretie things of lesse importance.

All which things beeing set in order, and imbarqued, we tooke our leaue of the Christians of Nanquin, (which at our departure came to our House with a Banquet with great joy) and of the Mandarins our friends, which with great sorrow, and shewes of loue tooke their lea∣ues [ 40] of vs, and sent vs Presents for our Iourney, and many Letters of fauour to the great Man∣darins of Paquin.

We departed with this good dispatch from Nanquin in the yeare 1600. the twentieth day of May. And knowing not how the King, and the Mandarins of Paquin, and those of the Kings Court, would take this our Iourney, because wee were Strangers, wee sought to prepare our selues for that which might fall out: in great hope that we should find ayde eyther in all or in part to obtayne our desire, which we had for the establishment of our Company in this King∣dome, and to procure the opening of an entrance thereunto for the preaching of the holy Gospell.

We began to sayle vp a very great Riuer, whereof hereafter I will speake somewhat; and [ 50] when we had sayled certayne leagues, wee entred into another small Riuer made by hand aboue two hundred leagues, only to carry in Barges the Tribute which the Prouinces of the parts of Nanquin pay vnto the King, and other things which these Countries yeeld (which are the best, and most plentifull of all things which are in China) because it seemeth impossible to carry it by Land with Millions of people,* 4.258 being in Rice, Wheate, Siluer, and a thousand other things very great: And the Vessels which are employed about this businesse are so many, that without doubt it is no Hyperbole to say that from Nanquin to Paquin, which is three hundred leagues, all the Summer time it seemeth to be a path way of the Kings Barges. We were all aswell Mandarins as particular men very well intreated all the way, whither many Mandarins came out of the Villages and Cities, desiring to see the Present which wee carried, and our selues; bringing vs [ 60] many Presents for our Iourney. Hauing trauelled two hundred and thirty leagues in forty dayes,* 4.259 wee came to a very famous place and Mart Towne in China, which is in the Pro∣uince of Xantun, which is next vnto the Territories of Paquin, called Lincin. Where, be∣cause of the great Trafficke of Vessels and Merchants, which goe and come from the Court, who

pay to the King a very great tribute, he hath placed one of his chiefest Eunuchs, which serueth to gather vp his Customes: which liued there in great estate, and much attendance. Whenso∣euer he goeth abroad he is alwaies carried in a Chaire, vpon eight mens shoulders,* 4.260 which is a very great honour in China, with great store of Horsemen before and behind, with certaine Ba∣sons of Copper, which make a great sound when they bee playd vpon, to signifie to the people that he commeth that way, that all may goe out of the way; as the custome is with all the great Mandarines in the Cities of their iurisdiction. Which Eunuch vnderstanding of vs, and of the things which wee brought for the King, and of many other things which they put in his head that wee brought, to wit, precious stones, and others of that kind: hee sent vs word, that hee knew what we had brought for the King, and that he desired much to see it, and that the same [ 10] day or the next he would come, praying vs that we would make it ready.

He came at the appointed time, and hauing seene the things which wee brought for the King, and making account of them to be precious, and that the King would greatly delight in them, he sought meanes to cause them to be presented to the King by all meanes, as things that he had dealt with vs to bring, to please him, and thereby to obtayne some sute for himselfe: and be∣sides this, with desire and hope that wee would giue him some precious stones (whereof the Chinois are very greedy) he determined wholly to meddle in this businesse. Hee sent vs a Pre∣sent of things to eate, and a very courteous message, that wee should passe in one of his Barges, that shortly he would send vs to Paquin, with Souldiers of his house, a Petition made with his owne hand to the king; that we should consult together, and bethinke our selues what we desi∣red [ 20] to obtayne of the King, whether it were to bee Mandarines, or to haue lands or houses, or all together, because there should be no difficulty in any thing. The message came with all this courtesie. And we made answer with the like, returning him a Present for his answer with ge∣nerall words. For though hee came with so great offers, yet wee knew that these Eunuchs,* 4.261 for the most part, are base and couetous people.

It happened at this time that the chiefest Mandarine of this Citie, which was our great friend was come from Nanquin, from whence they had fetched him for that Office. Wee determined that Father Matthew Riccio should visite him with a small Present, according to the vse of the Countrey, to relate vnto him this businesse, and to aske his counsell what wee were best to doe. Hee receiued the Father with much courtesie and loue, and kept him two dayes in his house: [ 30] which, after he had heard the whole matter, answered, that he was very sorrie that we had met with this Eunuch, because we could looke for no goodnesse of his basenesse, couetousnesse, and bad meanes of proceeding; and that he could performe nothing that he had promised, and that his intent was nothing but couetousnesse; that hee would aduise vs to take as little as we could of him: but for all this, that wee should not refuse that which hee offered, but rather to make a vertue of necessitie, and to thanke him with a very good continuance for that which hee pro∣mised, because we were in his power, and he might and would hinder our passage, if wee did not so, and take away our Present from vs, and giue it himselfe with his owne hand to the King,* 4.262 without making any account of vs, without controlment of any man, because he was not subiect to any Mandarine.

[ 40] This seemed vnto vs to be very sound counsell, and a forcible enducement to follow it. So we followed the same, and applied our selues vnto him in euery thing, answering the Eunuch ac∣cording to his desire, and passed in a Barke of his. He desired much forthwith to carrie the Kings Present to his house, saying, that he would trimme them to giue them to the King, and this we courteously denyed him, saying, that we durst not depart with them till we had deliuered them to the King, neither that it seemed reasonable, that when wee did giue them, another should trimme them; especially, that these pieces were not such as had need of more trimming, since in themselues they were so precious: with which answer hee seemed to remayne satisfied. At the first he made vs great banquets, sport, and cheere: but as in very deed his purpose was no∣thing but to doe himselfe good, and to looke for his owne profit, and not for ours, hee beganne [ 50] quickly to discouer himselfe: for hee stayed certaine dayes,* 4.263 looking that wee should giue him some precious stones, which some body had told him that we had brought with vs to please him, for some things that they looked for at his hands▪ and when he saw the dayes were passed, with∣in which he thought we would haue giuen him them, he began to be out of hope, and to grow cold in our entertaynment: yet for all this, he came to visite vs with great pompe at our em∣barking:* 4.264 and after fifteene dayes he dispatched vs for our iourney to Paquin with men of his owne house, and with a Petition to the King, signifying vnto him how hee had met vs on, the way, and what our intent was, and what things we brought.

Wee were very honourably entertayned in his iourney, and in all the Townes and Cities of [ 60] his Iurisdiction whereby we passed, he commanded them to giue vs without delay refreshing of Flesh-meate, Fish, much Fruit, and Wine. Wee trauelled eight dayes, and came to the last place of his Iurisdiction: which is three dayes iourney from the Court of the King. We stayed there with company that did waite vpon vs, watching day and night about the Barke with their Centinels and Bells, as they are wont to doe with the great Mandarines, and especially because

there were there things belonging to the King, and the rest of the seruants of the Eunuch went to Paquin, to deliuer the Petition to the King, and to know his pleasure. They deliuered the Pe∣tition, and we looked for an answer thereof within three or foure dayes, as he had told vs. But God had disposed otherwise for the exercise of our patience and hope in him: and that was, that the King made no answer as we looked for: whereupon he was somewhat ashamed of the great brags that he had made to vs without performance of any thing: and hee and wee were all in suspense, when we saw the King returned no answer, which is wont to bee a token that he liketh not the Petition that is made vnto him.* 4.265

Fifteene dayes after wee arriued in this place, the Eunuch came thither; to send from thence to the King a third part of the tribute which he had gathered. He came accompanied with great [ 10] store of Vessels, and that wherein he was, was such, as assuredly your Worship hath not seene the like in all your life.* 4.266 The forme is very much different from ours: for it is like vnto an high House, wholly diuided into chambers and halls very high, full of carued workes round about, with hangings of Silke, of many figures, and round about full of galleries to walke vp and downe without being driuen to enter in.* 4.267 And on the outside it was all couered ouer with a kind of Oyle like Varnish, which runneth out of certaine trees, which they make with tempering of all sorts of colours,* 4.268 (whereof in Iapon and here there is great abundance) and the Portugals call it Charan; it is a very faire, shining▪ and durable thing: and the things that are coloured with it, doe shine like Glasses, if it be of the finest: and besides, though it be not costly, yet it is as faire and fairer, because it is more naturall, and very neate and fine, wherewith they paint diuers fi∣gures,* 4.269 [ 20] trees, and flowers; and if it be of the right, it doth not decay, and loseth no whit of his lustre. Herewith was the Barge trimmed without, with diuers figures painted on the hull of the Barge: from the hull vpward the windowes and the walls of the Halls and Chambers was full of carued workes, knots, and carued flowers, some gilded, others of diuers colours, agreeable to their natures, which made a very pleasant shew: within it was of the same worke with more excellency, and the most part was gilded, and the floore of boords was painted with very shi∣ning Charan or Oyle. It was as long as a good Gallie, little more or lesse, and somewhat broa∣der,* 4.270 but farre higher, and in such sort, that when wind fayleth they vse very great Oares after the manner of China, which serue, and are managed as Fishes vse their tayle to swimme. And because they bee of this fashion they vse them with much facilitie in euery Vessell how high so∣euer [ 30] it be. This was the fashion of the Vessell wherein the Eunuch came with much Musike of Trumpets, Drummes, and Fifes, and other Instruments which I omit for breuities sake.

* 4.271When he was come to this place, seeing the King sent no answere to his first petition, he sent another to put him in remembrance, and to solicite an answere to the first: wherein hee answe∣red nothing to this point, although he answered to other things. And though it bee true, that sometimes the King maketh no answer, through forgetfulnesse and confusion, because the peti∣tions be infinite which are daily giuen him from all the Kingdome: yet most ordinarily when he giueth no answer it serueth for an answer, either that hee will not doe, or liketh not of that suit that is made vnto him. And therefore because there came no answer, the Eunuch was much grieued that he had meddled in this matter,* 4.272 out of which he could not withdraw his hand be∣cause [ 40] he had giuen a Petition to the King, vntill he had seene some answer of his, fearing some damage, or displeasure of the King, that hereof might ensue: and hereupon hee beganne to estrange himselfe from vs, and sought not to see vs, not to haue to doe with vs, and sent sixe men alwaies to stay in our Barge, vnder colour to serue vs, but in very truth to watch vs day and night.

* 4.273In this suspence wee continued three moneths in the extreme heate in a Barge, not knowing what would become of vs. At the end thereof newes was brought vs, that the King had sent to the Eunuch, that he should see what things they were (for vntill then he had not written to him but in generall) and signifie it vnto him, and if he thought them worthie, he should send him a Petition touching that matter. Wee were somwhat more ioyfull with this message, which [ 50] was so indeed. And Father Matthew Riccio went to the Eunuchs lodging to receiue the Kings answer, with such ceremonies and reuerences as they are wont to receiue the messages that come from the King. And to put this commandement in execution, he came to our Barge accompa∣nied with many inferiour Mandarines, as witnesses, and in the Kings name hee tooke all these things into his hands: which he sent vnto his house. There he fell to reason with vs, perswa∣ding vs that wee should conceale none of the precious things that wee had brought (whereof his minde did so greatly runne) because the King would be greatly displeased, if hee knew that wee had any good things and would not giue them him. Wee told him plainely the truth, put∣ting him in plaine words out of that imagination which we knew he had conceiued. And after many complements on both parts he returned to his lodging. [ 60]

He wrote to the King what things they were which we had brought, looking that he would straight haue sent for them. But it fell out as it did at the first, that he returned no answer, and the cause thereof seemed to be, that they were things that he made none account of. Wee were now the second time in like case as wee were at the first, not being able to goe backe nor for∣ward:

for they would not suffer vs to goe to Paquin, nor to returne backe. The Eunuch being readie to returne to the Citie of Lincin, where we first met him,* 4.274 hauing need of the Barge where∣in wee were, commanded vs to bee remoued vnto an house in the Citie, there to stay vntill some message came from the King, either good or bad. We remoued with great pleasure, for the desire that we had to say Masse, whereof wee were depriued many moneths.* 4.275 After we were come on shoare, we set vp our Altar whereon we said Masse euery day, preparing our selues for that which might betide vs.

This Eunuch could not bee disswaded from that which couetousnesse had perswaded him,* 4.276 to wit, that we had brought some precious thing with vs. And seeing it seemed vnto him that he could not get vs by another way, to giue that which hee desired, and wee had not; hee became [ 10] shamelesse, and two dayes before his departure, he came with a great companie to our house, as though it had beene to visite vs in friendship, we thinking nothing of any such thing: and when he was come in he began to speake vnto vs, and put vs in great feare, asking vs, how wee durst come so farre into the Kingdome without leaue of the King? and that other Eunuchs had ad∣uertised him from the Court, that wee had many other things, and that wee would not shew them, nor giue them to the King. While he was thus talking and dealing, hee commanded his men to seize vpon all our stuffe, which we had in foure or fiue Hampers, and to lay them all out vpon a banke, which with great celeritie aboue an hundred Officers which came with him per∣formed, and in two words, they vndid and opened all, and with his owne hands he opened as many papers as he found, to seeke that which he desired:* 4.277 and seeing he could finde nothing that [ 20] hee looked for, he tooke that which hee found, which was an Image of our Ladie, being one of the two small ones which wee had reserued, that which hee left was better without compari∣son, and very excellent, on which also hee had cast his eye: hee tooke also certaine Glasses, and other small things, of small importance, because there were no better:* 4.278 but that which grieued vs much was, that he tooke from vs a Crosse of very good and great Reliques, and a Case of Re∣liques likewise, and the Chalice wherein we said Masse,* 4.279 which because it was of Siluer and gilt (which that yeere they had sent vs of Almes from Maaco) did please him; and when we pray∣ed him not to touch it, because it was a thing consecrated to God, which the Kings of our Coun∣trey durst not presume to touch, hee made a iest of it; and the more it was told him that hee should not touch it, hee handled it the more with scorne, saying, that though wee told him he [ 30] might not touch it, yet we saw he held it in his hands without any difficulty or danger.

By the intercession of a Mandarine that fauoured vs, he gaue vs the Chalice againe; but wee could neuer get the Reliques againe out of his fingers, as wee desired, for of all things else hee would depart with none.

As he and those that ayded him so willingly were searching with much curiositie, and euery one catched what he could, because all things lay tumbled on the ground: at last they met with a Case wherein was a carued Crucifixe, which was mine.* 4.280 He began to looke vpon our Lord Ie∣sus Christ being bloudy and wounded, being a very faire and pleasant sight to our eyes and heart, but very strange, foule and offensiue to his sight. He vsed certaine gestures not saying any word, [ 40] vntill he was astonished, and turned his head, and asked what it was? Wee told him, that that was the true God which made Heauen and Earth, whom all the World ought to worship, who died for our sinnes, and to giue vs life, and afterward rose againe by his owne power, and ascen∣ded into Heauen. He would not heare many reasons; for it seemed vnto him that we were de∣ceiued in worshipping a God that in his eyes was dead: againe, he looked wistly vpon it; and the finall conclusion that hee made was, that that which hee suspected was true,* 4.281 that wee were very lewde fellowes, because wee had the shape of a man misused with so great inhumani∣tie, nayled on a Crosse, and all besprinkled with blood, as that was, and that it was nothing else but some witchcraft to kill the King; And though in this second point hee was deceiued; yet in the first he had great reason, though hee knew not wherefore, since our sinnes and euill deeds made Christ to be vsed on that sort.

[ 50] That which the Eunuch said in our house, he vttered also abroad: in so much that certaine graue Mandarines which fauoured vs, retired themselues from vs, and sent vs word, that from henceforth wee should leaue that crucifixed man, and that seeing now wee remayned in China, we should wholly conforme our selues vnto them, for as long as we kept it they durst not speake in fauour of vs, because the report went that it was a deuice to kill the King. But our China Boy which was a Christian before he brought vs the message, answered before the Mandarine, saying, That this was the true God: wherefore not onely wee, but himselfe that was a Chinois would rather die then denye him one jot: whereat the Mandarine was amazed,* 4.282 seeing him speake resolutely of dying; a thing so much abhorred of the Chinois, euen to speake of it: and so he sent vs a moderate message, bidding vs to hide that Figure, that no bodie should see it, for [ 60] the report that went of it. The Eunuch gaue out many threatnings against vs, saying, that whether the King receiued the Present, or not, the least displeasure that hee would doe vs was, to thrust vs out of the Kingdome, as wicked fellowes, writing a Petition to the King against vs, Besides this we remayned thrust into an exceeding bad and naughty house in the greatest force

of the Winter,* 4.283 alwaies with many Souldiers within and without doores, the gates being shut with hanging Lockes, without suffering our Boy to goe forth to buy any thing, without two Souldiers to goe with him. In which kinde of liuing (though still with some remission of the rigour that we were kept in at the first) wee continued aboue two moneths and an halfe with∣out any kinde of comfort or rest at any time of the day to say Masse.* 4.284

At the end of which time, the Eunuch returned to the same place. Wee verily thought that our comming out of that place should not be such as it was, at the least we thought we should be thrust into a perpetuall Trunke or Prison, or in some worse place, as the fame went, and the good will which the Eunuch shewed vs.

[ 10]

§. II. The King sends for them, is delighted with their Clockes and Pictures; they are shut vp, after take a house, are admired for learning; Christianitie of China.

AS the cause of our trouble was the Kings not dispatching of our businesse, and our con∣ceiuing that hee misliked of our comming, so all was ended by his remembring by chance to aske where the strangers were, which certaine moneths past they had told him had brought him certaine Images, and certaine small Bells which strike of them∣selues [ 20] (for so they call Clocks) and wherefore they brought him not those things,* 4.285 and that they should fetch them quickly; and he gaue the charge of dispatching our businesse to a great Man∣darin of Paquin, to whom it belongeth to deale with Strangers.

These newes were brought to the Eunuch and vs, who for the executing of the Kings com∣mandement (whose Letter they obey without reply) sent vs word that wee must goe to Paquin, because the King sent for vs, and sent vs eft-soones all the Pieces which hee had in his possession, and the most part of those things which he had taken from vs, that wee our selues should put them in order, that they should receiue no hurt by the way, and gaue vs many men to carrie all our stuffe on their shoulders,* 4.286 and Horses for all our companie, and a Mandarin to accompanie vs. Wee were lodged all the way in the Palaces of the Mandarins very honourably. Hauing trauel∣led [ 30] foure dayes, we came to the walls of Paquin, and they lodged vs in an house without the walls.* 4.287 And because the King had referred the businesse to the Mandarin, which I spoke of, the Eunuch feared that hee should lose the thankes, which he thought to receiue of the King for that present, if another Mandarin should meddle with it. That day hee caused all things to be made readie of the Petition and remembrance, which therewithall he was to giue vnto the King, and earely in the morning with other things and much Siluer of the reuenues which he presented, being all guarded with many Horse-men and Foot-men, hee carryed it to the Kings Palaces. Who hauing the memoriall deliuered vnto him,* 4.288 commanded his men to receiue all things. They receiued the same: and when hee had seene all those strange things, the like whereof, or of so great excellencie, he had neuer seene before; they say that he rejoyced greatly, considering and [ 40] viewing all things a very long while,* 4.289 with great shew of admiration, especially of the Pictures and Clockes. Hee commanded them to bring vs to his Palaces, and to enquire of vs what kinde of thing those Clockes were, and what thing was needfull, for to haue them to goe well. Wee answered to the point. And from the place where we were on horsebacke, by poste on two Hor∣ses which we mounted,* 4.290 and with the like speed we came to the Court. At the same of our com∣ming, and for to see vs an infinite multitude of people assembled, (because Strangers are no ordinarie thing in China:) and when wee came to the Court, those which had the charge of vs, were enforced to make roome with staues. When we were come to a certayne place, a great Eunuch accompanied with aboue two hundred small ones, came downe to demand of [ 50] vs what the King commanded him, and to see how wee did handle those Clockes: They saw how we vsed them; but wee answered to the question, that it was needfull to ap∣point some bodie of good capacitie to learne, which in two or three dayes would learne how to vse them.

When they had returned the answer, the King appointed foure Eunuches of his principall Mathematicians,* 4.291 to learne it, and command them to receiue vs in the meane while in his house with••n his owne Palace. They receiued vs with much respect and good ente••taynment. A great multitude of Eunuches came to see vs, and euery one to enquire what came in his minde. But the King, which all those dayes was occupied in rejoycing for those new things, commanded the Images to bee placed in a principall Hall,* 4.292 whether, as the Eunuches told vs, the chiefe Queene [ 60] went to doe them reuerence: and they told vs of the King, that hee durst not keepe them neere him, being afrayd, because they seemed vnto him to bee aliue. Often times he sent Eunuches vnto vs,* 4.293 to enquire diuers things concerning our Countrey, whether it had any King, what man∣ner of Apparell he wore, and what kinde of Hat? (for in China they make great difference of

the apparell of the King, from the foot to the head, and of other men) and if wee had any Pi∣cture of him that we should shew it. We had a picture wherein was the Pope with his triple Crowne, and the Emperour, and the King with their Ensignes, kneeling before the name of God, and we gaue them it for a show, declaring that those were three kinde of Kings, and that all of them did worship the true God, which made Heauen and Earth, whose Image we had gi∣uen him. They carryed it vnto him, and because it seemed to bee small,* 4.294 he commanded them to draw another greater, in colours by it.

Afterward hee sent another to demand questions of the things of our Countrey, particularly of the Kings Houses. Wee had a Map of the Escuriall, newly cut in Copper, and a picture of the [ 10] Place of Saint Marke in Venice, both which wee gaue them.* 4.295 Though we suspect that they de∣liuered but the second, saying, that they durst not giue the other,* 4.296 because straight in haste hee would command them to paint them great, and there was none that durst take it vpon him, though wee know not whither they deliuered it afterward. Hee willed them further to en∣quire; after what manner wee buryed our Kings:* 4.297 because in the matter of Burials and Sepul∣chers, the Chinois are great South-sayers, and put a great part of their felicitie in a good manner and place of their Burials. At that time wee receiued a Map of the Death of his Majestie,* 4.298 (who liueth with God in glorie) and of the manner of his Funerall, and so we answered him, as it was in the Map, to wit, that they made him a Coffin within of Lead (which continueth long) and without of excellent Wood, and put these coffins in a Sepulcher of stone, and for this purpose, [ 20] there was a Church builded of purpose. They enquired many things of vs of this kinde these few dayes, where vnto wee answered, aduancing the things that belonged to the seruice of our Lord God, as much as we might, and concerned our Europe, as farre as the truth would permit vs, because that we deemed it to bee conuenient for the seruice of our Lord. They told the King so many things, that it seemed hee greatly desired to see vs: But on the other part,* 4.299 he thought it would bee too great a courtesie, and much beyond his custome, who neuer suffereth himselfe to be seene of his owne people, but of his Eunuchs, and Wiues that serue him, and somtime very sel∣dome of some one of the greatest Mandarins: yet, though he would not suffer himselfe altogether to bee ouercome of this temptation, yet he suffered himselfe in part, and hee sent to take our Pi∣ctures: which two Painters did, each of them by themselues as well as they could. Yet in truth [ 30] I neither knew my selfe nor my companion in that picture, but as it was they carryed it away.* 4.300 It was not after such figure and manner, as your Worship hath knowne mee, but with a Beard an handfull long, and a garment of a Learned honourable Chinois, though downe to the foote, and very modest: but from the head to the foot farre differing from our fashion.

After the Eunuches had beene instructed three dayes, the King in haste sent for the Clockes, which they carryed, and set in order before him; whereat hee tooke such pleasure,* 4.301 that he in∣creased their Dignitie, aduancing those foure which had learned this skill, to a greater place of their Order. The King asked them many questions of vs, what wee did eate, and how much, and many other trifles. Whereunto the Eunuches answered (as they told vs afterward) as wee could desire.

[ 40] They gaue vs all the welcomes of humanitie which the King did shew vs, appointing vs all to bee Mandarins (which is the reward and felicitie of the Chinois) which wee alwayes refu∣sed, saying, that we came not for that purpose, but onely to dilate the Law of God,* 4.302 neither could wee take that office vpon vs: But we were so neere to bee made Mandarins, that they told vs the King would bestow Dignitie vpon vs, that wee were enforced to beseech the Eunuches, that when occasion was offered, that his Majestie did aske them any thing, they would tell him plainely that we sought no kinde of Dignitie, nor could become Mandarins: who told him so much; whereby our Lord God deliuered vs out of much trouble, which wee should haue endu∣red in refusing the same, if the King had bestowed it vpon vs. Wee continued in these demands, questions and answers, goings and commings to the Kings Court: for now we had liued a whole [ 50] moneth abroad: in which time euery day I at least was there, when wee could not goe both, because Father Matthew Riccio was occupied with other Ghests and visitations. They enqui∣red and asked vs, what we would demand of the King? Wee told them,* 4.303 that we sought no profit at all; but if the King would giue vs vnder his hand, some certayne place and a House to dwell in, we would bee very glad; because wee had none other intent, but to stay in some cer∣tayne place, and to seeke to dilate the Law of God. For though it bee true, that our purpose did stretch it selfe further (as I haue sayd in the beginnning) yet wee found things in so different a disposition from that which we imagined, that it seemed an exceeding great errour, to make a∣ny motion to giue an entrance for more companie and Fathers: for it was certayne that we should doe no good, nor should finde any, which by any meanes durst presume to mooue it to the [ 60] King, and assuredly should lose all that we had done, and at last should cast our selues wholly out of the Kingdome: and therefore it was not conuenient that we should bee knowne, that we had any companions. And many of our friends gaue vs counsell, that wee should not seeme to seeke to dwell heere; for in that very point, they would haue vs in suspition. Yet neuer∣thelesse, we went as farre as we could, and as we thought might bee brought to passe, which

was, that we might haue the Kings license, that no Mandarin might (if hee would) cast vs out.

The Mandarin, to whom the King at the first had referred our businesse, seeing the Eunuch had wholly medled in the same without him, being much offended therewith, did frowne alto∣gether vpon vs, and made a warrant out, to take vs wheresoeuer they found vs, vttering certayne grieuous words against vs,* 4.304 because that being Strangers, and remayning in the Court, wee pre∣sented not our selues vnto him, to whom of right belonged all the businesse of Strangers. They were at the lodging where wee lay, and they shut vp our Boyes; for they neuer durst offer any discourtesie to Father Matthew Riccio, (which at that time was there.) At that time I was at the Kings Court, whither they sought to send me word to speake with the Eunuches, and that they, if they could, should aduertise the King thereof, that they had apprehended vs. But they [ 10] hindred with exceeding great care and diligence the going foorth of any bodie, and they stayed for me till I came home, (which came home thinking no harme at all) and when I was come in, they shut the doore without.

Wee rode the next day very honourably on Horsebacke to the audience of the Mandarin, and signified vnto him,* 4.305 that in that we did not present our selues, was not our fault; hee vsed vs w••ll, and honourably; but they put vs in an house with a Guard, where wee continued some three moneths, yet so that certayne Mandarins came to see vs. This Mandarin gaue the King a remembrance that hee held vs there:* 4.306 But that as our purpose was good to serue him with that pre∣sent, it was reason to giue vs some reward, setting downe that it would doe well to giue vs the Ensignes of the Mandarins, and to pay vs for that which wee had giuen him Royally; but that it was fit to send [ 20] vs away speedily into our Countrey, or to Canton (where vntill then wee had dwelt:) for it seemed not well, that Strangers should dwell and that in the Kings Court, entring into the Palace of the King eue∣rie day, being a thing so vnusuall. And in very deed hee had reason: for to suffer vs to enter into the Palace, or to stay and lye there, they did vs such a fauour, that of long time the King of Chi∣na hath neuer done to any Stranger. Wee feared some trouble by this Petition. But our Lord which had giuen vs this bitter morsell, afterwards made it sweet to vs againe, because the King made none account of it. And albeit diuers times afterward, the said Mandarin deliuered foure Petitions concerning this point, hee made as small account of the last as of the first. And diuers times the Eunuches told vs, that the Kings meaning was of all likelihood, that wee should stay heere,* 4.307 For feare lest wee should returne into our Countrey, to giue newes and knowledge of his King∣dome; as they delt with a Turke, which hath beene heere aboue fortie yeeres. True it is, that hee [ 30] answered as little, in performing nothing that was in the Petition: But wee tooke it for good satisfaction, that hee did not yeeld to that, that we might not lose the other thing, which was the principall.

When three moneths almost were spent, seeing the businesse would bee prolonged if wee at∣tended the Kings answer, and being shut vp we could doe nothing, nor negotiate any thing that we intended, nor deale in Gods matters, as we desired; wee sought to get out of this place, and to get a license to take a House,* 4.308 and there to stay wayting till the King would giue some order: and wee handled the matter so well, by meanes of certaine Mandarins which fauoured vs, and principally by the grace of our Lord, that wee obtained our whole desire: And we tooke an [ 40] house in the chiefe situation of this Citie: all that which they gaue vs at the Kings cost in that place, which was sufficient for our sustentation, after wee were gotten out they gaue vs the same allowance in like manner.

Many Mandarins of this Court, heard great fame of vs and of our things: and vnderstanding that we were come out of that place,* 4.309 b••gan to come in great numbers and concourse with much honour and respect, courtesie and presents to visite vs, and to enquire diuers things which they desired to know. For the fame that went of vs, that wee knew all Countries, and the things and customes of the World, and the materiall and spirituall things of Heauen, was great: and therefore euery one came to enquire that which hee desired.* 4.310 And though our knowledge be but little, in comparison of the knowledge which is in our Countrey: yet being compared with [ 50] theirs of China, which knoweth nothing of the world, saue their owne Kingdome, which by a common name thy call, The World: of God, and of the things of Heauen nothing, and of other things little, it was somewhat, and was sufficient to send them home amazed, and alwayes with a desire to returne.

* 4.311They saw a very faire and great Map of the world which wee brought with vs, and we shew∣ed them how bigge the world was, which they thought to bee so little, that they imagined that there was not so much more in all the same, as their Kingdome: And they looked one vpon ano∣ther,* 4.312 and sayd, wee are not so great as we imagined, seeing heere they shew vs, that our King∣dome, compared with the world, is like a grayne of Rice, in comparison of a great heape. They also thought, that there was no other Writing, nor no other Bookes in the world but theirs: [ 60] and when they saw ours, which at the least they saw in outward appearance, to bee much better then their owne, they were astonied, and put out of their errour, doing vs alwayes more and more honour: and chiefly they were astonied, when wee shewed vnto them certayne things in the Mathematickes which they knew not,* 4.313 giuing Clockes to certayne persons, which for this

end we made of purpose: and by these and other meanes, and principally by discoursing with them of Morall vertues, (whereof they write, speake▪ and haue many Bookes) and of Gods mat∣ters, there ranne so great a fame,* 4.314 that the greatest Mandarins of all this Kingdome (which are the greatest persons ne••t the King) sought to conuerse with vs, and to seeke our friendship: and so many sent vs presents, and others came to visite vs, with great numbers of people: others with much courtesie inuited vs to their houses: so that in foure moneths space, wee had gotten the greatest Mandarins of Pequin to be our friends, and readie to fauour vs is all things:* 4.315 And he which at this time particularly doth fauour and honour vs, i•• the President of that Audience▪ which hath the charge of vs, and at the first approoued vs: so that wee remayne Inhabitors of [ 10] this Citie, with all libertie that wee can desire, to deale with all such as are willing to heare the things that belong to our holy Law, and their saluation. And by this good successe, our Lord hath made vs forget all that is past. And though it bee true, that hitherto wee haue gotten no dispatch, nor resolution of the King, yet wee content our selues in that hee letteth vs stay heere, although he neuer grant vs more. For albeit by this our Iourney, we haue not obtayned all that wee desired, yet we hope that this our firme abode heere, shall tend greatly to the seruice of our Lord, and the good of this Mission.

They bee commonly of good vnderstandings, so that easily they fall into reason, and are capa∣ble: they haue not in the gouernment of this Kingdome,* 4.316 any thing that forbiddeth them to fol∣low what Law they list, nor any Law nor Obligation, which is contrarie to our holy Law. [ 20] They haue none which effectually and with authoritie doth exhort them vnto other Lawes, and with-draw them from the truth.* 4.317 For the Bonzi (which are dedicated for this purpose to Idols) are in the common conceit of all men, the most base, contemptible, and worst people in all Chi∣na, whose least care is, to exhort them to any thing more then to giue them somewhat: and thus they doe not onely not exhort them to follow Idols, but also with their bad manner of li∣uing, perswade them (as wee haue often heard of men of good iudgement) that it is not good to serue them, since their Ministers bee such. And so in this matter of worshipping of Idols, though there be many that worship them, and haue many of them, and vse their Ministers for their Funerals, and other things, yet with very small affection, and deuotion thereunto, we ea∣sily make them say that they are naught, and that it is not fit to worship them.

Yet, though these things and others which I 〈◊〉〈◊〉, doe helpe them with ease to follow the [ 30] Law of God, the counterpois is great, and commonly it weigheth downe the ballance on that side. For first because the matter of Strangers is so odious in China, and the dealing with them so suspicious, one sort because they disdayne it, as the Princes, who albeit they now conceiue bet∣ter of vs, yet to learne of Strangers, and to receiue a Law which is not of their owne meanes, they hardly perswade themselues: others for feare, as the base people.

The second difficultie, and perhaps the greatest, i•• a naturall obliuion, that all this Nation hath of another life, and of immortalitie, and of saluation or condemnation of the Soule:* 4.318 and not onely an obliuion, but also an auersion from all these things, wherein wee haue likewise found them to differ from all other Nations. And it is a thing to be noted, that since it is a thing [ 40] so naturall to Man to reuerence some God, either false or true, and to feare or loue him, and to conceiue or imagine what shall follow after this life: Those Chinois, (which on the other side are of so good capacities in humane things, and so wittie therein) bee as though they were de∣priued thereof; for they are almost all Atheists, not knowing nor worshipping neither false nor true God, nor neuer thinking what shall follow after this life:* 4.319 And those which a man would thinke are most bound hereunto, which are the Learned men, are they, which haue least know∣ledge hereof: yea, rather one of the chiefest things that they commend, is, not to beleeue any thing that concerneth another life, Hell, nor Paradise, which they wholly place in this life. The Bookes which they studie from their Child-hood, doe them much hurt,* 4.320 which are of certayne Philosophers aboue two thousand yeeres old, whom they esteeme little lesse, then if they were their God, to whom euery yeere they offer Sacrifices: of whom they hold so great an opinion, [ 50] that they thinke not that any thing more may bee knowne, then They knew. And oftentimes they haue asked vs, whether wee had not these Bookes in our Countrey? What other Bookes might we haue, that might compare with them? And as these Philosophers, as Gentiles, spake nothing of the other life, but onely of good Gouernment, and Morall vertues, they thought they might attayne so farre, without beleeuing that there could bee another life. By reason here∣of, and of the common vices which Paganisme draweth with it, which in this Countrey increase exceedingly, by reason of the fatnesse, abundance, and fruitfullnesse thereof, they feele great difficulties to vndergoe the yoke of Christ, (though it be so sweet) so contrarie to their appetite, which taketh from them the libertie which they haue, in keeping as many Wiues as they are a∣ble, and in a thousand other things.

[ 60] These later yeeres in the residencies of Canton, Nanquin, and heere in Paquin, were made some true Christians, which ouercame all these difficulties, and goe on forward with great integritie,* 4.321 constancie and feruour. In the Prouince of Canton, in a residencie which wee haue in Xaucheo, a principall Citie, haue beene Baptised within this two yeeres, about three hundred persons, which

according to the Letters which euen now wee receiued, doe all continue with great example and zeale. And the Mandarins and grauer sort of people, mooued by the good example which they giue, doe fauour them much: and especially, our Lord hath shewed many tokens of his fauour, in hauing shewed great plagues vpon such men, as persecuted them for becomming Christians. And aboue all, God hath shewed his ayde vpon the Women: who, besides the men, are very hard to bee wonne to receiue our holy Law,* 4.322 which is, the great priuatenesse which they vse, be∣cause it is not lawfull to see them, no not for their kinsfolkes. But as I say, herein the grace of our Lord God shewed it selfe very mightie, seeing it ouercame this difficultie, and so many of them were Baptised, after they had beene very well Catechised by the Fathers. On Sundayes and Holy-dayes, because they cannot come to Masse with the Men, yet at least in this beginning, [ 10] they meete in places appointed for that purpose,* 4.323 and there they Pray, and reason, and intreat of Diuine matters. The men for the exhortations that they make vnto them, haue dayes appoin∣ted of themselues, and with their owne consent, to conferre and repeate that which they haue told them: which going home they repeate to their Wiues and Daughters.

Euery day some bee Conuerted in Nanquin: graue and learned men doe enter. Heere in P••∣quin while wee haue beene heere, we haue Baptised some, and some great Mandarins come to heare. If our Lord doe helpe them, and shed his bloud vpon these Chinois, (as hee hath done in Iapon, and in other places) there will bee setled one of the most famous and learned foundations of Christianitie, that is in all the world. For the greatnesse of this Kingdome, their Lawes and Gouernment conformable to reason, their being so studious as they are, and giuen to Learning, [ 20] and to know so much as they know of Morall vertues, and their good capacities gentle, docile, and ingenious, and the great peace and quietnesse which they enioy, without hauing any bodie to trouble them with warre, promise much and giue great hope, that the v••ntage which they haue ouer other Nations lately discouered, in the gifts of Nature (being assisted by the grace of God) will helpe them in Gods matters.

And I assure your Worship, that if the doore were opened to Preach freely and to Baptise, I say not that the Fathers and Brethren of our Companie which might bee spared, but without a∣ny amplification at all, halfe the Religious men of all Europe, were needfull to attend so many Cities, Townes and places: and so infinite numbers of people as there are: albeit when Christi∣anitie is once begun indeed,* 4.324 there is such abundance of graue people and of much estimation, that [ 30] many of them might bee made Priests, Preachers, and Bishops, without feeling any want of those of Europe: since as now they bee Gentiles, and their hope goeth no further then to this life, there be many very great Mandarins▪ ••hose chiefe delight is to discourse of things concer∣ning Vertue,* 4.325 and oftentimes they meete together as it were in Fraternities to treate thereof; And the grauer sort doe make Orations, and Conferences together, perswading one another, and deliuering the meanes to gouerne well, and to follow vertue. And without doubt, the more wee see of this, and the more zeale in these Christians, so much the more our heart is rea∣die to burst to see them so destitute,* 4.326 and to haue so few meanes to obtayne necessarie remedie and helpe.

[ 40]

§. III. The description of the Kingdome of China: of Catay and Musk; the diuision into Prouinces; Cities and Townes described, Riuers, Shipping, Com∣modities, Diet, and feeding.

NOw by the helpe of our Lord I will say somewhat that I remember, touching the Cu∣stomes, Policie, and Gouernment of this Kingdome, but not in such order as were re∣quisite, [ 50] because I haue no leasure, and therefore I will onely write as things come vnto my minde, though things bee not lincked well together, because I cannot first write one Copie, and afterward dispose it in order, with such distinction as were needfull; reseruing that (as I sayd in the beginning) vntill our Lord grant me a better opportunitie.

This great Kingdome of China, is almost foure square, as the Chinois themselues describe the same:* 4.327 it runneth North and South from the Prouince of Canton, which is the most Southerly part of it, beginning seuenteene or eighteene degrees vnder the burnt Zone, vnto fotrie two de∣grees, which is the most Northerly part of it: it contayneth from Canton by water, aboue sixe hundred leagues: but in a right line it is foure hundred and fiftie, on the East it confineth with Corea, which ioyneth with the same, and with Iapon, and with the Ocean Sea, by which they [ 60] come from Peru, and Nucua Espana, to Manilla: On the West with certayne small Kingdomes, which lye betweene Bengala, the Lands of Mogor and Persian; On the South, with the Iles called Philippinas, and the Maluca••, and others, and more South-westerly, it hath Sion, Pegu, and other Kingdomes. On the North part, it hath those people which in our Countries wee

commonly call Tartars, with whom they haue alwayes had Warre, and once they wanne all the Kingdome from the Chinois.

For the Readers better satisfaction I haue here presented him Hondius his Map of China, not to shew it, but the erroneous-conceits which all European Geographers haue had of it: A more complete Map of China I shall present after, as by comparison will appeare.

[illustration] map of China

HONDIVS his Map of China.

CHINA

This Kingdome standeth in an excellent climate and situation; for besides the things which it hath in it selfe, it standeth very neere vnto India, and other Kingdomes, from whence com∣meth with great facilitie that which it desireth and wanteth. And before I passe any further, [ 50] because I haue spoken of the situation and heigth of China, I will note for their sakes which would bee glad to learne, and also it may serue to mend two notable errours,* 4.328 which our new∣est Maps haue. The one is, That they make China a third part bigger then it is, placing this Citie of Paquin in fifty degrees, being in very deed but in forty onely, as we saw, which twice tooke the heigth thereof with a very good Astrolabe: And the limits and end of this King∣dome, which are three dayes iourney or lesse distant from this City of Paquin, are at the most but two degrees more:* 4.329 And so those great walls so famous in our Europe are in two and forty de∣grees; and this is the greatest heigth of the Kingdome of China.

The second errour is, that our Maps make a Kingdome aboue China, which they call Catayo, whereas indeed it is none other but this selfe same Kingdome of China: and the Citie of Cam∣balu, [ 60] which they put for the head thereof, is this Citie of Paquin wherein wee are. Wee finde this here to be true very plainely by occasion of certaine newes which lately were spred ouer diuers parts by the way of Mogor, which gaue out many things, and great matters of Catayo, which seemed to be so peculiar and proper to this Kingdome of China, that they made vs doubt

that it was not a seuerall Kingdome. After wee were come to this Citie of Paquin wee met with two Cafilas or Carauans, one of Moores of certaine small Kingdomes bordering vpon China, another of Turkes with their Turbants of the Countries of Mog••r, and of the great Is∣mael Sophi, (for with this very name they call him) and of other parts▪ which had knowledge by fame of Spaine, Italie, Venice, India, and Portugall.

* 4.330These Turkes and Moores are wont to come hither euery fiue yeeres by Land, in the name of their King, to acknowledge and pay Tribute to the King of China: for which purpose they counterfeit certaine Letters, wherewith they easily deceiue the Chinois, which thinke and hold that all the Kings of the World doe acknowledge obedience vnto theirs. But the trueth is, that they come to vse their trafficke and merchandise, and therefore the Chinois admit them [ 10] willingly: howbeit many now doe know, that their paying of Tribute is a fayned thing: In which their trafficke they speed very well.* 4.331 For the King doth maintayne them very plentiful∣ly from the time that they come into his Kingdome, vntill their departure; and they tooke all their Chists of them, whereof this yeere they brought a thousand. The King tooke of them at an easie price a great part of the merchandise which they brought, and afterward hee gaue them rewards. The thing of greatest bulke of merchandise are a kinde of stones, which them∣selues call Iasper stones; which is white, yet somewhat duskish, so that it enclineth to grey (which seemeth to bee that Iasper which so often times in the holy Scriptures is called Pre∣cious stone.* 4.332) It commeth in pieces vnhewen, but whole like peeble stones; which stone for many ornaments the Chinois esteeme much; especially the King: and they buy euery pound [ 20] of the best at eightie Duckets: and of that which is worse, at fiftie or sixtie Duckets, whereby they gaine greatly. I haue seene these stones of other colours in our Countrey, but not of this which the Chinois esteeme.

When these men come to this Citie of Paquin, they put them into a great house, which there is for this purpose; (wherein wee were two moneths) and suffer them not to come forth. Wee asked these men certaine questions: and one was this of Catayo, enquiring of them, How they called this Kingdome of China in their Countrey? They answered, Catayo, and that in all the Countries of Mogor, Persia, and other parts, it had none other name, and that they knew none other Kingdome that was called so. Wee asked them how they called this Citie of Paquin? They said Cambalu, which, as I haue said, is that which our men set downe for the [ 30] head Citie of Catayo. Whereby it appeareth, that there can no doubt bee made, but that wee are heere resident in the Countrey which must bee Catayo, if there were no fault in the Maps; and wee know that there is no such Countrey, nor Cities, but a few contemptible Moores and Gentiles.

Wee vnderstood also of their x 4.333 Ciuet or Muske, whereof they brought some, which is, as it y 4.334 were the maw (or stomacke) of a Beast somewhat bigger then a Cat, which they kill to cut away this maw. They breed wilde in the field, and in a Countrey very neere to China, though not of this Kingdome. I had read when I departed out of Spaine, a Booke which is printed of the things of China, which writeth of this Ciuet, and of other things, which I haue seene with mine eyes: it reporteth many errours by halfe informations, which hee which [ 40] wrote it should haue beene better informed in, although in many things hee tell the trueth. They brought also great store of very good Rhubarbe,* 4.335 which heere wee bought of them of the choice, at ten Marauedis the pound: it is a wilde root like vnto Nauewes, whereof, they say, the fields are full. These men say, That there is a Sea of sand (which our Maps doe place in Arabia) neere vnto China, which diuideth it from Mogor, and other Kingdomes: And this should seeme to bee the cause, why these Kings, which heare great fame of this Kingdome, of the greatnesse thereof, and of the weakenesse of the people, doe not seeke to inuade the same, being not very farre off; because it would bee very difficult to passe ouer the same sandie Sea, with a great Armie.

* 4.336The Chinois diuide this Kingdome into thirteene Prouinces, and two Courts, which are, as [ 50] it were, two Prouinces. Euery one of them haue their Metropolitane Citie; and euery Citie her diuision of so many Townes.* 4.337 It is knowne very particularly by Chinish Bookes which are written of this argument, how many Cities, Townes, and places there are in all the Kingdome, how many houses euery one hath, and commonly what numbers of people, what euery Coun∣trey seuerally yeeldeth, and how much Tribute it payeth to the King, and many other things: but I doe not set it downe here: because I could not get those Bookes these few dayes past, to take a view thereof: At some other time, God granting mee life, I will doe it more at large. Onely I say in generall,* 4.338 that all the way which wee trauelled, wee met with so many Cities, Townes, and Villages, that to beleeue their greatnesse, it was necessarie to see them. For your Worship will hardly beleeue, that wee spent two or three houres in sayling still by the walls [ 60] of one Citie. After which there still followed many Townes and Villages, one within sight of another. And after this manner all this way continueth, euen to Paquin. Yea, the Vil∣lages are very great, and full of people, and of much trafficke. For though wee giue them this name (which among vs signifieth some small matter) The Chinois doe not distinguish

them by great or small, and so their Villages are bigger then others which wee call Townes.

All the Cities and Townes are very well enclosed with high walls. And because, as I said,* 4.339 I deferre this vntill another time, I will only speake of Nanquin, whereof I had some sight.

This Citie standeth in two and thirtie degrees and an halfe, eight or ten leagues from the Sea, vnto which it hath a mouth, and a mightie Riuer. It hath three walls of Bricke very high and faire, with very great and beautifull gates, which they shut vp very timely before night. This Citie, of old time, two hundred yeeres past, was the habitation of the Kings of China; and so it continueth in very good condition: The streets are very broad, and all paued with very great square stones, or set with brickes. It hath exceeding long streets of two leagues,* 4.340 and two leagues and an halfe, and in the middest of the Citie are the Kings Palaces,* 4.341 which are [ 10] very great.

The Chinois declare the circuit of this Citie,* 4.342 that two Horsemen going in the morning both out of the same gate, and one going on the one side, and the other on the other, going all the day they meet at night in the gate opposite to that which they went out at. The very truth is, that it is at least eleuen or twelue leagues in circuit, and seemeth to haue aboue two hundred thou∣sand houses of people. It seemed to all of vs that were there,* 4.343 that Nanquin and this Citie of Paquin, each of them haue as many people or more, then foure of the most famous and popu∣lous Cities of all our Europe, as Rome, Lisbon, and others of the greater sort. For whereas these two whereof I speake are in themselues so great Cities, not one nor two streets, but the grea∣ter part of the Citie euery day doth swarme with people.

[ 20] There are about this Citie many others within one or two dayes iourney,* 4.344 and very famous for greatnesse and trafficke; among which there are two, one named Hancheo, the other Sucheo; and this is very great and like to Venice, whose streets are halfe water and halfe land. The Chi∣nois call these Cities * 4.345 Paradise, to expresse the goodnesse, abundance, and cheapnesse of all things that are in this Kingdome, and come from other places. And Sucheo is so full of people, merchandise, and trafficke, that a Booke which is printed (wherein all things are set downe which the Prouinces and Cities pay to the King) saith,* 4.346 that this only payeth one yeere with another in Siluer, Gold, Rice, and Silke, and other things, wherewith it doth greatly abound, twelue millions: so that there be whole Prouinces that amount not to so much by a great deale: which though it seeme an incredible thing, yet they write it for a certaintie: and hee which [ 30] knoweth what these Cities are, will beleeue it.

Yet for all this, these Cities haue no notable things,* 4.347 neither sumptuous Temples nor buil∣dings, which are wont to be those things which doe beautifie a Citie: for the houses are not beautifull outwardly; nor they vse no great Porches, as they doe in our Countrey. And he that hath seene the things of our Countrey, and is skilfull in architecture, shal find it here very little. For the houses are low, and without galleries, lofts, windowes, or sight into the street; yet they haue faire yards, and are very neate within, and painted with diuers colours, with that Charan, or liquid Gumme, whereof I made mention before. And that which I speake of Nanquin tou∣ching the abundance of people, trafficke, and manner of houses, is after the same manner in the other Cities which we saw. For the Chinois are so like, and so vniforme in all naturall and arti∣ficiall [ 40] things, that he that hath seene one of the principall Cities,* 4.348 findeth no new thing to bee seene in the others. And albeit that other Cities are not comparable to these in bignesse, yet in multitude of people proportionally there is little difference.

This Kingdome is commonly very fertile of all things that are necessarie for the vse of man:* 4.349 and a great cause of the fertilitie and abundance thereof proceedeth of the great number of ex∣ceeding great Riuers which it hath;* 4.350 which besides the profit that the Riuers yeeld by the fi∣shing, and besides the profit in watering of the grounds, wherein they stand the Chinois in great stead, they are occasion of great trafficke and communication of one Prouince with another with great ease by water, which is an enriching to them that vse it, and of great plentie in euery Citie of all things that are in the Kingdome. From our departure from Macao,* 4.351 till with∣in [ 50] a little of Paquin, which is, as I said, sixe hundred leagues, wee trauelled not past one day by Land (because wee would not fetch too great a compasse about by water) wee trauelled a great part of this way vnto Nanquin by the greatest Riuer that euer I saw in my life: which in some parts is aboue three leagues broad, and very deepe: which the Chinois, for the greatnesse thereof doe call, The little Sea; and that with good reason. For though it were an hundred leagues from the Sea where I entred into it; yet there is great abundance of fish of those kindes which breed in the Sea; as Porposies, fishes with sharpe beakes, and others which I haue seene.

I saw in this Riuer neere the bankes thereof men fish with certaine Fowles as bigge as small [ 60] Gee••e, like vnto Rauens, with a long beake, and bending downeward like a crooked hooke, which the Chinois teach to fish: They haue a very long necke, which they binde in such sort that the fishes cannot goe downe into their stomacke, but they fill their throat with them, if they be small fishes, and when they come out of the water, they make them cast them out: and if the fish bee great, hee fighteth with him, and beateth him with pecking, assaulting him

with his bill, vntill hee driue him vp that the Fisher may see him; which commeth quickly with a small Net like a Wheele vpon a staffe, and hee taketh him vnder the water. And after this sort wee saw this Fowle take Fishes sometimes of a pound, and a pound and halfe weight; and they say they take bigger. And because this fishing is so gainfull and so certaine, they pay a certaine Tribute to the King for euery one of these Rauens (or Cormorants.)

* 4.352Wee met with another Riuer as great as this, which seemed to bee rather of mudde then water, because the water was alwaies mingled with earth, which whence it should come for so many yeeres, I wot not. They cannot drinke the water without they clarifie it, which they doe with Alume.* 4.353 Besides these two Riuers all the rest is made by hand for vessels to passe to Paquin.

The Vessels which we saw in all the Cities which we passed, is one of the greatest things that [ 10] belong to this Kingdome. For in euery Citie there are two sorts of them, one sort of vessels for burden, and another sort for houses. Some of them are very faire, and as fit to dwell in as houses themselues: and many of them also serue for houses for poore people, wherein they haue their whole houshold,* 4.354 and bring vp Hens and Hogs, and gayne their liuing in them. I remember that the same morning that wee entred into Nanquin there went 500. Vessels or more before our Barke, to enter at the same houre, with their sayles vp most pleasantly to behold; many of them being laden with diuers things, all for the prouision of that great Citie: and on this manner they continued all day long in going and comming.* 4.355

The Barges of the Mandarines (which are all made at the Kings cost) are the most costly, and are most for the sight, and very great. They would much reioyce in our Europe to see them: be∣cause [ 20] it seemeth that there is nothing comparable to these in beauty.* 4.356 Most commonly these haue Trumpets, and Drummes, which they play vpon when they passe by the Citie, and when they meet with others, that all may giue them place. They are commonly as long as Gallies, and as broad or more, but very high, so that to get vp into one of them is aboue a fathome high from the water, and therefore they carrie a great burthen.

* 4.357And because I spake before of those which carrie the Kings Tribute, I will here speake more particularly. Many Prouinces from whence they cannot carrie Rice and other like things with ease to Paquin, because they are farre off, pay their Tribute in Siluer: but those Prouinces from whence they may passe by water, pay a great part in Rice. For which occasion all the Cities haue great and strong Vessels made of purpose for this seruice. And when the time of their de∣parture [ 30] is come, euery Cafila or Companie departeth from their Citie with a Mandarine that hath the charge of them.

* 4.358And they say that those Vessels which goe from this part of Nanquin, in all amount to ten thousand, though they goe not all euery yeere: yet they haue alwaies more for yeeres of greater plenty; and because many cannot returne in time, to goe backe againe the next yeere. I know not certainly how many they be; but this onely I know, that all this way from Nan∣quin to Paquin, seemed to be a path-way of these Vessels, whereby wee passed: for they went all along, and because they went so deeply loden, oftentimes they wanted water. To helpe this want of water (for because it is no naturall Riuer it neuer ouerfloweth) it hath floud-gates like Sluces, wherewith it keepeth in all the current three or foure or sixe houres: then opening [ 40] the same, many doe passe with great ease, and they may goe very well vntill they come to such another place.

Besides these Vessels of victuals, they carrie to the King euery yeere many others, which bring him particular things, and dainties, whereof this Countrey of Nanquin yeeldeth great store, and also for the seruice of the Kings house. Some Cafilas or Carauans of these are of pie∣ces of Silke for the Kings house, which may be some dozen of Vessels; others carrie many things to eate: and with one of these Cafilas we passed. They were nine great and faire Vessels, which carried pieces of Silke,* 4.359 and other things which they are wont to burne in the Sacrifices which they make vnto the dead, and before their Idols. They say, that these Vessels for particu∣lar [ 50] things are a thousand: and as soone as they come within the Kings house, the Eunuches take the charge of them. From Nanquin vnto the middest of the Kings Palaces, Vessels may passe by this Riuer: to come to the place which they goe vnto, they passe thorow the mid∣dest of the Palaces. In all these Riuers, when they want winde, the Mariners draw the Barkes with great facilitie, and sixe or seuen are sufficient easily and merrily to draw one of these Vessels laden.

* 4.360Wee met likewise vpon this way a very great number of Vessels which came from farre, la∣den with Brickes for the Kings workes, and greater store this yeere to build a great piece of an house which fire from Heauen had burned: for this purpose they carried great store of timber for beames, and boords, and other lesser timber which are carried from the parts of Nanquin vn∣to [ 60] Paquin, some an hundred and two hundred paces long, and one log fastened vpon another, so that these rafts grow high and great: they carrie vpon them frames of dwelling houses ready made, wherewith there goeth an inferiour Mandarine, which hath the care of it, and sometimes the Mariners goe with all their houshold, and breed of Hogs, Hens and Duckes: for sometimes

they stay aboue a Summer in going to Paquin. These seuen or eight yeeres this prouision of tim∣ber, Brickes, and lime, and other things hath continued.

The fertilitie of this Kingdome is great, of all things that seeme to be needfull for the vse of mans life. And if there bee any other Nation which liueth commodiously without needing traf∣ficke with forraine Kingdomes, they are the Chinois. And though it bee true that some things come vnto them from forraine Countries, yet are they not the necessary things for the life, and which all men vse. The most that commeth out of forraine parts, and they desire, is Siluer: And that which all men carrie from thence is very much, and very good merchandise: as Silke,* 4.361 Gold, Muske, Porcelanes, pieces of wrought Silke, raw Silke, cloth of Cotton wooll, all kinde [ 10] of worke in Copper, Iron, and Latten, Quicksiluer, Sugar, Honey, Waxe, Cinnamon, workes made of fine wood, and gilded, as Bedsteads, Ink-horns, Cabinets,* 4.362 and an infinite number of other things, whereof there is so great abundance, that although they send out many ships laden for Iapon, India, Manila, and other parts: yet without doubt they might prouide ten times more: and if more would come to buy, they would alwaies haue the more to sell. All things are very cheape, without all comparison cheaper then in our Countrey.* 4.363 A pound of Sugar is worth eight or ten Marauedis, and sometimes sixe: and if they buy any quantitie at once, an hundred pounds weight are worth nine or ten Rials of Plate: And here at the Court (where all things are dea∣rest) a pound is worth twenty, or foure and twenty Marauedis. There is great store of Waxe and that very good, which wee buy heere in Paquin for the seruice of our Altar, a pound for a [ 20] Riall and a Quartill: and the pounds here are greater then ours; for euery one of them weigh sixteene Duckets of Siluer weight. Honey likewise is very good cheape. Of Copper and Lat∣ten there is exceeding great abundance: and Latten made and wrought into any worke that a man would haue, with the fashion and all is worth a Riall and a Quartill the pound. Needles an hundred a quarto, and if they buy many together, better cheape. And I haue set downe for example these small things to know the particular price, and of other things (though they bee not so cheape) after the same proportion.* 4.364 Howbeit those which come from forraine Countries to trafficke with them, had need to be very heedfull: for the Chinois lose not opportunities to raise the price of them, when they may.

The abundance of things for food is likewise great, to wit, of Oxen, Weathers, Sheepe,* 4.365 [ 30] Goats, and more then of all others of Hogs, because they are the common food that they liue of, Deere, Hares, which they catch with Hawkes, whereof here and in other parts there are many. And when they are dearest here, one of them is worth foure or sixe Quartos: they be as great as they bee in our Countrey, and they are found at all times. Hens, Geese, Duckes, and sundry sorts of wilde Fowles, and all other flesh is exceeding good cheape. Wee came to a very great Citie, where Beefe, Mutton, Hennes, all was of one price a pound, which was foure Ma∣rauedis. And in Nanquin (though the Court be there) a pound of Hens flesh was sold for three halfpence, Fishes after the same manner, or better cheape, because it stands vpon the Riuer. And I saw a Fish of ten pound weight sold for a Riall of Plate, and we bought great Trouts at three Marauedis a pound weight. Egges ten, twelue, sixteene, eighteene for one Conduren,* 4.366 [ 40] which in our Countrey is a penie halfpenie farthing. Fruits are of the like cheapnesse. In our iourney, which was when Abricockes beganne to bee ripe, which are here very good, they gaue vs two hundred for ten Marauedis. They are very much giuen to eate fresh Herbs and Sa∣lads, and Pulse. At euery banquet and good feast, there is alwaies Flesh or Fish.* 4.367 There are many Nuts, Chestnuts, Filberds, and Pine-nuts though but few, Figs, though not of our kinde, and yet as good or better, and many. And although they haue all these things, yet e∣uery Prouince and Countrey doth not yeeld them all: but that which one wanteth another supplyeth.

Their common food in stead of Bread is Rice sodden only in water, whereof wee all did feed, although at the first wee had much adoe with it. Commonly they haue euery yeere two Har∣uests, and in some places three.* 4.368 And the Land hath great Plaines with Riuers to water the [ 50] grounds: for the fields of Rice doe much desire to be couered with water.

From our entrance into Canton vnto this Citie of Paquin, wee met with few Hills, and espe∣cially from Nanquin hither very few. Wee passed by a Plaine aboue an hundred leagues,* 4.369 farther then wee could kenne. I saw likewise much Wheat, whereof they make rolls without leauen, sodden in the reeke or vapour of seething water, and so without crust, good for old folkes that want their teeth. Although that it bee true that the fruitfulnesse of this Countrey is very great, yet without doubt other things, saue Rice would not be sufficient,* 4.370 if the Chinois were as great feeders as our people, and did not feed so sparingly as they doe. They all eate commonly thrice a day; once, betimes in the morning; the second time, at two in the afternoone; the third time, very moderatly at night. And besides, the rich Mandarines, few others which are of [ 60] good abilitie, doe commonly eate either Flesh or Fish, but Pulse, Salads,* 4.371 and Herbs which cost almost nothing, and their chiefest food is Rice, or Millet, and hereof they fill their bellies.

They haue many Horses, Mares, and Mules, whose flesh they eate,* 4.372 though I haue not heard report that the greater sort doe feed vpon them. They haue much Wine of diuers sorts; all

made of Rice: but herein they may not compare with the Wine of our Countrey: Whatsoe∣uer they drinke, be it Wine or Water they drinke it alwaies hot. They are neate in feeding, for they touch none of their meate with their hands, therefore they vse neither Table Napkins, nor Table-clothes.* 4.373 All their meat is serued to the Table finely minced. They vse to feed with two small stickes of Iuorie, Ebonie Wood, or such like, wherewith they take vp all their meate ve∣rie hansomely. And herein, I confesse, they haue a great aduantage of vs; because this manner of feeding is very commodious, and such as euerie man that hath triall thereof will much delight in it:* 4.374 and therefore our Fathers and Brethren in Iapon and Macao vse it. Their alwaies drinking their drinke hot, and eating little fruit (for they are not so greedie of it as our men are) doth keepe them from many infirmities and sicknesses, and therefore they liue healthfully. They haue no Oliues, yet haue they abundance of Oile. The best is of a kind of Herbe, which they call in [ 10] Spaine,* 4.375 Alegria, which signifieth Ioy or Mirth. I say not that it is as good as ours, but I say, I find no fault in it, nor I doe not desire it, nor much lesse the Chinois, which can eate nor smell no kind of Oile, because the smell thereof pleaseth them not, as sometimes wee prooued by a little of ours which we had: and they call their stinking Oile odoriferous, so great a force there is in cu∣stome. As the Chinois are diuerse in diuers Prouinces, so are their Fruits: and those which grow in the Prouince of Canton,* 4.376 are not in all these colder Prouinces. There are the best sweete O∣ranges which hitherto we haue knowne, which are eaten with the skinne.

[ 20]

§. IIII. Their Moneyes, Apparell, Persons, Trades, Wealth, Learning, Marriages, Superstitions, Rites, and Opinions.

* 4.377THere is in this Kingdome great store of Timber; for proofe whereof wee need no more but to see the multitude of Barges laden therewith so good cheape as it is. And there∣fore I thinke a man may build a ship with all things necessary thereunto, three parts of [ 30] foure better cheape then in our Countrey.* 4.378 They vse not Gold, though there be much to be bought, but all is Siluer, which they doe not coyne in Money, but cast it in Barres, and when they would buy any thing, they cut it and weigh it in certayne fine Weights like the Ro∣mane Weights in our Countrey: and therefore euery body that will buy or sell, carryeth one of those Weights with them. Great store of Siluer commeth out of forreine Countreyes. But the chiefe Mas••e of it is out of the Mynes of the Kingdome it selfe, as also the Gold. When they buy or sell, they try the Siluer of how many Kiliates it is: and one is worth more, another lesse, according to the goodnesse thereof. It was very necessary for the Chinois to weigh and try their Siluer, and not to coyne it into money: for otherwise there would haue beene a thousand de∣ceits,* 4.379 wherein the Chinois are very cunning. They vse Brasse Money, wherein also they try that [ 40] which is true or false: for in all sorts there is deceit and mixture. They haue the best Porcelane that hitherto hath beene found, which is exceeding good cheape, and in such plentie, that besides all the Kingdome of China doth furnish it selfe thereof, they send forth as many ships ladings as they will.

For their Apparell, though they haue great abundance and cheapnesse, yet in goodnesse they may not compare with our Countrey. There is much Silke and that very good, but they know not how to dresse it. They make good Damaskes, razed Veluets, Taffataes, and other sorts: but the colours, though at the first sight they seeme reasonable, are quickly lost and fade away. The ordinary apparell of the common people is of blacke cloth made of Cotton, or of certayne shags of Silke, which are very great, farre greater then a flocke, which only serue for this pur∣pose, [ 50] and are very warme. Persons of Honour weare commonly an outward Garment of Silke which they vse in Visitations, and other like Actions: And there are many which alwayes goe abroad apparelled in Silke, but not in such great number as that Booke setteth downe, whereof I made mention before. All men, euen to the very Souldiers, weare their apparell long downe to the in-step of the foot, with very broad sleeues, open before, and fastened to the sides beneath the arme. They be so well contented and pleased with their manner of apparell, that they think there is none in the World comparable to theirs. And in very truth they bee graue and modest, and especially those of the Mandarins, which differeth from all others, sauing the Bonzi, which shaue their Beards and Heads. All the men and women let their Hayre grow long, and the men trusse it vp, and wind it on a knot on the top of their crowne. They weare certayne Nets on [ 60] their heads like Coyffes, made very cunningly of Horse-hayre: and in the Summer time many weare Caps and Hats of the same. There are many sorts of Caps or Hats (for I know not what their seuerall names are) according to the state of euery one. The basest sort which the com∣mon people vse ordinarily is round. Their shooes, are of the same stuffe that their Garments are

of, very commonly of Silke made with many faire borders and knots. It is a discourtesie for a man to be seene (especially before any man of Worship) without a Cap on his head. They great∣ly esteeme for the most part things of our Countrey, and they are very deare. And some pieces of Silke which the Portugall Merchants brings, especially Veluets of three Piles, are far more dearer then their owne. All woollen cloth is much esteemed and very deare, likewise Cham∣blets, and fine Linnen-cloth, which they bring from India are very deare. Looking-glasses, and all things made of Glasse, and many other things, which in our Countrey are very good cheape, are here deare, and in great estimation.

The Chineses haue commonly little Beards, small Eyes, and Noses, and all of them haue black [ 10] Eyes, so that they much maruelled at the colour of mine, which are * 4.380 of Gray or Iron colour (which they neuer saw) and they find many secrets in them, and very commonly they say, that these eyes of mine know where stones and precious things are, with a thousand other Myste∣ries, so that they thinke they haue Letters in them. To paint an euil-fauoured man, they paint him in short apparell, with a great Beard, Eyes, and Nose. They are commonly all white, yet not so white as those of Europe: and therefore to them we seeme very white. The Learned men are very graue, of very good capacitie, and appeare outwardly very modest and graue.

There are Arificers of all Arts that are in our Countrey, and very many with the selfe-same manner forme of Instruments. Euery man is free to follow what Trade he will,* 4.381 without being bound to follow his Fathers Trades, as diuers times I haue heard it spoken when I was in Europe: [ 20] and those which will may study, forsake, or change that course of life. They worke very good cheape: but in cunning and excellencie ours most commonly excell them much, though in some things they be very skilfull.

The seruice of young men and maydes is easie and good cheape, because there is great store of people, so that a yeares wages is not aboue two Duckets, and meate and drinke,* 4.382 without appa∣rell. As there are many poore people that haue many Sonnes and Daughters, it is a very ordi∣nary thing to sell them, and this the cheapest thing in China. For a youth of twelue or fifteene yeares without any naturall blemish will cost not past twelue or fifteene Rials of Plate, and in time of Dearth much lesse, and it is a common thing to buy them for seruice; though they vse them well, and marry them at their time.

[ 30] Although the abundance and riches of this Kingdome be very great, as the people also is: yet there is no body that is very rich,* 4.383 neyther in any state of people may they compare in this point with our Countrey. You shall not find in China, which is able to spend twenty thousand Duc∣kets of Rent, how neere of Kinne soeuer he be to the King, and very few, and those easie to bee numbred that can spend ten thousand Duckets, and the ordinary is no more which they possesse then that which their Lands and Offices yeeld them, which is not great.* 4.384 But though it bee true that those of our Countrey possesse much more Siluer, considering the cheapnesse of things in their Countrey, all commeth to one account.

There are very few of the poore people idle, because all of them commonly take paines,* 4.385 and earne their liuing. Though the multitude of the Nation be so many, and the Kingdome so great, [ 40] yet the surnames of all the Kingdome are not aboue three hundred, and all of one syllable.* 4.386

There are some, though very few, which may be called Knights,* 4.387 which for seruice to the Kings in some necessities haue giuen them Offices in succession: but the common vse is not to haue any Nobilitie by Descent in China; neyther can any man say,* 4.388 I am of a better House then you. But the honour and Nobilitie dependeth wholly vpon Learning, and to obtayne degrees and Offices of Mandarins. And therefore an House which now is in Office, and his Father bee one, if he haue a Sonne a Doctor, which is made a Mandarin, he is honourable,* 4.389 and the honour continueth as long as the Learned men and Mandarins doe liue. There is no man, neyther Kinsman nor not Kinsman of the King which hath euer a Village of his owne that payeth him Tribute: but all men pay it to the King; and hee giueth stipends and wages to the Mandarins, [ 50] so that they receiue nothing of particular men by right, though they extort much continually by oppression.* 4.390

Commonly the Chinois doe marry from fifteene to eighteene and twentie yeares, and all of them doe marrie one Wife that is chiefe; and this is their lawfull Marriage.* 4.391 On the day of their Marriage, when the Bride doth passe to the House of her Husband, shee carrieth openly before her through the streets all the things which she bringeth with her, and all her house-hold stuffe: But besides her they may marrie (I say they may keepe and doe keepe as many as they are able) as many Wiues as they will, which for the most part they buy: and afterward when they will,* 4.392 sell them away againe. They may not only not marrie with any Kinswomen of their Wiues, but with none of that surname, though they haue no shew of Alliance. The sonnes of the Concu∣bines [ 60] doe likewise inherit, and there is little or no difference in their state and honour, to be the Sonne of the lawfull Wife or of the other, neyther make they any question of it.* 4.393

The thing wherein the Chinois are most obseruant, Ceremonious and Superstitious is in their Burials, Funerals, and Mournings:* 4.394 for herein they shew their obedience and loue to their Pa∣rents, whereof their bookes are full. It is a very ordinary thing to haue great respect to their Fa∣ther

and Mother, and the disobedient are grieuously punished. Many graue men and Manda∣rins begge leaue of the King to leaue their Offices which they haue, and to goe home to keepe their Father and Mother company, yeelding for a reason that they be old, and that they would goe to serue them. And it is a Petition in the sight of all men so iust, that they grant it very v∣sually.* 4.395 When the Father or the Mother dieth, all the Sonnes and Daughters (from the King to the meanest Peasant) doe mourne for three yeares. The mourning colour, which among vs is blacke Bayes, among them is white Linnen, whereof they make all their apparell euen to the Cap. The first monethes they weare a very rough Sack-cloth, girded with a Coard, like the bare-footed Friers. And though he be neuer so great a Mandarin, without any exception (saue only the Mandarins of the Warre) assoone as hee heareth newes of the death of any of his Pa∣rents, he is to leaue his Office and Dignitie, and all other Employment whatsoeuer of Gouern∣ment [ 10] and Examinations of obtayning his degree, and is to goe home for three yeares to burie his Father or Mother (and to mourne and bewaile them. The graue men which haue an house for this purpose, doe not straitway burie their dead, but keepe them two or three yeares in the house,* 4.396 in a Chamber which they keepe for this Office, and it is not the worst in the house: and very vsually or euery day they go thither to make them a thousand Ceremonies and Reuerences, and to burne Incense, and other sweet sauours, and to set ouer the place where they be laid, meate to eate; and at seuerall times, many of those Bonzi doe meet, and with great Ceremonies begin their Seruice and Prayers, and their Sonnes, Kinsefolkes and Wiues make lamentation. The Mandarins do not only leaue their Offices,* 4.397 and change their Weeds, but also all the things which [ 20] they did vse. Many sit not in Chaires, but vpon low Stooles: they visit, or suffer themselues to be seene very seldome: they change euen the very Paper wherein they write, wherein they haue a piece of another colour, in token of mourning: when they name themselues in their Letters, they vse not the name which they did at other times, but others proper to the partie, as when he nameth himselfe, hee calleth himselfe disobedient, signifying, that by his disobedience to his Parents he did not preserue them aliue.

They vse no kind of Musikce, and many change their ordinarie Diet into courserfood. Vpon the Funerall day they prouide great company:* 4.398 many Kinsfolkes and Friends meete together, all clad in white, with many Bonzi, (according to euery mans abilitie) which sing with dolefull In∣struments. And by their apparell which they weare, and their time in singing, hee that knew [ 30] them not, would take them for Clerkes reuested, singing plaine Song; for they much resemble them.* 4.399 They make many Beeres with men, of Paper or of white Silke, many Banners and other Ensignes. The place whither the Corps goeth is adorned with many figures: the Corps is put into a very great Coffin. This Nation holdeth a great part of their felicitie, for them and their Successours to consist in these things of their Funerals, especially in two, the Coffin or Chist wherein the Corps is to be layed, and the place of their buriall. The stuffe to make the Coffin of,* 4.400 wherein themselues are to bee buried, and the making of the Coffin, they leaue not to others to doe after their deathes, neither then may the body looke for much cost to make one of these Coffins, neither in this (as a thing of great importance) will they trust, no not their owne Sons: but they themselues at leisure seeke some kind of Wood that is least corruptible, and Plankes [ 40] which are commonly foure, sixe, or eight fingers thicke: which because they bee so thicke, and the Chists or Coffins very closely shut they can keepe their Corps in their Houses without any euill smell. Some spend in making their Coffin seuenty, eighty, and an hundred Duckets. They hold it for a felicity to be able to get one of these that is good; on the contrary for a great dis∣grace, not to haue a Coffin to burie himselfe in, and they are very few which faile in that one point.

* 4.401The Sepulchre and place thereof is the thing for choosing whereof they vse great Sorcerie or casting of Lots, and doe it with great heedfulnesse, and with the helpe of some that are skilfull in this Art. For they hold opinion, that in making a good choice of the place dependeth a great part of their owne good fortune and of their Posteritie. And oftentimes they are a yeare in re∣soluing [ 50] whether it shall looke toward the North, or to any other part. And therefore the grea∣test and most contentious Sutes which are in China, are about places of Burials. These places of Burials are alwayes without the wals in the fields, or Mountaynes wherein they build Vaults very well made and strong of Bricke, stone, or other matter, wherein they lay the Coffin, and then close it vp very surely:* 4.402 And afterward now and then they come thither to performe cer∣tain Ceremonies, & to bring things to eat. They hold it very vnluckie to burie a dead man in the Citie: and if they know it, though he were the greatest man that is in China, they will not suf-him to bewaile his dead Friends much, especially those which are women. There are many which beleeue the passing of the soules from one bodie into another: and therefore after the death of their Father and Mother,* 4.403 they will neuer kill any liuing beast, yeelding for a reason [ 60] why they will not doe so, lest some of them should be their Mother or Father, or some other other person. And likewise many of them fast, because, that whereas some of them bee poore; they desire afterward to be borne againe in a rich and honourable Family.

Although it bee true that the most part of them beleeue not in Idols, and it offendeth them

not to speake euill of them, yet commonly all of them at a certaine time of the yeare doe them some reuerence, because it is the custome, though in no sort they worship them as Gods:* 4.404 and those which put most confidence in them, burne Paper, Incense, and sweet smels vnto them, and kill beasts before them. Their Bookes of these Idols speake of Hell, and in many places, or in a man∣ner in all the Cities there is set vp a portraiture of Hell made with bodily shapes, and many De∣uils, as vglie as wee paint them. It is very well set foorth, but badly beleeued: for it serueth only there for a bugbeare. And if any beleeue that which the Idols say of Hell,* 4.405 that it is a place of torments, they say, that after so many yeeres be passed, all men come out againe, and are trans∣formed into some beast. Those which beleeue in the Idols, come before them to cast lots to know what things shall come to passe: howbeit I haue not heard in all China,* 4.406 that there was any an∣swer [ 10] of a Diuell in an Idoll, as is in other parts, in regard of the small beliefe that they haue in them, and the lewdnesse of the Bonzi that serue them. Their houses wherein they set them,* 4.407 whereof as yet I neuer saw any good one, are commonly verie filthy and stinking.

And besides this consulting of Idols,* 4.408 the Chinois are much giuen to Diuinations to know things to come, and whether they shall haue good or bad fortune; whether they shall haue that which they desire or no: and there bee an infinite number of these South-sayers, and all of them prat∣lers, mumblers, and cooseners, whereby they deceiue many. And though the Chinois be of good vnderstanding, and know that these fellowes know nothing, and euery foot doe take them in lyes: yet for all this, there are verie few that when any occasion is offered, doe not consult with them. And though they seeme to bee but few, yet some of them are in league with the Deuill, [ 20] as oftentimes wee gather by certaine things.

Many of these graue men of China, haue commonly two follies, wherein they doe erre more then in other things. The first is, that they perswade themselues that they can much prolong their Liues; and for this purpose they vse a thousand inuentions, and take many medicines,* 4.409 which indeed rather doe shorten their dayes. There are many Masters and Bookes of this follie, which vsuallie are graue and rich men. There are many that make themselues very old folks, whom the people follow like Saints to learne some rule of life of them, wherein they put all their felicitie. Many doe not beleeue that we are so old, as we say we be, and that we doe dissemble: but that in deed we bee an hundred yeeres old, and that we know this rule to liue for euer, and that we doe not Marrie because wee would liue long. The other follie is, that they perswade themselues that [ 30] they are able, and goe about to make Siluer, whereof likewise there are many Bookes.* 4.410 They vse for this purpose many Hearbs, and Quick-siluer, wherein they spend that little Siluer which they haue, and remaine beggers, but not perswaded but that it is fecible, but that it was not their good lucke, and good fortune: and to obtaine this, many of them fast many yeeres.

§. V. Their bad Souldierie and Artillerie; Degrees, Priuiledges, Honours and [ 40] promotions of Learning. Their Authors and Bookes, and Printing. The Mandarins commended.

THere are many Souldiers in many Prouinces of this Kingdome: and though they haue had Peace these many yeeres, yet they still entertaine them:* 4.411 but because they bee lo∣uers of peace and quietnesse, the most contemptible state, except the state of the Bon∣zi, is the Souldier. And indeed it is a most base people, which hath no valour nor worthinesse, much lesse any fortitude in them. Many of them are Porters, which beare on their shoulders, the Chaires wherein the Mandarins and honourable persons are carried. And at the time of Musters, which are made from time to time, they repaire thither, to obtaine wages, [ 50] and thus they haue no worth, nor jot of honour in them. The punishment wherewith their Captaines punish them, is the same wherewith they punish all other people: they whip them as wee doe Children in Schooles. According to the worthinesse and valour of the Souldiers,* 4.412 the beautie of their Armour, offensiue and defensiue is answerable, which is fitter to bee laughed at, then to be reported. They haue no Harquebusses that are worth any thing: and all those which I saw (and I saw many Souldiers with them) had their barrels but a spanne long: so that it see∣meth that they beare it and the rest of their Armour for fashions sake. And I maruell not: for by reason of the exceeding great Peace which they haue so long enioyed,* 4.413 they haue none occa∣sion to become valiant: but they are able men when occasion serueth, and it seemeth they will [ 60] easilie become valiant.

The Mandarins of Souldiers, is also a thing of small estimation, and they are nothing compa∣rable with those which they call the Mandarins of Learning, which are those, which take De∣grees. The Mandarins or Captaines of Souldiers, obtaine not the same for Heroicall arts or prowesse, but they make a Discourse or an Oration, vpon some matter concerning warre, and they

make choise of certaine of those which had done it best. Likewise they shoote two or three Ar∣rowes,* 4.414 to see if they bee skilfull in shooting. They haue no vse of great Ordnance. Albeit I saw in the Gates of some Cities, certaine small short Pieces, as broad at the mouth as at the nether end, which I know not whether they shot off sometimes or no: I saw about sixe or eight of them vpon the Walls. The defence of their Walls is their height, without any other Artillerie. The greatest force and number of Souldiers, resideth in the confines of the Tartars.

* 4.415It is foure hundred yeeres since a King of the Tartars wonne all China, (whereof Paulus Ve∣netus writeth, which was in that Countrey) and they did also possesse it two hundred yeeres: at the end whereof, a Bonzo a very prudent and valiant man rebelled, and cast the Tartar out, and remayned King,* 4.416 whose issue continueth vntill this day. They alwayes keepe great Watch and ward vpon this frontier. Many youthes of these Tartars remayned in China, and namely in [ 10] these parts of Paquin, there are many which keepe and maintayne their Law of Mahomet, and haue Mezquitas or Turkish Temples,* 4.417 and are much different in shapes and countenances from the Chinois.* 4.418 Except the Souldiers, there is none that keepe Weapons in their houses: not because it is forbidden, but because there is no need of them: but rather the Learned and graue people, count it a dishonest thing to keepe Armour: there is no vse of them but in the time of warre. For you shall neuer see them fight with weapons one with another as wee doe. But their figh∣ting is to buffet one another, to pull them by the hayre of the head, and to draw them by the coller,* 4.419 and in two words to become friends againe. Our men make no great matter of giuing buffets and such like, for they kill one another.

* 4.420The Chinois are greatly giuen to Learning and studie; for all their honour and riches depen∣deth [ 20] thereupon. They haue aboue fortie thousand sundry Letters: though many of them bee made one of another.* 4.421 They haue no A, B, C, nor any thing like thereunto, as among vs. But to signifie euerie thing they haue one Letter, and all diuerse. Their words are of one syllable, and no more,* 4.422 though their Letters bee so many. Those which are commonly vsed euery day, are eight or ten thousand. They begin to learne to write and reade commonly, when they be seuen yeeres old: they write with Pensils. They haue many little Bookes which encourage Children to stu∣die,* 4.423 exhorting them to take paines, with the reward that they shall grow to bee Mandarines. They know not, nor studie any Science, neither Mathematickes, nor Philosophie, nor any such thing,* 4.424 but onely Rhetoricke: for all the substance of their knowledge and fame of Learned men, consisteth in nothing else, but to know how to make a very elegant Discourse and Oration [ 30] vpon a theame, like as in our Europe the Oratours vsed anciently. And as the Chinois haue good wits, and by hope of reward are verie appliable hereunto, they doe it with great excellen∣cie, and occupie themselues with nothing else, and haue no other knowledge to distract them from it.

Euery Doctor (after hee hath obtained his degree) setteth vp in his Countrey before the doores of his House a Title of verie great letters, which saith: This is the House of a Doctor: which all men haue in regard. And before the doore, they set vp many high Poles like masts, which euerie Mandarin of that Citie where hee dwelleth sendeth him, with a Banner hanged vp, and alwaies they remaine there. They make a verie excellent Arch triumphall, to him that hath the first degree, at the gate of his House. The Chinois esteeme more then we doe, the skill [ 40] to bee able to write well,* 4.425 and Print euerie yeere a great number of Bookes, whereof there is no examination nor choise, and euerie man Printeth what hee list, good or bad, and so they make a booke of nothing. The best which come foorth are of no Science: for as I haue said, they know none: but they are onely of Morall sentences, to the aduancement of good Customes and Go∣uernment. Their manner of Printing is not like ours: for they joyne not their Letters, but for euerie leafe they make a table which hath letters on both sides, it would seeme to bee very hard, but with the custome which they haue gotten,* 4.426 they doe it with great ease, speed and cheape∣nesse. I will send you some Booke well printed, that your Worship may see it. They also print Letters in white, I say white letters, and the ground blacke. And though in the former they [ 50] come not neare vs, yet in this they goe far beyond vs. They vsually print these letters in Stones, and the letters stand not in the Stone vpward to touch the Paper directly, but in the paper and the stone they stand all one way:* 4.427 and this is the order whereby they doe this: They wet the Paper, and laying it vpon the toppe of the Stone, they gently beate it with some verie gentle thing, wherby the Paper which lyeth vpon the Stone sinketh into the hollownesse of the Letter, and resteth lower then the other, then with a kind of Inke which they haue for this purpose, they finely lay it ouer, whereby the Letters remaine white, because they bee deeper, and the rest re∣maineth blacke. I send you with this Letter certaine papers thereof, that your Worship may reioyce in beholding the excellencie wherewith it is done. One of our Bookes of equall volume with one of theirs,* 4.428 containeth much more: for our letter is lesser then theirs. Though in China it [ 60] be harder to learne to reade and write, then in our Country, yet there be few but know ordinarie Letters to deale betweene man and man.

Likewise they make great account of Poetrie, and also the grauer sort giue themselues much vnto it.* 4.429 It is verie ordinarie with them to send vs some Po••sie in praise of vs, when wee enter

into friendship with any. Also they make much account of Paintings,* 4.430 and playing vpon Instru∣ments. And albeit they know but little in the first, because they haue no Art, nor paint the things with shadowes, and know not how to paint in Oile: yet in the second they are verie readie on their Instruments, and play grauely and leasurely. I heard certaine sorts of Musicke, e∣specially in the Palace of the King: to welcome me, the Eunuches his Musicians played vnto me awhile, and they pleased me: although in this, little it seemeth vnto me they may compare with our Countrey, yet it is certaine, that they thinke they doe farre excell vs. They haue not aboue one kinde of Instrument, which the grauer sort vse and make much account of, which is like vnto our Harpe, although the fashion and manner of playing vpon it, differeth from ours, and [ 10] from all our other Instruments.

As in China there is no sort of people more honourable then the Learned men, and Doctors:* 4.431 so there is no people of better condition, and of more Honourable and more Noble manner of proceeding. And albeit before they were Doctors and Mandarins, they were verie poore and base people, and many of their Fathers officers of vile Offices, (as it is verie ordinarie) neuerthe∣lesse, after they haue obtayned the Degrees, they put vpon themselues a more honourable spirit. And therefore albeit in China, wee indured much trouble at the base peoples hand, yet the Man∣darins did alwaies vse vs honourably and with much respect: especially now, for which cause now no man dare trouble vs. And if there bee any, which in title are like our Lords, Knights, and Courtiers, they are these. There are among them, men of much excellencie and sinceritie in their Office, which doe seeke the common good: And without doubt they make vs wonder,* 4.432 that see∣ing [ 20] they bee but Gentiles, which doe nothing for the zeale of Gods honour, nor for his sake, they be of such sinceritie, which they shewed of late more then at other times, in hauing to doe with this wicked, vicious, and couetous King, which they now haue:* 4.433 who though hee be so absolute a Lord, that with the same libertie, and in a manner with the same facilitie, hee doth what he list with the greatest Mandarins of his Kingdome, as well as with the basest people thereof. Yet for all this, of late yeeres there were many, who with great libertie and courage reprehen∣ded his faults by writing (which is the manner of speaking most publikely with him) that all men might read it. And though they might feare some grieuous punishment (besides the losing of their Offices, for that was certayn) neuerthelesse, there were many men of courage which wrote [ 30] vnto him: among whom there was one very renowned: The letter which he wrote to the King, began thus. That although hee were assured, that he were to be hanged, and that the Fire were kindled to burne him, yet hee would reprehend his vices and lewdnesses,* 4.434 and the euill example that hee gaue to all his Kingdome: And so hee did, and spake verie freely, and put him in great feare. And it see∣meth that for his sinceritie and courage, the King had some regard of him, and though hee puni∣shed him, yet it was verie moderately.

There fell out another accident in this kinde within these few yeeres, which because it is no∣table I will heere set it downe. This King hath many women besides his lawfull wife,* 4.435 which among themselues keepe the order of first and second. Hee hath no Sonnes by his lawfull Wife, but he hath one which is the eldest of the third or fourth, and others yonger of the second. The [ 40] Eldest by the custome or lawes of the Kingdome, is the lawfull inheritour, although he bee of the fourth wife: but hee bare more affection to the other and to her Sonne, and desired, by her perswasion, to aduance him to bee Prince, and would not haue aduanced the lawfull Heire.* 4.436 The time being passed to performe the same, many Mandarins lost their Offices, for reprehending him of this disorder, and for seeking to make him aduance the Eldest. But the principall Man∣darins of the Court perceiuing that hee proceeded on, and would not doe that which they re∣quested, and which was reason, consulted together, and published a Proclamation, which com∣manded all the Mandarins which are in the Court (which are aboue some thousands) that vn∣der paine of losing their Office, they should all meete at such a day, and such an houre,* 4.437 in such a place of the Kings Palaces. When they were all assembled at the day appointed, with their [ 50] Ensignes of Mandarins, they put vp a Petition vnto the King, saying, That since so often they had aduised him of a thing so Iust, and that hee made none account of them, not seeking to aduance the true Prince, that hee should seeke those that would serue him, that all of them would there giue ouer their Ensignes of Mandarins, and would no longer serue. It seemeth the King was afraid of so great a resolution of the chiefest men of his Kingdome: And so hee commanded an Eunuch to goe foorth vnto them, and answer them, that they should resume their Offices in Gods name, and that hee would fulfill their request. Finally, they did effect so much,* 4.438 that they caused him to doe that which was reason; and so this yeere 1602. hee aduanced the true Prince, of whom hereafter I will speake somewhat.

[ 60]

§. VI. Of the Gouernment of China: Of the Mandarins; the China Comple∣ments and manifold nicities.

NOw I haue touched the state of the Mandarins, it offereth it selfe to speake of the manner of Gouernment in particular; But I confesse vnto your Worship, that the multitude of Offices which they haue is so great a frame, that I was not able to vn∣derstand it, to reduce it into order. Onely I will say in generall, that they haue many good things belonging vnto Gouernment, but not the execution: finally, it is a Gouernment of [ 10] Gentiles,* 4.439 with a thousand faults. There are no great store of Lawes, but commonly they decide Controuersies of their owne heads, and make Lawes in their Iurisdiction after their pleasure, eue∣ry one diuerse. And heere your Worship may imagine, that the Gouernment in the practise cannot bee very iust, since euery one that can tell how to make a good theame or exercise, are not sufficient to bee Law-makers: And it is very ordinarie among them to direct all things to their owne profit, whereby of necessitie, they commit many absurdities and wrongs, and take all that they can get:* 4.440 Bribes are vsuall, and men vse these more then any thing else: And though one of them know this fault in another, they all dissemble as being in the same fault, that others may winke at them.* 4.441 And though they seeke to hide it one from another, yet it is like the se∣cret of Anchuelus. [ 20]

The Mandarins are many in all Cities, but very extraordinarie in the Courts of Nanquin, and Paquin. For in this Citie of Paquin, besides the Mandarins of Armes, whereof no great account is made, and are more in number then the rest; and besides those which alwayes repaire thither, vpon the businesses of all the Prouinces:* 4.442 Those that properly belong to this Citie and Court, are aboue two thousand and fiue hundred: who all, or the most part heare Causes ordinarily twice a day; so that wee cannot imagine what businesses occupie so many Mandarins, nor what is the Iurisdiction of euerie one. The most principall which are in all the Kingdome and heere, are sixe, Presidents of sixe Councels, being the chiefest of the Kingdome. There is one, which is the greatest,* 4.443 to whom belongeth the gouernment of all the Mandarins of the Kingdome, to aduance them to higher Offices that doe deserue it, and as much as they deserue, to chastise and to de∣grade [ 30] those which badly performe their Office: which because it is a place so great and honou∣rable, the Chinois call him, The Mandarin of Heauen: who proposeth all these things to the King, as to promote, to aduance, to disgrade the Mandarins, and the King confirmeth them: So that all the Mandarins how small soeuer they bee; that are in all the Kingdome, are appointed by the King. The second hath the charge of all things belonging vnto Ceremonies, as well hu∣mane of Courtesies▪ and ceremonies in all royall Acts, as in making the King, the Prince, and in marrying of them, &c. And all that which belongeth to the worship of the Sacrifices of the Dead, and others which the Kings offer to Heauen and Earth. There is another chiefe of the Councell of Warre:* 4.444 another of the Kings Treasure, which taketh the account of the Kings rents: another Councell is of the Workes, as of the Kings houses, prouision for all things neces∣sarie, [ 40] for the Walls of the Cities, &c. There is another of Chastisement, whereunto causes cri∣minall and sentences of Death doe belong.* 4.445 Aboue these (sixe) there is onely one Degree, which are absolutely the greatest, before whom whatsouer the King doth in any thing is consulted of. Although it bee true, that these be rich and opulent in the conceit of the Chinois, yet none of them in any thing may compare with any of the meanest Lord of title,* 4.446 of our Countrey. The wages which they haue of the King is small: the attendance which they haue, is of base people, and of small countenance, yet they are much respected and obeyed: And the common people kneeleth vnto them, as to the Mandarins. The common chastisement which all the Mandarins doe giue,* 4.447 is to whip them with peeces of Canes, of foure or sixe fingers broad and thicke, where∣with oftentimes they dye, when it is layd on soundly. Whipping is as common as it is to [ 50] whip Children in the Schoole: And sometimes for nothing they giue a dozen stripes, as well to the Plaintiffe as to the Defendant, and therewith they end the Suites, and they stay to giue none other sentence, but say: Giue him twentie stripes.

* 4.448Vsually when the Mandarins of any State goe through the streets, men goe before them cry∣ing, or making a noise with Instruments, for the people to giue place. And in particular Cities, when a great Mandarin passeth through the streets, all men hide themselues and goe into houses, and the Handicrafts-men cease from their worke, and that in such sort, that I saw once in a Ci∣tie in a street of great trafficke, a Mandarin appeare, and in a moment euery bodie got away, euen the very Dogges, with exceeding great silence: so greatly they bee reuerenced of all men. And many carrie Chaines trayling them before them, and other Instruments. But in the Courts [ 60] (though the Mandarins bee greater) the people runne not away, they doe no more but giue way that thy may passe. In the Courts many Mandarins, though they be great, ride on Horsebacke, and others in Chaires: but besides them, all goe in Chaires carried on mens shoulders, which ac∣cording to their Offices are two, or foure, or eight.

Euery Prouince hath a Visitor, which publikely visiteth the same euery yeere, and taketh in∣formation of the Mandarines. There are secret and priuie Visitors. Sometime one is sent:* 4.449 But it is no vsuall thing, and as I haue heard, it is long since it was left off. I speake this, because I alwaies heard when I was in Spaine, that the Chinois vsed this manner of Visitation.

The Visitor onely may giue sentence of death. They be not cruell in punishments by death.* 4.450 Onely the King vseth some cruell execution: and namely this King that now raigneth, which is a very wicked man. One of them is that which lately hee caused here to bee executed vpon eight men, by the great frosts of Winter, for no great offence for so cruell a punishment,* 4.451 and as they say, falsely imputed; And this it was: Hee caused their neckes to be put through a thicke [ 10] planke, which taketh a great part of the head, and they set the plankes to stand vpon Formes, so that the man standeth vpon his feet day and night in the middest of the street, with men to watch him. Hee condemned them to this punishment for three moneths: but they died before fifteene dayes, with their legs all rotted, and burst with standing alwaies on foot: I my selfe saw them stand on this fashion, which pitied me extremely. I neuer saw nor heard of any other cruell punishments; though, as I haue said, often times the Mandarines kill them with whip∣ping, which is a very cruell thing.

The Chinois are very curious in writing of newes, which vsually they set out in Print, and in a very short space disperse them through all the Prouinces.* 4.452 There are alwaies Bookes where∣in all the Mandarines of the Kingdome are written, as well their names as their Countries: [ 20] And because they be changed euery foot from one place to another, they blot out and put in the names as soone as they know them, with great facilitie.

One thing among the rest is (wherein they bee very dutifull and prolixe) in their manifold courtesies, which are of many sorts,* 4.453 according to the estate of him with whom they haue to doe. The vsuall fashion is when they visite one another, the stranger is set on the most honou∣rable hand (which in some places is the right hand, and in the Northerne Prouinces the left) and putting one hand in the sleeue of the contrarie arme, which is very long and wide, they lift vp their hands so fastned together, then bending their (head and) body downe to the ground, say∣ing, Zin zin, which is of no signification but an interiection of vrbanitie, their bowing veneration they call, Zo ye: they change places to repay courtesies. After this the Guest sitteth downe in * 4.454 the [ 30] Chaire of the Master of the house, and the Master of the house another besides that which the Guest hath, and each of them setteth them in their due place, which is the strangers Chaire in the highest place, distant from the wall, and the Chaire of the Master of the house is set in the midst of the lowest place, one ouer against another. After this (when they haue ended their salutations) they straightway cause a drinke to be brought, which they call Cha, which is water boyled with a certaine herbe, which they much esteeme, for this is a want of ciuilitie and courtesie: and at the least they must drinke of it twice or thrice. He bringeth forth some Fruit or Sweet-meat, and a Spoone to take it vp. If the Guest stay any time, straight without faile they will bring out some thing to eate, but with some preparation, answerable to the occasion and person: whereon they eate very little, vnlesse it be at the ordinary houres of feeding, and then they eate somwhat more.

[ 40] When they visite one another (vnlesse they be very great friends and familiars) a Boy goeth alway before, which carrieth a Libell or Booke of visitation, which they call Paytre, which is as much as, A Paper of visitation: And this name neuer faileth, for alwaies they vse it: wherein his name with modest epithets (as many perhaps as Visitors) are written, according as the quality is of them that visite, and those that are visited; so is the manner most different whereafter they write the same: to wit, with more humility, either as our better, or as an equall, or as an infe∣riour, as a scholer, or as a master: for as the relations are many and particular, so the fashions and manners which they vse are diuers. Of these things, and of all that hereafter I shall say touching this point, I will send you the examples in their owne papers of visitations, which great Man∣darins, and ordinary men brought vnto vs, setting down in our tongue vpon euery letter the de∣claration [ 50] thereof. And I doubt not but your Worship, our most deare Fathers, and Brethren, and as many others as shall see the same will reioyce thereat. And when that Paper is brought, they carrie newes into the house to him that is visited, which prepareth himselfe to receiue his Guest, which commeth within a while after. When they be not people which they see euery day, they vse not ordinary apparell in their visitations, but they haue garments, proper for this purpose, of a farre different fashion. And if by chance one come so apparelled, and another be not, he sayth, that he durst not salute him, nor receiue him before he had put on his apparell, so he getteth him away in great haste to put on his apparell, and then they begin to performe their complements.

When the Guest departeth, hee alwaies goeth before, and at their going out of the doores they vse salutations, and offers of courtesie; according to the qualitie of the Guest,* 4.455 and the Ma∣ster [ 60] of the house, so he bringeth him more or lesse way, or vnto the street: or if he goe so farre, he stayeth till he take his Chaire, or his Horse, and then lifting vp their armes and sleeues vnto their heads they take their leaues and depart one from the other. When they are departed, the Visitor and hee that is visited, each of them send a Boy to giue one another thankes, one for his visitation, the other for his good entertaynment and friendly vsage. If hee that is visited be not

at home, they leaue the Paytre at his house, which is a token that hee came to visite him. Hee that is visited is bound to requite his visitation presently, or the next day, if he bee a man of Worship, or if they bee equals, within three or foure dayes: which payment is performed after the selfe same manner: and if hee finde him not at home, it sufficeth to leaue the Paytre there. If hee that requiteth the visitation bee a farre greater person then the first which visited him, (as if he be some great Mandarin) hee which first visited him, returneth the next day in person with a paper, wherein hee giueth him thankes that he came to his house: and if they see one another, he giueth him thankes by word of mouth.* 4.456 When the man which visiteth is of great Worship hee sendeth word a good space before with a Paytre: and the Master of the house commeth forth to receiue him, and to bring him into the house. All their Houses and Lodgings, haue alwayes an head and more honourable place (which is the highest part) where alwayes they place the [ 10] Guest.* 4.457 Likewise in their writing they vse a great difference, according to the estates, Dignitie and Age: and in their Letter, the greater the Mandarin is, they vse the greater Letter: those that are equall, or inferiour vse a very small letter: likewise they obserue the same order in spea∣king to euery one according to his qualitie. When they meet in the streets, the ordinary courtesie, is, to put their hands into their sleeues, & closing them together to hold them vp, & to vse a com∣mon speech, which they haue for this purpose. When a couple enter into new acquaintance, they doe yet more,* 4.458 and that is, they kneele downe, and touch the ground with their head so often, and with so great ceremonies, that I dare not speake of them, lest I should neuer make an end.

* 4.459When they send Presents, they write downe all things which they send in a paper, as they doe their speeches, with words of Honour: whereof I send likewise examples to see, of very [ 20] graue persons which sent vs Presents. And whether the partie receiue the Present or not, or on∣ly a part, he alwayes sendeth backe another paper with certaine red lines (as herewith is to bee seene) with a Letter which sayth: I thanke you much: And when he receiueth the Present, hee alwayes giueth some money to the youths that bring it: and hereby he remayneth bound to an∣swer him, with another Present as great at the least: And herein they be very precise, especially persons that are not of the greatest account. A thing which I finde very strange, and which doth put vs to much trouble, to be driuen equally to answer those Presents which the greater Manda∣rins doe send vs, for they alwayes desire some thing of our Countrey, and here we are very poore.

They send vs somtimes from Macao some Clockes of sand, or Houre-glasses, some Kniues, some [ 30] cases of tooles for Surgeans, and other things: for they much esteeme all things that come from our parts: and with these things, which in our Countries are little or nothing worth, heere wee procure friends, which stand vs in exceeding great stead to conferre with them of our holy Faith, and of the saluation of our Soules.

Besides their Presents and visitations, they haue Gossippings and Banquets, whereunto very vsually they inuite one another.* 4.460 When these be very solemne, they set euery Guest two tables for himselfe, one of Flesh and Fish, &c. another of Fruits and sweet Meats. When they be not so so∣lemne, one table for euery man, or two at euery Table: they prouide for these Guests great diuer∣sitie of meates well dressed and seasoned, which they bring soft and fayre one after another, that they may be hot. When they inuite one to a Banquet, they send sixe or seuen dayes before a pa∣per,* 4.461 [ 40] wherein they inuite him against such a day. If hee cannot come, he sendeth another paper, wherein he saith, I excuse my selfe: If he excuse not himselfe, he is resolued to come. This paper is sent with many words of courtesie, & with much honour. On the day appointed in the morning, hee sendeth another to inuite him againe for the selfe same day: and at the appointed houre, hee sendeth another to pray him to come: and then hee goeth: If any of these messages should fayle hee would not goe. When he is gone to the Banquet, they vse many other ceremonies: But the most adoe is, about their places, so that it is long before you can place them, and allot out the roomes how they shall sit, because they euer seeke, or at least make shew that they seeke to giue the chiefest roome to others.* 4.462 They feed not as men vse to doe in our Countrey: neither seemeth it that the Feast is made to feed, but onely they taste of some small thing for fashion sake; and [ 50] they drinke very sippingly in small Cups of Porcelane, each of which will contayne fiue or sixe Thimbels-full of Wine; and heerein and in deuising, they spend fiue or sixe houres at a Banquet, and goe home an hungred. And thus it happeneth vnto vs; although wee seeke to excuse our selues from them as much as we can, because wee lose much time, vnlesse it bee some great Man∣darin, who we feare would take it euill, if wee should deny his request. When the Banquet is en∣ded, the next day euery one of the Guests sends his Boy with a paper, wherein hee thanketh his Hoast for his good cheare.

* 4.463Heere your Worship may see, wherein the Chinois spend the one halfe of their life. For the greatest businesse they haue, and that wasteth most of their time, is in Visitations, Banquets, and sending of Presents. And the time wherein they most of all vse the same, is their New-yeere, [ 60] which lasteth fifteene dayes: their Birth day, which all of them keepe with great solemnitie: or when they goe foorth, or come home on a Iourney. And to end the whole yeere, I send you some Papers of visitation of all these things (whereof they haue sent many vnto vs) that your Worship may see (though you vnderstand not the outward Letter) the manner and fashion of

this people, how farre different Salutations, manners and fashions, we send you from the plaine∣nesse of our Europe, and especially of our Companie, But for the present, wee all thinke it neces∣sarie to eate after this fashion, and to vse their customes, to obtayne more free accesse vnto them, and to winne them to Christ.

There is a Turke heere, a dweller in this Citie, which aboue fortie yeeres agoe, brought one or two Lions to the Father of this King: who,* 4.464 partly because hee knoweth no Learning nor Sci∣ences, and partly because hee sought not to apply himselfe to the habite, customes, and manner of China, there is none that will deale with him, nor come neere his house: And through the grace which God hath giuen vs, and because they see vs apply our selues to their Apparell, Fa∣shion, [ 10] and Courtesies, all the grauest Mandarins come home to our house to visite vs, and doe vs the fauour, to hold vs publikely for their Friends: which they vse not to doe, to their owne Countrey-men, of our qualitie and condition: praysed bee our Lord alwayes, Amen.

I will not omit to declare the great pleasure, wherewith these learned Chinois heare the great consent of the things and ceremonies, of our holy Faith in Europe, and that wee haue Bishops, and, as we call them heere, Mandarins, and superiours in Spirituall things: and aboue all, they reioyce exceedingly to heare of our Pope,* 4.465 that being so great a personage they preferre a Lear∣ned and Holy man by way of Election, and not by Succession, and likewise the obedience and subjection which other Kings doe yeeld vnto him; and that there haue beene many (as wee told them) who being chosen Popes, refuse it in good earnest, and by no meanes will accept the [ 20] same: and that we haue all things which concerne the Law of God and good manners, set downe in writing, with all other Bookes concerning him, or his Ministers.

And although that which I haue spoken hitherto of our high Priest, is a thing very apparent and true, and wee deliuered it for such, and they so vnderstand it: yet oftentimes they haue gi∣uen vs occasions of laughter. The first was, That when wee told them, that some refused so great an Office: straight-way they aske, where you say that they refuse it, is it not euident that their excuse will not bee accepted? As who should say, if they would accept of it, who is there that would make an excuse? And thus they say, because they doe so themselues:* 4.466 for when great Of∣fices are bestowed vpon them, eftsoone they offer vp a Petition, making a thousand excuses to the King not to receiue them: and they desi••e nothing lesse, neither can any thing happen so [ 30] grieuous vnto them, as to accept their excuse. But vsually they be not admitted: though some∣times they bee, to their great griefe of heart, as I my selfe haue seene: But to excuse themselues, or to refuse with some danger, is the vse so common, that they will not fayle to doe so: for if they should not doe so, it were more certayne that they should goe without the Office. The se∣cond thing that made vs more to laugh, is, that many of them tell vs, that if wee would returne into our Countrey, without doubt they would make vs Popes: The reason (though not openly) which they yeeld, is, that wee haue a great aduantage aboue other men of our Countrey, to wit, that wee haue seene, and studied, and vnderstand their Bookes; because that they onely, in their opinion, can make a man perfect, and generally seene in all things. Such is the high conceit and reputation which they hold of their Bookes.

[ 40]

§. VII. Of their Women: Of the Tartars Conquest, Acts and Expulsion. The greatnesse of the King, and neighbouring States. Of the Queenes Eunuches.

I Will conclude this Letter with two points: the one concerning the Women, where∣of I haue little to say: and the last is of the King, and of his Palaces and Seruices.* 4.467

Euery man (as I said before) may keepe as many Wiues as hee will, and so they doe: which is the cause of many tumults, quarrels,* 4.468 and disorders in their houses a∣mong their wiues, and among the Sonnes of diuers Mothers: and therefore when wee tell them, [ 50] that in our Countrey no man marryeth but one Wife, they neuer are satisfied in praising it in words, though neuerthelesse they doe not follow it, nor put it in practise. And the discontent∣ment which the Women haue among themselues, and with their Husbands for this occasion, is like to prooue a great encouragement vnto them, to make them desirous to receiue our holy Faith, and to perswade their Husbands to embrace the same, seeing that it doth not permit any more but one lawfull Wife onely.

Of their other Conuersation, Customes, and other things, wee know nothing,* 4.469 neither is any thing to bee learned: for they keepe house all their life time, and goe out of doores exceeding seldome to visite either their Mother or Sisters, or nearest kinswomen, for they goe not to any else, no not in thought: And therefore as they haue no conuersation, (but alwayes to keepe [ 60] home) I can speake nothing of their behauiour. Their Apparell seemeth vnto mee honest and comely: (for sometimes I haue seene the Wiues of Officers, and of the poore people,* 4.470 for many of them doe goe abroad.) In some parts of the Countrey wee haue met many women vpon the high way, in short garments, like to the men of our Countrey, without any difference, saue on

their heads, and their feete: for all the rest is all one kinde of Apparell; but these are the com∣mon people onely: One of the greatest ornaments that the Women haue, is, to haue verie little feete, and they are so little, that they goe verie badly, and alway they seeme to goe as though they would fall.* 4.471 I could not know the cause, nor the Chinois themselues know not the originall occasion, why this is counted for a beautie: albeit some say, it began not for a comelinesse, but onely with a purpose to cut off all occasion from them of going abroad.

* 4.472The Chinois haue beene very carefull in their Histories, and therefore they haue histories of their Kings of aboue foure thousand yeeres. And if credit bee to be giuen to that which their Bookes report, touching those times, and is gathered by diuers of their Histories; There are ma∣ny more yeeres from the Flood to our dayes (whereof they also haue some knowledge in their Bookes) then the most followed and allowed Calculation among vs,* 4.473 which tr••ate of that mat∣ter, [ 10] doe allow of: for they say, it is sixe thousand yeeres at the least. They say that they haue continued Histories. But I leaue this, because I haue not well conferred the truth and founda∣tion of the Chinish histories. At the least it is certaine, that they haue knowledge of their mat∣ters, and certaine Kings within a little after the Flood, whensoeuer it was. They had many an∣cient Kings,* 4.474 which were verie good men, which it may bee were saued in the law of Nature, because the heroicall workes of Vertue, which they report of them were great, and there is no record that they worshipped Idols, but some, that they worshipped the Lord of Heauen and Earth. There were some that sought not to leaue their lawfull Sonnes to bee their Heires, be∣cause they thought them not fit for Gouernment, but choose the wisest and best man, that they could finde, and left the Kingdome vnto him. [ 20]

This Kingdome in old time was diuided into many small Kingdomes, vntill by little and little it was vnited. It is some foure hundred yeeres (as I said before) since a Tartar King pos∣sessed it whollie, and two hundred, since a Bonzo or Religious man of China recouered it. This Mahumetan Tartar King, left some tokens of himselfe in things that he did. Hee left in Nan∣quin,* 4.475 certaine Mathematicall instruments of Copper, the like whereof for goodnesse peraduen∣ture are not in all Europe, at least not better.

* 4.476The Chinese Bonzo which expelled him out of the Kingdome, was a very valiant and wise man, and there bee many Histories of his wisedome, and sentencious sayings, and iudgement in hard matters: and the manner and forme of Gouernment, which hee ordayned in this King∣dome,* 4.477 which continueth inuiolable, doth greatly declare the same. Hee made new Offices and [ 30] gaue new Names to all of them: An vsuall thing when one house beginneth to Raigne, to change all, euen the name of the King, as also of all Offices, and also of many Cities. I omit the diuision of the Gouernment into so many heads, and so good distribution, that it seemeth (and so the Chinois say) it is like to continue thousands of yeeres, so that no man of the same Kingdome is able, nor hath any power to make any Rebellion of importance. For those which in former time reuolted, were the Vice-royes of the Prouinces, and other great Mandarins, in whose power were the Gouernment, the Souldiers, and the treasure. But hee diuided it in such sort, that those which had power ouer the Souldiers,* 4.478 should haue no money at all, neither should the pay of the Souldiers depend vpon them: and those which keepe the Treasure must haue no su∣perintendencie and dominion ouer the Souldiers. Others which were mightie and rich, hee [ 40] impouerished and diuided their Authoritie and Reuenues among many; and so there is no man that can call himselfe Great. I remember that I had read in a Booke, set out in the Spanish tongue, of the great power of certayne Captaynes, and because the King did not trust them, hee sent one of his house to will them to come vnto him.

All which relation, with many other things which hee reporteth of the prouidence of the King, how hee diuideth his Authoritie among diuers Princes, is not so in truth, neither in truth, neither is there any apparence thereof, neither haue the Captaynes much authoritie, nei∣ther are they very rich: for though they haue many people, yet the gouernment of them is diuided into diuers heads, so that they can hardly assemble to raise any Rebellion, especially, be∣cause [ 50] they remaine alwayes in the Kingdome, and neere about the King.

* 4.479The Reuenue of this King, without doubt, is exceeding great, and vntill wee haue gotten it out of their Bookes (wherein euery thing is set downe very particularly) I will not presume to publish the same, not as though I knew not that it is so, since whilest a man knoweth more of this Kingdome, he doubteth lesse: Yet because I feare for all this that it will bee hard to make one be∣leeue the same, which knoweth it not of a certainty; making the Accounts not very large, his Reuenues are one yeare with another an hundred Millions in Siluer,* 4.480 Gold, Rice, and an infinite number of other things: although the greatest part is Siluer. And he that considereth the great∣nesse of the Kingdome, and that euery man payeth Tribute to the King of their Persons, Lands, Trees, and other things (without carrying any Tribute out of the same) that which I speake wil [ 60] not seeme excessiue.* 4.481 But as his Reuenue is very great, so his Expenses are many. For those which in this Kingdome doe liue at the Kings charge are many, to wit, all the Mandarins to whom the King giueth Wages, all the Souldiers, all the Kinsfolkes of the King, his Eunuches, and an infinite number of people, whereby his charges are exceeding great, although alwayes there re∣mayneth

a good deale for him to lay vp: and there is no doubt but hee hath it in store in excee∣ding great quantitie.

Many small Kingdomes round about acknowledge the King of China, and pay him Tribute,* 4.482 as Corea, and others, whose names I know not, on this Northerne part: and on the side of Ma∣laca and Macao, many others. And sometimes on these Northerne parts they trouble him somewhat, in robbing and killing of people. It may be that your Worship, or some bodie else may demand, why the King of China being so great, subdueth not these small Kingdomes that lye about him to deliuer himselfe of trouble? I answere, that he wanteth no abilitie:* 4.483 but I will say one sure thing, a Paradoxe to the people of our Europe, which is, That neither the Chinois, nor their King doe seeke, nor dreame of dilating their Empire more then it is.* 4.484 And this their [ 10] resolution is such, that although they would giue them all these Kingdomes, they would not take them, & much lesse if they were farther off. For they hold it for one of the greatest miseries (especially the Mandarins & graue sort of people) to go out of their Kingdome to any other part.

There is one of the best Examples hereof that may be giuen: which fell out of late,* 4.485 and that was, that as by the danger which might grow to his Kingdome, if the people of Iapon should winne the Kingdome of Corea, which is joyned to China by the mayne Land, as they began to doe; the Chinois ayded the Coreans with many men: and the people of Iapon by the death of their King called Quabacondono, did wholly aband••n it. The Kingdome remayned in the power of the Chinois, and so continued two or three yeares. After which they whol∣ly gaue it ouer, without any other greater respect, then that there were none that were [ 20] willing to goe thither to gouerne it, nor that the King had any need to annexe it vnto his Estate. And without doubt, it seemeth that he would doe the like with any other, although they would put it into his hands. And touching those Kingdomes which pay him Tribute, there is no great account made, whether they come or no▪ and their continuall comming, is more for the profit of those which come, then that the King doth desire it. And therefore the Philippine Ilands which in former times paid Tribute to the Kings of China, were made none account of when they ceased to pay it.

This King hath one lawfull Wife (as other men haue) in choice whereof they haue regard to nothing else but to her good qualities and externall beautie, for there is no Nobilitie to be [ 30] sought for. Besides her hee hath a great number of Concubines chosen after the same manner, whose Sonnes (if the lawfull Wiues Children faile) inherit the Kingdome, which commonly falleth out, and such is he which now is King, and he which is to succeed him.* 4.486 When any of these women be once entred into the Kings Palace to bee his Wife, there is no name which may bee compared vnto her in being kept close; for they may not only not goe abroad, no nor bee seene of their Father, Mother, or Brethren. They haue little or none authoritie, but such as they ob∣taine of the King. Also the seruice of the King, of the Queene, and of his Concubines, is all by Eunuches, a seruice doubtlesse vnworthy of a King.* 4.487 All these Eunuches (without any excepti∣on) are of the most base people which are in all the Kingdome, whose Fathers (because they can∣not keepe them when they were young) doe make them Eunuches, in hope that one day they [ 40] shall get into the Court to serue the King: the manner is farre different from some which are in Europe: for these bee like those which the Turkes vse.* 4.488 Because their Fathers doe this for po∣uertie, it followeth that they haue no excellencie, for they haue no meanes to learne it, and they are little or nothing Learned.

They elect and choose these Eunuches from time to time to supply such as die, and this first yeare that I was here, they chose aboue three thousand, for which purpose there assembled a∣boue twentie thousaind (as they say) out of which number they made their choice. The Ele∣ctors were a verie great Mandarin (to whom, as I said before,* 4.489 the Kings priuate businesse belongs) and another Eunuch of the eldest and most priuate. The Examination and Election consisteth in two things, which are a good Countenance and a good Tongue: for proofe whereof, they make them pronounce two words, wherein those that haue not a readie Tongue doe stumble. [ 50] When they are chosen, and gone to the Court, they diuide them in diuers Offices:* 4.490 yet at their first comming, they are appointed to waite vpon the old Eunuches as Boyes, which make good triall of their patience, and obedience: and he that after certaine yeares sheweth himselfe to∣wardly, they begin to employ in greater matters.

Of these Eunuches, the King hath his Musicians and Mathematicians, who, to bee briefe,* 4.491 I say, haue no sound vnderstanding in th••se things at all, but only for complement or superficially: yet some of them are bound to watch all night, and to looke whether any Comet doe appeare, or any such like thing in the Skie, to enforme the King thereof: and to performe other like Of∣fices. They are vsually verie couetous, and as they are base,* 4.492 if they rise to bee priuate with the [ 60] King, some of them be proud and vncourteous. They serue the King as slaues, obeying his will which way soeuer he inclineth. The King chastiseth them verie sharply for euery light offence: especially the King that now is, which is a very wicked man. He hath caused many to be whip∣ped to death, for some small matter wherein they haue offended him. Yet there are some of them good and di••••r••et, which the King vseth for dispatching of his businesse, and other matters

of weight. Though the ordinarie wages which they haue of the King bee small, yet it serueth them well to liue of, and therefore they goe verie well apparelled in many Robes of Silke verie finely wrought of diuers colours, and the manner of their Cap and Apparell differeth from all o∣ther peoples. There are of them in number, as they say, aboue sixteene thousand of them in the Kings palaces. Hereby your Worship may see what Examples and Education the King of China obserueth, which spendeth all his time with these and with women.

Although it be the custome of these Kings, to shew themselues from time to time to certaine of the greatest Mandarins: yet they neuer suffer the rest of the people to see them, nor to speake with them;* 4.493 and when he speaketh with any bodie, they enter not into the place where hee is; but the King commeth forth to a certaine place. If there be any Nation among whom the Law [ 10] of Nations hath no place in many things it is this: for as they haue no commerce with other Nations, so they haue not the Law which is common to all men. And therefore they admit no Ambassadour in China, vnlesse it be by the way of giuing some Present, the King not acknow∣ledging any; neither doe they thinke that there is any in the World, which is able to deale with their King by way of an Embassadour.* 4.494 And if they bring any Message (as the Iapons brought within these few yeares, who came to intreate of certaine agreements, by no meanes they are admitted to the sight of the King; neither doth he giue them audience: but some Mandarin doth accompany them: and the entertaynment which they giue them, and honour which they shew to all strangers which come vnto them is verie small. But as for the most part they haue no great conceit of strangers, so their entertaynment is like to their conceit. Whosoeuer he be that [ 20] commeth into their Countrey, they shut him vp in a verie homely house, not suffering him to goe abroad.

* 4.495The Kings Palaces are verie great; and albeit in the excellencie of Architecture they bee not comparable to those of our Europe, yet they much exceed in the hugenesse of Building. They haue three wals foure square, the circuit of the first may be as bigge as the wall of a good Citie. Betweene the first and the second wall, there is a wall which enuironeth the greatest part of the House, and here are many Houses of the Eunuches of the lowest sort, which exercise Mechani∣call Arts, or the like, as Porters, &c.

Betweene the second and the third wall there are many pieces of the Kings House, which is not joyned altogether, but in diuers parts there be diuers Roomes, built for diuers purposes, one [ 30] answering to another. These parcels of Buildings which are here (which are euerie one as long as the Careere of an Horse, and very high) haue no vnder Roome, but a great Building raised vp with foundations of great Brickes, as broad and long as all the Building, wherein there are Gates of Marble stone very wel wrought to passe from one place to another. This house or Foun∣dation is about eight fathomes high little more or lesse. Aboue these are guilded Galleries, Taras∣ses, Hals, and Chambers, which on the out-side shew verie gallant (which is as much as can be seene; for no man can get in to see them.) The greatest part of them is of Timber, with many gilded Embossements, and many other pleasant Pictures. The Roofes are verie well made. The Tiles are of a farre better fashion, in mine opinion, then ours, and so euen ioyned together that that they seeme to be all one piece:* 4.496 they are all anneled with yellow, which is the Kings Co∣lour. [ 40] To conclude, I say, that it seemed vnto me in multitude of Houses and greatnesse a stately thing.* 4.497 Also betweene these wals the Riuer runneth which I spake of: and to passe from one to another there are many faire Bridges of Marble made of very great stones: betweene these wals was one of the two fourth parts of the House, on which the fire from Heauen fell downe within these few yeares,* 4.498 and consumed it: and with the blowes of the stones which fell downe many verie great Houses were broken downe to the ground (as sometimes I beheld my selfe) and they remayned with many signes of fire on them. They say, that when this fire fell from Hea∣uen,* 4.499 the King commanded his Sonne to kneele downe, and beseech The Heauen to be mercifull vn∣to him, for he himselfe was too wicked, and that the Heauen would not heare him. Within these wals are many Lodgings of the grauest Eunuches, who like Fellowes of Colledges liue many in one [ 50] House,* 4.500 euerie one hauing his priuate Chamber. Heere betweene these wals are Mounts and Groues and other recreations whither the King repaireth to recreate himselfe. And the space of these wals is very great, for when I went to the Palace to teach the Eunuches which were in that place to trimme the Clocke, I passed before I came to their Lodging eight great Palaces, and on the other side there were many more. The Lodgings of the Eunuches vsually are low and bad, for the Kings Seruants, yet very necessarie.

* 4.501Next after this followeth the third wal, where the King dwelleth, with his Wiues and Chil∣dren, and those which where his neerest seruants, whereinto no man entreth but they. And ther∣fore albeit I haue heard that it is a very beautiful thing & very much worth the seeing, as in very deed it sheweth to be: yet I cannot giue any Relation of any thing concerning the same in par∣ticular. [ 60] Only this I say, that when I was in the House of the Eunuches that were the Mathe∣maticians, I went sometimes vp into a Towre, from whence I might see the tops of the Hou∣ses, the Groues, and Orchards, and me thought that I neuer in my life saw so great a frame of Building, although I haue seene many in mine owne Countrie. And therefore there are alwaies

a great number of Officers of all Offices, some making new Buildings, and others repayring the old. The King neuer goeth abroad, especially this King,* 4.502 and his Ancestors some one time and no more, vnto a Temple which they haue builded to The Heauen, and the Earth, where euerie yeare they offer Sacrifice. And therefore I know not with what pompe hee goeth abroad: But like as in his seruice he hath no men of qualitie, it cannot bee such as our Kings vse in their going to Church:

There is a barbarous custome among the Kings, that when the Prince is aduanced to the King∣dome, within a short time after, all the rest of the old Kings Sonnes are to depart out of the House to certaine places appointed for them, which vnto the third Generation are serued like [ 10] Kings, but they neuer come more in the presence of their Father, Mother, nor elder Brother:* 4.503 and therefore there is great lamentations of their Mothers at their departure. The Posteritie of these doe alwaies remayne as Kinsmen, and with the name of the Kings Kinsmen. To all these (which are very many) the King giueth sufficient mayntenance, which is no great matter. They neuer beare Office; and deale with other people, and marrie with them, without doing themselues much good or none at all in being the Kings Kinsmen, nor purchase any speciall authoritie there∣by. Other Kinsfolkes of the King, married with the Sisters, Daughters, or Cousins of the King, or Queene, although they haue sufficient to liue vpon, yet haue they exceeding small authoritie, and haughtinesse. And herein, nor in any thing may they compare with the Mandarins.

Here came to visit vs one married with the Sister of this King that is now, in a Chaire with [ 20] three or foure Boyes to wait on him. Another came oftentimes married with the Sister of the Wife of the Prince that is to inherit, on Horse-backe with one Boy only attending on him; and hee entreth into the Examinations that hee may proceed Doctor and become a Mandarin: So litle is the benefit that groweth vnto them by the Consanguinity or Affinity of the King which are joyned vnto him thereby.

Here the time faileth me, though neither matter,* 4.504 nor desire to giue contentment to your Worship, and the rest of my most deare Fathers and Brethren, neither doth nor shall euer faile me. And therefore if I shall vnderstand, that they take this in good worth, I will giue Relati∣on of that which shall fall out here by the helpe and grace of our Lord, to whom I humbly be∣seech all of them to commend mee.

[ 30] I send here withall two Maps of this Kingdome of China,* 4.505 which came to my hand after I had written this Letter, and Relation. I sought to translate all that which is contayned in the China Letters; which is all the Rent which euery one of these Prouinces payeth to the King of China; and to make a description of all the Houses which euerie Prouince hath, and how many people, and many things else: But your Worship may beleeue that by no meanes I had leysure: and therefore I send you only the figure, and another yeare (if it please our Lord God) I will send you the same with the declaration thereof.

All the rundles and squares which are therein are Cities, or Fortresses of many Inhabitants, both of them walled about. There is no Towne here set downe that it is not walled: the others are many more.

[ 40] The Riuers are well distinguished. The great lines are the limits of the Prouinces: the other small lines, and of little circuit are the Iuridisdictions of some one principall Citie.

We print here another Map of all the World of our manner with C••••nish Letters, which be∣••••use wee want time to declare the Letters, I send not till the next yeare, which then we will send if our Lord grant vs life.

I send you many other Papers, that your Worships may see the fashion of the Letters of these people of China, and what Characters wee committed to memorie. From Paquin, beeing the Court and Royall Citie of the King of China, the ninth of March, 1602.

[ 50] [ 60]

CHAP. VII. A Discourse of the Kingdome of China, taken out of RICIVS and TRIGAVTIVS, contayning the Countrey, People, Gouernment, Religion, Rites, Sects, Characters, Studies, Arts, Acts; and a Map of China added, drawne out of one there made with Annotations for the vnderstanding thereof. [ 10]

§. I. Of the Name, Scite, and Greatnesse; the Tributaries, Commoditie, Arts, Printing, Seales, Inke, Pencill-pennes and Fannes.

[ 20]

* 4.506THis vtmost Empire in the East, hath beene made knowne to Europe by diuers ap∣pellations, as that of Ptolemey, Sina; that later of Marcus Paulus the Venetian, Cathay; and that most vsuall receiued from the Portugals, which call it China. I doubt not also that this is the Region of the Hippophagi, or Hors-eaters, a meat there as common as Beefe here: as also that this is the Region Serica or Silken; foras∣much as there is no Kingdome of the East where Silke is found in that quantitie: and the Portugals ship it thence for Iapon, and all India; the Spaniards also of the Philippina I∣lands, fraight their ships therewith for all the American World. Moreouer, I find in the China Chronicles that this Silke-worke was there two thousand six hundred thirtie six yeares before the Birth of Christ: whence it passed to the rest of Asia, to our Europe and to Africa. But in [ 30] this varietie nothing seemes so strange to me, as that all these names are so strange to them, not knowne or once heard of, although the change of names be not strange to that Countrey. For as often as the Empire passeth from one Family to another, according to the vicissitude of humane Affaires: He which attayneth the Throne, imposeth a name at his pleasure. So hath it beene sometimes called Than (which signifieth exceedingly large) another while Yu, that is, Rest▪ after that successiuely Hia,* 4.507 or Great; Sciam, Adorned; Cheu, Perfect; Han, The Milkie way in Heauen, &c. And since this Family, called Ciu, which now holdeth the Souereigntie, hath reigned, it is called Min, which intimateth Splendour, and by vsuall addition of one syllable Ta-min, that is, the Kingdome of Great Splendour, Brightnesse or Glory. Yet doe few of their Neighbour Na∣tions obserue these changes of Names, whereby each of them almost, stile it by seuerall appella∣tions. [ 40] Those of Cocin, Cauchin-china, and the Siamites call it Ciu; the Iapanders, Than; the Tar∣tars, Han; the Westerne Saracens, Catay. Also amongst the Chinois themselues, besides that ar∣bi••rary name so imposed by their Kings, it hath some common to all Ages. Such are Ciumq••••, that is, the Kingdome; and Chiumhoa, which signifieth a Garden, a name arising from their Geo∣graphy,* 4.508 beleeuing indeed the roundnesse of the Heauen, but a squarenesse of the Earth, and their Kingdome in the midst thereof, a conceit growne out of conceit now, by better instru∣ction of the Iesuits.

Their King is called Lord of the World, and they supposed accordingly that their Kingdome contayned the principall part thereof;* 4.509 not deeming the Neighbour Kingdomes worthy to bee called Kingdomes, which yet before their Commerce with Europeans were all they knew. And [ 50] not vnworthily is the name Great prefixed to their Kingdomes appellation, beeing the greatest Kingdome in the World, which at this day carrieth One Name, or hath done in former times. For Southward it beginneth in the nineteenth degree, at the Ile which they call Hainam, that is,* 4.510 the South-Sea; and runneth into the North to the two & fortieth, euen to those wals which di∣uide the Chinois from the Tartars. The longitude beginneth from the one hundred and twelfth (reckoning from the Canaries) in the Prouince Yunan, and extends East-ward to the Sea in one hundred thirtie two. These Dimensions wee haue obserued in diuers places of the Kingdome where we haue passed, by Astrolabes and other Mathem••ticall Instruments; adding also the ob∣seruation of Eclipses in their Almanacks, where the Moones Change and Full are iustly descri∣bed, and specially by authoritie of Cosmographicall Plaines. Yet if others which shall come af∣ter [ 60] vs shall more exactly obserue the longitude (which I dare say will be no great matter) I shall not vnwillingly yeeld. Hence may be obserued that this ample Kingdome is for the most part within the temperate Zone; neither doth it extend so farre North-ward as some Maps haue de∣scribed by many degrees.* 4.511 And lest any should thinke that some great parts of so large a Domi∣nion

be desert, I will here translate out of a China booke entituled, The Description of that King∣dome, there printed, 1579. that which followeth.

In the Kingdome (of China) there are two Prouinces Royall, Nanquin the Southerne Court, and Pequin the Northerne, and thirteene others. In these fifteene Prouinces (you might call them King∣domes) by another diuision are numbred one hundred fiftie eight Regions or lesse Prouinces, called by them Fu; the most of which haue twelue or fifteene Cities of reasonable quantitie, besides Villages, Hamlets, Castles and Townes. In these Prouinces are two hundred fortie seuen greater Cities, called Cheu (how∣beit sometimes distinguished from other Cities rather in dignitie then largenesse) of vulgar Cities, which they call Hien, 1152. Of men growne to ripe age, which pay tribute or poll money to the King, were then fiftie and eight millions, fiue hundred fiftie thousand, 801. In all which the female sexe is not reckoned: [ 10] and of the Masculine are omitted, Boyes, Youths, Eunuchs, Souldiers, the Royall kindred, Magistrates, Students, and very many others. And of the Souldiers, although there be a Supine peace (except some Tartarian assault sometimes) there are maintained in the Kings pay, and in perpetuall Armes, aboue ten * 4.512 hundred thousand. For the three Northern Prouinces are almost halfe in pay. In that booke are num∣bred Kingdomes adioyning to that of China and tributarie; to the East three, to the West fiftie three, to the South fiftie fiue, to the North three. Yet I obserue that nothing so many doe in these dayes pay tribute, and those which doe, carry more from China, then they bring thither: and therefore the Chinois care not much whether they continue loyall or no.

To the worth of this Kingdome, may bee added, the fortification by Nature or Art round about it. To the South and East, the Sea washeth it, and so many Ilands guard it, that hardly [ 20] can a Fleet of Ships approach the Continent. To the North, steepe praecipices are ioyned toge∣ther, with a continued Tract of 405. leagues, and exclude the Tartars assaults. To the North-west is a sandy desart of many dayes iourney, which prohibite passage of an Armie, or minace their burialls. The South-west hath great Mountaines and little Kingdomes to preuent feare on that side.

From this largenesse of Territories proceeds such diuersified varietie of things growing in that Kingdome, some in the torrid, others in the colder or in the temperate Zones:* 4.513 whatsoeuer is required to the necessitie or delicacie of food or raiment being there naturall; nothing being here in Europe but either is there, or a better supply: Wheat, Barley, Panike, and other Corne; Rice, Pulse (in some Prouinces two or three haruests yeerely) fruits and Apples of the best (Nuts [ 30] and Almonds excepted) Figs and others vnknowne in our world,* 4.514 as the Licyas and the Longa∣nas in Canton Prouince onely; the Sucusina or China Figge, or Apple so called, because they may dry it as they do Figs, & liker to a Peach red, without hoarinesse or stone: in Oranges, Citrous, Limons they exceed all places. So doe they in goodnesse and varietie of Gardens, Herbs, as being there much vsed, some for religion, others for pouertie eating nothing else. Flowers haue there taken vp their bowers, admirably varied, more respected for sight then sent; the Art of distilling sweet-waters being there vnheard of. In the foure Southerne Prouinces grow Betre or Betele leafe, and the tree Arequa or Arequeira, so much vsed in India, and chewed all day long for their stomacke and teeth. Sesame Oile is both odoriferous and plentifull. Wine is not there so good as in Europe (the Grape being neither plesant nor frequent) made of Rice and o∣ther [ 40] things.

Hogs-flesh is common food: they haue Buffalls, Muttons, Goats-flesh; Hennes, Duckes, Geese, innumerable: Horses also, Asses, Mules, and Dogs-flesh are food,* 4.515 and shamble commo∣dities. In some places superstition abstaineth from Beefe and Buffalls, Venison, especially red Deere, Hare, and diuers domestick creatures are common; all cheape. Their Horses and Beasts of labour are not so goodly as in Europe, but more in number, and therefore in cheapnesse. The whole Kingdome is very commodious for passage by Riuers both naturall and hand-made:* 4.516 whence the number and kindes of shipping is incredible; insomuch that a moderne Writer hath auerred, that there are as many which keepe on the waters as on the land; an Hyperbole, yet not so exceeding the truth to such as saile these Riuers, as may bee seene to others. I am of [ 50] opinion, that there are as many Ships in this Kingdome,* 4.517 as are in all the world beside in fresh-waters: for their Sea-shipping is fewer and not comparable with ours. But to returne to their Horses, the Chinois know not how to manage and breake them but by gelding; so that their Horses for seruice are innumerable, but so vnseruiceable,* 4.518 that they will not indure the neighing of the Tartarian Horse without flight. They snooe them not with Iron, so that in rockie and hard wayes they faile.

Besides the Seas plentie of Fish and Riuers, they are stored also in Lakes,* 4.519 seeming for their depths and largenesse petie Seas. They haue more store of Fish-ponds also, then in these parts, whence the Market is daily furnished. Their Woods haue no Lions, but store of Tigers, Beares,* 4.520 [ 60] Woolues, Foxes. Elephants there are not, but for pompe some kept at the Court in Pequin, brought from other places. Flaxe they haue not, but are supplied with abundance of Cotton, the seed whereof was brought thither foure hundred yeeres since, and hath so liked the soyle,* 4.521 that the whole world, as may seeme thence might haue sufficient. Of Silke-workes wee say no more. Of Hempe, and of some other Herbs, they make many clothes,* 4.522 especially for Summer

vse. They milke not their Sheepe; they sheare them, yet make no cloth of the Wooll (notwith∣standing, woollen-clothes brought thither by Merchants is well sold) but light Summer clothes for blankets and other sleight vses. The North parts, though neerer the Sunne then some Re∣gions in Europe, are colder, the great riuers and lakes frozen ouer, of which we can giue no rea∣son, but the neighbouring Mountaines of Tartaria: against which they are furnished with choice Furres.

* 4.523All sorts of metalls are there found. They make besides Brasse and Copper, another shining like Siluer, as cheape as the yellow Brasse. Of molten Iron they make Kettles, Caldrons, Bells, Mortars, Ordnance, and other things. Their Gold is cheaper then with vs. Siluer they vse for money, distinguished not by stampe but weight, in all bargaining vsing the ballance, which is [ 10] made the more incommodious for the differing goodnesse of the Siluer, and frequent allay and fraud. In some places are Brasse farthings. Plate and Gold vessells are vsed by the greater, but nothing so much as in these parts. The women spend much Gold and Siluer in ••heir head-tires. The vulgar vse earthen dishes,* 4.524 called, I now not why, porcellane; the best whereof is made in the Kiamsin Prouince of a yellow earth. It endureth without riuing hot meates, yea as woodden dishes here with a wyre, they sowe the rifts and make them hold liquor. They make Glasse, but therein are short of the Europeans.* 4.525

* 4.526Their houses are of Timber commonly, euen the Kings Palaces, the walls which serue for par∣titions of roomes being sometimes of Bricke, but the roofe sustained by Timbers: which toge∣ther with their shipping argues their plentie of trees. Oakes are rare, but supplied with a hard [ 20] and euerlasting wood with them vsed for coffins, in which their curiositie will sometimes spend a thousand Duckets.* 4.527 There is also store of a kinde of reed, which the Portugalls call Bambu, of almost Iron hardnesse, the roundnesse scarcely compassed with both hands, and serues for smal∣ler posts; the lesser of them for Launces and other vses. For fire they vse Wood, Coles, Reeds, Straw, and a bituminous substance called Mui (a kinde of Mine-cole or Sea-cole) which is most and best in the North,* 4.528 digged out of the earth.

* 4.529Of medicinable herbs they haue diuers, specially Rhubarbe, sold for tenne halfe pence the pound: China Wood, or holy Wood growing in desarts naturally, and thence taken for no other price but the labour: Muske; Salt both made of Sea-waters, and of others easily in the Conti∣nent;* 4.530 Sugar more common there then Hony, though both plentifull: Waxe both of Bees, and [ 30] another whiter and burning better made by certaine wormes, which therefore are nourished in trees;* 4.531 another also made of a certaine fruit: Their paper is not so during as ours, nor can endure the presse on both sides.

I omit their parti-coloured Marbles, their gems, colours for paintings, odoriferous Woods, &c.* 4.532 I cannot passe by some rarities; as their shrub whence they make their drinke Cia. They gather the leaues in the Spring, and dry them in the shadow, and keepe it for daily decoction, vsing it at meates, and as often as any guest comes to their house, yea twice or thrice, if hee make any tarrying. They sup it hot, bitterish to the palate, but wholesome: not of ancient vse, for they haue no ancient Character in their bookes for it. The Iapanders pay deare for it, ten or twelue Duckets a pound for the best, and vse it otherwise, putting the poulder of the leafe [ 40] to hot water, as much as two or three spoonefulls: the Chinois put the leaues themselues into the hot water, which they drinke, leauing the leaues behinde. They haue also a bituminous sub∣stance like milke,* 4.533 strained out of the barke of a tree, of pitchy cleauing, whence they make San∣daracha, a varnish for their houses and houshold, ships, and other things: yeelding a smooth touch to the hand and glassie splendour to the eye with long continuance. Thus can they more then counterfeit the colours of any wood, and hereby are prouided against prouisions of Na∣pery, this seruing for Table linnen; they recouering any greasie contagion with a little rinsing of water. They haue an Oyle also pressed from an apple not vnlike it in vse, but not so re∣splendent.

* 4.534They haue Cinamon and Ginger growing, Pepper and other Spices are brought from other [ 50] parts. They haue store of Gun-powder, not so much for Artillerie (which they can vse but meanely) as for Fire-works in pompous spectacles, thereby representing, Trees, Fruits, Battels, and other things with great Art and cost. We saw at Nanquin, in the first moneth of the yeere, as much this way spent as would haue serued a continued fight two yeeres.

* 4.535For Mechanicall Arts, they are not comparable to our mens Architecture, whether yee regard the beautie or continuance of their buildings, they not so much as conceiuing or crediting the stately magnificence or long durance of some in these parts. They either make no foundation, or verie sleight, and thinke a mans age to be age enough for a house, and that scarcely without reparations: their houses being also of Timber, and where the walls are Stone, they haue Tim∣bers to beare vp the roofe, that the wall may easily be repaired or renewed without meddling [ 60] with the supporters.

Printing is ancienter there then here; some thinke before the Incarnation, and most certaine aboue fiue hundred yeeres old: much differing from ours because of the multitude of their Cha∣racters. They graue or cut these Characters in a table of Peare-tree, Apple-tree or Zizyphus. In

this Table they lightly glue on a whole leafe written, and then cunningly shaue the drie paper, that they make very little transparence; after which they cut the wood, that onely the prints or lineaments of the Characters are eminent: which done, with great facilitie and celeritie they print off leaues at pleasure, one Printer often 1500. in one day; so ready also in cutting, that to mee Ours seeme to spend as much time in composing and correcting. This course is more accommodated to their great Characters then to ours, whose little letters are not easily cut in woodden Tables. They haue this commoditie also, that keeping these Tables by them, they may with little labour adde or take away words or sentences: and need not at once print off any more Copies then present vse or sale requireth. Wee doe this with Bookes of our Religion or European Sciences, printing them at home by our China seruants.* 4.536 They haue another way of [ 10] printing Characters or Pictures printed before in Marble or Wood, laying on a leafe of Paper moist, and on that a woollen Cloth, whereon they beate with a Hammer till the Paper insi∣nuates it selfe into the voide spaces and lineaments of the Characters or Picture: after which they lightly colour that leafe with Inke or other colour, those delineations onely remayning white, and retayning the Prototype-figure. But this is for grosser Pourtraitures.

They are much addicted to pictures, but nothing so cunning in painting, founding, grauing,* 4.537 as Europeans. They make magnificent Arches with figures of men and beasts, and adorne their Temples with Idols and Bells, but their Genius otherwise generous and ingenious enough, for want of commerce with other Nations, is herein rudely artificiall. Shadowes and Oyle in picturing are to them vnknowne, and their Pictures therefore haue no more life of Art then Na∣ture. [ 20] In Statues, themselues seeme Statues for all rules of Symmetry any further then by the eye, and yet will be doing in huge (indeed) Monsters of this kinde, in Earth, Brasse, and Mar∣ble. Their Bells haue all woodden Hammers, which yeeld a woodden sound,* 4.538 not comparable to ours, nor seeming capable of those of Iron.* 4.539 They haue variety and plenty of Musicall In∣struments, yet want Organs and all that haue Keyes. Their Strings are made of raw Silke, and know not that any can be made of Guts. The Symmetrie of their Instruments is answerable to ours. All their Musike is simple and single-toned, vtterly ignorant of consort in discord-concord: yet much applaud they themselues in their owne Harmonie, howsoeuer dissonant to our eares. But this pride seemes to grow (as vsually it doth) from ignorance, and it is likely they would preferre ours if they knew it.

[ 30] They haue scarcely any Instruments for measuring of (that which measures all things) Time;* 4.540 such as they haue, measure by water or fire, but very imperfectly, as is also their Sun-diall, which they know not to fit to differing places. They are much addicted to Comedies, and therein ex∣ceed ours; some practising the same in principall Townes, others trauelling thorow the King∣dome (or roguing, if you will) being the dregs of the Kingdome, buying Boyes whom they frame to this faigning facultie. Their Commedies are commonly antient,* 4.541 whether Histories or deuices, and few new written. They are vsed in publike and in priuate Solemnities; as also in Feasts, whereto being called, they offer to the Inuiter a Booke, in which to take his choise, the Guests looking, eating, drinking together; and sometimes after ten houres feasting, they will spend as much succeeding time in a succession of Interludes one after another.* 4.542 Their pronuncia∣tion [ 40] is with singing accent, and not with the vulgar tone. Seales are of great vse with them, not onely for Letters, but for their Poems also, Pictures, Bookes, and many other things. These contayne the name, sur-name, dignitie, and degree: neither content they themselues with one, but haue many, inscribing sometimes the beginning and end of their workes; not imprinting them in Waxe, or such like substance, but onely colour them red. The chiefe men haue on the Table a Boxe full of Seales, which containe their diuers names (for euery Chinese hath many names) and those of Wood, Marble, Iuorie, Brasse, Crystall, Corall, and better stones.* 4.543 There are many workemen of that Seale-occupation, their Characters differing from the vulgar, and sauouring of Antiquitie and Learning.

There is another Art not vnlike, of making Inke for all writing,* 4.544 made into little Cakes or [ 50] Balls of the smoke of Oyle. For their estimation of exact writing makes the making of Inke also to be holden an Art not illiberall. They vse it on a Marble smooth stone; with a few drops of water rubbing those Balls, and colouring the stone,* 4.545 thence taking it with a Pensill of Hares haires wherewith they write.

Fannes also are in much vse by both Sexes for the causing of winde to coole them in Summer. No man may goe abroad without a Fanne, although the weather be cold,* 4.546 and the winde already bee importunate: the vse being rather for ornament then necessitie. They are made of Reeds, Wood, Iuorie, Ebonie, together with Paper or Silke, and a certaine odoriferous Straw, in round, ouall, or square forme. The chiefe men vse them of Paper gilded with plaits to be let in or out, and therein inscribe some pithie sentence or Poeme. These are the most common gifts or pre∣sents [ 60] (as Gloues in Europe) and we haue a Chist full of them sent vs by our friends. In other things the Chinois are liker ours, vsing Tables, Stooles, and Beds (which the adioyning Nations doe not, but sit on Carpets on the floore) to eate or sleepe.

§. II. Of their Characters and writing downward: their studies, Ethikes, Astrologie, Physike, Authentike Authors, Degrees how taken both Philosophicall and Militarie.

* 4.547NOw, for their more liberall Arts, and Literate-degrees, this Kingdome differs from all others: in which their Learned beare principall sway. The China words are Mono∣syllables, not one otherwise, howsoeuer two or three Vowels sometimes are conioy∣ned [ 10] into one Diphthong, to speake after our manner; for they haue not Consonants nor Vowels, but diuers Characters for so many things, and as many of them, as there are Words, so that a Word, Syllable, Letter, are the same; and when we ioyne diuers Syllables to make one Word, it is after our fashion, because they signifie the same thing; with them each Syllable is a seuerall word.* 4.548 And although the number of things and Characters seeme the same, yet doe they so compound them together, that they exceed not seuenty or eighty thousand: and hee which knoweth ten thousand of them, hath the most necessary: to know all is in manner for any one man impossible. Of these Characters the sound is often the same, the figure and signi∣fication differing: so that no Language is so equiuocall; nor can any Speech bee written from the Speakers mouth by the Hearer, nor can a Booke bee read to the Hearers vnderstanding, ex∣cept [ 20] they haue the Booke before them,* 4.549 by their eyes to distinguish the equiuocations which their eares cannot. Yea, in speaking accuratly, the Hearer often vnderstands not without repe∣tition and writing either with Inke, or water on the Table, or forming the Characters in the aire; and this most happens in the most elegant and polite discourses (the stile of Bookes and Inkhorne-dialect of their learned,* 4.550 wholly differing from the vulgar Idiome.) This equiuoca∣tion and paucity of sounds is in some sort eased be Accents, which are fiue, and not easie to di∣stinguish; by which of one Syllable (as wee account it) they make it with differing tones fiue fold in differing signification: and there is no Word which is not pronounced with one of these Accents.* 4.551 Hence is the Language so difficult as none else in the World for Strangers to learne to speake and vnderstand; which importunate labour of ours hath yet attayned. The reason I con∣ceiue [ 30] to be that they alway haue laboured to adorne their writing more then their speech, their eloquence still consisting in writing and not in pronunciation,* 4.552 as Isocrates is commended a∣mongst the Greekes.

This multitude of Characters, as it is burthensome to the memory, so it hath this commo∣dity,* 4.553 the commerce with diuers Nations of different Linguages by community of writing; Ia∣pon, Corai, Cauchinchina, the Leuhiees, vnderstanding and reading the Characters, each into his owne Language, which the other vnderstand nothing at all. Each Prouince also hath its owne, and all haue one common Tongue besides, which they call Quonhoa, or the Court Language (the Magistrates being all forrainers, and none bearing Office in his Countrey Prouince) vsed in their Courts, and by the Learned: this onely did ours learne, nor is the other vsed by the ciuiller or [ 40] learneder in conference, except priua••ly by Countrey-men: yea, children and women learne this Court-speech. I heare that the Iaponians haue an Alphabet also of Letters after our fa∣shion, besides these Characters; but in China they haue none, so that from their Cradle to the extremest age they are learning their Characters, as many as professe Learning: which how∣soeuer it takes vp time from better Sciences, it doth it also from idle youthfull vanities. Hence also riseth a kinde of writing with them, in few Characters expressing that which would cost vs long discourses.* 4.554 Their course of writing is from the right hand, the line downward, ours contrary from the left and side-wayes.

* 4.555Of all the noblest Sciences they are best skilled in morall Philosophie (naturall, they haue ra∣ther obscured) and being ignorant of Logicke, they deliuer those Ethicke precepts in confused [ 50] sentences and discourses without order by meere naturall wit. Their greatest Philosopher is called Confutius,* 4.556 whom I finde to haue beene borne 551. yeeres before the comming of Christ, and to haue liued aboue 70. yeeres, by example as well as precept exciting to vertue, accounted a very holy man. And if wee marke his sayings and doings, wee must confesse few of our Eth∣nike Philosophers before him, and many behinde. But with the Chinois, his word is authori∣tie,* 4.557 and no speech of his is called in question; the Learned, yea the Kings also, euer since wor∣shipping him, not as a God, but as a Man; and his posteritie are much esteemed, the head of that familie inheriting by grant of Kings a title of great honour, with immunities and re∣uenues answerable.

They haue some knowledge also of Astrologie, and the Mathematikes: In Arithmetike and [ 60] Geometry antiently more excellent, but in learning and teaching confused. They reckon foure hundred Starres more then our Astrologers haue mentioned, numbring certaine smaller which doe not alway appeare.* 4.558 Of the heauenly Apparances they haue no rules: they are much busied about foretelling Eclipses, and the courses of Planets, but therein very erroneous; and all their

skill of Starres is in manner that which wee call Iudiciall Astrology, imagining these things below to depend on the Starres. Somewhat they haue receiued of the Westerne Saracens, but they confirme nothing by Demonstration, only haue left to them Tables, by which they rec∣kon the Eclipses and Motions:* 4.559

The first of this Royall Family forbad any to learne this Iudiciall Astrologie, but those which by Hereditary right are thereto designed, to preuent Innouations. But he which now reigneth mayntayneth diuers Mathematicians, both Eunuches within the Palace, and Magistrates with∣out, of which there are in Pequin two Tribunals, one of Chinois, which follow their owne Au∣thors, another of Saracens which reforme the same by their Rules, and by conference together. [ 10] Both haue in a small Hill a Plaine for Contemplation where are the huge Mathematicall Instru∣ments of Brasse before mentioned: One of the Colledge nightly watcheth thereon as is before obserued. That of Nanquin exceeds this of Pequin, as being then the Seat Royall. When the Pequin Astrologers foretell Eclipses, the Magistrates and Idoll Ministers are commanded to as∣semble in their Officiary Habits to helpe the labouring Planets, which they think they do with beating brazen Bels, and often kneelings, all the time that they thinke the Eclipse lasteth,* 4.560 lest they should then bee deuoured (as I haue heard) by I know not what Serpent.

Their Physicke Rules differ much from ours; they examine the Pulse alike.* 4.561 They succeed well in their Prescriptions, which vsually are Simples, Herbs, Rootes, and the like. They haue for it no publike Schoole, but each learnes it of his owne Master, yet in the two Royall Cities [ 20] Degrees of this Art are giuen after Examination, but cursorily and without any respect acquired by his Degree, because all may practise which will. Neyther doth any study Mathematickes or Physicke, which is in any hope of the Ethike glory, but such as want of wit or meanes hath de∣terred from studies more sublime. Contrariwise, that Ethike Science is the Ladder of China fe∣licity. Confutius brought into order the Bookes of foure former Philosophers,* 4.562 and wrote a fift himselfe, which fiue Bookes hee called Doctrines: in which are contayned Morall and Politike Rules, Examples of the Ancients, Rites and Sacrifices, diuers Poems also and the like. Besides these fiue Volumes, out of Confutius and his Disciples are brought into one Volume, diuers Pre∣cepts without order, Similes, Sentences Ethike, Oeconomike, Politike: this Booke for the foure parts is called the Foure Bookes. These nine are the ancientest China Bookes, whence the [ 30] others most what are taken, and contayne most of their Characters. And the ancient Kings en∣acted that they which professe Learning, should take the foundations of their Learning from those Bookes, not only to learne the proper sense of the Text, but to bee able on the sudden to write fitly of any sentence, for which cause that Tetrabiblion is learned without Booke. Neyther is there any Vniuersitie or publike Schoole (as some of ours haue affirmed,* 4.563 the Masters or Profes∣sors whereof haue vndertaken to read and expound those Bookes; but euery one gets a Master at home at his owne choice and cost (of which there is a huge multitude.) In this Science are three Degrees bestowed on them which offer themselues to be examined and are iudged meete.* 4.564 That Examination is almost wholly in Writing. The first Degree is conferred in euery City in that place which is called the Schoole, by some learned man designed to that Office by the King,* 4.565 who [ 40] is by that place called Tihio; the Degree is termed Sieucai. A threefold Examination is premised. First, at his comming to any City of his Prouince, all that stand for that degree in that City, and the confining limits thereof resort thither and are examined by those Masters which are set ouer the Bachelours till they haue attayned further Degree, mayntayned by the Kings stipend. In this Examination euery one is admitted, perhaps foure or 5000. assembled to that purpose. The second is by the foure Gouernours of the City (for none are admitted to Gouernment but the Learned) which present out of all that number 200. of the better Writers to the Tihio, and he in a third Examination chuseth 20. or 30. of the best, which he entituleth Bachelors: their Ensignes are a long Gowne, a Cap, and Boots, which none else may weare,* 4.566 & in all places they are much respected as in a ranke aboue the vulgar Citizens, and enjoy also diuers Priuiledges, being in manner subject [ 50] only to the Masters aforesaid and the Tihio, other Magistrates scarsly medling with them. This Tihio not only hath authority ouer these new created Bachelors, but ouer those which were made before to re-examine them: and these according to their writing hee diuideth into fiue rankes; the first he rewardeth with some publike Office in the City, the second with some infe∣riour honour, the third he neyther rewards nor punisheth, the fourth he causeth to be publikely whipped, the last he degradeth and maketh againe Plebeians. The second Degree is called Kiugin, and may be compared with our Licentiates, and is conferred but once in three yeares, and that in the Metropolitane City about the eight Moone with greater Majesty.* 4.567 And the degree is not conferred to all, but to a certayne number of the worthiest, according to the dignity of each Pro∣uince: Pequin and Nanquin haue each 150. Cequian, Quamsi, and Fuquian 95. others fewer. Only [ 60] Bachelors, but not all, are admitted to this Examination, the Tihio sending out of each City or Schoole 30. or at most 40. of the best, which number yet ariseth in some Prouince to 4000. of those Examinates or Probationers for this second degree. A little before the eighth Moon (which often fals in September, the Pequin Magistrates present to the King 100. of the most esteemed Philosophers in the Kingdome, who thence pricketh or nameth thirty, for each Prouince two,* 4.568 to

take charge of the Examination of these Candidates. One of these two must bee of the Hanlin Colledge, the Collegians whereof are most famous thorow the Kingdome. The King doth not name them till that nicke of time when they must presently packe to their Prouince, diligently guarded also that they speake with none of that Prouince till the Act or Commencement be past. In the same Prouince also are chosen the best Philosophers to assist these two Examiners.* 4.569 In eue∣ry Mother City is a huge Palace built for this purpose, compass••d with high wals, with many sta∣tions for the Examiners separate from noyse; and foure thousand Cels or Studies besides in the midst of the Palace, wherein is a stoole and table for one man, that none may see or confer with any other.

When the Examiners sent by the King, and those of the Prouince are come thither, they are presently shut vp in their stations before they can speake with other men, or with each other, [ 10] during all the Examination time. Night and day, meane-whiles the Magistrates and Souldiers guard the Palace from Colloquies.* 4.570 Three dayes (the same thorow the Kingdome) the ninth, twelfth and fifteenth of the eighth Moone, from morning to night are appointed for their wri∣ting, the doores being shut. A light refection prouided the day before is giuen to the Writers at publike cost. When the Bachelors come to the Palace, they are thorowly searched whether they haue any Booke or Writing with them, and are admitted only with the Pensils which they vse in writing, their Plate, Paper and Inke; these also and their Garments searched to preuent all fraud, which found causeth the twofold punishment both of losse and sence. When they are ad∣mitted,* 4.571 the doores shut and sealed, the two Royall Examiners out of the Tetrabiblium propound three Sentences for so many Theames to euery of them; and foure out of the fiue Bookes of Do∣ctrines [ 20] for so many other Theames. These seuen Writings must bee made for elegance of words and weight of Sentences according to the Precepts of China Rhetoricke;* 4.572 neyther must any Writing contayne aboue 500. Characters. Two dayes being passed for the Examinationn of these; the next day out of the Chronicles, or other three Cases of Politie are propounded, wherein each which three Theames or Writing expresse their minde, or Libel-wise admonish the King what were fittest to be done. The third day three Law Cases, such as happen in the Magistrates, Offices are propounded, for each thereof to expresse his Sentence. These in great silence, each in his appointed Cell, hauing written their Theames, subscribed with their owne, their Fathers, Grand-fathers and great Grand-fathers names, and sealed so that none but men appointed may reade them, offer them to certayne Officers, which before the Examiners [ 30] see them;* 4.573 cause them to bee transcribed by certayne thereto appointed: which Copies to be distinguished from the Originals are written in Red Inke, without the Authors names (the Originals laid vp safely) that none might by the hand or name know the Authour. In this Ex∣amination the Assistants first reiect the worst & present vnto the two Examiners twice so many as are to be chosen Licentiates; as if one hundred and fifty are to bee chosen, three hundred are tendered to passe their last scrutinie: who first lay by the best, so many as are to bee elected (and thence take the first, second, and third, and set them accurately in order, and then conferre them with the Originals, thence taking the names which they cause to bee written in great Cubitall Letters, in a huge Table, which they expose about the end of the eighth Moone in great [ 40] concourse of Magistrates, and applause of the new Elects Friends and Kindred. The Priui∣ledges and Ornaments of this Degree are more then of the former,* 4.574 and if they intend to pro∣ceed no further, they are hereby capable of very good Magistracies. After the Act, the Kings Examiners publish a Booke of their proceedings, the names of the Graduates and their principall Writings, especially his which is as the Elder Brother (they call him Quiayuen) and whose Theames were best liked. The Bachelors of other Prouinces may not here be admitted; some on∣ly except of the Kings Schoole in Pequin and Nanquin.

* 4.575The third Degree is like our Doctorship, called Cin-su, which is conferred euery third yeare also, but onely at Pequin, and alway is the next yeare after that Commencement of Licen∣tiates. Only three hundred chosen ou•• of the whole Kingdome obtayne it, although the Li∣centiates [ 50] of euery Prouince are admitted to the Examination.

This Act is in the second Moone on the same dayes that the former and in like forme, sauing that the diligence is greater, as for a greater degree, and the Colai, the chiefe Magistrates of the Kingdome are Examiners.* 4.576 The Doctors being pronounced in the same Palace, where the Li∣centiates vse to bee; all of them in the Kings Palace, before the chiefe Magistrates of the Court (yea anciently the King was wont to bee present) make a Theame, according to the iudgement whereof, the order of the Magistracies which they are to beare, is declared, being distributed in three Rankes.

Hee that in Examination of Doctors had the first place, hath in this second Examination the third place without question: but hee which hath the first or second enioyeth a great dignitie [ 60] during his life, besides the greatest Offices in the Common-wealth; and might (compared with ours) bee as a Duke or Marquesse, if it were Hereditary. These Doctours presently haue their peculiar Vest,* 4.577 Cap, Bootes, and other Ensignes of Magistrates, and are pre∣ferred to the best Offices, such as the Licentiates may not attayne, and are as the prime men of the Kingdome.

Those Licentiates which are rejected from the Doctorship,* 4.578 if they meane to proceed no fur∣ther, are preferred to Magistracie▪ but if they list still to stand for that degree they betake them∣selues home to their Bookes afresh, till the third-yeare-examination returnes, so that some stand ten times, continuing so long priuate to become more publike. A Booke is also published of them and of their successe. Another is yearely set forth contayning the Names, Countrey, Pa∣rents, Offices of all the Doctors; and where they gouerne, whereby a man may know how any hath risen or descended all his life, as is there vsuall after their merits. It is remarkable also how the Licentiates and Doctors of the same yeare respect one the other as Brethren euer after, and loue the Friends also of their Colleagues, and honour their Examiners as Fathers.* 4.579

They vse to grant at the same times and places the same Titles (in the Moone following) to [ 10] Military Professors, but with lesse pompe, because Souldierie is of no such reckoning with them, and few stand for them. This Military tryall is three-fold, in the first they shoot nine Arrowes on Horse-backe running; in the second they shoot as many at the same ma••ke standing: and hee which hath hit the Marke with foure on Horke-backe and two Arrowes on foot, is admitted to the third tryall wherein they haue some Theame of Military matters propounded,* 4.580 and the Iudges examining this Triple tryall out of the whole number pronounce about fifty Licen∣tiates in euery Prouince. And when the Doctorall Act is at Pequin, one hundred of the choice of these after a Triple Examina••ion are made Military Doctors. These Doctors are more easily admitted to Military Prefectures (but scarcely without Bribes) then the Licen∣tiates. Both the Philosophicall and Military, ouer their doores, set vp in great Letters this [ 20] their new attayned dignity. All the Examiners, whether of Mathematicall, or Military, or Philosophicall degrees, are of those Philosophers, without assistance of any Captaine, Ma∣thematician, or Physician, as if thereby they were inabled to all things.

§. III. Of the Tartarian Conquest; Of HVMVV the Establisher of the present Gouernment. The Reuenues. Magistrates in the Courts Royall, Pro∣uinces, [ 30] Cities, Orders, Exaltations, Visitations, Depriuations.

THe Gouernment of China is Monarchicall. In times past,* 4.581 there haue beene Lords of Title, as are Dukes, Marquesses, and Earles in Europe, but taken away eighteene hun∣dred yeares since. It was neuer subdued by any Forreiners before the Tartarian Con∣quest. The Iesuites ••hinke that that Conquerour was Tamberlane: for the Chinois call him Tiemor, and say that he had before subdued Persia and Tartaria. Hee (whosoeuer hee was) conquered all the Chinois and left them to his Posterity till the yeare 1368. At that time the Tartarians growing weaker, diuers Captaynes arose in diuers parts of the Kingdome which [ 40] shooke off that yoke. Amongst them all the most famous was of the Family Ciu, whom after∣wards the Chinois called Humvu, a famous Captayne, or rather a Floud of Armes. He of a com∣mon Souldier grew to such greatnesse, that hee first expelled the Tartars, and then repelled the Rebels thorow all the Kingdome, and possessed that Souereigntie which still continueth in his Line. For the Crowne there goeth by Inheritance: only two or three of the Ancient Kings haue commended it to others, their owne Sonnes seeming vnworthy; and the people haue by Rebellion sometimes raysed a new Family, diuers yet losing their liues rather then acknow∣ledging that Faction, this being Prouerbiall in their Philosophie, An honest Woman hath but one Husband, and a faithfull Seruant but one Lord.

There are no ancient Lawes, but the first Founder of any Royall family makes new Lawes, [ 50] which his Posteritie are not easily permitted to transgresse. So the present Lawes of China are no ancienter then Humvu, who either made new, or confirmed the old. Out of ignorance of o∣ther parts of the world, they thinke their King Lord of the World, and call him Thiencu, the Sonne of Heauen, or (which is all one in their Theologie) of God. His vsuall title yet is Hoamsi, that is, supreame Monarch: whereas they stile other Kings Guam, an inferiour title. To preuent Re∣bellions and Factions. Humvu ordayned t••at none of the Royall bloud should intermeddle with Gouernment. Those Captaynes which had ayded him in expulsion of the Tartars, hee gaue militarie Commands with reuenues and titles, to descend to their Heires. The Roya••l race hee gaue the titles of Guam, as pettie Kings, with large reuenues to bee yeerely payed out of the Exchequer, and commanded all Magistrates to reuerence them. Their Posteritie hee honoured [ 60] with inferiour Honours and reuenues, so much lesse as further from the originall, and after cer∣taine generations to haue no more then might well maintayne them without labour. The like in Marriages and Titles were prouided for the Royall Daughters. Those assisting Captaynes he honoured with a plate of Iron like a Charger, in which are engrauen those their exploits for de∣liuerance

of the Kingdome; which being shewne to the King, is priuiledged with pardon of any penaltie, though mortall, three times, except for Treason which forfeiteth presently all Priui∣ledges. Euery time it obtaynes any pardon, it is engrauen in the Plate. The Sonnes in Law, and Fathers in Law of the King, and some which haue extraordinarily merited of the State, en∣joy like Honours and Reuenues with the same diminution of time, as before.

* 4.582He also ordained that all Magistracie and Gouernment should belong to those Licentiates and Doctors, whereto neyther the fauour of the King or other Magistrates are necessary, but their owne merits,* 4.583 except where corruption frustrates Law. All Magistrates are called Quonfu, and for honours sake they are stiled Lau ye or Lau sie, that is, Lord, or Father. The Portugals call them Mandarins. These haue some representation of Aristocratie, in that Gouernment: for though they doe nothing but first petitioning the King, hee also determines nothing without [ 10] their sollicitation. And if a priuate man petitions (which is seldome, because Officers are ap∣pointed to examine Petitions before the King sees them) the King, if hee will grant it, sends it to the Tribunall proper for that businesse, to aduise him what is fit to bee done. I haue found for certaine, that the King cannot giue Money or Magistracie to any, except hee bee solicited by some Magistrate: I meane this of publike Reuenues; which doubtlesse doe exceed one hundred and fiftie Millions yearely,* 4.584 & are not brought into the Palace Treasurie, nor may the King spend them at his pleasure: but all whether Money or Rice and other things in kinde, are layed vp in the publike Treasuries and Store-houses, in all the Kingdome. Thence the expenses of the King his Wiues, Children, Eunuches, Family, and of all his Kindred are in Royall sort disbursed, but according to the ancient Lawes, neither more nor lesse. Thence the Stipends of Magistrates [ 20] and Souldiers and all Officers thorow the Kingdome are paid:* 4.585 the publike Buildings, the Kings Palace, Cities, Walls, Towres, Fortresses and all prouision of War are thence sustayned, which cause new Tributes sometimes to be imposed, this huge Reuenue notwithstanding.

Of Magistrates are two sorts, one of the Court which rule there, and thence rule the King∣dome; and other Prouinciall, which gouerne particular Cities or Prouinces. Of both sorts are fiue or six Bookes to be sold euery where,* 4.586 printed twice each moneth at Pequin, as by their course of printing (you haue seene) is easie; contayning nothing else but the name, Countrey, and degree of the Magistrates; and therefore printed so often because of the exaltings, shiftings, setting lower, death of Parents (which suspends three yeares to mourning in priuate) their owne deaths or depriuations. [ 30]

* 4.587Of the Court Tribunals are reckoned sixe; the first, Li pu (Pu is asmuch as Tribunall or Court, and Li, as Magistrates) to which it belongeth to name the chiefe Magistrates of the King∣dome, bringing vp from the lower to the higher according to the Lawes prescribed, or if they deserue it, abasing or quite depriuing them. For those Licentiates and Doctors continually as∣cend, except their owne faults deject them, wherein a depriuation makes for euer vncapable. The second is called Ho-pu,* 4.588 that is, the Exchequer Court, or that of the Treasury; which ex∣acts and disburseth the Kings Reuenues.* 4.589 The third is the Li-pu, or Court of Rites, which orde∣reth the publike Sacrifices, Temples, Priests, Kings, Marriages, Schooles, Examinations, Festi∣uall Dayes, common Gratulations to the King, Titles giuen to the wel-deseruing, Physicians, [ 40] Colledges of Mathematicians, entertayning and sending Embassages, with their Rites, Presents, Letters;* 4.590 the King holding it abasing to his Majesty to write to any. The fourth, is the Pimpu, or Military Court, which rewards the meriting, and takes from the sluggish Souldier; ordereth their Musters and giues Military degrees.* 4.591 The fifth is Cumpu, which hath care of the publike Buildings, Palaces for the King or his Kindred, and the Magistrates; Shippes for publike bur∣thens or Armadas,* 4.592 Bridges, Walls of Cities and all like prouisions. The sixth Court is Himpu, which inquireth into Criminall Causes and sentenceth them; also all the publike Prisons are subject hereto.

All the affaires of the Kingdom depend on these Courts, which therefore haue Magistrates and Notaries in euery City and Prouince, to admonish them faithully of all things, the multitude and order facilitating this so weighty a Designe. For first, in euery Court is a Lord Chiefe Iustice or [ 50] President called Ciam Ciu,* 4.593 who hath two Assistants, one sitting at his right hand, the other at his left, called Cilam: their dignity in the Royall Cities is accounted principall. After these e∣uery Tribunall hath diuers Offices, each of which hath diuers Colleagues, besides Notaries, Courtiers, Apparitors, and other Seruants. Besides these Tribunals there is another the greatest in the Court and Kingdome; they call them Colaos, which are three or foure, sometimes sixe which haue no peculiar businesses,* 4.594 but take care of the whole Re-publike, and are the Kings Priuy-Counsell in all Affaires. These are daily admitted into the Kings Palace, and there abide whole dayes, and answere as they see cause to the Petitions which are put vp to the King (who was wont to define matters with these Colai in publike) and shewing their answere to the King, hee alters or approoueth the same, and sets his hand thereto for the execution. [ 60]

* 4.595Besides these Orders of Magistrates and others not mentioned (as like to our owne) there are two sorts not vsuall with vs, the one Choli, the other called Zauli. In each of these Orders are aboue sixty choice Philosophers, men approued for their wisdome and courage before experien∣ced.

These two Rankes are vsed by the King in Court or Prouince businesses of greater weight, with great and Royall power, which causeth to them great respect and veneration. These by Libell admonish the King if any thing be done contrary to the Lawes in any parts of the King∣dome, not sparing any of the Magistrates, nor the Kings House, nor the King himselfe; to the wonder of other Nations. And although the King sometimes bee touched to the quicke, and toucheth them to the quicke againe, yet cease they not still to rip the sore till it be cured. Other Magistrates may doe it, yea any priuate man, but these mens Libels or Petitions are of most worth, as proceeding from their peculiar Office. The Copies of them and of the Kings answers are printed by many, so that the Court and State Affaires flye thorow the Kingdome, and are by [ 10] some written in Bookes, and those of most moment transcribed into the Annals of the King∣dome. Of late when the King would for loue of a second Sonne haue excluded the eldest, so ma∣ny by Libels reprehended the King, that he in anger depriued or abased one hundred of the Ma∣gistrates. They yet ceased not but one day went together into the Kings Palace, and offered vp their Magistracies if he persisted to breake the Law.* 4.596 Lately also when the chiefe of the Colai did not obserue the Law, in two moneths space about one hundred Libels were put vp, not∣withstanding they knew him a great Fauourite; and hee dyed within a while after, as was thought, of griefe.

There are also besides Magistrates, not a few Colledges instituted for diuers purposes, but the most eminent is that called Han lin Yuen,* 4.597 into which none are chosen but choice Doctors after [ 20] due Examinations. They which liue in that Royall Colledge, meddle not with Gouernment, yet are of higher dignitie then the Gouernours. Their Office is to order the Kings Writing, to make Annals of the Kingdome, to write Lawes and Statutes. Of these are chosen the Masters of the Kings and Princes. They wholly addict themselues to their studies, and in the Colledge haue their degrees of honours, which they attayne by writing. Thence they are preferred to great dignities but not out of the Court. Neither is any chosen to bee a Colao, but out of this Colledge. They gaine much also by Writings for their Friends, Epitaphs, Inscriptions and the like; which all seeke to haue of them, their name giuing credit and reputation of Elegance. These are the chiefe for Examinations of Licentiates and Doctors, who hold them for Masters and send them Presents.

[ 30] All these Pequin Magistrates are found also at Nanquin, but obscured by the Kings absence. Hum vu had fixed his Seat at Nanquin, but after his death Yun lo one of his Nephewes,* 4.598 who in the Northerne Prouinces defended with an Armie those Borders against the Tartars, perceiuing Hum-v•••• Sonne but weake, thought to depriue him of the Kingdome, which hee effected by helpe of the Northerne Prouinces, and with force, fraud and largesse obtayned his Vncles Throne. And because he was strongest in the North parts, and most feare was from the Tartars there, he there fixed his Residence, where the Tartar Kings had wonted to abide and called that Citie Pequin, that is, the Northerne Court, as Nanquin signifieth the Southerne, leauing to this the former Offices and Immunities.

The Gouernment of the other thirteene Prouinces depends on two Magistrates, the one Pu∣cinsu, [ 40] the other Naganzasu: the former judging Ciuill Causes, the later Criminall;* 4.599 both residing with great Pompe in the Mother Citie of the Prouince. In both Courts are diuers Colleagues and they also chiefe Magistrates called Tauli, which gouerning other Cities often reside in them. The Prouinces are all distributed into diuers Regions, which they call Fu, each of which hath a peculiar Gouernour called Cifu. These Regions are subdiuided into Ceu, and Hien, that is the greater or more eminent Townes, and those which are more vulgar, which are not lesse then our Cities, if you except our greatest. These haue their speciall Gouernours called Ciceu and Cihien. The Gouernours of Cities and Regions haue their foure Assistants and Colleagues as Auditors, and Iudges to helpe them. As for the opinion of some that thinke those only to bee Cities, which are called Fu, and Ceu, and Hien to bee Townes,* 4.600 it is an errour: for the City wherein the [ 50] Gouernour of the Region resides, is also called Hien, and hath its peculiar Gouernour called Cihien, and Assistants; and the Cifu hath no more power there then in other places of his Iurisdiction; which is the first Appeale to him as Superiour from the Cihien or Ciceu. The second Appeale is to the Pucimfu and Naganzosu and their Colleagues in the Metropolitane Cities, which Cities likewise haue their Cihien and Cifu, aswell as the Subordinate; all in incredible Symmetrie.

And because the whole Prouinciall Gouernment hath reference to Pequin, therefore in euery Prouince besides these, are other two superiour to them sent from the Royall Citie, the one fix∣ing his Residence in the Prouince, called Tutam, which may bee compared to our Vice-roy,* 4.601 ha∣uing command ouer other Magistrates, and in Martiall affaires: the other is yeerely sent from [ 60] the Court, and is called Cia-yuen, as a Commissioner or Visitor, which reuiewes all the Causes of the Prouince, the Cities also and Castles, inquireth of the Magistrates, and punisheth some of the meaner sort, acquainting the King touching the rest, how euery one demeaneth himselfe; and he onely executeth Capitall punishments. Besides these, are many others in Cities, Townes and Villages: and beside them, many which haue command of Souldiers, especially in the Con∣fines

and on the Coasts in supinest Peace, watching and warding in Ports, Walls, Bridges, Ca∣stles,* 4.602 as in the hottest Warres, with Musters and Martiall exercises. All the Magistrates of the Kingdome, are reduced to nine Orders, whether you respect the Philosophicall or Militarie Se∣nate: to all which out of the Treasury is proportionably distributed monethly pay, Money or Rice;* 4.603 yet little answerable to that their Magnificence (the highest Order not hauing one thousand Duckets yeerely) and equall to all of the same ranke, the supreame in matters of Warre hauing as much as the supreame in the literate Order, if you looke to that which the Law al∣loweth. But much more accrueth extraordinarie then this fee or stipend, besides what any mans industrie,* 4.604 couetise, fortune, bribing addeth, by which they oft attayne to great wealth.

All the Magistrates vse the same Caps, both Mercuriall and Martiall, of blacke Cloath with two Eares or wings, of Ouall figure, which may easily fall off, which being a disgrace, causeth [ 10] the more modestie and steadinesse in carriage of their heads. They all weare like Vest, and like blacke leather Bootes of peculiar fashion; also a Girdle wider then the body, about foure fingers broad, adorned with circular and square Figures: On the breast and backe, they weare two square Cloathes Embroidered: in which and the Girdles is great varietie, according to their di∣uers Degrees; by which the skilfull know their ranke and place. The cloathes intimate it by the figures of Flowers, Fowles, Beasts; the girdles by the matter, of Wood, Horne, Sweet wood, Gold or Siluer; and the best of all of that Iasper before mentioned, called Tu ce, brought from Cascar. Their shadowes or Sumbreros, by their Colours and numbers intimate like difference. They haue other Ornaments,* 4.605 Banners, Chaynes, Censors, Guards with Cryes to make way, that in most frequent streetes no man appeareth,* 4.606 more or lesse, according to the Magistrates [ 20] Dignitie.

The Chinois hauing plentie of all things, care not for subduing the neighbour-Nations, better keeping their owne,* 4.607 lesse caring for others Countries, then our Europeans: their Chronicles of foure thousand yeeres not mentioning any care of enlarging their Empire. And if any China im∣pressions or foot-prints bee, it is from men voluntarily going to other Countries, not from the Kings ambition sending them.* 4.608 It is also remarkeable that Philosopers beare all the sway, the Souldiers and Captaynes being subject to them, and sometimes beaten of them as Schoole-boyes by their Master: euen in Militarie matters, the King more vsing the aduise of Philosohpers then Captaynes; whereupon euery haughtie spirit rather affects meane places in the Literate Order, then great in the Martiall. Yea these Literate are more magnanimous, and more contemne their [ 30] liues in zeale of the publike then the Souldierie.* 4.609 No lesse admirable is the Symmetrie and Order of Magistrates in their subordinate Orders, in Obedience, Reuerence, Visitations and Presents; the Inferiour giuing honourable Titles to the Superiour and kneeling to them.* 4.610 None beares any Office aboue three yeeres, except the King confirme it. And the chiefe Magistrates of Prouin∣cces, Cities and Regions, euery third yeere must appeare at Pequin, and doe their Rites to the King, at which time seuere inquirie is made of the Magistrates, and they thereupon rewarded or punished.* 4.611 I haue also obserued, that the King dares not alter any of those things, which in this publike Disquisition are ordered by the Iudges. Anno 1607. we reade foure thousand Magistrates condemned, that being the Search-yeere, and a Booke published thereof.

* 4.612These Condemned are of fiue sorts; First, Couetous which haue taken Bribes to peruert Iu∣stice, [ 40] or haue vsurped the publike or priuate mens fortunes: these are wholly depriued of all Offices for euer. The second are the Cruell, which haue too seuerely punished, which are also de∣priued of their Places and Ensignes:* 4.613 The third are the Old and sickly, and the Remisse and negli∣gent;* 4.614 these are depriued, but permitted the Immunities and Ensignes. The fourth sort, are the rash,* 4.615 headdie, and vnaduised, which are put in lower Offices, or sent to more easie places of Go∣uernment. The last are such, as haue not gouerned themselues or theirs, worthy of that place of Gouernment;* 4.616 these are wholly depriued. The like Inquisition is made euery fifth yeere of the Court Magistrates, and the same time also, of Militarie Commanders.

None may beare Office in his natiue Prouince, except Militarie. The Sonnes also or Dome∣stike [ 50] seruants of Magistrates,* 4.617 may not goe out of the house lest they should bee Factors for bribes: but all seruices without doores is done by Officers, designed to his place: and when hee goeth out of his House hee sealeth the doores, whether priuate or publike, that none of his Seruants may goe out vnwitting to him.

* 4.618They permit no Stranger to liue with them that mindes to returne to his Countrey, or is knowne to haue Commerce with forraigne Nations: and no Stranger although of a friendly Na∣tion and Tributarie, may haue accesse to the inward parts of the Kingdome, a thing whereof I haue seene no Law, but Custome: neither haue I euer seene any of Corai in China, except some Slaues which a Captayne brought thence, although a tributarie Nation which vseth in manner the China Lawes. And if a Stranger steale into the Countrey, they punish him not with Death [ 60] nor Slauerie, but permit him not to returne. They most seuerely punish those, which without the Kings leaue haue commerce with Strangers: and hardly can any bee perswaded to be sent a∣broad with Mandates; and such are rewarded with some Dignitie at their returne, None beare Weapon in Cities, not the Souldiers or Captaynes, but in their Traynings; nor haue any men

weapons in their Houses,* 4.619 except some rustie blade which they vse when they trauell for feare of Theeues. Their greatest Brawles goe no further, then scratching or pulling by the hayre; hee which flees or abstaines from wrong is esteemed both Wise and Valiant.* 4.620 When the King dy∣eth, none of his Sonnes are permitted to remayne in the Royall Citie, but the Heyre; and it is Capitall for them, being dispersed in diuers Cities to stirre thence. Some principall amongst them, compounds their strifes and rules them; in Cases with others, they are subject to the Magistrates.

[ 10] §. IIII. Their manifold rites in Salutations, Entertaynments, and other Ciuilitie: to the King and Magistates: Of Buryals and Marriages, Birth∣dayes; their Men, Women, Names and Games, Habites.

COurtesie or Ciuilitie, is reckoned one of their fiue Cardinall vertues,* 4.621 much commeded in their Bookes. (Their common Rites yee haue had largely in Pantoia.) When greater re∣spect is vsed, as after long absence, or on a Solemne day, after the common bowing, [ 20] both fall on their knees with the forehead to the ground, and then rise and downe a∣gaine in like sort three or foure times. When they doe this reuerence to a Superiour, hee stands at the head of the Hall, or sits, and at all those prostations ioyning his hands, bowes a little and sometime for greater modestie hee goeth to the side of the Hall, whose head is Northwards as the doore is Southwards. The same rites they performe to their Idols; and sometimes as the Seruants to their Master, or the meanest of the people to honourable persons,* 4.622 which is presently to kneele and knock the ground thrice with their forehead: they stand at his side when their Ma∣ster speakes, and kneele at euery answer. When one speakes to another, they vse not the second person, nor the first person when they mention themselues, except to their inferiour,* 4.623 and haue as many formes of depressing themselues, as of exalting others, the lowliest of which is to call a [ 30] mans selfe by his proper name, in stead of (I.) When they speake any thing of another mans, they vse a more honourable forme; Of their owne, or theirs, a more modest: which a man must learne both for manners sake, and to vnderstand their meaning.

The Visitors send their Libels or papers of visitation, so many that the Porter is faine to keepe a note of their names, and where they dwell, lest wee should forget;* 4.624 and if the partie to bee visi∣ted be not at home or at leasure, that libell is left with the Porter for a testimonie. The more honourable the Visitor, the larger hee writes his name. In sending Presents they vse like libel∣ling; setting downe also each gift in a line by it selfe, part of which may bee sent backe without offence, which is done with a like libell of thankes. They often send money or pieces of Gold for presents. They haue Garments proper for visitations. The chiefe place in both Royall Courts, [ 40] is giuen to Strangers, most remote especially, which made vs commonly to bee preferred. The seruant, when they are set, brings as many little Cups of Cia as are Guests. When they part, neere the Hall doore, they reiterate their bowings, then at the Doore, and at the passing out,* 4.625 and after they are in their Chayre or on Horsebacke, againe without doores; and lastly, a Seruant is sent after in his Masters name, to salute them, and they send their seruants like∣wise to resalute.

Their Banquets are not so much commessations as Compotations; for although their Cups be as little as Nut-shels, yet they drinke often.* 4.626 Their Ciuill and Religious affayres are therein han∣dled, besides the demonstration of kindnesse. In eating they haue neither Forkes, nor Spoones, nor Kniues; but vse small smooth stickes, a palme and a halfe long,* 4.627 wherewith they put all meats [ 50] to their mouthes, without touching them with their fingers. They bring all things to the Ta∣ble cut in little pieces, except it bee of softer condition, as Egges, Fish, and such things as their stickes will diuide. They vse to drinke hot, euen in hottest weather, whether their Cia-decocti∣on, or Wine, or Water: which it seemeth is profitable to the Stomacke; for they liue long,* 4.628 and are strong at seuentie or eightie yeeres: Neither is any of them troubled with the Stone,* 4.629 which I suppose is occasioned by our cold drinke. When any is Inuited, a Libell is sent a day or more dayes (if it bee to a solemne Banquet) before, signifying, that the Inuiter hath prepared a Banquet of Hearbs, and hath washed his Cups, that at such a day and houre (which commonly is neare night) hee may heare and learne somewhat of him: At the day they send another like Libell (on [ 60] the out-side of these Libels, there is a red paper added with the more honourable Name of the in∣uited, which the Chinois vse besides their proper name) in the morning to each Guest, and a

third at the houre. Their furniture is not Hangings (whereof they haue no vse) but Pictures, Flowers, Vessels; to each Guest his Table, and sometimes two to one, the one before the other. These Tables are some Cubits long and broad, but more in length, and couered with a cloath as our Altars. The Seats shine with their Varnish, adorned also with Pictures and Gold. The first entertainment is with Cia in the Hall: and thence they goe to the Feasting-roome. Before they sit downe, the Inuiter salutes the principall Guest with a low courtesie, and holding a cup of Wine: then goeth to the doore or porch, and first making a low courtesie, turning his face to the South, powres out that cup on the ground, offering it to the Lord of Heauen, and bowing downe againe, returneth, and filling another cup goeth to that principall Guest, and bowing sa∣lutes him in the place in which the rites of salutation are vsed: and then they goe together to [ 10] the Table where the chiefe Guest must sit. The midst of it is the chiefe place; there with both his hands he sets a dish with great veneration, and taking the two stickes (which vsually are of Ebonie, or Iuorie tipped with Gold or Siluer, where they touch the meate) layes them by, and taking a seat, brusheth it with his sleeues lightly, and sets it in the middest; after which both goe backe and bow themselues in the middest of the Roome. Thus hee doth to euery one, placing the second on the left hand, the third on the right. Lastly, hee which shall haue the chiefe roome receiueth of his seruant the Inuiters Dish and Cup,* 4.630 and bids Wine to be filled, and together with the other Guests and the Inuiter, boweth downe and placeth the Dish on his Ta∣ble (which is placed in the lower part of the Hall, with his backe to the South, and face to the chiefe Table) with the stickes and seat, as he had done before to him; and then all goe againe to [ 20] their place, with great ceremonie, to fit them better with both hands, he to whome the rite is done, standing by the side of the doer with his hands in his sleeues, and modestly bowing with thanks. They wash neither before nor after. After all this, they performe the last rite of inclina∣tion to the Inuiter together,* 4.631 and then each to other, and then sit downe. When they drinke, the Inuiter with both hands takes the Cup in the Dish, and lightly lifting it vp, and then letting it down inuites them to drinke, all turning to him at the same time, and beginning to drinke, or to sip rather, foure or fiue times setting it to his mouth, not as we vse with one continued draught. After the first Cup the Dishes are brought in, of which the Inuiter beginning, all with their stickes apply a bit or two to their mouthes, diligently obseruing, not to lay downe their stickes before the principall Guest hath layd downe his: and then the seruants fill his, and after euery [ 30] mans Cup, with hot Wine: and the same rite is againe and againe repeated, but more sipping then eating. Mean-while some discourse, or Comedie, or Musike continue. The grace of their Feast is variety, a little of each, Flesh also and Fish mixed, taking off nothing, but setting one Dish on another like Castles and Towers. Bread, and Rice (which there supplyes our Bread) comes not in solemne Banquets. They haue games also, in which the loser is fined to drinke, with others disport. None is compelled to drinke aboue his strength. Their drinke is tipsie, boyled like our Beere. Their solemne Banquets last all night, the remainders giuen to the Guests seruants. Neere the end of the Feast they change Cups. In eating they are more moderate.

* 4.632The King is obserued with more Rites then any other in the World. None speakes to him but his Eunuches, and those which liue in his Palace, Sonnes and daughters. None of the Magi∣strates [ 40] without the Palace (the Eunuches also haue their degrees) speake to the King but by Petition,* 4.633 and those with so many formes of veneration that none can make them, which is not well exercised,* 4.634 though he be learned. Euery new yeere which beginnes with that New Moone which next precedeth or followeth the Nones of February, out of euery Prouince a Legate is sent to visite the King, which is done more solemnely euery third yeere. Also in euery Citie on euery Change day, all the Magistrates assemble to one place in their Citie, where the Kings Throne and Dragon-ensignes are carued and gilded, often bowing and kneeling before it with peculiar composition of the body to veneration, and wish ten thousand yeers of life to the King. The like is done on his Birth-day yeerely,* 4.635 the Pequin Magistrates and Prouinciall Legates, and the Kings kindred make their appearance there and presents. All also which are named to any [ 50] Office by the King goe to giue thankes to the Throne (for the King is not there) with rites pre∣scribed with habite peculiar to that purpose, with an Iuorie Table couering their mouth as oft as they speake before the King: the King was wont to come forth to a window, with such a Table in his hand, and another on his head, ouer his Crowne hanged, about with threads of gemmes, his face hidden in presence from the beholders.

* 4.636The Kings colour is yellow (forbidden to others) of which his garment is wrought with many golden Dragons, which are carued or painted in all the Palace, and Vessell, and furniture; in the roofe also; whence some haue thought the Tiles to be of Gold or Brasse, being of a yellow Earth, each nayled to the Timber: with Nayles gilded on the heads, that all may appeare yel∣low. It were treason for another to arrogate that colour or Armes, except he bee of the Roy∣all [ 60] linage.

* 4.637The Palace gates are foure, to the foure corners of the World. They which passe by, descend from their Horses or Seats, and goe on foot till they be past, the greatest soonest alight, and that at Nanquin also, where no King hath of long time resided. The gates to the South both inner

and outward are three, the King only going in and out at the middle (which otherwise is shut) others at the other gates on the right and left hand.* 4.638 Their computation of time is onely by the Kings Raigne. Sometimes the King bestoweth a Title on the Parents of the principall Magi∣strates by a certaine writing, made by the Kings Philosophers in the Kings name; esteemed wonderfully, acquired with any cost, and kept in the familie as a thing sacred. The like opinion is of other Titles giuen to Widowes, expressed in two or three Characters,* 4.639 giuen to Widowes which to their old age haue refused second marriages;* 4.640 or to old Men which haue liued an hun∣dred yeeres, and in like cases. They set these Titles ouer their doores. Magistrates also doe the like to their friends. To good Magistrates Arches are erected at publike cost, of Marble:* 4.641 by [ 10] Citizens also to some of their Citizens which haue attayned any notable dignitie. The most precious Artifices thorow all the Kingdome are yeerely sent to the King to Pequin with great costs. The Magistrates of the Kings Citie goe abroad with lesse pompe, on horsebacke;* 4.642 and few of the principall in Seats, and those carried but by foure Porters: all in reuerence of the King. Foure times in the yeere, once a quarter, all the Court Magistrates assemble at the Se∣pulchres of the antient Kings and Queenes, and make there their offerings:* 4.643 giuing the princi∣pall honour to Humvu. They prepare to this solemnitie certaine dayes fasting at home and sur∣ceasing of s••its.

Next to the King they honour their Magistrates, both in formes of words and visitations,* 4.644 to which none aspire but Magistrates; and they which haue beene depriued lose not all honour in [ 20] this kind, but sometimes come forth in their habits, and are respected by their Citie Magistrates. If one bee preferred to another dignity, which hath well executed his Office, they honour him with publike gifts, and reserue his Boots in a publike Chist, with Verses in his praise. To some they erect Temples also, and Altars with Images, and some are deputed to keepe lights there burning, and odours, at publike Rent charge perpetually, with huge Censers of Bell-metall, as they doe to their Idols. Yet doe they distinguish betwixt this and Diuine worship, of their Gods asking many things, whereas these Rites are onely memorials, though many of the vulgar * 4.645 confound them together. Cities are full of such Temples, by friends often ere∣cted to vnworthie men, to which at certaine times they goe and performe kneeling and bowing Rites, and offer Meats. Their Bookes are full of precepts for obseruing Parents with due honour, [ 30] and in outward shew no Nation performes so much. They will not sit ouer against them but on the side, speake to them with great reuerence, they sustaine their poorer Parents with their labour in best manner they are able, and in nothing are more curious then their funerals.* 4.646

The mourning colour is white,* 4.647 and all their habite from the Shooes to the Cap of a strange and miserable fashion. The cause of three yeeres mourning for Parents, is because so long they carried them in armes with so much labour of education: for others as they please, a yeere, or three moneths, as they are in neerenesse: For the King they mourne three yeeres thorow all the Kingdome, and for the Lawfull Queene. Their funerall Rites are written in a Booke which they consult on that occasion, all the parcels of the habite there pictured.* 4.648 When a man of ranke is dead, the Sonne or next Kinsman sends Libels to the friends within three or foure dayes: all the [ 40] Roome is white, with an Altar in the midst, on which they place the Coffin and Image of the dead. Thither all the friends come in mourning one after another, & offer Odors and two Wax-candles on the Altar; whiles they burne, making foure bendings and kneelings, hauing first censed against the Image. The Sonnes stand at the side, and the women behinde, couered with a Curtaine, mourning the while: the Priests also burne Papers and Silkes, with certaine rites to minister Clothes to the deceassed. They abstayne from wonted Beds (sleeping on Straw-beds on the ground neere the Corps) from flesh and other daintier food, Wine, Bathes, companie with their Wiues, Bankets, not going out for certaine moneths, remitting by degrees as the three yeeres expire. On the funerall day the friends are by another Libell inuited,* 4.649 to which they goe in Procession forme, in mourning; many Statues of Men, Women, Elephants, Tigres, Lions, of Paper all going before, diuersified in colour and gilding, which are all burnt before the [ 50] Graue: a long ranke of Idoll Priests, Prayers, and Players on diuers Instruments obseruing di∣uers rites in the way; huge Bell-censers also carried on mens shoulders; after which followes the Herse vnder a huge carued Canopie adorned with Silkes, carried with forty or fifty men. Next the children on foot with staues, and then the women enclosed within a white gestatory Curtaine, that they may not be seene: followed by women of the kindred in mourning Seats. The Graues are all in the Suburbs. If the Sonnes bee absent, the Funerall pompe is deferred till their comming. They bring (if it may bee) the dec••assed in another Countrey to lie by his friends. The Graues are adorned with Epitaphs in Marble magnificently. Thither on certaine dayes yeerely the kindred resort to cense and offer, and make a funerall banquet.

Their Marriages and Spousals are with many rites, done in their youth;* 4.650 the Contracts com∣pounded [ 60] by the Parents without their consent; they obserue equalitie in yeeres and degree in the lawfull Wife. In their Concubines, lust, beauty, price beare sway. The poorer also buy their Wiues, and when they list sell them. The King and his kindred respect onely beauty, Magi∣strates appointed to make the choise. One is his lawfull Wife; the King and his Heire hauing

nine other Wiues a little inferiour, and after them sixe and thirty, which are also called Wiues: his Concubines are more. Those which bring forth Sonnes are more gracious, especially the Mother of the eldest. This is also familiar to other families thorow the Kingdome. Their first Wife sits at Table: others (except in the Royall families) are as Hand-maids, and may not sit, but stand in presence of either of them: their Children also calling that lawfull Wife their Mother,* 4.651 and for her (though not the true Parent) obserue trienniall mourning. In Marriages they are curious not to take any of the same sur-name, of which sur-names there are not a thou∣sand in all that vast Kingdome. Nor may any man frame a new sur-name, but must haue one antient of the Fathers side, except he be adopted into another familie. They respect no affinity or consanguinity in a differing sur-name, and so marrie with the Mothers kindred almost in any [ 10] degree. The Wife brings no portion, and although when shee first goeth to her Husbands house the street-fall of houshold attends her, yet is all prouided by his costs which sends money some moneths before as a gift to her for that purpose.

* 4.652Euery mans Birth-day is festiually celebrated with Presents, Banquets and iollity: especially after the fiftieth yeere explete (at which time they are reckoned amongst old men) and then euery tenth yeere. The Children then procure Emblemes of their friends, and Epigrams, and some write Bookes. That day is also festiuall in which they are of age to take the Mans cap, which is about twenty yeeres,* 4.653 till that time wearing their haire loose. But the first New and Full Moone of the yeere is most generally festiuall; each man then hauing ingeniously deuised Lights or Lamps made of Paper,* 4.654 Glasse, or other matter, the house seeming by the diuersified [ 20] Lights to bee on a light fire. They runne vp and downe also with great stirres in the night with Dragon-fashioned Lights,* 4.655 and make great shewes of Powder-fire-workes.

* 4.656The Chinois are white (but neerer the South more browne) with thinne beards (some ha∣uing none) with staring haires, and late growing; their haire wholly blacke; eyes narrow, of Egge forme, blacke and standing out: the nose very little, and scarcely standing forth; eares meane: in some Prouinces they are square faced. Many of Canton and Quamsi Prouinces on their little toes haue two nailes,* 4.657 as they haue generally in Cachin-china. Their women are all low, and account great beauty in little feet, for which cause from their infancy they bind them straight with clothes, that one would iudge them stump-footed: this, as is thought, deuised to make them house-wiues.* 4.658 The men and women both alike let their haire grow without cutting: [ 30] but Boyes and Girles till they are fifteene yeere old, are cut round, leauing a locke onely on the crowne: after which they let it grow loose ouer their shoulders till twenty. The most of the Priests shaue head and beard euery eighth day. When they are men they binde vp their haire in a Cap or Coife made of horse or mans haire, or in a silken Cawle; and in Winter of wool∣len: on the top it hath a hole, where the haire comes forth, and is tyed in a neate knot. The women weare not this Cap,* 4.659 but binde vp their haire in a knot, and make it vp with a dresse of Gold, Siluer, Stones, and Flowers. They weare Rings on their eares, but not on their fingers.

* 4.660The men and women weare long garments. The men double them on their breast, and fasten them vnder both the arme-holes; the women on the midst of the breast. They weare wide long sleeues; but the womens wider, the mans straighter, at the wrists. Their Caps are artificially [ 40] wrought. Their Shooes are much differing from ours; the men weare them of Silke with di∣uers workes and flowers, exceeding the elegance of our Matrons. Shooes of Leather none but the meaner sort weare; and scarcely admit they Leather soles, but of Cloth. The Caps of their Learned are square, of others, round. Euery one spends halfe an houre at least in combing and trimming his haire. They winde also long clouts about their feet and legs, and therefore weare their Breeches loose. They weare no Shirts, but a white Coat next the skinne, and wash often. They haue a seruant to carrie a Shadow or great Sumbrero ouer their heads against the raine and Sunne; the poore carrie one for themselues.

* 4.661For Names, besides the sur-name of which is spoken, the Father giues one to the Sonne (for females haue no name but the Fathers sur-name, and called as they are borne, first, second, third, [ 50] in order of the Sisters:) by this name they are called by the Father and Elders; others call them likewise from that order amongst the Brethren, as is said of Sisters. They in their wri∣tings call themselues by that which their Father gaue them; but if others either equall or supe∣riour should so call them, it were both vnciuill and iniurious. When a Boy goeth to Schoole his Master giueth him another name,* 4.662 which is called his Schoole-name, whereby onely his Master and Schoole-fellowes may stile him. When he hath his Mans cap put on, and marrieth a Wife, some more honourable person giue••h him a more honourable name,* 4.663 which they call, the Letter: by this any man may call him, but those which are subiect to him. And when he is now at the full growth,* 4.664 he receiueth of some graue person his most honourable name, which they call Great, whereby any may call him present or absent: but his Parents and Elders still vse the Letter-name. [ 60] If any professe a new Sect, his Instructer calls him by a new name, which they call, of Religion.* 4.665 And when one visites another, he will aske what is his Honourable name, to stile him thereby: and we were therefore fayne to take a Greater name then that which we receiued in Baptisme, for them to call vs by.

They are studious of Antiquities: much value old Triuets of Bell metall, Pictures in blacke and white Characters and writings, sealed with the Authors seale (for there are many Counter∣feiters.) The Officers haue all a Seale proper to their place giuen by Humvu,* 4.666 which they vse on∣ly sealing with red colour: and if they lose the Seale they lose the Office, and are besides seuerely punished; and therefore they carry it with them, in a sealed and locked Boxe, and neuer leaue it out of sight, at night keeping it vnder their Pillow. Graue men goe not on foote thorow the streets, but are carryed in a seate closed, except they list to open the fore-part, whereas Magi∣strates seates are euery way open. Matrons seates are altogether closed,* 4.667 but easily knowne from mens by the fashion. The Law forbids Coaches and Litters. Some Cities are in the midst of Ri∣uers and Lakes, in which they haue very neate Boates to passe the streets. And because they goe [ 10] more by water then ours, therefore there Shipping is more conuenient and elegant. But the Magistrates, built by publike cost are as commodious as Houses, with diuers Lodgings, a Hall, Kitchin, Cells, so neate as seeming Great mens houses, rather then Ships; and therefore they make their solemne Banquets a Ship-board, passing along the Riuers and Lakes for further plea∣sure. All within shines with Ciaram or shining Vernish in diuers colours, and the Carued workes gilded in places, with combined sweetes to the Eyes and Nose. They honour their Masters more then with vs,* 4.668 so that if a man haue beene anothers Scholler but one day in a∣ny Art, hee calls him Master euer after, and neuer sits in any meeting but at his side, and doth him all honour.

Dice-play and Cards are common with them: Chesse also with the grauer persons, not alto∣gether [ 20] vnlike ours: but their King neuer remoues but to the foure next roomes,* 4.669 and the Bishops haue their Queenes. They haue also which they call Poulder paunes, which goe before the Knights and follow the Paunes. They haue a graue Game in a table of three hundred roomes with two hundred men white and blacke, in which Magistrates spend much time, and the cun∣ning skill whereof gets much credit to a man, although hee can doe nothing else: and some chuse such their Masters with wonted rites. Theft is not punished with Death:* 4.670 the second fault therein, is branded with an hot Iron and Inke in the Arme, with two Characters, the third time in the Face, after with their terrible Whipping or condemning to the Gallies, for a time limit∣ted: so that there are abundance of Theeues. Euery night in Cities, many Watchmen at cer∣tayne times beate Basons as they walke the streets, the streets also enclosed and shut, yet many [ 30] thefts are committed, the Foxe being the Gooseherd, and the Watch partners with the Theefe. The Cities in greatest Peace in the midst of the Kingdome, are shut euery Night, and the Keyes carryed to the Gouernour.

§. V. Of their Superstitions, Cruelties, feares of Magistrates, of the Kings kindred, of Strangers and Souldiers. Their Deities and three Sects: [ 40] Priests, Nunnes, Monasteries, Le∣gends, Lyes.

NO superstition is so generall in the Kingdome, as the obseruation of luckie and vnluckie Dayes and Houres,* 4.671 for which purpose yeerely is Printed a two-fold Table of dayes by the Kings Astrologers, in such plentie that euery house is full of them. In them is written on euery day, what may bee done or not, or to what houre yee must forbeare businesse, which may in that yeere happen. There are others more dangerous Masters, which make a liuing by this Wizardly profession of selling lyes, or prescribing fit houres: wherby many differre the beginning of Building, or Iourneying till their appointed day or houre come:* 4.672 & then [ 50] how vnfitting soeuer that prooueth with crosse weather, they set on neuerthelesse, though it be but a little little onset, that the worke might thence appeare to take beginning. The like super∣stitious obseruation they haue of the moment of the Natiuitie, which they precisely set downe, diuers professing by Astrologie, or by superstitious numbers, or by Physiognomie, or Palmestrie,* 4.673 or Dreames, or words in Speech, or posture of the body & by innumerable other wayes to fore∣tell future Fortunes▪ many Gipsie-juglings vsed to such impostures, as by a stalking Knaue which shall professe his Fortunes exactly told him by the professor, or by learning out of printed Bookes which describe euery Citie, Street and Familie, what hath hapned as an argument of the truth of that which they say shall happen. Yea, their credulitie breeds such strong imagination,* 4.674 that [ 60] some being foretold of a Sicknesse such a day, will then fall sicke of conceit.

Many also consult with Deuils and familiar Spirits, and receiue Oracles from the mouth of Infants, or of Beasts, not without fraud. They are superstitious in chusing a plot of ground,* 4.675 to e∣rect a dwelling House, or Sepulcher, conferring it with the head, tayle and feete of diuers Dra∣gons, which liue (forsooth) vnder our earth, whence depends all good or bad Fortune.* 4.676 Diuers

Learned men busie their wits in this abstruse Science, and are consulted when any publike Buil∣dings are raysed.* 4.677 And as Astrologers by the Starres, so these Geologers by inspection of Riuers, Fields, Mountaines and scite of Regions, foretell Destinies; dreaming by setting a Doore or Window this or that way, conueying the rayne to the right or left hand, by a higher or lower roofe, honour and wealth shall accrue to the House. Of these Impostors the Streets, Cities, Courts, Shops, Markets are full, which sell that which themselues want, good Fortune to all Foole-fortunate buyers: yea, Women and blinde folkes professe it, and some find such Chapmen of the Learned, Noble, King and all, that they grow to great riches by others little wits. All dis∣asters publike or priuate are attributed to Fate, and ill scite of some Citie, House or Palace. The noise of Birds,* 4.678 the first meeting in the Morning, Shadowes caused by the Sunne in the house, are [ 10] their Fortune-guides.

* 4.679For other vices, some will make themselues Seruants to rich men, to haue one of the hand-maydes become his Wife, so multiplying issue to bondage. Others buy a Wife, but finding their family becomne too numerous sell their Sonnes and Daughters as Beasts, for two or three pieces of Gold (although no dearth prouoke him) to euerlasting separation and bondage, some to the Portugals. Hence is the Kingdome full of Slaues, not captiued in warre, but of their owne free-borne.* 4.680 Yet is seruice there more tollerable then else-where; for euery man may redeeme him∣selfe at the price payd for him, when hee is able; and there are many poore which with hard labour sustayne themselues.* 4.681 A worse euill in some Prouinces is theirs, which finding themselues poore, smother their new-borne Babes, specially Females, by an impious pietie and pittilesse pitie [ 20] preuenting that sale to Slauerie,* 4.682 by taking away that life which euen now they had giuen. They pretend hereunto also their Metempsychosis, dreaming that the Soule of that Infant shall the soo∣ner passe into some more fortunate body: and are not therefore ashamed to doe this in others presence, yea not the meanest of the communaltie. Many more inhumanely kill themselues, ei∣ther wearie of a miserable life,* 4.683 or willing after death to bee reuenged of some enemy, whiles to the Enemy of mankind many thousands yeerely Sacrifice themselues, by Halter, Drowning, and Poyson.* 4.684 Another immanitie in the Northerne Prouinces is vsed vpon Male Infants, whom for hope of Palace preferments their Parents make Eunuches; of which in the Kings house are ten thousand, a dull and blockish kinde of vnkind vnmanly men. Their Whippings also take away more liues,* 4.685 then the executions of sentences to Death; their Reedes slit two ells long, a fin∣ger [ 30] thicke and foure broad, at the first blow breaking the skinne and flesh on the hinder part of the thighes: to preuent which many bribe the Magistrates, of whose domineering ful∣nesse of power they liue in perpetuall feare,* 4.686 where calumnies and lyes are so rife: which Chi∣na perfidiousnesse made the Kings come so guarded abroad and vnknowne, and now not to come foorth at all.

The Kings kindred are now growne to sixtie thousand, and daily increasing become a bur∣then to the publike,* 4.687 and daily increase in idlenesse, impotence, numbers, the King being very jea∣lous of them, and setting Guards, besides their perpetuall exile from Pequin and Nanquin. No maruell if Strangers be no better trusted in China, where the Natiues and Bloud are suspected: out of whose Bookes they scorne to learne, and repute them little better then Beasts: and the [ 40] Characters whereby they expresse them are taken from Beasts. How Legats are held as priso∣ners in publike houses is else-where deliuered. Commanders of Souldiers, which guard places are guarded and watched, and not trusted with the pay of their Companies: neither is there any more base then the Souldiery,* 4.688 most Slaues or condemned persons, for their owne or their An∣cestors euils: and when they are free from exercises of warre, they become Muletters, Porters, and of other base Offices. The Captaynes onely haue some authoritie. Their armes are worth∣lesse for offence or defence, and onely make a shew, the Captaynes being also subject to the Ma∣gistrates whippings.* 4.689 Their Alchimisticall vanitie, and study of long Life, with precepts and huge bookes of both, I omit. The founders forsooth of these Sciences haue gone body and soule to Heauen. The making of Siluer hath made many spend their siluer, wits and credit, cheated [ 50] by professing Artists; and the great Magistrates (few in Pequin free) are taken vp with the o∣ther Study; some shortning their life to make it longer. They write of one of their Kings which had procured such a potion of immortalitie, whom a friend of his was not able to disswade from that conceit, enraged, by his sudden snatching & drinking his prepared potion: which he seeking by death to reuenge, the other answered, how can I be killed, if this draught cause immortalitie? and if I may, then haue I freed thee of this errour.

Touching the China Sects, I read in their Bookes, that the Chinois from the beginning wor∣shipped one God,* 4.690 which they call the King of Heauen, or by another Name Heauen and Earth. Beneath this Deitie,* 4.691 they worshipped diuers tutelare Spirits of Mountaynes, Riuers, and of the foure parts of the world. In all actions they held Reason to bee obeyed, which light of Reason [ 60] they confessed they had from Heauen. Of that supreame Deitie and his administring Spirits, they neuer had such monstrous conceits as the Romans, Greekes, Aegyptians, whence the Iesuites hope that many of them in the law of Nature were saued. Their Sects are reckoned three: The first of the Learned, the second of Sciequia, the third Laucu. One of these is professed by all

which vse their Characters. That of the Learned, is most proper to China and most ancient and all their Learned learne it in the course of their studies. Confutius is the Prince therof. This Sect hath no Idols, worships one God, beleeuing all things to bee conserued by his prouidence. They wor∣ship in inferiour sort the Spirits. The best of them teach nothing of the Creation: rewards and punishments, they confine in this life to a mans selfe or his posteritie. Of the immortalitie of the Soule they seeme to make no doubt, for they speake of the deceased liuing in Heauen▪ but of Hell they make no mention. The later Learned deny both, with the soules immortalitie: yet some say, that the soules of good men are corroborated with vertue and made able to hold out, o∣thers dying with the body.

[ 10] The principall opinion seemeth borrowed of the Idoll Sect, fiue hundred yeeres agoe; which holds that this whole Vniuerse consists of one matter,* 4.692 and that the Creatures are as so many members of this huge body, so that euery one may attayne to the similitude of God being one with him; which we confute out of their owne ancient Authors. Though the Literate acknow∣ledge one supreame Deitie, yet they erect no Temple to him,* 4.693 nor any other place proper to his Worship, nor any Priests, persons or rites peculiar, nor haue precepts thereof, nor any which pre∣scribeth, or punisheth defect of Holies; nor any which priuately or publikely recite or sing ought to him. Yea they affirme, that the Office of Sacrificing to the King of Heauen and his worship belongs to the King: and if any should take on him that Office, hee should vsurpe the Kings, and be thereby a Traytor. For this purpose,* 4.694 the King hath two stately Temples in both [ 20] Royall Cities, one dedicated to the Heauen, the other to the Earth: in which sometime hee vsed to Sacrifice, but now in his place certayne Magistrates haue succeeded, which there sacrifice ma∣ny Oxen and Sheepe, with many Rites. To the Spirits of Mountaynes, Riuers, and of the foure Regions of the world, onely the chiefe Magistrates Sacrifice, nor are the people admitted thereto. The precpts of this Law are contayned in the Tetrabiblion and fiue Bookes of Doctrines; nor are any other Bookes allowed, but onely some Commentaries thereon.* 4.695 Nothing in this Sect is more of note then their yeerely Obits, or parentations to their deceased Parents, com∣mon to all from the King to the meanest, obseruing their dead Ancestrie as if they were liuing. Neither yet doe they suppose that they eate of the meate which is set them, or need it, but they haue no better meane to expresse their loue.

[ 30] The Literate haue a costly Temple to Confutius in euery Citie, by Law appointed,* 4.696 in that place where the Schoole is, and adjoyning to the Magistrates Palace, which is set ouer the Ba∣chelors or Graduates of the first degree. In a principall place of that Temple his Image is e∣rected, or else his Name in golden Cubitall letters, written in a curious Table. Hither the Ma∣gistrates assemble euery New-moone, and Full, also the Bachelors, with wonted kneelings, Odours and Wax-lights▪ to acknowledge their Master. On his Birth-day and on other set times, they offer festiuall Dishes, thankefully confessing his learned workes, whence they haue attayned their Degrees and Offices, but pray not to him nor looke for ought from him; but as is obserued of their dead Parents.* 4.697 Other Temples also are seene of the same Sect to the Tute∣lare Spirits of each Citie, and to the Magistracie of each Tribunall, wherein they solemnly [ 40] binde themselues by solemne Oathes, to obserue Law and Iustice, when they first enter into their Office. In these they offer Dishes and Odours, but in differing Worship: for in these they ac∣knowledge, there is a Diuine power to punish the perjurious, and reward the good. The scope of this Literate Sect, is the peace and good of the Common-wealth, and of Families, and of each persons; their precepts agreeing with Nature and Christianitie.* 4.698 Fiue Relations or Societies are obserued by them, comprehending all duties of humanitie; of Father and Child, of Husband and Wife, of Master and Seruant, of elder and younger Brethren, of Fellowes and Equals. They con∣demne Single life, permit Polygamie, and in their Bookes largely explaine that precept of Chari∣tie, to doe to another as a man would be done to. They deny this to bee a Sect, but a certayne Acada∣mie instituted for the gouernment of the Common-wealth; and because it prescribes not, nor [ 50] prohibiteth any thing touching the Life to come, many adjoyne the other two Sects to this.

The second Sect is called Siequia or Omitose, and by the Iaponians, Sciacca and Amidabu.* 4.699 Both haue the same Characters, and the same Totoqui or Law. It came to the Chinois from the West, brought from the Kingdome of Thienscio or Scinto, now called Indostan, betwixt Indus and Ganges, about the yeere of Christ 65. It is written that the King of China, warned in a Dreame, sent Legats thither, which brought Bookes and Interpreters from thence, the Authors of them being dead. And therefore I see not how truely the Iaponians affirme that Sciacca and Amidaba pierced thither, and were Natiue of Siam. The Authors of this Sect,* 4.700 haue taken some things out of our Philosophers. For they hold foure Elements, and manifold Worlds and transmigration of Soules, and other things. Somewhat it seemes to acknowledge the Trinitie fabling of three [ 60] Gods becomming one; it acknowledgeth iust rewards to the good in Heauen, to the bad in Hell. It extols Single life, so as it may seeme to reject Marriage.* 4.701 They leaue house and friends and trauell into diuers places Begging. The Rites of this prophane Sect, haue great affinitie with our (Romish) Ecclesiasticall: the Singings of men saying their seruice may seeme nothing to differ from our Gregorian; they haue Images also in their Churches; their Priests Garments are alto∣gether

like ours, which with an Ecclesiasticall terme wee call, Pluuialia. In their Seruice they often recite the name Tolome, which themselues confesse to be ignorant of. But they denie eter∣nitie in their Heauen and Hell, ascribing a new birth after I know not what reuolutions of time, in some other of their conceited Worlds, then and there to be penitentially purged; with other fooleries. They prohibite to eate of liuing creatures, but few impose on themselues this absti∣nence, and they finde easie absolution from this and other sinnes, if they giue to the Priests, who professe to deliuer from Hell by their Prayers or Recitations, whom they will.

This Sect came in at first with great applause, as clearely professing the Soules immortalitie: but nothing more disgraced it, then that that King and these Princes which first embraced it (which the Literate often obiect) died miserably with violent death, and publike losse and mis∣fortune followed. By writing of many Bookes they haue entangled it in inextricable Laby∣rinths.* 4.702 [ 10] The notes of Antiquity appeare in the multitude of their Temples, and most of them sumptuous: in which huge Monsters of Idols of Brasse, Marble, Wood, and Earth are seene; with Steeples adioyned of Stone or Bricke, and in them huge Bells, and other ornaments of great price.

The Priests of this Sect are called Osciami, they shaue their head and beard, against the fashion of the Countrey: some trauell, as is said, some leade a very austere life in Mountaines and Caues, but the greatest part which amount to two or three millions, liue in Monasteries, sustayned with their antiently-giuen Reuenues, and Almes, and also by their owne industry. These Priests are accounted, and iustly, the most vile and vicious in the whole Kingdome, sprung of the basest ple∣beians, sold in their childhood to the elder Osciami, and of Slaues made Disciples, succeed their Masters in Office and Benefice, a course which they haue found for their propagation. For, few [ 20] are found which voluntarily by desire of sanctitie doe adioyne themselues to those Monkes. Ig∣norance also and illiberall education makes them liker their Masters, few of them learning Let∣ters or ciuill rites; and daily growing worse. And although they haue no wiues, they are much addicted to women, and cannot but by grieuous penalties be kept from them.

The Colledges of the Osciami are diuided into diuers Stations, in euery of which is one per∣petuall Administrator, to whom his seruants or as many as he brings vp, succeed. They acknow∣ledge no Superior in those Cells, but euery one in his owne Station builds as many Lodgings as he can (most of all places, in the Court) which after they let to strangers, so that they are rather Innes then Monasteries,* 4.703 as full of tumults as empty of deuotion. Although they bee of base e∣steeme, yet are they employed to Funerals and other Rites, by which wilde beasts, and fowles, [ 30] and fishes are set at liberty, by the professors of this Sect with opinion of great merit. In this our age this Sect hath much reuiued, and many Temples are built and repaired, by Eunuches, Women, and the rude vulgar, and especially by the Ciaicum, or Fasters, which all their liues ab∣stayne from Flesh, Fish, (Egges, and Milke) and worship a multitude of Idols with set prayers at home, and are by hire to be called to any other mans. Nunnes also obserue the same Monasti∣call rules,* 4.704 being single and shaued; they call them Nunnes, nothing so many as the Monkes.

The third Sect is called, Lauzu, deriued from a Philosopher which liued at the same time with Confutius,* 4.705 whom they fable to haue beene carried 80. yeeres in his parents wombe before he was borne, and therefore called, Lauzu, that is, the Old Philosopher. He left no Bookes of his Opi∣nion, nor seemes to haue intended any new Sect, but certaine Sectaries, called Tausa, made him [ 40] the head of their Sect after his death, and wrote diuers elegant Bookes gathered out of diuers Sects. These also liue single in their Monasteries, and buy disciples, base and wicked as the for∣mer. They weare their haire as the Lay-men, differing herein, that where they weare their haire tyed on a knot, these haue a Cap on the crowne of Wood. Some also are married, and say ouer their Holies in their owne houses. They say, that with other Idols they worship also the Lord of Heauen,* 4.706 whom yet they imagine Corporeall, and to haue suffered many things. They tell, that the King of Heauen which now raigneth, is called Ciam, and he which before ruled was named Leu. This Leu came one day to the Earth riding on a white Dragon, and Ciam a Wizard enter∣tayned him with a Feast,* 4.707 where whiles Leu was eating, Ciam gat vp on the white Dragon, and [ 50] was carried to Heauen, and excluded Leu from that soueraignty; only he obtayned of this new King, that he might rule ouer a certaine Mountaine in his Kingdome, where they say he still li∣ueth: thus confessing (as the Greekes of Ioue) themselues to worship an Vsurper and Traitor. Besides this Deity of Heauen, they acknowledge three others, one of which they say, Lauzu is, hauing some dreame also, as the former of the Trinitie.

They also speake of places of rewards and punishments, but differing from the former: for they promise a Paradise for soule and body together, and haue Images of some in their Temples which haue so gone thither.* 4.708 To obtayne this, they prescribe certaine exercises of sitting in di∣uers postures, set Prayers, Medicines by which the life is lengthned, if not made immortall. Their Priests exorcise Deuils, and driue them out of houses, by painting horrible shapes of them [ 60] in yellow Paper on the walls, and making horrible cryes as if themselues were become Deuils. They arrogate also to bring downe or to stay Raines, and other publike and priuate fortunes, most impudent impostors, either Lyars or Magicians. They assist the Kings sacrifices in those Temples of Heauen and Earth (thereby acquiring much authority) being Masters of the Musike therein:

and are called to Funerals, to which they goe in precious vestments with diuers musicall Instru∣ments, making a pompous-procession showe thorow the streets. The like pompes they vse at the streets ends on certaine times, hired by the dwellers.

They haue a Prelate called Ciam; which dignity he transmitted to his posterity 1000. yeeres since by hereditary successions,* 4.709 and seemeth to haue taken beginning from a Magician which li∣ued in a Caue of Quiamsi Prouince, where his posterity still continueth. Their Prelate liueth most commonly at Pequin, obserued by the King, and admitted into the inmost Palace to conse∣crate and hallow the Roomes suspected to bee hanted by ill spirits. Hee is carried in an open Chaire, and with other pompe competent to the chiefe Magistrates, and is allowed by the King [ 10] a great Reuenue. But I haue learned of a Conuert that these Prelates now are so ignorant that they know not their owne Charmes and Rites. Hee hath no power ouer the people, but the Tansus (Priests) and their Monasteries, many of which are also Alchimists.* 4.710 These three Sects haue diuersified themselues into 300. in seeming, daily encreasing and growing worse and worse. Humvu ordayned that these three Lawes should be kept for the good of the Kingdome, onely the Literate to rule; whence it comes that they seeke not to ruine each other. The Kings make vse of them all for their purposes, often repairing the old, and building new Temples. The Kings wiues are more prone to the Idoll Sect, and maintayne whole Monasteries without the Palace, and buy their Prayers with Almes. The Idols are not onely in Temples in this Kingdome, but in priuate houses in peculiar places, in streets, ships, Palaces, they are the first things you see, and yet put they little confidence in them. Their wisest men seeke to mixe all three Sects together, [ 20] and so whiles they embrace all, are of none, and proue Atheists.

§. VI. Of Strangers, and forraine Religions in China.

HOw inhospitall the Chinois are to Strangers, we haue in part heard, neither permitting egresse to the Natiues, nor ingresse to Aliens except in three respects. The first, such [ 30] as come to pay their annuall Tributes. The second, such as pretending honour and tribute, come (as wee haue heard) from the West with seeming tribute, a colour to their gaine by merchandise. The third, such as in admiration of the Chinian vertues and lear∣ning, come thither (as the Queene of Sheba to Salomon) to learne the same, which is the Iesuites pretence: but these must here fixe their habitation, nor may be suffered to returne; such is their iealousie, of discouering their mysteries to others. And this made the Iesuites, after so long stay, free from feare of expulsion, which yet since complaine of persecution. But it may not be known, that they haue any intelligence or commerce with stranger: & therfore the Iesuites, which haue obtayned two so great priuiledges, the Eunuches Palace for their residence, and the imployment in correcting the China Kalender, both by Royall approbation; yet could not obtayne leaue to [ 40] goe into the Prouince of Canton, though with Mathematicall pretexts for that Kalender-busines, to obserue longitudes and latitudes of places, because they were said to be Countrymen to those of Macao. Yea, a Colao, or Counsellor of State, was depriued, for sending a message to a bordering King; a tempest of libelling complaints thundring and showring against him therefore. In the bordering Prouinces they set narrow watch at Custom-houses, Bridges, and in the very Riuers, by ships of warre thereto appointed. But if they be once gotten into the inner parts of the King∣dome, there are no such Officers, nor searches. Neither may any stranger passe out of the King∣dome, after once entring, without the Kings licence. The Iesuites steale their ingresse and egresse by meanes of the Portugals, which had the Towne of Macao assigned them by the Chinois, for trafficke. These come vsually twice a yeere to the chiefe Citie of the Prouince of Canton, which is not called Quantum, or Canton, (the name of the Prouince) but Quam ceu.* 4.711 All the day time [ 50] they haue free entrance in the Citie about their merchandise, but must lie on shipboord at night. In the midst of the Riuer there is a little Iland, and therein a Temple, in which they are allowed their Catholike deuotions. There by Boat did they prouide to steale in or out of the Countrey. The Mahumetans that come in by land,* 4.712 if they stay nine yeeres (as is obserued) may neuer return home againe. Of these there are now many thousand Families in China, dispersed into the most of the Prouinces and chiefe Cities. They haue there their Temples very sumptuous, and their Circumcision. But as farre as I could euer learne, they neither teach, nor care to teach, others their deuotions, but are vnskilfull of the Saracens Tenents, and are contemned of the Chinois. It seems, that their comming in was in the time that the Tartars reigned here, which since haue increased, and after so long continuance, are not held in suspicion, as other strangers. Some say, after the [ 60] fourth generation they are reputed as Natiues: yea, they are admitted to the studies of Learning, Degrees, and Magistracy, as well as the Chinois. But most of these, thus dignified, relinquish their former superstition, retayning nothing thereof, but abstinence from Swines flesh, which rather by Nature, then for Religion, they abhorre.

Touching Christians in China, there is not so great certainty. Certaine Mogores told Ricius of some in the Xensian Prouince,* 4.713 in the North parts of China, at a place called Xucheo, which were white, bearded, vsed Bells, worshipped Isa, that is, Iesus, and Marie, and honoured the Cruci∣fixe; their Priests married, which cured diseases without medicines. A Iew at Pequin gaue more full intelligence, that at Caifumfu, and at Lincin, in the Prouince of Sciantum, and in the Prouince of Sciansi, there liued certaine Strangers, whose Ancestours had come out of forraine parts, which worshipped the Crosse which the Chinois expresse by the Character of Ten) and made the signe thereof with the finger on their meate and drinke. They also made the same signe with Inke on the foreheads of their children, to preserue them from misfortunes. A Iesuite also saw, in the hands of an Antiquarie, a Bell, with a Church and Crosse thereon grauen, circum∣scribed [ 10] with Greeke letters. The Iew also reported that those Crosse-worshippers had the same doctrine in their prayers which the Iewes held: this the Iesuites interpreted of the Psalter com∣mon to them both.* 4.714 Hee affirmed that there were many of them in the Northerne Prouinces, which so flourished in Letters and Armes, that they grew suspicious to the Chinois, which hee thought was caused by the Saracens some sixty yeeres before. The Magistrates were so incen∣sed hereby, that they for feare were dispersed, some turning Iewes; some Saracens; others Ido∣laters: and their Temples were also conuerted into Idolatrous Temples, one of which he men∣tioned in his Countrey. Euer since they hide their profession, and when the Iesuites sent one of their Conuerts to make enquirie, he could learne of none: which they thought proceeded from their feare, taking him for a Spie sent from the Magistrates. [ 20]

All these Sects the Chinois call, Hoei, the Iewes distinguished by their refusing to eate the si∣new or leg; the Saracens, Swines flesh; the Christians, by refusing to feed on round-hoofed beasts, Asses, Horses, Mules which all both Chinois, Saracens, and Iewes doe there feed on. The Sara∣cens called the Christians also Isai, as before; and Terzai, which is a name giuen in Persia to the Armenian Christians (as an Armenian affirmed to Ricius) whence hee coniectured, that these Christians came out of Armenia. And by the report of Haiton the Armenian, which sayth, their King came to the Great Can of Cathay (which wee haue before obserued, at least the best parts thereof,* 4.715 to be the North parts of China) to perswade him and his to become Christians; which in great part also hee affected, besides other Christians there reported to bee, by Paulus; and those of Sarnau, subiect to the Great Can, mentioned by Vertomannus, which seeme to be neere [ 30] these in China.* 4.716 The Malabar Christians haue Chaldee memorials of China, conuerted by Saint Thomas; and their Metropolitan hath his style of all India and China.

A certaine Iew at Pequin hearing of the Iesuites there, came to them to see and conferre with them,* 4.717 imagining them to be Iewes. This Iew was borne at Chaifamfu, the Mother-citie of the Prouince Honan, his name was Ngai, his countenance not resembling the Chinois; hee negle∣cting Iudaisme, had addicted himselfe to the China studies, and now came to Pequin to the exa∣mination, in hope of proceeding Doctor. There did hee enter the Iesuites House, professing that he was of their Law and Religion. Ricci leads him into the Chappell, where on the Altar stood the Image of the Virgin, Iesus, and Iohn Baptist, kneeling; which he taking to be the Images of Rebecca and her Twins, did worship vnto them, contrary (he said) to their custome. The Ima∣ges [ 40] of the Euangelists he supposed to be so many of Iacobs sonnes. But vpon further questio∣ning, the Iesuite perceiued that he was a professor of the Law of Moses: he confessed himselfe an Israelite, and knew not the name of Iew; so that it seemed, the dispersion of the ten Tribes had pierced thus farre.* 4.718 Seeing the Hebrew Bible, hee knew the Letters, but could not reade them. He told them that in Chaifamfu were ten or twelue Families of Israelites, and a faire Synagogue, which had lately cost them ten thousand Crownes; therein the Pentateuch in Rolls, which had bin with great veneration preserued fiue or six hundred yeers.* 4.719 In Hamcheu the chiefe Citie of Chequian, hee affirmed, were many more Families with their Synagogue; many also in other places but without Synagogues, and by degrees wearing out: his pronunciation of Hebrew names differed from ours, as Herusoloim, Moscia; for Messia, Ierusalem. His Brother, hee said, [ 50] was skilfull in the Hebrew; which he in affection to the China preferment had neglected; and therefore was hardly censured by the Ruler of the Synagogue.

To this Citie did Ricci send one of his to enquire, who found those reports true, which also copied the beginnings and endings of their Bookes, which they compared, and found to agree with their owne Pentateuch,* 4.720 sauing that they wanted prickes or points. He wrote also in Chi∣na Characters to the Ruler of their Synagogue, that hee had the rest of the Bookes of the Old Testament, and other Bookes of the New, which contayned the acts of the Messias, being al∣ready come. The Ruler doubted, saying, that he would not come till ten thousand yeeres were expired. Hee also promised, that because hee had heard much good of him, if hee would come thither, and abstaine from Swines flesh, they would make him Ruler of their Synagogue. Af∣ter [ 60] this,* 4.721 three Iewes came from thence to Pequin, and were almost perswaded to become Chri∣stians. These complayned, that through ignorance of the Hebrew, their Religion decayed, and that they were likely all of them in a short time to become Saracens or Ethnikes. The old Ar∣chisynagogue, was now dead, his sonne a young man succeeded in place. but ignorant of their

[illustration]

[illustration] map of Chinese provinces

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉THE 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 MAP 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 OF 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 CHI 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 NA 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

[illustration]

Law. And that their Iewish Religion was indeed languishing, appeared by this, that they both worshipped the Popish Images, and complayned that in their Synagogue and priuate houses they had none. They were offended that they were forbidden the eating of any creature, which themselues had not killed, which had they obserued in this Iourney had cost them their liues. Their wiues and neighbours esteemed Circumcision of their Infants on the eighth day a cruell thing, which they could be willing to alter, with acceptation of the Christian Law, nor would much stand about Swines flesh.

As for the Christian Religion thither carried by the Iesuites, you haue heard the whole sub∣stance of their owne large Histories; I meane not of Miracles, and other like stuffe and stuffings, [ 10] but the meanes of conuaying the Gospel to the Chinois, which are merchandise, money, & gifts, Mathematiks, Memoratiue-art, Morality, which to China Couetousnes and Curiosity with their conforming to Confutius Ethikes, and China Literature, Habite, Names and officious Rites, were good Orators, and made way with much adoe to that little which is done; a mutuall ex∣change in many things, of Romish for Chinois Beades, Shauing, Vests, Songs, Mumsimus, Ta∣pers, Censers, Images, Legends, Monkes, Nunnes, Processions, Pilgrimages, Monasteries, Al∣tars, hee and shee Saints,* 4.722 and other things innumerable pertayning rather to bodily exercise which profiteth little, then to Godlinesse, or God-likenesse, who being a Spirit, requireth men to worship him in spirit and truth; and by foolishnesse of preaching saueth them that beleeue,* 4.723 not by wisedome of words, in elegant writings, and those more of Arts then Christianity.* 4.724 The great Doctor of the [ 20] Gentiles tooke another course, not with excellency of words, sayth he, or wisedome; yea, hee estee∣med to know nothing among the learned Corinthians but Iesus Christ and him crucified:* 4.725 neither stood his word in the entising speech of mans wisedome, but in playne euidence of the Spirit; not the wise∣dome of the World, but the wisedome of God in a mysterie, &c. Which I speake not as denying the seruice of Arts to Diuinity, but of Diuinity in manner to Arts, where the profession is not as of a Tent-maker to liue that he may preach, but as of an European Philosopher, where Hagar do∣mineereth, and Sara at some times whispers a little, and except in Images and Shewes scarcely shewes her selfe, as more fully appeareth in the fore-going History.* 4.726 But would God any Arts or any Preachers may occasion the opening of their eyes, which were wont to bragge of two eyes, and say Europeans had but one, when as they haue but this one naturall eye, and in spiri∣tuall [ 30] things are blinde: and would God the Chinois might as generally acknowledge them∣selues thankfull to Iesuiticall labours in professing the Gospell, as I doe here my selfe for this Hi∣storicall light of China.

§. VII. The Map of China, taken out of a China Map, printed with China Characters; illustrated with Notes, for the vnderstanding thereof.

[ 40] THe originall Map, whence this present was taken and contracted, was by Captaine Saris (whose industrie and acts haue both heere and elsewhere enriched this worke) gotten at Bantam of a Chinese,* 4.727 in taking a distresse for debts owing to the English Merchants: who seeing him carefull to conuay away a Boxe, was the more carefull to apprehend it, and therein found this Map, which another Chinese lodged at his house, lately come from China, had brought with him.* 4.728 The greatnesse of the danger at home (if knowne) made him earnestly begge for that which was on the other side as earnestly desired and kept. Master Hakluyt procured it of the Captaine, professing his intent to giue it to Prince Henry of glorious memory, who being suddenly aduanced to a higher view in Heauen, and Master Hak∣luyt following, this Map came to my hand, who sought to expresse my loue to the publike in communicating what I could thereof. For it being in China Characters (which I thinke none in [ 50] England, if any in Europe, vnderstands) I could not wholly giue it, when I giue it; no man be∣ing able to receiue, what he can no way conceiue.

And as in greatest things our little vnderstandings easier apprehend negations then affirma∣tions, and can better tell what they are not, then what they are; so this Map easily tells at first,* 4.729 euen without Commentaries, the comments and conceits of our Geog••••phers, Ortelius, Mer∣cator, Hondius, and whatsoeuer other our Authors of Maps, and Globes, who all haue heerein fayled, giuing nothing lesse then China in their China; whether wee regard the generall figure and shape thereof, or the particular Riuers, Hills, Prouinces, Wall, Latitude, and if wee beleeue the Iesuites) Longitude also. They present it in forme somewhat like a Harpe, whereas it is al∣most foure square; they make Hills, Riuers, Lakes, Ilands, (Coray also for one,* 4.730 which is part of [ 60] the Continent) Cities, Prouinces, euery thing out of due place. Whose industry I commend; but industry guided by fansie, and without light, is but the blind leading the blind, or like a see∣led vnmanaged Horse, the more spurred, the more ready to carrie his Rider into precipices, or out of the way at least. Our Geographers haue indeed payd the Chinois in their owne Coine:

for they, as before yee haue read, knew nothing in manner of the other parts of the World, and expressed them as fansifully in their Maps; and wee likewise knowing nothing of them, haue entertayned, and beene entertayned with Fansi-maps, in stead of those of China. As therefore by Sir Thomas Roes honourable industry wee haue giuen you Indus and India before, which no Geographer before had done (they all bringing Indus thorow Cambaia, and some seeking for Ganges at Canton in China) so here we giue you a true China, the Chinois themselues being our Guides, and the Iesuites their both Examiners and Interpreters.

The Originall is aboue foure foot one way, and almost fiue foot the other, whereof a yard and some foure inches square is the Map it selfe; the rest are China Discourses touching the sayd Map in their Characters and Lines (running downward, and beginning at the right hand to bee read, after their manner) which are heere omitted, as not vnderstood. Yet haue wee some vn∣derstanding [ 10] (as where wee see a man farre off, whom we know to bee a man, and can obserue his habit, gesture, motion, though wee see not the proper complexion of his face) by that which Pantoia hath told vs before; namely, that those China Characters contayne all the Tributes of each Prouince, yea the number of Houses and persons in the same. And in the Map (of which wee haue giuen an extract) hee sayth the Rounds and Squares are Cities and Townes of princi∣pall note all walled; adding that the Riuers are distinctly delineated; and the great Lines are boundaries of Prouinces, (wee haue heere expressed them after our manner in little prickes,) the lesser expresse the chiefe Cities Iurisdiction. Ours hath no such lesse Lines, but those mentioned Rounds and Squares, which perhaps hee meaneth; for therein are many others in Characters, without such lines round or square, and therefore as I suppose without Iurisdiction; and in this [ 20] extract wee haue left them out, because we exactly knew not their meaning, and perhaps some∣times are Cities, sometimes Castles or Townes, or Hills, or some other thing: and silence see∣med better, then labour to expresse an vnknowne Character, or boldnesse to expresse our owne folly or to occasion others, deceiuing and being deceiued. These Rounds and Squares also haue their Characters in them, and those greater Squares with Crosses, haue, some three others foure Characters.

Besides Pantogia, another hath helped further to the particular vnderstanding, namely our fa∣mous Countryman Master Candish, who in his voyage about the Globe, brought home certayne references taken out of the Map of China, neere whiah hee sayled, and it seemes by some skilfull [ 30] of the Languages both of China and Portugall, had the same interpreted to him. That the Pro∣uinces beare other names then in our Map or discourse is no wonder; for both the Chinois them∣selues in diuers Prouinces speake diuers languages, and in all haue the Court language besides the peculiar: and the China Characters are the same to many Nations, each of which reades them into his owne language, dialect and appellation. Thus what one Prouince calleth Lanquin (wan∣ting the N.) by diuersitie of Dialect, is else-where called Nanquin; Pequin, Paquin, and Puckin; yea, by other language Taybin, and Cambalu, and Suntien, or Citie of Heauen. I durst not interpret all, chusing rather to giue an vncertayne truth, then to hazard a certayne errour. Master Candishes Notes are these.

[ 40]

1 THe Prouince of Cansas * 4.731 hath 4. great Cities, and 20. small Cities, and 77. Townes and Castles: it contayeth in length 55. leagues n 4.732 it hath 362000. Houses of great men that pay Tribute and 13900. men of Warre, and hath 47000. Horses which are the Kings, kept for his dfeence.

2 The great City of Paquin where the King doth lye, hath belonging to it 8. great Cities, and 18. small Cities, with 118. Townes and Castles, it hath 418789. Houses of great men which pay Tribute: it hath Horsemen for the War, 258100. this City is in the latitude of o 4.73350. degrees to the North-wards, being there as cold as it is vsually in Flanders.

3 The Prouince of Soyebin hath 7. great Cities, and 16. small, with 12. Townes and Castles, and one great Citie, to which many repayre to fight against the Tartars: it hath () leagues in [ 50] length, and hath 164118. great Houses which pay Tribute, and 96000. men of War.

4 The Prouince of Santo p 4.734 hath 6. great Cities, and 14. small, with 90. Townes and Castles; it is 82. leagues long, and hath 77555. great Houses which pay Tribute: 63808. horse∣men, and 31000. footmen of War.

5 The Prouince of Oyman q 4.735 hath 7. great Cities, and 14. small, with 90. Townes and Castles; being 470. leagues long, and 132958. great Houses that pay Tribute, 82800. men of Warre. Out of this Prouince commeth Copper, Quick-siluer, and Black-lead.

6 The Prouince of r 4.736 Cutchew hath 8. great Cities, and 12. small; and 83. Townes which make Armour to fight with the Iewes which do inhabit beyond Cauchin-china: it is 100. leagues broad, and hath 32920. Horsemen and Footmen with 405670. great Houses which pay Tribute [ 60] whereof the men of War are payed.

7 The Prouince of Languyn hath 14. great Cities, and 17. small, and 95. Townes and Ca∣stles: it is 120. leagues ouer, and hath 962818. great Hous••s which pay Tribute: it hath in it 208900. men of Warre. Whereof there are 52500. Tartar Horsemen that take wages.

8 The Prouince of Vquam hath 14. great Cities and 19. small, 150. Townes and Castles, and is 210. leagues broad; and 53161. Houses that pay Tribute: and 71600. men of Warre.

9 The Prouince of Som hath 7. great Cities, and 11. small, and 105. Townes and Castles; and is 200. leagues broad: and hath Houses that pay Tribute 139567. and men of Warre 345632.

10 The Prouince of Essiram hath 11. great Cities, and 75. small, and 80. Townes and Ca∣stles, and is 440. leagues broad, and hath great Houses that doe pay Tribute 1242135. and 339000. men of Warre.

11 This Lake lyeth behind Siam, and before Champa, and doth joyne with the Lappians, and [ 10] from thence commeth all the water that serueth the Kingdome of China: and the Indians and the Chinians doe report this Lake to be the whole World, and so they paint the Sea,* 4.737 the Moone and the Stars within it.

12 The Prouince of Lansay, hath 13. Cities and a chiefe Citie, and 73. Townes and Castles, and is 260. leagues broad, and hath great Houses that pay Tribute 1393629. and 12700. men of Warre.

13 The Prouince Cua••sa hath 12. great Cities, 45. small, and 51. Townes and Castles, it is 260. leagues broad, and hath great Houses that pay Tribute 1306390. and men of Warre, both Horsemen and Footmen 100100.

14 The Prouince of Vanam hath 14. great Cities, and 36. small, and 34. Townes and Ca∣stles, [ 20] and is 88. leagues broad, and hath great Houses that pay Tribute, 589296. and 15100. men of Warre.

15 The Prouince of Fuguien hath eight great Cities, and one principall Citie, and 54. Towns and Castles, and two great Cities of Garrison to keepe watch vpon the Iapons, and is 200. leagues broad, and hath 5009532. great Houses that pay Tribute, and 4003225. men of the Kings Guard.

16 The Prouince of Canton hath 40. great Cities, and seuen small, and 77. Townes and Ca∣stles; and a Citie that putteth forth hundreds of ships for the keeping of Cauchin-china, and is 380. leagues in breadth, and hath 483383. great Houses which pay Tribute, and 39400. men of Warre.

[ 30] 17 The Prouince of Enam hath seuen great Cities and 13. small, and 90. Townes and Ca∣stles: and is 88. leagues broad, and hath 589296. great Houses that pay Tribute, and 15100. Souldiers.

The Spanish Friers of the Philippinas, as Mendoza recordeth, thus out of the China Bookes re∣late the names of the Prouinces, Paguia, Foquiem, Olam, Sinsay, Sisuan, Tolanchia, Ca••say, Oquiam, Aucheo, Honan, Xanton, Quicheu, Chequean, Susuam and Saxij; tenne of which are seated on the Sea-coast. He also addes that Paguia or Pequin hath forty seuen Cities (stiled Fu) and one hun∣dred and fiftie others termed Cheu. Canton hath thirtie seuen of the one, and one hundred and ninetie of the other, and so proceedeth with somewhat differing account, reckoning in all fiue hundred ninety one Cities entituled Fu, and 1593. of the Cheu Cities, which he makes Townes: [ 40] whereas the Iesuits haue taught vs that Fu is the Title of a Region or Shire, in each Prouince, which are sub-diuided into Ceu and Hien, those the more, these the lesse principall, but yet e∣quall to our Cities, as before is obserued.

Againe, in a Dialogue printed at Macao, in the Confines of China, 1590. by the Portugals, these Prouinces are thus reckoned, Sixe vpon the Sea, Coantum, Foquien, Chequiam, Nanquin, Xantum, Paquin; the other nine In-land Prouinces, Quiansi, Huquam, Honam, Xiensi, Xansi, Su∣chuon, Queichen, Iunan, Coansi. Perera reckons them thus, Fuquien in which Cinceo is the best knowne City; Cantan, Chequeam, Xutiamfu, Chelim, Quianci, Quicin, Quanci, Confu, Vrnan, Si∣chiua, &c. all which diuersity proceedeth partly from ignorance, partly from different Language and Dialect in the expounding these Characters. And it must needs be so, the Chinois wanting [ 50] vse of, and Characters to expresse b.d.r. and all their Characters being of things not Letters; in proper names is very great difficulty to expresse ours in their Characters, or theirs in our Letters; insomuch that one Iesuite doth not perfectly agree with another, nay, often dis∣sents from himselfe, as in Ianseu, Yamceu, Hianceu, for their great Riuer which Polo cals Quian; and Chi, and Ci, and Qui I find often confounded in their syllables, as also x and sci, as Xauchin, Sciauchin, and the like. Yea, such is the difficulty, that the Iesuits can scarsly deuise to expresse in China Characters, the forme of Baptime, to put the Latine words thereof, into China Chara∣cters, that Baptisme might vniformely bee administred after the Romish Rite, as themselues confesse.

Touching their Souldiers, I thought good,* 4.738 to adde this note for their Peeces whose Barels [ 60] Pantoia sayth, are but a span long, that Captayne Saris beeing asked told mee, hee saw many of them, and they were as long as Pistols, but the Cocke such as makes them of little seruice.

I haue added these Pictures of a Man and Woman of China, not by ghesse, but out of certayne in China Pictures made also in China in very good Colours, but with Arte meane enough, fine cloth inserted in strong Indian Paper; of which Captayne Saris communicated many to me.

Their little Eyes and Noses, long Hayre bound vp in knots, womens feete wrapped vp, long wide-sleeued Garments, Fannes, &c. I haue (taking diuers parts out of diuers) presented to thee. A taste of the China Characters thou hast in the Title. That of Ricius I haue added from the Iesuits, in thankes for his great paines, and to shew the habit of the head, &c.

* 4.739The names of the Prouinces I haue hunted out of the Iesuites Iourneyes and other Relations. In the most I am sure I am right, in the other * 4.740 you haue my coniecture; for neyther know we their Characters, nor haue any giuen vs a particular Geography or Chorography, but only the names of the Prouinces. I haue added names also to some Cities and Riuers of principall note. As for the truth of the Map I finde well to agree with the Iesuites Iourneyes; but it hath not European Art, it being neyther graduated, nor Hils, nor Woods, or other differing places pre∣sented to the view; only hauing Characters, Lines, Lakes, and Riuers. I haue aduentured to [ 10] adde Degrees to helpe such Readers as cannot doe it better themselues, following the Ie∣suits prescripts in generall, although I cannot but maruell at that longitude, so farre differing from the generall opinion, and could almost doubt, that herein these Portugals are minding that diuision agreed on betwixt the Spaniards and them, which hath anciently caused such conten∣tions, and wherein you haue read some Offices of the Iesuits in these China Discourses. But I will not contend, where themselues speake faintly.

Now for Quian which Polo hath mentioned, as the greatest Riuer in the world (it is here called Iansu,* 4.741 or Hiansu, or Yamsu, that is, the Sonne of the Sea, and Iansuchian) and another called Ca∣ramoran (Cara signifieth blacke,* 4.742 and this great Northerne Riuer is alway thicke and troubled) and their Marriage by Art, is here viewed; and more then two hundred Cities (one of Polos [ 20] Wonders) communicating their Merchandizes by that Quian, or Chian, as they now terme it Iansuchian, chian signifying the chiefe Riuer. For the name Cathay to bee giuen by the Tartars to China, Goez his Iourney hath made it out of doubt; also that Pequin is Cambalu, that is, the Citie of the King. I doe conceiue that Polos Mangi was the nine Southerne Prouinces of China; the Northerly before conquered was knowne by the name of Cathay; a name by the Tartars gi∣uen to diuers Countreyes, as Cara Catay and Catay Calay and Great Catay. This Great Catay is China.

Polo and other Authors speake of Cathay and Mangi as two; perhaps the Tartars so accoun∣ting them; the one, to wit, the North parts being formerly subject to them, and called by their [ 30] ancient name, the other called Mangi in contempt; as the Romanes called the subiect Britaines of this Iland by their former name, and the others Picts and Barbarians; and as our Ancestors called those Britons which withstood them Walsh or Welch in a kind of disgrace. Nay still the Northerne Chinois call the Southerne Mangines, that is, rude or barbarous, as the Iesuites haue taught vs. But neither Cathay, nor Mangi, was then the name which they assumed, but was giuen them by the Tartars, as China is a name vnknowne to them now. If any will find no o∣ther Cambalu, nor Cathay but Pequin and China, I will not contend, though my Reasons else∣where giuen out of Polo,* 4.743 and Chaggi Memet, and others, with the former Relations of Pinto and Alhacen, make me scrupulous, and still to beleeue some greater Prince or Can with his Cam∣balu or Court in the more Northerly parts of Asia, then the Iesuits could learne of; which the [ 40] China iealousie, admitting no entercourse of Strangers, and the many quarrelling. Tartar Prin∣ces in the way haue concealed from vs hitherto.

The great blacke space on the North-west hath in the Originall certayne Characters in it which expresse it: whether it intendeth Mountayns which their Art could no better expresse, and the Riuers thence running may import; or that sandy Desert on the North-west, I cannot so well determine. The Iesuits say, that ab occasu qui Aquiloni vicinior est, conterminus visitur a∣renae sitientis ager, qui multorum dierum penuria aduenarum exercitus ab Sinarum Regno aut deterret, aut sepelit. I rather thinke that it is Cara Catay or Blacke Catay, before often mentioned, both Mountaynous, and Desert, and perhaps coloured blackish, as the name intimates, by black sands, or as health grounds with vs: it was the first Tartarian Conquest, and beginning of the greatest greatnesse which this World hath yeelded; the Countrey before of Presbyter Ioannes A∣siaticus. [ 50]

The wall is in this forme in the original, not in the Picture made vp of Mountaynes, wherein I thinke they had not art to imitate Nature; the Art in the whole Map much resembling our old Maps, of wooden prints, saue that I see not one Mountaine presented in swelling fashion to the Eye. The Ilands are very many with their Characters, but poorely delineated, their names here omitted for their vncertaynties: so little (and yet how much more then any other?) doe wee giue you of China, till Time giue vs more. The degrees are not so perfectly accommodated to the Map, by reason that we must at once follow the Chinian Map which had no degrees (nor could their Art without degrees giue euery place his iust longitude or latitude) and the Iesuits Rules: yet we haue comne somewhat neere, as may be seene. Other things appeare in the History. [ 60]

CHAP. VIII. A continuation of the Iesuits Acts and Obseruations in China till RICIVS his death and some yeares after. Of Hanceu or Quinsay. An Extract of MON••ARTS trauell.

THus hauing with Pantogias eyes taken some view of the Kings Palace, and with [ 10] Ricius of their whole Gouernment▪ I hold it fit not to leaue this China Apostle (so Ricius is called) till wee haue seene some fruits of his labours vntill and after his death.* 4.744 He tels vs that three dayes after they had beene shut vp in the Palace of Strangers as yee haue read, they were brought forth into the Kings Palace so performe the wonted Rites to the Kings Throne.* 4.745 This is done in a large and glorious Court or Porch, where 30000. men might be contayned; at the end whereof is a high Chamber, vnder which by fiue great doores is a passage to the Kings Lodgings; in that Cham∣ber is the Kings Throne, where anciently he sate to heare and dispatch businesses and Embassages, and to receiue the Rites of Magistrates, rendring thankes for their Preferments.* 4.746 But in the pre∣sent solitarinesse of the King, those Rites are done to the Empty Throne, many there gratula∣ting [ 20] the King euery day. In this Court, enuironed with stately Workes, 3000. Souldiers watch euery night, besides others watching in Towres without, a stones cast from one another. In each of the fiue Gates is an Elephant, which with the Souldiers goe forth when it is day:* 4.747 and those are admitted which come to gratulate the King. These come in a peculiar Habit of Red, with an Iuory Table in their hand to couer * 4.748 their mouth, and exhibit their kneelings and bow∣ings to the Throne, as they are taught by Officers of Rites or Masters of Ceremonies: one cry∣ing out to that purpose at the performance of each gesture. The Gouernour of Strangers hauing shut them vp, first petitioned the King sharply against Mathan the Eunuch and them, but seeing no answere, he petitioned more gently but would haue them sent from Pequin; which the King liked not, yet without Petition from the Magistrates would not detayne them. The Eunuches [ 30] also laboured their stay for feare the Clockes should miscarry beyond their skill. The Kings Mo∣ther hearing of a selfe-striking bell sent for it, and the King sent it,* 4.749 but to preuent her as∣king it, caused the Wheeles to be loosed, so that not seeing the vse, she sent it againe.

When the Rituall Magistrates could get no answere to their Petitions, for not touching their stay at Pequin; the Praefect sent to Ricius that he would make a Petition to giue him leaue to stay there in pretence of Sicknesse and Physicke, which hee did, and the other presently answered, giuing him libertie to hyre a House; continuing also his former allowance, with foure seruants to bring it euery fifth day, (Flesh, Salt, Rice, Wine, Hearbs, Wood,) and another seruant in con∣tinuall attendance: so that now they recouered libertie and credit. The Eunuches also told them of the Kings approbation of their stay;* 4.750 and they had out of the Treasurie eight Crownes a [ 40] moneth, which their goeth much further then heere: and the Captayne of Strangers by open Sentence gaue them full libertie. One of the Colai, and then the onely, became their great friend, with his Sonne, after some European Presents, which hee bountifully rewarded: likewise the supreame President of the Court of Magistrates, and other of the Grands, besides the Eunuches of the Palace, and some of the Queenes and Royall family.* 4.751 Amongst others was Fumochan a great man, who for withstanding the Eunuches capacitie in Vquam Prouince, was depriued, whipped, and three yeeres Imprisoned; but by others honored with Temples, Odours, Images, and Bookes in prayse of him, as a Saint, and the King wearyed by multitude of Petitions for him, granted him againe his libertie. Also Lingoson a great Magistrate and Mathematician as they accounted, became Ricius his Scholler, and was baptised Leo, borne at Hanceu, the chiefe Citie of Cechian, [ 50] of which afterward.

Yet had Ricius a great enemy of a great Learned man of Hanlin Colledge,* 4.752 who in zeale of the Idol-sect had put away his Wife, and professed himselfe one of their Votaries or Shauelings, drew many Disciples after him, and writ many Bookes against the Literate Sect; and writ also against Ricius his bookes. One of the Kings Admonish••rs accused him to the King by Petition, and the King rescribing seuerely, hee slue himselfe: yea, the King ordayned, that if the Magi∣strates would become Apostata shauelings, they should leaue their Robes and get them to the Deserts; many accordingly chusing rather to leaue their Offices, then their Idols. One Thacon was so famous, that the chiefe Queene daily worshipped his habit,* 4.753 (hauing no other meane of en∣tercourse) and so proud that hee sent to Ricius to come and visite him, with the rites of kneeling. [ 60] But on occasion of search for a Libell against the King, hee was found guiltie of writing ill of the King, for not professing Idols, and of ill vsage to the Kings Mother, for which he was Whipped so, that before they could adde bonds, hee dyed. One which by torments confessed himselfe au∣thor of the Libell, had 1600. gobbers plucked from his flesh and then beheaded, a Death most (for the diuision of the body) abominable to the Chinois.

* 4.754In the Xaucean Residence some stirre happened, whiles they brought to the Iesuits house their Idoll Hoaquan, made with three Eyes, one in his forehead (for though the Chinois haue no Idols representing any formes but humane, yet they admit Monsters) as their God of Eye-sight, for whom they intended to build him a Temple, and carryed him from house to house a begging to that purpose; the Iesuites refusing to giue them. Rumours also of Mathans detayning the Pre∣sents were soone apprehended;* 4.755 as likewise certayne Stage-players which comming from A∣macao, set forth in Pictures those things which the Chinois hated in the Portugals, as their short Garments (seeming to them ridiculous) praying on Beads by men in Temples, with Swords girded to them, kneeling on one knee; their quarrels one with another and combats, Women going with Men in company, and the like; a Magistrate also accused the Iesuites to the Tauli, who spake for them and visited them. It happened also that by occasion of a great Drought, [ 10] Processions and Fasts were commanded,* 4.756 and the Shambles shut vp, the Gouernour and people in diuers places appointed thereto, begging rayne with their bowings; and when this preuayled not, they brought an Idoll out of the Suburbes, called Locu, which was carryed about, adored, offered too, with no better successe. Hereupon they consulted a Witch, which sayd the Quoay•• or Goddesse was angry,* 4.757 that her backe was daily scorched (spoken of the Conuerts burning their Idols) which caused some conspiracie, quenched with the Taulis fauour and the rayne following. At Nanquin one borne at Scianhai, and first pronounced Licentiat in the examination 1597. was Baptised by the name of Paulus, who conuerted his whole Family. Anno 1604. hee was made Doctor, amongst three hundred and eight, of which number foure and twentie were cho∣sen [ 20] of Hanlin Colledge, after the China course of best Writing, of which hee was the fourth: this Choise of foure and twentie is but for probationers, for at the most after long try∣als by the Colai, but twelue or fifteene are set in possession, in which examinations hee was still a principall.

I thought to adde this by the way, that Ligotsun a learned friend of the Iesuites, had beene put from his great place into I know not what pettie Office,* 4.758 for too light demeanour and too fre∣quent Chesse-play, which continued three yeeres. The Hollanders much impouerished the Por∣tugals by taking the Iapan Ship of Amacao,* 4.759 the fewell of the Iesuites beneficence. At Nancian they Conuerted three of the Blood royall, Baptised by the names of Melchior, Gaspar, Baltha∣sar, and their Mother a woman much addicted to Idols, and obseruing the China Fast; who sent [ 30] them a Charter, called the D••rectorie of Hell, which the Shaueling Impostors had sold her, written to the Infernall King, to giue her good entertaynment, and remit her punishment. The Iesuites exchanged their Images for her Idols, and their Ecclesiasticall Fast for that Pegan.

At Nanquin, Chiutaiso was baptised by the name of Ignatius, striking the ground foure times first with his forehead,* 4.760 and reciting the profession of his Faith, which hee deliuered in writing to the Fathers; the contents of which and of Paulus, are expressed in our Author. The Hollanders sought entrance into China, to bee admitted Trade in Fuquien Prouince, but were denyed not∣withstanding both promises and threats. Feare of them made the Portugals at Amacao begin to build a Tower and to fortifie. But a quarrell falling betwixt a Regular, and a Secular Priest, one fleeing to the Iesuits Rector for refuge,* 4.761 there grew such a combustion that the Chinois fled to [ 40] their Countrey, perswaded that Cataneus then there intended to get the Kingdome, whereof hee had such expense; at Canton was such terrour, that aboue one thausand Houses without the walls were pulled downe, the Gates toward Amacao filled vp with Lime and Stones, all commerce with Amacaons prohibited,* 4.762 great Watch kept; Francis Martinez betrayed by a false brother a Conuert, as a Spie, was twice so Whipped that hee dyed soone after the stripes, as hee was en∣tring the Prison. At Nanquin three thousand were found, Anno 1606. to haue conspired the Death of the Magistrates, and to inuade the ancient Treasuries. Those which were taken were put in those Pillorie boards,* 4.763 which force them to stand till their Legges rot, some of them hol∣ding out a Fortnight, as was thought by bribing the Executioners: the suspition hereof was by some cast on the Iesuites. Two Guides or Fraternities were erected of China Conuerts. [ 50]

Ziu Paulus the learned Conuert, being to leaue his place for three yeeres, to mourne for his Father at Scianhai his natiue Towne,* 4.764 he obtayned Cataneus to bee sent thither with him, where hee stayed two yeeres. This is one of the meanest sorts of Cities which they call Hien, one hundred fortie and foure Italian myles from Nanquin, and in that Prouince, in twentie nine Degrees, ouer against Corai and the Iaponian Ilands, within a little of the Easterne Sea. The name Scianhia, signifieth on the Sea; and it is fortified with Garrisons and a Fleet against the Ia∣ponians, being a passage with a good winde of foure and twentie houres sayle. The walls are two myles compasse, the Suburbes contayne as many Houses as the Citie; so that there are numbred fortie thousand Housholds (by this you may measure the frequencie of great Cities,) the Territorie is an euen Playne, and so cultiuated that they seeme a Citie of Gard••••s, full also of Villages, [ 60] Hamlets, Towers, contayning twentie thousand Families in this Townes iurisdiction, there be∣ing in that Circuit 300000. men. This Iurisdiction alone, payeth to the King the yeerely value of 150000. Golden Crownes, in the weight of Siluer, and asmuch in Rice, in all 300000. (whence the incredible reuenues of this Crowne appeare also credible) the Ground being fertile of

Cotton, whereof there are reckoned 200000. Weauers,* 4.765 Pequin and other parts being hence ser∣ued with Cloathes. There are many good wits and Students, a good Ayre, and they liue long, eightie, ninetie, and a hundred yeeres.

Wee are now come to the Death of Father Ricius (the Author of our Iesuiticall Discourse of China hitherto; occasioned by multitude of businesse that yeere, fiue thousand Magistrates com∣ming to visite the King, and fiue thousand others standing for their Doctorship, of which about three hundred onely are chosen. Wearyed with his Ecclesiasticall Fasts also and labour of buil∣ding a Church, hee fell sicke and dyed, May 11. 1610. hauing much propagated the Gospell by his writings, and furthered it by his Mathematickes. For all Sects haue beene there more en∣creased by Writing then Preaching. Hee dyed leauing much sorrow to his friends and care also [ 10] in that China scrupulositie, how and where to interre him. It was the counsell of their friends, to put vp a Petition to the King, whereupon they resolued, and Pantogia by Doctor Leos helpe, thus Petitioned in behalfe of Ricius his Corps. I Iames Pantogia, subiect of the Kingdomes of the great West, Offer a Supplication in behalfe of another Forrainer now deceased. I humbly beseech your great Clemencie for a place of Buriall, that your Royall beneficence may extend to all, euen Strangers of remotest Regions. I Iames Pantogia am a Stranger of a most remote Kingdome, but mooued with the vertue and fame of your most Noble Kingdome, haue in three yeeres sayle, with much trouble, passed hi∣ther aboue sixe thousand leagues. In the eight and twentieth yeere of Vanlie, (for so, as wee, they ac∣count their yeeres by the Kings raigne) in the twelfth Moone, I, with Matthew Ricius, came into your Court; where wee presented some gifts, and haue since beene sustayned at the Kings charge. The [ 20] nine and twentieth yeere of Vanlie, in the first Moone, we Petitioned your Maiestie for a place of resi∣dence, and haue many yeeres enioyed the Royall bountie. In the eight and thirtieth yeere of Vanlie, the eighteenth day of the third Moone, Ricius dyed. I, a Client of the Kingdome of the great West, remaine a fit subiect of pitie. The returne into our Countrey is long, &c. And I now, after so many yeares stay, suppose that wee may bee numbred to the people which followeth your Royall Chariot, that your Clemen∣cie, like that of Yao, may not contayne it selfe in the Kingdome of China alone, &c.* 4.766 So proceeds he to set foorth the good parts of Ricius, and with a long supplication to begge a place of Buryall, some Field, or part of a Temple; and hee, with his fellowes, should obserue their wonted Prayers to the Lord of Heauen, for thousands of yeeres to him and his Mother. This Libell was written with pe∣culiar forme, Characters, Seales; many Rites herein necessarily obserued. Before any bee offe∣red [ 30] to the King, it must bee viewed of some Magistrate; and they got this to bee allowed by one which is Master of Requests, which sent it presently to the King. They must also haue many Copies thereof, to shew to those Magistrates, to whom it appertaines; which they did: one of them affirming, That Ricius deserued a Temple also, with his Image to bee there set vp. This message hee sent them by another: for when they fauour a cause, they shew great strange∣nesse. The King commonly answers the third day (except hee mislike, for then he suppres∣seth) and sends it to the Magistrate that had presented it, who shewes which of the sixe is the peculiar Court, which iudgeth of these things: This being sent to the Rituall Tribunall. Their answer is sent to the King within a Moneth (which there is a short space) and repeating the Petition verbatim, and the Kings command to the peculiar Office, answers what the Law sayth [ 40] in that case, and concludes the Petition to bee agreeing to Iustice, and earnestly pleades and sues for confirmation. The King sends this answers to the Colao, which subscribed his approbation; which being sent againe to the King, hee subscribed with his owne hand Xi, that is Fiat, or bee it done, which the third day after was deliuered them.

The Iesuites hauing so speedie and prosperous successe, bethought of gratifying their friends, which had furthered this designe with Dyals, especially to the Colao, which vsed Pantogia very kindly and writ to the Gouernour of Pequin to looke out a place fitting. Three or foure were offered to their choyse, one of which much pleased them.

It was aboue a quarter of a myle from one of the Citie gates, built by an Eunuch, who now was condemned for some crime; and left his Palace which hee had heere builded, with [ 50] the expence of aboue foureteene thousand Duckats (which in China is a great summe,* 4.767 in that cheapnesse of all things, farre beyond European computation) should fall into the hands of spoy∣lers (the goods of Eunuches in this Kingdome, vsually becomming his which first can catch them) hee consecrated his Palace, and made it a Temple, maintayning therein one Priest.* 4.768 Such Palaces many of the Magistrates haue neere to the Cities, as retyring places and Tusculanes for their Muses. The portraiture of this whole House, with the Garden, and other appurtenances, Trigautius hath set foorth in Picture; being after the China building, with the doore South∣wards, and so running a great length into the North, with foure great Halls one beyond ano∣ther; in the middle parts, and on each side, Chambers and other Roomes; beyond all the Gar∣den, [ 60] the pillars of Timber bearing vp the roofe; the walls and pauement of Bricke. The outmost of these Halls was conuerted into a Temple or Idoll-Chappell, in which was a great Altar of Stone and Bricke cunningly fretted, paynted red (a colour forbidden to priuate Houses) and vp∣on the middest thereof sate a huge Monster of Earth, gilded from top to toe, of massie quantitie.* 4.769 The Chinois call it Ti cam, the God (as they fable) of the Earth & Treasures, as Pluto in the Poets.

In his hand was a Scepter, on his head a Crowne, not vnlike those vsed by our Kings. On each side stood foure ministers of the same matter:* 4.770 on both sides of the Roome two great Tables, and on each of them fiue Kings, or great Officers of Hell. On both the wals were painted the same Officers, or Iudges, sitting on their seuerall Tribunals, giuing sentence on wicked men, euery one according to the condition of his Court.* 4.771 Before them stood many Deuils, more terribly formed then with vs. The paines of Hell also were so deciphered, that could not but strike terrour to the beholders; some rosted in yron Beds, some fryed in scalding Oyle, some cut in pieces, or diuided in the middle or torne of Dogges, or otherwise tortured. The first those Iudges exa∣mined the faults, which they said hee saw in a certayne Glasse. Those which hee found guiltie, were sent to the other Iudges, according to the qualitie of the crimes. One of these was Iudge in [ 10] Cases of Transmigration, which sent the soules of cruell men into Tygres; of vncleane persons, into Swine, and the like: or if their crimes were smaller, into the poorer sort. There was a great Ballance; in one of the Scales, a man laden with sinnes; in the other, one of their Hypocriticall Prayer-bookes, which counterpoysed the other Scale, and freed the Sinner. There ranne through the midst of Hell a discoloured Riuer, which carried away many. For ouer it were two Bridges, one of Gold, the other of Siluer; by which, those passed ouer, which had beene deuout Idola∣ters, carrying in their hands Ensignes of the same: these were guided by the Priests, which led them through the midst of Hell to faire and pleasant Groues and Gardens. In another part were painted the Dungeons of Hell, with horrible Serpents, Flames, Deuils. To the Brazen Gates thereof there comes an Idolatrous Priest, which in despight of all the Deuils deliuers his Mother [ 20] from those flames. There was no infernall punishment painted, but had such an Inscription: He which shall pray to such an Idoll a thousand times, shall bee free from this punishment. The Iesuites beat the Earthen Idols to dust, and burnt those of wood, wherein the Chinese Conuerts were the forwarder, because the Countrey custome is to fill the hollow bellies of these Images with deuoted Money or Iewels. They demolished the Altar and playstred ouer the Pictures, and in place thereof erected the Image of Christ. No priuate man may erect a Temple by Law, which yet the mighty Eunuchs transgresse.

A little before this exchange of Idols into Images (after their distinction, and a * 4.772 silly one it is) some tooke their last leaue of Ti cam: one kneeling and bidding it fare-well; another chasing, said; Thou masse of Dung and Earth, if thou hast no power to maintayne thy Temple and thy selfe, [ 30] what helpe may I looke for at thy hand? Neither art thou worthy of any honour at mine. Others said, that this had sometime borne the name of some other Idoll, and therefore was auenged for that change.

Ricius, hauing thus taken possession of China by his dead bodie, and liuing name, wee shall briefly out of the Iesuits Epistles adde some later accidents, and so leaue our China Discourses, which if they haue seemed tedious and troublesome, remember that China is both excessiuely ri∣tuall, and also inhospitall to Strangers; and I haue but imitated my subject, in long and weari∣some entertaynment. These tell vs of the Kings vnkindnesse to his Heire, proclaymed, as yee haue seene against his will, scarsly allowing him necessary sustenance, nor permitting his Mother at her death to be mourned for with wonted Rites.* 4.773 He is indeuout, his Mother egregiously Su∣perstitious, [ 40] mayntayning many Priests, erecting or repayring Temples, that it is a Prouerbe, In the Court the Priests, in the Prouinces are Magistrates obserued. In that their studie of long life One had beene so mad, that he being a Licentiate, bought children whom secretly he killed, of their bloud making compositions for that purpose;* 4.774 which comming to light by one of his Con∣cubines, he was put to a deserued death, three thousand pieces of flesh first cut from him.

In their Winter is greatest scarsity of water in the Riuers, and many shelues then cause many shipwrackes. As they want b. d. r. so they end no word in any other Consonant but m. and n. The China Conuerts are very zealous in selfe-whipping penance, and fasting, altered from their forme to the Ecclesiasticall, which is hard to them accustomed to eate thrice a day: Their Priests vse Beads, mumbling thereby their Deuotions and many things alike. They built a [ 50] Church at Nanquin, Anno 1611.

* 4.775The Prouince of Chequian yeelds only to the two Royall, Nanquin and Pequin, beeing more excellent then any of the rest. Neither hath it lost other Prouinciall Ornaments howsoeuer it hath lost the seat of the China Empire, but is still the best of thirteene. On the East it is washed with the Sea, which the winds fauouring admit passage to Iapan in foure and twentie houres: on the West it confineth with the Prouinces of Nanquin and Kiamsi (or Chiansi) on the South with Fuquian: to the North is Xanto (or Sciantum.) It hath twelue Cities of principall note, which are the heads of sixtie three lesse; besides innumerable Townes, Castles, Villages. The soile is the most fertile of the Kingdome pleasantly interlaced with Riuers, many of them produced by Art in imitation of Nature, in commodiousnesse no whit inferiour, yeelding a spectacle of amaze∣ment [ 60] to the amused Posteritic, how humane force could effect such wonders. These Riuers for further commoditie are towred with innumerable Bridges of huge massie stones arising into di∣uers Arches, like to the European workmanship. You haue alreadie Almeidas Epistle of his and Rogers going into this Prouince, to Xao Him, whence soone after they returned. The Chinois haue

a Prouerbe of Hamceu the Metropolis, and of Suceu, thien xam, thien tham, ti xam Su ham, that which in Heauen is the Hall of Heauen (lactea via, as he else-where interprets it) that on Earth Suceu and Hamceu. The Countrey so aboundeth with Mulbery-trees and Silke-wormes, that China, Iapon and India are thence furnished. Ten Vests of Silke are there cheaper, then in our Countrey one of cloth. Hamceu stands from Nanquin South-eastward nine dayes Iourney, al∣most in thirtie degrees eleuation: about three dayes Iourney from Scianbai, where Cataneus was, who with Trigautius our Author were sent thither by Leos procurement. They went from Nan∣quin by the Riuer Iansu first, and then into hand-made Riuers, Cities, Townes, Villages, so fre∣quent in the way, that nothing seemes in the whole Kingdome more populous. Mid-way, where Nanquin and Chequian Prouinces joyne is that famous Suceu, seated in the Continent,* 4.776 and see∣ming [ 10] yet the Daughter of the Sea, like another Venice, but more happie with her fresh waters: the Ports so frequent, and ships so many, as if the whole shipping of the Kingdome were thither comne to some Faires, which yet are in succession perpetuall. When the Fathers were comne hither, the Chinois by I know not what rumour were conceited that their Foe or Gods were comne thither in Visitation. And a Magistrate sent to Leo about it, to know if, and how, hee might visit them.

But to leaue their Fooleries, let vs take view of their Citie.* 4.777 Hamceu is the chiefe Citie of this Prouince: yea, in all this Kingdome; lesse perhaps somewhat in compasse of walles then Nanquin, but better peopled: no place in the Citie emptie, nor occupied with Gardens, but all builded, and all the Buildings almost with diuers Stories, which in other Cities of China is [ 20] not vsuall. The Inhabitants are so many, and the Tribute so much, that the Iesuites durst not re∣late that which hereof they had heard by graue testimonie, for the incredibilitie: the descrip∣tion would aske a whole Volume. The chiefe street is almost halfe a dayes Iourney in length, and cannot be lesse then admirable. For whereas the Chinois vse to erect triumphall Arches, as Monuments, to wel-deseruing Magistrates, and Ornaments to their Cities; this one street hath at least three hundred such (besides very many others in other parts of the Citie) of massie stones and exceeding curious Workmanship, that if the Houses on both sides yeelded the like splendor, the World could not shew such a spectacle. But they occupie it all with shops, and build the most magnificence of their Houses inwards, and yet those not like the European Palaces.

There is also a Lake close to the Citie, which the eye can scarsly measure,* 4.778 which sliding in∣to [ 30] a Valley encompassing, embossed with diuers Hillocks, hath giuen occasion to Art to shew her vtmost in the adorning the same, beautifyng all those spacious bankes with Houses, Gardens, Groues; a very Labyrinth to the bewitched eyes, not knowing whereat most in this Maze to bee most amazed, wherein most to delight. And in delights doe they spend their dayes, filling the Lake with Vessels, furnished with Feasts, Spectacles and Playes on the water. There is a pleasant Hill in the middle of the Citie, whereon is a faire Towre or Steeple, where they mea∣sure their houres by a strange deuice. Out of huge Vessels water droppeth from one to another, the lowest being very large, in the middle whereof is perpendicularly raysed a Rule, distingui∣shed with houre-spaces, which by the ascent or descent of the water, diuide the rising and de∣clining day, and declare the houres: euery halfe houre some men appointed by Tables with Cu∣bitall [ 40] Letters, to giue notice of the time to all men. From this Hill is a prospect ouer all the Citie. All the streets being set with Trees, make shew of pleasant Gardens. It is so full of Ri∣uers, Lakes, Rils, Ponds, both in the Citie and Suburbs, as if a man would frame a Platonicall Idea of elegancie to his minde. The Idoll Temples are many and stately, which Idolatry where it is wanting in China, hath a worse Successor, Atheisme.

Let vs stay awhile and gaze (for where haue you such an Object?) Is not Quinsay (whi∣lome the Royall Seat of the Kings of Mangi, as Venetus recordeth,* 4.779 supposed by our Moderne Geographers to be swallowed vp with some Earth-quake, or in Bellona's all-consuming belly) here raysed vp from the Graue? The Lake situate on the one b 4.780 side, (so Paulus reports of Quinsay) the Name Quinsay signifying the Citie of Heauen, and this called a Heauenly Paradise [ 50] by the Chinois; and Han signifies Lactea via, in Heauen; and Ceu, perfect: yea, Quinsay, or as O∣doricus calls it Canasia, and Han or Chançeu, not so disagreeing in sound, as different Dialects are wont: the excellencie being chiefe Citie in the Kingdom, and this Prouince sometimes Royal, as Pequin now and Nanquin are: the situation, South-east from Cinczianfu, c 4.781 fiue and twentie miles from the Sea: the high Houses, and Shops vnderneath: the exceeding Trade, Reuenue, Pa∣stimes by water, multitudes, fairenesse, and length of the streets; all so conspiring to prooue this Han or Hamceu to be that Quinsay, of Paulus. True it is, that Quinsay was then greater, beeing as Venetus saith, one hundred miles about: But the euerting of that Farfur and his Family, then reigning, the diuerting of the Court to Cambalu by the Tartars, and after to Nanquin by Hum∣vu, [ 60] and neuer returning hither, might lessen the same. And might not warres, in that long siege by the Tartars, in the recouery thereof by the Chinois, easily circumcise her superfluitie? Besides, who knoweth whether all this huge Lake might bee contayned in that account of Paulus, still compassed about with Buildings? Or before those Warres, the Lake it selfe might (as Suceu now is) be builded on; which Time and Warre hath consumed; nor since the remooue of the Court

were so necessarie. Mandeuill mentions Warres at Quinsay in his time; Nicolo di Conti (which was heere about the yeere 1440.) sayth, Quinsay was in his time new built, of thirtie miles compasse.

But that Quinsay of Conti and Ahacen, is perhaps Thiensin, being (as they lay it) neerer Cam∣balu.* 4.782 I confesse, much may bee sayd for Nanquin to finde Quinsay there, and I haue giuen such a note * 4.783 vpon it, to incite industrious search, because it was the Ancient royall Chamber: Nei∣ther could I finde any other Royall Citie but Pequin, in Ricius or other Writers, till Trigautius later Epistles intimated, that the Chequian Prouince hath beene sometimes Imperiall; which I conceiue to bee that time of Farfur mentioned by Polo, and Hanceu his Quinsay.

Anno 1618. Trigautius writes of Persecution in China, raised by an Idolotrous Magistrate in [ 10] Nanquin, and effected by bribes, which hath caused the Iesuites to bee sent thence: but because our intelligence is little, wee will leaue them heere (as much as lyeth in our power) and visite some of the other Northerne people; hauing first giuen you a briefe view of a French-mans trauell, Monsieur de Monfart, who hauing trauelled thorow the Indies, saluted Canton in China, and Cauchinchina; whose knowledge therefore could not bee so solid, as the Iesuites, nor yet is so contemptible that it should vtterly bee forgotten. Wee will therefore present his Seruice as a French Page, and one attending the Iesuites Grauitie, and thus as it were bearing their trayne.

* 4.784FRom Malaca I went to Macao, (neere a moneths trauell) which is a Citie scituate on the [ 20] Sea coast, at the foote of a great Mountayne, where in times past the Portugals had a great Fort, and to this day, there bee yet many that dwell there. This is the entrance into China, but the place is of no great importance; they are Gentiles, and there the Inhabitants begin to bee faire complexioned.

* 4.785Thence I trauelled two moneths to the Cochinchines, finding nothing by the way worthy of note; no not so much as necessaries, so that wee were fayne to carrie our Victuals with vs, the greatest part of the way. They are Subiects to the King of China, but sometimes they re∣bell and make Warre against him; And there is great number of Christians among them. Their Kings treasure consisteth in a certayne kinde of Wood,* 4.786 called Calamba: for which the Portugals pay one hundred Crownes a pound, to make Pater-nosters with. It is of a mixt co∣lour, with blacke and yellow veynes; the better sort of it is moyst, so that being cut it ex∣pelleth [ 30] a kinde of fat oylie liquour. It groweth out of a certayne Tree, which they fell and let it lye a while a putrifying: then they bruise it, and within the same, they finde this kinde of Wood, like many hard knots. They are a very white people, because there it begins to bee cold, low of Stature, flat Nosed, and little Eyed, with a very few hayres on their Chins, and Mu∣stachoes: none at all on their Cheekes, the hayre of the Head they weare long like Wo∣men, tyed vp with a blacke silke hayre-lace, and weare a flat Cap vpon them. They weare Cloath-breeches made very leuell, and a short Robe aboue them, like a Master of the cham∣ber of Accounts.

There are found a kinde of Serpents that will swallow vp a whole Stagge; two Friers assu∣red [ 40] me that trauelling in that Countrey,* 4.787 together with sixteene other men, through a Fennie∣marsh, about the dawning of the day, they met to their seeming, a great Tree lying along the ground, the boughes being lopped off, vpon which they all began to sit downe and rest them∣selues: but no sooner were they sate, but that which they tooke for a Tree, fiercely rowsed it selfe from vnder them, and left them all to picke strawes on the ground, for indeed this was one of those Serpents.

Their custome is (as they say) to put themselues in ambush among the boughes of a Tree, and when they espie their prey to draw neere, bee it Man or Beast, they fall vpon him with open mouth and deuoure it.* 4.788 There are also store of Lions, Leopards, and Tigers: and there the Fruits begin to resemble those of these parts: but the Fruit, which aboue all others aboundeth there, [ 50] is the Mirabolan.

Thence I sent forwards to Canton, the principall Citie of all China, (some three Moneths tra∣uell distant) beyond which there is no passage,* 4.789 say any body what hee will to the contrary: for neuer any man proceeded further, except (as they say) sixe Iesuites, who dwelled twentie yeeres at Canton, as well to learne the Language perfectly, as to let their hayre to grow long, af∣ter the Countrey manner, of whom there was neuer since heard any newes, nor is their hope euer to see their returne. That people is very white, and apparelled as is abouesayd; they are likewise Gentiles, and worship the same Image with three heads. Their Women of the better sort, and qualitie which are able to liue of their owne without working, neuer goe out of their houses but as they are carryed in a Chayre. And to that effect, from their In••ancie, they put [ 60] their feete into certayne woodden Slippers, to make them stump-footed and impotent, in so

much as they are not able to goe: the reason they alleadge for it, is, that Women were made to no other end, then to keepe at home.

The Christians are not permitted to lye within the Citie, but as soone as Night approaches they must retire themselues to their Ships, being lawfull for them to Traff••que wheresoeuer they please by Day-light. And for their traffique, what rarities soeuer there bee throughout all Chi∣na, are to bee had in this Citie, which are diligently brought thither, to wit, great store of cloath of Gold and Silke, Cabinets, wrought Vessels, Venus shells, Massiue gold, and many other things. They will exchange or barter Gold for twice as much waight in Siluer; for they haue no coyned money, for when they would buy any thing, they carrie with them a piece of [ 10] Gold, and will cut off as much as they intend to bestow on what they take. They make car∣ued Images of Siluer, which they erect heere and there through the Streets, and no body dares touch them.

The Citie is gouerned by foure Rulers, and each one hath his Gouernment, or Circuit apart, secluded from each other: those of one quarter dare not goe and labour in another, and those which cause themselues to bee carryed, from one part to another, must change their Bearers when they come to the Gate of the next circuit: those Gates are opened eury morning, and shut euery night, vnlesse there bee any complaint made of some misdemeanour, committed within the Circuit: for then they shut them suddenly, or if they bee shut, they open them not, till the offender be found. The King bestowes these commands on those who are best Learned. This is [ 20] a most faire Citie, and well built, very neare as bigge as Paris, but there the Houses are arched, and nothing neare so high. There is so much Sugar in that Countrey,* 4.790 that it is by them very lit∣tle set by, yet is Silke in fa••re more great abundance, but withall more course then ours, by rea∣son of their store, being so great as they are constrayned to make it abroad in the Fields, on the very Trees, in this wise; when the Wormes are hatched, (whereof the Egges are farre greater then ours.) They obserue what quantitie of Wormes each Tree will bee able to feede, then they lay so many on it, leauing them there without any more adoe, except it bee to ga∣ther the cods, when they are ready to bee spunne, which is done as they gather Apricocks: for indeed a farre off they appeare to bee so, and is a very fine sight to behold: they vse a strange kinde of Fishing with Cormorants. They tie their neckes a little aboue their stomackes,* 4.791 lest [ 30] they should deuour the Fish they take: then comming to their Master, hee pulleth it a∣liue, out of their throates: Likewise for water Fowle, they make vse of great Bot∣tles with two holes, which they leaue floating vp and downe the water a good while, to acquaint the Fowles therewith: then some fellowes will wade vp to the necke in the water, thrusting their heads into those Bot∣tles, and hauing a bagge vnderneath, come as neere the Fowle as they will, taking them with their hands, without the rest being afraid of it.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Seb. Cabota.
• * 1.2

  See the parti∣culars in Ma∣ster Hackluyts printed Voya∣ges, Tom. 1.
• * 1.3

  The first Voy∣age.
• * 1.4

  This dis∣course was found written in the Speranza which winte∣red a Arzina, where all the Companie were frozen to death.

  Rost Ilands.
• * 1.5

  Stanfew har∣bour. Lofoot.
• * 1.6

  August.
• * 1.7

  Seynam in 70. degrees.
• * 1.8

  The Edward lost, or rather the••e two lost; and the Ed∣ward found and entred the Bay of Saint Nicolas.
• * 1.9

  W••lloughby his Land, in 72. degrees.
• * 1.10

  September.
• * 1.11

  In this Hauen they died.
• * 1.12

  Or, Ellons.
• * 1.13

  Heere endeth Sir Hugh Wil∣loughby his note, which was written with his owne hand.
• * 2.1

  Duina.
• * 2.2

  Note.
• * 2.3

  Vologda.
• * 2.4

  Ieraslaue.
• * 2.5

  Mosco.
• * 2.6

  The Castle.
• * 2.7

  Hee commeth before the Duke.
• * 2.8

  Dineth with the Duke.
• * 2.9

  Golden Vessel.
• * 2.10

  Shiuer of Bread.
• * 2.11

  Crowne chan∣ged.
• * 2.12

  Dukes forces.
• * 2.13

  Armour and rich attyre.
• * 2.14

  Extreames.
• * 2.15

  Vndisciplined Souldiers.
• * 2.16

  Hardinesse.
• * 2.17

  Knights Fee.
• * 2.18

  Duke heire Generall.
• * 2.19

  No wages.
• * 2.20

  Centlemen.
• * 2.21

  Suits & tryals.
• * 2.22

  No Lawyer.
• * 2.23

  Combat-triall.
• * 2.24

  Bondage.
• * 2.25

  Punishments for Crimes.
• * 2.26

  Beating.
• * 2.27

  Miserable poore.
• * 2.28

  Superstition.
• * 2.29

  Images and Pictures.
• * 2.30

  Mother tongue
• * 2.31

  Seruice.
• * 2.32

  Prayers.
• * 2.33

  Creed.
• * 2.34

  Commande∣ments.
• * 2.35

  Sacraments.
• * 2.36

  Candles.
• * 2.37

  Foure Lents.
• * 2.38

  Chiefe Saints.
• * 2.39

  Vices.
• * 2.40

  Abbies.
• * 2.41

  I haue this booke of Cle∣ment Adams, in Latine, writ∣ten in a very elegant hand and eloquent stile to King Philip; (as I thinke) the very originall.
• * 2.42

  They arriue in the Bay of Saint Nicholas.
• * 2.43

  The Discoue∣rie of Russia.
• * 2.44

  Messenger sent to the Empe∣rour.
• * 2.45

  The Emperor•• courteous let∣ters to Master Chancelor.
• * 2.46

  Riphean hils, a tale of Anti∣quitie.
• * 2.47

  Rossomakka, a strange beast.
• * 2.48

  The sharpnes of the winter in Moscouie.
• * 2.49

  The rest of M▪ Adams con∣tayning a de∣scription of the Country, &c. is here omitted.
• * 3.1

  Iuan Vasiliuich, that is to say, Iohn the Sonne of Bosilius.
• d 3.2

  That is, come into our presence.
• * 3.3

  Hee made three others after, one as Embassadour from Queene Elizabeth to the Muscouite.
• * 3.4

  Iune.
• * 3.5

  Heilick Ilands in 66. degrees 40. minutes. Rost Ilands.
• * 3.6

  Malestrand a strange whirle poole.
• * 3.7

  Zenam Iland.
• * 3.8

  Kettlewike Iland
• * 3.9

  Inger sound. The North Cape.
• * 3.10

  Ward-hous••.
• * 3.11

  Cattell fed with fish.
• * 3.12

  The Monaste∣rie of Pechin∣chow.
• * 3.13

  Arzina reca the Riuer where Sir Hugh Wil∣loughby was frozen.
• * 3.14

  The Lappian•• couered all sa∣uing their eies.
• * 3.15

  The current at Cape G••ace.
• * 3.16

  The entring of the Bay of Saint Nicolas i•• seuen l••agues broad at the least.
• * 3.17

  August.
• * 3.18

  Pinego Riuer▪
• * 3.19

  The Towne of Yemps. Vstiug.
• * 3.20

  The descrip∣tion of their Nassades.
• * 3.21

  Good counsell for Trauellers. December.
• * 3.22

  Emperour of Casan.
• * 3.23

  Multitude of Guests.
• * 3.24

  Rich seruice.
• * 3.25

  Twelf-tide,
• * 3.26

  Mosco Riuer hallowed.
• * 3.27

  Riuer of holy water for horse and man.
• * 3.28

  Citie of Mosco.
• * 3.29

  The Countrie.
• * 3.30

  The Metropo∣litan.
• * 3.31

  Meats and drinkes.
• * 3.32

  Drunkennesse.
• * 3.33

  Saddlers.
• * 3.34

  Russe apparell.
• * 3.35

  The hallowing of the Riuer of Mosco.
• * 3.36

  The Russes Lent.
• * 3.37

  Palme-sunday Procession.
• * 3.38

  The Emperor leade••h the Metropolitans Horse in Pro∣cession.
• * 3.39

  Kissing vsed in the Greeke Church.
• * 3.40

  Monasteries and Monkes.
• * 3.41

  Images.
• * 3.42

  Miracles.
• * 3.43

  Drinkes and Vessels.
• * 3.44

  The Hospitali∣tie of their Monasteries.
• * 3.45

  Monke Mer∣chants.
• * 3.46

  Dyet and Ap∣parell.
• * 3.47

  Want of Prea∣chers cause of great igno∣rance and Ido∣latrie.
• * 3.48

  Sinnes of Su∣perstition.
• * 3.49

  Priests.
• * 3.50

  Sacraments.
• * 3.51

  All their ser∣uice is in their Mother tongue.
• * 3.52

  Baptisme.
• * 3.53

  Of their Ma∣trimonie.
• * 3.54

  The women of Russia paint their faces.
• * 3.55

  Of their Bu∣riall.
• * 3.56

  Bread made of straw.

  The vnmerci∣fulnesse of the Russes toward the poore. Stoues or Baths vsuall with the Mos∣couites.
• * 3.57

  Diuers sorts of Russian Drinkes, re∣ported by Tho∣mas Bulley.
• * 3.58

  Mosco in 55. de••grees, 10 mi∣nutes.
• * 3.59

  Occa.
• * 3.60

  Rez••n.
• * 3.61

  Cassim.
• * 3.62

  Morom.
• * 3.63

  Nyse Nouogrod.
• * 3.64

  Honey and Waxe.
• * 3.65

  Vasiliagorod▪
• * 3.66

  Swyasko.
• * 3.67

  Cazan stands in 55 degrees 33. minutes.
• * 3.68

  The Iland of M••rchants.
• * 3.69

  The Riuer of Cama.
• * 3.70

  Vachen.
• * 3.71

  Mangat or Na∣gay Tartars.
• * 3.72

  Hords.
• * 3.73

  The Crimme Tartars.
• * 3.74

  The Riuer o•• Samar.
• * 3.75

  Licoris in great plentie. Perouolog. Don or Tanais.
• * 3.76

  Astracan.
• * 3.77

  Store of Stur∣geons, & flyes••
• * 3.78

  Miserable Fa∣mine.
• * 3.79

  They enter in∣to the Caspian Sea.
• * 3.80

  Volga.
• * 3.81

  The Blue Sea.
• * 3.82

  Baughle••ta be∣ing 74. ••eagues from Volga.
• * 3.83

  Iaic Riuer.
• * 3.84

  Serachick••
• * 3.85

  The Countrey of Colmack.
• * 3.86

  The Port of Manguslaue▪
• * 3.87

  They goe on land.
• * 3.88

  The Countrey or Manguslaue▪ It stands in 45.
• * 3.89

  Twentie dayes t••••uell in the Wildernesse, wi••h scarsitie of water.
• * 3.90

  Another Gulfe of the Caspian Sea.
• * 3.91

  Will. de Rubricis describeth this Riuer of Ardok, cap. 4.
• * 3.92

  Sellizure, or Shayzure.
• * 3.93

  Letters of safe conduct.
• * 3.94

  Vrgence, in 42. degr. 18. min.
• * 3.95

  The Countrey of Turkeman.
• * 3.96

  The Riuer of Ardock falleth into the Lake of Kitay.
• * 3.97

  The Castle of Kait.
• * 3.98

  Diuination by sorcerie.
• * 3.99

  Fight with theeues.
• * 3.100

  Hand-guns ve∣ry profitable.
• * 3.101

  A holy man.
• * 3.102

  Bussarmans, or Mus••••mans Ca∣pha••.
• * 3.103

  Fidelitie of an Infidel.
• * 3.104

  The riuer of Oxus.
• * 3.105

  A wildernesse of land.
• * 3.106

  Boghar a Citie of Bactria in 39▪ degrees, 10. minutes.
• * 3.107

  A strange Worme in mens leg••▪
• * 3.108

  These are of the Iese••as Tartars.
• * 3.109

  The Coyne of Boghar▪
• * 3.110

  A very Tart••r.
• * 3.111

  The Kings iu∣stice.
• * 3.112

  Merchandise of India.
• * 3.113

  Merchandise of Persia.
• * 3.114

  Merchandise of Russia.
• * 3.115

  Merchandise of Cathay.
• * 3.116

  Wares.
• * 3.117

  Taskent and Caskar.
• * 3.118

  Carauan de∣stroyed.
• * 3.119

  He returneth the eight of March, 1559.
• * 3.120

  Samarcand.
• * 3.121

  Vrgence.
• * 3.122

  The King of Balke, or Balgh.
• * 3.123

  The Caspian sea.
• * 3.124

  Woodden an∣chor.
• * 3.125

  Dangerous tempest, and vse of the Compasse.
• * 3.126

  Yaik.
• * 3.127

  The English flag in the Cas∣pian sea, the Country 〈…〉〈…〉 46 deg.
• * 3.128

  A notable de∣scription of the Caspian sea.
• * 3.129

  Astracan in 47. deg. 9. minuts.
• * 3.130

  Cazan is in 55. deg. 33. min. His arriuall at Mosco the se∣cond of Sep∣tember.
• * 3.131

  See more cer∣taintie in Goes.
• * 3.132

  Memoriall of Sir H. Willough∣bie.
• * 3.133

  The other voyages are in Master Hakluy••, this I haue for Tartaria and the Caspian sea brought hi∣ther.
• * 3.134

  Saint Nicholas.
• * 3.135

  Colmog••••▪
• * 3.136

  Vstyo••g.
• * 3.137

  Yeraslaue.
• * 3.138

  Niznouogrod.
• * 3.139

  Cazan.
• * 3.140

  Great store of Liquoris.
• * 3.141

  Sodom. Strange iudge∣ment.
• * 3.142

  Perauolok.
• * 3.143

  Tsaritsna.
• * 3.144

  Ice at Astracan for foure mo∣neth.
• * 3.145

  An Eclipse.
• * 3.146

  The variation of the Com∣passe in Astra∣can, was 13. de∣grees 40. min.
• * 3.147

  Gilan.
• * 3.148

  Vchoog.
• * 3.149

  Shallow water.
• * 3.150

  Flats.
• * 3.151

  Chetera Bougori.
• * 3.152

  The Caspian Sea.
• * 3.153

  45. deg. 20. mi∣nutes.

  The first obser∣uation in the Caspi••n Sea.
• * 3.154

  Brackish water farre within the Sea.
• * 3.155

  43. degrees 15. minutes▪
• * 3.156

  41. degrees 32. minutes.
• * 3.157

  40. degrees 54. minutes.
• * 3.158

  Bilbill.
• * 3.159

  Bachu Po••••.
• * 3.160

  The receiuing of the English into Derbent.
• * 3.161

  The latitude of Bildih 40. deg. 25. min. The variation of the Com∣passe 10. deg. 40. min.
• * 3.162

  Zere Iland.
• * 3.163

  The English suffer ship∣wracke.
• * 3.164

  The Armenian Village.
• * 3.165

  The latitude of Derbent 41. degrees 52. mi∣nutes.

  The variation of the Com∣passe.
• * 3.166

  Nezauoo.
• * 3.167

  The particu∣lars of their returne are o∣mitted.

  A strange ac∣cident of pro∣uision for their reliefe▪
• * 3.168

  Trauell vpon the Ice.
• * 3.169

  Chetera Babbas.
• * 3.170

  The English ship cut in pie∣ces with Ice.
• * 3.171

  December.
• * 3.172

  Assaulted by Tartars.
• * 3.173

  Their returne to Astracan.
• * 3.174

  The breaking vp of the Ice.
• * 3.175

  Anno 1553. Master William Burrough was th••n young, and with his brother in this first voyage. Newnox is from the road of S. Nicholas Westward 35. miles.
• * 3.176

  Note.
• * 3.177

  Anno 1554.
• * 3.178

  Anno 1555. The King and Queenes let∣ters.
• * 3.179

  Entertain∣ment by the Duke.
• * 3.180

  Master Killing∣worths beard of a maruel∣lous length.
• * 3.181

  Anno 1556. the disastrous voy∣age.
• * 3.182

  Serchthrift.
• * 3.183

  Stephen Borough
• * 3.184

  Anno 1557.
• * 3.185

  Boghar voyage.
• * 3.186

  Muscouie trade long vnfortu∣nate.
• * 3.187

  1560. The first trade to the Narue. 1560.
• * 3.188

  Alcock slaine in Persia.

  Banister dyed in Media. Edwards dyed at Astracan.
• * 3.189

  Note for num∣bers (if great care bee not had) how ea∣sily, how dan∣gerously mis∣taken.
• * 3.190

  So it seemes by those words of his, fol. 122. Aind a que con∣fesso que me falta o milhor, que be saber & engenho para dar a enten∣der o clima & a Altura d••s graos &c. False gradua∣tions a com∣mon thing in Maps of East and West In∣dies.
• * 3.191

  Valignanus a great Iesuite wrote a booke with that title.
• * 3.192

  See of Gama tom. 1. pag. 26. Straight of Mecca or the Red Sea. Portugall For∣tresse in Soca∣tora before the Arabs Con∣quest.

  A Martyr of Mahomet. Mar∣tyrem non poena sed causa.
• * 3.193

  Xael or Ia••l in∣surrection.
• * 3.194

  Bralapisaon.
• * 3.195

  Tosa. Span Lossa.
• * 3.196

  A strange an∣swere.
• * 3.197

  Pullo Cambim.
• * 3.198

  Catimparù.
• * 3.199

  Lake Pinator. Quitiruan.
• * 3.200

  Xincaleu.
• * 3.201

  22. Millions Duckets. Gold mines, & iron minds.
• * 3.202

  Rocke of Dia∣monds.
• * 3.203

  Similau a Pi∣rate taken.
• * 3.204

  Tinacoreu, or Taurlachim, or Varella Truck for gold.
• * 3.205

  Pilaucacem.
• * 3.206

  Bird-wonder.
• * 3.207

  Cunebetee, or Chiammay.
• * 3.208

  Pullo Champei∣loo.
• * 3.209

  Gauias.
• * 3.210

  Quiay Taiam, a Pirate.
• * 3.211

  Thomas Ma∣stangue his ad∣uentures.
• * 3.212

  Pearle-fishers.
• * 3.213

  Guamboy, and other Coast Cities of China, Sonne of the Sunne, title of the King of China.
• * 3.214

  Aynam or Hai∣nam, a great Iland S. from China.
• * 3.215

  Tanauquir.
• * 3.216

  Xicaulem ano∣ther Pyrate.
• * 3.217

  A Renegado China Robber.
• * 3.218

  Mutipinan.
• * 3.219

  Benan.
• * 3.220

  Quangepaaru.
• * 3.221

  Hinimilau an Ethnike-Chri∣stian••Moore Pyrate.
• * 3.222

  Quangiparu.
• * 3.223

  ••lha d••s ladro∣nes.
• * 3.224

  Miserable wracke, and their fort∣nights mise∣ries.
• * 3.225

  Reliefe almost miraculous.
• * 3.226

  Milhano. Wonderfull prouision.
• * 3.227

  Admirable escape.
• * 3.228

  Quoaman.
• * 3.229

  Comhay.
• * 3.230

  New Moone. Tempests in China. Guintoo.
• * 3.231

  Pullo Quirim.
• * 3.232

  Quiay Panian a China Pyrate▪
• * 3.233

  Chincheo.
• * 3.234

  Goto.
• * 3.235

  Newes of Coia Acem.
• * 3.236

  Lailoo.
• * 3.237

  Opima spolia. Coia Acem slaine.
• * 3.238

  The Caciz ha∣tred of Chri∣stians.
• * 3.239

  Faria wracked the second time.
• * 3.240

  Violent wind.
• * 3.241

  Nouday.
• * 3.242

  China perillous Coast.
• * 3.243

  Nouday assaul∣ted.
• * 3.244

  Thomas Perez.
• * 3.245

  The Mandarine slaine.
• * 3.246

  Prisoners loo∣sed.

  The Towne sacked.
• * 3.247

  Comolem Ilands. Premata Gun∣del a Pirate.
• * 3.248

  Another sea∣fight.

  Panians Iunke, and another sunke.

  Farias victorie.
• * 3.249

  120000 Cru∣zados.
• * 3.250

  Buncalon.
• * 3.251

  Liampoo, a Por∣tugall Towne on the coast of China, seuen leagues from Liampoo.
• * 3.252

  Ciuill warres in ••hina. Fabu∣lous ••umour. Quouasy.
• * 3.253

  Farias triumph
• * 3.254

  Calempluy.
• * 3.255

  Currents in in the Bay of Nanquin.
• * 3.256

  Angitur.
• * 3.257

  Nanganfu.
• * 3.258

  Sileupaquim.
• * 3.259

  Bay of Nan∣quin.
• * 3.260

  Buxipalem.
• * 3.261

  Strange Fishes
• * 3.262

  Calnidan.
• * 3.263

  Moscumbia.
• * 3.264

  Alimania.
• * 3.265

  A leste & à lessueste.
• * 3.266

  Paatebenam.
• * 3.267

  Botinafau.
• * 3.268

  Gangitanou.
• * 3.269

  Giants.
• * 3.270

  Their wilde dance.
• * 3.271

  A Corge is 20.
• * 3.272

  Sileupamor.
• * 3.273

  Tanamadel.
• * 3.274

  The wonder∣full wall.
• * 3.275

  Statues.
• * 3.276

  360. Hermita∣ges.
• * 3.277

  Steples-pina∣cles.
• * 3.278

  He goeth on land.
• * 3.279

  Iesus made a patron of theeues.
• * 3.280

  He enters an Hermitage.
• * 3.281

  The speech betwixt Faria and an Hermit
• * 3.282

  Absolons vowes
• * 3.283

  Compleat hy∣pocrisie.
• * 3.284

  The Hermita∣ges, Hermits & attendants▪ as Lay bre∣thren.

  Papall power.
• * 3.285

  They are dis∣couered.
• * 3.286

  Xalingau.
• * 3.287

  Conxinacau.
• * 3.288

  Faria drow∣ned, and ••oth the Barkes wr••cked
• * 3.289

  Foure other drowned.
• * 3.290

  An Hospitall.
• * 3.291

  Malaca is said to stand in the Kingdome of Siam, though now not yeel∣ding subie∣ction.
• * 3.292

  Siley iacau.
• * 3.293

  Suzanganee Strange oath.
• * 3.294

  Xiangulee hard vsage.
• * 3.295

  Chautir.
• * 3.296

  Taypor.
• * 3.297

  Nanquim.
• * 3.298

  Talagrepos.
• * 3.299

  The Iesuites place this Ci∣tie in 32. and in other places they likewise disagree in their calcula∣tion. The rea∣son I suppose is, that P••nto neuer obser∣ued the height by Inst••ument, nor perhaps had skill there∣by: this he con∣fesseth, cap 105. pag. 222. but followed the Maps which at his returne he saw, which haue placed Nanquin in that height, falsly, as I con∣ceiue to keepe others from the true know∣ledge of these parts; a thing vsuall in the old Maps of the East and West parts of the World: and sometimes they did gra∣duate places falsly of igno∣rance.

  Nanquin descri∣bed: See of it in Pantoia.

  Their iourney by water from Nanquin to Pe∣quin.
• * 3.300

  This gilding perhaps is but a kind of earth which the Chi∣nois haue, loo∣king like gold▪ Pocasser.

  The Tartar Prisoner.
• * 3.301

  A pensile Pa∣lace.

  360. Pillars to the 360. dayes of the yeere.
• * 3.302

  Queens siluer Chappell, and the riches and 〈…〉〈…〉
• * 3.303

  The Iesuits say his armes are golden Dra∣gons.

  Monstrous sta∣tues.
• * 3.304

  Xinligau.
• * 3.305

  Leuquinau. God of Sea fish.

  Silke-loomes.
• * 3.306

  Huge pastures.
• * 3.307

  Iunquileu.
• * 3.308

  Alboquerque. See tom. 1. lib. 2. pag. 32.
• * 3.309

  The Spanish hath, the Palsy, and it seemes a kind of Palsie gotten by stroke or bla∣sting of the Aire.
• * 3.310

  Two mon∣strous statues and their de∣uotions.
• * 3.311

  Frequen••ie of China people.
• * 3.312

  Sampitay.
• * 3.313

  See Maff. l. 6. these Portugall Rebels had possessed Ta∣mus, and raised a Fort in the Iland, whence followed that out rage to Pe∣rez after foure moneths tra∣uell from Can∣ton to the Court. Lopez Soarez which sent Peirez to China, went Vice-roy, A. 1515.

  China Christi∣ans and Chri∣stianitie.
• * 3.314

  Loquimpau, Mynes of Tux∣enguim.
• * 3.315

  1000. Picoes is a Million of Taeis.

  Pacan and Na∣cau.
• * 3.316

  China Chroni∣cles and Le∣gends.
• * 3.317

  Beginning of th•• 〈…〉〈…〉
• * 3.318

  Legend of Pe∣quim.
• * 3.319

  No stranger may enter Chi∣na.
• * 3.320

  The wall of China.
• * 3.321

  Seis brasas dalto & quarenta pal∣mos de largo.
• * 3.322

  V••ion todas chanfradas ao picao.
• * 3.323

  Fiue Riuers interrupting the wall.
• * 3.324

  Wall-forts.
• * 3.325

  Thus in Spaine, Malefactors a•• sentenced to the Gallies, or Garrisons of Oran, Penon, &c Huge Prison. Chaens of the wall.
• * 3.326

  Mindoo.
• * 3.327

  The customes 300000. Cru∣zados.
• * 3.328

  3840. Ham∣mer-men. A Pico is 1000. Taeis.
• * 3.329

  Bigaypotim.
• * 3.330

  China ruled o∣uer India.
• * 3.331

  Cohilouzaa.
• * 3.332

  A Christian martyred. Lucena hath this storie.
• * 3.333

  A Crosse.
• * 3.334

  Mat. Escandel an Hungarian.
• * 3.335

  Earthquake. The China Pluto.
• * 3.336

  Iunquil••nau.
• * 3.337

  Sem colares, nem algemas.
• * 3.338

  How such infi∣nite numbers liue.
• * 3.339

  Sugar-houses. Infinite proui∣sions and store houses.
• * 3.340

  Pastures of beasts.
• * 3.341

  Dogs for meat.
• * 3.342

  Moueable Ci∣ties on the water.
• * 3.343

  Beauties and glories of this Riuer-Citie.
• * 3.344

  Bridges, and high-wayes admirable.
• * 3.345

  Fil••hy charity.
• * 3.346

  The Authors opinion. Pequim.
• * 3.347

  Their hard vsage.
• * 3.348

  Their Cause heard.

  The Fiscall (set on worke it seemes by the Iudge which had sen••enced them) puni∣shed.
• * 3.349

  Tribunal and pompe.
• * 3.350

  Quansy works.
• * 3.351

  The Kings alm••s.
• * 3.352

  Description of Paquim, or as the Chinois call it Pequim.

  Aquesendoo a Booke written of Pequin. 1600. houses for Deputies.
• * 3.353

  24000. sepul∣chers.
• * 3.354

  Hospitals 500.
• * 3.355

  24000. Barge∣men.
• * 3.356

  14000. Pur∣ueyors. Curtesan street.
• * 3.357

  100000. Lan∣derers. 1300. Mona∣steries.
• * 3.358

  By letting the houses to other men.
• * 3.359

  360. Gates and Castles.
• * 3.360

  3800. Temples
• * 3.361

  Foure chiefe Sects.
• * 3.362

  120. Riuerets, 1800. Bridges. 120. Market-places.
• * 3.363

  160. Shambles
• * 3.364

  Prison of the exiled, to the Tartarian wall, almost eight leagues com∣passe.
• * 3.365

  Or 18. to 45.
• * 3.366

  Multitudes of Prisoners and men employed in the wall.
• * 3.367

  Before hee sayd 200000.
• * 3.368

  Huge Faires.
• * 3.369

  Another ad∣mirable Fa∣brike.
• * 3.370

  Terreyro, and so after.
• * 3.371

  Fire-blowers of Hell.
• * 3.372

  3000 H••uses full of skuls.
• * 3.373

  China Charnel or Purgatorie.
• * 3.374

  The Deuils banner tryum∣phant in stu∣pendious Ser∣pents; then which neither figure nor creature hath beene more a∣bused to super∣stition as glo∣rying of that his conquest, Gen. 3. though a stronger then he repre••ented by the brazen Serpent, Ioh. 3. hath taken the old Serpent and led captiu••tie captiue, and brake the Ser∣pents head, which heere seemes inten∣ded with Eth∣n••ke vanitie.
• * 3.375

  The third strange Aedi∣fice of Nacapi∣rau the Iuno of China.

  140. Monaste∣ries.
• * 3.376

  Tartarian cru∣eltie.
• * 3.377

  Nunnes sacred to diuers Gods
• * 3.378

  The Porters of Hell.
• * 3.379

  Iupiter or God of Rayne.
• * 3.380

  Encostado à bumbordāo.
• * 3.381

  Golden statue of Nacapirau.
• * 3.382

  The fourth glorious Edi∣fice.
• * 3.383

  113. Chappels, and their con∣tents 1469. Candle∣stickes.
• * 3.384

  Indulgences.
• * 3.385

  Rich siluer Temple.
• * 3.386

  Lady Amidas I∣mage.
• * 3.387

  Amida Cham∣berl••ine to Nu∣capirau, as ••ris to Iuno: a tale perhaps d••ui∣sed from that Raine bow co∣uenant, Gen. 9.15. as that which follow∣eth from Gen. 3.16.
• * 3.388

  A Nunnerie.
• * 3.389

  Hospitals for children.
• * 3.390

  How the poore children are placed to Trades.
• * 3.391

  Span. Aminto.
• * 3.392

  Prouisi••ns for all sorts of poore.
• * 3.393

  Prouision a∣gainst sterility, and for the poore. See sup. cap. 4. §. 6.
• * 3.394

  Royall reue∣nue how dispo∣sed.

  The Iesuites al∣so say, the King cannot at pleasure di∣spense it.
• * 3.395

  Not to com∣pare China with what we see here.

  Admiranda Pe∣quini.
• * 3.396

  Minapau the Kings Palace: the number of Eunuches perhaps is mistaken by the Printer: the Span. hath 10000. one ci∣pher l••sse. Yet Pantoia saith, that yeere when hee writ, were chosen 3000. out of 20000. and in the Palace were 16000. Eunuchs.
• * 3.397

  Sects in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Cuchimiocos. Naustolins. Trim••cha••.
• * 3.398

  Gizom.
• * 3.399

  Quansy▪
• * 3.400

  Portugals quar∣rell.
• * 3.401

  Paritie a peace-breake••.
• * 3.402

  Musick for the comfort of the dead.
• * 3.403

  Vasco Caluo. See the former note §. 3.
• * 3.404

  Newes of the Ta••tari••n Ar∣mie, and siege of P••quim.
• * 3.405

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 3.406

  Lançame.
• * 3.407

  Nauticor com∣meth to Q••ansy.
• * 3.408

  The Citie ta∣ken.
• * 3.409

  Nixiamco a China Castle assaulted.
• * 3.410

  The Tartars losse.
• * 3.411

  Mendez his vndertaking.
• * 3.412

  The Castle taken.
• * 3.413

  Lautimey.
• * 3.414

  State of the Tartarian Campe and Tent Royall.
• * 3.415

  The Guard••▪
• * 3.416

  Xipatom.
• * 3.417

  Curious Throne.
• * 3.418

  The Tartar King.

  His State.
• * 3.419

  His person.
• * 3.420

  Tartars loss••. Consultation.
• * 3.421

  Si••ge of Pe∣quim breakes vp.
• * 3.422

  The Kings re∣turne into Tar∣taria.
• * 3.423

  Lançame.
• * 3.424

  Tuymican.
• * 3.425

  The Mogor is now much al∣tered, & since that time Lord of India,
• * 3.426

  Caran.
• * 3.427

  A Marriage treated on be∣twixt the Caran and Tartar.
• * 3.428

  They depart from Tartaria.
• * 3.429

  Vzanguee.
• * 3.430

  An Vniuersi••ie.
• * 3.431

  Puxanguim.
• * 3.432

  Guns of wood.
• * 3.433

  Linxau. Singuaf••tur Temple and superstitions.
• * 3.434

  Monkes and Nuns, ch••ste in the Deuils name.
• * 3.435

  Quanginau.
• * 3.436

  A Gentile Pope
• * 3.437

  Lechune.
• * 3.438

  Idols.
• * 3.439

  Monasteries.
• * 3.440

  Rendacalem.
• * 3.441

  Xeinaleygrau.
• * 3.442

  Singapamor Lake, or Cuna∣betee. Vent••••u. Chiabata. Ianguma. Pumfileu.
• * 3.443

  Caleypute. Tarem.
• * 3.444

  Xolor.
• * 3.445

  Comhay.
• * 3.446

  Huzamguee.
• * 3.447

  Magelane straights.
• * 3.448

  The second Voyage.
• * 3.449

  Villa Lobos.
• * 3.450

  The Deuil was worshipped.
• * 3.451

  Witches.
• * 3.452

  Spaniards hated in the Philippi∣nas.
• * 3.453

  Spanish report of a Vision.
• * 3.454

  The Indians would not goe into Heauen because there were Spanish Souldiers.
• * 3.455

  Ciuit. Honey. Cinamon. Linseed Oyle.
• * 3.456

  This I trans∣lated out of a Manuscript Latine which I found with M. Hak.

  Natiuity Port. Islas de los Reyes
• * 3.457

  Islas Ladr••nes.
• * 3.458

  The Philippinas called also the Ilands of the Ponent or West. Baia de Sibabas.
• * 3.459

  Gold.
• * 3.460

  Tandoia.
• * 3.461

  Camungo.
• * 3.462

  Tandaya.
• * 3.463

  Masagua.
• * 3.464

  Bohol▪
• * 3.465

  Wicked poli∣cy, an Indian pestilence which since hath infected others▪
• * 3.466

  Moores co••••∣nage.
• * 3.467

  Igla.
• * 3.468

  Subo.
• * 3.469

  See tom. 1. l. 2. c. 2.
• * 3.470

  This which followeth is ta∣ken out of Fray Iuan Gonzales de Mendosa his Spanish Relati∣on of China, & is here much abbreuiated. Manilla.
• * 3.471

  Limahon a Chi∣na Rouer.
• * 3.472

  Where Lima∣hon was borne.
• * 3.473

  Vintoquian a Rouer ro••ed by this Rouer.
• * 3.474

  One hundred and thirtie great ships of Warre with forty thousand men. Omoncon.
• * 3.475

  Illocos.
• * 3.476

  Fernandina.
• * 3.477

  1574.
• * 3.478

  Martin de Goy∣ti slaine.
• * 3.479

  Guido de Laba∣cates Gouer∣nour.
• * 3.480

  A fort erected.
• * 3.481

  Citie burnt.
• * 3.482

  Pangasinan.
• * 3.483

  Pintados.
• * 3.484

  Iohn de Sal∣zedo who ••uc∣ceeded Goyti, and was Ne∣phew to Mi∣chael Legaspi.
• * 3.485

  Limahon after three moneths siege escapeth.
• * 3.486

  Omoncon pro∣mis••th to car∣rie the Friers vnto China.
• * 3.487

  A good pre∣tence.
• * 3.488

  The Friers names that went to China.
• * 3.489

  A token that fine cloth is esteemed.
• * 3.490

  Spanish bounty.
• * 3.491

  They departed towards China.
• * 3.492

  China Com∣passes diuided into 12. parts. Chinois meane Mariners.
• * 3.493

  Sounding.
• * 3.494

  They leaue the worship∣ping of one Idoll to wor∣ship another.
• * 3.495

  Tituhul in the Prouince of Chincheo.
• * 3.496

  Tanfuso, or Tansuso.
• * 3.497

  Ensignes to know the Loytias.
• * 3.498

  Board-licence.
• * 3.499

  The first lan∣ding of the Friars.
• * 3.500

  The vse of their banquets
• * 3.501

  Wine of a Palme tree.
• * 3.502

  Captaine of fortie Ships.
• * 3.503

  Sergeants.
• * 3.504

  Tangoa.
• * 3.505

  China Women.
• * 3.506

  House of plea∣sure.
• * 3.507

  Stone-bridge.
• * 3.508

  Thriftie tillage
• * 3.509

  Plowing with Buffalos.
• * 3.510

  Pasturage.
• * 3.511

  A thing to keepe away the Sunne.
• * 3.512

  High wayes.
• * 3.513

  Chincheo hath seuentie thou∣sand housholds
• * 3.514

  Faire Bridge.
• * 3.515

  A thousand ships in one Riuer.
• * 3.516

  They haue no vse of Castles▪ Earthqu••kes in this Coun∣trey.

  Rich Mer∣chandise. Triumphant Arches.
• * 3.517

  The Insuanto
• * 3.518

  An Assistant.
• * 3.519

  Serpents knot∣ted the Kings Armes.
• * 3.520

  Goodly sight.
• * 3.521

  The Palace.
• * 3.522

  State-ceremo∣nie.
• * 3.523

  Great Maiesty.
• * 3.524

  The Insuantos person and en∣tertaynment.
• * 3.525

  Vaine glory.
• * 3.526

  Bo••sting.
• * 3.527

  Mortified F••iers.
• * 3.528

  Spaniards fea∣sted.

  Table-rite.
• * 3.529

  A Comedy & other sports.
• * 3.530

  The Viands.
• * 3.531

  Aucheo.
• * 3.532

  Megoa a great Citie spoyled by Iapanders.
• * 3.533

  Stratagem▪
• * 3.534

  Admirable stone bridge.
• * 3.535

  Subur••s of Auc••eo.
• * 3.536

  Palace open once a day.
• * 3.537

  State.
• * 3.538

  Ceremonie.
• * 3.539

  Vice-royes state.
• * 3.540

  Lions the Armes of that Prouince, per∣haps this de∣ceiued Pinto, who mistooke them (seeing them common on pillars, &c.) to be the Kings Armes, which were but of some places.
• * 3.541

  Totoc.
• * 3.542

  Cag••itoc.
• * 3.543

  Reports of Pe∣quin, called Taybin also and Suntiem. Lanchin for Nanchin, or Nanquin. Se•• Ricci.
• * 3.544

  Aucheo descri∣bed.
• * 3.545

  Ordnance bad
• * 3.546

  Th•• Cit••e 〈◊〉〈◊〉 noted.
• * 3.547

  Vnwholsome.
• * 3.548

  Inundations.
• * 3.549

  Vice-royes Feast.
• * 3.550

  Idolatrous rite to the Sunne.
• * 3.551

  Comedies.
• * 3.552

  Tomblers.
• * 3.553

  Taybin or Pa∣quin; diu••rsly called, either by reason of diuers langua∣ges; or because they giue ap∣pella••iue names (as the Tartars call the same Citie Cambalu, that is, the Royall Citi••) thereto.
• * 3.554

  All things good cheape.
• * 3.555

  111. Idols in one Chappell.
• * 3.556

  Three headed Image.

  A woman with childe.
• * 3.557

  Vice royes iealousie.
• * 3.558

  Ampin.
• * 3.559

  People in grea•• subiection,
• * 3.560

  A Portugall pri∣soner.
• * 3.561

  Taocay another Pirat, taken to bee Limahon. Su••pition of euill.
• * 3.562

  Omoncon and Sinsay, at vari∣ance.
• * 3.563

  Generall con∣sultation.
• * 3.564

  New-moone Musters.
• * 3.565

  Their actiuitie, their Pi••ces, & hearts, are sayd to be naught.
• * 3.566

  Souldiers are punished.
• * 3.567

  Visitors en∣trance in state.
• * 3.568

  Manner of his Courts.
• * 3.569

  Superstition.
• * 3.570

  Parting com∣plement.
• * 3.571

  Treasurer.
• * 3.572

  Presents.
• * 3.573

  To keepe a∣way the Sun.
• * 3.574

  Superstition.
• * 3.575

  Plentifull pro∣uision.
• * 3.576

  Luckie day.
• * 3.577

  Insuantos fare∣well Feast.
• * 3.578

  Ten moneths prouision.
• * 3.579

  Laul••.
• * 3.580

  Monsons.
• * 3.581

  Chautubo. Gautin.
• * 3.582

  Kine and Horse.

  Common-wealth.
• * 3.583

  Corchu.
• * 3.584

  Ancon.
• * 3.585

  A straight.
• * 3.586

  From the Phi∣lippinas to the China is 200. leagues
• * 3.587

  A Tempest.
• * 3.588

  Coniuring a∣gainst coniu∣ring.
• * 3.589

  Inuocation by writing.
• * 3.590

  See sup. l. 3. c. 1. §. 2.
• * 3.591

  I found this translat. with Master H. Luzon.
• * 3.592

  Tioneg.
• * 3.593

  30000. Chineses slaine in the Philippinas.
• * 3.594

  Two English ships on the coast of Chin∣cheo i•• China. Iealousie of Strangers.
• * 3.595

  Danger of bringing ships to a China Ha∣uen.

  China ambi∣tion.

  Ia••onian at∣tempt.

  Corea is vnder China.
• * 3.596

  China pride re∣torted.
• * 3.597

  Spanish Siluer carried to China.
• * 3.598

  The English ships spoken of by Spaniards according to the mutuall hostilitie of those times.
• * 3.599

  Epist. Eman. Caruel. 1599.
• * 3.600

  Xatai and Xam∣balu, for Catai and Cambalu.
• * 3.601

  Caygar.
• * 3.602

  A Course or Co••e is a mile and halfe, and sometime two miles.
• * 3.603

  De Christ. expe∣dit. ap. Sinas l. 5 c. 11, 12, 13. Ionic. thes. rer. Ind. t. 3. c. 24.
• * 3.604

  Athec.
• * 3.605

  Passaur.
• * 3.606

  Capherstam. Saracens not admitted.
• * 3.607

  Ghideli.
• * 3.608

  Assault of Theeues.
• * 3.609

  Cabul.
• * 3.610

  A kind of Marble much valued in China
• * 3.611

  Ciaracar.
• * 3.612

  Paruam the ex∣treme border of the Mogoll.
• * 3.613

  Aingharan. Calcia. Gialalabath.
• * 3.614

  Cheman. Samarhan or Samarcand. Bogbar.
• * 3.615

  Tengi Badascian.
• * 3.616

  Ciarciunar.
• * 3.617

  Serpanil.
• * 3.618

  Sarcil.
• * 3.619

  Snowie way. Tangbetar.
• * 3.620

  Iaconich.
• * 3.621

  Hiarchan.
• * 3.622

  Catay-Carauan
• * 3.623

  Precious Marble.
• * 3.624

  Mahamet C•••• King of Cascar. Cialis.
• * 3.625

  To vse (as it seemes) those words La illah illalah, Mehu∣med resullalah, the Characte∣ristical note of Mahumetan profession.
• * 3.626

  To Mecc•• ward.
• * 3.627

  Carauan Bassa. See before in Chaggi Memet the like Iour∣ney and the same places.
• * 3.628

  Voyage to Ca∣tay from Hiar∣chan.

  Places in the way.
• * 3.629

  Goez danceth.
• * 3.630

  Caracathai, the first place of the Tartars Conquest. See before in F. Baco••, Rub••▪ &c. Acsir. Cialis.
• * 3.631

  Musulmans, that is, right beleeuers.
• * 3.632

  Newes of F. M. Ricius and the Iesuits.
• * 3.633

  In Pantoia and Ricius.
• * 3.634

  Names chan∣ged by the Ie∣suites.
• * 3.635

  Cambalu.
• * 3.636

  Pucian. Turphan. Aremuth. Camul.
• * 3.637

  The wals of China. Chiaicuon.
• * 3.638

  Soci••u in China.
• * 3.639

  Borderers theeuish.
• * 3.640

  Tartars cu∣stomes in the borders.
• * 3.641

  This 200. i•• to bee vnder∣stood of the Westerne part•• or perhaps all but so much is naturall of rockes or hils: or Trigautius a Dutchman might meane Dutch miles. The Map ex∣presseth about 1000. miles. The reports are diuers as from reports: for who could see it all? and what good would 200. miles doe, which horse∣men in few dayes might passe.

  Diuers Embas∣sages counter∣feited.
• * 3.642

  Reports of tra∣uellers to bee weighed.
• * 3.643

  Nouem. 1606.
• * 3.644

  Carauan com∣meth.
• * 3.645

  Singhan.
• * 3.646

  Goez dyeth▪
• * 3.647

  Tartarean Tar∣tars.
• * 3.648

  Isaacs iourney.
• * 3.649

  Chaul. 1615.
• * 3.650

  Ignatius and Francis cano∣nized by Greg. 15. March 12. 1622.
• * 3.651

  This happened in Capt. Saris his ship. See to. 1. l. 4. c. 1. p. 367.
• * 3.652

  See sup l. 9. c. 12. §. 5. and the last Chapter of my Pilgrimage
• * 3.653

  2. Cor. 10.4.
• * 3.654

  See Sir T. Roe and M. Terry, sup. p. 1482. and 586.

  This Storie shewes that with Mogols & Chinois gifts are best Con∣uert••rs.
• * 3.655

  Adol. Schul∣kenius. Colon. A. 1622. Iun. 26.
• * 3.656

  See before in Polo; Conti, &c. the truth here∣of.
• * 3.657

  Apoc. 18.
• * 3.658

  Acts 20.
• * 3.659

  Cit. pro Mil••n••.
• * 3.660

  How little in comparison was Pauls, from Ierusalem to Il∣lyricum?
• * 3.661

  Letter of Xaui∣er.
• * 3.662

  Deuill wor∣shipped by the Chinois.
• * 3.663

  Canton.
• * 3.664

  Cangoxima in Iapon Paul had beene in India, and was Bapti∣sed.
• * 3.665

  Seas tempestu∣ous and Pira∣ticall.
• * 3.666

  Xauiers zeale.
• * 3.667

  Sancian thirtie leagues from the China shoare.
• * 3.668

  Xauiers death. See Vita Xaue∣rij. & F. Pinto. & Eman. Acosta Mafferius Rici∣us, &c.
• * 3.669

  Since the Ex∣pedition of the Westerne Christians (the chiefe of which were Franks) to the conquest of Ie∣rusalem.
• * 3.670

  A Peninsula is compasted with water ex∣cept on one part.

  Beginnings of Amacao.
• * 3.671

  Melchi••r Nuns.
• * 3.672

  Canton le••st Metropolitan Citie.

  I take but a li••∣tle of his rela∣tion, because you haue so much before. Aiton, Aitao, or Haitao.
• * 3.673

  So Pinto al••o, but this is the Prouinces Armes not the Kings.
• * 3.674

  Some Sects ack••owledge more, others 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 3.675

  Valignanus.
• * 3.676

  Admiranda reg∣ni Sinensis ex∣tant with the Iesuites Epistles published by Io. Hayus. Plaut.
• * 3.677

  Mich. Ruggeri∣us.
• * 3.678

  Portugall trade at Canton by day, and extru∣sion at night.
• * 3.679

  Rugg. first en∣trance.
• * 3.680

  Ruggerius freed by the Hai-tao.
• * 3.681

  Ambassage of Siam.
• * 3.682

  Zumpim or Chumbim.
• * 3.683

  Mat. Ricius.
• * 3.684

  Fraternitie of Iesus.
• * 3.685

  Vice-roy of Canton.
• * 3.686

  Quamsi.
• * 3.687

  Sciauquin.
• * 3.688

  Bribe trickes.
• * 3.689

  Mat. Ricius.
• * 3.690

  Clocke-watch.
• * 3.691

  Iesuites first China station. Three corne∣red Glasse.
• * 3.692

  Quam-cheu the true name of Canton.
• * 3.693

  Pasius dieth long after.
• * 3.694

  Iaponian Em∣bassage to the Pope.

  Ed••dit Hen. Cuickius.
• * 3.695

  King of Bungos Letter.
• * 3.696

  But that Hor∣tus de••iciarum An••lia was more worth then both In∣dies to the Pope. See sup. lib. 8. c. 6. &c.
• * 3.697

  This the most acceptable mysterie of Papall Faith.
• * 3.698

  Extract. è literit Roma missis.
• * 3.699

  See the last chap. of my Pilg. l. 9.
• * 3.700

  Popes presents
• * 4.1

  Papall fauours, with little cost buying much esteeme.
• * 4.2

  Pompe pre∣scribed.
• * 4.3

  See of these Iaponian Kings and Rites my Pilg. l. 5. c. 15. Nabunanga.
• * 4.4

  Frenoiama.
• * 4.5

  The Bonzian Quanon and Popish Corpus Christi Playes like by Iesuites testimoni••. Shau••lings.
• * 4.6

  Faxiba made Quabacondono. Quabacu signi∣fies, the Chist of treasure. Cos. Turrianus.
• * 4.7

  The 3. chiefe men in Iapon. The Vo, High Priest and Quingue.

  A greater then they.

  Meaco the chiefe Citie of Iapon.
• * 4.8

  Corai.
• * 4.9

  Organtinus Brixiensis.
• * 4.10

  Qui•• tulerit Gracchos &c.
• * 4.11

  The Dairi, the titular King.
• * 4.12

  China inuasion. Reckoning without his Host.

  Iaponian Theo∣logie.
• * 4.13

  The Iesuits.
• * 4.14

  Christian Reli∣gion alway by the Deuill and his accu••ed for a State-distur∣ber.

  Iesuites bani∣shed.
• * 4.15

  Iaponian work∣manship.
• * 4.16

  Preparation for inuasion of Corai.
• * 4.17

  Corai descri∣bed: see my China Map.
• * 4.18

  This is that F••reisama of whom you reade in Capt. Saris, and Ma∣ster Cocke, de∣priued by Ogo∣shosama.
• * 4.19

  1592. Wide Riuer betwixt China and Corai.
• * 4.20

  190. Iesuites.
• * 4.21

  China Embas∣sage.
• * 4.22

  Huge Palace, and prepara∣tion for enter∣tainment of the Chinois.
• * 4.23

  Noximandono a Iaponian Pirat.
• * 4.24

  Prodigious raines.
• * 4.25

  Earth-quakes.
• * 4.26

  Iaponian poli∣cy to keepe all the Lords a∣bout the Court for securitie; seldome suffe∣red to visite their King∣domes.

  China Presents and Letters.
• * 4.27

  Chia an herb vsed in warme water in all entertayn∣ments in Iapon and China.
• * 4.28

  Bish. of Iapon.
• * 4.29

  ••••an Pastus. Alex Va••gna∣nus

  P. Pilo lib. 5. c. 1••. §. 4. See of his death tom. 1. p. 407.

  T••m••le of Scinfaciman. C••p•• Saris told mee hee saw it.
• * 4.30

  Sup. l. 7. in fines
• * 4.31

  Ci-hien a Go∣ue••nour of a Hien or Citie▪
• * 4.32

  Iesuites suppli∣cation.
• * 4.33

  Ciai-yuen or Chaen, Prouin∣ciall Visitour.
• * 4.34

  Money brings the Iesuites to China, and pro∣cures them re∣sidence.
• * 4.35

  Liuqueceo. Viegas bountie.
• * 4.36

  Friars in China, see cap. 3.
• * 4.37

  Anno 1583.
• * 4.38

  Sciauquin tow∣er.
• * 4.39

  Temple and statue to Go∣uernours.
• * 4.40

  Ignoto Deo. Wilde Christi∣anitie.
• * 4.41

  Iesuites build a house, at first meane, after greater.
• * 4.42

  D. wanting to Chinois.
• * 4.43

  Images wor∣shipped.
• * 4.44

  First Baptisme
• * 4.45

  Fancies of the vulgar.
• * 4.46

  Tables of ho∣nour.
• * 4.47

  Chinois in Hos∣pitall.

  Portugals cal∣led Deuils.
• * 4.48

  Tenderd••n stee∣ple.
• * 4.49

  Conspiracie.
• * 4.50

  False accuses truely rewar∣ded.
• * 4.51

  Mathematicks and Map of the world, in∣troduction to the Gospell.
• * 4.52

  Chinois igno∣rant of the world.
• * 4.53

  Ricius his Map.
• * 4.54

  The world v∣shers the Iesuits Gospell.
• * 4.55

  Ruggers r••turn.
• * 4.56

  Sphe••res and Globes.
• * 4.57

  Linsitau Ruler of two or three Diuisions or Hundreds.
• * 4.58

  See that Bull. sup. l. 2. c. 1. Gaine sepa∣rates the sub∣iects of one Crowne, with∣out separation of state. Apply this to the quarrell twixt the English and Dutch in the Indies. And hereby you see the Iesuites in∣struments of secular affaires Edw. Menese, whose Booke you haue in the 9. booke. tom. 1.
• * 4.59

  F. Edw: Sande.
• * 4.60

  Antonie Almei∣da, License for Cequian.
• * 4.61

  Strange course for names. Iesuites change their names.
• * 4.62

  Almeidas Let∣ter to Ed. Sande. Rector at Xau∣chin or Sciau∣chin, contra∣cted.
• * 4.63

  Moilin.
• * 4.64

  The Linsitaus brother afore∣sayd.

  Another riuer.
• * 4.65

  Way paued and populous.
• * 4.66

  Seats and Por∣ters in the high-wayes.
• * 4.67

  Faquen.
• * 4.68

  Great Cities thicke.
• * 4.69

  Metropolitan Citie of Chi∣ansi.
• * 4.70

  All this way is apparent in the new Map.
• * 4.71

  New Riuer.
• * 4.72

  Nine Tatis.
• * 4.73

  These miles seeme to bee intended Spa∣n••sh leagues. Cold Region.
• * 4.74

  Papists and Paynims Cere∣monies alike.
• * 4.75

  Ciquion. Cuixion.
• * 4.76

  New Riuer.
• * 4.77

  Ste••ilitie.
• * 4.78

  Sciaubin or Ciquion like Venice.
• * 4.79

  Prouincials Letter. Fortie Chinois compa∣red to 40000. Iaponian Con∣uerts.
• * 4.80

  Coellius first teacher to paint.
• * 4.81

  Vutan a holy place haunted by Pilgrimes.
• * 4.82

  New Conuert, a false Knaue.
• * 4.83

  Martin whip∣ped to death.
• * 4.84

  Manner of ho∣nouring good Magistrates.
• * 4.85

  R. goeth into Europe.
• * 4.86

  Priuiledged old men.
• * 4.87

  Their elegant Petition is whole in Ricius, too long for this place.
• * 4.88

  Iesuites merit their exhibi∣tion by seruice to the state.
• * 4.89

  Iesuites bani∣shed.
• * 4.90

  Iesuites house cost 600. pieces of Gold, which in Ch••na is a great summe. Nanh••um. Xauceum.
• * 4.91

  1589.
• * 4.92

  Nanhoa Mona∣sterie of 1000. Monk••s.
• * 4.93

  Lusus L••gend.
• * 4.94

  Bodily exercise profiteth little, 1. Tim. 4.8.
• * 4.95

  Pilgrimage.
• * 4.96

  China hypo∣crisie.
• * 4.97

  Monstrous Idolatry. Bels.
• * 4.98

  Lusus Shrine.
• * 4.99

  Folly of Selfe-pleasing.
• * 4.100

  Apply to Ima∣ges.

  Originall of Idols.

  Contesse and be hanged. Xauceum de∣scribed. Nanhium.
• * 4.101

  Iesuits new Seat.
• * 4.102

  Chiutaiso Scho∣ler of Ricius.
• * 4.103

  China Arith∣meticke.
• * 4.104

  An Image sent from New Spaine.
• * 4.105

  Seuere Iustice.
• * 4.106

  Fran. de Petris·
• * 4.107

  Vice-roy de∣priued.
• * 4.108

  Taicho.
• * 4.109

  China absti∣nence.
• * 4.110

  Nanhiun.
• * 4.111

  Theeues.
• * 4.112

  Their sentence
• * 4.113

  Queenes par∣doner.
• * 4.114

  Rioters. Theft ignomi∣nious.
• * 4.115

  Pequin Presi∣dent.
• * 4.116

  Bonzi infa∣mous.

  Popish and Ethnike priests like in sh••uing and habite.
• * 4.117

  Iesuites alter their habite.
• * 4.118

  Scilan.
• * 4.119

  Mount Muilim or Moilin: See sup. Ex. Almei∣da.
• * 4.120

  Naughan.
• * 4.121

  Canceu. Great Vice-roy and Grea∣ter President.
• * 4.122

  Stately enter∣taynment.
• * 4.123

  Boat-bridge.
• * 4.124

  Sciepathau, that is 18. streames. It seemes so many in that space flow into it.

  Lying vanities
• * 4.125

  Chiengan.
• * 4.126

  Kings Posts.
• * 4.127

  The Glasse e∣steemed a great Iewell, giuen to Scilan, Nancian Me∣tropolis of Chiansi.
• * 4.128

  This seemes to agree with Pintos Muchi∣parom. sup. pag••. 274.
• * 4.129

  Admirable Lake: see the new Map.
• * 4.130

  Mount Liu: this perhaps so that Calemplui in Pinto 262. or some like place
• * 4.131

  Riuer Yamsu or Seas Sonne, be∣yond the Lake.
• * 4.132

  Nanquin. (which Polo calls Quinsay) described. It was then grea∣ter, as being the Royall re∣sidence, which remoued and warres toge∣ther haue di∣minished it: perhaps also that Lake de∣caying and d••ying vp; or not rebuilt af∣ter the Tartars expelled.
• * 4.133

  Second Wall twelue Gates. Third Wall.
• * 4.134

  Citie wall two dayes iourney on horsebacke.
• * 4.135

  Garrison 40000. In 32. or 32. de∣grees, 15. min.
• * 4.136

  Large Suburbs
• * 4.137

  Miserable Churle.
• * 4.138

  Nancian.
• * 4.139

  Fast from flesh, fish, egges, and milke.
• * 4.140

  Many of the Royall bloud at Nancian.
• * 4.141

  China lying is prudence.
• * 4.142

  Ricius his arti∣ficiall memorie
• * 4.143

  Fortune friend
• * 4.144

  Chiengan and Longan, Kings titular.
• * 4.145

  Ricius his China Booke of friendship.
• * 4.146

  Token of wel∣come.
• * 4.147

  Cauils.
• * 4.148

  Pillorie board.
• * 4.149

  Aroccia and Longobardus,
• * 4.150

  The Couns••ll Li Pu so called of creating Maiestrates▪
• * 4.151

  Custome of Conuerts names in Bap∣tisme. Anno 1598.
• * 4.152

  Writing well in China brings credit and gaine.
• * 4.153

  Vice-roy of Nanquin, a lo∣uer of Geo∣graphie.
• * 4.154

  Honour to an Image.
• * 4.155

  Chappell.
• * 4.156

  Chian or Quian See Polo sup. 90 Riuer of Nan∣quin: one cut from it for Pe∣quin.

  Yellow Riuer see the Map.
• * 4.157

  Such con∣iectures as this and those in Pinto of this Lake seeme ill grounded. Lake of Constel∣lations.
• * 4.158

  Magistrates sa∣crifice to the Riuer.
• * 4.159

  10000. Ships of the Kings for fiue Prouinces
• * 4.160

  Cranes to draw ships. Tempestuous seas and Py∣rats on that coast. See Pinto.
• * 4.161

  Timbers for the Kings buil∣dings.

  Two thirds of the Kings house burnt by Lightning.
• * 4.162

  Bricks prefer∣red to stone.
• * 4.163

  Swifter ship•• called Horses.
• * 4.164

  Heat and cold.
• * 4.165

  Hand-made Riuer. Tiensin.
• * 4.166

  They come to Pequin.
• * 4.167

  Iamcheu. Hoain∣gan. Sieucen. Zinim. Licin.
• * 4.168

  Length of the way.
• * 4.169

  Pequin de••c••i∣bed, compared with Nanquin.
• * 4.170

  The walls.
• * 4.171

  Watch and Ward.
• * 4.172

  Palace.
• * 4.173

  Streets.
• * 4.174

  All goe and ride veiled.
• * 4.175

  Commoditie of Mules and Mulletters.
• * 4.176

  Booke of Pe∣quin.
• * 4.177

  See Polo sup. 88.
• * 4.178

  China, Cathay. See Pantoia.
• * 4.179

  Camhalu the great Tartar of the North.
• * 4.180

  Goez sup. cap. 4.
• * 4.181

  Alchymie and base couetise.
• * 4.182

  Coozening Merchant.
• * 4.183

  China Lan∣guage and Ac∣cents.
• * 4.184

  Riuers frozen▪ Ric. goeth by Land.
• * 4.185

  Siuceu and Yamceu.
• * 4.186

  Coach of one wheele.
• * 4.187

  Suceu descri∣bed.

  Another Ve∣nice.
• * 4.188

  Huge Tribute.
• * 4.189

  Tanian.
• * 4.190

  Glasse glazed.
• * 4.191

  New yeares day.
• * 4.192

  Letter of F. Nic. Lombard.
• * 4.193

  China Lear∣ning.

  This compari∣son with that time of the Ro∣manes seemeth p••rh••ps not the best, th••t being the best of Heathen Rome; Varro, and Cicero, and Virgil, as the Romane Trium viri for Learning, besides, Sa••••s•• Caesar, &c.
• * 4.194

  Thaisos Let∣ter. To their superiours and equals they write not in the first person, but the name for the pro∣noune (I).
• * 4.195

  This (as to sit at the feet, with the Iewes) sig∣nifieth to be a mans scholer: taken from their sitting at the side in Le∣ctures. Suceo.

  North of China the best.

  Scingin is the greatest title of honour a∣mongst the Chinois, intima∣ting a holy birth, greatest learning that he may be Ma∣ster of all, as was their Con∣fusias: such an one they 〈◊〉〈◊〉 comes euery 500. yeere, and now Ricius. Probabilities for the Gospel.
• * 4.196

  China Mona∣steries.
• * 4.197

  Vniuersities in our sence with Professors and publik Schools are not in Chi∣na: but for ta∣king degrees as in our Vni∣uersities, a mans priuate studies, and the Cities publike examinations haue some re∣semblance. Many things in which the Iesuites and Chinois con∣curre.
• * 4.198

  A fornight Sabbath.
• * 4.199

  Sixe precepts of China.
• * 4.200

  Cantonians Mangines.
• * 4.201

  Blessed Virgin honoured.
• * 4.202

  Nanquin. Cingensu a great Abbie.
• * 4.203

  The President supreme go∣uernour of Full Moone fire-workes.
• * 4.204

  Mathematikes baits to the Gospell.
• * 4.205

  China learning how vnlearned
• * 4.206

  Hanlin Col∣ledge in Pequin.
• * 4.207

  Wit of a Chinese.
• * 4.208

  Bonzis, dotages.
• * 4.209

  Eclipses.
• * 4.210

  Colledge of Astrologers.
• * 4.211

  Mathematicall huge Instru∣ments.
• * 4.212

  A Globe.
• * 4.213

  A Sphere.
• * 4.214

  A Diall.
• * 4.215

  Astrolabes.
• * 4.216

  The Chinois number 24. constellations of the Zodiake.
• * 4.217

  The like Instru∣ments at Pe∣quin.
• * 4.218

  This time a∣greeth with the time of Ta∣merlane; which giueth autho∣rity to Alhacens former story of him: besides the Chinois call the last Tartar which ruled them Temor. Cuiceu.

  Quocum, the Nobilitie of China.
• * 4.219

  Artificial rock.
• * 4.220

  Captaine of the Citie Gar∣rison.
• * 4.221

  Chiefe Eu∣nuch.

  Thousands of Eunuchs at Nanquin.
• * 4.222

  Van, van, siu, as to the Ba∣by••onian Mo∣nar••hs, liue for euer. Dan. 5.10.
• * 4.223

  A principall Doctor, a Preacher.
• * 4.224

  A Mandarine becomes a Bonzi.
• * 4.225

  Epigrams.
• * 4.226

  Confutius his holiday.
• * 4.227

  Musike of China.
• * 4.228

  Temple royall▪ and magnifi∣cen••e thereof.
• * 4.229

  Iesuits habit.
• * 4.230

  Societies of Learned.
• * 4.231

  Conference or disputation twixt an Idol-Priest and Ricius.
• * 4.232

  Oppression. Mines of Gold and Siluer stopped by an∣cient Kings & forbidden to be opened to preuent rob∣beries.
• * 4.233

  Didacus or Ia∣cobus Pantoia.
• * 4.234

  Zinin.
• * 4.235

  High Admiral,
• * 4.236

  Liciu killeth himselfe.
• * 4.237

  Mathan a great and base Eu∣nuch.
• * 4.238

  Treacherie,
• * 4.239

  Great and glorious ship.
• * 4.240

  Turnings.
• * 4.241

  Thiensin.
• * 4.242

  China Players. and Feat-wor∣kers.
• * 4.243

  This Booke I haue both in Spanish printed 1606. in Va∣lencia: and in Latine at Mentz 1607.
• * 4.244

  Colledge of Iesuits.
• * 4.245

  Entrance into China difficult.
• * 4.246

  Meanes sought to enter China.
• * 4.247

  Embassage. Present.
• * 4.248

  100000. Gar∣rison Souldiers in Nanquin. Ricius saith 40000. perhaps the other 60000. are for the Countrey adioyning, or for the Nauie and Sea-guard: or Ricius might speake of the ordinary at o∣ther peaceable times, Pantogia of this trouble∣some time while the Ia∣ponian warre continued. Mandarins houses are publike. House pos∣sessed.
• * 4.249

  Iesuits Patent for China habi∣tation.
• * 4.250

  Fame of Ie∣suits sanctitie.
• * 4.251

  Fame of their Learning.
• * 4.252

  Watches ad∣mired.
• * 4.253

  Their credit & good vsag••.
• * 4.254

  Three Iesuits.
• * 4.255

  Leaue for Pa∣quin granted.
• * 4.256

  The Riuer of Nanquin ouer-frozen all the Winter.
• * 4.257

  The particu∣lars of the Kings Present. Gilded Dra∣gons or Ser∣pents (so Cruz cals them) the Kings Armes. Pinto saith a Lion, perhaps his coniecture for the fre∣quencie men∣tioned also by Polo, sup. p. 89. &c. or perhaps this might then be, and Serpents since, the Royall En∣signe. Besides a Lion is the Armes of Can∣ton Prouince, and perhaps of some others which might be mistaken for the Kings Armes.

  They began their iourney from Nanquin 1600. the 20. of May, stilo nouo.
• * 4.258

  300. leagues as it were one pathway of shipping.
• * 4.259

  Lincin.
• * 4.260

  Mathan the Kings Eunuch, his pompe.
• * 4.261

  Eunuchs base minded.
• * 4.262

  Not subiect to ordinary Ma∣gistrates.
• * 4.263

  Conceit of gemmes.
• * 4.264

  He dismisset•• them.
• * 4.265

  Silence of de∣niall.
• * 4.266

  Eunuchs pom∣pous Barge.
• * 4.267

  Glorious Var∣nish.
• * 4.268

  Abundance of all colours in Iapon and China.
• * 4.269

  Painted Fi∣gures.
• * 4.270

  Very great Oares and the excellent vse of them. Musike.
• * 4.271

  Manner of pe∣titioning the King.
• * 4.272

  Eunuch e∣stranged.
• * 4.273

  They stayed three months.
• * 4.274

  Lincin.
• * 4.275

  This was the thirteenth of October.
• * 4.276

  Couetousnesse iniurious.
• * 4.277

  Images.
• * 4.278

  A Crosse and Reliques.
• * 4.279

  A Chalice.
• * 4.280

  A Crucifixe.
• * 4.281

  Suspicion.
• * 4.282

  Dying dread∣full.
• * 4.283

  The force of Winter.
• * 4.284

  This was till the b••ginning of Ianuarie, 1601.
• * 4.285

  The King sends for them
• * 4.286

  Their iourney
• * 4.287

  They came to Paquin, in 4. dayes trauell.
• * 4.288

  The present is deliuered to the King.
• * 4.289

  Clockes and Pictures admi∣red.
• * 4.290

  They are sent for to the Court.
• * 4.291

  Eunuches are taught to vse the Clockes.
• * 4.292

  The Pictures.
• * 4.293

  The King of China his que∣stions.
• * 4.294

  Three kindes of Kings.
• * 4.295

  The Escuriall
• * 4.296

  Saint Markes.
• * 4.297

  Sepulchers.
• * 4.298

  Death of King Philip the 2.
• * 4.299

  The King ne∣uer suffereth himselfe to be seene of the common peo∣ple.
• * 4.300

  Bad Picture-drawers.
• * 4.301

  Eunuches pre∣ferred.
• * 4.302

  Iesuites offered to be Manda∣rins.
• * 4.303

  A Moneth▪
• * 4.304

  Mandarin of∣f••nded.
• * 4.305

  They are shut vp some three moneths.
• * 4.306

  Mandarins Pe∣tition.
• * 4.307

  A Turke kept there.
• * 4.308

  They hyer an House.
• * 4.309

  Visited by Mandarins.
• * 4.310

  China igno∣rance o•• the wor••d.

  Vse of Maps.
• * 4.311

  Ill Cosmogra∣phie.
• * 4.312

  Ignorance mo∣ther of arro∣gance.
• * 4.313

  Mathematicks
• * 4.314

  Ethikes.
• * 4.315

  Foure months
• * 4.316

  Hopes of Christianitie.
• * 4.317

  The basenesse of the Bonzi.
• * 4.318

  Indeuotion.
• * 4.319

  Almost Atheists
• * 4.320

  Bookes of Phi∣losophers, a∣boue 2000. yeeres old. Sacrifices to Philosophers.
• * 4.321

  Some Christians made there.
• * 4.322

  Closensse of Women.
• * 4.323

  Some relati∣ons of Con∣uersions are heere for bre∣uitie omitted.
• * 4.324

  Multitude of people.
• * 4.325

  Desire of Lear∣ning and Mo∣rall vertue.
• * 4.326

  Marke this zeale.
• * 4.327

  China foure square. The Description.
• * 4.328

  Two notable errours of our newest Maps. Paquin in 40. degrees.
• * 4.329

  The Kingdom of China goeth not past 42. de∣grees North-ward.

  China and Ca∣tayo are all one.

  Cambalu and Paquin a••e all one▪
• * 4.330

  Very Mer∣chants.
• * 4.331

  It is so in Mos∣couie.
• * 4.332

  Iasper stone a great mer∣chandise·
• x 4.333

  Almizcte Span. the Latin hath Muske.
• y 4.334

  Como buche Span, Latin Sto∣machum.
• * 4.335

  Rhubarb. See before in Chag∣gi Memet. p. 164 A Sea of sand.
• * 4.336

  Diuision.
• * 4.337

  Chorographi∣call Bookes.
• * 4.338

  Chin•• populous
• * 4.339

  Villages as great as Townes. Walls.

  Nanquin in 32. degrees and an halfe. Three walls.
• * 4.340

  Streets long.
• * 4.341

  Palaces.
• * 4.342

  Circuit.
• * 4.343

  200000. houses
• * 4.344

  Hancheo and Sucheo.
• * 4.345

  Quinsay, Ciui∣tas coeli.
• * 4.346

  Reuenue.
• * 4.347

  Building not beautifull, compared with European.
• * 4.348

  Vniformitie in China Cities.
• * 4.349

  Fertilitie.
• * 4.350

  Commodious Riuers.
• * 4.351

  In 600. leagues but one day by land.

  This is more exactly measu∣red by Ricius, a more exact and mature obseruer of all things. sup. §. 5. cap. 5.

  Mighty Riuer, perhaps Qu••••n mentioned by Polo.

  Fishing with a kinde of Ra∣uens or Cor∣mora••ts
• * 4.352

  Muddy Riuer.
• * 4.353

  Alume vsed in clarifying of water. Shipping.
• * 4.354

  Ship-houses.
• * 4.355

  Multitude of ships.
• * 4.356

  The excellent beauty of the Mandarines Barges.
• * 4.357

  Tributes in money and in kinde.
• * 4.358

  10000. Vessels at Nanquin for Tribute of Vi∣ctuals, and 1000. for other Tributes: and others many for workes. Path-way of ships.

  Sluces or locks.
• * 4.359

  Silkes and per∣fumes.
• * 4.360

  Vessels for workes.
• * 4.361

  Siluer in grea∣test request in China▪
• * 4.362

  The great store of merchan∣dise in China.
• * 4.363

  Cheapnesse.
• * 4.364

  A caution for strange Mer∣chants.
• * 4.365

  Victuall store and cheape.
• * 4.366

  Sixe pence. One halfpeny.
• * 4.367

  Herbs.
• * 4.368

  Two and three Haruests in one yeere.
• * 4.369

  Plaine Coun∣trey.

  Plaine of 100. leagues.
• * 4.370

  Spare feeding.
• * 4.371

  Herb-eaters.
• * 4.372

  Horses eaten. Wines diuers.
• * 4.373

  Neatnesse.
• * 4.374

  Iesuites. Benefit of hot drinke.
• * 4.375

  Oile made of an herbe.
• * 4.376

  Cold Prouin∣ces.
• * 4.377

  Timber plenty
• * 4.378

  Much Gold to be bought in China.
• * 4.379

  Brasse money vsed in China.
• * 4.380

  Sarcos la••. ferruginei.
• * 4.381

  Trades.
• * 4.382

  Seruants cheape. Sale of chil∣dren vile.
• * 4.383

  None very rich.
• * 4.384

  Yet as rich as ours very rich.
• * 4.385

  Few idle.
• * 4.386

  Surnames.
• * 4.387

  Knights.
• * 4.388

  Nobilitie on∣ly in Learning.
• * 4.389

  No Lord but the King.
• * 4.390

  Extortion.
• * 4.391

  Marriage.
• * 4.392

  Polygamie.
• * 4.393

  Inheritance:
• * 4.394

  Funerals and mournings.
• * 4.395

  Three yeares mourning in white Linnen.
• * 4.396

  Keeping the dead at home.
• * 4.397

  Other Fune∣rall Rites.
• * 4.398

  Funerall day.
• * 4.399

  Funerall Fi∣gures.
• * 4.400

  Coff••n.
• * 4.401

  Buriall place.
• * 4.402

  Vnluckie to burie in the Citie.
• * 4.403

  Transition of soules.

  Metempsuchi∣call Supersti∣on,
• * 4.404

  Idolatrie.
• * 4.405

  Of Hell. See in Pinto.
• * 4.406

  Lots.
• * 4.407

  Wicked Bonzi.
• * 4.408

  Diuiners and diuinations.
• * 4.409

  Studies to pro∣long life.
• * 4.410

  Bookes of Al∣chimie.
• * 4.411

  Souldiers ma∣ny and few.
• * 4.412

  Basenesse. Armour and Armes.

  The barrels of their Pieces but a span long
• * 4.413

  The causes of bad Souldiers, dis-respect, dis-use, and their choise from the ton••••e.
• * 4.414

  Exercises Mi∣litarie.

  No Ordnance
• * 4.415

  Tartarian con∣quest.
• * 4.416

  Feare of Tar∣tars.
• * 4.417

  Mahometans.
• * 4.418

  No weapons in houses.
• * 4.419

  Not bloudie.
• * 4.420

  Studious.
• * 4.421

  Many Chara∣cters.
• * 4.422

  Monosyllable language.
• * 4.423

  Pensil-writing.
• * 4.424

  Rhetorike sole Art.

  Here followed of their De∣grees which is more exact in Trigantius, and therefore here omitted.

  Glory of Do∣ctors.
• * 4.425

  They Print yeerely great store of bookes in China.
• * 4.426

  Easie Printing.
• * 4.427

  Printing white
• * 4.428

  Most can write and reade.
• * 4.429

  Pootrie.
• * 4.430

  Painting and Musicke.
• * 4.431

  Noble Spirit of the Manda∣rins.
• * 4.432

  Sinceritie of some.
• * 4.433

  The present Kings disposi∣tion.
• * 4.434

  Heroike zeale.
• * 4.435

  Kings Wiues and Children.
• * 4.436

  Question of the Successor.
• * 4.437

  Thousands of Court Manda∣rins.
• * 4.438

  The Prince Proclaimed.
• * 4.439

  Gouernment good if well executed. Lawes lawlesse
• * 4.440

  Bribes.
• * 4.441

  Dance in a Net naked.
• * 4.442

  Court Manda∣rins.
• * 4.443

  Chiefe Man∣darin, or of Heauen.

  See or these af∣ter in the di••∣course of Ric∣cius and Tri∣gantius.

  The second.
• * 4.444

  The third, &c.
• * 4.445

  Counsell of State, or the Colai.
• * 4.446

  Their wealth and wages meane.
• * 4.447

  Whipping.
• * 4.448

  State and pompe.
• * 4.449

  Visitors.
• * 4.450

  Punishment by death rare.
• * 4.451

  The great frosts of Win∣ter in Paquin.
• * 4.452

  Bookes of newes.
• * 4.453

  Complements of courtesie and entertain∣ment. That which is in a little letter is added out of Trigautius.
• * 4.454

  When they salute in the street, they turne to the North, side to side: at home to the head of the house, which is a∣gainst the doore, North∣ward also their Temples and Halls for en∣tertaynment being made with the doore to the South. Cha or Chia a drinke made with a certaine herbe.

  Paytre or visi∣ting paper. These Libels consist of 12. pages of white paper a palme and hal••e long, &c. see Ric. pag. 66.

  Salutation or visitation-garments.
• * 4.455

  Taking leaue.
• * 4.456

  Head place of the house.
• * 4.457

  Great Letters for great per∣sons.
• * 4.458

  First acquain∣tance.
• * 4.459

  Sending Pre∣sents.
• * 4.460

  Banquetting.
• * 4.461

  Inuitations.
• * 4.462

  Feasts to taste and bride it.
• * 4.463

  Chinois Com∣plemental and almost all complement. New-yeere.
• * 4.464

  A Turke dis-re∣spected.
• * 4.465

  The Hierarchy applauded by Chinois.
• * 4.466

  Ridiculous ni∣cetie.
• * 4.467

  Palace.
• * 4.468

  Polygamie li∣tigious.
• * 4.469

  Closenesse of Women.
• * 4.470

  Apparell.
• * 4.471

  Small feet.
• * 4.472

  Histories of their Kings.
• * 4.473

  Knowledge of the Flood.
• * 4.474

  Moralitie made a King, and Nature made a Man∣darine contrary to innumera∣ble Scripture, &c.
• * 4.475

  Mathematicall Instruments.
• * 4.476

  The China vin∣dex.
• * 4.477

  New Lords, new Lawes.
• * 4.478

  Rebellion pre∣uented by the policie.
• * 4.479

  Reuenue.
• * 4.480

  100. Millions. others say, 150.
• * 4.481

  Expences.
• * 4.482

  N••ighbour Kingdomes. Corea or Corai.
• * 4.483

  A Paradoxe.
• * 4.484

  Contentednes.
• * 4.485

  Corea ioyned to the Conti∣nent of China.
• * 4.486

  Queenes closenesse.
• * 4.487

  Eunuches.
• * 4.488

  The yard and all cut away.
• * 4.489

  Their numbers and choice.
• * 4.490

  Seruice▪
• * 4.491

  Ignorance▪
• * 4.492

  Couetousnesse
• * 4.493

  The common people neuer see nor speake with the King. Law of Nati∣ons contem∣ned.
• * 4.494

  Emb••assages.
• * 4.495

  Royall Palace.
• * 4.496

  Yellow is the Kings Colour.
• * 4.497

  Riuer and Bridges.
• * 4.498

  Fire from Heauen.
• * 4.499

  No peace to the wicked.
• * 4.500

  Mounts and Groues.
• * 4.501

  Third part••∣tion.
• * 4.502

  King a home Prisoner. Temple of Heauen and Earth.
• * 4.503

  Barbarous v∣sage of the Kings Chil∣dren.
• * 4.504

  Kings Affinitie and Consan∣guinitie, little worth.
• * 4.505

  Maps of China.
• * 4.506

  Here in the au∣thor begins l. 1 cap. 2. the first being a place. The diuers names of this Kingdome.
• * 4.507

  The China cu∣sto•••• of chan∣ging names & yet this name China▪ Sina▪ or Cathay, vn∣knowne to them.
• * 4.508

  Conceit of the Earths forme.
• * 4.509

  The Kings Title.
• * 4.510

  Largenesse of the Kingdome of China.
• * 4.511

  The temperate Climate.
• * 4.512

  Some say ma∣ny more see the Map and notes.
• * 4.513

  Chap. 3. The commo∣dities of China.
• * 4.514

  Fruits of all sorts.
• * 4.515

  Flesh for food.
• * 4.516

  Passages by water.
• * 4.517

  Store of ship∣ping and water dwellers.
• * 4.518

  Horses.
• * 4.519

  Fish.
• * 4.520

  Wilde be••sts.
• * 4.521

  Cotton.
• * 4.522

  Sale of cloth.
• * 4.523

  Metalls.
• * 4.524

  Porcellane.
• * 4.525

  Glasse.
• * 4.526

  Buildings.
• * 4.527

  Hard Timber and Reeds.
• * 4.528

  Sea-cole.
• * 4.529

  Rhubarb, China, Muske.
• * 4.530

  Salt, Sugar, Home-waxe.
• * 4.531

  Paper.
• * 4.532

  Their drinke Cha, Chia, or Cia.
• * 4.533

  Sandaracha, a rich Varnish.
• * 4.534

  Spices:
• * 4.535

  Chap. 4. Of their Arts in China.

  This is not to be vnderstood of Temples, &c. as may ap∣peare by Nan∣quin Temple, &c.

  Printing. Antiquitie and manner of it.
• * 4.536

  Another way.
• * 4.537

  Painting, gra∣uing, founding.
• * 4.538

  Bells.
• * 4.539

  Musicall In∣struments.
• * 4.540

  Want of Hour∣glasses, Clocks, and Dials.
• * 4.541

  Comedies.
• * 4.542

  Seales.
• * 4.543

  Various sub∣stance estee∣med l••berall.
• * 4.544

  Inke-making.
• * 4.545

  Pensils in stead of Pens.
• * 4.546

  Fannes.
• * 4.547

  Cap. 5. Monosyllable Language, as also our proper English is al∣most wholly.
• * 4.548

  70000. Chara∣cters.
• * 4.549

  Equiuocations
• * 4.550

  Fiue Accents.
• * 4.551

  Hardnesse of China Speech.
• * 4.552

  Eloquentia fine eloquio.
• * 4.553

  Many Nations and Langua∣ges haue the same Chara∣cters.

  Court Lan∣guage.
• * 4.554

  Their writing.
• * 4.555

  Morall Philo∣sophie.
• * 4.556

  Confutius. His heroike honours.
• * 4.557

  Mathematikes.
• * 4.558

  Phoenomena.
• * 4.559

  Colledges.
• * 4.560

  Eclipses.
• * 4.561

  Physicians.
• * 4.562

  Confutius his fiue Bookes. Tetrabiblion.
• * 4.563

  No Vniuersity.
• * 4.564

  Degrees.
• * 4.565

  Tihio the Pro∣poser.

  Sieucai a Ba∣chelors de∣gree, or as Ma∣ster of Art with vs.
• * 4.566

  Ornaments. Their Priui∣ledges.
• * 4.567

  The second degree, Kiugin, as Licen∣tiates or Ba∣chelors in Di∣uinitie, if we compare them with ours.
• * 4.568

  Examin••rs▪
• * 4.569

  Palace of ex∣amination.
• * 4.570

  Dayes of Ex∣amination.
• * 4.571

  Theames gi∣uen.
• * 4.572

  Seuen writings
• * 4.573

  Care to auoid corruption.
• * 4.574

  Creation and Priuiledges.
• * 4.575

  Third degree as of Doctors called Cinfu.
• * 4.576

  Colai.
• * 4.577

  First and se∣cond place gloriou.
• * 4.578

  Ambition will be highest or nothing.
• * 4.579

  Military de∣grees.
• * 4.580

  Threefold tryall.
• * 4.581

  Chap. 5. Polo hath rela∣ted the Con∣quest of Mangi by Cubla? Can, whose successor (and perfecter haply of that Conquest) was Temur or Ta∣mor, sup. 83. & 126. about 100. yeares before Tamerlane, yet it seemes they were not fully subiect (for Mandeuile ser∣ued in the war•• of Echiant Can against Mangi sup. 135) till Tamerlane; of whom, se•• sup. 154. But to ascribe it to Tamerlane, and to end the Tar∣tars Reigne at 1368. argues small skill in History of the Tartars, Tamer∣lane then be••ng but young, if so soone borne. The time (how euer) is 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••••••-reckoned.
• * 4.582

  Magistrates.
• * 4.583

  Quonfu and Lau Ye or Lau Sie.

  Mandarin a Portugal name.
• * 4.584

  Kings Reue∣nues 150. Mil∣lions.
• * 4.585

  How dispensed
• * 4.586

  Bookes of Officers.
• * 4.587

  1. Li pu, or Court of Ma∣gistrates.
• * 4.588

  2. Ho-pu.
• * 4.589

  3. Li-pu.
• * 4.590

  4. Pimpu.
• * 4.591

  5. Cumpu.
• * 4.592

  6. Himpu.
• * 4.593

  The President or Ciam Ciu. Cilam.
• * 4.594

  Colai, or Coun∣sell of State.
• * 4.595

  Choli and Zauli Magistrates extraordinary.
• * 4.596

  See Pantoia.
• * 4.597

  Colledges. Han lin Yuen.
• * 4.598

  Cause of the remouing the Seat Royall from Nanquin to Pequin.
• * 4.599

  Prouinciall Gouernment. Pucin-su. Naganzasu. Tauli.

  Diuision of Prouinces. Regions or Shires.

  Ceu and Hien.
• * 4.600

  Title fu mista∣ken.

  Cifu, Cihien and Ciceu.

  Appeales.
• * 4.601

  Tutam. Cia yuen or Chaen.
• * 4.602

  Militarie com∣mands.
• * 4.603

  Magistrates fees.
• * 4.604

  Robes and Or∣naments.
• * 4.605

  See in Goes.
• * 4.606

  Cap. 4. Vmbelle.
• * 4.607

  Con••entednes
• * 4.608

  Philosophers Empire.
• * 4.609

  Beautie of Or∣der.
• * 4.610

  No Office a∣boue 3. yeeres. Appearing at Pequin.
• * 4.611

  Seuere Iustice 4000. Iudges iudged.
• * 4.612

  1. Couetous.
• * 4.613

  2. Cruell.
• * 4.614

  3. Remisse.
• * 4.615

  4. Rash.
• * 4.616

  5. Vngouerned
• * 4.617

  Care to pre∣uent rebelli∣ons, factions, and bribes.
• * 4.618

  Strangers.
• * 4.619

  Weapons.
• * 4.620

  Brawles. Succession and royall kindred.
• * 4.621

  Cap. 7. Courtesie in mutuall vene∣ration and cir∣cumspect be∣hauiour to o∣thers.
• * 4.622

  Side-reue∣rence.
• * 4.623

  Respect of per∣sons.

  See Thaosos E∣pistle. sup. 344
• * 4.624

  Visi••ing one another.
• * 4.625

  Tedious cour∣tesie.
• * 4.626

  China banquet∣ting.
• * 4.627

  Feeding.
• * 4.628

  Hot drinke.
• * 4.629

  The Stone vn∣knowne in Chi∣na, which so tormenteth Europeans, both in the Kidney, Vreters, Blad∣der: this last depriued me of my honorable Patron and best friend, B. King, Anno 1621. and Anno 1622. Master Bifield my neighbour, the painefull Minister at Thi∣stleworth dyed of a Stone, which I weighed, and found (a miracle in Nature) much aboue 32 Ounces, whiles these our China relations are in the Presse; therefore here mentioned. My selfe also hauing stone passions, am therefore not stonie in compassion.
• * 4.630

  The Guests courtesie to the Host.
• * 4.631

  Sipping oft, not drinking one draught.
• * 4.632

  King obserued.
• * 4.633

  Petitions.
• * 4.634

  New yeere. New Moone.
• * 4.635

  Birth-day.
• * 4.636

  Kings colour yellow, Sun∣like.

  Dragons.
• * 4.637

  The Palace and gates.
• * 4.638

  Kings gate. Time. Title.
• * 4.639

  Widowes.
• * 4.640

  Old men,
• * 4.641

  Arches.
• * 4.642

  Pequin.
• * 4.643

  Funerals of Kings.
• * 4.644

  Honour of Magistrates.
• * 4.645

  As in the dou∣lia and latria of Saints worship and that of God.
• * 4.646

  Honour of pa∣rents.
• * 4.647

  See in Pantoia of Funeralls and mour∣nings.
• * 4.648

  Mourning by booke.
• * 4.649

  Buriall.
• * 4.650

  Marriages.
• * 4.651

  Sur-names few. In Eng∣land antiently were few or none. See Cam. Remaines. Affinitie and con••anguinity. Portion.
• * 4.652

  Birth-day.
• * 4.653

  Virilis pileus.
• * 4.654

  Candlemas.
• * 4.655

  Fire-workes.
• * 4.656

  Cap. 8. Chinois persons descri••ed.
• * 4.657

  Women.
• * 4.658

  Haire.
• * 4.659

  Rings.
• * 4.660

  Apparell.
• * 4.661

  Name-cere∣monies.

  Women haue none.

  Fathers name.
• * 4.662

  Schoole-name.
• * 4.663

  Letter-name.
• * 4.664

  Gr••••t name.
• * 4.665

  Religious name.

  Greater th••n Christian name.
• * 4.666

  Seales of Ma∣gistrates.
• * 4.667

  Seats in which they are carry∣ed on mens shoulders. Boates & ships
• * 4.668

  Masters re∣spect.
• * 4.669

  Games. Chesse.
• * 4.670

  Theft punish∣ment.
• * 4.671

  Chap. 9. Obseruation of times.

  Two fold Al∣manacke.
• * 4.672

  Impostors.
• * 4.673

  Diuinations and telling of Fortunes.
• * 4.674

  Strength of imaginations.
• * 4.675

  Deuils consul∣ted.
• * 4.676

  Dreames of Dragons.
• * 4.677

  Geologers.
• * 4.678

  Augurie.
• * 4.679

  Cruell vices and vnnaturall Chinois.
• * 4.680

  Child-selling.
• * 4.681

  Child-killing.
• * 4.682

  Pittilesse pitie. Transmigrati∣on of soules.
• * 4.683

  Selfe-slayers.
• * 4.684

  Eunuches.
• * 4.685

  Whip-killing.
• * 4.686

  Slauish feare.
• * 4.687

  Kings kindred. China suspici∣ons.

  Strangers con∣temned.
• * 4.688

  Souldiers base.
• * 4.689

  Studies of Al∣chimie and long life.
• * 4.690

  Chap. 10.
• * 4.691

  China Gods. What pitie is it that Lutherans and Caluenists, may not aswell be saued with∣out the Pope, as these Idola∣ters without God and Christ, and worshipping that, which by Nature is not God?
• * 4.692

  God supposed the sou••e of the world
• * 4.693

  Persians had no Temples.
• * 4.694

  Two Temples Royall.

  King high Priest: Magi∣strates inferi∣our.
• * 4.695

  Obite.
• * 4.696

  Confutius Tem∣ple and Rites.
• * 4.697

  Temple of tu∣telar Sprrits. Tribunall Temple.

  Oath of Magi∣strates.
• * 4.698

  Fiue combina∣tions.
• * 4.699

  Second Sect began A.D. 65.
• * 4.700

  Democritians Sythagor••ans.
• * 4.701

  Lik••nesse of Popish ri••es and those of China, in opi∣nion o•• ••es••ite••.
• * 4.702

  Many and costly Tem∣ples, Steeples, Bells, Images. Their Priests many and mi∣serable.
• * 4.703

  Monasteries, Innes.

  R••demption of wilde crea∣tures. See P••n∣••••s Riuer faire. Fasters.
• * 4.704

  Nicu, or Nuns.
• * 4.705

  Third Sect. Lye of Lauzu.
• * 4.706

  Leus Legend.
• * 4.707

  See before of Leus Hill, neere the great Lake.
• * 4.708

  Way to fooles Paradise.
• * 4.709

  Ciam Prelate.
• * 4.710

  Multiplication of Sects.
• * 4.711

  This is also te∣stified by Mons. de Monfart.
• * 4.712

  Many Mahu∣metans in China
• * 4.713

  Christians.
• * 4.714

  See sup. in Pinto. 269.
• * 4.715

  See sup. pag. 115
• * 4.716

  Sia••.
• * 4.717

  Chaifamfu. Iew at Pequin his report.
• * 4.718

  Israelites di∣spersion.
• * 4.719

  Iewes at Han∣cheu.
• * 4.720

  Pentateuch. Want of pricks
• * 4.721

  Decay of Iu∣daisme.
• * 4.722

  1. Tim. 4.8.
• * 4.723

  Io. 4.23, 24.
• * 4.724

  1. Cor. 1.21, 17.
• * 4.725

  1. Cor. 2.1, 2, 3.
• * 4.726

  Haiton, c. 1.
• * 4.727

  T••m. 1. l. 4. c. 1. & 2. & 3.
• * 4.728

  The Chinois iealous of Strangers.
• * 4.729

  Benefit of this Map in confu∣ting others.
• * 4.730

  Coray no Iland.
• * 4.731

  Perhaps this is Sciansi.
• n 4.732

  These leagues seeme doubt∣full. Pequin.
• o 4.733

  This note of degrees is false, if the Ie∣suits be true: and I thinke rather ••he guesse of the Portugall In∣terpreter, then that there was any such note in the Map. For the Chinois were scarsly so good Cosmo∣graphers to obserue de∣grees.
• p 4.734

  Sciantum.
• q 4.735

  Honan·
• r 4.736

  Or Quicheu. Nannuin.
• * 4.737

  Iac•••• Con••••ell••∣tionum.
• * 4.738

  Trig. Epist. Note of Soul∣diers Peeces. Pantoia mista∣ken, perhaps the Printers fault.

  Pictures.
• * 4.739

  Prouinces and their names.
• * 4.740

  Three or 4. to the South-west.

  Degrees.
• * 4.741

  Quian.
• * 4.742

  Mandeuile & o••hers speake of the irregula∣ritie of Cara∣moran.
• * 4.743

  P. Pil. l. 4. c. 12. §. 2.
• * 4.744

  Ri••ij Expediti∣on. l. c. 13.
• * 4.745

  Atrium.
• * 4.746

  Kings Throne reuerenced and guarded.
• * 4.747

  Elephants.
• * 4.748

  See the like sup. 23.

  Rites to the Throne.
• * 4.749

  Kings politike pietie.
• * 4.750

  Their libertie and allowance
• * 4.751

  Fumochao.
• * 4.752

  One of Hanlin Colledge tur∣neth Idol-Priest.
• * 4.753

  Thacon a fa∣mous infa∣mous Priest.
• * 4.754

  Xauceum resi∣dence.

  Hoaquan a three eyed Monster.
• * 4.755

  Portugall cu∣stomes odious to Chinois.
• * 4.756

  Fasts and pro∣cessions.
• * 4.757

  Locus vnlucki∣nesse.
• * 4.758

  Seueritie.
• * 4.759

  Hollanders take a Portugall ship Hell Pasport. Inferni directo∣rium.
• * 4.760

  Chiutaiso Bap∣tised.
• * 4.761

  Iesuiticall vp∣rore.
• * 4.762

  The Iesuite Martinez whip∣ped to death.
• * 4.763

  Traitors.
• * 4.764

  Scianhai in Nanquin Pro∣uince descri∣bed.
• * 4.765

  200000. Wea∣uers.
• * 4.766

  He was a King of old, accoun∣ted a Saint.
• * 4.767

  Place assigned to the Iesuites.
• * 4.768

  Spoylers spoy∣led.
• * 4.769

  Chappell of T••cam the Chi∣na Pluto.
• * 4.770

  His Image or Idoll.
• * 4.771

  Deuils & Hell. Minos, Aeacus, Rhadamanthus here haue two other assessors. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Ballances like those in diuers Legends, as of S. Francis, in M. Paris, &c. Stix.

  Elysian fields.
• * 4.772

  The Iesuites say, that the Chinois mayn∣tayne their I∣dolatries, say∣ing they wor∣ship not the Idoll, but God thereby repre∣sented, &c. Trigaut.
• * 4.773

  Prince and his Mother disre∣spected.
• * 4.774

  Long life-stu∣dy cruel short∣ner of life. Dry winters.
• * 4.775

  Chequian some∣times the Im∣periall Pro∣uince.
• * 4.776

  See sup. p. 34••.
• * 4.777

  Hamceu, Ham∣cheu, or Hanceu.
• * 4.778

  The Lake. See the Map.
• * 4.779

  Qainsay, ciuit•••• cali.

  See it descri∣bed, sup. 98.
• b 4.780

  Hada vna banda vn lago, &c.
• c 4.781

  That which is before said▪ almost 2. daies iourney, is to be vnderstood of the Chinois iourneyes, which make slow passage, sometime but 6. myles a day.
• * 4.782

  Thiensui sup. 314. Thien sig∣nifieth Heauen.
• * 4.783

  See pag. 338.
• * 4.784

  Macao.
• * 4.785

  Cauchinchina.
• * 4.786

  Christians. Calamba for Beades.
• * 4.787

  Huge Serpents
• * 4.788

  Wild Beasts: this of Lions is doubtfull.
• * 4.789

  Canton in China. This is not the principall Ci∣tie, except, of that Prouince, and for trauel∣ling further, he sp••••kes true of ordinarie courses, but o∣ther accidents and the Art Li∣berall of the Fathers haue found admittance, as in the former Relations is seene. This testimonie touching Iesuites is worth the noting: For some of Ours which vpon great offers could not finde meanes to enter China, haue held that none haue beene there.
• * 4.790

  Silkes and Silke-wormes.
• * 4.791

  See Polo, Pere∣ra, &c. of this Fishing.