Purchas his pilgrimes. part 3 In fiue bookes. The first, contayning the voyages and peregrinations made by ancient kings, patriarkes, apostles, philosophers, and others, to and thorow the remoter parts of the knowne world: enquiries also of languages and religions, especially of the moderne diuersified professions of Christianitie. The second, a description of all the circum-nauigations of the globe. The third, nauigations and voyages of English-men, alongst the coasts of Africa ... The fourth, English voyages beyond the East Indies, to the ilands of Iapan, China, Cauchinchina, the Philippinæ with others ... The fifth, nauigations, voyages, traffiques, discoueries, of the English nation in the easterne parts of the world ... The first part.

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Title
Purchas his pilgrimes. part 3 In fiue bookes. The first, contayning the voyages and peregrinations made by ancient kings, patriarkes, apostles, philosophers, and others, to and thorow the remoter parts of the knowne world: enquiries also of languages and religions, especially of the moderne diuersified professions of Christianitie. The second, a description of all the circum-nauigations of the globe. The third, nauigations and voyages of English-men, alongst the coasts of Africa ... The fourth, English voyages beyond the East Indies, to the ilands of Iapan, China, Cauchinchina, the Philippinæ with others ... The fifth, nauigations, voyages, traffiques, discoueries, of the English nation in the easterne parts of the world ... The first part.
Author
Purchas, Samuel, 1577?-1626.
Publication
London :: Printed by William Stansby for Henrie Fetherstone, and are to be sold at his shop in Pauls Church-yard at the signe of the Rose,
1625.
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Subject terms
Voyages and travels -- Early works to 1800.
Link to this Item
http://name.umdl.umich.edu/A71305.0001.001
Cite this Item
"Purchas his pilgrimes. part 3 In fiue bookes. The first, contayning the voyages and peregrinations made by ancient kings, patriarkes, apostles, philosophers, and others, to and thorow the remoter parts of the knowne world: enquiries also of languages and religions, especially of the moderne diuersified professions of Christianitie. The second, a description of all the circum-nauigations of the globe. The third, nauigations and voyages of English-men, alongst the coasts of Africa ... The fourth, English voyages beyond the East Indies, to the ilands of Iapan, China, Cauchinchina, the Philippinæ with others ... The fifth, nauigations, voyages, traffiques, discoueries, of the English nation in the easterne parts of the world ... The first part." In the digital collection Early English Books Online. https://name.umdl.umich.edu/A71305.0001.001. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed June 13, 2024.

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§. V. CASAN dyeth, CARBANDA succeedeth; his Apostasie. The Authors entrance into a Religious Habit. Of TAMOR Can the sixth Empe∣rour, and of CHAPAR, HOCHTAI, and CAR∣BANDA, three other Tartarian Kings.
[ 10]

THe King of Armenia returned safely to his Kingdome, but after hee came thither hee found little rest there, for after it so pleased God, that Casan was surprized with a grieuous infirmitie, and hauing gouerned wisely in his life, hee was no lesse willing that his wisdome should bee commended in his death. Therefore hee made his last Will and Testament,* 1.1 appointing his Brother Carbanda (or Carbaganda) his Heire and Successor and hauing ordered all things concerning the Affaires of his Kingdome and his House in prudent manner, he made many good Ordinances and Lawes which for a memoriall he left behind him, being at this day inuiolably obserued by the Tartarians. Then dyed Casan, and his Brother Car∣banda succeeded in his Kingdome.

[ 20] This Carbanda was the Sonne of a Ladie of famous memorie, called Erockcaton, who was very deuout and religious in Christianitie, while she liued, and had euery day Diuine Seruice celebra∣ted before her, keeping a Priest and Chappell of her owne, so that this Carbanda was baptized and named Nicholas in his Baptisme, and continued a professed Christian as long as his Mother liued. But after his Mothers death, delighting in the societie of Saracens, he forsooke the Chri∣stian Religion to become a Mahometist. The King of Armenia vnderstanding of the death of Casan, was much troubled therewith, and his Enemies began to lift vp their Crests very high. For the Soldan of Babylon thereupon sought by all meanes to endamage him and his people, sending all the yeare almost euery moneth great troupes of armed Souldiers, which foraged and wasted the Kingdome of Armenia, and did more damage and spoyle on the plaine Countrey [ 30] then they had euer sustayned before in any mans memorie.* 1.2 But the Almightie and most merci∣full God who neuer forsaketh altogether those that put their trust in him, had compassion on the poore afflicted Christians: for it fell out that in the moneth of Iuly, seuen thousand Saracens of the best Families vnder the Soldan, made a roade into the Kingdome of Armenia, wasting and spoyling all as farre as the Citie of Tharsus, in which the blessed Apostle Saint Paul was borne, and when they had committed many spoyles in that Prouince, and were vpon their returne, the King of Armenia, hauing gathered his people together, encountred and set vpon them neere the Citie of Giazza, where more by Gods goodnesse then our worth,* 1.3 they were vtterly ouer∣throwne in such sort, that of seuen thousand Saracens there escaped not three hundred, but were either taken or slaine, albeit they thought in their Pride, they could haue ouer-runne the [ 40] whole Kingdome of Armenia, and deuoure all he Christians there at a morsell. This was per∣formed on the Lords Day, being the eighteenth of Iuly, after which conflict,* 1.4 the Saracens durst no more enter into the Kingdome of Armenia. But the Soldan sent to the King of Armenia to make truce with him, which was agreed betweene them.

46. I Frier Haython, hauing beene present at all the said proceedings,* 1.5 had purposed long be∣fore to haue taken a Regular Habit vpon me, and to haue entred into Religion. But by reason of many impediments and difficulties in the Affaires of the Kingdome of Armenia, I could not with my honour forsake my friends and kindred in such extremities. But seeing that Gods goodnesse had beene so gracious vnto me, as to leaue the Kingdome of Armenia, and the Chri∣stian people there after my manifold labours and trauels in quiet, and peaceable estate, I then [ 50] tooke the time to performe that Vow which before I had vowed. Therefore hauing taken my leaue of my Lord the King▪ and of the rest of my kindred and friends, euen in that field where God gaue the Christians Victorie ouer their Enemies, I beganne my Iourney, and comming to Cyprus in the Monasterie of Episcopia, tooke a Regular Habit of the Order Premonstratensis, to the end that hauing serued the World as a Souldier in my youth,* 1.6 I might spend the rest of my life in the Seruice of God, forsaking the pompe of this World, which was in the yeere of our Lord 1305. Therefore I render thankes vnto God, that the Kingdome of Armenia, is at this day in a good and peaceable estate, and well reformed by the Moderne King Liueno, Sonne to King Haython, who is a Looking-glasse or patterne to all other Kings in all kinde of eminent vertue.

[ 60] Moreouer, the Compiler of this Worke affirmeth,* 1.7 that he hath come three manner of wayes to the knowledge of those things which hee declareth and writeth in this Booke. For from the beginning of Changius Can, who was the first Emperour of the Tartars vntill Mango Can, who was their fourth Emperour, I faithfully deliuer what I gathered out of the Histories of the Tartarians. But from Mango Can to the death of Haloon, I write, that which I receiued of an

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Vncle of mine, who writ the same by the commandement of Haiton King of Armenia, and was present then at all the foresaid occurrences, and with great diligence did often discourse & make rehearsall of them to his Sonnes and Nephewes, that they might remayne the better to Posteri∣tie, and from the beginning of Abaga Can to the end of this third part of this Booke, the Au∣thor relateth those things which hee knew of himselfe, as hauing beene present at them al, whereby he is enabled to giue testimonie of the truth. Now albeit we haue hitherto treated of the Histories and Deeds of the Tartarians, there remayneth yet somewhat to be said concerning their Power and Dominion, especially of those that are now liuing, that it may the better bee knowne.

* 1.847. The great Emperor of the Tartars which now holdeth the Empire, is called Tamor Can, [ 10] being their sixt Emperour, who keepeth his Residence in the Kingdome of Cathay, in a very great City called Iong,* 1.9 which his Father caused to be built, as is aboue declared, his power is ve∣ry great. For this Emperour alone is able to doe more then all the Tartarian Princes together, and the Nations vnder his gouernment are reputed more noble and rich, and better stored of all ne∣cessaries, because that in the Kingdome of Cathay, in which they now liue, there is great abun∣dance of riches.

* 1.10Besides this great Emperour, there are three other great Kings or Princes of the Tartars, which rule each of them ouer many Nations, yet are they all subiect to the Emperour, and ac∣knowledge him their naturall and Leige Lord. And the differences which happen betweene them are decided in the Emperours Court, and determined by his Iudgement. The first of these [ 20] Kings is called Chapar,* 1.11 another Hochtay, and the third Carbanda. This Chapar hath his Domi∣nion in the Kingdome of Turquestan, being the neerest to the Emperour. It is thought that he is able to bring into the field foure hundred thousand Horsemen, and these are bold and good War∣riours, but not so well furnished of Horse and Armour as were expedient. The Emperours sub∣iects doe many times make warre vpon them, and they on the other side doe often inuade the people of Carbanda. The Dominion of this Chapar was in ancient time subiect for the greatest part to a Lord called Doay.

Hochtay keepeth his Seat of Residence in the Kingdome of Cumania, in a Citie called Asaro, (or Sara) and it is said,* 1.12 that he is able to bring six hundred thousand Horsemen to the fight, yet are they not so much commended in Feats of Armes, as the men of Chapar, albeit they haue bet∣ter [ 30] Horses. These make warre sometimes on the Subiects of Carbanda, sometimes against the * 1.13 Hungarians, and sometimes amongst themselues. But Hochtay who ruleth at this present hol∣deth his Dominion peaceably and quietly.

Carbanda hath his Dominion in the Kingdome of Asia the Great, and maketh his chiefe a∣bode in the Citie of Tauris, beeing able to bring three hundred thousand Horsemen to the field. But these are gathered out of diuers parts being rich and well furnished with necessaries. Cha∣par and Hochtay doe sometimes make warre vpon Carbanda, but hee neuer medleth first with them: neither moueth warres against any but that he sometimes inuadeth the Soldan of Egypt: against whom his Predecessors haue fought many Battailes. Chapar and Hochtay would willing∣ly take from Carbanda his Dominion, if they were able to effect it.

The reason whereof is this, Asia is diuided into two parts, the one part whereof being called [ 40] the Lower or Deepe Asia,* 1.14 is inhabited by the Emperour, and those two Kings called Chapar and Hochtay. The other part being the higher, is called Asia the Greater, in which Carbanda inha∣biteth and hath Dominion. Now there are only three wayes by which men may passe out of the Deeper or Lower Asia, vnto the high Countrey called Asia Maior, The one is out of the King∣dome of Turquestan, to the Kingdome of the Persians; another way there is called Derbent, which lyeth neere the Sea where Alexander built the Citie called the Iron Gate,* 1.15 as in the Histo∣ries of Cumania appeares; the other way is to goe ouer the Sea, called Mare maius, which way lyeth through the Kingdome of Barca,. By the first way the subiects of Chapar cannot passe to the Territories of Carbanda, without great danger and difficultie, because they should find no [ 50] feeding for their Horses in many dayes trauailes, the Land being so dry and barren, that before they could come to any fruitfull inhabited Countrey, their Horses would be starued, or at least so faint and wearied that they might be easily ouercome, and therefore that way they will not take. By the way of Derbent the people of Hochtay may passe into the Countrey of Carbanda, only sixe moneths in the yeare, which is in the Winter time. But that way Abaga hath caused great Trenches and Fortifications to bee made in a place called Ciba: and is alwayes kept and especially in the Winter with a Garrison of armed men to defend the passage. The people of Hochtay haue assayed many times to passe that way by stealth and secretly: but they neuer could, neither can by any meanes doe: for in a Plaine called Monga, there are alwayes in the Winter time certaine Birds about the bignesse of Phesants hauing very faire feathers to behold, [ 60] and these Birds (which are called Seyserach) when any people come into that Plaine,* 1.16 straight flye away ouer those Watchmen and their Trenches, whereby the Souldiers there are eft-soones assured of the comming of their Enemies, and preuent the surprize: and by the way of the Sea called Mare maius, they neuer attempted, because that way goeth through the Kingdome of

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Barca, which is so mightie in people and so strongly situated,* 1.17 that they are without hope to preuayle there, and by meanes hereof hath Carbanda and his Predecessors beene secured from the power of so potent Neighbours. Now we will briefly say somewhat of the manners and fashions of the Tartars.

48. The Cataians do so much differ from other Nations in their fashions and manner of liuing, that it were tedious to treat of the manifold diuersitie and strange varietie found amongst them.* 1.18 They acknowledge and confesse one Immortall God, and they call vpon his Name: yet they nei∣ther fast nor pray, nor any wayes afflict nor humble themselues, for feare or reuerence of him, nor doe any good workes. The killing of men they hold to bee no sinne: but if they happen to [ 10] leaue their Bridle in their horse-mouth when hee should feed, they thinke therein they offend God mortally. Fornication and Lecherie is held by them as no sinne. They marrie many wiues,* 1.19 and the custome is, that the Sonne must marrie his Step-mother after the death of his Father: and the Brother is married to his Brothers Wife after his decease. In matter of Armes they are very good, and more obedient to their Superiour then other Nations are: and doe easily know by certaine signes in Battaile the will of their Commander:* 1.20 whereby the Armie of Tartarians is easily ruled and commanded. Their Lord bestoweth not any stipend on them, but they liue on hunting and such prey as they can get: and their Lord may take from them when hee list whatsoeuer they haue.

When the Tartars ride vpon any enterprize, they take with them great store of Horse, drin∣king [ 20] their Milke, and feeding on their flesh which they reckon very good food.* 1.21 The Tartars are very readie and excellent Archers on horse-backe, but on foot they are but slow, they are dex∣terous and ingenious in taking of Cities and Castles, and are for the most part victorious ouer their Enemies; yet will they not forbeare to turne their backes in the skirmish if it be for their aduantage. And this aduantage they haue in the field that they will fight with the Enemies when they list themselues, and yet they cannot be compelled to fight but at their pleasure. Their manner of fight is very dangerous, so that in one conflict or skirmish of the Tartars there are more slaine and wounded then in any great Battaile of other Nations, which hapneth by reason of their Arrowes, which they shoot strongly, and surely out of their Bowes; beeing indeed so skilfull in the arte of shooting, that they commonly pierce all kind of Armour, and if they [ 30] happen to be routed, yet they flye in troupes and bands so well ordered, that it is very dange∣rous to follow or pursue them, because they shoot their Arrowes backwards in their flight, wounding and killing oft-times both men and horses that pursue them.

The Armie of the Tartars maketh no great shew, because they goe trooping close together, so that an Armie of one thousand Tartars will scarse seeme fiue hundred.* 1.22 The Tartarians doe cour∣teously entertayne strangers, giuing them part of their Viands, and expect the like offers to bee made them, for otherwise they will take it by violence. They are much more skilfull in con∣quering of Countries then in keeping of them. When they are weake they are humble and gentle; stout and proud when they are growne the stronger. They cannot endure lying in o∣ther men, yet themselues are much giuen to lying, vnlesse it be in two especiall things.* 1.23 The one [ 40] being in matter of Armes, in which none dareth affirme, that he did any exploit which was not done by him, or denie any faire Act which hee hath committed: The other is, That whosoeuer hath done any offence, though it deserueth death, he confesseth it presently to his Lord if he be examined thereon. This may suffice at this time, concerning the manners of the Tartars, be∣cause it were long to rehearse all the different customes and kinds of behauiour.

The other Chapters which follow, pertayning rather to aduice fitting those Times, and the holy Land affaires, then the Tartarian Historie, I haue omitted. And in the next place will present some Extracts of our Countriman, that famous Traueller Sir Iohn Mandevile, whose Geographie Ortelius commen∣deth, howsoeuer he acknowledgeth his Worke stuffed with Fables. For my part, I cannot but deplore the losse of such a Treasure, but know not how to recouer or repayre it (as Ramusio hath done for Polo) and [ 50] here haue beene forced to deale with him, as Historians doe with our famous Arthur, daring to say little, because others haue dared so much and such incredibilities. For his merit, and for his Nation I haue giuen a touch of him, these few Latine Extracts; referring him that hath a minde to reade him, to Ma∣ster Hakluits first Edition of his Voyages, where his storie in Latine is to be seene at large. I suspect that some later Fabler out of the Tales of Ogerus the Dane hath stuffed this storie; some of which,* 1.24 for a taste, I haue here left remayning; not that I take pleasure in lyes, but that thou maist see, from what Fountayne I suppose this corruption flowed: and in that mistie Age (when humaner learning was in∣humanely imprisoned, and Diuine Scripture was vulgarly buried, and Printing not at all borne) what Huskes poore Christian Prodigals (prodigall to beleeue such lyes) were fed with in stead of Bread; not onely in the Church by Legends, but in their priuate studies, by Arthurs, Orlandos, Beuises, Guyes, [ 60] Robin Hoods, Palmerins, and I know not what monstrous changeling-births of Historie. Such was this Ogerus: and in great part such was Odericus a Friar and Traueller, in whom perhaps some Friar hath trauelled, with him at least in this Author (whose age was before him,* 1.25 and therefore could not cite ought out of him.) Neither is it for nothing (though for worse then nothing, a lye is both) that Friars are in this storie so often mentioned and praysed: I smell a Friars (Lyars) hand in this businesse. Our

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Mandevile trauelled from Ierusalem beyond Ierico, from Christendome to remotest Ethnikes, and hath fallen among Theeues: The Friarly Priest and Leuite not onely neglected him, but I am afraid played the Theeues thus to rob and wound him; mayming the two former parts, and iuggling in the third, which I haue therefore chopped off; not daring in the former but with the Nilus Dogge to taste and away, for feare of a false Crocodile. Here you may finde lyes by retaile efficta, afficta, affixa, to this Mandevile; who there, is made a maunde vile full of such pedlerie, vnworthy thy sight.

Notes

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