Purchas his pilgrimes. part 3 In fiue bookes. The first, contayning the voyages and peregrinations made by ancient kings, patriarkes, apostles, philosophers, and others, to and thorow the remoter parts of the knowne world: enquiries also of languages and religions, especially of the moderne diuersified professions of Christianitie. The second, a description of all the circum-nauigations of the globe. The third, nauigations and voyages of English-men, alongst the coasts of Africa ... The fourth, English voyages beyond the East Indies, to the ilands of Iapan, China, Cauchinchina, the Philippinæ with others ... The fifth, nauigations, voyages, traffiques, discoueries, of the English nation in the easterne parts of the world ... The first part.

§. I. The first Voyage for Discouerie with three ships, set forth vnder the charge of Sir HVGH WILLOVGHBY Knight, in which he died; and Moscouia was discouered by Captaine CHANCELLOR.

IN the yeere of our Lord 1553. the seuenth of the Raigne of King Edward the sixth of famous memorie, Sebastian Cabota [ 50] was Gouernour of the Mysterie and Companie of the Mer∣chants Aduenturers for the discouerie of Regions, Dominions,* 1.1 I∣lands, and places vnknowne. Certaine instructions were agreed on by him and the said Companie,* 1.2 subscribed by Master Ca∣bota, the ninth of May; the Kings Letters also procured vnto remote Princes in diuers languages, and a fleet of three Ships set forth at that time vnder the command of Sir Hugh Wil∣loughby Knight, Captaine generall▪ which went in the Bona Esperanza Admirall, a ship of an hundred and twenty tunnes, hauing with her a Pinnace and a Boat: William Gefferson was [ 60] Master of the said ship. The Edward Bonauenture was of an hundred and sixty tunnes, and had with her a Pinnace and a Boat, in which went Richard Chan∣cellor, Captaine and Pilot Maior of the fleet, and Stephen Burrough Master. The Bona Confidentia of ninety tunnes, had with her a Pinnace and a Boat, of which Cornelius Durfoorth was Master.

The Captaines and Masters were sworne to doe their true intent, and the ships prouided of ne∣cessaries set forth on the tenth of May,* 1.3 1553. for the discouerie of Cathay, and diuers other Re∣gions, Dominions, Ilands, and places vnknowne. The fourteenth of Iuly they discouered Land Eastward, and went on shoare with their Pinnace, and found thirty little houses, the Inhabi∣tants fled. The Land was full of little Ilands, called as they after learned, Aegeland * 1.4 and Hal∣geland, in 66. degrees. The distance betweene Orfordnesse and Aegeland two hundred and fifty leagues. Then we sayled from thence twelue leagues North-west, and found many other Ilands, and there came to anchor the nineteenth day, and manned our Pinnace, and went on shoare to the Ilands, and found people mowing and making of Hay, which came to the shoare and wel∣commed vs. In which place were an innumerable sort of Ilands, which were called the Iles of [ 10] Rost, being vnder the Dominion of the King of Denmarke: which place was in latitude 66. de∣grees and 30. minutes. The winde being contrarie, we remayned there three dayes, and there was an innumerable sort of Fowles of diuers kindes, of which we tooke very many.

The two and twentieth day, the winde comming faire, wee departed from Rost, sayling North North-east, keeping the Sea vntill the seuen and twentieth day, and then we drew neere vnto the Land, which was still East off vs: then went forth our Pinnace to seeke harbour, and found many good harbours, of the which we entred into one with our ships, which was called Stanfew,* 1.5 and the Land being Ilands, were called, Lewfoot, or Lofoot, which were plentifully in∣habited, and very gentle people, being also vnder the King of Denmarke: but wee could not learne how farre it was from the mayne Land: and we remayned there vntill the thirtieth day, [ 20] being in latitude 68. degrees, and from the foresaid Rost about thirtie leagues North North-east.

The thirtieth day of Iuly about noone, wee weighed our anchors, and went into the Seas, and sayled along these Ilands North North-east, keeping the Land still in sight vntill the second of August:* 1.6 then hailing in close aboord the Land, to the intent to know what Land it was, there came a Skiffe of the Iland aboord of vs, of whom wee asked many questions, who shewed vnto vs,* 1.7 that the Iland was called Seynam, which is the latitude of seuenty degrees, and from Stanfew thirty leagues, being also vnder the King of Denmark, & that there was no merchandise there, but only dried fish, and Trane-oile. Then we being purposed to goe vnto Finmarke, enquired of him, if we might haue a Pilot to bring vs to Finmarke, and he said, that if we could beare in, we should haue a good Harbour, and on the next day a Pilot to bring vs to Finmarke, vnto the Ward∣house, [ 30] which is the strongest Hold in Finmark, & most resorted to by report. But when he would haue entred into an Harbour, the Land being very high on euery side, there came such flawes of wind and terrible whirle-winds, that we were not able to beare in, but by violence were con∣strained to take the sea againe, our Pinnace being vnshipt: we sailed North and by East, the wind encreasing so sore, that we were not able to beare any sayle, but tooke them in, and lay adrift, to the end to let the storme ouer-passe. And that night by violence of winde, and thicknesse of mists, we were not able to keepe together within sight, and then about midnight wee lost our Pinnace,* 1.8 which was a discomfort vnto vs. As soone as it was day, and the fogge ouer-past, we looked about, and at the last wee descried one of our ships to lee-ward off vs: then wee spred an hullocke of our fore-sayle, and bare roome with her, which was the Confidence, but the Ed∣ward [ 40] we could not see. Then the flaw something abating, wee and the Confidence hoysed vp our sayles the fourth day, sayling North-east and by North, to the end to fall with the Ward-house, as we did consult to doe before, in case we should part companie. Thus running North-east and by North, and North-east fifty leagues, then wee founded, and had one hundred and sixty fa∣thoms, whereby we thought to be farre from Land, and perceiued that the Land lay not as the Globe made mention. Wherefore we changed our course the sixth day, and sayled South-east and by South, eight and forty leagues, thinking thereby to finde the Ward-house.

The eighth day much winde rising at the West North-west, we not knowing how the coast lay, strooke our sayles, and lay adrift, where sounded and found one hundred and sixty fathoms as before. The ninth day, the winde bearing to the South South-east, we sayled North-east fiue [ 50] and twenty leagues. The tenth day we sounded, and could get no ground, neither yet could see any Land, whereat we wondered: then the winde comming at the North-east, we ran South-east about eight and forty leagues. The eleuenth day the winde being at South, wee sounded and found forty fathoms, and faire sand. The twelfth day, the winde being at South and by East, we lay with our sayle East, and East and by North thirty leagues.

The fourteenth day early in the morning wee descried Land, which Land wee bare withall, hoysing out our Boat to discouer what land it might be: but the Boat could not come to Land, the water was so shallow, where was very much Ice also, but there was no similitude of habi∣tation,* 1.9 and this Land lieth from Seynam East and by North, one hundred and sixty leagues, being in latitude 72. degrees. Then we plyed to the Northward, the fifteenth, sixteenth, and seuen∣teenth dayes. [ 60]

The eighteenth day, the winde comming at the North-east, and the Confidence being trou∣bled with bilge water, and stocked, wee thought it good to seeke harbour for her redresse: then wee bare roome the eighteenth day South South-east, about seventy leagues. The one

and twentieth day wee sounded, and found ten fathoms, after that wee sounded againe, and found but seuen fathoms, so shallower and shallower water, and yet could see no Land, whereat we maruelled greatly: to auoide this danger, we bare roomer into the Sea all that night North-west and by West.

The next day we sounded, and had twenty fathoms, then shaped our course, and ranne West South-west vntill the three and twentieth day: then we descried lowe Land, vnto which wee bare as nigh as we could, and it appeared vnto vs vnhabitable. Then we plyed Westward along by that Land, which lieth West South-west, and East North-east, and much winde blowing at the West, we haled into the Sea North and by East thirtie leagues. Then the winde comming [ 10] about at the North-east, wee sayled West North-west: after that, the winde bearing to the North-west, wee lay with our sayles West South-west, about fourteene leagues, and then de∣scried Land, and bare in with it, being the eight and twentieth day, finding shallow water, and bare in till we came to three fathom, then perceiuing it to be shallow water, and also seeing drie sands, we haled out againe North-east along that Land, vntill we came to the point there∣of. That Land turning to the Westward, we ranne along sixteene leagues North-west: then comming into a faire Bay, we went on Land with our Boat, which place was vninhabited, but yet it appeared vnto vs that the people had beene there, by crosses, and other signes: from thence we went all along the coast Westward.

The fourth day of September we lost sight of Land, by reason of contrarie windes,* 1.10 and the [ 20] eighth day we descried Land againe. Within two dayes after we lost the sight of it: then run∣ning West and by South about thirtie leagues, we gat the sight of Land againe, and bare in with it vntill night: then perceiuing it to bee a lee shoare, we gat vs into the Sea, to the end to haue Sea roome. The twelfth of September wee haled to shoare-ward againe, hauing then indiffe∣rent winde and weather: then being neere vnto the shoare, and the tide almost spent, wee came to an anchor in thirtie fathoms water. The thirteenth day we came along the coast, which lay North-west and by West, and South-east and by East. The fourteenth day we came to an an∣chor within two leagues off the shoare, hauing sixtie fathoms. There wee went ashoare with our Boat, and found two or three good Harbours, the Land being rocky, and high, but as for people could we see none. The fifteenth day we ran still along the coast vntill the seuenteenth day: then the winde being contrarie vnto vs, we thought it best to returne vnto the Harbour [ 30] which we had found before, and so we bare roomer with the same, howbeit wee could not ac∣complish our desire that day. The next day being the eighteenth, we entred into the Hauen, and there came to an anchor at six fathoms. This Hauen runneth into the Mayne, about two leagues,* 1.11 and is in bredth halfe a league, wherein were very many Seale-fishes, and other great fishes, and vpon the Mayne wee saw Beares, great Deere, Foxes, and diuers strange beasts, as * 1.12 Guloines, and such other which were to vs vnknowne, and also wonderfull. Thus remayning in this Ha∣uen the space of a weeke, seeing the yeere farre spent, and also very euill weather, as Frost, Snow, and Hayle, as though it had beene the deepe of Winter, wee thought best to winter there. Wherefore we sent out three men South South-west, to search if they could finde peo∣ple, who went three dayes iourney, but could finde none: after that, we sent other three West-ward [ 40] foure dayes iourney, which also returned without finding any people.* 1.13 Then sent we three men South-east three dayes iourney, who in like sort returned without finding of people, or any similitude of habitation.

The Riuer or Hauen wherein Sir Hugh Willoughby with the companie of his two ships peri∣shed for cold, is called Arzina in Lapland, neere vnto Kegor. But it appeareth by a Will found in a ship that Sir Hugh Willoughby, and most of the companie were aliue in Ianuary, 1554.

A Letter of RICHARD CHANCELLOR, written to his Vncle Master [ 50] CHRISTOPHER FROTHINGAM, touching his discouerie of Moscouia.

FOrasmuch as it is meet and necessarie for all those that minde to take in hand the trauell into strange Countries, to endeauour themselues not onely to vnderstand the orders, commodities, and fruitfulnesse thereof, but also to apply them to the setting forth of the same, whereby it may incourage others to the like trauell: therefore haue I now thought good to make a briefe rehearsall of the orders of this my tra∣uell in Russia, and Muscouia, and other Countries thereunto adioyning; because it was my chance to fall with the North parts of Russia, before I came towards Moscouia, I will partly declare my knowledge therein. Russia is very plentifull both of Land and People, and also wealthie for such commodities as they [ 60] haue. They be very great fishers for Salmons and small Cods: they haue much Oyle which wee call Trane Oyle, the most whereof is made by a Riuer called D••ina. They make it in other places, but not so much as there. They haue also a great trade in seething of salt water.* 2.1 To the North part of that Countrey are the places where they haue their Furres, as Sables, Marterns, greesse Beuers, Foxes white, blacke, and red, Minkes, Ermines, Miniuer, and Harts. There are also a fishes teeth, which fish is

called a Morsse. The takers thereof dwell in a place called Postesora, which bring them vpon Harts to Lampas to sell,* 2.2 and from Lampas carrie them to a place called Colmogro, where the high Market is holden on Saint Nicolas day. To the West of Colmogro there is a place called Gratanoue, in our language Nouogorode, where much fine Flaxe and Hempe groweth, and also much Waxe and Honie. The Dutch Merchants haue a Staple-house there. There is also great store of Hides, and at a place called Plesco: and thereabout is great store of Flaxe, Hempe, Waxe, Honie; and that Towne is from Colmogro one hundred and twentie miles.

* 2.3There is a place called Vologda; the commodities whereof are Tallow, Waxe, and Flaxe: but not so great plentie as is in Gratanoue. From Vologda to Colmogro there runneth a Riuer called Duina, and from thence it falleth into the Sea. Colmogro serueth Gratanoue, Vologda, and the Mosco, with all the Countrey thereabout with Salt and salt Fish.* 2.4 From Vologda to Iereslaue is two hundred miles: [ 10] which Towne is very great. The commodities thereof are Hides, and Tallow, and Corne in great plen∣tie, and some Waxe, but not so plentifull as in other places.

The Mosco is from Ieraslaue two hundred miles. The Countrey betwixt them is very well repleni∣shed with small Villages, which are so well filled with people, that it is wonder to see them: the ground is well stored with Corne, which they carrie to the Citie of Mosco in such abundance that it is wonder to see it. You shall meet in a morning seuen or eight hundred Sleds comming or going thither, that carrie Corne, and some carrie fish. You shall haue some that carrie Corne to the Mosco, and some that fetch Corne from thence, that at the least dwell a thousand miles off: and all their carriage is on Sleds. Those which come so farre dwell in the North parts of the Dukes Dominions, where the cold will suffer [ 20] no Corne to grow, it is so extreme. They bring thither Fishes, Furres, and Beasts skinnes. In those parts they haue but small store of Cattell.

* 2.5The Mosco it selfe is great: I take the whole Towne to be greater then London with the Suburbes: but it is very rude, and standeth without all order. Their houses are all of timber very dangerous for fire. There is a faire Castle, the walls whereof are of bricke, and very high: they say they are eighteene foot thicke, but I doe not beleeue it, it doth not so seeme; notwithstanding, I doe not certainly know it: for no stranger may come to view it. The one side is ditched, and on the other side runneth a Riuer, called Mos••ua, which runneth into Tartarie, and so into the Sea, called Mare Caspium: and on the North side there is a base Towne, the which hath also a Bricke wall about it, and so it ioyneth with the Castle wall.* 2.6 The Emperour lieth in the Castle, wherein are nine faire Churches, and therein are Reli∣gious [ 30] men. Also there is a Metropolitan with diuers Bishops, I will not stand in description of their buildings, nor of the strength thereof, because we haue better in all points in England. They be well fur∣nished with Ordnance of all sorts.

The Emperours or Dukes house neither in building nor in the outward shew, nor yet within the house is so sumptuous as I haue seene. It is very lowe built in eight square, much like the old building of Eng∣land, with small windowes, and so in other points.

Now to declare my comming before his Maiestie: After I had remayned twelue dayes, the Secre∣tarie which hath the hearing of strangers did send for mee, aduertising me that the Dukes pleasure was to haue me to come before his Maiestie, with the King my Masters Letters: whereof I was right glad, and so I gaue mine attendance.* 2.7 And when the Duke was in his place appointed, the Interpreter came [ 40] for mee into the outer Chamber, where sate one hundred or moe Gentlemen, all in cloth of Gold very sumptuous, and from thence I came into the Counsell-chamber, where sate the Duke himselfe, with his Nobles, which were a faire companie: they sate round about the Chamber on high, yet so that he himselfe sate much higher then any of his Nobles, in a Chaire gilt, and in a long garment of beaten Gold, with an Imperiall Crowne vpon his head, and a Staffe of Crystall and Gold in his right hand, and his other hand halfe le••ning on his Chaire. The Chancellour stood vp with the Secretarie before the Duke. Af∣ter my dutie done, and my Letter deliuered, he bade me welcome, and enquired of mee the health of the King my Master, and I answered, that he was in good health at my departure from his Court, and that my trust was, that he was now in the same. Vpon the which he bade me to dinner. The Chancellor pre∣sented my Present vnto his Grace bare-headed (for before they were all couered) and when his Grace [ 50] had receiued my Letter, I was required to depart: for I had charge not to speake to the Duke, but when he spake to mee. So I departed vnto the Secretaries Chamber, where I remayned two houres, and then I was sent for againe vnto another Palace, which is called, The golden Palace, but I saw no cause why it should be so called; for I haue seene many fairer then it in all points: and so I came into the Hall, which was small and not great as is the Kings Maiesties of England, and the Table was coue∣red with a Table-cloth; and the Marshall sate at the end of the Table with a little white rod in his hand, which Boord was full of vessell of Gold: and on the other side of the Hall did stand a faire Cup∣boord of Plate.

* 2.8From thence I came into the dining Chamber, where the Duke himselfe sate at his Table without Cloth of estate, in a Gowne of Siluer, with a Crowne Imperiall vpon his head, he sate in a Chaire some∣what [ 60] high: there sate none neere him by a great way. There were long tables set round about the cham∣ber, which were full set with such as the Duke had at dinner: they were all in white. Also the places where the tables stood were higher by two steps then the rest of the house. In the middest of the cham∣ber stood a Table or Cupboord to set Plate on: which stood full of Cups of Gold: and amongst all the

rest there stood foure maruellous great Pots or Crudences as they call them, of Gold and Siluer: I thinke they were a good yard and a halfe high. By the Cupboard stood two Gentlemen with Napkins on their shoulders,* 2.9 and in their hands each of them had a Cup of Gold set with Pearles and Precious Stones, which were the Dukes owne drinking Cups: when hee was disposed, hee drunke them off at a draught. And for his seruice at meate it came in without order, yet it was very rich seruice: for all were serued in Gold; not onely be himselfe, but also all the rest of vs, and it was very massie: the Cups also were of Gold and very massie. The number that dined there that day was two hundred persons,* 2.10 and all were serued in Golden Vessell. The Gentlemen that wayted were all in Cloth of Gold, and they serued him with their Caps on their heads. Before the seruice came in, the Duke sent to euery man a [ 10] great shiuer of Bread, and the Bearer called the party so sent to by his name aloude, and said, Iohn Basiliuich Emperour of Russia, and great Duke of Moscouia, doth reward thee with Bread: then must all men stand vp, and doe at all times when those words are spoken. And then last of all hee giueth the Marshall Bread, whereof he eateth before the Dukes Grace, and so doth reuerence and de∣parteth. Then commeth the Dukes seruice of the Swans all in pieces, and euery one in a seuerall dish: the which the Duke sendeth as he did the Bread, and the Bearer saith the same words as hee said before. And as I said before, the seruice of his meate is in no order, but commeth in Dish by Dish: and then af∣ter that the Duke sendeth drinke, with the like saying as before is told.* 2.11 Also before Dinner he changed his Crowne, and in Dinner time two Crownes; so that I saw three seuerall Crownes vpon his head in one day. And thus when his seruice was all come in, hee gaue to euery one of his Gentlemen Wayters [ 20] meate with his owne hand, and so likewise drinke. His intent thereby is, as I haue heard, that euery man shall know perfectly his seruants. Thus when Dinner is done hee calleth his Nobles before him name by name, that it is wonder to heare how he could name them, hauing so many as hee hath. Thus when Din∣ner was done I departed to my Lodging, which was an houre within night.

I will leaue this, and speake no more of him nor his Houshold: but I will somewhat declare of his Land and people, with their nature and power in the Warres.* 2.12 This Duke is Lord and Emperour of ma∣ny Countries, and his power is maruellous great. For hee is able to bring into the field two or three hun∣dred thousand men: he neuer goeth into the field himselfe with vnder two hundred thousand men: And when hee goeth himselfe, hee furnisheth his Borders all with men of Warre, which are no small number. He leaueth on the Borders of Liefland fortie thousand men, and vpon the borders of Letto, sixtie thou∣sand [ 30] men, and toward the Nagayan Tartars sixtie thousand, which is wonder to heare of: yet doth hee neuer take to his Warres neither Husbandman nor Merchant. All his men are Horse-men: hee vseth no Foot-men, but such as goe with the Ordnance and Labourers, which are thirtie thousand. The Horse-men are all Archers, with such Bowes as the Turkes haue, and they ride short as doe the Turkes.* 2.13 Their Armour is a Coate of Plate, with a skull on their heads. Some of their Coates are couered with Veluet or Cloth of God: their desire is to be sumptuous in the field, and especially the Nobles and Gen∣tlemen: as I haue heard their trimming is very costly, and partly I haue seene it, or else I would scarcely haue beleeued it: but the Duke himselfe is richly attyred aboue all measure: his Pauilion is couered ey∣ther with Cloth of Gold or Siluer, and so set with stones that it is wonderfull to see it. I haue seene the Kings Maiesties of England and the French Kings Pauilions, which are faire, yet not like vnto his. [ 40] And when they be sent into farre or strange Countries, or that strangers come to them, they be very gor∣geous. Else the Duke himselfe goeth but meanly in apparell: and when hee goeth betwixt one place and another hee is but reasonably apparelled ouer other times. In the while that I was in Mosco, the Duke sent two Ambassadours to the King of P••leland, which had at the left fiue hundred Horses; their sumptuousnesse was aboue measure, not onely in themselues, but also in their Horses, as Veluet, Cloth of Gold, and Cloth of Siluer set with Pearles, and not scant. What shall I further say? I neuer heard of nor saw men so sumptuous: but it is no daily guize, for when they haue not occasion, as I said before,* 2.14 all their doing is but meane. And now to the effect of their Warres:* 2.15 They are men without all order in the field. For they run hurling on heaps, and for the most part they neuer giue battayle to their Enemies: but that which they do, they do it all by stealth. But I beleeue they be such men for hard liuing as are not vnder [ 50] the Sunne: for no cold will hurt them. Yea, and though they lye in the field two moneths,* 2.16 at such time as it shall freeze more then a yard thicke, the common Souldier hath neither Tent nor any thing else ouer his head: the most defence they haue against the weather is a Felt, which is set against the wind and weather, and when Snow commeth he doth cast it off, and maketh him a fire, and layeth him downe thereby. Thus doe the most of all his men except they be Gentlemen which haue other prouision of their owne. Their lying in the field is not so strange as is their hardnesse: for euery man must carrie and make prouision for himselfe, and his Horse for a moneth or two, which is very wonderfull. For hee himselfe shall liue vpon water and Oate-meale mingled together cold, and drinke water thereto: his Horse shall eate greene wood, and such like baggage, and shall stand open in the cold field without couert▪ and yet will hee labour and serue him right well. I pray you amongst all our boasting Warriours how many [ 60] should we find to endure the field with them but one moneth. I know no such Region about vs that bea∣reth that name for man and beast. Now what might bee made of these men if they were trayned and broken to order and knowledge of Ciuill Warres: if this Prince had within his Countries such men as could make them to vnderstand the things aforesaid, I doe beleeue that two of the best or greatst Princes in Christendome were not well able to match with him, considering the greatnesse of his power and the

hardnesse of his people, and straight liuing both of people and Horse, and the small charges which his Wars stand him in: for he giueth no wages, except to strangers. They haue a yearely stipend and not much. As for his owne Countreymen, euery one serueth of his owne proper costs and charges, sauing that hee giueth to his Harquebusiers certayne allowance for Powder and shot: or else no man in all his Countrey hath one penie wages.* 2.17 But if any man hath done very good seruice, he giueth him a Ferme, or a piece of Land: for the which he is bound at all times to be readie with so many men as the Duke shall appoint: who considereth in his minde, what that Land or Ferme is well able to find: and so many shall he be bound to furnish at all and euery such time as Warres are holden in any of the Dukes Dominions. For there is no man of liuing, but he is bound likewise, whether the Duke call for eyther Souldier or Labourer, to furnish them with all such necessaries as to them belong.

* 2.18Also, if any Gentleman or man of liuing doe dye without Issue Male, immediately after his death the [ 10] Duke entreth his Land, notwithstanding he haue neuer so many Daughters, and peraduenture giueth it forth-with to another man, except a small portion that he spareth to marry the Daughters withall. Also, if there be a Rich man, a Fermour, or man of Liuing, which is stricken in age or by chance is maymed, and be not able to doe the Duke seruice, some other Gentleman that is not able to liue and more able to doe seruice, will come to the Duke and complaine, saying, your Grace hath such an one, which is vn∣meete to doe seruice to your Highnesse, who hath great abundance of wealth, and likewise your Grace hath many Gentlemen which are poore and lacke liuing, and we that lacke are well able to doe good ser∣uice, your Grace might doe well to looke vpon him, and make him to helpe those that want. Immediate∣ly the Duke sendeth forth to inquire of his wealth: and if it be so proued, hee shall be called before the [ 20] Duke, and it shall bee said vnto him, Friend, you haue too much liuing, and are vnseruiceable to your Prince, lesse will serue you, and the rest will serue other men that are more able to serue. Whereupon immediately his liuing shall be taken away from him, sauing a little to find himselfe and his Wife on, and he may not once repine thereat: but for answere hee will say, that hee hath nothing, but it is Gods and the Dukes Graces, and cannot say, as wee the common people in England say, if wee haue any thing; that it is Gods and our owne. Men may say, that these men are in wonderfull great awe, and obedience, that thus one must giue and grant his goods which he hath beene scraping and scratching for all his life to be at his Princes pleasure and commandement. Oh, that our sturdie Rebels were had in the like sub∣iection to know their dutie toward their Princes. They may not say as some Snudges in England say, I would find the Queene a man to serue in my place, or make his Friends tarrie at home if many haue the [ 30] vpper hand. No, no it is not so in this Countrey: for he shall make humble sute to serue the Duke. And whom he sendeth most to the Warres hee thinketh he is most in his fauour: and yet as I before haue said, he giueth no wages.* 2.19 If they knew their strength, no man were able to make match with them: for they that dwell neere them should haue any rest of them. But I thinke it is not Gods will: For I may com∣pare them to a young Horse that knoweth not his strength, whom a little Child ruleth and guideth with a bridle, for all his great strength: for if he did, neither Child nor man could rule him. Their Warres are holden against the Crimme Tartarians, and the Nagayans.

I will stand no longer in the rehearsall of their power and Warres. For it were to tedious to the Rea∣der.* 2.20 But I will in part declare their Lawes, and Punishments, and the execution of Iustice. And first I will begin with the Commons of the Countrey, which the Gentlemen haue rule on: And that is, that [ 40] euery Gentleman hath Rule and Iustice vpon his owne Tenants. And if it so fall out that two Gentle∣mens Seruants or Tenants doe disagree, the two Gentlemen examine the matter, and haue the parties before them,* 2.21 and so giue the Sentence. And yet cannot they make the end betwixt them of the Con∣trouersie, but e••ther of the Gentlemen must bring his Seruant or Tenant before the high Iudge or Iustice of that Countrey, and there present them, and declare the matter and case. The Plaintiffe saith, I re∣quire the Law; which is granted: then commeth an Officer and arresteth the partie Defendant, and v∣seth him contrary to the Lawes of England. For when they attach any man, they heate him about the legs, vntill such time as he findeth Sureties to answere the matter: And if not, his hands and necke are bound together, and hee is led about the Towne, and beaten about the legs, with other extreme punish∣ments till he come to his Answere: And the Iustice demandeth if it bee for Debt, and sayth: Owest [ 50] thou this man any such Debt? He will, perhaps, say nay. Then saith the Iudge: Art thou able to deny it? Let vs heare how? By Oath, saith the Defendant. Then he commandeth to leaue beating him till further tryall be had.

* 2.22Their order in one point is commendable. They haue no man of Law to plead their Causes in any Court: but euery man pleadeth his owne Cause, and giueth Bill and Answere in writing: contrary to the order in England. The Complaint is in manner of a Supplication, and made to the Dukes Grace, and deliuered him into his owne hand, requiring to haue Iustice as in his Complaint is alleaged. The Duke giueth sentence himselfe vpon all matters in the Law. Which is very commendable, that such a Prince will take paines to see ministration of Iustice. Yet notwithstanding it is wonderfully abused: and thereby the Duke is much deceiued. But if it fall out that the Officers be espied in cloking the truth, they haue most condigne punishment. And if the Plaintiffe can nothing proue, then the Defendant must take [ 60] his Oath vpon the Crucifixe, whether he be in the right or no. Then is demanded, if the Plaintiffe bee any thing able further to make proofe: if he be not; then sometimes he will say, I am able to proue it by my body and hands,* 2.23 or by my Champions body, so requiring the Campe. After the other hath his Oath,

it is granted as well to the one as to the other. So when they goe to the field, they sweare vpon the Cru∣cifixe, that they bee both in the right, and that the one shall make the other to confesse the truth before they depart foorth of the field: and so they goe both to the battell armed with such weapons as they vse in that Countrey: they fight all on foot, and seldome the parties themselues doe fight, except they bee Gen∣tlemen, for they stand much vpon their reputation, for they will not fight, but with such as are come of as good an house as themselues. So that if either partie require the combate, it is granted vnto them, and no Champion is to serue in their roome; wherein is no deceit; but otherwise by champions there is. For al∣though they take great oathes vpon them to doe the battell truely, yet is the contrary often seene: because the common Champions haue no other liuing. And assoone as the one partie hath gotten the victorie, hee [ 10] demandeth the debt, and the other is carryed to Prison, and there is shamefully vsed till hee take order.

There is also another order in the Law, that the plaintiffe may sweare in some causes of debt. And if the partie defendant bee poore, hee shall be set vnder the Crucifixe, and the partie plaintiffe must sweare ouer his head, and when hee hath taken his oath, the Duke taketh the partie defendant home to his house, and vseth him as his bond-man, and putteth him to labour,* 2.24 or letteth him for hire to any such as neede him, vntill such time as his friends make prouision for his redemption: or else hee remayneth in bondage all the dayes of his life. Againe, there are many that will sell themselues to Gentlemen or Merchants, to bee their bond men, to haue during their life, meate, drinke and cloath,* 2.25 and at their comming to haue a piece of money; yea, and some will sell their wiues and children to be bawds and drudges to the buyer. Also they haue a Law for Fellons and pickers contrary to the Lawes of Eng∣land. For by their Law they can hang no man for his first offence; but may keepe him long in Prison, [ 20] and oftentimes beate him with whips and other punishment: and there hee shall remaine vntill his friends bee able to bayle him. If hee be a picker or a cut-purse, as there bee very many, the second time he is taken, hee hath a piece of his Nose cut off, and is burned in the fore-head, and kept in prison till he finde sureties for his good behauiour. And if hee be taken the third time, he is hanged. And at the first time hee is extreamely punished and not released, except he haue very good friends, or that some Gen∣tleman require to haue him to the warres: And in so doing, hee shall enter into great bonds for him: by which meanes the Countrey is brought into good quietnesse. But they bee naturally giuen to great de∣ceit, except extreame beating did bridle them.* 2.26 They bee naturally giuen to hard liuing as well in fare as in lodging. I heard a Russian say, that it was a great deale merrier liuing in Prison then foorth, but for the great beating. For they haue meate and drinke without any labour, and get the charitie of [ 30] well disposed people: But being at libertie they get nothing. The poore is very innumerable,* 2.27 and liue most miserably: for I haue seene them eate the pickle of Herring and other stinking Fish: nor the Fish cannot bee so stinking nor rotten, but they will eate it and praise it to bee more wholesome then other fish or fresh meate. In mine opinion there bee no such people vnder the Sunne for their hardnesse of liuing. Well, I will leaue them in this point, and will in part declare their Religion.

They doe obserue the Law of the Greekes with such excesse of superstition,* 2.28 as the like hath not beene heard of. They haue no grauen Images in their Churches, but all painted, to the intent they will not breake the Commandement: but to their painted Images they vse such Idolatrie, that the like was neuer heard of in England.* 2.29 They will neither worship nor honour any Image that is made foorth of their owne Countrey. For their owne Images (say they) haue Pictures to declare what they bee, and how they be [ 40] of God, and so be not ours: They say, looke how the Painter or Caruer hath made them, so wee doe wor∣ship them, and they worship none before they bee Christened. They say wee be but halfe Christians: be∣cause we obserue not part of the old Law with the Turkes. Therefore they call themselues more holy then vs. They haue none other learning but their mother tongue,* 2.30 nor will suffer no other in their Coun∣trey among them. All their seruice in Churches is in their mother tongue. They haue the old and new Testament, which are daily read among them: and yet their superstition is no lesse.* 2.31 For when the Priests doe reade, they haue such trickes in their reading, that no man can vnderstand them, nor no man giueth eare to them. For all the while the Priest readeth, the people sit downe and one talke with ano∣ther. But when the Priest is at seruice no man sitteth, but gaggle and ducke like so many Geese. And as for their prayers they haue but little skill, but vse to say, As bodi pomele: As much to say,* 2.32 Lord haue [ 50] mercie vpon me. For the tenth man within the Land cannot say the Pater noster. And as for the Creed, no man may bee so bold as to meddle therewith but in the Church:* 2.33 for they say it should not be spo∣ken of, but in the Churches. Speake to them of the Commandements, and they will say they were giuen to Moses in the Law, which Christ hath now abrogated by his precious Death and Passion:* 2.34 there∣fore, (say they) wee obserue little or none thereof. And I doe beleeue them. For if they were examined of their Law and Commandements together, they should agree but in few points. They haue the Sacra∣ment of the Lords Supper in both kindes, and more ceremonies then we haue.* 2.35 They present them in a dish in both kinds together, and carrie them round about the Church vpon the Priests head, and so doe minister at all such times as any shall require. They bee great offerers of Candles, and sometimes of money, which [ 60] wee call in England, Soule pence, with more ceremonies then I am able to declare.* 2.36

They haue foure Lents in the yeere, whereof our Lent is the greatest. Looke as wee doe begin on the Wednesday, so they doe on the Munday before: And the weeke before that they call the Butter-weeke:* 2.37 And in that weeke they eate nothing but Butter and Milke. Howbeit I beleeue there bee in no other Countrey the like people for Drunkennesse. The next Lent is called Saint Peters Lent, and begin∣neth

alwayes the Munday next after Trinitie Sunday, and endeth on Saint Peters Eeuen. If they should breake that Fast, their beliefe is, that they should not come in at Heauen gates. And when any of them dye, they haue a testimoniall with them in the Coffin, that when the soule commeth to Heauen gates it may deliuer the same to Saint Peter, which declareth that the partie is a true and holy Russian. The third Lent beginneth fifteene dayes before the later Lady day, and endeth on our Lady Eeuen. The fourth Lent beginneth on Saint Martins day, and endeth on Christmas Eeuen: which Lent is fasted for Saint Philip, Saint Peter, Saint Nicholas, and Saint Clement. For they foure bee the principall and greatest Saints in that Countrey.* 2.38 In these Lents they eate neither Butter, Egges, Milke, nor Cheese; but they are very straightly kept with Fish, Cabbages, and Rootes. And out of their Lents, they obserue truely the Wednesdayes and Fridayes throughout the yeere: and on the Saturday they doe eate flesh. Furthermore, they haue a great number of Religious men: which are blacke [ 10] Monkes, and they eate no Flesh throughout the yeere, but Fish, Milke and Butter. By their order they should eate no fresh-Fish, and in their Lents they eate nothing but Col••w••rts, Cabbages, salt Cucumbers, with other rootes, as Radish and such like. Their drinke is like our peni•• Al••, and is called Quass. They haue Seruice daily in their Churches; and vse to goe to seruice two houres before day, and that is ended by day light. At nine of the clocke they goe to Masse: that ended, to Dinner: and after that to ser∣uice againe: and then to Supper. You shall vnderstand that at euerie dinner and supper they haue de∣clared the exposition of the Gospell that day:* 2.39 but how they wrest and twine the Scripture and that to∣gether, by report it is wonderfull. As for wheredome and Drunkennesse there bee none such liuing▪ and for Extortion, they bee the most abominable vnder the Sunne. Now iudge of their holinesse. They haue twise as much Land as the Duke himselfe hath, but yet hee is reasonable euen with them, [ 20] as thus:* 2.40 When they take bribes of any of the poore and simple, hee hath it by an order. When the Abbot of any of their Houses dyeth, then the Duke hath all his goods mooueable and vn∣mooueable: so that the Successour buyeth all at the Dukes hands: and by this meane they bee the best Fermers the Duke hath. Thus with their Religion I make an end, trusting hereafter to know it better.

Some additions for better knowledge of this Voyage, taken by CLEMENT ADAMS, Schoole-master to the Queenes Henshmen, from the mouth [ 30] of Captaine CHANCELOR.

RIchard Chancelor with his Ship and companie being thus left alone, and become very pensiue,* 2.41 heauie, and sorrowfull, by this dispersion of the Fleet, hee (according to the order before taken,) shapeth his course for Ward-house in Norway, there to expect and abide the arriuall of the rest of the Ships. And being come thither, and hauing stay∣ed there the space of seauen dayes, and looked in vaine for their comming, hee determined at length to proceed alone in the purposed voyage. And as hee was preparing himselfe to depart, it happened that hee fell in companie and speech with certaine Scottish-men: who hauing vn∣derstanding [ 40] of his intention, and wishing well to his actions, began earnestly to disswade him from the further prosecution of the discouerie, by amplifying the dangers which hee was to fall into, and omitted no reason that might serue to that purpose. But he holding nothing so igno∣minious and reproachfull, as inconstancie and leuitie of minde, and perswading himselfe that a man of valour could not commit a more dishonourable part, then for feare of danger to auoyd and shun great attempts, was nothing at all changed or discouraged with the speeches and words of the Scots, remayning stedfast and immutable in his first resolution: determining either to bring that to passe which was intended, or else to dye the death.

And as for them which were with Master Chancelor in his Ship, although they had great cause of discomfort by the losse of their companie (whom the foresaid tempest had separated [ 50] from them,) and were not a little troubled with cogitations and perturbations of minde, in re∣spect of their doubtfull course: yet notwithstanding, they were of such consent and agreement of minde with Master Chancelor, that they were resolute, and prepared vnder his direction and gouernment, to make proofe and tryall of all aduentures, without all feare or mistrust of future dangers. Which constancie of minde in all the companie did exceedingly increase their Cap∣taines carefulnesse: for hee being swallowed vp with like good will and loue towards them, feared left through any errour of his, the safetie of the companie should bee indangered. To con∣clude, when they saw their desire and hope of the arriuall of the rest of the Ships to bee euery day more and more frustrated, they prouided to Sea againe, and Master Chancelor held on his course towards that vnknowne part of the world, and sayled so farre, that hee came at last to the place where hee found no night at all, but a continuall light and brightnesse of the Sunne shi∣ning [ 60] cleerely vpon the huge and mightie Sea.* 2.42 And hauing the benefite of this perpetuall light for certaine dayes, at the length it pleased God to bring them into a certaine great Bay, which was of one hundreth miles or there about ouer. Whereinto they entred, and somewhat farre

within it cast anchor, and looking euery way about them, it hapned that they espyed a farre off a certaine Fisher-boate, which Master Chancelor, accompanied with a few of his men, went to∣wards to common with the Fishermen that were in it, and to know of them what Countrey it was, and what people, and of what manner of liuing they were: but they being amazed with the strange greatnesse of his ship, (for in those parts before that time, they had neuer seene the like) began presently to auoyd and to flee: but hee still following them, at last ouertooke them, and being come to them, they (being in great feare, as men halfe dead) prostrated themselues before him, offering to kisse his feete: but hee (according to his great and singular courtesie,) loo∣ked pleasantly vpon them, comforting them by signes and gestures, refusing those duties and reuerences of theirs, and taking them vp in all louing sort from the ground. And it is strange [ 10] to consider how much fauour afterwards in that place, this humanitie of his did purchase to himselfe. For they being dismissed, spread by and by a report abroad of the arriuall of a strange Nation, of a singular gentlenesse and courtesie: whereupon the common people came together, offering to these new-come ghests victuals freely, and not refusing to traff••que with them, ex∣cept they had beene bound by a certaine religious vse and custome, not to buy any forraine com∣modities, without the knowledge and consent of the King.

By this time our men had learned, that this Countrey was called Russia, or Muscouie, and that Iuan Vasiliwich (which was at that time their Kings name) ruled and gouerned farre and wide in those places. And the barbarous Russes asked likewise of our men whence they were,* 2.43 and what they came for: whereunto answer was made, that they were English-men sent into [ 20] those coasts, from the most excellent King Edward the sixt, hauing from him in commande∣ment certaine things to deliuer to their King, and seeking nothing else but his amitie and friend∣ship, and traff••que with his people, whereby they doubted not, but that great commoditie and profit would grow to the subiects of both Kingdomes.

The Barbarians heard these things very gladly, and promised their ayde and furtherance to acquaint their King out of hand, with so honest and a reasonable a request. In the meane time Master Chancelor intreated victuals for his money, of the Gouernour of that place (who toge∣ther with others came aboord him) and required hostages of them likewise, for the more assu∣rance of safetie to himselfe and his companie. To whom the Gouernours answered, that they [ 30] knew not in that case the will of their King, but yet were willing in such things as they might lawfully doe, to pleasure him: which was as then to affoord him the benefit of victuals.

Now, while these things were a doing, they secretly sent a messenger vnto the Emperour, to certifie him of the arriuall of a strange Nation,* 2.44 and withall to know his pleasure concerning them. Which message was very welcome vnto him, insomuch that voluntarily he inuited them to come to his Court. But if by reason of the tediousnesse of so long a iourney, they thought it not best so to doe, then hee granted libertie to his Subiects to bargaine, and to traffique with them: and further promised, that if it would please them to come to him, hee himselfe would beare the whole charges of poste Horses. In the meane time the Gouernours of the place, differred the matter from day to day, pretending diuers excuses, and saying one while, that the consent of all [ 40] the Gouernours, and another while, that the great and weightie affaires of the Kindome com∣pelled them to differ their answer: and this they did of purpose, so long to protract the time, vn∣till the messenger (sent before to the King) did returne with relation of his will and pleasure.

But Master Chancelor, (seeing himselfe held in this suspense with long and vaine expectation, and thinking that of intention to delude him, they posted the matter off so often,) was very in∣stant with them to performe their promise: Which if they would not doe, hee told them that he would depart and proceed in his voyage. So that the Muscouites (although as yet they knew not the minde of their King) yet fearing the departure indeed of our men, who had such wares and commodities as they greatly desired, they at last resolued to furnish our people with all things necessarie, and to conduct them by land to the presence of their King. And so Master Chancelor began his iourney, which was very long and most troublesome, wherein he had the vse [ 50] of certaine sleds, which in that Countrey are very common, for they are carried themselues vp∣on sleds, and all their carriages are in the same sort, the people almost not knowing any other manner of carriage, the cause whereof is, the exceeding hardnesse of the ground congealed in the Winter time by the force of the cold, which in those places is very extreame and horrible, whereof hereafter wee will say something.

But now they hauing passed the greater part of their iourney, met at last with the Sled-man (of whom I spake before) sent to the King secretly from the Iustices or Gouernours, who by some ill hap had lost his way, and had gone to the Sea-side, which is neere to the Countrey of the Tartars, thinking there to haue found our ship. But hauing long erred and wandered out of his way, at the last in his direct returne, hee met (as he was comming) our Captaine on the [ 60] way. To whom hee by and by deliuered the Emperours letters, which were written to him with all courtesie and in the most louing manner that could bee:* 2.45 wherein expresse commande∣ment was giuen, that post Horses should be gotten for him and the rest of his company without any money. Which thing was of all the Russes, in the rest of their iourney so willingly done,

that they began to quarrell, yea, and to fight also in striuing and contending which of them should put their poste horses to the Sled: so that after much adoe, and great paines taken in this long and wearie iourney, (for they had trauelled very neere fifteene hundred miles) Master Chancelor came at last to Mosco, the chiefe Citie of the Kingdome, and the seate of the King.

[illustration] map of Russia

HONDIVS his Map of Russia.

Russia cum Confinijs

* 2.46Touching the Riphean Mountaines, whereupon the Snow lyeth continually, and where hence in times past it was thought that Tanais the riuer did spring, and that the rest of the wonders of nature, which the Grecians fained and inuented of old, were there to bee seene: our men which lately came from thence, neither saw them, nor yet haue brought home any perfect relation of them, although they remayned there for the space of three moneths, and had gotten in that time some intelligence of the language of Moscouie. The whole Countrey is plaine and champion, [ 50] and few hils in it: and towards the North, it hath very large and spacious Woods, wherein is great store of Firre trees, a wood very necessarie, and fit for the building of houses: there are also wilde beasts bred in those woods, as Buffes, Beares, and blacke Wolues, and another kinde of beast vnknowen to vs,* 2.47 but called by them Rossomakka: and the nature of the same is very rare and wonderfull: for when it is great with young, and ready to bring foorth, it seeketh out some narrow place betweene two stakes, and so going through them, presseth it selfe, and by that meanes is eased of her burthen, which otherwise could not bee done. They hunt their Buffes for the most part a horse-backe, but their Beares a foot, with woodden forkes. The North parts of the Countrey are reported to bee so cold, that the very Ice or water which distilleth out of the moyst wood which they lay vpon the fire, is presently congealed and frozen: the diuersitie [ 60] growing sodainly to bee so great, that in one and the selfe-same fire-brand, a man shall see both fire and Ice. When the winter doth once begin there, it doth still more and more increase by a perpetuitie of cold:* 2.48 neither doth that cold slake, vntill the force of the Sunne beames doth dis∣solue the cold, and make glad the earth, returning to it againe. Our Mariners which wee left in

the ship in the meane time to keepe it, in their going vp onely from their cabbins to the hatches, had their breath oftentimes so suddenly taken away, that they eft-soones fell downe as men ve∣ry neere dead, so great is the sharpenesse of that cold Climate: but for the South parts of the Countrey, they are somewhat more * 2.49 temperate.

The Copie of the Duke of Moscouie and Emperour of Russia his Letters, sent to King EDWARD the Sixth, by the hands of [ 10] RICHARD CHANCELOVR.

THe Almightie power of God, and the incomprehensible holy Trinitie, rightfull Christian Beliefe,* 3.1 &c. We great Duke Iuan Vasiliuich, by the Grace of God great Lord and Emperour of all Rus∣sia, great Duke of Volodemer, Mosco, and Nouograd, King of Kazan, King of Astracan, Lord of Plesko, and great Duke of Smolensko, of Twerria, Ioughoria, Permia, Vadska, Bulghoria, and others, Lord and great Duke of Nouograd in the Low Countrey, of Chernigo, Rezan, Polotskoy, Rostoue, Yaruslaueley, Bealozera, Liefland, Oudoria, Obdoria, and Conden∣sa, Commander of all Siberia, and of the North parts, and Lord of many other Countries, greeting. Before all, right, great and worthy of honour Edward King of England, &c. according to our most [ 20] heartie and good zeale, with good intent and friendly desire, and according to our holy Christian Faith, and great Gouernance, and being in the light of great vnderstanding, our Answere by this our Honou∣rable Writing vnto your Kingly Gouernance, at the request of your faithfull Seruant Richard Chance∣lour, with his company, as they shall let you wisely know is this. In the strength of the twentieth yeare of our Gouernance, be it knowne, that at our Sea-coasts arriued a ship, with one Richard, and his com∣pany, and said, that he was desirous to come into our Dominions, and according to his request, hath seene our Maiestie, and d 3.2 our eyes: and hath declared vnto vs your Maiesties desire, as that wee should grant vnto your Subiects, to goe and come, and in our Dominions, and among our Subiects, to frequent free Marts, with all sorts of Merchandizes, and vpon the same to haue warre•• for their returne. And they haue also deliuered vs your Letters which declare the same request. And hereupon wee haue gi∣uen [ 30] order, that wheresoeuer your faithfull Seruant Hugh Willoughbie, land or touch in our Domini∣ons, to be well entertayned, who as yet is not arriued as your Seruant Richard can declare.

And we with Christian beliefe and faithfulnesse, and according to your Honourable request, and my Honourable commandement will not leaue it vndone: and are furthermore willing that you send vnto vs your ships and Vessels, when and as often as they may haue passage, with good assurance on our part to see them harmlesse. And if you send one of your Maiesties counsell to treate with vs whereby your Coun∣trey Merchants may with all kindes of Wares, and where they will make their Market in our Domi∣nions, they shall haue their free Mart with all free Liberties through my whole Dominions, with all kinde of Wares, to come and goe at their pleasure, without any let, damage, or impediment, accor∣ding to this our Letter, our Word and our Seale which wee haue commanded to be vnder sealed. Written in [ 40] our Dominion, in our Citie and our Palace in the Castle of Mosco, in the yeare 7060. the second Moneth of Februarie.

This Letter was written in the Moscouian Tongue, in Letters much like to the Greeke Let∣ters, very faire written in Paper, with a broad Seale hanging at the same, sealed in Paper vpon Waxe. This Seale was much like the Broad Seale of England, hauing on the one side the Image of a man on Horse-backe in complete Harnesse fighting with a Dragon. Vnder this Letter was another Paper written in the Dutch Tongue, which was the Interpretation of the other writ∣ten in the Moscouian Letters. These Letters were sent the next yeare after the date of King Edwards Letters, 1554.

After this, entercourse of Letters and Embassages passed betwixt King Philip and Queene Marie, [ 50] and the Moscouite: and the Moscouie Company was instituted and receiued Priuiledges both from their owne and that Forraine Prince, a second Voyage beeing set forth in May, 1555. and Master George Killingworth was made their first Agent: the particulars whereof are found at large in Master Hakluyts first Tome of Voyages, as also other things touching that Trade then setled: which heere I omit, and come to Master Ienkinsons Voyage to Mosco, and thence to Tartaria.

[ 60]

Notes

• * 1.1

  Seb. Cabota.
• * 1.2

  See the parti∣culars in Ma∣ster Hackluyts printed Voya∣ges, Tom. 1.
• * 1.3

  The first Voy∣age.
• * 1.4

  This dis∣course was found written in the Speranza which winte∣red a Arzina, where all the Companie were frozen to death.

  Rost Ilands.
• * 1.5

  Stanfew har∣bour. Lofoot.
• * 1.6

  August.
• * 1.7

  Seynam in 70. degrees.
• * 1.8

  The Edward lost, or rather the••e two lost; and the Ed∣ward found and entred the Bay of Saint Nicolas.
• * 1.9

  W••lloughby his Land, in 72. degrees.
• * 1.10

  September.
• * 1.11

  In this Hauen they died.
• * 1.12

  Or, Ellons.
• * 1.13

  Heere endeth Sir Hugh Wil∣loughby his note, which was written with his owne hand.
• * 2.1

  Duina.
• * 2.2

  Note.
• * 2.3

  Vologda.
• * 2.4

  Ieraslaue.
• * 2.5

  Mosco.
• * 2.6

  The Castle.
• * 2.7

  Hee commeth before the Duke.
• * 2.8

  Dineth with the Duke.
• * 2.9

  Golden Vessel.
• * 2.10

  Shiuer of Bread.
• * 2.11

  Crowne chan∣ged.
• * 2.12

  Dukes forces.
• * 2.13

  Armour and rich attyre.
• * 2.14

  Extreames.
• * 2.15

  Vndisciplined Souldiers.
• * 2.16

  Hardinesse.
• * 2.17

  Knights Fee.
• * 2.18

  Duke heire Generall.
• * 2.19

  No wages.
• * 2.20

  Centlemen.
• * 2.21

  Suits & tryals.
• * 2.22

  No Lawyer.
• * 2.23

  Combat-triall.
• * 2.24

  Bondage.
• * 2.25

  Punishments for Crimes.
• * 2.26

  Beating.
• * 2.27

  Miserable poore.
• * 2.28

  Superstition.
• * 2.29

  Images and Pictures.
• * 2.30

  Mother tongue
• * 2.31

  Seruice.
• * 2.32

  Prayers.
• * 2.33

  Creed.
• * 2.34

  Commande∣ments.
• * 2.35

  Sacraments.
• * 2.36

  Candles.
• * 2.37

  Foure Lents.
• * 2.38

  Chiefe Saints.
• * 2.39

  Vices.
• * 2.40

  Abbies.
• * 2.41

  I haue this booke of Cle∣ment Adams, in Latine, writ∣ten in a very elegant hand and eloquent stile to King Philip; (as I thinke) the very originall.
• * 2.42

  They arriue in the Bay of Saint Nicholas.
• * 2.43

  The Discoue∣rie of Russia.
• * 2.44

  Messenger sent to the Empe∣rour.
• * 2.45

  The Emperor•• courteous let∣ters to Master Chancelor.
• * 2.46

  Riphean hils, a tale of Anti∣quitie.
• * 2.47

  Rossomakka, a strange beast.
• * 2.48

  The sharpnes of the winter in Moscouie.
• * 2.49

  The rest of M▪ Adams con∣tayning a de∣scription of the Country, &c. is here omitted.
• * 3.1

  Iuan Vasiliuich, that is to say, Iohn the Sonne of Bosilius.
• d 3.2

  That is, come into our presence.