Purchas his pilgrimes. part 3 In fiue bookes. The first, contayning the voyages and peregrinations made by ancient kings, patriarkes, apostles, philosophers, and others, to and thorow the remoter parts of the knowne world: enquiries also of languages and religions, especially of the moderne diuersified professions of Christianitie. The second, a description of all the circum-nauigations of the globe. The third, nauigations and voyages of English-men, alongst the coasts of Africa ... The fourth, English voyages beyond the East Indies, to the ilands of Iapan, China, Cauchinchina, the Philippinæ with others ... The fifth, nauigations, voyages, traffiques, discoueries, of the English nation in the easterne parts of the world ... The first part.

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PEREGRINATIONS AND DISCOVERIES; IN THE REMOTEST NORTH AND EAST PARTS OF ASIA, CALLED [ 20] TARTARIA AND CHINA. THE FIRST BOOKE. (Book 1)

CHAP. I. [ 30] The Iournall of Frier WILLIAM DE RVBRVQVIS, a French-man, of the Order of the Minorite Friers, vn∣to the East parts of the World, Anno Dom. 1253.

TO the most Excellent and most Christian Lord, Lewis, by Gods grace the Renowmed King of France, Frier [ 40] William de Rubruk, * 1.1 the meanest of the Minorites Order, wisheth health and continuall Triumph in Christ.

It is written in the Booke of Ecclesiasticus, concer∣ning the Wiseman: He shall trauell into forreine Coun∣tries, and good and euill shall hee try in all things. The very same Action (my Lord and King) haue I atchie∣ued: howbeit, I wish, that I haue done it like a wise man, and not like a Foole. For many there bee, that performe the same Action which a wise man doth, not wisely but more vndiscreetly: of which number I feare [ 50] my selfe to bee one. Notwithstanding, howsoeuer I haue done it, because you commanded mee, when I de∣parted from your Highnesse, to write all things vnto you, which I should see among the Tar∣tars, and you wished me also that I should not feare to write long Letters, I haue done as your Maiestie enioyned me: yet with feare and reuerence, because I want words and Eloquence suf∣ficient to write vnto so great a Maiestie. Bee it knowne therefore vnto your Sacred Maiestie, that in the yeare of our Lord 1253. about the Nones of May, wee entred into the Sea of Pon∣tus, which the Bulgarians call the great Sea. It contayneth in length (as I learned of certayne Merchants) one thousand and eight miles, and is in a manner, diuided into two parts. About the midst thereof are two Prouinces, one towards the North, and another towards the South. [ 60] The South Prouince is called Synopolis, and it is the Castle and Port of the Soldan of Turkie: but the North Prouince is called of the Latines, Gasaria: of the Greekes, which inhabit vpon the Sea shoare thereof, it is called Cassaria, that is to say, Caesaria. And there are certayne head∣lands stretching forth into the Sea towards Synopolis, Also, there are three hundred miles of di∣stance

betweene Synopolis and Cassaria. Insomuch that the distance from those points or places to Constantinople, in length and breadth is about seuen hundred miles: and seuen hundred miles also from thence to the East, namely, to the Countrey of Hiberia, which is a Prouince of Georgia.* 1.2 At the Prouince of Gasaria or Cassaria, wee arriued, which Prouince is, in a man∣ner, three square, hauing a Citie on the West part thereof called Kersoua, wherein Saint Cle∣ment suffered Martyrdome. And sayling before the said Citie, wee saw an Iland, in which a Church is said to be built by the hands of Angels. But about the midst of the said Prouince to∣ward the South,* 1.3 as it were, vpon a sharpe Angle or Point, standeth a Citie called Soldaia, direct∣ly against Synopolis. And there doe all the Turkie Merchants, which Traffique into the North Countries, in their Iourney outward, arriue, and as they returne home-ward also from Russia, and the said Northerne Regions, into Turkie. The foresaid Merchants transport thither Er∣mines [ 10] and gray Furres, with other rich and costly Skinnes. Others carrie Clothes made of Cot∣ton or Bombast,* 1.4 and Silke, and diuers kinds of Spices. But vpon the East part of the said Prouince standeth a Citie called Matriga, where the Riuer Tanais dischargeth his streames into the Sea of Pontus, the mouth whereof is twelue miles in breadth. For this Riuer, before it entreth in∣to the Sea of Pontus, maketh a little Sea, which hath in breadth and length seuen hundred miles, and it it is in no place thereof aboue sixe paces deepe, whereupon great Vessels cannot saile ouer it. Howbeit the Merchants of Constantinople, arriuing at the foresaid Citie of * 1.5 Mater∣ta, send their Barkes vnto the Riuer of Tanais to buy dryed fishes, Sturgeons, Thosses, Barbils, and an infinite number of other fishes. The foresaid Prouince of Cassaria, is compassed in with the Sea on three sides thereof: namely, on the West-side, where Kersoua, the Citie of Saint [ 20] Clement is situate: on the South-side the Citie of Soldaia, whereat we arriued: on the East-side Maricandis, and there stands the Citie of Matriga, vpon the mouth of the Riuer Tanais. Be∣yond the said mouth standeth Zikia,* 1.6 which is not in subiection vnto the Tartars: also the peo∣ple called Sueui and Hiberi, towards the East, who likewise are not vnder the Tartars Domini∣on. Moreouer, towards the South, standeth the Citie of Trapesunda, which hath a Gouernour proper to it selfe, named Guydo, being of the Linage of the Emperours of Constantinople, and is subiect vnto the Tartars. Next vnto that is Synopolis, the Citie of the Soldan of Turkie, who likewise is in subiection vnto them. Next vnto these lyeth the Countrey of Vastacius, whose Sonne is called Astar, of his Grand-father by the Mothers side, who is not in subiection. All the [ 30] Land from the mouth of Tanais West-ward as farre as Danubius is vnder their Iurisdiction. Yea, beyond Danubius also, towards Constantinople, Valakia, which is the Land of Assanus, and Bulga∣ria minor, as farre as Solonia, doe all pay Tribute vnto them. And besides the Tribute imposed, they haue also, of late yeares, exacted of euery houshold an Axe, and all such Corne as they found lying on heapes. We arriued therefore at Soldaia, the twelfth of the Kalends of Iune. And diuers Merchants of Constantinople, which were arriued there before vs, reported that certayne Messengers were comming thither from the Holy Land, who were desirous to trauell vnto Sar∣tach. Notwithstanding, I my selfe had publikely giuen out vpon Palme Sunday within the Church of Sancta Sophia, that I was not your nor any other mans Messenger, but that I trauelled vnto those Infidels according to the Rule of our Order. And being arriued, the said Merchants [ 40] admonished me to take diligent heed what I spake: because they hauing reported mee to bee a Messenger, if I should say the contrary, that I were no Messenger, I could not haue free passage granted vnto me. Then I spake after this manner vnto the Gouernours of the Citie, or rather vnto their Lieutenants, because the Gouernours themselues were gone to pay Tribute vnto Baa∣tu, and were not as yet returned. We heard of your Lord Sartach (quoth I) in the Holy Land, that he was become a Christian: and the Christians were exceeding glad thereof, and especial∣ly the most Christian King of France, who is there now in Pilgrimage, and fighteth against the Saracens, to redeeme the holy places out of their hands: wherefore I am determined to goe vnto Sartach, and to deliuer vnto him the Letters of my Lord the King, wherein hee admonisheth him concerning the good and commoditie of all Christendome: And they receiued vs with [ 50] gladnesse, and gaue vs entertaynment in the Cathedrall Church. The Bishop of which Church was with Sartach, who told me many good things concerning the said Sartach, which after∣ward I found to be nothing so. Then put they vs to our choice, whether wee would haue Carts and Oxen, or packe-horses to transport our Carriages. And the Merchants of Constantinople ad∣uised me, not to take Carts of the Citizens of Soldaia, but to buy couered Carts of mine owne, (such as the Russians carry their Skinnes in) and to put all our Carriages, which I would daily take out, into them: because, if I should vse Horses, I must be constrayned at euery baite to take downe my Carriages, and to lift them vp againe on sundry Horses backes: and besides, that I should ride a more gentle pace by the Oxen drawing the Carts. Wherefore, contenting my selfe with their euill counsell, I was trauelling vnto Sartach two monethes, which I could haue done [ 60] in one, if I had gone by Horse. I brought with me from Constantinople (being by the Merchants aduised so to doe) pleasant Fruits, Muskadell Wine, and delicate Bisket bread to present vnto the Gouernours of Soldaia, to the end I might obtayne free passage: because they looke fauou∣rably vpon no man which commeth with an empty hand. All which things I bestowed in one

of my Carts (not finding the Gouernours of the Citie at home) for they told me, if I could carry them to Sartach, that they would be most acceptable vnto him. Wee tooke our Iourney there∣fore about the Kalends of Iune, with foure couered Carts of our owne, and with two other which we borrowed of them, wherein we carried our bedding to rest vpon in the night, and they allowed vs fiue Horses to ride vpon. For there were iust fiue persons in our company: namely,* 1.7 I my selfe and mine associate Frier Bartholomew of Cremona, and Goset the Bearer of these Pre∣sents, the man of God Turgemannus, and Nicolas my Seruant, whom I bought at Constantinople, with some part of the Almes bestowed vpon me. Moreouer, they allowed vs two men, which draue our Carts and gaue attendance vnto our Oxen and Horses. There bee high Promontories on the Sea shoare from Kersoua vnto the mouth of Tanais. Also there are fortie Castles betweene [ 10] Kersoua and Soldaia, euery one of which almost haue their proper Languages: amongst whom there were many Gothes, who spake the Dutch Tongue. Beyond the said Mountaynes towards the North, there is a most beautifull Wood growing on a Plaine full of Fountaynes and Freshets. And beyond the Wood there is a mightie plaine Champian,* 1.8 continuing fiue dayes Iourney vnto the very extreamitie and borders of the said Prouince North-ward, and there it is a narrow Isthmus or neck Land, hauing Sea on the East and West sides thereof, insomuch that there is a Ditch made from one Sea vnto the other. In the same Plaine (before the Tartars sprang vp) were the Comanians wont to inhabit, who compelled the fore-said Cities and Castles to pay Tribute vnto them. But when the Tartars came vpon them, the multitude of the Comanians entred into the fore-said Prouince, and fled all of them, euen vnto the Sea shoare, beeing in such [ 20] extreme Famine, that they which were aliue, were constrayned to eate vp those which were dead: and (as a Merchant reported vnto me who saw it with his owne eyes) that the li∣uing men deuoured and tore with their teeth, the raw flesh of the dead, as Dogges would gnaw vpon Carrion. Towardes the Borders of the said Prouince there bee many great Lakes: vpon the Bankes whereof are Salt-pits or Fountaynes, the water of which so soone as it entreth into the Lake, becommeth hard Salt like vnto Ice. And out of those Salt-pits Baatu and Sartach haue great Reuenues: for they repayre thither out of all Russia, for Salt: and for each Cart loade they giue two Webbes of Cotton, amounting to the value of halfe an Yperpera. There come by Sea also many Shippes for Salt, which pay Tribute euery one of them according to their burthen. The third day after wee were [ 30] departed out of the Precincts of Soldaia, wee found the Tartars. Amongst whom beeing entred, me thought I was come into a new World.* 1.9 Whose Life and manners I will descrbe vn∣to your Highnesse as well as I can.

THey haue in no place any setled Citie to abide in, neither know they of the Celestiall Citie to come. They haue diuided all Scythia among themselues,* 1.10 which stretcheth from the Ri∣uer Danubius euen vnto the rising of the Sunne. And euery of their Captaines, according to the great or small number of his people, knoweth the bounds of his Pastures, and where hee ought to feed his Cattell Winter and Summer, Spring and Autumne. For in the Winter they descend vnto the warme Regions South-ward. And in the Summer they ascend vnto the cold Regions [ 40] North-ward. In Winter when Snow lyeth vpon the ground, they feed their Cattell vpon Pa∣stures without water, because then they vse Snow in stead of water. Their houses wherein they sleepe, they ground vpon a round foundation of Wickers artificially wrought and compacted to∣gether: the Roofe whereof consisteth (in like sort) of Wickers, meeting aboue into one little Roundell, out of which Roundell ascendeth vpward a necke like vnto a Chimney, which they couer with white Felt, and oftentimes they lay Morter or white Earth vpon the said Felt, with the powder of bones, that it may shine white. And sometimes also they couer it with blacke Felt. The said Felt on the necke of their house, they doe garnish ouer with beautifull varietie of Pictures. Before the doore likewise they hang a Felt curiously painted ouer. For they spend all their coloured Felt, in painting Vines, Trees, Birds, and Beasts thereupon. The said [ 50] houses they make so large, that they contayne thirtie foot in breadth. For measuring once the breadth betweene the wheele-ruts of one of their Carts, I found it to bee twentie feet ouer: and when the house was vpon the Cart, it stretched ouer the wheeles on each side fiue feet at the least. I told two and twentie Oxen in one Teame, drawing an house vpon a Cart, eleuen in one order according to the breadth of the Cart, and eleuen more before them: the Axle-tree of the Cart was of an huge bignesse like vnto the Mast of a Ship. And a f••llow stood in the doore of the house, vpon the fore-stall of the Cart driuing forth the Oxen. Moreouer, they make certayne foure square Baskets of small slender Wickers as bigge as great Chests: and after∣ward, from one side to another, they frame an hollow lidde or couer of such like Wickers, [ 60] and make a doore in the fore-side thereof. And then they couer the said Chest or little House with black Felt, ubbed ouer with Tallow or Sheeps Milke to keep the rain from soking through, which they deck likewise with painting or with feathers. And in such Chests they put their whole Houshold-stuffe and Treasure. Also the same Chests they doe strongly binde vpon other Carts, which are drawne with Camels, to the end they may wade through Riuers. Neither doe they at any time take downe the said Chests from off their Carts. When they

take downe their dwelling houses, they turne the doores alwayes to the South: and next of all they place the Carts laden with their Chests, here and there, within halfe a stones cast of the House: insomuch that the House standeth betweene two rankes of Carts, as it were, betweene two Walles. The Matrones make for themselues most beautifull Carts, which I am not able to describe vnto your Maiesty but by Pictures only:* 1.11 for I would right wil∣lingly haue painted all things for you, had my Skill beene ought in that Art. One rich Moal or Tartar hath two hundred, or one hundred such Carts with Chests. Duke Baatu hath sixteene Wiues, euery one of which hath one great house, besides other little houses, which they place behind the great one, being as it were Chambers for their Maidens to dwell in. And vnto euery of the said houses doe belong two hundred Carts. When they take their houses from off the [ 10] Carts, the principall Wife placeth her Court on the West Frontier, and so all the rest in their or∣der: so that the last Wife dwelleth vpon the East Frontier: and one of the said Ladies Courts is distant from another about a stones cast. Whereupon the Court of one rich Moal or Tartar will appeare like vnto a great Village, very few men abiding in the same. One woman will guide twenty or thirty Carts at once, for their Countries are very plaine, and they binde the Carts with Camels or Oxen, one behind another. And there sits a Wench in the fore-most Cart dri∣uing the Oxen, and all the residue follow on a like pace. When they chance to come at any bad passage, they let them loose, and guide them ouer one by one: for they goe a slow pace, as fast as a Lambe or an Oxe can walke.

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* 1.12HAuing taken downe their houses from off their Carts, and turning the doores South-ward, they place the bed of the Master of the house, at the North part thereof. The womens place is alwayes on the East-side, namely, on the left hand of the good man of the house sitting vpon his bed with his face South-wards: but the mens place is vpon the West-side, namely, at the right hand of their Master. Men when they enter into the house, will not in any case hang their Q••iuers on the womens side. Ouer the Masters head there is alwayes an Image, like a Puppet, made of Fealt, which they call the Masters Brother: and another ouer the head of the good Wife or Mistris, which they call her Brother, being fastened to the wall: and aboue be∣tweene both of them, there is a little leane one, which is, as it were the keeper of the whole house. The good Wife or Mistris of the house placeth aloft at her beds feet, on the right hand, the [ 30] Skinne of a Kid stuffed with Wooll or some other matter, and neere vnto that a little Image or Puppet looking towards the Maidens and women. Next vnto the doore also on the womens side, there is another Image with a Cowes Vdder, for the women that milke the Kine. For it is the dutie of their women to milke Kine. On the other side of the doore next vnto the men, there is another Image with the Vdder of a Mare, for the men which milke Mares. And when they come together to drinke and make merrie, they sprinkle part of their Drinke vpon the I∣mage which is aboue the Masters head:* 1.13 afterward vpon other Images in order: then goeth a Seruant out of the house with a cup full of Drinke sprinkling it thrise towards the South, and bowing his knee at euery time: and this is done for the honour of the Fire. Then performeth he the like Superstitious Idolatry towards the East, for the honour of the Ayre: and then to the [ 40] West for the honour of the water: and lastly, to the North in the behalfe of the Dead. When the Master holdeth a cup in his hand to drinke, before hee tasteth thereof, hee powreth his part vpon the ground. If he drinketh sitting on Horse-backe, he powreth out part thereof vpon the necke or mane of his Horse before he himselfe drinketh. After the Seruant aforesaid hath so dis∣charged his cups to the foure quarters of the World, hee returneth into the house: and two o∣ther Seruants stand ready with two cups, and two basons, to carrie Drinke vnto their Master and his Wife, sitting together vpon a bed. And if hee hath more Wiues then one, shee with whom he slept the night before, sitteth by his side the day following: and all his other Wiues must that day resort vnto the same house to drinke: and there is the Court holden for that day: the gifts also which are presented that day, are layd vp in the Chests of the said Wife. And vpon [ 50] a bench stands a Vessell of Milke, or of other Drinke and drinking cups.

IN Winter time they make excellent drinke of Rice, of Mill, and of Honey, being well and high coloured like Wine.* 1.14 Also they haue Wine brought vnto them from farre Countries. In Summer time they care not for any drinke, but Cosmos. And it standeth alwayes within the entrance of his doore, and next vnto it stands a Minstrell with his Fiddle. I saw there no such Citernes and Vials as ours commonly bee, but many other Musicall Instruments which are not vsed among vs. And when the Master of the house begins to drinke, one of his seruants crieth out with a loude voyce, Ha, and the Minstrell playes vpon his Fiddle. And when they make any great solemne feast, they all of them clap their hands, and dance to the noyse of Musicke, [ 60] the men before their Master, and the women before their Mistris. And when the Master hath drunke,* 1.15 then cryes out his seruant as before, and the Minstrell stayeth his Musicke. Then drinke they all round both men and women,: and sometimes they carowse for the victorie very filthi∣ly and drunkenly. Also when they will prouoke any man, they pull him by the Eares to the drinke, and so lug and draw him strongly to stretch out his throat clapping their hands, and

dancing before him. Moreouer, when some of them will make great feasting and reioycing, one of the companie takes a full Cup, and two other stand, one on his right hand, and another on his left, and so they three come singing to the man who is to haue the Cup reached vnto him, still singing and dancing before him: and when he stretcheth forth his hand to receiue the Cup, they leape suddenly backe, returning againe as they did before, and so hauing deluded him thrice or foure times by drawing backe the Cup, vntill he be merrie, and hath gotten a good ap∣petite, then they giue him the Cup, singing and dancing, and stamping with their feet, vntill he hath done drinking.

COncerning their food and victuals, be it knowne vnto your Highnesse, that they doe,* 1.16 with∣out [ 10] all difference or conception, eate all their dead Carions. And amongst so many droues it cannot be, but some Cattell must needs die. Howbeit in Summer, so long as their Cosmos, that is, their Mares milke lasteth, they care not for any food. And if they chance to haue an Oxe or an Horse die, they drie and flesh thereof: for cutting it into thinne slices,* 1.17 and hanging it vp against the Sunne and the wind, it is presently dried without Salt, and also without stench or corruption. They make better Puddings of their Horses then of their Hogs, which they eate being new made: the rest of the flesh they reserue vntill Winter. They make of their Oxe skins great bladders or bags, which they doe wonderfully drie in the smoake. Of the hinder part of their Horsehides, they make very fine Sandals and Pantofles. They giue vnto fiftie of an hundred men, the flesh of one Ramme to eate. For they mince it in a bowle with Salt and [ 20] Water (other Sauce they haue none) and then with the poynt of a Knife, or a little Forke which they make for the same purpose (such as we vse to take roasted Peares and Apples out of Wine withall) they reach vnto euery one of the companie a morsell or twaine, according to the mul∣titude of Guests. The Master of the house, before the Rams flesh be distributed, first of all him∣selfe taketh thereof, what he pleaseth. Also, if he giueth vnto any of the companie a speciall part, the receiuer thereof must eate it alone, and must not impart ought thereof vnto any other. Not being able to eate it vp all, hee carries it with him, and deliuers it vnto his boy, if hee be present, to keepe it: if not, hee puts it vp into his Saptargat, that is to say, his foure square Budget, which they vse to carrie about with them, for the sauing of all such prouision, & where∣in they lay vp their bones, when they haue not time to gnaw them throughly, that they may [ 30] burnish them afterward, to the end that no whit of their food may come to nought.

THeir drinke, called Cosmos, which is Mares milke, is prepared after this manner. They fasten a long line vnto two posts standing firmly in the ground,* 1.18 and vnto the same line they tye the young Foales of those Mares, which they meane to milke. Then come the Dammes to stand by their Foales gently suffering themselues to be milked. And if any of them be too vnruly, then one takes her Foale, and puts it vnder her, letting it sucke a while, and presently carrying it away againe, there comes another man to milke the said Mare. And hauing gotten a good quantitie of this Milke together (being as sweet as Cowes milke) while it is new they powre into a great bladder or bag, and they beat the said bag with a piece of wood made for the [ 40] purpose, hauing a Club at the lower end like a mans head, which is hollow within: and so soone as they beat vpon it, it begins to boyle like new Wine, and to be sowre and sharpe of taste, and they beate it in that manner till Butter come thereof. Then taste they thereof, and being indifferently sharpe they drinke it: for it biteth a mans tongue like the Wine of Raspes, when it is drunke. After a man hath taken a draught thereof, it leaueth behind it a taste like the taste of Almond-milke, and goeth downe very pleasantly, intoxicating weake braynes: also it cau∣seth vrine to be auoyded in great measure. Likewise Caracosmos, that is to say, Blacke Cosmos,* 1.19 for great Lords to drinke, they make on this manner. First, they beat the said Milke so long till the thickest part thereof descend right downe to the bottome like the lees of white Wine, and that which is thinne and pure remayneth aboue, being like vnto Whay or white Must. The [ 50] said lees and dregs being very white, are giuen to seruants, and will cause them to sleepe excee∣dingly. That which is thinne and cleere their Masters drinke: and in very deede it is mar∣uellous sweet and wholsome liquor. Duke Baatu hath thirtie Cottages or Granges,* 1.20 within a dayes iourney of his abiding place: euery one of which serueth him daily with the Caracos∣mos of an hundred Mares milke,* 1.21 and so all of them together euery day with the Milke of three thousand Mares, besides white Milke which other of his Subiects bring. For euen as the Hus∣bandmen of Syria bestow the third part of their fruits, and carrie it vnto the Courts of their Lords, euen so doe they their Mares milke euery third day. Out of their Cowes milke they first churne Butter, boyling the which Butter vnto a perfect decoction, they put it into Rams skins, [ 60] which they reserue for the same purpose. Neither doe they salt their Butter: and yet by rea∣son of the long seething, it putrifieth not: and they keepe it in store for Winter. The churn∣milke which remayneth of the Butter, they let alone till it be as sowre as possibly it may be, then they boyle it, and in boyling it is turned all into Curds, which Curds they drie in the Sun, making them as hard as the drosse of Iron: and this kind of food also they store vp in Sachels

against Winter. In the Winter season when Milke fayleth them, they put the foresaid Curds (which they all Gry-vt) into a bladder, and powring hot water thereinto, they beat it lustily till they haue resolued it into the said Water, which is thereby made exceedingly sowre, and that they drinke in stead of Milke. They are very scrupulous, and take diligent heed that they drinke not faire Water by it selfe.

GReat Lords haue Cottages or Granges towards the South, from whence their Tenants bring them Millet and Meale against Winter.* 1.22 The poorer sort prouide themselues of such neces∣saries, for the exchange of Rams, and of other beasts skins. The Tartars slaues fill their bellies with thicke water, and are therewithall contented. They will neither eate Mise with long [ 10] tayles, nor any kind of Mise with short tayles. They haue also certaine little beasts, called by them, Sogur, which he in a Caue twentie or thirtie of them together, all the whole Winter sleeping there for the space of sixe moneths: and these they take in great abundance. There are also a kind of Conies hauing long tayles like vnto Cats: and on the outside of their tayles grow blacke and white haires. They haue many other small beasts good to eat, which they know and discerne right well. I saw no Deere there, and but a few Hares, but a great number of Roes. I saw wild Asses in great abundance, which be like vnto Mules. Also I saw another kind of beast, called Artak,* 1.23 hauing in all resemblance the bodie of a Ram, and crooked hornes, which are of such bignesse, that I could scarce lift vp a paire of them with one hand: and of these hornes they make great drinking cups. They haue Faulcons, Girfaulcons, and other Hawkes in great plentie: all which they carrie vpon their right hands: and they put alwaies about their Faulcons [ 20] neckes a string of Leather, which hangeth downe to the midst of their gorges, by the which string, when they cast them off the fist at the game, with their left hand they bow downe the heads and breasts of the said Hawkes, lest they should be tossed vp and downe, and beaten with the wind, or lest they should soare too high. Wherefore they get a great part of their victuals by hunting and hawking. Concerning their garments and attire, be it knowne vnto your Ma∣iestie, that out of Cataya, and other Regions of the East, out of Persia also, and other Countries of to South, there are brought vnto them Stuffes of silke, Cloth of gold, and Cotton cloth, which they weare in time of Summer. But out of Russia, Moxell, Bulgaria the greater, and Pascatir, that is, Hungaria the greater, and out of Kersis (all which are Northerne Regions, and [ 30] full of Woods) and also out of many other Countries of the North, which are subiect vnto them, the Inhabitants bring them rich and costly skins of diuers sorts (which I neuer saw in our Countries) wherewithall they are clad in Winter. And alwaies against Winter they make themselues two Gownes, one with the furre inward to their skinne, and another with the furre outward, to defend them from wind and snow, which for the most part are made of Wolues skins, or Foxe skins, or else of Papions. And when they sit within the house, they haue a finer Gowne to weare. The poorer sort make their vpper Gowne of Dogs or of Goats skins. When they goe to hunt for wild beasts, there meets a great companie of them together, and enuiro∣ning the place round about, where they are sure to find some game, by little and little they ap∣proach on all sides, till they haue gotten the wild beasts into the midst, as it were into a circle, [ 40] and then they discharge their Arrowes at them. Also they make themselues Breeches of skins. The rich Tartars sometimes furre their Gownes with pelluce or silke shag, which is exceeding soft, light, and warme. The poorer sort doe line their clothes with Cotton cloth, which is made of the finest wooll they can picke out, and of the courser part of the said wooll, they make Felt to couer their houses, and their chists, and for their bedding also. Of the same wooll, being mixed with one third part of Horse haire, they make all their cordage. They make also of the said Felt couerings for their stooles,* 1.24 and caps to defend their heads from the weather: for all which purposes they spend a great quantitie of their wooll. And thus much concerning the attire of the men.

[ 50]

THe men shaue a plot foure square vpon the crownes of their heads, and from the two for∣most corners they shaue,* 1.25 as it were, two seames downe to their temples: they shaue also their temples, and the hinder part of their head, euen vnto the nape of the necke: likewise they shaue the fore-part of their scalpe downe to their foreheads, and vpon their foreheads they leaue a locke of haire reaching downe vnto their eye-browes: vpon the two hindermost cor∣ners of their heads, they haue two lockes also, which they twine and braid into knots and so bind and knit them vnder each eare one. Moreouer, their womens garments differ not from their mens, sauing that they are somewhat longer. But on the morrow after one of their wo∣men is married, shee shaues her scalpe from the middest of her head downe to her forehead, and weares a wide garment like vnto the hood of a Nunne, yea larger and longer in all parts then a Nunnes hood, beeing open before, and girt vnto them vnder the right side. For heerein doe [ 60] the Tartars differ from the Turkes: because the Turkes fasten their garments to their bodies on the left side: but the Tartars alwaies on the right side. They haue also an ornament for their heads, which they call, Botta, beeing made of the barke of a Tree, or of some such other ligh∣ter

matter as they can finde, which by reason of the thicknesse and roundnesse thereof cannot be holden but in both hands together: and it hath a square sharpe spire rising from the top thereof, being more then a cubite in length, and fashioned like vnto a Pinacle. The said Botta they couer all ouer with a piece of rich Silke, and it is hollow within: and vpon the midst of the said spire or square top, they put a bunch of Q••ils, or of slender Canes a cubite long and more: and the said bunch on the top thereof, they beautifie with Peacockes Feathers, and round about all the length thereof, with the Feathers of a Malards taile, and with precious stones also. Great Ladies weare this kind of ornament vpon their heads, binding it strongly with a certaine Hat or Coyfe, which hath a hole in the crowne, fit for the spire to come through [ 10] it: and vnder the foresaid ornament they couer the haires of their heads, which they gather vp round together from the hinder part thereof to the crowne, and so lap them vp in a knot or bun∣dell within the said Botta, which afterward they bind strongly vnder their throats. Hereupon when a great company of such Gentlewomen ride together, and are beheld a farre off, they seeme to be Souldiers with Helmets on their heads, carrying their Lances vpright: for the said Botta appeareth like an Helmet with a Lance ouer it. All their Women sit on horse-backe, be∣striding their Horses like men: and they binde their hoods or gownes about their wastes with a sky-coloured Silke Skarfe, and with another Skarfe they gird it aboue their breasts: and they binde also a piece of white Silke like a Mufler or Maske vnder their eyes, reaching downe vnto their breasts. These Gentlewomen are exceeding fat, and the lesser their noses be, the fai∣rer they are esteemed: they dawbe ouer their sweet faces with grease too shamefully: and they [ 20] neuer lye in bed for their trauell of child-birth.

THe duties of Women are to driue Carts: to lay their houses vpon Carts,* 1.26 and to take them downe againe; to milke Kine, to make Butter and Gry-vt, to dresse skinnes, and to sew them, which they vsually sew with thread made of sinewes, for they diuide sinewes in slender threads, and then twine them into one long thread. They make Sandals and Socks, and other Garments. Howbeit they neuer wash any apparell: for they lay, that God is then angry, and that dreadfull thunder will ensue, if washed garments be hanged forth to dry; yea, they beate such as wash, and take their garments from them. They are wonderfully afraid of thunder: for [ 30] in the time of thunder they thrust all strangers out of their houses, and then wrapping them∣selues in blacke Felt, they lye hidden therein, till the thunder be ouer-past. They neuer wash their dishes or bowles: yea, when their flesh is sodden, they wash the platter wherein it must be put, with scalding hot broath out of the pot, and then powre the said broath into the pot a∣gaine. They make Felt also, and couer their houses therewith. The duties of the Men are, to make Bowes and Arrowes, Stirrops, Bridles and Saddles: to build Houses and Carts, to keepe Horses, to milke Mares, to churne Cosmos and Mares Milke, and to make bags wherein to put it: they keepe Camels also, and lay burthens vpon them. As for Sheepe and Goats, they tend and milke them, as well the Men as the Women. With Sheeps Milke thicked and salted, they dresse and tan their Hides. When they will wash their hands or their heads, they fill their [ 40] mouthes full of Water, and spowting it into their hands by little and little, they sprinkle their haire, and wash their heads therewith. As touching marriages, your Highnesse is to vnderstand, that no man can haue a Wife among them till he hath bought her: whereupon sometimes their Maids are very stale before they be married, for their Parents alwaies keepe them till they can sell them. They keepe the first and second degrees of Consanguinitie inuiolable, as wee doe: but they haue no regard of the degrees of Affinitie: for they will marrie together, or by successi∣on, two Sisters. Their Widowes marrie not at all, for this reason; because they beleeue, that all who haue serued them in this life, shall doe them seruice in the life to come also. Whereupon they are perswaded, that euery Widow after death shall returne vnto her owne Husband. And here-hence ariseth an abominable and filthy custome among them; namely, that the Sonne mar∣rieth sometimes all his Fathers Wiues except his owne Mother: For the Court or House of the [ 50] Father or Mother, falleth by inheritance alwaies to the younger Sonne. Whereupon he is to prouide for all his Fathers Wiues, because they are part of his Inheritance as well as his Fathers possessions. And then if he will, he vseth them for his owne Wiues: for he thinkes it no insu∣rie or disparagement vnto himselfe, although they returne vnto his Father after death. Therfore when any man hath bargained with another for a Maid, the Father of the said Damosell makes him a feast: in the meane while she fleeth vnto some of her Kinsfolkes to hide her selfe. Then saith her Father vnto the Bridegroome: Loe, my Daughter is yours, take her wheresoeuer you can finde her. Then he and his friends seeke for her till they can find her, and hauing found her, he must take her by force and carry her (as it were) violently vnto his owne house.

[ 60]

COncerning their Lawes, or their Execution of Iustice, your Maiestie is to bee aduertised,* 1.27 that when two men fight, no third man dare intrude himselfe to part them. Yea, the Fa∣ther dare not help his owne Sonne. But he that goes by the worst, must appeale vnto the Court of his Lord. And whosoeuer else offereth him any violence after appeale, is put to death. But

he must goe presently without all delay: and he that hath suffered the iniury, carrieth him (as it were) captiue. They punish no man with sentence of death, vnlesse he bee taken in the deed doing, or confesseth the same. But being accused by the multitude, they put him vnto extreame torture, to make him confesse the truth. They punish murther with death, and Carnall copula∣tion also with any other besides his owne. By his owne, I meane his Wife or his Maid Seruant, for he may vse his Slaue as hee listeth himselfe. Hainous theft also or felony they punish with death. For a light theft, as namely, for stealing of a Ram, the partie (not being apprehended in the deed doing, but otherwise detected) is cruelly beaten. And if the Executioner layes on an hundred strokes, hee must haue an hundred staues; namely, for such as are beaten vpon sen∣tence giuen in the Court. Also counterfeit Messengers, because they feine themselues to be Mes∣sengers, when as indeed they are none at all, they punish with death. Sacrilegious persons they [ 10] vse in like manner (of which kind of Malefactors your Maiestie shall vnderstand more fully hereafter) because they esteeme such to bee Witches. When any man dyeth, they lament and howle most pittifully for him: and the said Mourners are free from paying any tribute for one whole yeare after. Also, whosoeuer is present at the house where any one growne to mans estate lyeth dead, he must not enter into the Court of Mangu-Can, till one whole yeare be expired. If it were a child deceased, hee must not enter into the said Court till the next moneth after. Neere vnto the graue of the partie deceased, they alwaies leaue one Cottage. If any of their Nobles (being of the stocke of Chingis, who was their first Lord and Father) deceaseth, his Se∣pulchre is vnknowne. And alwaies about those places where they interre their Nobles, there is one house of men to keepe the Sepulchres. I could not learne that they vse to hide Treasures in [ 20] the graues of their dead.* 1.28 The Comanians build a great Toombe ouer their dead, and erect the Image of the dead partie thereupon, with his face towards the East, holding a drinking Cup in his hand before his Nauell. They erect also vpon the Monuments of rich men, Pyramides, that is to say; little sharpe houses or pinacles: and in some places I saw mightie Towers made of Bricke, in other places Pyramides made of stones, albeit there are no stones to be found there∣about. I saw one newly buried, in whose behalfe they hanged vp sixteene Horse-hides, vnto each quarter of the world foure, betweene certaine high posts: and they set besides his Graue Cosmos for him to drinke, and flesh to eate: and yet they said that he was baptized. I beheld o∣ther kinds of Sepulchres also towards the East: namely, large floores or pauements made of stone, some round, and some square, and then foure long stones pitched vpright, about the said [ 30] pauement towards the foure Regions of the world. When any man is sicke, he lyeth in his bed, and causeth a signe to be set vpon his house, to signifie that there lyeth a sicke person there, to the end that no man may enter into the said house: whereupon none at all visit any sicke partie but his seruant onely. Moreouer, when any one is sicke in their great Courts, they appoint Watch-men to stand round about the said Court, who will not suffer any person to enter with∣in the Precincts thereof. For they feare least euill spirits or winds should come together with the parties that enter in. They esteeme of Soothsayers, as of their Priests.

* 1.29ANd being come amongst those barbarous people, me thought (as I said before) that I was entred into a new world: for they came flocking about vs on horse-backe, after they had [ 40] made vs a long time to awaite for them sitting in the shadow, vnder their blacke carts. The first question which they demanded, was, whether we had euer beene with them heretofore, or no? And giuing them answere that we had not, they began impudently to beg our victuals from vs. And we gaue them some of our Bisket and Wine, which wee had brought with vs from the Towne of Soldaia. And hauing drunke off one Flagon of our Wine, they demanded another; saying, That a man goeth not into the house with one foote. Howbeit we gaue them no more, excusing our selues that we had but a little. Then they asked vs, whence we came, and whither we were bound? I answered them with the words aboue mentioned: that wee had heard con∣cerning Duke Sartach, that hee was become a Christian, and that vnto him our determination was to trauell,* 1.30 hauing your Maiesties Letters to deliuer vnto him. They were very inquisitiue [ 50] to know whether I came of mine owne accord, or whither I were sent? I answered, that no man compelled me to come, neither had I come, vnlesse I my selfe had beene willing: and that therefore I was come according to mine owne will, and to the will of my Superior. I tooke diligent heed neuer to say that I was your Maiesties Embassadour. Then they asked what I had in my Carts; whether it were Gold or Siluer, or rich Garments to carrie vnto Sartach? I an∣swered, that Sartach should see what we had brought, when we were once come vnto him, and that they had nothing to doe to aske such questions, but rather ought to conduct me vnto their Captaine, and that he, if he thought good, should cause me to be directed vnto Sartach: if not, that I would returne. For there was in the same Prouince one of Baatu his Kinsmen, called Sca∣cati [ 60] vnto whom my Lord the Emperour of Constantinople had written Letters of request, to suffer me to passe through his Territorie. With this answere of ours they were satisfied, giuing vs Horses and Oxen, and two men to conduct vs. Howbeit, before they would allow vs the foresaid necessaries for our iourney, they made vs to awaite a long while, begging our bread for

their young Brats, wondring at all things which they saw about our Seruants, as their Kniues, Gloues, Purses and Points, and desiring to haue them. I excused my selfe that wee had a long way to trauell, and that we must in no wise so soone depriue our selues of things necessary, to finish so long a iourney. Then they said, that I was a very varlet. True it is, that they tooke nothing by force from me: howbeit they will beg that which they see very importunatly and shamelesly. And if a man bestow ought vpon them, it is but cost lost, for they are thanklesse wretches. They esteeme themselues Lords, and thinke that nothing should be denyed them by any man. If a man giues them nought, and afterwards stands in need of their seruice, they will do right nought for him. They gaue vs of their Cowes Milke to drink, after the Butter was chur∣ned [ 10] out of it, being very sowre, which they call Apram. And so we departed from them. And in very deed it seemed to me that we were escaped out of the hands of Diuels. On the morrow we were come vnto the Captaine. From the time wherein we departed from Soldaia, till wee arriued at the Court of Sartach, which was the space of two moneths, we neuer lay in House or Tent, but alwaies vnder the starry Canopie, and in the open Aire, or vnder our Carts. Neither yet saw we any Village, nor any mention of building where a Village had beene, but the graues of the Comanians, in great abundance. The same euening our guide which had conducted vs, gaue vs some Cosmos. After I had drunke thereof, I sweat most extreamely for the noueltie and strangenesse, because I neuer dranke of it before. Notwithstanding, me thought it was very sa∣uory, as indeed it was.

[ 20]

ON the morrow after we met with the Carts of Scacatai laden with houses, and me thought that a mightie Citie came to meete me.* 1.31 I wondred also at the great multitude of huge Droues of Oxen, and Horses, and at the Flockes of Sheepe. I could see but a few men that gui∣ded all these matters: whereupon I inquired how many men hee had vnder him, and they told me that he had not aboue fiue hundred in all, the one halfe of which number we were come past, as they lay in another Lodging. Then the Seruant which was our Guide told mee, that I must present somewhat vnto Scacatai: and so he caused vs to stay, going himselfe before to giue no∣tice of our comming. By this time it was past three of the clocke, and they vnladed their hou∣ses neere vnto a certayne water: And there came vnto vs his Interpreter, who being aduertised [ 30] by vs that we were neuer there before, demanded some of our victuals, and wee yeelded vnto his request. Also hee required of vs some garment for a Reward, because hee was to interpret our Sayings vnto his Master. Howbeit, we excused our selues as well as we could. Then hee asked vs, what we would present vnto his Lord: And we tooke a flagon of Wine, and filled a Maund with Bisket, and a Platter with Apples and other Fruits. But he was not contented therewith, because we brought him not some rich garment. Notwithstanding, wee entred so into his pre∣sence with feare and bashfulnesse. Hee sate vpon his bed holding a Citron in his hand, and his Wife sate by him: who (as I verily thinke) had cut and pared her Nose betweene the Eyes, that she might seeme to be more flat and saddle-nosed: for she had left her selfe no Nose at all in that place, hauing anoynted the very same place with a blacke Oyntment, and her Eye-browes also: [ 40] which sight seemed most vgly in our Eyes. Then I rehearsed vnto him the same words, which I had spoken in other places before. For it stood vs in hand to vse one and the same speech in all places. For we were well fore-warned of this circumstance by some which had beene amongst the Tartars, that we should neuer vary in our Tale. Then I besought him,* 1.32 that he would vouch∣safe to accept that small gift at our hands, excusing my selfe that I was a Monke, and that it was against our profession to possesse Gold, or Siluer, or precious Garments, and therefore that I had not any such thing to giue him, howbeit he should receiue some part of our victuals in stead of a blessing. Hereupon he caused our Present to be receiued, and immediately distributed the same among his men, who were met together for the same purpose, to drinke and make merry. I deli∣uered also vnto him the Emperour of Constantinople his Letters (this was eight dayes after the [ 50] Feast of Ascension) who sent them forth-with to Soldaia, to haue them interpreted there: for they were written in Greeke, and he had none about him that was skilfull in the Greeke Tongue. He asked vs also whether we would drinke any Cosmos, that is to say, Mares Milke: (For those that are Christians among them, as namely, the Russians, Grecians, and Alanians,* 1.33 who keepe their owne Law very strictly, will in no case drinke thereof, yea, they account themselues no Christians after they haue once drunke of it, and their Priests reconcile them vnto the Church, as if they had renounced the Christian Faith.) I gaue him answere, that wee had as yet sufficient of our owne to drinke, and that when our drinke fayled vs, we must be constrayed to drinke such as should bee giuen vnto vs. Hee enquired also what was contayned in our Letters, which your Maiestie sent vnto Sartach? I answered: that they were sealed vp, and that there was nothing [ 60] contayned in them, but good and friendly words. And he asked what words wee would deliuer vnto Sartach? I answered: the words of Christian Faith. He asked againe what these words were? For he was very desirous to heare them. Then I expounded vnto him as well as I could, by mine Interpreter, (who had no wit nor any vtterance of speech) the Apostles Creed. Which after hee had heard, holding his peace, he shooke his head. Then hee assigned vnto vs two men,

who should giue attendance vpon our selues, vpon our Horses, and vpon our Oxen. And hee caused vs to ride in his company, till the Messenger whom he had sent for the Interpretation of the Emperours Letters, was returned. And so wee trauelled in his company till the morrow after Pentecost.

* 1.34VPon the Eeuen of Pentecost, there came vnto vs certayne Alanians, who are there called * 1.35 Acias, being Christians after the manner of the Grecians, vsing Greeke Bookes and Gre∣cian Priests: howbeit, they are not Schismatikes as the Grecians are, but without acception of persons, they honour all Christians. And they brought vnto vs sodden flesh, requesting vs to eat of their meate, and to pray for one of their company beeing dead. Then I said, because it was [ 10] the Eeuen of so great and so solemne a Feast Day, that wee would not eate any flesh for that time. And I expounded vnto them the Solemnitie of the said Feast, whereat they greatly re∣ioyced: for they were ignorant of all things appertayning to Christian Religion, except only the Name of Christ. They and many other Christians, both Russians, and Hungarians demanded of vs, whether they might be saued or no, because they were constrayned to drinke Cosmos, and to eate the dead carkasses of such things, as were slaine by the Saracens, and other Infidels? Which euen the Greeke and Russian Priests them selues also esteeme as things strangled or offered vnto Idols: because they were ignorant of the times of Fasting, neither could they haue obser∣ued them albeit they had knowne them. Then instructed I them aswell as I could and streng∣thened them in the Faith. As for the flesh which they had brought, wee reserued it vntill the [ 20] feast day. For there was nothing to be sold among the Tartars for Gold and Siluer, but onely for Cloath and Garments,* 1.36 of the which kind of Merchandize wee had none at all. When our Seruants offered them any Coyne, called Yperpera, they rubbed it with their fingers, and put it vnto their noses, to try by the smell whether it were Copper or no. Neither did they allow vs any food but Cowes Milke onely, which was very sowre and filthy. There was one thing most necessary greatly wanting vnto vs. For the water was so foule and muddy, by reason of their Horses, that it was not meete to be drunke. And but for certaine Bisket, which was by the good∣nesse of God remaining vnto vs, we had vndoubtedly perished.

* 1.37VPon the day of Pentecost there came vnto vs a certaine Saracen, vnto whom, as he talked with vs, we expounded the Christian Faith. Who (hearing of Gods benefits exhibited [ 30] vnto mankind, by the Incarnation of our Sauiour Christ, and the Resurrection of the dead, and the Iudgement to come, and that in Baptisme was a washing away of sinnes) said, that hee would be baptized. But when wee prepared our selues to the baptizing of him, hee suddenly mounted on horse-back, saying, that he would go home and consult with his wife what were best to be done. And on the morrow after he told vs, that he durst in no case receiue Baptisme, because then he should drinke no more Cosmos. For the Christians of that place affirme, that no true Christians ought to drinke thereof: and that without the said liquor hee could not liue in that Desart. From which opinion, I could not for my life remoue him. Wherefore be it knowne of a certaintie vnto your Highnesse, that they are much estranged from the Christian Faith, by [ 40] reason of that opinion which hath beene broached and confirmed among them by the Russians, of whom there is a great multitude in that place. The same day Scacatia the Captaine aforesaid gaue vs one man to conduct vs to Sartach, and two other to guide vs vnto the next Lodging, which was distant from that place fiue dayes Iourney for Oxen to trauell. They gaue vnto vs also a Goate for victuals, and a great many Bladders of Cowes Milke, and but a little Cosmos, because it is of so great estimation among them. And so taking our Iourney directly toward the North, mee thought that wee had passed through one of Hell gates. The Seruants which con∣ducted vs began to play the bold Theeues with vs, seeing vs take so little heed vnto our selues. At length hauing lost much by there Theeuery, harme taught vs wisdome. And then wee came vnto the extremitie of that Prouince, which is fortified with a Ditch from one Sea vnto ano∣ther: [ 50] without the bounds whereof their Lodging was situate. Into the which, so soone as wee had entred, all the Inhabitants there seemed vnto vs to be infected with Leprosie: for certayne base fellowes were placed there to receiue Tribute of all such as tooke Salt out of the Salt-pits aforesaid.* 1.38 From that place they told vs that we must trauell fifteene dayes Iourney, before we should find any other people. With them we dranke Cosmos, and gaue vnto them a basket full of Fruits and of Bisket. And they gaue vnto vs eight Oxen and one Goate, to sustayne vs in so great a Iourney, and I know not how many bladders of Milke. And so changing our Oxen, we tooke our Iourney which wee finished in tenne dayes, arriuing at another Lodging: neither found we any water all that way, but onely in certayne Ditches made in the Valleyes, except two Riuers. And from the time wherein wee departed out of the foresaid Prouince of Gasaria, [ 60] we trauelled directly East-ward, hauing a Sea on the South-side of vs, and a waste Desart on the North, which Desart, in some places, reacheth twentie dayes Iourney in breadth, and there is neither Tree, Mountayne, nor Stone therein. And it is most excellent Pasture. Here the Co∣manians, which were called Capthac, were wont to feed their Cattell. Howbeit by the Dutch∣men

they are called Valani, and the Prouince it selfe Valania.* 1.39 But Isidore calleth all that tract of Land stretching from the Riuer of Tanais to the Lake of M••otis, and so along as farre as Da∣nubius, the Countrey of Alania. And the same land continueth in length from Danubius vnto Tanais (which diuideth Asia from Europe) for the space of two moneths iourney, albeit a man should ride post as fast as the Tartars vse to ride: and it was all ouer inhabited by the Comanians, called Capthac: yea, and beyond Tanais, as farre as the Riuer of Edil, or Volga:* 1.40 the space betweene the two which Riuers is a great and long iourney to bee trauelled in ten daies. To the North of the same Prouince lyeth Russia, which is full of wood in all places, and stretcheth from Polonia and Hungaria, euen to the Riuer of Tanais: and it hath been•• wasted all ouer by the Tartars,* 1.41 and [ 10] as yet is daily wasted by them.

THey preferre the Saracens before the Russians, because they are Christians,* 1.42 and when they are able to giue them no more gold nor siluer, they driue them and their Children like flocks of Sheepe into the wildernesse, constraining them to keepe their Cattell there. Beyond Russia lyeth the Countrey of Prussia, which the Dutch Knights of the order of Saint Maries Hospitall of Ierusalem, haue of late wholly conquered and subdued. And in very deede, they might easi∣ly win Russia, if they would put to their helping hand. For if the Tartars should but once know that the great Priest, that is to say, the Pope did cause the Ensigne of the Crosse to be displaied against them, they would flie all into their Desart and solitarie places. Wee therefore went on [ 20] towards the East, seeing nothing but Heauen and Earth, and sometimes the Sea on our right hand, called the Sea of Tanais, and the Sepulchres of the Comanians, which appeared vnto vs two leagues off, in which places they were wont to burie their kindred altogether. So long as we were trauelling through the Desart, it went reasonably well with vs. For I cannot suffici∣ently expresse in words the irkesome and tedious troubles which I sustained, when I came at any of their places of abode. For our Guide would haue vs goe in vnto euery Captaine with a pre∣sent, and our expences would not extend so farre. For we were euery day eight persons of vs spending our wayfaring prouision,* 1.43 for the Tartars seruants would all of them eate of our victu∣als. We our selues were fiue in number, and the seruants our Guides were three, two to driue our Carts, and one to conduct vs vnto Sartach. The flesh which they gaue vs was not sufficient [ 30] for vs; neither could we find any thing to be bought for our money. And as we sate vnder our Carts in the coole shadow, by reason of the extreame and vehement heate which was there at that time, they did so importunately and shamelesly intrude themselues into our company, that they would euen tread vpon vs, to see whatsoeuer things we had. Hauing list at any time to ease themselues, the filthie Lozels had not the manners to withdraw themselues farther from vs, then a Beane can be cast. Yea, like vile slouens they would lay their tailes in our presence, while they were yet talking with vs: many other things they committed, which were most tedious and loathsome vnto vs. But aboue all things it grieued me to the very heart, that when I would vt∣ter ought vnto them, which might tend to their edification, my foolish interpreter would say: you should not make me become a Preacher now; I tell you, I cannot nor I will not rehearse [ 40] any such words. And true it was which he said, for I perceiued afterward, when I began to haue a little smattering in the language, that when I spake one thing, hee would say quite another, whatsoeuer came next vnto his witlesse tongues end. Then seeing the danger I might incurre in speaking by such an Interpreter, I resolued much rather to hold my peace, and thus we trauelled with great toile from lodging to lodging, till at the length, a few daies before the Feast of Saint Marie Magdalene, we arriued at the banke of the mightie Riuer Tanais, which diuideth Asia from Europa, euen as the Riuer Nilus of Aegypt disioyneth Asia from Africa.* 1.44 At the same place where we arriued, Baatu and Sartach did cause a certaine Cottage to be built vpon the Easterne banke of the Riuer, for a companie of Russians to dwell in, to the end, they might transport Ambassadours and Merchants in Ferrie-boates ouer that part of the Riuer. First, they ferried vs ouer, and then our Carts, putting one wheele into one Liter, and the other wheele into another [ 50] Liter, hauing bound both the Liters together, and so they rowed them ouer. In this place our Guide played the foole most extreamely. For he imagining that the said Russians, dwelling in the Cottage, should haue prouided vs Horses, sent home the Beasts which wee brought with vs, in another Cart, that they might returne vnto their owne Masters. And when we demanded to haue some beasts of them, they answered, that they had a priuiledge from Baatu, whereby they were bound to none other seruice, but onely to ferrie ouer Goers and Commers: and that they receiued great tribute of Merchants in regard thereof. Wee staied therefore by the said Riuers side three daies. The first day they gaue vnto vs a great fresh Turbut: the second day they be∣stowed Rye bread, and a little flesh vpon vs, which the Purueyer of the Village had taken vp at euery house for vs: and the third day dryed Fishes, which they haue there in great aboundance. [ 60] The said Riuer was euen as broade in that place, as the Riuer of Sein is at Paris. And before wee came there, wee passed ouer many goodly waters, and full of Fish:* 1.45 howbeit the barbarous and rude Tartars know not how to take them: neither doe they make any reckoning of any Fish, except it bee so great, that they may prey vpon the flesh thereof, as vpon the flesh of a Ram.

This Riuer is the limit of the East part of Russia, and it springeth out of the F••nnes of Maeotis, which Fennes stretch vnto the North Ocean.* 1.46 And it runneth Southward into a certaine great Sea seuen hundred miles about, before it falleth into the Sea called Pontus Euxinus. And all the Riuers which we passed ouer, ran with full streame into those quarters. The foresaid Riuer hath great store of wood also growing vpon the West side thereof. Beyond this place the Tartars ascend no farther vnto the North:* 1.47 for at that season of the yeere, about the first of August, they begin to returne backe vnto the South. And therefore there is another Cottage somewhat lower where Passengers are ferried ouer in Winter time, and in this place we were driuen to great ex∣tremitie, by reason that we could get neither Horses, nor Oxen for any money. At length, af∣ter I had declared vnto them, that my comming was to labour for the common good of all [ 10] Christians, they sent vs Oxen and Men; howbeit wee our selues were faine to trauell on foot. At this time they were reaping their Rye. Wheate prospereth not well in that soile. They haue the seed of Millium in great abundance. The Russian women attire their heads like vnto our women. They embroider their Safegards or Gownes on the outside, from their feet vnto their knees with partie-coloured or grey stuffe. The Russian men weare Caps like vnto the Dutch men. Also they weare vpon their heads certaine sharpe and high-crowned Hats made of Felt, much like vnto a Sugar-loafe. Then trauailed we three daies together, not finding any people. And when our selues and our Oxen were exceeding wearie and faint, not knowing how farre off we should find any Tartars, on the sudden there came two Horses running towards vs, which we tooke with great ioy, and our Guide and Interpreter mounted vpon their backs, to see how farre off they could descrie any people. At length, vpon the fourth day of our iourney, hauing [ 20] found some Inhabitants, we reioyced like Sea faring men, which had escaped out of a dangerous Tempest, and had newly recouered the Hauen. Then hauing taken fresh Horses, and Oxen, we passed on from lodging to lodging, till at the last, vpon the second of the Kalends of August, we arriued at the habitation of Duke Sartach himselfe.

THe Region lying beyond Tanais, is a very goodly Countrey, hauing store of Riuers and Woods toward the North part thereof.* 1.48 There are mightie huge Woods which two sorts of people doe inhabit. One of them is called Moxel, being meere Pagans, and without Law. They haue neither Townes nor Cities, but onely Cottages in the Woods. Their Lord and a great part [ 30] of themselues were put to the Sword in high Germanie. Whereupon they highly commend the braue courage of the Almans, hoping as yet to be deliuered out of the bondage of the Tartars, by their meanes. If any Merchant come vnto them, hee must prouide things necessary for him, with whom hee is first of all entertained, all the time of his abode among them. If any lyeth with another mans wife, her husband, vnlesse he be an eye-witnesse thereof, regardeth it not: for they are not iealous ouer their wiues. They haue abundance of Hogs, and great store of Ho∣nie and Waxe, and diuers sorts of rich and costly Skins, and plentie of Faulcons. Next vnto them are other people called Merclas,* 1.49 which the Latines call Merdui, and they are Saracens. Beyond them is the Riuer of Etilia, or Volga, which is the mightiest Riuer that euer I saw. And it issu∣eth from the North part of Bulgaria the greater, and so trending along Southward, disimboqueth [ 40] into a certaine Lake, containing in circuit the space of foure moneths trauell, whereof I will speake hereafter.* 1.50 The two foresaid Riuers, namely, Tanais and Etilia, otherwise called Volga, towards the Northerne Regions, through the which we trauailed, are not distant asunder aboue ten daies iourney, but Southward they are diuided a great space one from another. For Tanais descendeth into the Sea of Pontus: Etilia maketh the foresaid Sea or Lake, with the helpe of many other Riuers, which fall there into out of Persia. And wee had to the South of vs huge high Mountaines, vpon the sides thereof towards the said Desart, doe the people called Cergi••, and the Alani or Acas inhabit,* 1.51 who are as yet Christians, and wage warre against the Tartars. Beyond them, next vnto the Sea or Lake of Etilia, there are certaine Saracens called Lesgi, who are in subiection vnto the Tartars.* 1.52 Beyond these is Porta ferrea, or the Iron gate, now called Derbent, which Alexander built to exclude the barbarous Nations out of Persia. Concerning the [ 50] situation whereof, your Maiestie shall vnderstand more about the end of this Treatise: for I tra∣uailed in my returne by the very same place.* 1.53 Betweene the two foresaid Riuers, in the Regions through the which we passed, did the Comanians of old time inhabit, before they were ouer∣run by the Tartars.

* 1.54ANd wee found Sartach lying within three daies iourney of the Riuer Et••lia: whose Court seemed vnto vs to be very great. For he himselfe had six wiues, and his eldest sonne also had three wiues: euery one of which women hath a great house▪ and they haue each one of them about two hundred Carts. Our guide went vnto a certaine Nestorian named Coiat, who is a man of great authoritie in Sartachs Court. He made vs to goe very farre vnto the Lords gate. For so [ 60] they call him who hath the Office of entertayning Ambassadours. In the euening, Coiat com∣manded vs to come vnto him. Then our Guide began to enquire what wee would present him withall, and was exceedingly offended, when hee saw that wee had nothing ready to present.

We stood before him, and he sate maiestically, hauing musick and dancing in his presence. Then I spake vnto him in the words before recited, telling him for what purpose I was come vnto his Lord, and requesting so much fauour at his hands, as to bring our Letters vnto the sight of his Lord, I excused my selfe also, that I was a Monke, not hauing, nor receiuing, nor vsing any gold, or siluer, or any other precious thing, saue onely our Bookes, and the Vestments wherein wee serued God: and that this was the cause why I brought no present vnto him, nor vnto his Lord. For I that had abandoned mine owne goods, could not be a transporter of things for other men. Then he answered very courteously, that being a Monke, and so doing, I did well; for so I should o••serue my vow: neither did himselfe stand in need of ought that we had, but rather was ready [ 10] to bestow vpon vs such things as we our selues stood in need of: and hee caused vs to sit downe, and to drinke of his Milke. And presently after, hee requested vs to say our deuotions for him: and wee did so. Hee enquired also who was the greatest Prince among the Francks? And I said, the Emperour, if he could enioy his owne Dominions in quiet. No (quoth hee) but the King of France. For hee had heard of your Hignesse by Lord Baldwine of Henault. I found there also one of the Knights of the Temple who had beene in Cyprus, and had made report of all things which he saw there. Then returned we vnto our Lodging. And on the morrow we sent him a flaggon of Muscadell Wine (which had lasted verie well in so long a Iourney) and a boxe full of Bisket, which was most acceptable vnto him. And hee kept our Seruants with him for that Euening. The next morning hee commanded mee to come vnto the Court, and to bring [ 20] the Kings Letters and my Vestments, and Bookes with mee: because his Lord was desirous to see them. Which we did accordingly, lading one Cart with our Bookes and Vestments, and another with Bisket, Wine, and Fruits. Then hee caused all our Bookes and Vestments to bee layd forth. And there stood round about vs many Tartars, Christians, and Saracens on Horse-backe. At the sight whereof, hee demanded whether I would bestow all those things vpon his Lord or no? Which saying made mee to tremble, and grieued mee full sore. Howbeit, dissem∣bling our griefe as well as we could, we shaped him this Answere: Sir, our humble request is, that our Lord your Master would vouchsafe to accept our Bread, Wine, and Fruits, not as a Present, because it is too meane, but as a Benediction, least we should come with an emptie hand before him. And hee shall see the Letters of my Souereigne Lord the King, and by them hee shall vn∣derstand [ 30] for what cause we are come vnto him, and then both our selues, and all that wee haue, shall stand to his courtesie: for our Vestments bee holy, and it is vnlawfull for any but Priests to touch them. Then he commanded vs to inuest our selues in the said Garments, that we might goe before his Lord: and we did so. Then I my selfe putting on our most precious Ornaments, tooke in mine armes a very faire Cushion, and the Bible which your Maiestie gaue mee, and a most beautifull Psalter, which the Queenes Grace bestowed vpon mee, wherein there were goodly Pictures. Mine Associate tooke a Missall and a Crosse: and the Clerke hauing put on his Surplice, tooke a Censer in his hand. And so we came vnto the presence of his Lord: and they lifted vp the Felt hanging before his doore, that hee might behold vs. Then they caused the Clerke and the Interpreter thrice to bow the knee: but of vs they required no such sub∣mission. [ 40] And they diligently admonished vs to take heed, that in going in, and in comming out, wee touched not the threshold of the house, and requested vs to sing a Benediction for him. Then we entred in, singing Salue Regina. And within the entrance of the doore stood a bench with Cosmos, and drinking cups thereupon. And all his Wiues were there assembled. Also the Moals or rich Tartars thrusting in with vs pressed vs sore. Then Coiat carryed vnto his Lord the Censer with Incense, which hee beheld very diligently, holding it in his hand. Afterward he carryed the Psalter vnto him, which he looked earnestly vpon, and his Wife also that sate beside him. After that he carryed the Bible: then Sartach asked if the Gospell were contayned therein? Yea (said I) and all the holy Scriptures besides. He tooke the Crosse also in his hand, and demanded concerning the Image, whether it were the Image of Christ or no? I said it was. The Nestorians and the Armenians doe neuer make the figure of Christ vpon their Crosses.* 1.55 [ 50] Wherefore either they seeme not to thinke well of his Passion, or else they are ashamed of it. Then hee caused them that stood about vs, to stand aside, that hee might more fully behold our Ornaments. Afterward I deliuered vnto him your Maiesties Letters, with the Translation thereof into the Arabicke and Syriacke Languages. For I caused them to bee translated at Acon, into the Character and Dialect of both the said Tongues. And there were certayne Armenian Priests, which had skill in the Turkish and Arabian Languages. The aforesaid Knight also of the Order of the Temple had knowledge in the Syriake, Turkish, and Arabian Tongues. Then wee departed forth, and put off our Vestments, and there came vnto vs certayne Scribes together with the foresaid Coiat, and caused our Letters to bee interpreted. Which Letters be∣ing heard, hee caused our Bread, Wine and Fruits to bee receiued. And hee permitted vs also to [ 60] carrie our Vestments and Bookes vnto our owne Lodging. This was done vpon the Feast of S. Peter ad vincula.

* 1.56THe next morning betimes came vnto vs a certayne Priest, who was brother vnto Coiat, requesting to haue our boxe of Chrisme, because Sartach (as he said) was desirous to see it: and so we gaue it him. About Euenty de Coiat sent for vs, saying: My Lord your King wrote good words vnto my Lord and Master Sartach. Howbeit there are certayne matters of difficultie in them, concerning which he dare not determine ought, without the aduice and counsell of his Father. And therefore of necessitie you must depart vnto his Father, leauing behind you the two Carts, which you brought hither yesterday with Vestments and Bookes, in my custodie: be∣cause my Lord is desirous to take more diligent view thereof. I presently suspecting what mis∣chiefe might ensue by his couetousnesse, said vnto him: Sir, we will not onely leaue those with you, but the two other Carts also, which we haue in our possession, will wee commit vnto your custodie. You shall not (quoth he) leaue those behind you, but for the other two Carts first na∣med, [ 10] wee will satisfie your request. I said that this could not conueniently bee done: but needs we must leaue all with him. Then he asked, whether we meant to tarrie in the Land▪ I answe∣red: If you throughly vnderstand the Letters of my Lord the King▪ you know that we are euen so determined. Then he replyed, that we ought to bee patient and lowly: and so wee departed from him that Euening. On the morrow after he sent a Nestorian Priest for the Carts, and wee caused all the foure Carts to be deliuered. Then came the foresaid brother of Coiat to meet vs, and separated all those things, which we had brought the day before vnto the Court, from the rest, namely, the Bookes and Vestments, and tooke them away with him. Howbeit Coiat had commanded, that we should carrie those Vestments with vs, which we wore in the presence of [ 20] Sartach, that we might put them on before Baatu, if need should require: but the said Priest tooke them from vs by violence, saying: thou hast brought them vnto Sartach, and wouldest thou carrie them vnto Baatu? And when I would haue rendred a reason, hee answered: bee not too talkatiue, but goe your wayes. Then I saw that there was no remedie but patience: for wee could haue no accesse vnto Sartach himselfe, neither was there any other, that would doe vs Iustice. I was afraid also in regard of the Interpreter, least he had spoken other things then I said vnto him: for his will was good, that wee should haue giuen away all that we had. There was yet one comfort remayning vnto mee: for when I once perceiued their couetous intent, I conueyed from among our Bookes the Bible, and the Sentences, and certayne other Bookes which I made speciall account of. Howbeit, I durst not take away the Psalter of my Souereigne [ 30] Ladie the Queene, because it was too well knowne, by reason of the Golden Pictures therein. And so we returned with the two other Carts vnto our Lodging. Then came hee that was ap∣pointed to be our Guide vnto the Court of Baatu, willing vs to take our Iourney in all poste∣haste: vnto whom I said, that I would in no case haue the Carts to goe with me. Which thing he declared vnto Coiat. Then Coiat commanded, that wee should leaue them and our Seruant with him: And we did as he commandeed. And so trauelling directly East-ward towards Baa∣tu,* 1.57 the third day we came to Etilia or Volga: the streames whereof when I beheld, I wondred from what Regions of the North such huge and mightie waters should descend. Before we were departed from Sartach, the foresaid Coiat, with many other Scribes of the Court said vnto vs: doe not make report that our Lord is a Christian, but a Moal. Because the name of a Christian [ 40] seemeth vnto them to be the name of some Nation.* 1.58 So great is their pride, that albeit they be∣leeue perhaps some things concerning Christ, yet will they not be called Christians, being desi∣rous that their owne name, that is to say, Moal should be exalted aboue all other names. Nei∣ther will they be called by the name of Tartars. For the Tartars were another Nation, as I was informed by them.

* 1.59AT the same time when the Frenchmen tooke Antioch, a certayne man named Con Can, had Dominion ouer the Northerne Regions, lying thereabouts. Con is a proper name: Can is a name of authoritie or dignitie, which signifieth a Diuiner or Sooth-sayer. All Diuiners are called Can amongst them. Whereupon their Princes are called Can, because that vnto them be∣longeth [ 50] the gouernment of the people by Diuination. We doe read also in the Historie of An∣tiochia, that the Turkes sent for ayde against the Frenchmen, vnto the Kingdome of Con Can. For out of those parts the whole Nation of the Turkes first came. The said Con was of the Na∣tion of Kara-Catay. Kara signifieth blacke, and Catay is the name of a Countrey. So that Kara-Catay signifieth the blacke Catay. This name was giuen to make a difference betweene the foresaid people, and the people of Catay inhabiting East-ward ouer against the Ocean Sea: concerning whom your Maiestie shall vnderstand more hereafter. These Catayans dwelt vpon certayne Alpes, by the which I trauelled. And in a certaine plaine Countrey within those Alpes, there inhabited a Nestorian shepheard, being a mightie Gouernour ouer the people called Yay∣man, which were Christians, following the Sect of Nestorius. After the death of Con Can, [ 60] the said Nestorian exalted himselfe to the Kingdome, and they called him King Iohn, reporting ten times more of him then was true. For so the Nestorians which come out of those parts, vse to doe. For they blaze abroad great rumours, and reports vpon iust nothing. Whereupon they gaue out concerning Sartach, that he was become a Christian, and the like also they repor∣ted

concerning Mangu Can, and Ken Can: namely, because these Tartars make more account of Christians, then they doe of other people, and yet in very deed, themselues are no Christi∣ans. So likewise there went forth a great report concerning the said King Iohn. Howbeit, when I trauelled along by his Territories, there was no man that knew any thing of him, but onely a few Nestorians. In his Pastures or Territories dwelleth Ken Can,* 1.60 at whose Court Frier Andrew was. And I my selfe passed by it at my returne. This Iohn had a Brother, being a mightie man also, and a Shepheard like himselfe, called Vut, and he inhabited beyond the Alpes of Cara Catay, being distant from his Brother Iohn, the space of three weekes iourney. He was Lord ouer a certaine Village, called Cara Carum, hauing people also for his Subiects, [ 10] named Crit, or Merkit, who were Christians of the Sect of Nestorius. But their Lord abando∣ning the worship of Christ, following after Idols; retaining with him Priests of the said Idols▪ who all of them are Worshippers of Deuils and Sorcerers. Beyond his Pastures, some tenne or fifteene dayes iourney, were the Pastures of Moal, who were a poore and beggerly Nation, without Gouernor, and without Law, except their Sooth-sayings, and their Diuinations,* 1.61 vnto the which detestable studies, all in those parts doe apply their minds. Neere vnto Moal were other poore people, called Tartars. The foresaid King Iohn dyed without Issue Male, and thereupon his Brother Vut was greatly inriched, and caused himselfe to be named Can: and his Droues and Flockes raunged euen vnto the Borders of Moal. About the same time there was one Cyngis, a Blacke-Smith, among the people of Moal.* 1.62 This Cyngis stole as many Cattell from [ 20] Vut Can, as he could possibly get: insomuch, that the Shepheards of Vut complained vnto their Lord. Then prouided he an Armie, and marched vp into the Countrey of Moal, to seeke for the said Cyngis. But Cyngis fled among the Tartars, and hid himselfe amongst them. And Vut hauing taken some spoiles both from Moal, and also from the Tartars, returned home. Then spake Cyngis vnto the Tartars, and vnto the people of Moal, saying: Sirs, because we are disti∣tute of a Gouernor and Captaine, you see how our Neighbours doe oppresse vs. And the Tartars and Moals appointed him to be their Chieftaine. Then hauing secretly gathered together an Armie, hee brake in suddenly vpon Vut, and ouercame him, and Vut fled into Cataya. At the same time was the Daughter of Vut taken, which Cyngis married vnto one of his Sonnes, by whom she conceiued, and brought forth the great Can, which now reigneth, called Mangu-Can. [ 30] Then Cyngis sent the Tartars before him in all places where he came:* 1.63 and thereupon was their name published and spread abroad: for in all places the people would cry out: Lo••, the Tartars come, the Tartars come. Howbeit, through continuall warres, they are now, all of them in a manner, consumed and brought to nought. Whereupon the Moals indeuour what they can, to extinguish the name of the Tartars, that they may exalt their owne name. The Countrey wherein they first inhabited, and where the Court of Cyngis Can as yet remaineth, is called Mancherule. But because Tartaria is the Region, about which they haue obtained their Con∣quests, they esteeme that as their royall and chiefe Citie,* 1.64 and there for the most part doe they elect their great Can.

[ 40] NOw, as concerning Sartach, whether hee beleeues in Christ or no, I know not. This I am sure of, that he will not be called a Christian. Yea,* 1.65 rather he seemeth vnto mee to deride and skoffe at Christians. He lyeth in the way of the Christians, as namely, of the Rus∣sians, the Valachians, the Bulgarians of Bulgaria the lesse, the Soldaianes, the Kerkis, and the Ala∣nians: who all of them passe by him, as they are going to the Court of his Father Baatu, to carrie gifts: whereupon he is more in league with them. Howbeit, if the Saracens come, and bring greater gifts then they, they are dispatched sooner. He hath about him certaine Nesto∣rian Priests, who pray vpon their Beades, and sing their deuotions. Also, there is another vn∣der Baatu, called Berta, who feedeth his Cattell toward Porta Ferr••a, or Derbent, where lyeth the passage of all those Saracens which come out of Persia,* 1.66 and out of Turkie to goe vnto Baa∣tu, [ 50] and passing by, they giue rewards vnto him. And he professeth himselfe to be a Saracen, and will not permit Swines flesh to be eaten in his Dominions. Howbeit, at the time of our returne, Baatu commanded him to remooue himselfe from that place, and to inhabite vpon the East side of Volga: for he was vnwilling that the Saracens Messengers should passe by the said Berta, because he saw it was not for his profit. For the space of foure daies while wee remained in the Court of Sartach, wee had not any victuals at all allowed vs, but once onely a little Cosmos. And in our iourney betweene him and his Father, wee trauelled in great feare. For certaine Russians, Hungarians, and Alanians, being Seruants vnto the Tartars, (of whom they haue great multitudes among them) assemble themselues twentie or thirtie in a compa∣ny, and so secretly in the night conueying themselues from home, they take Bowes and Ar∣rowes [ 60] with them, and whomsoeuer they finde in the night season, they put him to death, hi∣ding themselues in the day time. And hauing tyred their Horses, they goe in the night vnto a company of other Horses feeding in some Pasture, and change them for new, taking with them also one or two Horses besides, to eate them when they stand in neede. Our guide there∣fore was sore afraid, least we should haue met with such companions.

In this Iourney we had dyed for Famine, had wee not carryed some of our Bisket with vs. At length we came vnto the mightie Riuer of E••••lia, or Volga. For it is foure times greater, then the Riuer of Sein, and of a wonderfull depth: and issuing forth of Bulgaria the greater, it run∣neth into a certayne Lake or Sea, which of late they call the Hircan Sea, according to the name of a certaine Citie in Persia, standing vpon the shoare thereof. Howbeit Isidore calleth it the Ca∣spian Sea. For it hath the Caspian Mountaynes and the Land of Persia situate on the South-side thereof: and the Mountaynes of Musi••et, that is to say, of the people called Assassini to∣wards the East, which Mountaynes are conioyned vnto the Caspian Mountaynes: but on the North-side thereof lyeth the same Desart, wherein the Tartars doe now inhabit. Howbeit here∣tofore there dwelt certayne people called Changlae. And on that side it receiueth the streames [ 10] of Etilia,* 1.67 which Riuer increaseth in Summer time, like vnto the Riuer Nilus in Egypt. Vpon the West part thereof, it hath the Mountaynes of Alani, and Lesgi, and Porta ferrea, or Derbent, and the Mountaynes of Georgia. This Sea therefore is compassed in on three sides with the Mountaynes,* 1.68 but on the North-side with plaine ground. Frier Andrew in his Iourney trauelled round about two sides thereof, namely, the South and the East-sides: and I my selfe about other two, that is to say, the North-side in going from Baatu to Mangu-Can, and in returning like∣wise▪ and the West-side in comming home from Baatu into Syria. A man may trauell round a∣bout it in foure moneths. And it is not true which Isidore reporteth, namely, that this Sea is a Bay or Gulfe comming forth of the Ocean: for it doth, in no part thereof, ioyne with the O∣cean, but is enuironed on all sides with Land. [ 20]

AL the Region extending from the West shoare of the foresaid Sea, where Alexanders Iron gate,* 1.69 otherwise called the Citie of Derbent, is situate, and from the Mountaynes of Alania, all along by the Fennes of Maotis, whereinto the Riuer of Tanais falleth, and so forth, to the North Ocean, was wont to be called Albania. Of which Countrey Isidore reporteth, that there bee Dogges of such an huge stature, and so fierce, that they are able in fight to match Buls, and to master Lions. Which is true, as I vnderstand by diuers, who told me, that there towards the North Ocean, they make their Dogges to draw in Carts like Oxen, by reason of their bignesse and strength. Moreouer, vpon that part of Etilia where we arriued, there is a new Cottage built, wherein they haue placed Tartars and Russians both together, to ferrie ouer, and transport Messengers going and comming, to and fro the Court of Baatu. For Baatu remayneth [ 30] vpon the farther side towards the East. Neither ascendeth hee in Summer time more North-ward then the foresaid place where we arriued, but was euen then descending to the South. From Ianuary vntill August, both he and all other Tartars ascend by the banks of Riuers, towards cold and Northerly Regions,* 1.70 and in August they begin to returne backe againe. Wee passed downe the streame therefore in a Barke, from the foresaid Cottage vnto his Court. From the same place vnto the Villages of Bulgaria the greater, standing toward the North, it is fiue dayes Iourney. I wonder what Deuill carried the Religion of Mahomet thither. For, from Derbent, which is vpon the extreme borders of Persia, it is aboue thirtie dayes Iourney to passe ouerthwart the Desart, and so to ascend by the banke of Etilia, into the foresaid Countrey of Bulgaria. All [ 40] which way there is no Citie,* 1.71 but onely certayne Cottages neere vnto that place where Etilia fal∣leth into the Sea. Those Bulgarians are most wicked Saracens, more earnestly professing the dam∣nable Religion of Mahomet,* 1.72 then any other Nation whatsoeuer. Moreouer, when I first beheld the Court of Baatu, I was astonied at the sight thereof: for his Houses or Tents seemed as though they had beene some huge and mightie Citie, stretching out a great way in length, the people ranging vp and downe about it for the space of some three or foure leagues. And euen as the peo∣ple of Israel knew euery man, on which side of the Tabernacle to pitch his Tent: euen so euery one of them knoweth right well, towards what side of the Court hee ought to place his house when he takes it from off the Cart.* 1.73 Whereupon the Court is called in their Language Horda, which signifieth, the midst: because the Gouernour or Chieftaine among them dwels alwayes [ 50] in the middest of his people: except onely that directly towards the South no subiect or inferi∣our person placeth himselfe, because towards that Region the Court gates are set open: but vn∣to the right hand, and the left hand they extend themselues as farre as they will, according to the conueniencie of places, so that they place not their houses directly opposite against the Court. At our arriuall wee were conducted vnto a Saracen, who prouided not for vs any victuals at all. The day following, we were brought vnto the Court: and Baatu had caused a large Tent to bee erected, because his house or ordinary Tent could not contayne so many men and women as were assembled. Our Guide admonished vs not to speake, till Baatu had giuen vs commandement so to doe, and that then we should speake our minds briefly. Then Baatu demanded whether your Maiestie had sent Ambassadors vnto him or no? I answered, that your Maiestie had sent Messen∣gers [ 60] to Ken-Can: and that you would not haue sent Messengers vnto him, or Letters vnto Sar∣tach, had not your Highnesse beene perswaded that they were become Christians: because you sent not vnto them for any feare, but onely for congratulation, and courtesies sake, in regard that you heard they were conuerted to Christianitie. Then led he vs vnto his Pauilion: and we were

charged not to touch the cords of the Tent, which they account in stead of the threshold of the house. There we stood in our habit bare-footed, and bare-headed, and were a great and strange spectacle in their eyes. For indeed Frier Iohn de Plano Carpini,* 1.74 had beene there before my com∣ming: howbeit, because he was the Popes Messenger, he changed his habit that hee might not be contemned. Then wee were brought into the very midst of the Tent, neither required they of vs to doe any reuerence by bowing our knees, as they vse to doe of other Messengers. Wee stood therefore before him for the space wherein a man might haue rehearsed the Psalme, Mise∣rere mei Deus: and there was great silence kept of all men. Baatu himselfe sate vpon a seat long and broad like vnto a Bed, gilt all ouer, with three staires to ascend thereunto, and one of his [ 10] Ladies sate beside him. The men there assembled, sate downe scattering, some on the right hand of the said Lady, and some on the left. Those places on the one side which the women filled not vp (for there were only the Wiues of Baatu) were supplyed by the men. Also, at the very entrance of the Tent, stood a bench furnished with Cosmos, and with stately great cups of Sil∣uer and Gold, being richly set with Precious Stones. Baatu beheld vs earnestly, and wee him: and he seemed to me to resemble in personage, Monsieur Iohn de Beaumont, whose soule resteth in peace. And he had a fresh ruddie colour in his countenance. At length hee commanded vs to speake. Then our Guide gaue vs direction, that we should bow our knees and speake. Where∣vpon I bowed one knee as vnto a man: then he signified that I should kneele vpon both knees: and I did so, being loth to contend about such circumstances. And againe, hee commanded me to [ 20] speake. Then I thinking of Prayer vnto God, because I kneeled on both my knees, beganne to pray on this wise: Sir, we beseech the Lord, from whom all good things doe proceed, and who hath giuen you these earthly benefits, that it would please him hereafter to make you partaker of his heauenly blessings: because the former without these are but vaine and improfitable. And I added further. Be it knowne vnto you of a certaintie, that you shall not obtayne the ioyes of Heauen, vnlesse you become a Christian: for God saith, Whosoeuer beleeueth and is baptized, shalbe saued: but he that beleeueth not, shalbe condemned. At this word he modestly smiled: but the other Moals began to clap their hands, and to deride vs. And of my silly Interpreter, of whom espe∣cially I should haue receiued comfort in time of need, was himselfe abashed and vtterly dasht out of countenance. Then, after silence made, I said vnto him, I came vnto your Sonne, because we [ 30] heard that he was become a Christian: and I brought vnto him Letters on the behalfe of my Souereigne Lord the King of France: and your Sonne sent me hither vnto you. The cause of my comming therefore is best knowne vnto your selfe. Then he caused me to rise vp.* 1.75 And he en∣quired your Maiesties Name, and my name, and the name of mine Associate and Interpreter, and caused them all to be put downe in writing. He demanded likewise (because hee had beene informed, that you were departed out of your owne Countries with an Armie) against whom you waged warre? I answered: against the Saracens, who had defiled the House of God at Ie∣rusalem. He asked also, whether your Highnesse had euer before that time sent any Messengers vnto him, or no? To you Sir? (said I) neuer. Then caused he vs to sit downe, and gaue vs of his Milke to drinke, which they account to be a great fauour, especially when any man is admitted [ 40] to drinke Cosmos with him in his owne house. And as I sate looking downe vpon the ground, he commanded me to lift vp my countenance, being desirous as yet to take more diligent view of vs, or else perhaps for a kind of Superstitious obseruation. For they▪ esteeme it a signe of ill lucke, or a prognostication of euill vnto them, when any man sits in their presence, holding downe his head, as if he were sad: especially, when hee leanes his cheeke or chin vpon his hand. Then we departed forth, and immediately after came our Guide vnto vs, and conducting vs vnto our Lodging, said vnto mee: Your Master the King requesteth that you may remayne in this Land, which request Baatu cannot satisfie without the knowledge and consent of Mangu-Can. Wherefore you, and your Interpreter must of necessitie goe vnto Mangu-Can. Howbeit your as∣sociate, and the other man shall returne vnto the Court of Sartach, staying there for you, till you [ 50] come backe. Then began the man of God mine Interpreter to lament, esteeming himselfe but a dead man. Mine Associate also protested, that they should sooner chop off his head, then with∣draw him out of my company. Moreouer, I my selfe said, that without mine Associate I could not goe: and that we stood in need of two Seruants at the least, to attend vpon vs, because, if one should chance to fall sick, we could not be without another. Then returning vnto the Court, he told these Sayings vnto Baatu. And Baatu commanded, saying: let the two Priests and the Interpreter goe together, but let the Clerke returne vnto Sartach. And comming againe vnto vs, hee told vs euen so. And when I would haue spoken for the Clerke to haue had him with vs, he said: No more words: for Baatu hath resolued, that so it shall bee, and therefore I dare not goe vnto the Court any more. Goset the Clerke had remayning of the Almes money be∣stowed [ 60] vpon him, twentie sixe Yperperas, and no more; ten whereof he kept for himselfe and for the Lad, and sixteene hee gaue vnto the man of God for vs. And thus were we parted asunder with teares: he returning vnto the Court of Sartach, and our selues remayning still in the same place.

* 1.76VPon Assumption Euen our Clerke arriued at the Court of Sartach. And on the morrow af∣ter, the Nestorian Priests were adorned with our Vestments in the presence of the said Sartach. Then wee our selues were conducted vnto another Host, who was appointed to pro∣uide vs house-roome, victuals, and Horses. But because wee had not ought to bestow vpon him, hee did all things vntowardly for vs. Then wee rode on forward with Baatu, des∣cending along by the bancke of Etilia, for the space of fiue weekes together: Some∣times mine Associate was so extreamly hungry,* 1.77 that hee would tell mee in a manner wee∣ping, that it fared with him as though hee had neuer eaten any thing in all his life before. There is a Faire or Market following the Court of Baatu at all times: but it was so farre di∣stant from vs, that wee could not haue recourse thereunto. For wee were constrained to walke on foote for want of Horses. At length certaine Hungarians (who had sometime beene [ 10] after a sort Clergie men) found vs out:* 1.78 and one of them could as yet sing many Songs without booke, and was accounted of other Hungarians as a Priest, and was sent for vnto the Funerals of his deceased Countrey-men. There was another of them also pretily well instructed in his Grammar: for he could vnderstand the meaning of any thing that we spake, but could not an∣swere vs. These Hungarians were a great comfort vnto vs, bringing vs Cosmos to drinke, yea, and sometimes flesh for to eate also: who, when they requested to haue some Bookes of vs, and I had not any to giue them (for indeed we had none but onely a Bible, and a Breuiary) it grie∣ued me exceedingly. And I said vnto them: Bring me some Inke and Paper, and I will write for you so long as we shall remaine here: and they did so. And I copied out for them Horas bea∣tae Virginis,* 1.79 and Officium defunctorum. Moreouer, vpon a certaine day, there was a Comanian [ 20] that accompanied vs, saluting vs in Latine, and saying: Saluete Domini. Wondering thereat, and saluting him againe, I demanded of him, who had taught him that kind of salutation? He said, that he was baptized in Hungaria by our Friers, and that of them he learned it. Hee said moreouer, that Baatu had enquired many things of him concerning vs, and that he told him the estate of our Order. Afterward I saw Baatu riding with his company, and all his Subiects that were housholders or Masters of families riding with him, and (in mine estimation) they were not fiue hundred persons in all. At length about the end of Holy-rood, there came a certaine rich Moal vnto vs (whose Father was a Millenary, which is a great Office among them) say∣ing,* 1.80 I am the man that must conduct you vnto Mangu-Can, and we haue thither a iourney of [ 30] foure moneths long to trauell, and there is such extreame cold in those parts, that stones and trees doe euen riue asunder in regard thereof. Therefore I would wish you throughly to aduise your selues, whether you be able to indure it or no. Vnto whom I answered: I hope by Gods helpe, that we shall be able to brooke that which other men can indure. Then hee said: if you cannot indure it, I will forsake you by the way. And I answered him: it were not iust dealing for you so to do, for we go not thither vpon any businesse of our owne, but by reason that we are sent by our Lord. Wherefore, sithence we are committed vnto your charge, you ought in no wise to forsake vs. Then he said; all shall be well. Afterward he caused vs to shew him all our garments: and whatsoeuer he deemed to bee lesse needfull for vs, he willed vs to leaue it behind in the custodie of our Host. On the morrow they brought vnto each of vs a furred Gowne, made all of Rams skinnes, with the Wooll still vpon them, and breeches of the same, and boots [ 40] also or buskins according to their fashion, and shooes made of felt, and hoods also made of skins after their manner. The second day after Holy-rood, we began to set forward on our iourney, hauing three guides to direct vs:* 1.81 and we rode continually East-ward, till the feast of All-Saints. Throughout all that Region, and beyond also did the people of Changle inhabite, who were by parentage discended from the Romans.* 1.82 Vpon the North side of vs wee had Bulgaria the greater, and on the South, the foresaid Caspian Sea.

HAuing trauelled twelue daies iourney from Etilia, we found a mightie Riuer called Iagac: which Riuer issuing out of the North,* 1.83 from the land of Pascatir, descended into the fore∣said Sea. The language of Pascatir, and of the Hungarians is all one, and they are all of them [ 50] Shepheards, not hauing any Cities. And their Countrey bordereth vpon Bulgaria the greater, on the West frontier. From the North-East part of the said Countrey, there is no Citie at all. Out of the said fore-named Region of Pascatir, proceeded the Hunnes of old time, who after∣ward were called Hungarians. Next vnto it is Bulgaria the greater. Isidore reporteth, concer∣ning the people of this Nation, that with swift Horses they trauersed the impregnable walls and bounds of Alexander, (which, together with the Rockes of Caucasus, serued to restraine those barbarous and blood-thirstie people from inuading the Regions of the South) insomuch that they had tribute paid vnto them, as farre as Aegypt. Likewise they wasted all Countries euen vnto France. Whereupon they were more mightie then the Tartars as yet are. And vnto [ 60] them the Blacians, the Bulgarians, and the Vandals ioyned themselues. For out of Bulgaria the greater, came those Bulgarians. Moreouer, they which inhabite beyond Danubius, neere vnto Constantinople,* 1.84 and not farre from Pascatir, are called Ilac, which (sauing the pronunciation) is all one with Blac, (for the Tartars cannot pronounce the Letter B) from whom also discended

the people which inhabite the Land of Assani. For they are both of them called Ilac, (both these and the other) in the languages of the Russians, the Polonians, and the Bohemians. The Sclauonians speake all one language with the Vandals, all which banded themselues with the Hunnes: and now for the most part, they vnite themselues vnto the Tartars: whom God hath raised vp frō the vtmost parts of the earth, according to that which the Lord saith:* 1.85 I will prouoke them to enuy (namely such as keepe not his Law) by a people, which is no people, and by a foolish Na∣tion will I anger them. This prophecy is fulfilled, according to the literall sense thereof, vpon all Nation•• which obserue not the Law of God. All this which I haue written concerning the Land of Pascatir, was told me by certaine Friers Pradicants, which trauelled thither before e∣uer [ 10] the Tartars came abroad. And from that time they were subdued vnto their neighbours the Bulgarians being Saracens, whereupon many of them proued Saracens also. Other matters con∣cerning this people, may be knowne out of Chronicles. For it is manifest, that those Prouinces beyond Constantinople, which are now called Bulgaria, Valachia, and Sclauonia, were of old time Prouinces belonging to the Greekes. Also Hungaria was heretofore called Pannonia. And wee were riding ouer the Land of Cangle, from the feast of Holy-rood, vntill the feast of All-Saints:* 1.86 trauelling almost euery day (according to mine estimation) as farre, as from Paris to Orleans, and somtimes farther, as we were prouided of Post-horses: for some daies we had change of hor∣ses twice or thrice in a day. Sometimes we trauelled two or three daies together, not finding any people, and then we were constrained not to ride so fast. Of twentie or thirtie Horses we [ 20] had alwaies the worst, because we were Strangers. For euery one tooke their choice of the best Horses before vs. They prouided me alwaies of a strong Horse, because I was very corpulent and heauy: but whether he ambled a gentle pase or no, I durst not make any question. Neither yet durst I complaine, although he trotted full sore. But euery man must bee contented with his lot as it fell. Whereupon we were exceedingly troubled; for oftentimes our Horses were tyred before we could come at any people. And then we were constrained to beate and whip on our Horses, and to lay our Garments vpon other emptie Horses: yea, and sometimes two of vs to ride vpon one Horse.

OF hunger and thirst, cold and wearinesse, there was no end. For they gaue vs no victuals, [ 30] but onely in the euening. In the morning they vsed to giue vs a little drinke,* 1.87 or some sod∣den Millet to sup off. In the euening they bestowed flesh vpon vs, as namely, a shoulder and breast of R••ms Mutton, and euery man a measured quantitie of broath to drinke. When wee had sufficient of the flesh-broath, we were maruellously well refreshed. And it seemed to mee most pleasant, and most nourishing drinke. Euery Saturday I remained fasting vntill night, without eating or drinking of ought. And when night came, I was constrained, to my great griefe and sorrow, to eate flesh. Sometimes we were faine to eate flesh halfe sodden, or almost raw, and all for want of Fewell to seethe it withall; especially, when we lay in the fields, or were benighted before we came at our iourneys end: because we could not then conueniently gather together the dung of Horses or Oxen: for other fewell we found but seldome, except [ 40] perhaps a few thornes in some places. Likewise vpon the banckes of some Riuers, there are woods growing here and there. Howbeit they are very rare. In the beginning our guide high∣ly disdained vs, and it was tedious vnto him to conduct such base fellowes. Afterward,* 1.88 when he began to know vs somewhat better, he directed vs on our way by the Courts of rich Moals, and we were requested to pray for them. Wherefore, had I carried a good Interpreter with me, I should haue had opportunitie to haue done much good. The foresaid Chingis, who was the first great Can or Emperour of the Tartars, had foure Sonnes, of whom proceeded by naturall dis∣cent many children, euery one of which doeth at this day enioy great possessions: and they are daily multiplyed and dispersed ouer that huge and vast Desart, which is in dimensions, like vnto the Ocean Sea. Our guide therefore directed vs, as we were going on our iourney, vnto [ 50] many of their habitations. And they maruelled exceedingly, that wee would receiue neither Gold nor Siluer, nor precious and costly garments at their hands. They inquired also, concer∣ning the great Pope, whether he was of so lasting an age as they had heard? For there had gone a report among them, that hee was fiue hundred yeares old. They inquired likewise of our Countries, whether there were abundance of Sheepe, Oxen, and Horses, or no? Concerning the Ocean Sea, they could not conceiue of it, because it was without limits or bankes. Vpon the Euen of the feast of All-Saints, wee forsooke the way leading towards the East,* 1.89 (because the people were now descended very much South) and wee went on our iourney by certaine Alpes, or Mountaines directly South-ward, for the space of eight daies together. In the fore∣said Desart I saw many As••es (which they call Colan) being rather like vnto Mules: these did [ 60] our guide and his companions chase very eagerly: howbeit, they did but lose their labour, for the beasts were two swift for them. Vpon the seuenth day there appeared to the South of vs huge high Mountaynes, and we entred into a place which was well watered, and fresh as a Gar∣den, and found Land tilled and manured. The eight day, after the feast of All-Saints, wee arri∣ued at a certaine Towne of the Saracens, named Kenchat, the Gouernour whereof met our Guide

at the Townes end with Ale and Cups. For it is their manner at all Townes and Villages, sub∣iect vnto them, to meete the messengers of Baatu and Mangu-Can with meate and drinke. At the same time of the yeere, they went vpon the Ice in that Countrey. And before the feast of Saint Michael,* 1.90 we had frost in the Desart. I enquired the name of that Prouince: but being now in a strange Territorie, they could not tell mee the name thereof, but onely the name of a very small Citie in the same Prouince. And there descended a great Riuer downe from the Moun∣taynes, which watered the whole Region, acccording as the Inhabitants would giue it passage, by making diuers Chanels and Sluces: neither did this Riuer exonerate it selfe into any Sea, but was swallowed vp by an hideous Gulfe into the bowels of the earth, and it caused many Fennes or Lakes.* 1.91 Also I saw many Vines, and dranke of the Wine thereof.

[ 10]

* 1.92THe day following, we came vnto another Cottage neere vnto the Mountaynes. And I en∣quired what Mountaynes they were, which I vnderstood to bee the Mountaines of Cauca∣sus, which are stretched forth, and continued on both parts to the Sea, from the West vnto the East: and on the West part they are conioyned vnto the foresaid Caspian Sea, where into the Riuer of Volga dischargeth his streames. I enquired also of the Citie of Talas, wherein were certaine Dutch men, seruants vnto one Buri, of whom Frier Andrew made mention. Concer∣ning whom also I enquired very diligently in the Courts of Sartach and Baatu. Howbeit I could haue no intelligence of them, but onely that their Lord and Master Ban was put to death vpon the occasion following: This Ban was not placed in good and fertile Pastures. And vpon a cer∣taine day being drunken, hee spake on this wise vnto his men. Am not I of the stocke and kin∣dred [ 20] of Chingis Can, as well as Baatu? (for in very deede he was brother or Nephew vnto Baa∣tu.) Why then doe I not passe and repasse vpon the banke of Etilia, to feede my Cattell there, as freely as Baatu himselfe doth? Which speeches of his were reported vnto Baatu. Whereup∣on Baatu wrote vnto his seruants to bring their Lord bound vnto him. And they did so. Then Baatu demanded of him whether he had spoken any such words? And he confessed that he had. Howbeit (because it is the Tartars manner to pardon drunken men) he excused himselfe that he was drunken at the same time. How durst thou (quoth Baatu) once name mee in thy drunken∣nesse? And with that hee caused his head to be chopt off. Concerning the foresaid Dutch men, I could not vnderstand ought, till I was come vnto the Court of Mangu-Can. And there I was [ 30] informed that Mangu-Can had remoued them out of the iurisdiction of Baatu, for the space of a moneths iourney from Talas Eastward, vnto a certaine Village, called Bolac: where they are set to dig gold,* 1.93 and to make armour. Whereupon I could neither goe nor come by them. I passed very neere the said Citie in going forth, as namely, within three daies iourney thereof: but I was ignorant that I did so: neither could I haue turned out of my way, albeit I had knowne so much. From the foresaid Cottage we went directly Eastward, by the Mountaines aforesaid. And from that time we trauailed among the people of Mangu-Can, who in all places sang and danced before our Guide, because he was the messenger of Baatu. For this curtesie they doe af∣ford each to other: namely, the people of Mangu-Can receiuing the messengers of Baatu in manner aforesaid:* 1.94 and so likewise the people of Baatu entertaining the messengers of Mangu-Can. [ 40] Notwithstanding, the people of Baatu are more surly and stout, and shew not so much curtesie vnto the subiects of Mangu-Can, as they doe vnto them. A few daies after we entered vpon those Alpes where the Cara Catayans were wont to inhabit. And there we found a migh∣tie Riuer: insomuch that we were constrained to imbarke our selues, and to saile ouer it. After∣ward we came into a certaine Valley, where I saw a Castle destroyed, the walls whereof were onely of mudde: and in that place the ground was tilled also. And there wee found a certaine Village, named Equius, wherein were Saracens, speaking the Persian language: howbeit they dwelt an huge distance from Persia. The day following, hauing passed ouer the foresaid Alpes, which descended from the great Mountaynes Southward, wee entred into a most beautifull Plaine, hauing high Mountaynes on our right hand, and on the left hand of vs a certaine Sea or [ 50] Lake,* 1.95 which containeth fifteene daies iourney in circuit. All the foresaid Plaine is most com∣modiously watered with certaine Freshets, distilling from the said Mountaynes, all which doe fall into the Lake. In Summer time we returned by the North shoare of the said Lake, and there were great Mountaines on that side also. Vpon the fore-named Plaine there were wont to bee great store of Villages: but for the most part they were all wasted, in regard of the fertile Pa∣stures, that the Tartars might feede their Cattell there. We found one great Citie there, named Coila••, wherein was a Mart, and great store of Merchants frequenting it. In this Citie wee re∣mained fifteene daies,* 1.96 staying for a certaine Scribe or Secretarie of Baatu, who ought to haue accompanied our Guide for the dispatching of certaine affaires in the Court of Mangu. All this Countrey was wont to bee called Organum: and the people thereof had their proper language, [ 60] and their peculiar kind of writing. But it was altogether inhabited of the people, called Conto∣manni.* 1.97 The Nestorians likewise in those parts vse the very same kind of language and writing. They are called Organa, because they were wont to bee most skilfull in playing vpon the Or∣gans or Citherne, as it was reported vnto mee. Here first did I see worshippers of Idols, con∣cerning

whom, bee it knowne vnto your Maiestie, that there bee many sects of them in the East Countries.

THe first sort of these Idolaters are called Iugures: whose Land bordereth vpon the foresaid Land of Organum, within the said Mountaines Eastward:* 1.98 and in all their Cities Nestorians doe inhabit together, and they are dispersed likewise towards Persia, in the Cities of the Sara∣cens. The Citizens of the foresaid Citie of Cailac had three Idol-temples; and I entred into two of them, to behold their foolish superstitions. In the first of which, I found a man hauing a Crosse painted with Inke vpon his hand, whereupon I supposed him to be a Christian: for he an∣swered like a Christian vnto all questions which I demanded of him. And I asked him, Why [ 10] therefore haue you not the Crosse with the Image of Iesu Christ thereupon? And he answered, We haue no such custome. Whereupon I coniectured that they were indeed Christians: but, that for lacke of instruction they omitted the foresaid ceremonie. For I saw there behind a certaine Chest (which was vnto them in stead of an Altar, whereupon they set Candles and Oblation••) an Image hauing wings, like vnto the Image of Saint Michael, and other Images also, holding their fingers, as if they would blesse some body. That euening I could not find any thing else. For the Saracens doe onely inuite men thither, but they will not haue them speake of their Re∣ligion. And therefore, when I enquired of the Saracens concerning such Ceremonies, they were offended thereat. On the morrow after were the Kalends, and the Saracens feast of Passeo∣uer. [ 20] And changing mine Inne or lodging the same day, I tooke vp mine aboade neere vnto ano∣ther Idol-Temple. For the Citizens of the said Citie of Cailac doe curteously inuite, and lo∣uingly entertaine all messengers, euery man of them according to his abilitie and portion. And entring into the foresaid Idol-temple, I found the Priests of the said Idols there. For alwaies at the Kalends they set open their Temples, and the Priests adorne themselues, and offer vp the peoples Oblations of Bread and Fruits. First therefore, I will describe vnto you those rites and ceremonies which are common vnto all their Idol-temples: and then the superstitions of the foresaid Iugures, which be, as it were, a sect distinguished from the rest. They doe all of them worship towards the North, clapping their hands together, and prostrating themselues on their knees vpon the earth, holding also their foreheads in their hands. Whereupon the Nestorians of those parts will in no case ioyne their hands together in time of prayer: but they pray display∣ing [ 30] their hands before their breasts. They extend their Temples in length East and West; and vpon the North side they build a Chamber, in manner of a Vestrie, for them selues to goe forth into. Or sometimes it is otherwise. If it be a foure square Temple, in the midst of the Temple towards the North side thereof, they take in one Chamber in that place where the Quire should stand. And within the said Chamber, they place a Chest long and broade like vnto a Table, and behind the said Chest towards the South, stands their principall Idoll: which I saw at Caraca∣rum, and it was as big as the Idoll of Saint Christopher. Also a certaine Nestorian Priest,* 1.99 which had beene in Catay, said that in that Countrey there is an Idoll of so huge a bignesse, that it may be seene two daies iourney before a man come at it. And so they place other Idols round about [ 40] the foresaid principall Idoll, being all of them finely gilt ouer with pure gold: and vpon the said Chest, which is in manner of a Table, they set Candles and Oblations. The doores of their Tem∣ples are alwaies open towards the South, contrary to the customes of the Saracens. They haue also great Bels like vnto vs. And that is the cause (as I thinke) why the Christians of the East will in no case vse great Bells. Notwithstanding, they are common among the Russians, and Graeci∣ans of Gasaria.

ALl their Priests had their heads and beards shauen quite ouer:* 1.100 and they are clad in Saffron coloured garments: and being once shauen, they leade an vnmarried life from that time forward: and they liue an hundred or two hundred of them together in one Cloister or Couent. [ 50] Vpon those daies when they enter into their Temples, they place two long Formes therein: and so sitting vpon the said Formes like Singing-men in a Quire, namely, the one halfe of them directly ouer against the other, they haue certaine bookes in their hands, which sometimes they lay downe by them vpon the Formes: and their heads are bare so long as they remaine in the Temple. And there they reade softly vnto themselues, not vttering any voice at all. Whereup∣on comming in amongst them, at the time of their superstitious deuotions, and finding them all sitting mute, in manner aforesaid, I attempted diuers waies to prouoke them vnto speech, and yet could not by any meanes possible. They haue with them also whithersoeuer they goe, a cer∣taine string, with an hundred or two hundred Nut-shels thereupon, much like to our bead-roll which wee carrie about with vs. And they doe alwaies vtter these words: Ou mam Hactani; [ 60] God thou knowest: as one of them expounded it vnto me. And so often doe they expect a re∣ward at Gods hands, as they pronounce these words in remembrance of God. Round about their Temple they doe alwaies make a faire Court, like vnto a Church-yard, which they enuiron with a good wall: and vpon the South part thereof, they build a great Portall, wherein they sit and conferre together. And vpon the top of the said Portall, they pitch a long Pole right vp, exal∣ting

it, if they can, aboue all the whole Towne besides. And by the same Pole all men may know that there stands the Temple of their Idols. These rites and ceremonies aforesaid, be common vnto all Idolaters in those parts. Going vpon a time towards the foresaid Idoll-temple, I found certaine Priests sitting in the outward Portall. And those which I saw, seemed vnto mee, by their shauen beards, as if they had beene French men. They wore certaine ornaments vpon their heads, made of Paper. The Priests of the foresaid Iugures doe vse such attire whithersoeuer they goe. They are alwaies in their Saffron coloured Iackets, which bee very straight, being laced or buttened from the bosome right downe, after the French fashion▪ and they haue a Cloake vpon their left shoulder, descending before and behind vnder their right arme, like vnto a Deacon car∣rying the houssel-box in time of Lent. Their letters or kind of writing the Tartars did receiue. [ 10] They begin to write at the top of their paper,* 1.101 drawing their lines right downe: and so they reade and multiply their lines from the left hand to the right. They doe vse certaine papers and characters in their Magicall practices. Whereupon their Temples are full of such short scrolls hanged round about them. Also Mangu-Can hath sent letters vnto your Maiestie, written in the language of the Moals or Tartars, and in the foresaid hand or letter of the Iugures. They burne their dead according to the ancient custome, and lay vp the ashes in the top of a Pyramis. Now, after I had sate a while by the foresaid Priests, and entred into their Temple, and seene many of their Images, both great and small, I demanded of them what they beleeued concerning God? And they answered: Wee beleeue that the••e is onely one God. And I demanded farther: Whether doe you beleeue that he is a Spirit, or some bodily substance? They said: Wee beleeue that hee is a [ 20] Spirit. Then said I: Doe you beleeue that God euer tooke mans nature vpon him: Then they answered; No. And againe I said: Sithence yee beleeue that hee is a Spirit, to what end doe you make so many bodily Images to represent him: Sithence also you beleeue not that hee was made man: why doe you resemble him rather vnto the Image of a man then of any other crea∣ture? Then they answered, saying: we frame not those Images whereby to represent God. But when any rich man amongst vs, or his sonne, or his wife, or any of his friends deceaseth, he cau∣seth the Image of the dead partie to be made, and to be placed here: and we in remembrance of him doe reuerence thereunto. Then I replyed. You doe these things onely for the friendship and flatterie of men. No (said they) but for their memorie. Then they demanded of mee, as it were in scoffing wise: Where is God? To whom I answered: Where is your soule? they said, In [ 30] our bodies. Then said I, Is it not in euery part of your bodie, ruling and guiding the whole bo∣die, and yet notwithstanding is not seene or perceiued? Euen so God is euery where, and ruleth all things, and yet is he inuisible, being vnderstanding and wisedome it selfe. Then being desi∣rous to haue had some more conference with them, by reason that mine Interpreter was wearie, and not able to expresse my meaning, I was constrained to keepe silence. The Moals or Tartars are in this regard of their sect: namely, they beleeue that there is but one God: howbeit, they make Images of felt, in remembrance of their deceased friends, couering them with fiue most rich and costly garments, and putting them into one or two Carts, which Carts no man dare once touch: and they are in the custodie of their Sooth-sayers, who are their Priests, concerning whom, I will giue your Highnesse more at large to vnderstand hereafter. These Sooth-sayers or [ 40] Diuiners, doe alwaies attend vpon the Court of Mangu, and of other great personages. As for the poorer or meaner sort, they haue them not, but such onely as are of the stocke and kindred of Chingis. And when they are to remoue or to take any iourney, the said Diuiners goe before them, euen as the cloudie Pillar went before the Children of Israel. And they appoint ground where the Tents must be pitched, and first of all they take downe their owne houses: and after them the whole Court doth the like. Also vpon their festiuall daies or Kalends, they take forth the foresaid Images, and place them in order, round or circle wise within the house. Then come the Moals or Tartars, and enter into the same house, bowing themselues before the said Images and worship them. Moreouer, it is not lawfull for any stranger to enter into that house. For vpon a certaine time I my selfe would haue gone in, but I was chidden full well for my labour. [ 50]

BVt the foresaid Iugures (who liue among the Christians and Saracens) by their sundry dispu∣tations,* 1.102 as I suppose, haue beene brought vnto this, to beleeue that there is but one onely God. And they dwelt in certaine Cities, which afterward were brought in subiection vnto Chingis Can: whereupon hee gaue his daughter in marriage vnto their King. Also the Citie of Cara••arum it selfe, is in a manner within their Territorie, and the whole Country of King or Presbyter Iohn, and of his brother Vut, lyeth neere vnto their Dominions: sauing that they in∣habit in certaine Pastures Northward, and the said Iugures betweene the Mountaynes towards the South. Whereupon it came to passe, that the Moals receiued letters from them. And they are the Tartars principall Scribes; and all the Nestorians almost can skill of their Letters. Next [ 60] vnto them, betweene the foresaid Mountaynes Eastward, inhabiteth the Nation of Tangut, who are a most valiant people, and tooke Chingis in battell. But after the conclusion of a league, he was set at libertie by them, and afterward subdued them. These people of Tangut haue Ox∣en of great strength,* 1.103 with tailes like vnto Horses, and with long shag haire vpon their backs

and bellies. They haue legs greater then other Oxen haue, and they are exceeding fier••e. These Oxen draw the great houses of the Moals: and their hornes are slender, long, streight, and most sharpe pointed: insomuch that their owners are faine to cut off the ends of them. A Cow will not suffer her selfe to be coupled vnto one of them, vnlesse they whistle or sing vnto her. They haue also the qualities of a Buffe: for if they see a man cloathed in red, they runne vpon him immediately to kill him. Next vnto them are the people of Tebet,* 1.104 men which were wont to eate the carkasses of their deceased parents: that for pities sake, they might make no other Se∣pulchre for them, then their owne bowels. Howbeit of late they haue left off this custome, be∣cause that thereby they became abominable and odious vnto all other Nations. Notwithstan∣ding, [ 10] vnto this day they make fine Cups of the Skulls of their parents, to the end, that when they drinke out of them▪ they may amidst all their iollities and delights, call their dead parents to remembrance. This was told mee by one that saw it.* 1.105 The said people of Tebet haue great plentie of gold in their Land. Whosoeuer therefore wanteth gold, diggeth til he hath found some quantitie, and then taking so much thereof as will serue his turne, hee layeth vp the residue within the earth: because, if he should put it into his Chest or Store-house, he is of opinion that God would withhold from him all other gold within the earth. I saw some of those people, being very deformed creatures. In Tangut I saw lusty tall men, but browne and swart in colour.* 1.106 The Iugures are of a middle stature, like vnto our French men. Among the Iugures is the originall and roote of the Turkish, and Comanian Languages. Next vnto Tebet are the people of Langa [ 20] and Solanga, whose messengers I saw in the Tartars Cour••. And they had brought more then ten great Carts with them, euery one of which was drawne with six Oxen. They bee little browne men like vnto Spaniards. Also they haue Iackets, like vnto the vpper Vestment of a Deacon, sauing that the sleeues are somewhat streighter. And they haue Miters vpon their heads like Bishops. But the fore-part of their Miter is not so hollow within as the hinder part: neither is it sharpe pointed or cornered at the top: but there hang downe certaine square flaps compa∣cted of a kind of Straw, which is made rough and rugged with extreame heate, and is so trim∣med, that it glittereth in the Sunne-beames, like vnto a Glasse, or an Helmet well burnished. And about their Temples they haue long bands of the foresaid matter, fastened vnto their Mi∣ters, which houer in the winde, as if two long hornes grew out of their heads. And when the [ 30] wind tossed them vp and downe too much, they tie them ouer the middest of their Miter, from one Temple to another: and so they lie circle wise ouerthwart their heads. Moreouer, their prin∣cipall messenger comming vnto the Tartars Court, had a table of Elephants tooth about him, of a cubit in length, and a handfull in breadth, being very smoothe. And whensoeuer he spake vnto the Emperor himselfe, or vnto any other great personage, he alwaies beheld that table,* 1.107 as if hee had found therein those things which hee spake: neither did hee cast his eyes to the right hand, nor to the left, nor vpon his face with whom he talked. Yea, going too and fro before his Lord, hee looketh no where but onely vpon his table. Beyond them (as I vnderstand of a certaintie) there are other people called Muc, hauing Villages,* 1.108 but no one particular man of them appro∣priating any Cattell vnto himselfe. Notwithstanding, there are many flocks and droues of Cat∣tell [ 40] in their Countrey, and no man appointed to keepe them. But when any one of th•••• stan∣deth in neede of any beast, hee ascendeth vp vnto a hill, and there maketh a shoute, and all the Cattell which are within hearing of the noyse, come flocking about him, and suffer themselues to be handled and taken, as if they were ••ame. And when any messenger or stranger commeth into their Countrey, they shut him vp into an house, ministring there things necessary vnto him, vntill his businesse be dispatched. For if any stranger should trauell through that Countrey, the Catttell would flie away at the very sent of him, and so would become wilde.* 1.109 Beyond Muc is great Cataya, the Inhabitants whereof (as I suppose) were of old time, called Seres. For from them are brought most excellent stuffes of silke. And this people is called Seres, of a certaine Towne in the same Countrey. I was credibly informed, that in the said Countrey, there is one Towne hauing Walls of siluer, and Bulwarkes or Towers of gold. There bee many Prouinces [ 50] in that Land, the greater part whereof are not as yet subdued vnto the Tartars. And the * 1.110 Sea lyeth betweene them and India. These Catayans are men of a little stature, speaking much through the nose. And this is generall, that all they of the East haue small eyes. They are ex∣cellent workemen in euery Art: and their Physicians are well skilled in the Vertues of Herbs, and iudge exactly of the Pulse; But vse no Vrinals, nor know any thing concerning Vrine. This I saw, for there are many of them at Caracarum. And they are alwaies wont to bring vp all their children in the same trade whereof the father is. And therefore they pay so much tri∣bute; for they giue the Moaellians euery day one thousand and fiue hundred Cessines or Iascots: (Iascot is a piece of siluer weighing ten Markes) that is to say, euery day fifteene thousand Markes, beside silkes and certaine victuals, which they receiue from thence, and other [ 60] seruices which they doe them. All these Nations are betweene the Mountaynes of Caucasus,

on the North side of those Mountaines to the East Sea, on the South part of Scythia, which the Shepheards of Moal doe inhabit:* 1.111 All which are tributarie vnto them, and all giuen to Idolatry, and report many fables of a multitude of gods, and certaine Deified men, and make a pedigree of the gods as our Poets doe.

* 1.112The Nestorians are mingled among them as Strangers; so are the Saracens as farre as Cathay. The Nestorians inhabit fifteene Cities of Cathay, and haue a Bishopricke there, in a Citie called Segin.* 1.113 But further, they are meere Idolaters. The Priests of the Idols of the said Nations, haue all broad yellow hoods. There are also among them (as I vnderstood) certaine Hermits liuing in the Woods and Mountaines, of an austere and strange life. The Nestorians there know nothing, for they say their Seruice, and haue holy Bookes in the Syrian tongue, which they know not. [ 10] So that they sing as our Monkes doe, who are ignorant of Grammar; and hence it commeth, that they are wholly corrupted. They are great Vsurers and Drunkards, and some of them al∣so who liue among the Tartars, haue many Wiues, as the Tartars haue. When they enter into the Church, they wash their lower parts, as the Saracens doe. They eate flesh on Friday of the weeke, and hold their Feasts that day, after the manner of the Saracens. The Bishop comes seldome into those Countries, perchance, scarse once in fiftie yeares. Then they cause all their little Children (which are Males) to be made Priests, euen in the Cradell; so that all their men almost are Priests: and after this they marrie Wiues, which is directly against the decrees * 1.114 of the Fathers: they are also Bigami, for the Priests themselues, their first Wife being dead, marrie another. They are all Simonists, for they giue no holy thing freely. They are very carefull for their Wiues and Children, whereby they apply themselues to gaine, and not to the sprea∣ding [ 20] of the Faith. Whence it commeth to passe, while some of them bring vp some of the No∣bilities children of Moal (although they teach them the Gospell, and the Articles of the Faith) yet by their euill life and couetousnesse, they driue them further from Christianitie: Because the life of the Moallians, and Tuinians (who are Idolaters) is more harmelesse then theirs.

[ 30]

* 1.115WE departed from the foresaid Citie of Cailac on Saint Andrewes day. And there wee found almost within three leagues, a whole Castle or Village of Nestorians. Entring into their Church, we sang, Salue Regina, &c. with ioy, as loud as we could, because it was long since we had seene a Church. Departing thence, in three daies we came to the entrance of that Prouince, in the head of the foresaid Sea, which seemed to vs as tempestuous as the Ocean, and we saw a great Iland therein. My Companions drew neere the shoare, and wet a Linnen cloath therein, to taste the Water, which was somewhat salt, but might bee drunke. There went a certaine Valley ouer against it, from betweene the great Mountaines, betweene South and East: and betweene the hils, was another certaine great Sea; and there ranne a Riuer through that [ 40] Valley, from the other Sea into this. Where came such a continuall winde through the Valley, that men passe with great danger, least the wind carrie them into the Sea. Therefore wee left the Valley and went towards the North, to the great hilly Countries, couered with deepe Snow,* 1.116 which then lay vpon the Earth: so that vpon Saint Nicholas day we beganne now to hasten our iourny much, and (because we found no people, but the Iani themselues (to wit) men appointed from daies iourney to daies iourney together, the Messengers together. Because in many places in the hilly Countries) the way is narrow, and there are but few fields, so that be∣tweene day and night we met with two Iani, whereupon of two daies iourneys we made one, and trauelled more by night then by day. It was extreame cold there, so that they lent vs their Goats skins,* 1.117 turning the haire outward. [ 50]

* 1.118The second Sunday of Aduent in the euening, we passed by a certaine place betweene very terrible Rockes: and our Guide sent vnto me, intreating me to speake some good words, where∣with the Deuils might be driuen away;* 1.119 because in that passage, the Deuils themselues were wont suddenly to carrie men away, so that it was not knowne what became of them. Some∣times they violently snatched a Horse and left the man: sometimes they drew out a mans bo∣wels, and left the emptie carkasse vpon the Horse. And many such things did often fall out there. Then we sang with a loud voyce, Credo in Deum, &c. And by the Grace of God, wee passed through (with all our company) vnhurt. After that, they beganne to intreat me, that I would write them Papers to carrie on their heads: and I told them, I would teach them a word which they should carrie in their hearts, whereby their soules and bodies should be saued euer∣lastingly. [ 60] But alwaies when I would teach them, I wanted an Interpreter: Yet I wrote them the Creede and the Lords Prayer; saying, Heere it is written whatsoeuer a man ought to be∣leeue concerning God. Here also is that prayer, wherein we begge of God whatsoeuer is need∣full for a man▪ Whereupon beleeue firmely that which is written here, although you cannot

vnderstand it, and aske of God that he do that for you which is contained in this written Pray∣er: because with his owne mouth he taught it his friends, and I hope he will saue you. I could not doe any thing else, because it was very dangerous to speake the words of doctrine by such an Interpreter, nay almost impossible, because he was ignorant.

AFter this, wee entred into that plaine where the Court of Ken-Cham was,* 1.120 which was wont to be the Countrey of the Naymans, who were the peculiar Subiects of Presbyter Iohn: but at that time I saw not that Court▪ but in my returne. Yet heere I declare vnto you what befell his Ancestry, his Soone and Wiues. Ken-Cham being dead, Baatu desired that Man∣gu [ 10] should be Chan. But I could vnderstand in certaintie of the death of Ken. Frier Andrew said, that he dyed by a certaine medicine giuen him: and it was suspected that Baatu caused it to be made. Yet I heard otherwise, for he summoned Baatu, to come and doe him homage. And Baatu tooke his iourney speedily with great preparation; but he and his Seruants were much a∣fraid, and sent one of his Brothers before, called Stichin: who when he came to Ken,* 1.121 and should waite vpon his Cup, contention arising betweene them, they slue one another. The Widow of Stichin kept vs a whole day, to goe into her house and blesse her, that is, pray for her. There∣fore Ken being dead, Mangu was chosen by the consent of Baatu. And was then chosen when Frier Andrew was there. Ken had a certaine Brother, called Siremon, who by the counsell of Kens Wife and her Vassals, went with great preparation towards Mangu, as if he meant to doe [ 20] him homage, and yet in truth he purposed to kill him, and destroy his whole Court. And when he was neere Mangu, within one or two daies iourney, one of his Wagons remained broken in the way. While the Wagoner laboured to mend it, in the meane space came one of the Ser∣uants of Mangu, who helped him: he was so inquisitiue of their iourney, that the Wagoner re∣uealed vnto him what Siremon purposed to doe. Then turning out of the way, as if hee little regarding it, went vnto the herd of Horses, and tooke the best Horse hee could choose, and po∣sting night and day, came speedily to the Court of Mangu, reporting vnto him what he had heard. Then Mangu quickly assembling all his subiects, caused foure rings of Armed men to compasse his Court, that none might goe in or out: the rest he sent against Siremon, who tooke him, (not suspecting his purpose had beene discouered) and brought him to the Court with [ 30] all his followers. Who when Mangu lay the matter to his charge, strait-way confessed it. Then he and his eldest Sonne Ken Chan were slaine, and three hundred of the Nobilitie of the Tartars with them. The Noble Women also were sent for, who were all beaten with burning fire-brands to make them confesse: and hauing confessed, were put to death. His youngest sonne Ken, who could not be capable or guiltie of the conspiracy, was left aliue: And his Fathers Pa∣lace was left vnto him, with all belonging vnto it, as well Men as Chattels: and we passed by it in our returne. Nor durst my Guides turne in vnto it, neither going nor comming. For the La∣dy of the Nations sate there in heauinesse, and there was none to comfort her.

THen went wee vp againe into the high Countries, going alwaies towards the North. At [ 40] length on Saint Stephens day we entred into a great Plaine like the Sea,* 1.122 where there was not so much as a Mole-hill. And the next day, on the feast of S. Iohn the Euangelist, we came vnto the Palace of that great Lord. But when we were neere it, within fiue daies iourney, our Host where we lay, would haue directed vs a way farre about, so that wee should yet trauaile more then fifteene daies. And this was the reason (as I vnderstood) that wee might goe by Onam Kerule their proper Countrey, where the Court of Chingis-Chan is. Others said,* 1.123 that he did it for this purpose, that he might make the way longer, and might shew his power the more. For so they are wont to deale with men comming from Countries not subiect to them. And our Guide obtained with great difficultie, that we might go the right way. For they held vs vpon this from the morning till three of the clocke. In that way also, the Secretarie (whom we expe∣cted [ 50] at Cailac) told me, that it was contained in the Letters which Baatu sent to Mangu-Chan, that wee required an Army and ayde of Sartach against the Saracens. Then I began to wonder much, and to be greatly troubled: for I knew the Tenor of the Letters, and that no mention therof was made therein: saue that yee aduised him to be a friend to all Christians, and should exalt the Crosse, and be an enemy to all the enemies of the Crosse: and because also the Interpreters were Armenians, of the greater Armenia, who greatly hated the Saracens; lest perhaps they had in∣terpreted any thing in euill part to make the Saracens more odious and hatefull at their pleasure, I therefore held my peace, not speaking a word with them, or against them; for I feared to gainsay the words of Baatu, least I should incurre some false accusation without reasonable cause. We came therefore the foresaid day vnto the said Court. Our Guide had a great house appointed [ 60] him, and we three a little Cottage, wherein wee could scarse lay our stuffe, make our beds, and haue a little fire. Many came to visit our Guide, and brought him drinke made of Rice, in long strait mouthed bottles, in the which I could discerne no difference from the best Antissiodorensi∣an Wine, saue that it had not the sent of Wine. We were called, and straightly examined vpon what businesse we came. I answered, that we heard of Sartach that he was a Christian: we came

therefore vnto him; the French King sent him a Packet by vs, he sent vs to Baatu his Father: & his Father hath sent vs hither, hee should haue written the cause, wherevpon they demanded whether we would make peace with them? I answered, he hath sent Letters vnto Sar••ach as a Christian: and if he had knowne, he were not a Christian, hee would neuer haue sent him Let∣ters, to treate of peace: I say, he hath done you no wrong: if he had done any, why should you warre vpon him, or his people? he, willingly (as a iust man) would reforme himselfe, and desire peace. If yee without cause will make warre with him, or his Nation, we hope that God (who is iust) will helpe them.* 1.124 And they wondred, alwayes repeating, why came yee, seeing yee came not to make peace? For they are now so puffed vp with pride, that they thinke the whole World should desire to make peace with them. And truly, if I might bee suffered, I would preach [ 10] Warre against them to the vttermost of my power) throughout the whole World. But I would not plainly deliuer the cause of my comming, lest I should speake any thing against that which Baatu commanded. I told them therefore the whole cause of my comming thither, was because he sent me.

* 1.125The day following we were brought vnto the Court, and I thought I could goe bare-foot, as I did in our Countrey: whereupon, I layd aside my shooes. But such as come to the Court, alight farre from the house where the Great Chan is, as it were a Bow-shot off: where the Horses a∣bide, and a Boy to keepe them. Whereupon, when wee alighted there, and our Guide went with vs to the house of the Great Chan, a Hungarian Boy was present there, who knew vs (to wit) our Order. And when the men came about vs, and beheld vs as Monsters, especially be∣cause [ 20] we were bare-footed, and demanded whether we did not lacke our feet, because they sup∣posed we should strait-way haue lost them, that Hungarian told them the reason, shewing them the condition of our Order. Then the chiefe Secretary (who was a Nestorian and a Christian, by whose counsell and aduice almost all is done) came vnto vs, to see vs, and looked earnestly vpon vs, and called the Hungarian vnto him, of whom he demanded many Questions. Then we were willed to returne vnto our Lodging.

* 1.126ANd when we returned, at the end of the Court towards the East, farre from the Court, as much as a Crosse-bow could shoot at twice, I saw a house, vpon the which there was a lit∣tle Crosse, then I reioyced much, supposing there was some Christianitie there. I went in boldly and found an Altar very well furnished, for there in a Golden cloth were the Images of Christ [ 30] and the blessed Virgin, and Saint Iohn Baptist, and two Angels, the lineaments of their bodies and garments distinguished with Pearle, and a great siluer Crosse hauing precious stones in the cor∣ners, and the middle thereof, and many other Embroyderings: and a Candle burning with Oyle before the Altar, hauing eight Lights. And there sate an Armenian Monke, some-what blacke and leane, clad with a rough hairen Coate to the middle legge, hauing vpon it a blacke Cloke of bristles, furred with spotted Skinnes, girt with Iron vnder his haire-cloth. Presently after wee entred in, before we saluted the Monke, falling flat vpon the ground, we sang, Aue Regina Coe∣lorum, &c. and he rising, prayed with vs. Then saluting him, we sate by him hauing a little fire before him in a Pan.* 1.127 Therefore we told him the cause of our comming. And he began to comfort [ 40] vs much, saying, that we should boldly speake, because we were the Messengers of God, who is greater then all men. Afterwards he told vs of his comming, saying, he came thither a moneth before vs, and that he was a Heremite of the Territorie of Hierusalem, and that the Lord appea∣red to him three times,* 1.128 commanding him to goe to the Prince of the Tartars: And when he de∣ferred to goe, the third time God threatned him, and ouerthrew him vpon the ground, saying, he should dye, vnlesse he went; and that he told Mangu Chan, that if he would become a Chri∣stian, the whole World should be obedient vnto him; and the French and the Great Pope should obay him: and he aduised me to say the like vnto him. Then I answered, brother, I will wil∣lingly perswade him to become a Christian: (For I came for this purpose, to preach thus vnto all) I will promise him also, that the French, and the Pope will much reioyce thereat, and account [ 50] him for a brother and a friend: but I will neuer promise, that they shall become his Seruants, and pay him Tribute, as these other Nations; because in so doing I should speake against my consci∣ence, then he held his peace. We went therefore together to our Lodging, which I found a cold Harbour: and we had eaten nothing that day, so we boyled a little flesh and Millet in the broth of flesh to sup. Our Guide and his companions were drunken at the Court: and little care was had of vs. At that time the Messengers of Vastace were there hard by vs, which wee knew not: And the men of the Court made vs rise in great haste, at the dawning of the day. And I went bare-foot with them a little way, vnto the house of the said Messengers. And they demanded of them, whether they knew vs. Then that Grecian Souldier calling our Order and my companion to remembrance,* 1.129 because he had seene him in the Court of Vastace, with Frier Thomas, our Mi∣nister, [ 60] and all his fellowes, gaue great testimony of vs. Then they demanded whether wee had peace or war with Vastace? we haue (said I) nor war nor peace. And they demanded, how that might be? Because (said I) their Countries are far remoued one from the other••, and meddle not together. Then the Messenger of Vastace said wee had peace, giuing mee a caueat: so I held my tongue. That morning, my toes ends were frozen, so that I could no longer goe bare-foot: for

in those Countreyes the cold is extreame sharpe: and from the time when it beginneth to freeze it neuer ceaseth vntill May: nay, in the moneth of May it freezed euery morning;* 1.130 but in the day time it thawed through the heate of the Sunne: but in the Winter it neuer thawes, but the Ice continues with euery winde. And if there were any winde there in the Winter, as it is with vs, nothing could liue there, but it is alwaies milde weather vntill Aprill, and then the winds arise, and at that time when wee were there (about Easter) the cold arising with the winde killed infinite creatures. In the Winter little snow fell there: but about Easter, which was in the latter end of Aprill, there fell so great a snow,* 1.131 that all the streets of Caracarum were full; that they were fayne to carrie it out with their [ 10] Carts. Then they first brought vs (from the Court) Ramskin Coats, and Breeches of the same, and Shooes, which my Companion and Interpreter receiued. But I thought I had no need of them, because I supposed my Pelt-garment (which I brought from Baatu) was sufficient for me.

Then the fift of Ianuarie we were brought vnto the Court: and there came Nestorian Priests vnto me, (I not knowing they were Christians) demanding which way we worshipped? I said, vnto the East.* 1.132 And this they demanded because wee had shauen our beards by the aduice of our Guide, that wee might appeare before Chan according to the fashion of our Countrey: whereupon, they thought wee had beene Tuinians (to wit) Idolaters. They made vs also ex∣pound out of the Bible. Then they demanded what reuerence wee would doe to Chan, whe∣ther after our owne fashion, or theirs? To whom I made answere. Wee are Priests,* 1.133 giuen to the seruice of God; Noblemen in our Countrey will not suffer Priests to bow their knees before [ 20] them, for the honour of God; neuerthelesse, wee will humble our selues to all men, for the Lords sake. Wee came from a farre Countrey. If yee please, wee will first sing prayses vnto God, who hath brought vs safe hither from afarre; and after, wee will doe whatsoeuer pleaseth the Lord; with this exception, that he command vs nothing which may bee against the wor∣ship and honour of God. Then they entring into the house, deliuered what wee had said. So their Lord was contented. And they set vs before the gate of the house, lifting vp the Felt which hung before the gate. And because it was Christmas wee began to sing,

A Solis ortus cardine, Et vsque Terrae limitem, Christum canamus Principem, [ 30] Natum Maria Virgine.

From the first Easterne Land, To fur••hest Westerne Strand, Let vs Christ laud and sing Blest Virgins Sonne, our King.

ANd when wee had sung this Hymne, they searched our legs, and our bosoms, and our armes,* 1.134 whether wee had Kniues about vs. They made our Interpreter vngird himselfe, and leaue his Girdle and his Knife, without in the custodie of a Doore-keeper.

Then we came in. And in the entrance there stood a Bench with Cosmos, by the which they make our Interpreter stand; and caused vs to sit vpon a Forme before the Ladies. The whole house within was hanged with Cloth of Gold: and on a certaine Hearth in the middle of the house, there was a fire made of thornes and Wormewood roots (which grow there very bigge) and Oxe dung. But he sate vpon a Bed clothed with a spotted skin or Furre, bright, and shi∣ning [ 40] like a Seales skin. Hee was a flat-nosed man, of a middle stature, about the age of fiue and fortie yeeres: and a little pretie young woman (which was his wife) sate by him, and one of his daughters, Cirina by name, (a hard-fauoured woman) marriageable, with other little ones, sate next vnto them vpon a Bed. For that was the house of a certaine Christian Ladie, whom he dearely loued, by whom he had the foresaid daughter: and hee married that young wife be∣side: but yet the daughter was Mistresse of all that Court, which was her Mothers. Then he made them aske vs, what we would drinke, whether Wine, or Ceracina, that is, drinke made of Rice, or Caracosus, that is, cleere Cowes milke, or Ball, that is, Mede made of Honey: for they vse these foure kinds of Drinkes in the Winter. Then I answered, Sir, wee are not men who take pleasure in drinke. What pleaseth you shall content vs. Then he commanded drinke or Rice to be giuen vs, cleere and sauoury, as white Wine:* 1.135 whereof I tasted a little for reue∣rence [ 50] of him. And our Interpreter (to our misfortune) stood by the Butlers: who gaue him much drinke, and hee was quickly drunke. Then Chan caused Falcons, and other birds to bee brought vnto him, which he tooke vpon his fist, and lookes vpon them: and after a long time he commanded vs to speake. Then we were to bow the knees. And hee had his Interpreter, a certaine Nestorian, whom I knew not to bee a Christian; and wee had our Interpreter, such an one as he was, who now also was drunke. Then I said, Wee first giue thankes and praise to God,* 1.136 who hath brought vs from so remoued parts of the World, to see Mangu Chan to whom God hath gi∣uen so great power vpon Earth: and wee beseech our Lord, by whose command wee liue and die, that he would grant him a long and a prosperous life. (For this they desire, that men pray for their liues.) Then I told him: Sir, Wee haue heard of Sartach that he was a Christian;* 1.137 and the Christians who [ 60] heard it, but specially the French King, reioyced: wherefore wee came vnto him, and our Lord and King hath sent him Letters by vs wherein were words of peace: and amongst other things, hee testifieth of vs, whose seruants wee are, and intreated him to suffer vs to abide in his Countrey. For it is our office to teach men to liue according to the Law of God. And hee sent vs to Baatu his father: and

Baatu hath sent vs hither vnto you. You are they to whom God hath giuen great Dominion vpon earth; We therefore intreat your Highnesse, to giue vs leaue to continue in your Countrey to doe the seruice of God for you, your Wiues and Children. Wee haue neither Gold nor Siluer, nor precious stones to present vnto you, but our selues, whom we present to serue, and pray vnto God for you. At the least, giue vs leaue to continue while the cold be past. My Companion is so weake, that hee can∣not by any meanes trauaile on Horse-backe without hazzard of his life. For my Companion willed me, and adiured me, to craue leaue to stay. For we supposed we must returne to Baatu, vnlesse of his speciall Grace he gaue vs leaue to stay.* 1.138 Then he began so answer: Euen as the Sunne spreads his beames euery where, so our power and Baatues spreads it selfe euery where: so that wee haue no neede of your Siluer and Gold. Hitherto I vnderstood my Interpreter: but further, I could not perceiue any perfect sentence. Whereby I easily found hee was drunke, and Mangu Chan [ 10] himselfe was drunke also, as I thought. Yet with this, (as it seemed to mee, hee ended his speach) that he was displeased that we came first to Sartach, before wee came to him. Then seeing the defect of my Interpreter, I held my peace, this onely excepted, that I intreated his Highnesse hee would not be displeased, for that which I spoke of Gold and Siluer; because I spoke it not that he had need of such things, or desired them, but because we would willingly honour him with temporall and spirituall things.

Then he made vs rise, and sit downe againe; and after some few words, doing our dutie to him, we went out, and his Secretaries, and that Interpreter of his (who had the bringing vp of one of his Daughters) went together with vs. And they began to bee very inquisitiue of the [ 20] Kingdome of France, whether there were many Rams, Oxen and Horses there, as if presently they should enter and take all. And oftentimes I was faine to bridle my selfe much, in dissem∣bling anger and indignation. And I answered, There are many good things there which yee shall see, if yee happen to come thither. Then they appointed vs one, who should haue care of vs. And we went vnto the Monke: and when we came out againe, ready to goe to our lodging, the foresaid Interpreter came vnto vs; saying, Mangu Chan hath compassion on you, and giues you two moneths time to stay. Then the extreame cold will be past, and he sends to you: Here within ten daies iourney there is a good Citie,* 1.139 called Caracarum, if yee will go thither, he will cause necessarie things to be giuen you: but if yee will abide heere, yee may, and yee shall haue necessaries: yet it will be a troublesome thing for you to follow the Court. And I answered: [ 30] The Lord preserue Mangu Chan, and grant him a good and long life. We haue found this Monk heere, whom we thinke to be an holy man, and that by the good pleasure of God he came into these parts, wherefore we would willingly stay with him, because wee are Monkes, and wee would pray together for the life of Chan. Then he held his peace and departed. And we went vnto our house, which we found very cold, and without any Fuell, as yet fasting, and it was night. Then he, to whom we were recommended, prouided vs Fuell, and a little meate. Our Guide was now to returne to Baatu, who desired a Carpet of vs, which (by his Commande∣ment) we left in the Court of Baatu: which we gaue him, and he peaceably departed so, kissing our right hand, and confessing his fault, if he suffered vs to indure hunger and thirst vpon the way. We pardoned him, crauing pardon of him and his whole Family, if we had giuen them [ 40] any euill example.

A Certaine Woman of Mentz in Lotharingia, called Pascha, found vs, who made vs great cheere,* 1.140 according to her power, who belong to the Court of that Lady, which was a Chri∣stian, of whom I spoke before: who told vs of her strange pouertie which she indured before she came to the Court; but now she was well to liue, for she had a young Husband, a Rutenian, (by whom she had three very faire Children) who was skilfull in building, which amongst them is an excellent Art. Moreouer, she told vs, that at Caracarum, there was a certaine Gold∣smith, called William, borne at Paris; whose surname was Bouchier, and his Fathers name Law∣rence Bouchier, and she thinketh he hath a Brother yet vpon the Great Bridge, called Roger Bou∣chier. [ 50] And she told me, that he had a certaine young man which he brought vp, whom hee ac∣counted as his Son, who was an excellent Interpreter. But Mangu Chan deliuered to the fore∣said Gold-smith, three hundred Iascots, that is, three thousand Markes, and fiftie Worke-men to make a piece of worke, so that she feared he could not send his Sonne vnto me. For she heard some say vnto her in the Court, The men which came from your Countrey are good men, and Mangu Chan would willingly speak vnto them, but their Interpreter is nothing worth: there∣fore she was carefull for an Interpreter. Then I writ vnto the foresaid Gold-smith, certifying him of my comming hither, and requesting him, that if he could, he would send me his sonne. And he wrote me answere,* 1.141 that he could not that Moone, but the next, his worke should bee perfected, and then he would send him vnto me. We stayed therefore with other Messengers. [ 60] And it is otherwise with Messengers in Baatu's Court, then in the Court of Mangu Chan. For in the Court of Baatu, there is one Iani on the East side, who receiueth all such as come from the West, and so of other Countries of the world: But in the Court of Mangu, they are all toge∣ther vnder one Iani, and they may see and visit one another. In Baatu's Court they know not

one another, and know not one of another, whether hee be a Messenger or no; because they know not one anothers lodging, nor see one another but in the Court: and when one is called,* 1.142 perchance another is not called. For they goe not to the Court, vnlesse they bee sent for. Wee found there a certaine Christian of Damascus, who said he came in behalfe of the Soldan of Mons Regatis, and of Crac; who desired to become friend and tributarie to the Tartars.

THE yeare also before I came thither, there was a certaine Clerke of Acon, who called him∣selfe Raimund, but in truth his name was Theodolus;* 1.143 and he tooke his iourney from Cyprus with Frier Andrew, and went with him into Persia, and got him certaine Instruments of Amo∣ricus there in Persia, who abode there after Frier Andrew. Frier Andrew returning, hee went [ 10] forward with his Instruments, and came to Mangu Chan: who being demanded wherefore he came, said, That he was with a certaine holy Bishop, to whom the Lord sent Letters from hea∣uen, written in golden Characters, and commande•• him to send them to the Emperour of the Tartars, because he should bee Lord of the whole Earth, and that he should perswade men to make peace with him. Then Mangu said vnto him; If thou hadst brough•• those Letters which came from heauen, and the Letters of thy Lord, then hadst beene welcome. Then he answe∣red That he brought Letters, but they were with other things of his, vpon a certaine wilde and pampered Gelding, which escaping fled from him through the Woods and Mountaines, so that he had lost all. And it is very true, that many such chances often happen: wherefore a man [ 20] must very warily hold his Horse when he alighteth for necessitie. Then Mangu demanded the name of the Bishop. He said, he was called Odo. Whereupon he told him of Damascus, and Master William, who was Clerke of the Lord Legat. Then Chan demanded in whose Kingdome it was? To whom he made answer, That it was vnder a certaine King of the Frankes, called Moles: (for he had heard of that which happened at Mallora; and he would haue said, that they were of your Seruants) moreouer, hee told Chan that the Saracens were betweene the Frankes and him, who hindred his way. But if the way had beene open, he would haue sent Messengers, and willingly haue made peace with him. Then Mangu Chan asked him, If hee would bring his Messengers to that King, and that Bishop? He told him he would, and also to the Pope. Then Mangu caused an exceeding strong Bow to bee made, which two men could scarse bend, and two Arrowes, whose heads were of Siluer, full of holes▪ which sing when they [ 30] are shot like a whistle. And he inioyned Moal whom hee should send with the said Theodolus▪ Thou shalt goe to that King of the Frankes, to whom this man shall bring thee, and thou shalt present him with these in my behalfe, And if he will haue peace with vs, we will win••e the Countrey vpon the Saracens, euen home to him, and will grant him the rest of the Countrey vnto the West: If otherwise, bring backe the Bow and Arrowes vnto vs, and tell him we shoot farre, and smite strongly with such Bowes. Then he caused Theodolus to goe forth, whose In∣terpreter Master Williams Sonne was, and in his hea••••••ing, he said vnto Moal. Thou shalt go with this man, marke well the Waies, the Countries, and their Castles, Men and Munition. Then the young man blamed Theodolus, saying, He had done ill, in conducting the Messengers of the [ 40] Tartars with him, for they went for no other cause, but to spy. Then hee answered, That he would set them on the Sea, that they should not know whence they came, or which way to re∣turne. Mangu gaue also vnto Moal his golden B••ll, or Tablet, to wit,* 1.144 a plate of Gold of an hand-breadth, and halfe a cubit long, wherein his commandement is ingrauen: Who so carrieth that▪ may command what he will, and it is done without delay. So then Theodolus came to Vastacius, determining to passe ouer to the Pope, that he might decei••e the Pope, as he had deceiued Mangu Chan. Then Vastacius demanded of him, whether he had Letters to the Popey, because he was a Messenger, and should conduct the Messengers of the Tartars? But, not being able to shew the Letters, he tooke him and spoiled him of all that hee ha•• gotten, and cast him in prison. And Moal fell sicke and dyed there. But Vastacius sent backe the golden Tablet to Mangu Chan,* 1.145 by [ 50] the seruants of Moal: whom I met at Assaron in the entrance into Turkie, who told mee what happened to Theodolus. Such Cosners runne through the world,* 1.146 whom the Moallians kill when they can take them. Now the Epiphany was at hand, and that Armenian Monke, Sergius by name, told me, That he should baptize Mangu Can vpon the Holy-day. I ••ntreated him to la∣bour by all meanes that I might be present, that I might beare witnesse that I saw it: and hee promised he would.

THE feastiuall day came, and the Monke called me not,* 1.147 but at sixe of the clocke I was sent for to the Court, and I saw the Monke with the Priests returning from the Court with his Crosse, and the Priests with the Censer and the Gospell. For that day Mangu Chan made a [ 60] feast. And his custome is, that vpon such daies as his Sooth-sayers doe appoint vnto him fea∣stiuall, or with the Nestorian Priests sometimes make Holy-daies, that then he holds his Court: And vpon such daies the Christians come first with their furniture, and pray for him and blesse his Cup. They then departing, the Saracen Priests come and doe the like. Next after them, come the Idolatrous Priests and doe the same. And the Monke told me, that he onely beleeues

the Christians, yet will haue all to pray for him; but he lyed, for he beleeueth none, as you shall hereafter heare, yet all follow his Court, as flyes doe Honey. And he giueth vnto all, and all men thinke they are his Familiars; and all prophesie prosperitie vnto him. Then wee sate before the Court a long space, and they brought vs flesh to eate. To whom I made answere, that we would not eate there, but if they would prouide vs meate, they should prouide it for vs at our house. Then they said, get yee home to your house; because you were inuited for no other cause but to eate. Therefore we returned by the Monkes, who blushed at the Lye hee told me, wherefore I would not speake a word of that matter. Yet some of the Nestorians would affirme vnto mee, that he was baptized: to whom I said, that I would neuer beleeue it, nor report it to others, see∣ing I saw it not. [ 10]

We came to our cold and emptie house, they prouided vs bedding and Couerlets, they brought vs also fuell, and gaue vs three the carkasse of one little leane Ramme, meate for sixe dayes; and euery day a little Platter full of Millet, and lent vs a Caldron and a Triuet to boyle our flesh: which being sodden, we sod our Millet in the broath of the flesh. This was our meate, and it had well sufficed vs, if they had suffered vs to eate in peace. But there are so many hunger-starued, who are not prouided of meate: that, as soone as they saw vs dresse meate, they thrust in vpon vs,* 1.148 and must eate with vs. There I found by experience, how great a Martyrdome liberalitie is in pouertie. Then the cold began much to preuaile: and Mangu Chan sent vs three Pelt-coates of the Skinnes of Papions (Papionum) whose haire they turne outward; which we thankfully re∣ceiued. They demanded also, how we were prouided of necessary food? To whom I answered, [ 20] that little meate sufficed vs, but we haue not an house wherein to pray for Mangu Chan. For our Cottage was so little, that we could scarce stand vpright in it, nor open our Bookes, as soone as wee made fire. Then they brought him word: and hee sent vnto the Monke to know, if hee would haue our company? who gladly answered, that hee would. From that time wee were prouided of a better house: and we went downe with the Monke before the Court, where none lodged but we, and their Sooth-sayers: but they lodged neerer, before the Palace of the greatest Lady: and wee in the furthest end towards the East, before the Palace of the last Lady. And that was done the day before Octabis Epiphaniae.* 1.149 On the morrow (to wit) in Octauis Epiphani••, all the Nestorian Priests came together before day at the Chappell, and smote vpon a board, and sang Matines solemnely, and put on their Ornaments, preparing the Censer and the [ 30] Incense.

* 1.150And while they stayed wayting thus, behold, in the morning, the principall Wife Cotota Caten by name, (Caten is as much as Ladie, and Cotota her proper name) came into the Chappell with many other Ladies, and with her eldest Sonne, called Baltu, and other little ones of hers: And they cast themselues downe vpon the Earth, ducking after the manner of the Nestorians, and after this, they touched all the Images with their right hands, alwayes kissing their hands after they had touched, and after that, they gaue their right hands to all that stood about them in the Church. For this is the custome of the Nestorians when they come into the Church. Then the Priests sang many things, giuing the Lady Incense in her hand, and she put it vpon the fire: then they perfumed her. After this, when the day was cleere, shee began to put off the Orna∣ment [ 40] of her head, which is called Baccha: and I saw her bare scull, then shee commanded vs to goe forth, and as I went out, I saw a siluer Bason brought: whether they baptized her or no, I know not: but I know, they celebrate not Masse in a Tent, but in a standing Church. And in the Easter I saw them baptize, and hallow Fount with great Solemnitie, which now they did not.

And while we went into our house, Mangu Chan himselfe came, and went into the Church, or Oratory, and a Golden Bed was brought, on which hee sate by his Queene, ouer against the Altar. Then were we sent for, not knowing that Mangu was come. And the Doore-keepers searched vs, lest we should haue Kniues about vs. But comming into the Oratory, hauing a Bi∣ble, and a Breuiary in my bosome, I first bowed downe vnto the Altar, and after to Mangu Chan: [ 50] and so passing by, we stood betweene the Monke and the Altar. Then they made vs sing a Psalme after our manner, and chaunt it. But we sang of that prose, Veni Sancte Spiritus, &c. And Cham caused our Bookes to be brought vnto him, the Bible, and the Breuiarie: and diligently inquired concerning the Images, what they signified. The Nestorians answered him at their pleasure, be∣cause our Interpreter came not in with vs. And when I was first before him, I had the Bible in my bosome, which he commanded to be brought vnto him, who looked earnestly vpon it. Then he departed, and his Ladie remayned there, and distributed gifts to all the Christians there, shee gaue the Monke a Iascot, and to the Archdeacon of the Priests another: she caused a Nassic to be spread before vs (to wit) a piece of Cloth, as broad as a Couerlet of a Bed, very large, and a * 1.151 Buckeram, which when I would not receiue, they sent them to my Interpreter, who had them [ 60] to himselfe. He brought the Nassic to Cyprus, which he sold for eightie Sultanines of Cyprus; but it was much the worse for the carriage. Then drinke was brought (to wit) drinke made of Rice and red Wine, like Wine of Rochell, and Cosmos. * 1.152 Then the Ladie holding the cup full in her hand, desired blessing vpon her knees, and all the Priests sing with a loud voyce, and shee drunke

it vp: and I and my companion must sing. Another time, when all of them were almost drunke, then meate was brought (to wit) the carkasse of one Ramme which was presently deuoured: and after that, great fishes, which are called Carpes, without Salt; or Bread: whereof I eate a little, so they passed the day, vntill the Euening. And when the Lady her selfe was drunke, she tooke her Chariot (the Priests singing) and went her way. The next Sunday,* 1.153 when (There was a Marriage in Cana of Galily) is read for the Gospell; Chans Sonne came (whose Mother was a Christian) and did the like, but not with so great Solemnitie. For he gaue no gifts, but made the Priests drinke, till they were drunke, and gaue them parched Millet to eate.

Before the first Sunday in Lent, the Nestorians fast three dayes,* 1.154 which they call the Fast of Io∣nas, [ 10] which he preached to the Niniuites. And the Armenians fast fiue dayes, which they call the Fast of Saint Sorkis, which is the greatest Saint amongst them.

The Nestorians beginne their Fast vpon Tuesday, and end it vpon Thursday; so that vpon Friday they eate flesh. And all that time I saw the Chancelor (to wit, the great Secretarie of State called Bulgai) make them a pittance of flesh vpon the Friday; and they blessed the flesh with great Solemnitie, as the Paschall Lambe is blessed: but he eate none with them▪ and this I learned of Willielmus Parisiensis, who was his very familiar friend. The Monke sent to Man∣gu to fast that weeke, which (as I heard) hee did: so that on the Sabbath of Septuagesima (at which time it is as it were Easter to the Armenians) wee went on Procession to the house of Mangu: and the Monke, and we two (being first searched whether wee had Kniues) went in [ 20] with the Priests, before him. And while we went in, one of the Seruants went forth, carrying out the shoulder bones of Rammes, burnt to the blacknesse of Coales. Whereupon I maruelled greatly, what it should meane, whereof after I had inquired, I vnderstood, that hee neuer doth any thing, before he haue consulted with those bones. Whereupon hee doth not so much as suf∣fer a man to enter his house, but first consulteth with that bone, which kind of Diuination, is thus done.

When he purposeth to doe any thing,* 1.155 he causeth three of those bones to be brought vnto him vnburnt; and holding them he thinketh of the thing, whereof he will consult, whether he may doe it or not: and then deliuereth the bones to bee burnt, and there are alwayes two little Roomes, hard by the house where he lyes, where those bones are burnt; which are diligently [ 30] sought for euery day thorow all the Leskar or Tent-dwelling. When they are burnt blacke, they bring them vnto him, then hee lookes vpon them, whether the bones (by the heate of the fire) be cleft right length-wayes: then the way is open, that he may do it. But if the bones be crac∣ked athwart, or round pieces flye out of them, then he doth it not; for the bone is alwayes cleft in the fire, or the thinne skin which ouer-spreadeth it. And if one of the three be cleft forth right, yet he doth it. When therefore wee went in before him (aduised before, that wee should not touch the threshold) the Nestorian Priests brought him Incenses, and he put it vpon the Censor,* 1.156 and they censed him. Then they sung, blessing his cup, and after them the Monke pronounced his blessing, and we must blesse last. And when he saw vs holding the Bible before our brest, he caused it to be brought vnto him, that he might see it, which hee diligently looked vpon. Then [ 40] after he had drunke, and the chiefe Priest had wayted on his Cup, they gaue the Priests drinke: After that, we went forth, and my companion stayed last. And when wee were without, my companion (when hee should haue gone out after vs) turned his face to Chan, bowing himselfe vnto him: and then, hastily following vs, he stumbled at the threshold of the house.

And when we went in haste toward the house of Baltu his eldest Sonne, they that obserued the threshold, layd hands on my companion, and made him stay, that hee should not follow vs, calling one, and commanding him to carrie him to Bulgai, who is the great Secretary of the Court, and iudgeth those that are arraigned of life and death. But I knew it not, yet when I loo∣ked backe, and saw him not comming, I thought they detayned him, to giue him some lighter garments: For he was weake, and so laden with Pelt-garments that he could scarce goe. Then [ 50] they called our Interpreter, and made him sit with him:* 1.157 but wee went to Chans eldest Sonnes house, who had two Wiues, and was lodged at the right side of his Fathers Court: who as soone as he saw vs comming, leaping from his bed whereon he sate, cast himselfe vpon the earth, smiting his fore-head against the ground, worshipping the Crosse, and arising, caused it to be set vpon a new cloth, in an high place by him, very honourably. He hath a Schoolemaster, a Nesto∣rian Priest called Dauid, a very Drunkard, who teacheth him. Then he made vs sit, and giue the Priests drinke, and hee also dranke, receiuing the blessing from them. Then wee went vnto the Court of the second Lady, which was called Cota, who followed Idolaters: whom wee found lying sicke a bed. Then the Monke made her rise out of her bed, and worship the Crosse, bow∣ing her knees thrice, and ducking toward the ground: he standing with the Crosse at the West-side [ 60] of the house, and she on the East: this being done, they changed places, and the Monke went with the Crosse vnto the East, and shee vnto the West. And hee boldly commanded her (although she were so weake, that she could scarce stand vpon her feet) that shee should cast her∣selfe downe thrice againe, and worship the Crosse, toward the East after the manner of the Christians: which she did, and he taught her to make the signe of the Crosse vpon her forehead.

After she lay downe vpon her bed, and praying for her, we went vnto the third house, where a Christian Lady vsed to be: who being dead, a young woman succeeded her, who together with the Daughter of her Lord, ioyfully receiued vs: and all that whole house reuerently worship∣ped the Crosse. And she set it vpon a Veluet cloth in an high place, and shee caused meate to bee brought (to wit) the carkasse of one Ramme, which being set before the Ladie, shee caused it to be distributed to the Priests. But I and the Monke were very warie of the meate and drinke, for the meate being eaten, and much drinke drunke, wee were to goe to the Damosell Cerina, who lodged behind that great house, which was her Mothers: who at the comming in of the Crosse, cast her selfe vpon the Earth, and worshipped it very deuoutly, because shee had beene well taught so to doe, and shee set it in a high place, vpon a piece of silke. And all those clothes [ 10] whereon the Crosse was set, were the Monkes.

A certaine Armenian brought this Crosse who came with the Monk (as he said) from Hieru∣salem; and it was of siluer, weighing about some foure markes; and it had foure Precious Stones in the corners, and one in the middle. It had not the Image of our Sauiour (because the Armeni∣ans and the Nestorians are ashamed,* 1.158 that Christ should appeare nayled to the Crosse) and hee had presented it (by the Monke) to Mangu Chan. And Mangu demanded of him what hee desired? to whom he answered, That he was the Sonne of an Armenian Priest, whose Church the Sa∣racens had destroyed, and craued his helpe for the building againe of that Church. Then hee as∣ked him, for how much it might be built againe: he answered, for two hundred Iascots (that is) for two thousand markes: and he commanded Letters to be giuen him, to him who receiued the [ 20] Tribute in Persia, and Armenia the greater, that they should pay him the said summe of siluer. This Crosse the Monke carried with him euery where. And the Priests seeing the gaine thereof, began to enuie him. Wee were therefore in the house of the said Damosell, and shee gaue the Priests much drinke. From hence wee went vnto the fourth house, which was the last in num∣ber and honour. For he vsed not to come often to that Ladie, and her house was very old, and her selfe nothing gracious. But after Easter Chan made her a new house, and new Chariots. She likewise as the second knew little or nothing of Christianitie, but followed Soothsayers, and I∣dolaters. Yet at our comming in, shee worshipped the Crosse, as the Monke and the Priests taught her. There also the Priests dranke againe. And from that place wee returned to our Oratorie, which was neere thereabouts: the Priests accompanying vs with great howling and out-cryes in their drunkennesse, which there is reprehensible neither in man nor woman. [ 30] Then my fellow was brought home, and the Monke sharply rebuked him because he touched the threshold.* 1.159 On the morrow Bulgai came (who was a Iustice) and diligently inquired, whe∣ther any had warned vs to take heed of touching the threshold. And I answered, Sir, wee had not our Interpreter with vs: how could we vnderstand? Then hee pardoned him. But would neuer after suffer him to come into any of the houses of Mangu Chan.

IT happened afterwards, that the same Ladie Cota, which was sicke about Septuagesima, was sicke almost vnto death:* 1.160 and diuination by Lots of the Idolaters could profit her nothing. Then Mangu sent vnto the Monke, demanding of him, what might bee done for her. And the [ 40] Monke indiscreetly answered, that if shee were not cured, hee should cut off his head, hauing made that answere, the Monke called vs, declaring the matter vnto vs with teares, intreating to watch with him that night in Prayer: which we did. And he had a certayne Roote which is called Rubarbe; and hee cut it almost to powder, and put it in water, with a little Crucifixe which he had, wherein the Image of our Sauiour was aduanced: whereof he reported, that by it he knew, when the sicke should recouer or dye. For if they should escape, it stucke to the brest of the sicke, as if it were glued, if otherwise it st••cke not at all. And I still thought that Rubarbe had beene some holy Relike,* 1.161 which he had brought from the Holy Land of Hierusalem. And he gaue all sicke persons of that water •• drinke: so that it could not bee, but their bowels should be griped with so bitter a Potion: which alteration in their bodies they accounted a Mi∣racle. [ 50] Then I told him (when he was about to make such a water) that hee should prepare some of that Holy water, which is made in the Church of Rome, which hath great vertue to expell Deuils: because I vnderstood shee was vexed of a Deuill. And at his intreatie, wee made him some Holy water, and he mingled Rubarbe, and put his Crucifixe all the whole night in the wa∣ter to temper it. I said moreouer, that if hee were a Priest, that the Order of Priest-hood hath great power to expell Deuils. And he said it was very true, and yet hee lyed, because hee had no order, nor knew any one Letter: but was a Weauer, as I vnderstood after, in his Countrey, when I returned.* 1.162 On the morrow therefore I, and the Monke, and two Nestorian Priests went vnto the foresaid Ladie. And shee was in a little house, behind her greater house. When wee came in, shee sate in her bed, and worshipped the Crosse, and set it honourably by her vpon a [ 60] cloth of Silke, and drunke of the blessed water with Rubarbe, and washed her brest. And the Monke requested me to reade a Gospell ouer her, so I read the Passion of our Lord according vnto Iohn. At length she was cheered, and felt her selfe better: and shee caused foure Iascots to bee brought, which she first layd at the feet of the Crosse, and after gaue me to the Monke, and rea∣ched

me one, which I would not receiue. Then the Monke stretching forth his hand, tooke it, and gaue either of the Priests one: so that, at that time shee gaue fortie Markes. Then shee caused Wine to be brought, and gaue it the Priests to drinke; and I must drinke thrice from her hand, in honour of the Trinitie. Shee began also to teach mee the Language, jesting with mee, because I was dumbe, not hauing any Interpreter.

On the morrow we returned to her againe. And Mangu Chan hearing that we came that way, made vs come in vnto him, because hee vnderstood that the Lady was somewhat better, and we found him with a few seruants, supping liquid Tam, to wit, meat made of paste, for comfor∣ting the head: and the burnt shoulder-blades of a Ram lay before him: and he tooke the Crosse [ 10] in his hand, but that hee kissed or worshipped it, I saw not: but looked vpon it, and asked some questions, I know not what. Then the Monke craued leaue to carry the Crosse aloft vpon a Lance; because I had spoken to the Monke before concerning this. And Mangu answered, Car∣ry it as you thinke best to doe it. Then doing our duty to him, wee went to the foresaid Ladie, and we found her lustie and cheerfull; and she still drunke of the blessed Water, and wee read the Passion ouer her. And those miserable Priests neuer taught her the Faith, nor aduised her to bee baptised. But I sate there mute, not able to speake any thing, but shee still taught me the Lan∣guage: and the Priests neuer find fault with any kind of Sorcerie.* 1.163 For there I saw foure swords halfe drawne out of the sheath, one at the head of the Ladies bed, another at the feet, and two other, on either side of the doore one. I saw also there one siluer Chalice, of our Chalices, which [ 20] peraduenture was taken or stolne out of some Church of Hungary; and it hung against the walls full of ashes, and vpon those ashes there was a blacke stone. And concerning such things, the Priests neuer teach them that they are euill: Nay, they themselues doe, and teach such things. We visited her three daies, so that shee was restored to perfect health. After that, the Monke made a Banner full of Crosses, and got a Cane as long as a Lance, and we carried the Crosse aloft. I honored him as my Bishop, because hee could speake the Language;* 1.164 yet hee did many things which pleased me not: for he caused a Chaire which may be folded to bee made for him, such as Bishops vse to haue, and Gloues, and a Cap of Peacocks feathers, and vpon it a little Crosse of gold: I was well pleased with the Crosse. Hee had scabbed feete, which hee laboured to grace with ointments, and was very presumptuous in speech. The Nestorians also repeated certaine [ 30] Verses of the Psalter (as they said) vpon two rods, which were ioyned together, being held of two men. The Monke was present at such things. And many other vanities appeared in him, which displeased me. Yet wee ioyned our selues to his societie for the honor of the Crosse. For we carried the Crosse aduanced through all the Tents singing: Vexilla Regis prodeunt, &c. Where∣vpon the Saracens were much dismaied.

SInce we came to the Court of Mangu Chan, he rode but twice towards the South: and from that time he beganne to returne towards the North, which was toward Caracarum.* 1.165 Where∣vpon I noted all the way, a thing of which Master Baldwin of Hannonia had spoken to mee at Constantinople (who was there) that he had seene this onely wonderfull, that he alwaies ascen∣ded [ 40] in going, and neuer descended. For all Riuers came from the East into the West, either di∣rectly or indirectly (that is to say) bending towards the South or North. And I enquired of the Priests which came from Cataya, who testified this same. From that place where I found Mangu Chan, vnto Cataya, were twentie daies iourney, going towards the South and East. To Onan Kerule, which is the proper Countrey of Moall, where the Court of Chingis is, were ten daies iourney right East.* 1.166 And in those parts of the East there was no Citie: yet there were people which are called Su-Moall, that is to say, Moall of the Waters: for Su is as much to say as Water. These people liue vpon Fish,* 1.167 and hun∣ting, hauing neither Flocks nor Heards. Towards the North likewise, there is no Citie, but a poore people feeding Cattell, who are called Kerkis. The Orangei are also there, who binde smoothe filed bones vn∣der their feete, and thrust themselues forward vpon the congealed Snow and Ice, with such swiftnesse, that they take Birds and Beasts. And many other poore people there are on the North side, so farre as [ 50] they may spread themselues for the cold. And they ioyne on the West, with the Countrey of Pascatir,* 1.168 which is Hungaria the Greater, whereof I haue spoken before.* 1.169 The bound or limit of the North corner is not knowne, for the extremitie of the cold: for in that place there are continull spires or heapes of Snow. I was inquisitiue of the Monsters or monstrous men, whereof Isidorus and Solinus make report. They told me they neuer saw any such, whereof we much wonder, whether it bee true or no. All the Nations aforesaid (although but poore) yet they must serue in some trade: for it was the commandement of Chingis, that none should bee free from seruice, till hee were so old, that he could labour no longer, by any meanes. Vpon a time a certaine Priest of Cataya sate with mee, clothed with a red coloured cloth; and I demanded of him whence hee had such a colour.* 1.170 [ 60] And he told me, that in the East parts of Cataya there were high craggie Rock••,* 1.171 wherein certaine Creatures dwell, hauing in all parts the shape of men, but that they bow not the knees, but walke (I know not how) leaping: which are not aboue one cubit long, and their whole body is couered with * 1.172 haire; who haue their abode in Caues which no man can come vnto. And they

that hunt them goe vnto them, and carry strong drinke with them, as strong as they can make, and make pits in the Rocks like Cups, filling them with that strong drinke. For Cataia as yet hath no Wine (but now they beginne to plant Vineyards) for they make drinke of Rice. The Hunters therefore hide themselues, then the foresaid Creatures come out of their holes, and taste the said drinke, and crie Chin-chin. Then they come together in great multitudes and drinke the said drinke, and are made drunke, so that they sleepe there. Then the Hunters come, and bind them hand and feete while they are sleeping; and after, they open the Veine in their necke, and draw forth three or foure drops of bloud from euery one, and let them goe free. And that bloud (as he told me) is most precious to die purple.* 1.173

He told it also for truth (which neuerthelesse I doe not beleeue) that there is a Prouince beyond [ 10] Cataia, into the which, at whatsoeuer age a man enters, he continueth in the same age wherein he entred, Cataia is vpon the Ocean. And Master Willielmus Parisiensis told me, that the same Messengers of certaine people which are called Taute and Manse, who inhabit Ilands, whose Sea is frozen in the winter, so that the Tartars may inuade them; who offered two thousand Tumen or Iascots yeerely, so they would let them liue in peace. Tumen is a piece of money contay∣ning ten Markes. The common money of Cataia is Paper made of Bombaste, the breadth and length of an hand, vpon the which they imprint lines, like the Seale of Mangu. They write with a Pensill wherewith Painters paint; and in one figure they make many letters comprehen∣ding one word. The people of Thebet write as wee doe, and they haue Characters very like ours. They of Tangut write from the right hand vnto the left, as the Arabians, and multiply the lines ascending vpward. Iugur, as aforesaid, from aboue downeward. The common mony of [ 20] the Rutenians are little spotted and grisel'd skins. When we came with the Monke, hee charita∣bly admonished vs to abstaine from flesh, and that our seruants should eate flesh with his ser∣uants; but he would promise vs Meale, and Oyle or Butter. Which wee did, though it much grieued my Companion, by reason of his weakenesse: wherefore our foode was Millet and But∣ter, or Paste sodden in water with Butter, or sowre Milke, and vnleauened bread baked in Oxe-dung, of Horse-dung.

* 1.174NOw Quinquagesima came, which is the Lent-time to all the people of the East. And the greatest Ladie Cotota with all her company, fasted that weeke, who came euery day to our [ 30] Oratorie, and gaue meate vnto the Priests, and other Christians, whereof a great multitude flocked thither the first weeke, to heare their dutie. And she gaue to me and my Companion, to each a Coate and Breeches of gray Samit (Samito) furred with course haire (Stuppa setae) be∣cause my companion complained much of the weight of his Skinnes, which I receiued for my fellowes comfort, excusing my selfe neuerthelesse, that I would not weare such clothes. I gaue to my Interpreter what belonged to me. Then the Porters of the Court seeing that so great a multitude came daily to the Church, which was within the bounds of the keepers of the Court, they sent one of their fellowes vnto the Monke, declaring vnto him, that they would not haue so great a multitude come together within the precincts of the Court. then the Monke roughly answered, that he would know whether they commanded this from Mangu Chan? hee added [ 40] moreouer certaine threatning speeches, as if he would accuse them to Mangu Chan. Then they preuenting him, accused him before Mangu; That he was too full of words, and that he gathe∣red together too great a multitude to heare him speake. Afterward, the first Sunday in Lent, be∣ing called to the Court (and the Monke being shamefully demanded whether hee had a Knife, insomuch that he put off his shooes) wee came in before Chan himselfe, who hauing the burnt shoulder-blade of a Ramme in his hand, looked vpon it, and (as it were) reading in it, began to reproue the Monke, demanding, that seeing he was a man that should pray vnto God, why hee spoke so much with men? but I stood behind with my head bare: and Chan saying vnto him, Why dost thou not put off thy Cap, when thou commest before me, as that Francke doth? and commanded me to be called neerer. Then the Monke being much abashed, put off his Cap, con∣trary [ 50] to the custome of the Greekes and Armenians. And when Chan himselfe had spoken ma∣ny things sharply vnto him, wee went out. Then the Monke deliuered me the Crosse to beare to the Oratorie, because he could not carry it for shame.

After a few daies he was reconciled vnto him, promising that he would goe to the Pope, and that he would bring all the Nations of the West to his obedience. Whereupon, he returning to the Oratorie after that conference had with Chan, began to enquire of mee touching the Pope, if I beleeued he would see him if he came vnto him in the behalfe of Mangu, and if hee would furnish him with Horses vnto Saint Iames? He demanded also of you, if I thought you would send your sonne vnto Mangu? Then I counsailed him, that he should take heede that hee did not promise lyes to Mangu, because the last errour should bee worse then the first; and that God [ 60] needeth not our lyes, that we should speake deceitfully for him.

At that time there arose a certaine question betweene the Monke and a Priest called Ionas, a Learned man, whose father was an Archdeacon, and the other Priests accounted him for a Ma∣ster and an Archdeacon. For the Monke said, That man was created before Paradise, and that

the Scripture said so. Then was I called to bee an arbitrator of that question. But I being igno∣rant that they contended about this, answered, that Paradise was made vpon Tuesday, when the other Trees were made, and that Man was made the sixt day. Then the Monke began to say, Did not the Deuill bring earth the first day from the foure parts of the world,* 1.175 and making clay made the bodie of man therewith, and God inspired his soule? Then hearing this Haeresie of the Monke, and that he so publikely and shamelesly recited it, I reproued him sharply, saying, he should put his finger vpon his mouth, because he knew not the Scriptures, and that he should take heed, that he said it not, whereby he might be faulty: And he began to mocke me, because I was ignorant of the Language. I departed therefore from him, going to our house. It fell out afterwards, that he and the Priests went on Procession to the Court, without calling mee; be∣cause [ 10] the Monke spake not to me for the foresaid reproofe, nor would he carrie me with him, as he was wont. When therefore they came before Mangu, (I being not seene among them) hee earnestly demanded where I was, and why I came not with them? The Priests fearing, excu∣sed themselues. But returning, they told me the words of Mangu, and murmured at the Monke. After this, the Monke was reconciled to me, and I to him, intreating him, that he would helpe me with his Language, and I would helpe him in the holy Scripture. For a brother that is ••ol∣pen of a brother, is as a strong Citie. After the first weeke of fasting, the Ladie ceased to come vn∣to the Oratorie, and to giue meat, and drinke, which wee were wont to haue, for the Monke suffered it not to be brought, saying, that Mutton fat or Suet was put in the confection thereof: and shee gaue no Oyle, but very seldome: so that we had nothing but browne Bread, and past [ 20] boyling in water, that we might suppe broath; because we had no water, but of dissolued Snow,* 1.176 or of Ice, which was exceeding nought. Then my Companion began to be much grieued: so I acquainted Dauid (the Schoole-master of Chans eldest sonne) with our necessities, who made report thereof to Chan: and he commanded to giue vs Wine, Flowre, and Oyle. Neither the Nestorians, nor the Armenians, eate fish, by any meanes, in the Lent. Then they gaue vs a bottle of Wine. The Monke said he would not eate but on the Sunday: and then the Ladie her selfe sent meat of boyled paste with vinegar to suppe. But he had a Christ by him vnder the Altar,* 1.177 with Almonds and Raisins, and dried Prunes, and many other fruits, which hee ate all the day, whensoeuer hee was alone. Wee ate once a day, and that in great affliction: for as soone as they knew, that Mangu Chan had giuen vs Wine, most impudently they came in vpon vs like [ 30] Dogs, both the Nestorian Priests, who were drunke all the day in the Court, and the Moal∣lians also, and the seruants of the Monke. The Monke also, when any came vnto him, to whom he would giue drinke▪ he sent to vs for Wine. So that, the Wine caused our greater affliction then comfort; because wee could not denie it without offence. If wee gaue, wee wanted our selues, nor durst we, that being spent, desire any more from the Court.

ABout mid-lent Master Williams sonne came, bringing with him a faire siluer Crosse,* 1.178 made after the French fashion, hauing the Image of Christ all of siluer fastened vpon it at the top: which the Monkes and Priests seeing, put it away: this Crosse hee was to present in the behalfe of his Master to Bulgai, who was the chiefe Secretarie of the Court: which when I [ 40] heard, I was offended. The same young man also declared to Mangu Chan, that the worke which he commanded to be made, was finished, which worke I described vnto you. Mangu hath at Caracarum a great Court, hard by the walls of the Citie, enclosed with a bricke-wall; as the Priories of Monkes are enclosed with vs. In that place, there is a great Palace, wherein he holdeth his drinkings twice a yeere: once in Easter, when hee passeth that way, and once in Summer, when he returneth. And this latter is the greater: because then all the Nobles (who dwell farre some two moneths iourney off in any place) meet together at his Court.* 1.179 And then hee giues vnto them gifts and garments, and shewes his great glorie. There are many other houses there, as large as Granges, wherein his victuals, and treasures are stored. In the entrance of that great Palace (because it was vnseemely to bring in bottles of Milke, and other drinkes) [ 50] Master William Parisiensis made him a great siluer Tree,* 1.180 at the root whereof were foure siluer Lions, hauing one Pipe sending forth pure Cowes milke, and the foure Pipes were conuayed within the Tree, vnto the top thereof: whose tops spread backe againe downward: and vpon euery one of them was a golden Serpent, whose tayles twine about the bodie of the Tree. And one of those Pipes runs with Wine, another with Caracosmos, that is, clarified Whay; another with Ball, that is, drinke made of Honey, another with drinke made of Rice, called Teracina. And euery drinke hath his vessell prepared of siluer, at the foot of the Tree, to receiue it. Be∣tweene those foure Pipes in the top, he made an Angell holding a Trumpet; and vnder the Tree, he made an hollow vault, wherein a man might be hid; and a Pipe ascendeth through the heart [ 60] of the Tree vnto the Angell. Hee first made Bellowes, but they gaue not wind enough. With∣out the Palace there is a Chamber, wherein the drinkes are layd, and there are seruants readie there to powre it out, when they heare the Angell sounding the Trumpet. And the boughes of the Tree are of siluer, and the leaues and Peares. When therefore they want drinke, the Ma∣ster Butler cryeth to the Angell, that he sound the Trumpet. Then he hearing (who is hid in

the Vault) blowes the Pipe strongly, which goeth to the Angell. And the Angell sets his Trum∣pet to his mouth, and the Trumpet soundeth very shrill. Then the Seruants hearing, which are in the chamber, euery of them powre forth their drink into their proper Pipe, and the Pipes powre it forth from aboue, and they are receiued below in Vessels prepared for that purpose: Then the Butlers draw them, and carry them through the Palace, to men and women.

* 1.181And the Palace is like a Church, hauing the middle Ile, and the two sides beyond the two rewes of Pillars, and three gates on the South. And within before the middle gate stands the tree. And Chan himselfe sitteth in the North front, in an high place, that hee may bee seene of all. And there are two degrees of steps ascending vnto him, by the one, he that carryeth his cup commeth vp vnto him, and by the other he descendeth. That space which is in the middle, be∣tweene [ 10] the tree and the steps whereby they ascend vnto him, is voyde. For there standeth hee that wayteth on his Cup, and the Messengers, which bring Presents. And hee sitteth there a∣boue like a God. On the right side (to wit) toward the West are the men: on the left women. For the Palace stretcheth it selfe out in length from North to South by the Pillars. On the right side are places full of seates lifted vp, like the Sellar of an house; whereon his Sonnes and Brethren sit. On the left side is the like, where his Wiues and Daughters sit. One only woman sitteth there aboue by him, but not so high as hee. When therefore hee had heard, that the Worke was finished, hee commanded the chiefe Workeman to set it in his place, and make it fit.

* 1.182And about Passion Sunday, hee went before with small houses, leauing his greater houses be∣hind: And the Monke and we followed him; and he sent vs another Bottle of Wine. And hee [ 20] passed betweene the hilly Countries, where there was great wind, and an extreame cold, and there fell a great Snow. Whereupon hee sent about mid-night to the Monke and vs, intrea∣ting vs to pray vnto God, that hee would mitigate that wind and cold, because all the beasts which were in the trayne were in ieopardie, especially because all that time they were with young and readie to bring forth. Then the Monke sent him Incense, requiring him to put it on the coales and offer it to God: which, whether he did, I know not. But the Tempest ceased,* 1.183 which had now continued two dayes, and now the third day drew neere. On Palme Sunday we were neere Caracarum: In the dawning of the day we blessed the Willow boughes, whereon as yet there appeared no bud, and about nine of the clocke we entred the Citie, carry∣ing the Crosse aloft with the Banner, passing through the middle of the street of the Saracens, [ 30] where the Market and Faires are vnto the Church: and the Nestorians met vs on Procession. And entring into the Church, we found them prepared to celebrate the Masse: which beeing celebrated, they all communicated, and they asked mee, whether I would communicate?. I an∣swered that I had drunke before, and the Sacrament should not be receiued but fasting. Masse be∣ing said, it was now Euening. Master William brought vs with great ioy to his Inne to sup with him: who had a Wife, the Daughter of a Lotharingian, borne in Hungarie, who could speake the French and the Language of Comania. We found also there a certayne other man called Basilius, the Sonne of an Englishman, borne in Hungarie, who also was skilfull in the foresaid Langua∣ges. Supper being ended, they brought vs to our Cottage, which the Tartars had appointed vs, in a certayne plat of ground neere the Church, with the Oratory of the Monke. On the [ 40] morrow Chan himselfe entred into his Palace. And the Monke and I, and the Priests went vn∣to him. They suffered not my companion to goe, because he stumbled at the threshold. I much deliberated with my selfe what I should doe, whether I should goe or no. And fearing offence, if I should depart from other Christians, and because it pleased him: and fearing lest that good might be hindred, which I hoped to obtaine, I chose rather to go, although I saw their actions ful of Sorcery and Idolatrie: nor did I any other thing there, but pray for the whole Church with a loud voyce, and also for Chan himselfe, that God would direct him to the way of eternall sal∣uation. We therefore went into the Court which was sufficiently ordered. And in the Summer Riuers are conueyed into euery place, whereby it is watered. After this we entred into the Pa∣lace, full of men and women, and stood before Chan, hauing the foresaid Tree at our backs, which [ 50] with the Vessels thereof tooke vp a great part of the Palace. The Priests brought two little Loaues, and fruit in a Platter, which they presented vnto him, blessing them. And the Butler brought them vnto him sitting aloft in a very high place, much raised. And hee presently began to eate one of the Loaues, and sent another to his Sonne, and to a certayne yonger Brother of his, who was brought vp by a certayne Nestorian, and knew the Gospell, who also sent for my Bi∣ble, that he might see it. After the Priests the Monke said his Prayer, and I, after the Monke. Then he promised,* 1.184 that the next day he would come vnto the Church, which is great enough, and faire, and▪ all the ••eeling aboue was couered with silke wrought with Gold. The next day he went his way, willing the Priests to excuse him, that he durst not come to the Church, be∣cause he vnderstood the dead were carried thither. But we, and the Monke remayned at Cara∣carum, [ 60] and other Priests of the Court, that they might celebrate Easter there.

MAundie Thursday drew neere, and Easter, and I had not our Vestments, and I considered the manner how the Nestorians made the Sacramentall Bread, and I was much troubled,* 1.185 what I should doe; whether I should receiue the Sacrament of them, or should celebrate it in their Vestments, and Chalice, and vpon their Altar, or should altogether abstayne from the Sacrament. Then there were a great multitude of Christians, Hungarians, Alanians, Rutenians, Georgians, and Armenians; all which had not seene the Sacrament since they were taken: because the Nesto∣rians would not admit them to their Church, vnlesse they were baptized of them, as they said, yet they made no mention of this to vs. And they offered their Sacrament freely to vs, and made me stand in the doore of the Quire, that I might see their manner of Consecration. And also on [ 10] the Vigill or Eeuen before Easter, by the Font, that I might see their manner of baptizing. They say, they haue of that Oyntment, wherewith Mary Magdalene anoynted the feet of our Lord, and they power in as much of that Oyle, with that which they lay aside, and kneade their bread therewith. For all those people of the East put fat in their bread, in stead of Leuen or Butter, or Suet of a sheepes tayle, or Oyle.

They say also that they haue of the flowre, whereof the bread was made, which the Lord con∣secrated: and alwayes powre out so much Oyle with it, as the flowre they lay aside. And they haue a Chamber hard by their Quire, and an Ouen, where they bake the bread, which they must consecrate with great reuerence. They therefore make one Loafe of an hand breadth, with the foresaid Oyle, which they first breake into twelue pieces, according to the number of the Apo∣stles: [ 20] and after diuide those pieces, according to the multitude of the people: and the Priest giues the bodie of Christ to euery one in his hand. And then euery man taketh it out of the Palme of his hand with reuerence, and stretcheth his hand to the top of his head.

The foresaid Christians, and the Monke himselfe were very earnest,* 1.186 intreating vs for Gods sake, that wee would celebrate. Then I made them bee confessed, by an Interpreter, as I could, reckoning vp the tenne Commandements, and the seuen deadly Sinnes, and other things, for the which a man ought to bee grieued, and confessed. All of them publikely ex∣cused themselues concerning Theft, saying, that without Theft they could not liue, because their Masters prouided them neither food nor rayment. Then considering, that they had taken away the persons and their substance without iust cause, I said vnto them, that they [ 30] might lawfully take necessaries, of the goods of their Masters, and I was readie to main∣tayne it to the face of Mangu Chan.

Some of them also were Souldiers, who excused themselues, that they must needs goe to the Warres, or else they should bee slaine; I firmely forbad them to goe against the Chri∣stians, and that they should not hurt them, they should rather suffer themselues to bee slaine, for so they should become Martyrs. And I said, that if any would accuse mee of this Doctrine before Mangu Chan, I would bee readie to preach the same in his hearing. For the Nestorians themselues of the Court were present, when I taught this; of whom I was suspitious, least they should report ill of vs. Then Master William caused an Iron to bee made [ 40] for vs,, to make Hosts, and hee had certayne Vestments which hee had made for himselfe: for he had some knowledge in Learning, and behaued himselfe as a Clerke. Hee caused the Image of the blessed Virgin Marie to bee grauen after the French fashion, and ingraued the History of the Gospell (in the Casements) very faire, and made a certayne siluer Boxe, to lay vp the bodie of Christ therein, and the Relikes, in certayne little holes cunningly made in the sides of the Boxe.

Hee made also a certayne Oratorie vpon a Chariot, very fairely painted with holy Histo∣ries. I therefore tooke his Vestments and blessed them, and wee made Hosts, after our manner, very faire; and the Nestorians assigned mee their Font for Baptisme, wherein there was an Altar. And their Patriarch sent them from Baldach,* 1.187 a square Hide like a por∣table Altar, made with Chrisme, which they vse in stead of consecrated Stone. There∣fore [ 50] I celebrated on the Day of the Lords Supper, in their siluer Chalice and Dish, which were very great Vessels; I did the like also on Easter day. And wee communicated the peo∣ple with the blessing of God, as I hope. But they baptized in the Vigill of Easter more then threescore persons very orderly. There was great ioy generally among all Christians.

THen it hapned that Master William was grieuously sicke,* 1.188 and when hee was vpon reco∣uerie, the Monke visiting him, gaue him Rubarbe to drinke, so that hee had almost killed him. Then visiting him, when I found him so ill at ease, I asked him, what hee had eaten or drunke? And hee told mee, the Monke had giuen him the foresaid Potion, and hee drunke two little Dishes full, thinking it had beene Holy Water. Then I went to the Monke, and said vnto him, Either goe as an Apostle doing Miracles indeed, by vertue of Prayer, and [ 60] the Holy Ghost, or doe as a Physician according to the arte of Medicine. You giue a strong

Potion of Physicke to drinke, to men not prepared, as if it were a certayne hollow thing, for the which you will incurre a foule scandall, if it come to the knowledge of men. From that time he began to feare and to beware of him.

* 1.189It hapneth at that time, that that Priest was sicke, who was, as it were, the Archdeacon of the rest: and his friends sent for a certayne Saracen, which was a Sooth-sayer. Who said vnto them, A certayne leane man, who neyther eateth, nor drinketh, nor sleepes in a Bed, is angry with him: if hee can obtayne his blessing hee may recouer. Then they vnderstood it was the Monke. And a∣bout mid-night, the Priests Wife, his Sister, and his Sonne came, intreating that hee would come, and blesse him. They also raised vs vp, to intreate the Monke. Then he said vnto vs, in∣treating him: Let him alone, because hee with three others, who likewise tooke euill courses, consulted to goe vnto the Court, to procure Mangu Chan, that I and you should bee expelled [ 10] from these parts.

For there arose a contention among them, because Mangu and his Wiues sent foure Ias∣cots and certayne Silkes vpon Easter Eeuen to the Monke and Priests, to distribute among them. And the Monke had kept vnto himselfe one Iascot for his part, and of the other three, one was counterfeit, for it was Copper. Whereupon it seemed to the Priests, that the Monke had kept too great a portion to himselfe. Whence (it might bee) that they had some words among themselues, which were reported to the Monke. When day came I went vnto the Priest, hauing an extreme griefe in his side, and spitting bloud: whereupon I thought it was an Impostume. Then I counselled him (if he had any thing that was an others) to restore it.* 1.190 He said, hee had nothing. I spoke vnto him also of the Sacrament of Extreme Vnction. [ 20] Who answered, we haue no such custome, neither doe our Priests know how to doe it: I intreat you, that you would doe it for mee, as you know best to bee done. I aduised him also concerning Confession, which they frequent not, hee spake shortly in the Eare of a certayne Priest, one of his fellowes.

After this hee beganne to bee better, and hee intreated mee to goe for the Monke. So I went, but the Monke would not come at the first: yet when hee heard hee was some-what better, hee went with his Crosse. And I also went, and carryed (in a Boxe of Master Wil∣liams) the bodie of Christ, which I had reserued vpon Easter Day, at the intreatie of Ma∣ster William. Then the Monke beganne to kicke him with his feet, and hee most humbly im∣braced his feet. [ 30]

Then I said vnto him; It is the custome of the Church of Rome, that the sicke should receiue the Bodie of Christ, as it were prouision for their iourney, and a defence against all the De∣ceits of the Enemie. Behold, the Bodie of Christ, which I consecrated on Easter Day. You must bee confessed, and desire it. Then said hee with a great Faith, I desire it with all my heart. Which, when I had discouered, hee, with great affection said, I beleeue, that this is my Creatour and my Sauiour, who gaue mee life, and will restore it againe vnto mee after death in the generall Resurrection: and so tooke the Bodie of Christ (from my hand) made af∣ter the manner of the Church of Rome. Then the Monke abode with him, and gaue him (in my absence) I know not what Potions. On the morrow hee beganne to haue the pangs of death vpon him. Then taking their Oyle, which they said, was holy, I anointed him accor∣ding [ 40] to the manner of the Church of Rome, as they intreated mee. I had none of our Oyle, be∣cause the Priests of Sartach kept all.

And when wee should sing a Dirge, and I would haue beene present at his end, the Monke sent vnto mee, willing me to depart, because if I should bee present, I could not come into the house of Mangu Chan,* 1.191 for one whole yeare. Which, when I had told his friends, they said, it was true: and requested me to depart, lest I might be hindered in that good, which I might pro∣mote. Assoone as hee was dead, the Monke said vnto mee, care not: I haue killed him with my Prayers. This fellow only was Learned, and opposed himselfe against vs: the rest know no∣thing. Henceforth Mangu Chan himselfe, and they all will crouch at our feete. Then hee de∣clared [ 50] vnto me the foresaid Answere of the Sooth-sayer. Which (not beleeuing it) I inquired of the Priests who were friends of the dead, whether it were true or no. Who said it was. But whether he were pre-instructed or not, that they knew not. Afterwards I found, that the Monke called the foresaid Sooth-sayer and his Wife into his Chappell, and caused dust to bee sifted, and to diuine vnto him. For hee had a certayne Rutenian Deacon, who diuined to him. Which, when I vnderstood, I was astonied at his foolishnesse, and said vnto him, Bro∣ther, a man full of the Holy Ghost which teacheth all things, should not demand Answeres or Counsell from Sooth-sayers: seeing all such things are forbidden, and they excommunica∣ted, who follow such things. Then hee beganne to excuse himselfe that it was not true, that hee sought after such things. But I could not depart from him, because I was placed there by [ 60] the commandement of Chan himselfe, nor could I remooue my selfe without his speciall command.

COncerning the Citie of Caracarum, know this, that excluding the Palace of Chan him∣selfe, it is not so good, as the Castle of Saint Denis:* 1.192 and the Monasterie of Saint De∣nis is tenne times more worth then that Palace, and more too. There are two streets there: one of the Saracens, where the Faires are kept: and many Merchants haue recourse thither, by reason of the Court, which is alwayes neere, and for the multitude of Messengers. There is another street of the Cataians, who are all Artificers. Without those streets there are great Palaces, which are the Courts of the Secretaries. There are there twelue kindes of Idolatries of diuers Nations. Two Churches of Mahomet, where the Law of Mahomet is proclaimed: one Church of the Christians at the end of the Towne. The Towne is inclosed with a mudde [ 10] Wall, and hath foure Gates. On the East part Millet and other Graine is sold, which yet is seldome brought thither. On the West, Sheepe and Goates. On the South, Oxen and Wag∣gons are sold. At the North, Horses are sold. Following the Court, before the Ascension, wee came thither the Sunday before the Ascension. The next day after, we were called before Bul∣gai, who is a Iustice, and chiefe Secretarie, both the Monke and all his Family, and wee, and all the Messengers and Strangers, which frequented the house of the Monke. And wee were called before Bulgai seuerally, first the Monke, and after wee, and they beganne diligently to inquire whence wee were, and for what purpose wee came, and what our errand was? And this inquirie was made, because it was told Mangu Chan, that foure hundred Hassasines, or secret Murtherers were gone forth in diuers Habits to kill him. About that time the foresaid [ 20] Ladie was restored to health, and shee sent for the Monke; and hee not willing to goe, answe∣red: shee hath sent for Idolaters about her, let them cure her, if they can. I will goe no more. Vpon Ascension Eeuen, wee were in all the houses of Mangu Chan: and I saw when hee should drinke, how they cast Cosmos to their Idols of Felt. Then I said to the Monke, What fellowshippe hath Christ with Beliall. What part hath our Crosse with these Idols?

Moreouer, Mangu Chan hath eight Brethren, three by the Mother, and fiue by the Fa∣ther. One of them of his Mothers side, hee sent into the Countrey of the Hassasines, who are called by them Mulibet: and hee commanded to kill them all.* 1.193 Another went towards Persia, and is now entred therein, to goe (as is thought) into Turkie, from thence to send [ 30] Armies against Baldach, and Vastacius. One of the other, he sent into Cataia, against some that rebelled. His youngest Brother of the same venter, hee kept nigh himselfe, whose name was Arabucha, who holdeth his Mothers Court which was a Christian, whose Seruant Master William is: for one of his Brothers, on the Fathers side, tooke him in Hungarie in a certayne Ci∣tie, called Belgrade, where there was a Norman Bishoppe, of Belle-Ville neere Roan, with a certayne Nephew of the Bishoppes, whom I saw there at Caracarum. And hee gaue Master William to Mangues Mother, because shee was very earnest to haue him. When she was dead, Master William came backe againe to Arabucha, with all things else pertayning to the Court of his Mother: and from him hee came to the knowledge of Mangu Chan. Who after the fi∣nishing of the foresaid Worke, gaue vnto Master William an hundred Iascots, that is, a thou∣sand [ 40] Markes.

On the Eeuen therefore of the Ascension, Mangu Chan said, hee would goe to his Mothers Court, and visit her, for it was neere. And the Monke said, hee would goe with him, and giue his blessing to his Mothers soule. Chan was well contented. In the Euening, the day of the Ascension, the foresaid Ladie was very much pained.* 1.194 And the chiefe of the Sooth-sayers sent to the Monke, commanding him that the Table should not be smitten. On the morrow, when the whole Court remooued, the Court of the foresaid Ladie remayned still. And when wee came to the place where the Court should stay, the Monke was commanded to depart fur∣ther from the Court, then hee was wont: which hee did.* 1.195 Then Arabucha met his brother Chan. So the Monke, and wee, seeing that hee was to passe by vs, met him with the Crosse. And hee calling vs to minde, because sometimes he had beene at our Oratorie, stretching forth [ 50] his hand, made a Crosse vnto vs, like a Bishop. Then the Monke taking Horse, followed him, bearing certayne Fruits. But hee alighted, before his brothers Court, wayting, while hee came from hunting. Then the Monke alighted there, and offered him the Fruit, which hee receiued. And hard by him sate two Saracens, of the Nobilitie of the Court of Chan. But A∣rabucha vnderstanding of the contention betweene the Christians and the Saracens, enquired of the Monke if hee knew the said Saracens; and hee answered, I know they are Dogges:* 1.196 why haue you them so neere you? but they replyed; why, say they, doe you wrong vs, when wee doe none to you? To whom the Monke said, I speake the truth: and yee, and your Mahomet are vile Dogges. Then they beganne to answere blasphemously against Christ; and Arabucha forbad them, saying, speake not so blasphemously, for wee know, that the [ 60] Messias is God. That very houre there arose so great a winde ouer all the street, that the Deuils seemed to runne through them. And after awhile, there came Rumours, that the La∣die was dead.

The next morning, Chan returning towards his Court another way. For this is their Sor∣cerie, that they neuer returne the same way they came. Moreouer, while the Court abode heere, after the remooue thereof, none dare passe that way (neither Horseman nor Footman) where the Court stayed, so long as any shew of the fire made there, remayneth. That day cer∣tayne Saracens kept company with the Monke vpon the way, prouoking him, and disputing with him. And when hee could not defend himselfe with Argument, and they mocked him, hee would haue lashed them with the Whip which hee held in his hand; and hee went so farre, that the foresaid words were reported at the Court. And wee were commanded to depart with other Messengers, and not abide before the Court, where wee were wont. And I alwayes hoped, the King of Armenia would come. There came some about Easter from Bo∣lac, [ 10] where those Dutchmen are, for whose sake chiefly I went thither, who told mee, that the Dutch Priest should come to the Court. Therefore I mooued no Question to Mangu, concer∣ning our stay, or departure. And in the beginning hee gaue vs leaue to stay but two monethes: and now fiue monethes are past. This was done about the end of May. And wee had conti∣nued there all Ianuary, February, March, Aprill, and May. But hearing no newes of the King, or the said Priest, and fearing lest wee should returne in the Winter, whose sharpnesse wee had prooued, I caused to bee demanded of Mangu Chan, what his pleasure was concerning vs, because willingly wee would euer stay there, if so hee pleased. But if wee must returne, it were easier for vs to returne in Summer, then in the Winter. Hee presently sent vnto mee, commanding, that I should not goe farre off, because his pleasure was to speake [ 20] with mee the next day. But I told him, that if hee would speake with mee, hee should send for Master Williams Sonne, for my Interpreter was not sufficient. And hee, that spake with mee, was a Saracen, who had beene a Messenger to Vastacius: and (blinded with Rewards) counselled Vastacius to send Ambassadours to Mangu Chan, and the meane while the time passed: for Vastacius thought, hee would presently enter his Coun∣trey. So hee sent, and after hee knew them, hee little regarded them, nor made peace with them, neither did they yet enter his Countrey: nor shall they bee able, so long as they dare defend themselues,* 1.197 nor did they euer take any Countrey by Force, but by Deceit. And because men make peace with them, vnder colour of that peace they o∣uerthrow them.

Then hee beganne to bee very Inquisitiue of the Pope, and of the King of the Franckes, [ 30] and of the way to goe to them. But the Monke hearing this, aduised mee secretly not to answere him, because he would procure, that an Ambassadour should be sent. Whereupon I held my peace, not willing to answere him. And hee spake vnto mee I know not what iniurious words; for the which the Nestorian Priests would haue accused him: so that hee had either beene slaine, or beaten all to clouts, but I would not.

* 1.198ON the morrow, (to wit) the Sunday before Pentecost, they brought mee to the Court: and the chiefe Secretaries of the Court came vnto mee: one of Moal, who wayteth vpon Chans cup, and the rest, Saracens, inquiring on the behalfe of Chan, wherefore I came? Then I [ 40] told them the foresaid words, how I came to Sartach, and from Sartach to Baatu, and how Baatu sent me thither. Whereupon, I said vnto him, I haue nothing to speake on the behalfe of any man, vnlesse I should speake the words of God vnto him, if he would heare them; for he should best know what Baatu hath written to him. They stucke vpon this word, demanding, what words of God I would speake vnto him? thinking I would prophesie vnto him some prosperous thing, as many vse to doe. To whom I answered: if yee will that I speake the words of God vnto him, get me an Interpreter. Who said, we haue sent for him, yet speake by this Interpre∣ter, as you may: wee shall vnderstand you well. And they vrged mee much to speake. Then I said: This is the word of God: To whom more is committed, more is required at his hands, ano∣ther also: to whom more is forgiuen, hee ought to loue more out of these true words of God, I said, to [ 50] Mangu himselfe, that God hath giuen him much. For the power and riches which hee hath, the Idols of the Tuinians haue not giuen him, but the Omnipotent God, who hath made Heauen and Earth, in whose hands all Kingdomes are, and hee translateth them from Nation to Nation for the sinnes of men. Wherefore if he loue him, it shall goe well with him: if otherwise, let him know, that God will require all these things at his hands, euen to the vttermost farthing. Then said one of the Saracens, Is there a∣ny man that loueth not God? I answered, God saith, if any man loue me, he will keepe my Com∣mandements: and he that loueth me not, keepeth not my Commandements. Therefore, hee that keepeth not the Commandements of God, loueth not God. Then said hee, haue yee bin in Heauen, that yee might know the Commandements of God? No said I, but he hath giuen them from Heauen to holy men: and at the last himselfe descended from Heauen, teaching vs: and wee haue those things in the [ 60] Scriptures, and we see by the workes of men, whether they keepe them or no. Whereto hee replyed, will yee then say that Mangu Chan keepes not the Commandements of God? To whom I said, Your Interpreter wil come, as yee say, then before Mangu Chan (if it please him) I wil recite the

Commandements of God, and he shall be his owne Iudge, whether hee keepe them or not. So they departed, and told him, that I said, hee was an Idolater or a Tuine, and kept not the Com∣mandements of God. The next day, he sent his Secretaries vnto mee, saying: Our Lord sends vs vnto you, saying. Yee are heere Christians, Saracens, and Tuines: and euery of you saith,* 1.199 his Law is better, and his Letters (to wit) Bookes, are truer. Wherefore hee would, that yee all come together, and make comparison, that euery one write his words, that he might know the truth. Then I said, Blessed be God, who hath put this in the heart of Chan, but our Scriptures said, the Seruant of God must not bee contentious, but meeke vnto all: wherefore I am readie without strife and contention, to render an account of the faith and hope of Christians, to euery one that shall require it. [ 10] Then they wrote my words, and brought them to him. Then the Nestorians were comman∣ded, to prouide themselues, and write what they would speake, and the Saracens likewise, and the Tuinians also.

On the morrow hee sent the Secretaries againe, sayng: Mangu Chan would know, wherefore yee came to these parts, to whom I said: That hee shall know by the Letters of Baatu. Then said they, Baatues Letters are lost, and hee hath forgotten, what Baatu wrote vnto him, wherefore he would know of you. Then somewhat imboldned, I said vnto them. The dutie or office of our Religion is to preach the Gospell to all: whereupon,* 1.200 when I heard of the fame of the people of Moal, I had a desire to come vnto them: and while I was thus purposed, we heard of Sartach, that he was a Christian. Then I directed my Iourney vnto him: And my Souereigne Lord the King of the Frankes sent him Letters, contayning good words: and other words besides, testifie of vs vnto him, [ 20] what men wee are when hee made request, that hee would suffer vs to continue with the people of Moal. Then he sent vs to Baatu, and Baatu to Mangu Chan. Whereupon we intreated, and yet intreat him to suffer vs to stay. But they wrote all, and made relation thereof vnto him. On the morrow, he sent to me againe, saying: Chan knowes well enough that yee haue no message vnto him, but yee came to pray for him as many other Priests doe: But hee demandeth, whether euer any of your Embassadours were with him, or ours with you? Then I declared all vnto them concerning Dauid and Frier Andrew, so they putting all in writ••ng, reported the same vnto him. Then he sent againe vnto me, saying: Our Lord Chan sai••h, yee haue stayed long here, his pleasure is, that yee returne vnto your Countrey: withall,* 1.201 hee demandeth whether yee would conduct his [ 30] Embassadours with you. To whom I made answere, that I durst not carrie his Embassadours beyond his owne Countrey: because there is a Warlike Nation betweene vs and you, and the Sea and Mountaynes, and I am a poore Monke: and therefore dare not take vpon mee to bee his Guide. So they hauing set downe all in writing, returned.

Whitson Eeuen came;* 1.202 The Nestorians writ Chronicles from the Creation of the World to the Passion of Christ: and passing ouer the Passion, they spake of the Resurrection of the dead, and of the Ascension, and of the comming to Iudgement. Wherein somewhat was to be reprehen∣ded which I told them, and wee likewise wrote the Symbole of the Masse, Credo in vnum Deum. Then I demanded of them, how they would proceed. They said, they would first dispute with the Saracens. I shewed them, this was no good course: for the Saracens in this agree with vs, [ 40] who affirme, there is but one God. Wherefore, yee shall haue them to helpe you against the Tuines: so they were contented. Then I asked t••em, if they knew how Idolatry had his first originall in the World, and they could not tell. Then I told them and they said;* 1.203 yee shall de∣clare these things vnto them: and then let vs speake; for it is hard to speake by an Interpreter. To whom I said: make tryall, how yee will behaue your selues against them: I will take the Tuinians part, and yee the Christians. Suppose I am of that Sect, that say, there is no God. Proue yee there is a God. For there is a certayne Sect there, which saith, That euery soule, and euery vertue in what thing soeuer, is the God thereof, and that otherwise there is no God. Then the Nestorians knew not how to prooue any thing, but only that which their Writing decla∣reth. I said, they beleeue not the Scriptures: if yee shew one, they will shew another. Then I counselled them, to let me first talke with them: because if I should be ouercome, they might yet [ 50] haue libertie of speech: if they should be ouerthrowne, I should haue no hearing. They agrred vnto it.

Wee were therefore gathered together on Whidson Euen at our Oratorie, and Mangu Chan sent three Writers, who should be Iudges: one Christian, one Saracen, and one Tuine: And it was proclaimed before. This is the Commandement of Mangu Chan:* 1.204 And none dare say that the Commandement of God is otherwise: He commandeth that none speake contentious or iniurious words to other, nor make any tumult, whereby this businesse might be hindered, vpon paine of his head. Then all were silent: And there was a great assembly there: for euery partie inuited the wisest of their Nation, and many others came flocking thither. Then the Christians set me in the mid∣dle of them, willing the Tuinians to speake with mee. Then they (who are many in number) [ 60] began to murmure against Mangu Chan, because neuer any Chan attempted thus much,* 1.205 to search into their secrets. Then they opposed one vnto mee, who came from Cataia, hauing his Inter∣preter: and I had Master Williams Sonne. And he first said vnto me: Friend, if you bee brought to

a non plus, you must seeke a wiser then your selfe. But I held my peace. Then hee demanded whereof I would first dispute?* 1.206 either how the world was made? or what becomes of the soules after death? To whom I answered: Friend, this should not be the beginning of our speech. All things are of God, and he is the Fountayne and head of all. Wherefore we ought to speake first of God: of whom yee thinke otherwise then we doe. And Mangu desires to know who be∣leeues better. Then the Arbitrators iudged this to bee reasonable. They would haue begunne with the foresaid questions, because they hold them for the strongest; for they are all of the He∣resie of the Manichees: beleeuing, that the one halfe of things is bad, and the other good: and that at the least there are two Principia. And concerning the soules they all thinke they passe from body to body. Insomuch as one of the wisest of the Nestorian Priests demanded of mee, con∣cerning [ 10] the soules of bruite Beasts, whether they could fly any whither where they should not be compelled to labour after death? for confirmation also thereof (as Master William told mee) a certaine child was brought from Cataia, who (according to the quantitie of his body) was not three yeeres old, yet notwithstanding was capable of any reason; who affirmed of himselfe, that he had beene three times incorporated, and knew letters, and how to write. I said to the foresaid Tuinian, Wee firmely beleeue with the heart, and confesse with the mouth, that there is a God, and there is but one God, and one in perfect vnitie. What beleeue you? Hee said: Fooles say there is but one God, but Wise men say there are many. Are there not great Lords in your Country, and here is a greater Lord, Mangu Chan? So is it of the gods: because in diuers Countries there are diuers. To whom I said: You make an ill example or comparison of men with God; for so euery migh∣tie [ 20] man in his countrey may be called a god. And when I would haue dissolued the similitude, hee preuented me, inquiring; What manner of God is yours, whereof you speake, that hee is but one?* 1.207 I answered: Our God, beside whom there is no other, is Omnipotent, and therefore needeth not the helpe of another: nay, all we haue neede of his helpe, it is not so with men. No man can doe all things. And therefore there must be many Lords in the earth, because no one can support all. Againe, he knowes all things,* 1.208 therefore he needes not a Counseller: nay, all wisedome is from him. Moreouer, he is perfect∣ly good, and needeth not our good: nay, in him we liue, moue, and haue our being. Such is our God, and therefore you must not hold there is any other. It is not so, saith he. Nay, there is one highest in the Heauens, whose Generation we know not yet, and ten are vnder him, and vnder them there is one Inferiour. And in the Earth there are infinite. Then hee would haue added other fables. [ 30] So I asked him of that highest God, whether he thought he were Omnipotent? or of any other God? and fearing to answer, hee demanded, if your God bee such as you say, Why made hee the halfe of things euill? It is false said I. Whoso maketh any euill is no God, and all things whatsoeuer are good. At this word all the Tuinians maruelled, and set it downe in writing, as false, or impossible. Then he began to aske, Whence therefore commeth euill? You aske amisse, said I; For first you should demand, what euill is, before you aske whence it is. But returne vnto the first question, whether you beleeue that any God is Omnipotent, and after I will answer you to all whatsoeuer you will demand. Then hee sate a long time and would not answer; Insomuch, as the Writers on the behalfe of Chan, were faine to command him to answer. At length hee answered: That no God was Om∣nipotent. Then all the Saracens brake out into great laughter: Silence being made, I said, There∣fore [ 40] none of your gods can saue you in all dangers, because such a chance may happen, wherein he hath no power. Againe, no man can serue two Masters. How then can you serue so many Lords in Heauen and in earth. The Auditorie willed him to answer. But he held his peace. Then when I was about to alleadge reasons to proue the truth of the diuine Essence, and the Trinitie, in euery mans hea∣ring, the Nestorians of the Countrey said vnto me, that it was enough, because they meant to speake. So I gaue them place: And when they would haue disputed with the Saracens; they answered: We grant that your Law is true, and whatsoeuer is in the Gospell is true: Wherefore wee will not dispute with you in any thing:* 1.209 and they confessed, that they beg at the hands of God in their prayers, that they may die the death of the Christians. There was there a certaine old Priest, of the Sect of Iugurs, who confesse one God, yet they make Idols, with whom they talked much, [ 50] shewing all till the comming of Christ to iudgement, declaring the Trinitie to him and the Sa∣racens by similitudes. All of them harkened without any contradiction; yet none of them said, I beleeue, and will become a Christian. The conference ended, the Nestorians and the Sa∣racens sang together with a loud voice, the Tuinians holding their peace: and after that, they all drunke abundantly.

VPon Whitsonday Mangu Chan called mee before him, and the Tuinian with whom I di∣sputed,* 1.210 and before I went in, Master Williams sonne my Interpreter, said vnto me, that we must returne vnto our Countrey; and that I should speake nothing against it, because he vnder∣stood it for a certaine. When I came before him, I must kneele, and the Tuinian by mee, with [ 60] his Interpreter. Then he said vnto me: Tell me the truth, whether you said (when I sent my Writers vnto you) that I was a Tuinian? Then I answered. My Lord, I said not so, but (if it pleased your Highnesse) I will tell you the words I spake. Then I recited what I had spoken: and he answered; I thought well, you said not so, for it was a word which you should not speake,

but your Interpreter hath ill interpreted it; so hee reacheth foorth his staffe towards mee, whereon he leaned, saying: Feare not. I smiling said softly, If I feared, I had not come hither.* 1.211 Then he demanded of the Interpreter what I had said? So he repeated my words vnto him. Af∣terward he beganne to confesse his Faith vnto me. Wee Moallians (saith he) beleeue,* 1.212 that there is but one God, through whom we liue and dye; and we haue an vpright heart towards him. Then (said I) God grant you this, for without this gift it cannot be. And he demanded what I said: so the Interpreter told him; then he added further. That as God hath giuen vnto the hand diuers fingers, so he hath giuen many waies to men. God hath giuen the Scriptures to you, and ye Christians keep them not. Ye finde it not in the Scriptures, that one of you shall dispraise another? Doe you finde it, said he? [ 10] No, said I, but I signified vnto you from the beginning, that I would not contend with any. I speake it not, saith he, touching you. In like manner, yee finde it not, that for Money a man ought to ••••cline from Iustice. No Sir, said I, and truly, neither came I into these parts to get Money; nay, I refused that which was giuen me. And there was a Writer present there, who gaue testimo∣ny that I had refused a Iascot, and certaine pieces of Silke: I speake it not (said he) for that. God hath giuen you the Scriptures, and yee keepe them not: But he hath giuen vs Sooth-sayers, and we doe that which they bid vs, and we liue in peace. He dranke foure times as I thinke, before hee dis∣closed these things. And while I hearkned attentiuely whether hee would confesse any thing else concerning this Faith, he beganne to speake of my returne, saying: You haue stayed a long time heere, my pleasure is therefore, that you returne. You said,* 1.213 you durst not carrie my Em∣bassadours [ 20] with you. Will you carrie my message or my Letters? And from that time I could neither haue place nor time to shew him the Catholike Faith. For a man cannot speake before him, saue what he pleaseth, vnlesse he were an Embassadour. But an Embassadour may speake what he will: And they alwaies demand, whether he haue any thing else to say. But he suffe∣red me to speake no more: but I must heare him, and answere Interrogatories. Then I answe∣red, That if he could make me vnderstand his words, and that they were set downe in writing, I would willingly carrie them to my power. Then he asked me, if I would haue Gold or Sil∣uer, or costly garments? I said, we receiue no such things: but we haue not expenses, and with∣out your helpe, we cannot get out of your Countrey. Then said he, I will prouide you all neces∣saries throughout my Countrey, will you any more? I answered, it sufficeth me: Then he de∣manded, [ 30] how farre will you be brought? I said, Let our Passe bring vs into the King of Arme∣niaes Countrey: if I were there, it were enough. He answered: I will cause you to be conuey∣ed thither, and after looke to your selfe. And hee added: there are two eyes in one head; and though they bee two, yet there is one aspect of both, and whither the one directeth the sight the other doth. You came from Baatu, and therefore you must returne by him: when hee had thus said, I craued licence to speake. Speake on, saith hee. Then said I; Sir,* 1.214 wee are not men of warre: wee desire that they haue dominion of the world, who would more iustly gouerne it, accor∣ding to the will of God. Our office is to teach men to liue according to the will of God:* 1.215 for this purpose came we into these parts, and would willingly haue remained heere, if it had pleased you: but seeing it is your pleasure that we returne, it must bee so. I will returne and carrie your Letters [ 40] according to my power, as yee haue commanded. I would request your magnificence, that when I haue carried your Letters, it might bee lawfull for me to returne vnto you with your good liking, chiefely, because yee haue poore Seruants of yours at Bolac, who are of our language; and they want a Priest, to teach them and their children their Law, and I would willingly stay with them. Then answered he: Know you whether your Lords would send you backe to me? Then said I; Sir, I know not the purpose of my Lords: but I haue licence from them to goe whether I will, where it were needfull to preach the word of God: and it seemeth to mee, that it were very necessarie in these parts: whereupon, whether they send Embassadours backe or no, if it pleased you, I would returne. Then hee held his peace, and sate a long space as it were in a Muse. And my Interpreter willed me,* 1.216 to speake no more, and I carefully expected what he would answere. At length he said: You haue [ 50] a long way to goe, make your selfe strong with food, that you may come lusty into your Coun∣trey. And he caused them to giue me drinke. Then I departed from his presence, and returned not againe. If I had had power to doe wonders as Moses did, peraduenture hee had humbled himselfe.

SOoth-sayers therefore, as hee confessed, are their Priests:* 1.217 and whatsoeuer they command to bee done, is performed without delay. Whose office I describe vnto you, as I could learne of Master William, and others, who reported vnto me things likely to be true. They are many; and they haue alwaies one Captaine or chiefe Priest: who alwaies placeth his house before the great house of Mangu Chan, neere, within a stones cast. Vnder his custodie (as I said before) are the [ 60] Chariots which beare their Idols. The others are behind the Court, in places appointed for them. And they who haue any confidence in that Art, come vnto them from diuers parts of the World. Some of them are skilfull in Astronomie, specially the chiefe of them. And they fore-tell to them the Eclipse of the Sunne and the Moone, and when it shall come to passe. All the people prepare them food, so that they need not goe forth of the doore of their house. And

when there is an Eclipse, they play vpon their Timbrels and Organs, and make a great noise, and a loude crye, when the Eclipse is past, they giue themselues to feasting, and drinking, and make great ioy.* 1.218 They foretell fortunate and vnlucky dayes for all businesse or affaires. Whereupon they neuer leuie an Armie, nor vndertake Warre without their direction. And they had long since returned into Hungarie: but their Sooth-sayers doe not suffer them. They make all things which are sent to the Court passe betweene fires, and they haue a due portion thereof. They also purge all the houshold-stuffe of the Dead, drawing them betweene the fires. For when any one dieth, all things whatsoeuer appertayne to him, are separated, and not mingled with other things of the Court, till all be purged by the Fire. So did I see it done to the Court of that Ladie, which died, while wee were there. Whereupon, there was a double reason why [ 10] Friar Andrew, and his fellowes should goe betweene the fires, both because he brought presents, as also for that they belonged to him, who was dead, (to wit) Ken Chan. No such thing was required of me, because I brought nothing. If any liuing creature, or any thing else, fall to the ground, while they thus make them passe betweene the fires, that is theirs. They also the ninth day of the Moone of May,* 1.219 gather together all the white Mares of the Herd, and conse∣crate them. The Christian Priests also must come together thither with their Censers. Then they cast ••ew Cosmos vpon the ground, and make a great Feast that day; because then they thinke they drinke Cosmos first, as it is the fashion somewhere with vs, touching Wine, in the Feast of Saint Bartholmew, or Sixtus, and of fruits, in the Feast of Saint Iames and Christopher. They also are inuited,* 1.220 when any child is borne, to foretell his destinie. They are sent for also when any is sicke, to vse their Charmes: and they tell whether it bee a naturall infirmitie, or [ 20] by Sorcerie. Whereupon that woman of Mentz, whereof I spake before, told mee a won∣derfull thing.

On a certaine time, very costly Furres were presented, which were layd downe at the Court of her Ladie, who was a Christian, as I said before. And the Sooth-sayers drew them through betweene the fires, and tooke more of them then was their due. And a certaine woman, vnder whose custodie the treasure of her Ladie was, accused them thereof vnto her Ladie: where∣vpon the Ladie her selfe reproued them. It fell out after this, that the Ladie her selfe began to be sicke, and to suffer certaine sudden passions in diuers parts of her bodie. The Sooth-sayers were called: and they sitting farre off, commanded one of those Maidens, to put her hand vpon [ 30] the place where the griefe was, and if shee found any thing, shee should snatch it away. Then shee arising did so. And she found a piece of Felt in her hand, or of some other thing. Then they commanded her to put it vpon the ground; which being layd downe, it began to creepe, as if it had beene some liuing Creature. Then they put it into the water, and it was turned, as it were, into a Horse-leach: and he said, some Witch hath hurt you thus with her Sorceries: and they accused her that had accused them of the Furres,* 1.221 who was brought without the Tents into the fields, and receiued the bastinado seuen dayes together there, and was thus tormented with other punishments, to make her confesse; and in the meane space her La∣die died. Which shee vnderstanding, said vnto them, I know my Ladie is dead, kill mee, that I may goe after her, for I neuer did her hurt. And when shee confessed nothing, Mangu Chan [ 40] commanded to suffer her to liue. Then the Sorcerers accused the Ladies daughters Nurse, of whom I spake before: who was a Christian, and her husband was the chiefe among all the Ne∣storian Priests, so shee was brought to punishment, with a certaine Maide of hers, to make her confesse. And the Maide confessed, that her Mistresse sent her to speake with a certaine Horse, to demand answeres. The woman also her selfe, confessed some things which shee did to bee be∣loued of her Ladie, that she might doe her good, but shee did nothing that might hurt her. Shee was demanded also, whether her husband were priuie to it: shee excused him, for that he had burnt the Characters and Letters which she had made. Then shee was put to death, and Mangu Chan sent the Priest her husband to the Bishop which was in Cataia,* 1.222 to be iudged, although he were not found culpable. [ 50]

In the meane time it fell out, that the principall wife of Mangu Chan, brought forth a sonne, and the Sooth-sayers were called, to fore-tell the Destinie of the child, who all prophecied pro∣speritie, and said, he should liue long, and be a great Lord: after a few dayes, it happened, the child died. Then, the mother enraged, called the Sooth-sayers, saying, you said my sonne should liue, and loe hee is dead. Then they said, Madam, behold wee see that Sorceresse, the Nurse of Chirina, who the other day was put to death, shee hath killed your sonne; and behold wee see, shee carries him away. Now there remayned one sonne and a daughter of that woman growne to full age in the Tents:* 1.223 and the Ladie sent presently for them in a rage, and caused the young man to be slayne of a man, and the maide of a woman, in reuenge of her sonne, whom the Sooth-sayers affirmed to be killed of their mother not long after, Mangu Chan dreamed of those chil∣dren, and demanded in the morning, what was become of them. His seruants were afraid to [ 60] tell him: and he being troubled the more, demanded where they were, because they had ap∣peared vnto him in a Vision by night. Then they told him. So hee presently sending for his wife, demanded whence shee learned, that a woman should giue sentence of death, without the

priuitie of her Husband? And he caused her to be shut vp seauen dayes,* 1.224 commanding to giue her no meat. But the man who (who slew the young man) he caused to be beheaded; and the head to be hung about the womans necke, who had kild the Mayde; and made her to be cudgelled with burning Fire-brands through all the Tents, and after to be put to Death. Hee had also put his Wife to death, but for the Children he had by her: And he went out of his Court, and retur∣ned not till after one Moone.

The Sorcerers also trouble the Ayre with their charmes: and when the Cold is so great na∣turally, that they cannot apply any remedy, then they search out some in the Campe,* 1.225 whom they accuse, that the cold comes through their meanes, so they are put to Death without any delay. A little before I departed thence, one of the Concubines was sicke, and languished long, [ 10] and they mumbled their Charmes ouer a certaine Dutch Slaue of hers, who slept three dayes. Who, when she came to her selfe, they demanded, what she had seene? And she had seene many persons, of all which, shee iudged they should all shortly dye: And because she saw not her Mi∣stres there, they iudged she should not dye of that sicknes. I saw the Maydes head yet aking by reason of that sleepe. Some of them also call vpon Deuils,* 1.226 and gather them together (who will haue answers from the Deuill) in the night vnto their house, and they put sodden flesh in the middest of the house, and that Chan who inuoketh, beginneth to say his Charmes, and hauing a Tymbrell, smites it strongly against the ground; at length he begins to raue, and causeth himselfe to be bound. Then the Deuill comes in the darke, and giues him flesh to eate, and makes him an∣swer. [ 20] On a certaine time, (as Master William told me) a certaine Hungarian hid himselfe with them, and the Deuill being vpon the house, cryed, that hee could not come in, because a certaine Christian was with them. He hearing this, fled with haste, because they began to search for him. These things and many other doe they, which were too long to report.

AFter the Feast of Penticost they began to make ready their Letters,* 1.227 which they meant to send vnto you. In the meane while, he returned to Caracarum, and held a great Solemnity, iust about the fifteenth of Iune: and hee desired, that all the Embassadours should be present. The last day also he sent for vs, but I went to the Church to Baptise three Children of a cer∣taine poore Dutch-man, whom we found there. Master William was chiefe Butler at that Feast, because he made the Tree which powred foorth drinke. And all the Poore and Rich sung and [ 30] daunced, and clapped their hands before Chan. Then he began to make an Oration vnto them, saying; I haue sent my Brethren farre off, and haue sent them into danger, into forraigne Nations: Now it shall appeare what yee will doe, when I shall send you, that our Common-wealth may be inlarged. Euery day in those foure dayes, hee changed garments, which hee gaue them all of one colour, e∣uery day, from the shooes euen to the tyre of the head. At that time I saw the Embassadour of the Calipha of Baldach, who caused himselfe to bee carried vpon a Horse-litter, betweene two Mules, to the Court: of whom some said, that he made peace with them: so that they should giue him ten thousand Horse for his Army. Others said, that Mangu said, hee would not make Peace, vnlesse they would destroy all their Munition. And the Embassadour answered; when you will plucke off your Horse hoofes, we will destroy our Munition. I saw also there, the Em∣bassadours [ 40] of a certaine Soldan of India, who brought with him eight Leopards, and ten Hare∣hounds taught to sit vpon the Horse buttockes, as Leopards doe. When I inquired of India,* 1.228 which way it lay from that place, they shewed me towards the West. And those Embassadours retur∣ned with me, almost for three Weekes together, alwayes westward? I saw also the Embassadors of the Soldan of Turkie, who brought him rich presents: And hee answered (as I heard) he nee∣ded neither Gold nor Siluer, but men: wherefore he required them to prouide him an Army. In the feast of Saint Iohn he held a great Drinking, and I caused one hundred and fiue Carts, and ninety Horses to be numbred, all laden with Cowes milke: And in the feast of the Apostles S. Pe∣ter and S. Paul, in like manner. At length the Letters being dispatched, which he sendeth to you, [ 50] they called me, and interpreted them, the tenor whereof I writ, as I could vnderstand them by my Interpreter, which is this. The commandement of the eternall God is this: There is but one Eternall God in Heauen: vpon Earth let there be but one Lord Chingis Chan, Temingu Tingij, That is to say the sound of Yron: (They call Chingis, the sound of Yron, because hee was a Smith: and puffed vp with pride, they call him now the Sonne of God.) This is the word which is spoken to you. Whatsoeuer Moals wee are, whatsoeuer Naymans, whatsoeuer Merkets, whatsoeuer Musul∣man, wheresoeuer eares may heare, whethersoeuer Horse may goe, there, cause it to bee heard,* 1.229 and vn∣derstood, since they haue heard my commandement, and would not beleeue it, and would leuy an Army against vs, yee shall heare and see, that they shall be as hauing Eyes, and not seeing, and when they would hold any thing, they shall be without hands, and when they would walke, they shall be without feet. This is the [ 60] commandement of the Eternall God, by the vertue of the Eternall God: by the great world of the Moall. The cōmandement of Mangu Chan is giuen to the French King, King Lodouick, and all other Lords, and Priests and to the great world of the Frankes, that they vnderstand my wordes, and the commaun∣dement of the Eternall God, made to Chingis Chan. Nor from Chingis Chan, nor others after him, came this commandement vnto you. A certaine man called Dauid came vnto you, as an Embassadour

of the Moalls, but he was a lyar, and with him you sent your Embassadours to Chen-chan. After Chen-chan was dead,* 1.230 your Embassadours came to his Court. Charmis his wife sent you Cloth, called Nasic. But to know matters appertayning to Warre and Peace, and to settle the great World in quiet, and to see to doe good, That wicked woman, more vile then a Dog, how could shee know how to doe it? Those two Monkes which came from you vnto Sartach, Sartach sent them to Baatu: but Baatu, be∣cause Mangu Chan is the greatest ouer the World of the Moalls, sent them vnto vs. But now, that the great World and the Priests, and the Monkes might liue in peace, and enioy their goods, that the commandement of God might be heard among you, wee would haue sent our Embassadours of Moall, with your Priests: but they answered, that betweene vs and you there was a warlike Nation, and many bad men, and troublesome wayes; so as they feared they could not bring our Embassadours safe vnto you, but if we would deliuer them our Letters, contayning our commandement to King Lodowick, they [ 10] would carrie them. For this cause wee sent not our Embassadours with them▪ But wee haue sent the commandement of the eternall God by your said Priests. It is the commandement of the eternall God, which wee haue giuen you to vnderstand. And when you shall heare and beleeue it, if yee will obey vs, send your Embassadours vnto vs, so shall wee be certified, whether yee will haue peace with vs, or warre. When by the power of the eternall God, the whole World shall be in vnitie, ioy, and peace, from the rising of the Sunne, to the going downe of the same, then shall it appeare what wee will doe. When yee shall heare and vnderstand the commandement of the eternall God, and will not hearken to it, nor beleeue it, saying, our Countrey is farre off, our Hills are strong, our Sea is great, and in this confidence, shall leuie an Ar∣mie against vs, to know what wee can doe, Hee which made that which was hard, easie; and that which was farre off, neere; the eternall God himselfe knowes it. [ 20]

And they called vs your Embassadors in the Letters. Then I said vnto them, call vs not Em∣bassadors, for I said well to Chan, that wee are not the Embassadors of King Lodowicke. Then they went vnto him and told him. But when they returned, they said vnto me: that he held it much for our good, and that he commanded them to write as I should direct them. Then I told them, they should leaue out the name of Embassadour, and call vs Monkes and Priests. In the meane time, while these things were doing, my Companion hearing that wee must returne by the Wildernesse to Baatu, and that a man of Moall should be our Guide, he ranne (without my priuitie) to Bulgai the chiefe Scribe, signifying to him by signes that he should die, if he went that way. And when the day came, wherein we should haue our Passe (to wit) a fortnight af∣ter [ 30] the Feast of Saint Iohn;* 1.231 when we were called to the Court, the Scribes said vnto my Com∣panion, Behold Mangus pleasure is, that your Companion returne by Baatu, and you say, you are sicke, and it appeareth so: Mangu sayth thus, If you will goe with your Companion, goe: but let it be your owne fault; because peraduenture you may remayne with some Iani, that will not prouide for you, and it will bee an hinderance to your Companion. But if you will stay heere, he shall prouide necessaries for you, till some Embassadours come, with whom you may returne more easily,* 1.232 and by a way where there are Villages. The Friar answered, God grant Chan a prosperous life; I will stay. Then I said vnto the Friar; Brother, bee aduised what you doe, I will not leaue you. You leaue not me (sayth he) but I leaue you: because, if I goe with you, I see the death of my bodie and soule, because I haue not patience in intolerable labour. [ 40] Then they held three Garments or Coats, and said vnto vs, Yee will not receiue Gold, or Sil∣uer,* 1.233 and yee haue stayed long here, and prayed for Chan: hee entreats you, that at the least eue∣ry one of you would receiue a single Garment; that yee depart not emptie from him. Then we must receiue them, for reuerence of him: for they account it a very euill thing, when their gifts are contemned. First, he caused vs to bee often asked, what we would haue? And wee alwaies answered the same thing: so that the Christians insulted ouer the Idolaters, who seeke nothing but gifts. And they answered, that wee were fooles: because if hee would giue them his whole Court, they would willingly take it and should doe wisely to. Receiuing therefore the Garments, they be sought vs to make our prayers for Chan; which we did. So, taking our leaue,* 1.234 we went to Caracarum. But it happened vpon a certaine day, while wee were with the [ 50] Monke, farre from the Court, with other Embassadours; that the Monke caused the Table to be strucken so hard, that Mangu Chan heard it, and demanded what it was? Then they told him. So he asked, why he was remoued so farre from the Court. They told him, because it was trou∣blesome to bring him Horses and Oxen euery day vnto the Court: and said further, that it were better, that he should stay at Caracarum. Then Chan sent vnto him, saying, if hee would goe to Caracarum, and stay there, neere about the Church, he would giue him all things necessarie. But the Monke answered, I came from the holy Land of Ierusalem hither, by the commande∣ment of God, and left that Citie, wherein there are a thousand better Churches then that of Caracarum. If he please that I stay here and pray for him, as God commanded me, I will stay: if not, I will returne to the place from whence I came. So that euery euening Oxen were [ 60] brought him yoaked to the Carts, and in the morning he was brought vnto the place where hee vsed to be before the Court. And a little before wee departed thence, a certaine Nestorian came, who seemed to bee a wise man: Bulgai the chiefe Secretarie placed him before his Court; to whom Chan sent his children, that he should blesse them.

WEe came therefore to Caracarum. And while wee were in Master Williams house,* 1.235 my Guide came vnto me, and brought me ten Iascots▪ whereof he left fiue in Master Wil∣liams hand, willing him to spend them in the behalfe of Chan, for the Friars necessities, which remayned there: other fiue he left in the hand of the Man of God, my Interpreter, comman∣ding to spend them vpon the way, for my necessities. For Master William had giuen them such instructions, without our knowledge. I presently changed one into money, and distributed it to the poore Christians, which were there: for all their eyes were fixed vpon vs. Wee spent another in buying necessarie things for vs, as garments, and other things, which wee wanted. With the third, the Man of God himselfe, bought some things, wherein hee gayned somewhat which was profitable vnto him: we spent the rest, and that to; because since wee came into [ 10] Persia, sufficient necessaries were no where giuen vs: nor yet any where among the Tartars:* 1.236 but we seldome found any thing to be sold there. Master William, sometimes your Citizen, sends you a certaine Girdle set wi••h a certaine precious-stone,* 1.237 which they vse to weare against thun∣der and lightning, and infinitely salutes you, alwaies commending you to God in his prayers: for whom, I shall neuer bee able to render sufficient thankes to God and you. Wee baptized there in all sixe soules. Wee therefore departed one from the other with teares: my Compa∣nion remayning with Master William; and I returning alone, with my Interpreter, my Guide, and one seruant; who had commandement to take one Mutton in foure dayes, for vs foure. Wee came therefore in two moneths and ten dayes from Caracarum to Baatu, and neuer saw Towne,* 1.238 nor token of any house, but Graues, except one Village, where in we eate no Bread. Nor did we [ 20] euer rest, in those two moneths, and ten dayes; saue one day, because wee could not get Horses. Wee returned for the most part by the same kind of people, and yet through other Countries altogether: for we went in the Winter, and returned in the Summer, and by the higher parts of the North by farre; except, that fifteene dayes iourney wee must goe and returne alwaies hard by a certaine Riuer, betweene the Mountaines, where there is no lodging,* 1.239 but by the Ri∣uer side. We went two dayes, and sometimes three dayes, taking no food but Cosmos. Once wee were in great danger, not being able to finde any people, our prouision fayling vs, and our Horses tyred. When I had trauelled twentie dayes, I heard newes of the King of Armenia, that he had passed by.

In the end of August I met with Sartach himselfe, who went to Mangu Chan with Flockes [ 30] and Herds, and with his Wiues and Children:* 1.240 yet his great Families remayned betweene Ta∣nais and Etilia. And I did my dutie to him, saying, I would willingly stay in his Countrey; but Mangu Chan would not haue mee returne, and carrie his Letters. Hee answered, that I must performe the will of Mangu Chan. Then I asked Coiac for your children. Hee answered, they were in the Court of Baatu carefully recommended. I also required to haue our Clothes, and Bookes againe: who answered, Did yee not bring them to Sartach? I said, I brought them to Sartach, but I gaue them not vnto him, as yee know: and I replied to him, what answere I made, when he demanded whether I would giue them to Sartach. Then hee answered, you say true, and none can resist the truth. I left your goods with my father, who remayneth neere Sa∣rai; which is a new Towne Baatu hath made vpon Etilia, on the East shoare:* 1.241 but our Priests [ 40] haue some of the vestments. If any thing like you (said I) keepe it, so my Bookes be restored. Then he told me, he would report my words to Sartach. I must haue Letters (said I) to your Father, to restore mee all. But he was readie to bee gone, and said vnto mee, The traine of the Ladies followeth vs neere at hand. Yee shall alight there, and I will send you Sartachs answere by this man. I was very carefull he should not deceiue me; yet I could not contend with him. Late in the euening the man came vnto me, whom he shewed me, and brought two Coats with him, which I thought had beene all of Silke, vncut: and he said vnto me, Behold two gar∣ments: the one, Sartach hath sent to you; and the other, if it seeme good to you, you shall pre∣sent to the King, on his behalfe. To whom I answered, I weare no such garments, I will pre∣sent them both vnto my King, in honour of your Lord. Then said hee, doe wi••h them what [ 50] you please; but it pleased me to send them both vnto you, and I send them to you by the bearer of these presents. He deliuered him Letters also to the Father of Coiac, to restore mee all which appertayned vnto me, because he had no need of any thing which was mine.* 1.242 So wee came to the Court of Baatu the same day I departed thence, the yeere past; the second day after the Exaltation of the blessed Crosse. And I found our young men in health, yet much afflicted with penurie, as Gosset told me. And if the King of Armenia had not comforted them, and recom∣mended them to Sartach, they had perished: for they thought I had beene dead. The Tartars also demanded of them, if they could keepe Oxen, or milke Mares. For, if I had not returned, they had beene brought into their seruitude.

[ 60] After this, Baatu caused me to come vnto him, and made the Letters (which Mangu Chan sends vnto you) to be interpreted vnto me. For so Mangu wrote vnto him, that if it pleased him to adde any thing, or leaue out, or change, hee should doe it. Then said hee, yee shall carrie these Letters, and cause them to bee vnderstood. Hee demanded also what way I would goe, whether by Sea, or Land? I said, the Sea was shut, because it was Winter,* 1.243 and I must goe by

Land.* 1.244 For I thought you had beene yet in Syria, so I directed my iourney towards Persia. For if I had thought you had passed into France, I would haue gone into Hungarie: so I should soo∣ner haue come into France, and by a more easie way then into Syria. Then wee trauelled * 1.245 a moneth with him, before wee could haue a Guide. At length, they appointed mee a certaine Iugur, who vnderstanding I would giue him nothing, and that I would goe forth-right into Ar∣menia, caused Letters to be made, to conduct me to the Soldan of Turkie, hoping he should receiue gifts of the Soldan, and that he should gayne more that way. Then we tooke our iourney spee∣dily (fifteene dayes before the Feast of Al-Saints) towards Sarai, going forth right Southward, descending neere to Etilia, which is diuided into three Armes there below: euery one where∣of is almost twice as big as the Riuer of Damiata. It maketh foure other lesser Armes; so that [ 10] we passed that Riuer in seuen places by Boat. Vpon the middle Arme is the Village, called Su∣merkent, without a wall: but when the Riuer ouerflowes, it is compassed with water. The Tartars were eight yeeres about it before they could take it: and the Alani, and the Saracens were in it. There we found one Dutch-man, with his wife, a very good man, with whom Gosset stayed in the Winter: for Sartach sent him thither to ease his Court. About those parts was Baatu on the one side of the Riuer, and Sartach on the other, about Christmas, and they goe no further downe. And it falleth out, that all the Riuer is frozen, so they passe ouer. Here is great store of grasse, and there among the Caues theeues hid themselues, till the Ice melt. Coiacks fa∣ther, receiuing Sartachs Letters, restored my vestments vnto mee, except three Albes and an Amice trimmed with fine Silke, and a Stole, and a Girdle, and a Tualia adorned with golden embroyderie, and a Surplice. He restored also vnto me the siluer Plate, except the Censer, and [ 20] the little Boxe where the Chrisme was. All which, the Priests which were with Sartach had. Hee restored my Bookes, except our Ladies Psalter, which hee kept with my leaue, because I could not denie it him: for he said, Sartach tooke much delight in it. Hee also requested me, that if it happened, that I returned vnto those parts againe, I would bring them a man that knew how to make Parchment: for he made a great Church (by the Commandement of Sar∣tach) vpon the West side of the Riuer, as he said, and a new Towne. Yet I know that Sartach meaneth no such matter. Sarai and the Palace of Baatu, are vpon the Easterne side of the Riuer. And the Valley through which the Armes of the Riuer are spread abroad, contayneth more then seuen leagues in bredth. And there is great store of fish there. A Bible also in verse, and a cer∣taine [ 30] Booke in the Arabian, worth thirtie Sultanies, and many other things I neuer recouered.

SO departing from him on the Feast of All-Saints, alwaies going toward the South, in the Feast of Saint Martin,* 1.246 we came to the Mountaines of the Alani. Betweene Baatu and Sa∣rai in fifteene dayes we found no people, but one of his sonnes, who went before him, with Falcons, and his Falconers, who were many, and one litle Village. From the Feast of All-Saints, for fiue dayes, we found not a man: and wee were almost in great danger by reason of thirst, one whole day and a night finding no water, till about three of the Clocke the next day, the Alani in those Mountaines yet hold out, so that, of ten of the Subiects of Sartach, two must come, to guard the straight and narrow passages of the Hills, left they come forth of the Moun∣taines, [ 40] and steale their Cattell in the Playne. Betweene the Alani, and Porta Ferrea, which is two dayes iourney thence, where the Playne of Arcacci beginneth, betweene the Caspian Sea and the Mountaines, there are certaine Saracens called, Lesgi, betweene the Mountaines, who likewise resist: so that those Tartars, who dwell at the foot of the Mountaines of the Alani, were faine to giue vs twentie men, to bring vs beyond the Iron gate, or Porta Ferrea. And I was glad, because I hoped to see them armed. For I could neuer see their Armour, though I had beene very desirous. And when we came to the dangerous Passage, of twentie there were two which had Habergions. And I demanded, whence they had them? They said, they had gotten them of the Alani aforesaid, who are good Worke-men for such things, and excellent Smiths. Whereupon, I thinke, they haue small store of Armour, but Quiuers, and Bowes, and Leather [ 50] Iackes. I saw them presented with Iron Plates, and Iron Sculls (capillos) out of Persia. And saw two also, who presented themselues to Mangu, armed with Coats made of Hogs skins bent inward, of rough Leather, which were very vnfit, and vnwildy. Before we came to Porta fer∣rea,* 1.247 we found one Castle of the Alani, which was Mangu Chans: for hee had subdued that Countrey. There we first found Vineyards, and drunke Wine. The day following, wee came to Porta ferrea,* 1.248 which Alexander the Macedonian King made. And it is a Citie whose East end is vpon the Sea shoare, and there is a little Plaine betweene the Sea and the Mountaines, through which the Citie is stretched forth in length vnto the top of the Mountaine which bordereth vp∣on it on the West: so that there is no way aboue, for the roughnesse of the Mountaines, nor be∣low for the Sea, but forth-right through the middest of the Citie ouerthwart, where there is [ 60] an Iron gate, from whence the Citie hath the name. And the Citie is more then a mile long, and in the top of the Hill a strong Castle: and it is as much in bredth, as a great stones cast: it hath very strong walls without Trenches, and Turrets of great polished stones. But the Tar∣tars haue destroyed the tops of the Turrets, and the Bulwarkes of the Walls, laying the Tur∣rets

euen with the Wall. Beneath that Citie, the Countrey was wont to bee like a Paradise.

Two dayes iourney hence, we found another Citie called Samaron,* 1.249 wherein there were many Iewes. And when we past it, we saw walles descending from the Mountaines to the Sea. And leauing the way by the Sea by those walles, because it bent towards the East, wee went vp into the high Countries towards the South. On the morrow, wee passed through a certaine Valley,* 1.250 wherein the foundations of walles appeared, from one mountaine to another, and there was no way through the tops of the Mountaines. These were sometimes the Inclosures or walles of Alexander, restraining the fierce Nations, (to wit) the Shepheards of the Wildernes, that they could not inuade the inhabited Countries and Cities. There are other walles or Inclosures where [ 10] Iewes are. The next day we came vnto a certaine great Citie, called Samag. And after this, we entred into a great Plaine, called Moan, through which the Riuer Cur floweth, of the which the Curgi haue their name, whom we call Georgians. And it runneth through the middle of Ti∣flis, which is the Metropolis of the Curgines, and in comes directly from the West running to the East, to the foresaid Caspian Sea, and it hath excellent Salmons. In that plaine wee ••ound Tar∣tars againe. Also by that plaine comes the Riuer Araxes, which commeth from the greater Ar∣menia, from betwixt the South and West: of which it is called the Land Araxat, which is Ar∣menia it selfe. Whereupon in the booke of the Kings it is said of the Sonnes of Sennacherib* 1.251, that hauing slaine their Father they fled into the Land of the Armenians. And in Esay it is said, that they fled into the Land of Ararat. To the West then of that most beautifull Plaine is Curgia. In [ 20] that Plaine the Crosmini were wont to be. And there is a great Citie in the entrance of the Mountaines, called Ganges, which was their Metropolis, stopping the Georgians that they could not come downe into the Plaine. Then wee came to the Bridge of Ships, which were fastened together with a great Yron chaine, stretched forth crosse the Riuer, where Cur, and Araxes meet together. But Cur loseth his name there.

AFter that, wee went alwayes vpward by Araxes, whereof it is said;* 1.252 Pontem dedignatur A∣raxis, Araxes disdaines a Bridge; Leauing Persia, and the Caspian mountaines on the left hand, towards the South: on the right hand, Curgia, and the great Sea toward the West: going Southwest, betweene the South and the West. We passed through the meadows of Bacchu, who [ 30] is Generall of that Armie, which is there within Araxis: And hee hath made the Curgi, and Turkes, and Persians subiect to him. There is another Gouernour (in Persia at Taurinum, ouer the Tribute) called Argon. Both which, Mangu Chan hath called home to giue place to his Brother comming into those Countries. That Countrey which I haue described to you, is not properly Persia, but was sometimes called Hyrcania. I was in Bacchues house, and hee gaue vs Wine to drinke, and he himselfe dranke Cosmos, which I would willingly haue drunke, if he had giuen it me: yet it was the best new Wine: but Cosmos is more wholsome for an hunger-staruen man. Wee went vp therefore by the Riuer Araxes, from the Feast of Saint Clement, vnto the second Sunday in Lent, till we came to the head of the Riuer. And beyond that Mountaine where it ri∣seth, there is a goodly Citie, called Arserum, which belongeth to the Soldan of Turkie.* 1.253 And [ 40] neare thereabout Euphrates ariseth towards the North, at the foot of the Mountaines of Curgia: to whose Spring I had gone, but the Snow was so great, that no man could goe out of the trodden path: on the other side of the Mountaines of Caucasus, towards the South ariseth Tigris.

When we departed from Bacchu, my Guide went to Taurinum to speake with Argon, carry∣ing my Interpreter with him. But Bacchu caused me to bee brought to a certaine Citie, called Naxnan, which sometimes was the head of a certaine great Kingdome, and the greatest and fai∣rest Citie; but the Tartars haue made it a Wildernes. And there were sometimes Eight hun∣dred Churches of the Armenians there: now there are but two little ones: for the Saracens haue destroyed them: In one of the which, I held the feast of Christmas as I could with our Clerke. And the next day following, the Priest of that Church dyed: to whose buriall came a certaine Bishop, with twelue Monkes of the high Countries. For all the Bishops of the Arme∣nians [ 50] are Monkes, and of the Greekes likewise, for the greater part. That Bishop told me, that there was a Church neere that, where Saint Bartholmew, and likewise Saint Iudas Thaddaeus were martyred: but there was no way open for Snow. He told me also, that they haue two Pro∣phets: The first or chiefe is Methodius the Martyr, who was of their Country, and plainely Pro∣phesied of the Ismaelites. Which Prophesie is fulfilled in the Saracens. The other Prophet is called Acacron, who when hee dyed, Prophesied of a Nation of Archers, that should come from the North, saying; That they should Conquer all the Countries of the East: and should spare the Kingdome of the East, that he might giue them the Kingdome of the West. But he saith, our Friers the Frankes being Catholikes, beleeue them not: And they shall possesse the Countries from North to South: and shall come vnto Constantinople, and shall take the Port of Constanti∣nople. [ 60] And one of them, who shall be called a Wise man, shall enter the Citie: and seeing the Churches and rites of the Frankes, shall cause himselfe to be Baptized, and shall counsell the Frankes, how they may kill the Emperour of the Tartars; and there they shall be confounded. Hearing this, the Frankes which shall be in the middle of the Land, (to wit) Hierusalem, shall set

vpon the Tartars, who shall border vpon them, and with the helpe of our Nation (that is) the Armenians, shall pursue them: so that the French King shall place his Roy••ll Throne at Taurinum in Persia. And then all East Countries, and all the vnbeleeuing Nations shall be conuerted to the Faith of Christ. And there shall be so great Peace in the world, that the Liuing shall say to the Dead, Woe be vnto you wretches, that liued not vntill these times. I read this Prophesie brought to Constantinople by the Armenians, which remaine there, but I made light of it. Yet, when I spake with the said Bishop, calling it to minde, I regarded it the more. And throughout all that Armenia, they as firmely beleeue this Prophesie as the Gospell. Hee said vnto vs also: Euen as the Soules in Limbo expected the comming of Christ for their deliuery; so doe we looke for your comming, that we might be freed from this slauery, wherein wee haue so long liued. Neere the [ 10] City (Vaxnan) aforesaid,* 1.254 there are Mountaines, on the which (they say) the Arke of Noah rested. And there are two, one greater then the other, and Araxes runneth at the foote of them. And there is a little Towne there, called Cemainum, which is by Interpretation, Eight: for (they say) it was so called of the Eight persons, which came foorth of the Arke, and built it. Many haue as∣sayed to climbe the greater Hill, and could not. And that Bishop told me, that a certaine Monke was very much troubled, and an Angell appeared vnto him, and brought him a piece of the wood of the Arke, willing him to trouble himselfe no more. That piece of Wood they had in their Church, as he told me. Neither is the Hill so high in appearance, but that men might well get vp vnto it. A certaine Old man shewed me a sufficient reason, why none should climbe it. They call that Mountaine Massis:* 1.255 and it is of the Feminine gender in their Tongue. No man (saith [ 20] he) must climbe vp Massis, because it is the Mother of the world.

In that Citie (of Vaxnan) Frier Bernard Cathalane, of the Order of the Preaching Friers found me; who abode in Georgie, with a certaine Prior of the Sepulcher, who possesseth great lands there. And he had learned somewhat of the Tartars language. Who went with a certaine Hun∣garian Frier to Taurinum, to desire Argons Passe to Sartach. When they came there, they could not haue accesse:* 1.256 and the Hungarian Frier returned by me to Tephelis with one Seruant: but Fri∣er Bernard remained at Taurinum with a certaine Lay-Frier, whose language he vnderstood not. We went out of the Citie of Vaxnan in octauis of the Epiphanie:* 1.257 for we had stayd long there by reason of the Snow. We came therefore in foure dayes to the Countrey of Sahensa, a certain Cur∣gine, sometimes mighty, but now tributary to the Tartars, who destroyed all his Munition: whose Father Zacharias got that Countrey of the Armenians, hauing deliuered them from the [ 30] hands of the Saracens. And there are many faire Villages of true Christians, hauing Churches right like the Frankes. And euery Armenian hath in his house, in an honourable place, a wooden hand holding a Crosse, and he sets a burning Lampe before it: And that which we doe with holy Water, sprinkling it to driue away wicked Spirits, they doe the same with Frankinsence. For e∣uery euening they burn Frankinsence, carrying it through all the corners of the house, to rid them of all kinde of Enemies. I ate with the foresaid Sahensa, and he did me great reuerence, both he and his Wife, and his sonne Zachary was a very faire and wise young man. Who demanded of me, that if he should come vnto you, whether yee would entertaine him? for he so hardly broo∣keth the Dominion of the Tartars, that, though he haue plenty of all things, he had rather tra∣uaile into a strange Country, then indure their Lord-like Dominion. They said further, that they [ 40] were sonnes of the Church of Rome: and if the Lord Pope would send them any ayde, they would bring all the bordering Nations vnto the subiection of the Church.

From that Towne of his, in fifteene dayes, we entred the Countrey of the Soldan of Turkie, vp∣on the first Sunday in Lent.* 1.258 And the first Castle we found, is called Marsengen. All in the Ca∣stle were Christians, Armenians, Curgines, and Greekes: The Saracens onely haue the Dominion. There, the Captaine of the Castle said, he had receiued commandement, that no victuals should be giuen to any Franke, or to the Ambassadours of the King of Armenia, or of Vastacius. So that from the place where wee were the first Sunday in Lent, vnto Cyprus, (whether I came eight dayes before the Feast of Saint Iohn Baptist) we must buy our prouision. He, who was my guide [ 50] procured me Horses, and tooke money for the victuals, and put it in his purse. When he came in∣to the Fields, seeing a flocke any where, hee violently tooke one Sheepe, and gaue it to his family to eate, and maruailed I would not eate of his robbery. In the Purification I was in a certaine Ci∣tie called Aini, which was Sahensas, whose situation is most strong: and there are there a thou∣sand Armenian Churches,* 1.259 and two Synagogues of the Saracens. The Tartars place a Baily there. There fiue Preaching Friers met me, whereof foure came from Prouince in France, and the fift ioyned himselfe to them in Syria, and they had but one sicke Boy, who could speake Turkish, and a little French:* 1.260 And they had the Popes letters to Sartach, and to Mangu Chan, and to Buri; such as your Highnes gaue me, Letters of request, that they would suffer them to continue in their Countrey, and Preach the Word of God, &c. But when I told them what I had seene, and how [ 60] they sent me backe againe, they directed their iourney to Tephelis, where there are Friers of their Order, to consult what they should doe. I said vnto them they might well passe, by those Let∣ters, if they would: but they should bee well assured to indure much labour, and render an ac∣count of their comming: for seeing they had no other message, but the office of Preaching, they

would care but a little for them, and chiefly, because they had no Interpreter. What they did af∣ter, I know not.

THe second Sunday in Lent, we came to the head of Araxis, and passing beyond the top of the Mountaine, we came to Euphrates; by the which wee descended eight dayes,* 1.261 alwayes going to the West, vnto a certaine Castle, called Camath. There Euphrates bendeth to the South towards Halapia. But we passing the Riuer went through very high hilly Countries, and through the deepe Snow to the West. There was so great an Earthquake there that yeare, that in one Citie called Arsengan, tenne thousand persons noted by name, perished, beside poore men of [ 10] whom there was no notice taken. Riding three dayes together, we saw the gaping of the Earth, as it was cleft by the Earthquake, and the heapes of Earth which came from the Mountaines, and filled the valleyes: so that if but a little more of the Earth had beene moued, that which Esay speaketh had beene literally fulfilled. Euery valley shall be filled, and euery Mountaine, and little hill shall be humbled. We passed through the Valley where the Soldan of Turkie was vanquished of the Tartars. It were too long to write how he was ouercome. But a certaine seruant of my guides who was with the Tartars, said; That the Tartars were not aboue tenne thousand in the whole, and a certaine Curgine, a seruant of the Soldans, said; That there were two hundred thousand with the Soldan, all Horsemen, In that plaine where the Battaile was, nay that flight, there brake out a great Lake, at the time of the Earthquake. And my heart told me; that all the Earth ope∣ned her mouth to receiue yet more blood of the Saracens. We were in Sebaste of the lesser Ar∣menia [ 20] in Easter weeke. There we visited the Tombes of forty Martyrs. There the Church of Saint Blase standeth: but I could not goe thither, because it was aboue in the Castle. On Low-Sunday we came to Cesaria of Cappadocia; where there is a Church of Saint Basill the great. A∣bout fifteene dayes after we came to Iconium, making small iournies, and resting in many places: because we could not so readily procure Horses. And my guide did this of purpose; taking vpon him to sollicite his owne busines three dayes, in euery Towne: whereupon, I was much grieued, but durst not speake, because he might haue sold, or slaine me and our seruants, and there was none to gaine-say it. I found many Frankes at Iconium, and a certaine Ianuensian Marchant, cal∣led Nicholas de Sancto Syrio. Who with a certaine companion of his a Venetian, called Boniface de Molendino, carried all the Allum out of Turkie, so that the Soldan could not sell any,* 1.262 but to those [ 30] two: and they made it so deare, that what was wont to be sold for fifteene Bizantians, is now sold for fifty. My guide presented me to the Soldan; The Soldan said, he would willingly cause me to be conuayed to the Sea to Armenia, or Cilicia. Then the foresaid Marchant knowing that the Saracens made little accompt of me, and that I was much burthened with the company of my guide (who troubled me euery day to giue him gifts) caused me to be conueyed to Curcum,* 1.263 a Hauen of the King of Armenia. I came thither the day before the Ascension, and stayed till the day after Penticost. Then I heard, that Ambassadours came from the King to his Father. Then I went speedily to the Kings father, to demand, whether hee had heard any newes of his Sonne: And I found him set with all his Sonnes one excepted, called Barum Vsin: Who made a certaine [ 40] Castle. And he receiued newes from his Sonne, that hee was returned: And that Mangu Chan had much eased his Tribute, and had giuen him a Priuiledge,* 1.264 that no Ambassadour should come into his Countrey. Whereupon the old man himselfe, with all his Sonnes made a great Banquet. And he caused me to be conueyed to the Sea, to the Hauen called Aijax: and thence I passed o∣uer into Cyprus. And at Nicosia I found our Prouinciall, who the same day carried me with him to Antiochia, which is in very weake state. Wee were there on the Feast of Saint Peter and Paul. From thence we came to Tripolis, where our Chapter was, in the Assumption of the Bles∣sed Virgin.

ANd our Prouinciall determined, that I should leaue Acon, not suffering me to come vnto you:* 1.265 commanding, to write vnto you, what I would by the bearer of these Presents. And not [ 50] daring to resist contrarie to my obedience, I did according to my power, and vnderstanding: cra∣uing pardon of your inuincible Clemencie for my superfluities, or wants, or for any thing that shall be vndiscreetly, nay foolishly spoken, as from a man of little vnderstanding, not accusto∣med to indite long Histories. The Peace of God which passeth all vnder standing preserue your heart and vnderstanding.

I would willingly see your Highnesse, and certayne spirituall friends, which I haue in your Kingdome. Wherefore, if it should not bee contrarie to your Maiesties liking, I would beseech you to write to our Prouinciall, that he would let me come vnto you, and returne shortly againe into the Holy Land.

Concerning Turkie, your Maiestie shall vnderstand, that the tenth man there, is not a Sara∣cen: [ 60] nay, they are all Armenians, and Greekes, and Children rule ouer them.* 1.266 For the Soldan who was conquered of the Tartars, had a lawfull Wife of Hiberia, by whom he had one feeble Sonne, concerning whom he charged, that he should be the Soldan. He had another of a Greeke Concu∣bine, whom he gaue to a certayne great Admirall. The third, hee had of a Turke. To whom

many Turks and Turcomans being gathered together, they purposed to haue slaine the Sonnes of the Christians. They ordayned also (as I vnderstood) that after they had gotten the Victorie, they would destroy all the Churches, and kill as many as would not become Saracens. But hee was ouercome, and many of his men slaine. Hee renued his Armie the second time, and then was taken,* 1.267 and is yet in Prison. Pacaster the Sonne of the Greeke Concubine procured of Filia∣ster, that he might be Soldan, because the other was weake, whom they sent to the Tartars. Whereupon, his Kindred on the Mothers side (to wit) the Hiberi, and the Curgi were angry. So that a child ruleth in Turkie, hauing no Treasure, few Warriours, and many Enemies. The Son of Vastacius is weake,* 1.268 and hath warre with the Sonne of Assau, who likewise is a child, and worne out with the seruitude of the Tartars. Wherefore, if an Armie of the Church should [ 10] come to the Holy Land, it were a very easie thing to subdue all these Countries, or to passe through them.

* 1.269The King of Hungarie hath not aboue thirtie thousand Souldiers. From Cullin to Constanti∣nople are not aboue threescore dayes iourney by Waggons. From Constantinople are not so many dayes iourney to the Countrey of the King of Armenia. In old time, valiant men passed through these Countries, and prospered, yet they had most valiant Resisters; whom God hath now de∣stroyed out of the Earth. And wee need not be in danger of the Sea, nor in the mercie of Say∣lers. And the price which wee should giue for fraight, were sufficient for expenses by Land. I speake it confidently,* 1.270 if your Countrimen (I say not Kings and Souldiers) would goe, as the Kings of the Tartars goe, and bee contented with such victuals, they might winne the whole [ 20] World. It seemeth not expedient (as I thinke) that any Frier goe vnto the Tartars any more, as I did, or as the Preaching Friers doe. But if our Souereigne Lord the Pope would honourably send a Bishop,* 1.271 and answere their follies: which they haue thrife written to the Frankes: once to Pope Innocent the Fourth of Sacred Memorie, and twice to your Maiestie, once by Dauid, who deceiued you, and now by me, he might speake vnto them what he would, and also cause them to put those things in writing. For they heare whatsoeuer an Ambassadour will speake, and alwayes demand, if he will say any more. But he must haue a good Interpreter; nay, many Interpreters, and large Expenses.

FOr the Readers better satisfaction touching the former Authour, and knowledge of the North [ 30] parts of Asia and Europe and for His owne sake also, I haue added this Transcript of our famous Countriman Frier Bacon, which I haue not Englished, both to preuent tediousnesse in this Worke, other∣wise more then enough voluminous▪ and because he was an Historian, no Traueller; and the vse thereof is principally to such as can reade his owne Idiome; a good part also being the same with that which our former Frier hath deliuered.

CHAP. II. Ex quarta parte Maioris operis fratris Rogeri Bacon, Angli excerpta quaedam de Aquilonaribus mundi partibus. [ 40]

* 1.272AD Aquilonarem vero partem Indiae, vt dictum est, sunt Mare Scythicum, & mon∣tes illi magni, qui Caucasus & Taurus, & multis alijs nominibus vocantur, secundum diuersitatem locorum & Gentium. Et ab Occidente est Persida seu Parthia & Media. Deinde sub eis ad Occidentem est Mesopotamia & tota Syria, vt dictum est. Sed in confinio Mediae & Parthiae, est Porta ferrea Alexandri; quae est Ciuitas denomina∣ta à Portis.* 1.273 Et illae portae dicuntur Caspiae, non Cauca••••ae, vt dicit Plinius. Nam aliae sunt portae Caucasiae, vt postea dicetur. Quia in littore Maris Caspiae sunt hae Portae. Est enim Ma∣re quoddam quod fit ex concursu maximorum fluminum venientium ab Aquilone, & Caspium vocatur, [ 50] atque Hircanicum secundum Plinium. Nam Caspij & Hircani super littora illius Maris inhabitant. Non igitur est hoc Mare veniens ab Oceano, vt Isidoras & Plinius, & omnes Authores Occidentales scribunt. In hoc enim casu non h••buerunt experientiam certam, nec per se, nec per alios, sed ex rumor•• scripserunt.

In libris autem de moribus Tartarorum, & per fide dignos, qui in illis Regionibus fuerunt, patet, quod hoc Mare sit ex concursu fluminum. Et est Mare satis magnum. Nam circuitus est quatuor men∣sium. Et Hircania prope, est super littus Meridionale illius Maris in termino Parthiae. Et vbi Par∣thia coniungitur Mediae in Portis illis, extenditur à Portis Caspijs versus Orientem, vt dicit Plinius. Deinde contra residuum Mediae ad eius Septentrionem, & ad Occidentem Hircaniae est maior Armenia: & eam diuidit Euphrates à Capadocia, vt dicit Plinius. Propter quod Capadocia est ad Occiden∣tem [ 60] Armeniae maioris. Deinde versus Syriam & Mare nostrum est Cilicia, quae dicitur Armenia minor. Vnde iacet partim Medio, partim in Occidente Capadociae; & eius principium non distat ab Antiochia per duas dietas. Sub Cilicia ad Septentrionem super Mare comprehenditur Pamphilia, vt dicit Plinius, neglecta gente Isaurica, vel non computata per se propter prauitatem, sed sub eis compre∣hensa.

In Cilicia est Tarsus Metropolis eius; in quo natus fuit Beatus Apostolus Paulus. Et durat Cilicia à meridie in Septentrionem per Tarsum in latitudine circiter quatuor dietas versus Turkiam.* 1.274 Nam ad Septentrionem Ciliciae est Lycaonia, vbi est Iconium celeberrima Ciuitas; à qua Lycaonia dicitur quasi Iconia. Vnde Princeps eorum vocatur Soldanus Iconij & Turkiae. Et à finibus Arme∣niae vsque Iconium sunt octo dietae. Nomina Prouinciarum in his Regionibus sunt multum mutata prop∣ter guerras. Nam Turkia multas terras occupat quae apud Authores habent nomina antiqua. Vt est pars Asiae minoris, & Phrygia & Lydia. Asia vero maior continet plus medietate Mundi, & tetum▪ praeter Europam & Africam: vnde continet hanc Asiam minorem. Et haec nunc vocatur apud Graecos Anatoli, id est, Orientalis Graecia: in qua est Galatia; vnde Galatae, quibus scribit Apostolus: [ 10] & Troia dicitur illa formosissima Ciuitas: & sunt aliae mutae, vt Ephesus, & 7. Ecclesiae Apocalyp∣sis; & Nicea: vnde Synodus Nicena, & multae aliae. Et ab Iconio vsque Niceam sunt 20. dietae in aestate: & ab ea vsque ad Brachium Sancti Georgij (quod apud antiquos vocatur Hellespontus) Mare inter Italiam & Antiochiam. Et ibi terminatur Asia minor. Et habet à parte Occidentis Thraciam, Macedoniam, & Achaiam. A parte vero meridici habet Mare illud, quod est inter Italiam & Graeciam, & Antiochiam, & Egyptum. Ab Oriente habet Phrygiam. Nam vt dicit Plinius curialite, Phrygia Troadi supereiecta Septentrionali sua parte Galatis continua est, meridiana Lycaoniae ab Occidente Capadociā habet. Et dicit quod Lydia, Phrygiae ex ortu solis vicina est, vnde fuit Croesus ditissimus Rex Lydorū. Brachium vero Sancti Georgij est strictum multum, & habet Cōstantinopolim ab Occidente in Europa. Et extenditur à Mari magno quod est inter Asiam & Egyptum, Syriam, & I∣taliā, [ 20] circiter centum leucas versus Aquilonem, vs{que} ad aliud Mare, quod vocatur Ponticum, & Mare Maius. Et istud Mare habet formamarcus Scythici; & multas Regiones disterminat. Vnde hic incipiunt Regiones Aquilonares: de quibus Philosophi meridiani parum sciuerunt,* 1.275 secundum quod Ethicus Astro∣nomus refert in suo libro. Sed hic perambulauit omnes has Regiones, & Mare Oceanum Septentriona∣le cum Insulis suis nauigauit. Volo sequi ipsum: & nihilominus libros de moribus Tartarorum: & praecipue fratrem Willielmum, quem Dominus Rex Franciae, Lodouicus in Syria existens misit ad ter∣ram Tartarorum anno Domini 1253. Qui frater scripsit Domino Regi situm Regionum & Marium. Extenditur autem hoc Mare maius ab Occidente, scilicet à Constantinopoli in Oriens, per mille qua∣dringenta milliaria in longum: & in medio eius coarctatur ex vtra{que} parte in angulos: & in angulo meridiano est castrum & portus Turkiae, quod vocatur Sinopolis: A parte vero Aquiloni•• habet aliud [ 30] castrum in angulo, quod vocatur Soldaia; & est in Prouincia quae nunc Cassaria dicitur, id est, Caisa∣ria. Et sunt trecenta milliaria inter Sinopolim & Soldaiam. Et haec est latitudo maris inter illos an∣gulos. Et ista castra sunt duo portus famosi, à quibus transeunt homines à meridianis Regionibus ad A∣quilonares, & è contrario. Et ab istis castris versus Occidentem seu Constantinopolim extenditur Ma∣re per septingenta milliaria in longum & latum, similiter ad Orientem per septingenta. Et ista Prouincia Cassaria circundatur Mari à tribus lateribus. Nam in Occidente habet partem Maris Pontici,* 1.276 vbi est ciuitas Kersoua, in qua fuit Sanctus Clemens martyrisatus; & prope eam est Insula, in qua est Tem∣plum, quod dicitur Angeli••is manibus praeparatum, in quo corpus Sancti sepultum fuit. Et à Kersoua vs{que} ad Soldaiam sunt quadringinta castra, quorum quodlibet fere habet proprium Idioma. Et sunt ibi multi Goti, qui omnes loquuntur Teutonicum. Et à parte meridi••i Cassariae extenditur Mare Ponti∣cum: [ 40] Et in Oriente eius cadit flumen Tanais in Mare, vbi habet latitudinem duodecim milliariorum,* 1.277 vbi est Ciuitas Matrica. Et flumen illud versus Aquilonem facit Mare quoddam,* 1.278 habens septuaginta miliaria in longitudine & latitudine, nusquam habens profunditatem vltra 6. pedes. Et hoc Mare est Palus Maeotis famosissima, de qua Philosophi & Historiae & Poetae loquuntur.* 1.279

Et flumen Tanais extenditur vltra illam paludem versus Aquilonem vs{que} ad montes Riphaeos; qui sunt in vltimo Aquilonis: à quibus montibus oritur hoc flumen,* 1.280 & descendit per longum terrae tractum in Paludem supradictam, faciens eam; & vltra eam disgraditur, & fluit in Mare Ponticum, vt prae∣dixi. Et hoc flumen famosum diuidit Europam ab Asia in locis illis, & Palus illa & plures paludes sunt contiguae: sed quasi pro vna computantur, & vocantur paludes Maeotis: vel Maeotidae in adi••cti∣uo. Paludes igitur illae quae vocantur Mare illud vadosum sunt in Oriente Cassariae; & pars fluminis Tanais, quae est inter paludes & Mare Ponticum. Et haec Prouincia Cassaria habet ab Aquilone va∣stam [ 50] solitudinem, quae extenditur a flumine Tanai in Oriente vs{que} ad Danubium in Occidente itinere duorum mensium velociter equitando, sicut equitant Tartari.* 1.281 Et hoc est vna die quantum est ab Aure∣lianis Parisijs. Vnde durat haec terra circiter 4. menses, secundum quod alij homines communiter equi∣tant. Et haec terra fuit tota Cumanorum, qui dicebantur Captac. Sed Tartari destruxerunt eam to∣taliter, & interfecerunt Cumanos, praeter partem quae fugit ad Regnum Hungariae, qui sunt et tributa∣rij: Et à Teu••onicis dicitur Valana: A Plinio & Isodoro & caeteris Alania Occidentalis. Et haec Prouincia habet Danubium, & Poloniam, & Hungariam, ab Occidente. Et ab Aquilone istius Prouinciae est Russia magna: quae similiter à Polonia in vna parte sua extenditur ad Tanaim; sed in magna sui parte habet Leuconiam in Occidente (quae est terra ita magna sicut Alemannia:) Ad cuius partem Occidentalem ••unt multae terrae in circuitu Maris cuiusdam: quod Mare sit per multa Braechia [ 60] Maris Oceani quae veniunt per medium Daciae, & vltra versus Orientem dilatat se magnum Mare, quod ab Occidente habet Daciam & Sweciam:* 1.282 Sed Swecia est ad Aquilonem Daciae declinans ali∣quantulum in Orientem vltra Daciam: vltra quas ad Aquilonem est Norguegia. Deinde Mari mag∣no interiecto sunt Scotia & Anglia: & Mari paruo interposito Hibernia. Notae sunt hae Regiones▪ sed

tango eas propter ••otitiam aliorum. Si ergo à finibus Occidentalibus ex parte Aquilonis ascendamus versus Orientem, primo est Hibernia, secundo Britannia maior, quae continet Angliam & Scotiam: Deinde Norguegia, Swecia, Dacia, & post in Orientem versus est mugnum mare praedictum, quod vocatur mare Orientale; quia Oceanus non se extendit vltra aliud mare: Sed super latus Aquilonare istius maris immediate post angulum Sweciae est Estonia:* 1.283 deinde Liuonia versus Orientem illus ma∣ris: deinde Curonia seu Curlandia declinando ad Meridianum latus: postea Prussia magna terra in Meridiano latere: deinde Pomerania: postea Lubec portus magnus & famosus in confinio Daciae & Saxoniae. In medio istius maris est Insula quaedam, quae vocatur Gotlandia. Et super Liuoniam ad Orientem est Semigallia. Curoniam circundat Leuconia praedicta, & etiam circundat Russia magna ex vtraque parte maris dicti, & terminatur Meridiana ad Prussiam & Poloniam. Polonia vero iacet ad Meridiem Prussiae: & ad Meridiem eius est Bohemia: deinde Austria. Et ad Occidentem terra∣rum [ 10] istarum Alemannia; & postea Francia & Hispania. Sed hae notae sunt: facio tamen mentionem propter alias.* 1.284 Ad Orientem Austriae & Bohemiae est Hungaria, ad quam Occidentalis pars Albaniae descendit. Nam cadit super Danubium, qui fluit per medium Hungariae, & vltra eam in mare Pon∣ticum per duodecim ostia magna.* 1.285 In termino vero Hungariae Orientalis à parte Aquilo••is occurrit Moldauia, contra quam ad Meridiem Danubij sunt * 1.286 Balchi & Bulgari & Constantinopolis, quae terrae antiquitus vocabantur Thracia. Albania igitur Occidentalis extenditur à Danubio post finem Hungariae versus Orientem vsque ad flumen Tanaim,* 1.287 habens Cassariam à Meridie, & Balchiam, Bulgariam & Constantinopolim. Ab Occasu vero Hungariam & Poloniam, & extremitatem Ru••••••ae: ab Aquilone habet totam longitudinem Russiae.

* 1.288 Et vltra Russiam ad Aquilonem est Gens Hyperborea, quae sic nominatur à montibus magnis, qui [ 20] vocantur Hyperborei. Et haec Gens propter aeris salubritatem viuit in syluis. Gens longaeua vsque quo fastidiant mortem, optimarum consuetudinum, Gens quieta & pacifica, nulli nocens, nec ab alia Gente molestatur: sed confugiunt ad eam sicut ad asylum. Qualiter au••em potest Regio ibi esse temperatissima, tetigi prius in complexionibus locorum Mundi. Et sic habemus regiones Aquilonares in Europa nota∣biles. Ritus vero istarum Gentium sunt diuersi. Nam Pruteni, Curlandi, Liuonij, Estonij, Semi∣galli, Leuconij sunt Pagani. Alani vero non sunt, quia Tartari ceperunt terram illam, & fuganerunt omnes,* 1.289 vsque in Hungariam. Et Cumani sunt Pagani: & Alani fuer••nt similiter, sed deleti sunt. Ruteni sunt Christiani, & sunt scismatici, habentes ritum Graecorum, sed non vtuntur lingua Graeca; immo lingua S••lauonica: quae est vna de linguis, quae plures occupat regiones. Nam Russiam, Polo∣niam [ 30] & Bohemiam, & multas alias Nationes tenet. Tartari vero à Danubio in ho in terram Alanorum seu Cunamorum,* 1.290 & vlterius, vsque fere ad partes vltimas Orientis, & alias Nationes eis vicinas Ad Aquilonem & Meridiem subiugauerunt pro maxima parte. Nam ali∣quae Gentes sunt in montanis & locis tutissimis, quas non possunt debellare, licet sint eis vicini, quia sunt inexpugnabiles.

Tanais quidem fluuius descendit à montibus Riphaeis altissimis, qui sunt in vero Aquilone: nee est vltra illos ad Aquilonem habitatio.* 1.291 Et in termino Orientali Russ••ae & Alaniae, vbi mercatores & alij conueniunt de Hungaria & Cassaria, & Polonia & Russia est quoddam Casale, vbi nauigio pertransi∣tur flumen Tanais.* 1.292 Et est Tanais ibi ad latitudinem Sequanea Pari••ijs. Et vltra flumen illud est Al∣bania superior vsque ad aliud flumen magnum, quod vocatur Etilia, quae maior est in quadruplo quàm [ 40] Sequana: & est de maioribus fluminibus Mundi; & crescit in aestate sicut Nilus: & à parte Aqui∣lonis distat hoc flumen à Tanai per decem dietas: sed versus meridiem multum seperantur. Nam Ta∣nais cadit in mare Ponticum, & Etilia in mare Caspium: & facit illud mare, cum alijs fluminibus multis, quae veniunt de Perside & alijs locis. Nam à Pontico mari secundum Plinium sunt tricenta octoginta milliaria vsque ad mare Caspium. Et in hac terra habitabant Cumani. Sed Tartari deleue∣runt omnes, sicut ex altera parte fecerunt vsque ad D••nubium, vt dictum est. Et Tartari habent peco∣ra infinita, & habitant in tentorijs, non habentes villas nec castra nisi rarissime. Et vnus Princeps cum exercitu, & cum suis armentis gregum vagatur inter duo flumina. Vt vnus inter Boristhenem & Tanaim: alius inter Tanaim & Etiliam; & sic vltra versus Orientem, quia semper diuisi sunt per pascua & aquam. Et à Ianuario incipiunt adire partes Aquilonares iuxta flumina vsque ad Augustum: [ 50] & tunc redeunt versus meridianas propter frigus Aquilonis in byeme. Et versus Aquilonem d••stat E∣tilia à Prouincia Cassariae per vnum mensem & tres dietas, sicut equitant Tartari. Haec vero terra Tartarorum inter Tanaim & Etiliam habet ab Aquilone quasdam Gentes: & primo est Gens A∣rimphaea prope montes Riphaeos, quae est similis Hyperboreis in * 1.293 omnibus. Et hae duae Gentes sunt prope polum in Aquilone. Sed remotius ab Aquilone vltra Tanaim est primo Gens quae vocatur Mo∣xel, subiecta Tartaris. Et sunt adhuc sine lege pure Pagani: ciuitatem non habent, sed casula•• in syl∣uis. Dominus eorum & magna pars eorum fuerunt interfecta in Polonia per Polonos & Al••man∣nos & Boemos.* 1.294 Nam Tartari duxerunt eos ad bellum cum Polonis: & multum approbant Polonos & Alemannos de strenuitate; sperantes adhuc liberari à seruitute Tartarorum per eos. Si mercator veniat inter eos, oportet quod ille in cuius domo primo hospitatur, det ei expensas quantum vult ibi mo∣rari. [ 60] Haec enim est consuetudo illius Regionis. Post hos ad Orientem est Gens quaedam quae vocatur Merduini, subiecti Tartaris. Sed sunt Saraceni, habentes legem Mach••meti. Post eos est Etilia flumen praedictum quod descendit à maiori Bulgaria, de qua postea dicetur. A meridie vero istius Re∣gionis Tartarorum super mare Ponti••um sunt Hiberi & Georgiani. Et in Georgia est metropolis

ciuitas, quae vocatur Tephelis, in qua Fratres Praedicatores habent domum.* 1.295 Et vlterius versus Orien∣tem est terra Corasminorum: sed deleti sunt à Tartaris.* 1.296 Et in his locis solebant antiquitus esse Ama∣zones, secundum Plinium & Ethicum Astronomum. Amozones enim, vt refert Ethicus, fuerunt mulieres ducentes exercitum magnum ex mulieribus sine viris collectum: quae aduocantes veros certis temporibus anni conceperunt: sed masculos genitos interfecerunt, faeminas reseruando, quarum in iuuen∣tute mamillas dextras per artificium chirurgiae abstulerunt ne in sagittando reciperent impedimentum per mamillas; & Minotauros as Centauros, monstra ferocissima nutriuerunt à iuuentute mamillis suis▪ vnde antecedebant eas sicut matres suas: & omnem exercitum premebant magis per buiusmod•• monstra, quam per arma: & similiter Elephantes à iuuentute nutriebant & assuescebant ad bella: & [ 10] sic per centum annos vastabani meridianas partes Asiae & Graeciae, donec ab Hercule fuerunt sedu∣ctae & distructae.

Haec vero loca Georgianorum & Corasminorum habent terram Soldani Turkiae & Capidociam à Meridie. Nam in latere Meridiano maris Pontici est terra Soldani vsque ad Sinopolim, de qua prius dictum est: & post eam in eodem latere maris versus Occidentem est terra Vastacij,* 1.297 scilicet Graecia Orientalis. Nam Occidentalis vocantur vbi Constantinopolis est, & Regiones e•• annexae ci∣tra Brachium Sancti Georgij in Europa. Sed Armenia maior est super Capadociam ad Orientem. Et ideo illa Armenia etsi Meridiana sit respectu Georgiae, tamen in Orientem tendit, & extenditur vs∣que Mediam & Mesopotamiam. Et haec terra tota aestimatur à multis esse terra Ararat;* 1.298 propter hoc quod in Isaia dicitur, quod filij Sennacherib interfecto patre fugerunt in Ararat: In libro Regum dicitur, quod fugerunt in Armeniam. Sed Ieronimus vndecimo libro super Isaiam soluit hoc dicens: [ 20] Ararat regio in Armenia campestris per quam Araxis fluit incredibili•• vbertatis ad radices montis Taur••, qui vsque illuc extenditur. Quapropter Ararat non est tota Armenia, sed regio determinata; magna tamen est. Nam Araxes fluuius, à quo Ararat regio nominatur, extenditur à capite suo per iter trium mensium & amplius. Caput autem eius est Fons in monte Armeniae vbi propriè oritur Eu∣phrates ex parte Aquilonis, & Tigris ad aliud latus montis versus Meridiem,* 1.299 In montibus autem Ar∣meniae testante Scriptura requieuit Arca Noe: Sed non in quibuscunque montibus: quoniam non est in istis, vbi oriuntur ista tria flumina magna, sed in altissimo Tauri montis cacumine, vbi Ararat regio est, secundum quod dicit Ieronimus vndecimo super Isa••am;* 1.300 Arca in qua liberatus est Noe ces∣sante diluuio non ad montes generaliter Armeniae, sed ad montes Tauri al••••ssimos, qui Ararat imminent campis. Et prope illos montes est ciuitas quae maxima fuit, antequam eum destruxerunt Tartari. Nam [ 30] fuerunt in ea octingentae Ecclesiae Hermonorum. Et in tempore Fratris Willelmi, cum transiuit per eam, non fuerunt nisi duae paruulae:* 1.301 Et ibi prope fuerunt Martyrizati Beatus Bartholomaeus & Bea∣tus Iudas Thaddaeus. Et ibi sunt duae Prophetiae. Vna est Beati Methodij Martyris, qui fuit de Gente illa. Et plane prophetauit de Ismaelitis▪ quae prophetia impleta est in Saracenis. Alius Prophe∣ta eorum vocatur Akaton, qui prophetauit de Tartaris & destructione eorum. Dicit enim, quod ab Aquilone veniet Gens Sagittaria, quae omnes Nationes Orientis subiugabit: Et veniunt in Regnum Occidentis, scilicet ad Constantinopolim, & ibi per Principes Occidentis destruentur. Et tunc con∣uertentur omnes Gentes Christi: & erit tanta pax vbique, quod viui dicent mortuis: Vae vobis, quod non vixist••s vsque nunc. Et Imperator Chr••stianus p••net so••tum suum in Taurino in Perside. Et Her∣meni [ 40] habent istam prophetiam sicut Euangelium. Et ciuitas memorata vocatur nunc Naxuan; quae solebat esse caput Regni: & est versus partes Aquilonares Armen••ae.* 1.302 Nam à festo Sancti Clemen∣tis ascendit Frater Willelmus iuxta Araxem vbi terminatur versus Aquilonem; & in festo Natalis venit ad illam ciuitatem; & in Octauis Epiphaniae recessit ab ea: & per Araxem iu••t vsque ad caput eius in secunda Dominica quadragesimae: & non longe plus est à ciuitate illa ad vltimum Armeniae à parte Meridiei, quam ad Aquilonem. Deinde superius ad Orientem sunt montes Alanorum, & Aas,* 1.303 qui sunt Christiani, & recipiunt indifferenter omnes Christianos tam Latinos quàm Graecos: vnde non sunt scismatici, & pugnant cum Tartaris; & similiter Alani. Post eos ad Orientem sunt Saraceni, qui vocantur Lelg••, qui similiter propter terra for••tudinem pugnant cum Tartaris.* 1.304

Post illos ad Orientem sunt Portae Caspiae super Mare Caspium, quas Alexander magnus constru∣xit in concursu Montium. Nam cum voluit expugnare Gentem Aquilonarem no potuit propter illius [ 50] Gentis ferocitatem & multitudinem. Et, vt dicit Ethicus, stetit per annum vnum & menses tres, vt defenderet se ab ••is, & ingenuit quod talis pessima Gens fuisset in partibus Aquilonis; & exclama∣uit ad Deum, vt apponeret remedium, ne mundus dest••ueretur per eos. Sed▪ licet non fuit dignus exau∣diri, tamen Deus su•• bonitate, & propter salutem generis humani, iussit fieri terrae motum maximum, & montes distantes per stadium coniuncti sunc vsque ad latitudinem vnius Portae. Et Alexander tunc fecit fundi columnas aereas mirae magnitudinis, & erexit portas & liniuit eas bitumine, quod nec igne,* 1.305 nec aqua, nec ferro dissolui posset, quod acquisiuit ex Insulis maris. Nec potuerunt diuini aliquo modo nisi per terrae motum: & iam dirutae sunt. Nam Frater Willelmus transiuit per medium earum cum Terta∣ris. Et est ibi ciuitas quae vocatur Porta ferrea Alexandri: à qua versus orientem incipit Hircania super Hircanum mare, quod est Caspium, vt superius dictum est. Nam Hircania iacei super littus meridionale [ 60] illius maris, & extenditur vs{que} ad terminos Indiae: à cuius Hircaniae latere meridionali sunt Media & Parthia; sicut prius fuit annotatum. Hae vero Portae non sunt Caucasiae, sed Caspiae, vt dicit Plinius: nec Caucasiae sunt Caspiae. Nam Caucasiae distant a Caspijs per ducenta milliaria versus mare Ponticum: Et à mari Pontico distant per centum milliaria circa partes Hiberiae & Georgiae.

Et ista loca cum montibus interiacentibus vocantur claustra Alexandri,* 1.306 per quae cohibuit Gentes Aqui∣lonares ne irruerent in terras Meridianas deuastando eas. Nam Alexander multa bella gessit cum eis, vt ref••rt Ethicus, & aliquando infra tres dies ceciderunt ex vtraquo parte multa millia hominum. Alexand••r tamen magis arte & ingenio vicit, quam armorum potestate. Et cum fuerunt excitati si∣cut Vrsi de cauernis suis, non potuerat eos reprimere per violentiam: Sed Deus iuvit per terrae motum & clausuras montium: Nunc autem ruptae sunt; & diu est quod fractae sunt, fiue terrae motu, seu ve∣tustate. Et considerandum est diligenter de locis istis. Nam Gog & Magog de quibus Ezechiel Pro∣phetat, & Apocalypsis, in hijs locis sunt inclusi. Secundum quod dicit Ieronimus vndecimo libro super Ezechielem; Gog Scythica gens trans Caucasum & Maeotim & Caspium mare ad Indiam vsque tenduntur. Et à principe Gog, omnes qui subditi sunt Magog appellantur. Et Iudaei similiter, quos Orosius & alij sancti referunt exituros. Atque, sicut Ethicus scribit, Alexander inclusit viginti duo [ 10] Regna de stirpe Gog & Magog, exitura in diebus Antichristi: Qui mundum primo vastabunt, & deinde obuiabunt Antichristo, & vocabunt eum Deum deorum; sicut & Beatus Ieronimus confir∣mat. O quam * 1.307 necessarium est Ecclesiae Dei, vt Prelati & viri Catholici haec loca considerent: non solum propter conuersionem Gentium in illis l••cis, & consolationem Christianorum captiuorum ibi∣dem, sed propter persecutionem Antichristi, vt sciatur vnde venturus si t, & quando, per hanc conside∣rationem & alias multas.

A portis vero Caspijs incipit Mare Caspium extendi in longum ad Orientem & in latum ad Aqui∣lonem. Et est non minus quam Ponticum Mare, vt dicit Plinius: Et habet spacium quatuor men∣sium in circuitu. Frater vero Willielmus in redeundo ab imperatore•• Tartarcrum circuiuit latus Occi∣dental, & in eundo ad eum perambulauit latus Aquilonare; vt ipse retulit Domino Regi Franciae, qui [ 20] nunc est, Anno Domini, 1253. Et a parte Aquilonis habet vastam Solitudinem, in qua sunt Tartari: Et vltra eos sunt multae Regiones Aquilonares antequam peruenitur ad Oceanum. Et ideo non potest istud Mare esse sinus maris Oceani: quod tamen fere omnes authores scribunt. Sed experientia huius temporis facta per fratrem Willielmum & homines alios fideles docet quod non venit a Mari, sed fit per flumina magna & multa, quorum congregatione fit hoc mare Caspium & Hircanum.

Tota vero haec terr•• Tartarorum à Tanai vsque ad Etiliam fuit Cumanorum, qui vocabantur Can∣gle: qui omnes sunt deleti per Tartaros. Et tota ista terra vocabatur Albania antiquitus. Et hic sint Canes maximi, ita vt Leones, & tauros perimant: Et homines ponunt eos in bigis & aratris. Deinde vltra Etiliam est tertius principatus Tartarorum: Et destructae sunt gentes indigenae ab eis: Et fuerunt [ 30] Cumani Cangle, sicut prius. Et durat•• principatus ille à flumine Etilia in Orientem per iter quatuor mensium ex parte meridionali, vsque veniatur ad terram principalem imperatoris: Sed ex parte Aqui∣lonari durat per iter duorum mensium & decem dierum. Ex quo patet, quod Cumania fuit terrarum maxima. Nam à Danubio vsque ad terram hanc in qua Imperator residet, habitabant Cumani. Qui omnes sunt destructi à Tartaris, praeter eos qui fugerunt ad regnum Hungariae. Et hic principatus habet ab Aquilone primo Maiorem Bulgariam; à qua venerunt Bulgari, qui sunt inter Constantinopo∣lin & Hungariam & Sclauoniam. Nam haec quae in Europa est minor Bulgaria, habet linguam illo∣rum Bulgarorum qui sunt in maiori Bulgaria, quae est in Asia. Et isti Bulgari sunt pessimi Saraceni. Et hoc est mirabile: quoniam illa terra distat a porta ferrea seu a Portis Caspijs triginta diebus & plus per transuersum Solitudinis: Et est in fine Aquilonis. Vnde mirum est valde, quod ad eos tam distan∣tes a Saracenis peruenit secta Machome••i. Et de hac Bulgaria venit Etilia, de qua dictum est. Post [ 40] eam ad orientem est terra Pascatur, quae est magna Hungaria, a qua exiuerunt Huni: Qui postea Hun∣gri; modo dicuntur Hungari. Qui colligentes secum Bulgaros, & alias Nationes Aquilonares, sicut dicit Isidorus, Claustra Alexandri ruperunt: Et soluebatur eis tributum vsque in Egygtum. Et de∣struxerunt terras omnes vsque in Franciam. Vnde maioris potentiae fuerunt, quam adhuc * 1.308 sunt Tartari. Et magna pars eorum residet in terra quae nunc vocatur Hungaria vltra Bohemiam & Austriam, quae est modo apud latinos regnum Hungariae. Et iuxta terram Pascatur sunt Blaci de Blacia maiori: à qua vener••nt Blaci in terra Assani inter Constantinopolim & Bulgariam, & Hungariam, & Hun∣gariam minorem. Nam populus ille dicitur nunc a Tartaris Ilac; quod idem est quod Blac. Sed Tarta∣ri nesciunt sonare B. literam. A parte vere meridiei Istius Solitudinis Tartarorum est mare Caspium: [ 50] Et deinde montes Caucasi vsque in Orientem. Et extenditur hic principatus ab Etilia vsque in Catay∣am Nigram: vnde vocatur Cara Cataia. Et Cara idem est, quod Nigra: Et dicitur Cataia Nigra, ad differentiam alterius Cataiae, quae est longe vltra hanc ad Orientem multis regionibus distantem ab ista Cataia Nigra: de qua postea dicitur. Et haec terra cum sibi adiacentibus est terra imperatoris Tar∣tarorum praecipui, in quibus vagatur semper cum curia sua, ascendendo in aestate ad frigidas regiones; & in hyeme ad calidas. Et haec Cataia Nigra fuit terra Presbyteri Ioannis, seu Regis Ioannis; de quo tanta fama solebat esse: & multa falsa dicta sunt & scripta.

Hic vero oportet exprimi originem Tartarorum: non solum propter euidentiam distinctionis regionum maiorem, sed propter ipsam Gentem, quae nunc famosissima est, & subdit mundum pedibus. Sciendum igi∣tur, quod cum bellum fuit Antiochiae, tunc regnauit in Terra ista Coir Can. Nam in historia Antio∣chena [ 60] legitur. Quod Turci miserunt pro succursu contra Francos ad regnum Coir Can, qui tenebat Mo∣narchiam in regionibus Aquilonis, tempore illo, quo capta fuit Antiochia qui fuit de Cara Cataia. Coir

vero est nomen proprium: Can est nomen dignitatis; & sonat idem quod Diuinator. Nam principes ibi regunt populum per diuinationes & scientias▪ quae instruu••t homines in futuris, siue sint partes Physicae, vt Astronomia & scientia experimentalis, siue artes Magicae, quibus totum Oriens est deditū & imbutum. Omnes igitur imperatores Ta••tarorum vocantur Can: sicut apud nos vocantur Imperatores & Reges. Mortuo vero isto Coir, fuit quida•• pastor Nestorinus in terra illa potens & Dominus super populum, qui populus vocatur Naiman; qui erant Christiani, Nestorini. Qui sunt mali Christiani: Et tamen dicunt se esse subiectos Romanae Ecclesiae. Et isti Nestorini non solum sunt ibi in Terra Naiman,* 1.309 sed per omnes regiones vsque in Orientem sunt dispersi. Iste vero pastor erexit se in Regem; & vocatus est Presbyter & Rex Iohannes. Huic Iohanni erat frater quidam pastor potens Vnc nomine: habens sua [ 10] pascua vltra fratrem suum per iter trium Septimanarum: Et erat Dominus cuiusdam Villae,* 1.310 quae dici∣tur Caracarum: quae est nunc ciuitas Imperialis, & maior in terra Imperatoris: Et tamen non est ita bona sicut Sanctus Dionysius iuxta Parisios in Francia; sicut scripsit frater Willelmus Domino Regi. Et vltra pascua istius circiter duodecim dietas erant pascua Moal, qui erant pauperes homines,* 1.311 & stulti ac simplices sine lege: iuxta quos fuerunt alij pauperes qui vocabantur Tartari, similes eis. Mortuo igitur Iohanne Rege eleuauit se in Regem Vnc frater eius, & vocauit se Can:* 1.312 vnde Vnc-Can diceba∣tur: qui misic armenta sua versus terminos Moal. Inter quos Moal erat faber quidam nomine Cingis,* 1.313 furans & rapiens animalia Vnc-can. Quo congregante exercitum Cingis fugit ad Tartaros: Qui dixit ad eos & ad Moal: Quia sumus sine duce ideo Vicini nostri opprimunt nos. Et factus est Dux eo∣rum, & congregato exercitu irruit super Vnc-can, & vicit eum; & factus est princeps in terra, & vo∣cauit [ 20] se Cingis-can: Et accepit filiam Vnc, & dedit eam filio suo in vxorem, ex qua natus est Mangu Can, qui regnum diuisit istis principibus Tartarorum, qui nunc regnant & discordant ab invicem. Ad hunc enim Mangu Can fuit frater Willelmus. Et ipse Cingis Can vbi{que} praemittebat Tartaros in pugna. Vnde exiuit fama Tartarorum: qui fere deleti sunt per crebra bella. Et licet propter hanc causam nos istam Gentem vocemus Tartaros, apud quos est imperium & Dominium: tamen semper sunt Imperatores & principes de gente Moal. Nec volunt vocari Tartari sed Moal: quia primus eo∣rum imperator scilicet Cingis-can, fuit Natione Moal. Vnde non habuerunt ad huc ante istos qui nunc regnant nisi tres scilicet Cingis-can, & Ken-can, & Mangu-can. Qui Ken-can fuit filius Cingis,* 1.314 & Mangu filius eius. Haec igitur gens Moal est stultissima ab origine prima, & pauperrima: Quae tamen permissione Diuina paulatim omnes Nationes vicinas subiugauit & totam mundi latitudinem in paruo [ 30] tempore prostrauit. Quae si esset concors primo congressu Aegyptum & Affricam vastaret, vt sic ex omni parte Latinos circundarent. Nam nunc a parte Aquilonis regnant vs{que} in Poloniam. Quia tota Russia est eis subiecta, & tota terra ab Oriente vs{que} ad Danubium, & vltra Danubium,* 1.315 scilicet Bulgaria & Blachia sunt eis tributariae: Ita quod vs{que} ad terram Constantinopolitanam tenet eorum Imperium. Et Soldanus Turkiae, & Rex Armeniae, & princeps Antiochiae, & omnes principes Ori∣entis vs{que} in Indiam sunt eis subiecti, praeter pancos, qui aut nimis distant, aut habent loca in Montanis tutissima, quae expugnari non possunt.

Primo igitur in terra vbi imperator moratur est, Cataia Nigra, vbi fuit Presbyter Iohannes. Post eam est terra fratris sui vltra per iter trium Septimanarum. Deinde terra Moal;* 1.316 & Tartarorum vltra eos per iter quasi duo decem dietarum. Sed tota haec terra est in qua moratur Imperator vagans per di∣uersa [ 40] loca. Terra tamen in qua fuerunt Moal, vocatur Ornan Kerule: Et ibi est adhuc Curia Cingis Can. Sed quia Caracarum, cum Regione eius fuit prima adquisitio eorum; ideo Ciuit••tem illam ha∣bent pro imperiali: Et prope illam eligunt suum Can, id est Imperatorem. Deinde post Moal & Tarta∣ros ad Orientem sunt fortes homines, qui vocantur Tangut; qui ceperunt primo Cingis-can in bell••▪ Sed pace facta iterum subiugauit eos. Isti homines habent Boues fortissimos, habentes Candas plenas pilis sicut Equi: Quorum vaccae non permittunt se Mungi* 1.317, nisi cautetur eis. Et si isti Boues vident hominem indutum rubeis▪ insiliunt in eum volentes interficere. Post istos ad Orientem sunt homines qui vocantur Tebeth: qui solebant comedere parentes suos causa pietatis, vt non facerent eis alia Sepulchra nisi viscera sua. De quibus scribunt Philosophi, vt Plini••s, Solinus & alij: Et frater Willelmus testatur in libro suo: ac frater Iohannes de Plano Carpini similiter in libro, quem composuit de Tartaris, inter [ 50] quos fuit Anno Domini, 1246. missus a Domino Papa in legationem ad Imperatorem Tartarorum. Sed quia fuerunt ex hoc facto abhominabiles omni Nationi, ideo iam mutaverunt hunc ritum & ta∣men adhuc de ossibus capitum faciunt ciphos, in quibus bibunt propter memoriam parentum suorum. Post istos ad Orientem sunt parui homines & fulci sicut Hispani, & dicuntur Solangi. Quorum nuncij cum veniunt ad curiam a••cuius, habent in manu tabulam de Ebore,* 1.318 in qua inspiciunt cum narrant ea quae volunt, acsi omnia essent ibi scripta. Et vltra eos est quidam Populus, quorum animalia non appro∣priant alicui, nec habent custodem. Sed si aliquis indigena vult habere aliquod animal, stat super collem & vociferat sicut vult, & veniunt ad vocem suam, & accipit quod vult. Quod si extraneus veniret, odore suo fugaret omnia, & faceret ea Syluestria. Et ideo cum homo venit extraneus, claudunt eum in domo, & dant ei necessaria vitae, donec habeat responsum de eis pro quibus venit, nec permittent eum va∣gari [ 60] per regionem. Vltra hos est Cataia (quae Seres dicitur apud Philosophos.* 1.319) Et est in extremitate O∣rientis, a parte Aquilonari respectu Indiae, diuisa ab ea per sinum Maris & Montes. Et hic fiunt pan∣ni serici optimi, & in magna copia. Vnde ab hac terra deferuntur ad alias regiones. Et hic populus aspi∣rat multum per nares: Et sunt optimi Artifices in omni arte. Et sunt boni Medici apud eos in omni∣bus praeterquam de V••ina, cuius indicio non vtuntur, sed per Pulsum & alia signa optime diindicant: Et

bene cognoscunt vires herbarum, & totius medicinae potestatem. Multi ex eis sunt apud Tartaros. Et istorum Cataiorum moneta vulgaris est charta de bambasio in qua imprimunt quasdam lineas. Nec mirum; Cum Ruteni, qui prope nos sunt, habent pro moneta faciem * 1.320 Hesperolorum. Et ista Cataia non distat per 120. dietas à terra in qua moratur Imperator. Et in illa terra sunt rupes excelsae, in qui∣bus habitant quaedam creaturae habentes per omnia formam humanam; non tamen genua fleciunt, sed ambulant saltando: sed non sunt longitudinis maioris, quàm cubiti; & vestitur totum co••pus crinibus. Et venatores portant ceruisiam, & faciunt foueas in rupibus ad modum cyphorum: Et illa animalia ve∣niunt & bibunt ceruisiam, & inebriantur, & dormiunt, & sic capiuntur: Et venatores ligant eis manus & pedes, & aperiunt venam in collo, & extrahunt tres vel quatuor guttas sanguinis, & dissoluunt ea, ac permittunt abire. Et ille sanguis est preciosissimus pro purpura.

Sciendum vero, quod à principio Cataiae magnae nigrae vsque ad finem Orientis sunt principaliter I∣dolatrae:* 1.321 [ 10] sed mixti sunt inter eos Saraceni & Tartari, & Nestoriani, qui sunt Christiani imperfecti, ha∣bentes Patriarcham suam in Oriente; qui visitat Regiones, & ordinat infantes in cunabulis ad sacros ordines: quia ipse solus b 1.322 ordinat; & non potest venire ad vnum locum nisi quasi in quinquaginta annis. Et ille dicit se habere authoritatem à Romana Ecclesia ab antiquo; & paratus est obedire, si via esset aperta. Et isti docent filios Nobilium Tartarorum Euangelium & fidem, & alios quando possunt. Sed quia pa∣rum sciunt, & sunt malorum morium, ideo Tartari despiciunt eos. Et consecrant in missa vnum panem latum ad modum palma, & diuidunt primo in duodecem partes, secundum numerum Apostolorum; & postea illas partes diuidunt secundum numerum populi. Et Sacerdos dat vnicuique corpus Christi in manu sua;* 1.323 & tunc quilibet assumit de palma sua cum reuerentia. Sed Idolatrae praeualent in multitudi∣ne [ 20] in omnibus hijs Regionibus. Et omnes conueniunt in hoc quod habent Templa sicut nos, & campanas magnas. Et ideo Ecclesia Graecorum & totius Orientis nolunt habere campanas. Ruteni tamen habent & Graeci in Cassaria.

* 1.324Omnes Sacerdotes eorum radunt caput & barbam, & seruant castitatem ex quo radunt caput: Et viuunt centum vel ducentum in vna congregatione. Diebus quibus intrant Templum ponunt duo scamna, & sedent •• Regione, chorus contra chorum in terra, habentes libros in manibus, quos aliquan∣do deponunt super illa scamna: & habent capita discooperta quamdiu sunt in Templo legentes in silencio; & nullo modo loquerentur in Templo nisi verba officij sui.* 1.325 Habent etiam in manibus quocunque vadunt quandam cordam centum vel ducentum nucleorum sicut nos Pater noster: & dicunt super haec verba. On, Maio,* 1.326 Baccan, id est, Deus tu nosti. Haec sunt communia omnibus Idolatris. Sed tamen Iugres, qui [ 30] habitant in terra vbi Imperator moratur, differunt ab alijs. Nam alij non ponunt vnum Deum, sed plu∣res, & creaturam adorant. Isti vero propter Viciniam Christianorum & Saracenorum ponunt vnum Deum. Et sunt optimi scriptores: vnde Tartari acceperunt litteras eorum: & illi sunt magni scripto∣res Tartarorum.* 1.327 Et isti scribunt à sursum in deorsum, & à sinistra in dextram multiplicant lineas & legunt. Tebeth scribunt sicut nos, & habent figuras similes nostris. Tangut scribunt à dextra in sini∣stram sicut Arabes, sed multiplicant lineas ascendendo. Catai Orientales scribunt cum punctorio, quo pingunt pictores: & faciunt in vna figura plures literas comprehendentes vnam dictionem. Et ex hoc veniunt Caracteres, qui habent multas literas simul. Vnde veri Caracteres & Philosophici sun•• compo∣siti ex literis, & habent sensum dictionum. Et tota terra à Danubio vs{que} in Orientem vocatur apud Antiquos Scythia, à quo Scythae. Et omnes Regiones Tartarorum sunt de Scythia: & etiam Russia, [ 40] & totum vs{que} ad Alamaniam.

And thus much ex quarta parte Compendij Studij Theologiae F.R. Baconi.

* 1.328Relations of VINCENTIVS BELVACENSIS, the most of which hee receiued from Frier SIMON de Sancto Quintino, one of the foure Friers sent by Pope INNOCENT the Fourth to the Tartars: seruing to the illustration of the former.

ANno, 1246. Cuyne, who is also ca••led Gog Cham, was aduanced to the Imperiall Throne of [ 50] the Tartars. All their Barons being assembled, placed a golden seat in the midst, whereon they caused him to sit; and set a Sword before him, saying. Wee will, and desire, and command thee to rule ouer vs. He demanded if they were contented, to doe, come, goe, slay as he should command. They answered yea. Then said he, The word of my mouth shall henceforth bee my Sword: and they all consented. After this they spread a Felt on the ground, and set him there∣on, saying, Looke vpwards and acknowledge God, and looke downe on the Felt whereon thou sittest. If thou shalt gouerne well, wilt be liberall, iust, and honour thy Princes according to their dignitie, thou shalt reigne magnificent, and the whole World shall be subiect to thy Dominion, and God will giue thee all thy hearts desire; if otherwise thou shalt bee miserable and so poore, that the Felt shall not bee left thee whereon thou sittest. This done, they set his Wife with him on the Felt: and lifted them vp [ 60] both so sitting,* 1.329 and proclaimed them Emperour and Empresse of the Tartars. After which they brought before him infinite store of Gold, and Siluer, and Gemmes, with all which remayned to Chagadan, who distributed what he pleased, and reserued the rest. Then began they to drinke vntill night after their manner; and afterward sodden flesh came in Carts without Salt, and a∣mongst

foure or fiue they distributed a ioynt thereof. They call him Can, concealing his proper name, and he boasts himselfe the Sonne of God. He hath a Prince in the Confines of Persia, cal∣led Baioth Noy (Noy, signifieth his dignitie, Baioth is his name) which hath subdued the Coun∣tries of Christians and Saracens to the Mediterranean Sea. Another called Corenzam remayneth in the West Frontiers with threescore thousand vnder him. The greatest Prince is Bathoth,* 1.330 who hath vnder him one hundred and threescore thousand Tartars, and foure hundred and fiftie thou∣sand Christians and others. The Chams forces are innumerable.

Anno Dom. 1247. Frier Ascelinus sent by the Pope, came into the Campe of the Tartars with other Friers Preachers: where the Captayne Baioth-noy, by Messengers demanded, whose Mes∣sengers they were. Frier Asceline answered for them all, I am the Messenger of the Lord Pope, [ 10] who amongst Christians is greater then any man, reputed a Father and Lord. They replyed, how proudly doe yee say your Pope is greater then any? Knowes he not that the Cham is Son of God, and Baioth-noy and Batho are his Princes? Ascelinus answered, the Pope knowes no•• them, but heares that the Tartars haue comne out of the East, and haue destroyed infinite mul∣titudes. And had he knowne the names of Cham or his Princes, he would not haue omitted their names in the Letters which we bring. But beeing grieued for the slaughters of so many, especially Christians, with the aduice of his Brethren the Cardinals, he hath sent vs to the next Tartarian Armie we could find, to exhort the Generall thereof to cease such attempts, and to repent of that which they haue done. The Messengers went and came diuers times betwixt, e∣uery time in change of Garments, and were very sollicitous for Gifts and Presents which the [ 20] Friers had none to giue. And besides they denyed to performe the Ceremonies of kneeling to Baioth-noy, lest they should thereby intimate a subiection of the Pope to the Tartars:* 1.331 whereupon hee consulted to put them all foure to death, to which a Messenger sent from the Great Cham would not consent. The Friers only would put vp their hoods and bow the head: whereat a Tartar asked whereas you Christians adore stockes and stones, that is Crosses imprinted on them; why doe you refuse to doe so to Baioth-noy, whom Cham the Sonne of God hath commanded to be adored. Ascelinus answered, Christians adore not stockes and stones, but the signe of the Crosse theron, for his sake which dyed on a Crosse,* 1.332 adorning it with his mēbers as precious Iew∣els and consecrating it with his bloud, purchasing thereby our saluation. So cannot wee doe to your Lord. Baioth-noy sent them word, that hee would send them with their Letters to the [ 30] Cham, which they refused. Then he sent for the Letters which were translated first into Persian, and thence into the Tartar Language. Hee held them there with many Trickes and Illusions, many weeks with hard fare and ill vsage. And after much adoe he returned with Baioth-noys an∣swer, hauing first had a Messenger with Letters from the Cham.

BAioth-noys Letter was this to the Pope. The word of Baioth-noy. Pope, know this; thy Mes∣sengers came and brought thy Letters to vs. Thy Messengers spake great words; we know not whe∣ther thou gauest them so in charge, or whether they spake it of themselues. In thy Letters thou hadst written; yee kill, slay, and destroy many men. The precept of God stable and firme, who containeth the face of the whole world, vnto vs is this. Whosoeuer shall heare the Statute on their owne Land, let them yeeld [ 40] Water and Patrimonie, and let them deliuer power to him which contayneth the face of the whole World. But whosoeuer will not heare the Precept and Statute, but shall doe otherwise, let them be rooted out and destroyed. Now we send to you touching that Satute and Precept. If yee will yeeld Water and Patri∣monie on our Land, it is meet that thou Pope thy selfe in thine person come to vs, and to him which con∣tayneth the face of the whole Earth: and if thou wilt not heare the stable Precept of God and of him which contayneth the face of the whole Earth, wee know not, God knowes. It is meet that before thou commest, thou sendest Messengers, and that thou signifiest to vs whether thou commest or no; whether thou wilt compound with vs, or be Enemie. And send an Answere of the Precept quickly to vs. This Precept by the hands of Aybeg and Sargis, we haue sent in the moneth of Iuly, the twentieth day of the Moone. In the Territorie of the Castle Sitiens.

[ 50]

THe Copie of the Chams Letters to Baioth-noy. By the Precept of the liuing God Cin∣gis-cham the Sonne of God, sweete and venerable saith, that God is high ouer all, hee is God immortall, and vpon Earth Cingis-cham, is Lord alone. Wee will that this come into euery place to the hearing of all, to the Prouinces obeying vs, and to the Prouinces, obeying against vs. It is therefore meete that thou O Baioth-noy excite them and make it knowne to them, that this is the commandement of the liuing and immortall God: that thou also incessantly make knowne thy desire touching this, and notifie my commandement in all places, where a Messenger may come. And whosoeuer shall gainsay thee shall be hunted, and his Land shall be wasted. And I assure thee, that who∣soeuer [ 60] shall not heare this my Mandate, shall bee deafe; and whosoeuer shall doe according to this my iudgement, knowing peace and not doing it, shall be lame. Let this my Ordinance come to the knowledge of all. Whosoeuer shall heare and neglect to obserue it shall be destroyed and slaine. Manifest this O Baioth-noy. And whosoeuer desireth the profit of his House, and will serue vs, shall bee saued and honoured. And whosoeuer shall contradict, studie thou to correct them at thine owne pleasure.

Vnto Lewis the French King were sent certayne Messengers from a great man, called Ercal∣thay;* 2.1 * 2.2 and there was present Frier Andrew of Lontumel a Dominican, who knew Dauid the chiefe of them, hauing seene him in the Armie of the Tartars. These brought Letters in Per∣sian and Arabike Letters. They reported also that a great King of the Tartars called Cham was become a Christian, with most of his followers. And now the said Ercalthay had receiued Bap∣tisme and was come forth from Cham with a great Armie to aduance the Christian Faith, and to destroy the Aduersaries thereof; and much desired the French Kings loue. They thought also that the said Ercalthay would the next Easter besiege Baldach. These told the King also of the Tartarian Affaires. Whereupon he sent Messengers with Letters and Iewels to Ercalthay, with a Tent or Chappell of Scarlet fairely embroydered, with the Storie of the Passion, with Orna∣ments [ 10] thereto and things fitting for Diuine Seruice, with a piece of the wood of the Holy Crosse, exhorting him to proceed in the Faith. The Messenger were the foresaid Frier Andrew with two other Friers and two Clerkes. Transcripts of all were sent into France.

CHAP. III. Relations touching the Tartars, taken out of the Historie of R. WEN∣DOVER, * 2.3 and MAT. PARIS: with certayne [ 20] Epistles of the same subiect.

ANno 1239. the Tartars, inhumane Nations, which had made great slaughters, and had with hostile forces inuaded the borders of Christendome, in the greater Hun∣garie were vanquished and most of them slaine, beeing encountred by fiue Kings, Christians and Saracens, herein confederate. After which the King of Dacia and the King of Hungarie caused the Confines (before by the Tartars brought in man∣ner to a Wildernesse) to bee inhabited by Christians, which they sent thither. Of which out of Dacia, alone went more then fortie ships. [ 30]

Anno 1240. the detestable people of Satan, to wit, an infinite number of Tartars brake forth from their Mountayne-compassed, and Rocke-defended Region, like Deuils loosed out of Hell (that they may well be called Tartarians, as Tartareans) and like Grashoppers couering the face of the Earth, spoyling the Easterne Confines with fire and Sword, ruining Cities, cutting vp Woods, rooting vp Vineyards, killing the people both of Citie and Countrey. And if they spared any, they vsed them in the fore-front of their battels to fight against their Allies, that if they were therein faint or fayned, themselues at their backes might kill them: if otherwise it was without reward. They are rather Monsters then men, thirsting and drinking bloud, tea∣ring and deuouring the flesh of Dogges and Men; clothed with Oxe-hides, armed with Iron Plates;* 2.4 in stature thicke and short, well set, strong in bodie; in Warre inuincible, in labour in∣fatigable, [ 40] behind vnarmed; drinking the bloud of their beasts for Dainties, &c. These Tartars of detestable memory, are thought to be descended of the ten Tribes which went away (forsaking the Law of Moses) after the golden Calues; whom Alexander the Macedon sought to inclose in the Caspian hils; to which labour, exceeding humane power, hee inuoked the assistance of the God of Israel, and the tops of the hils ioyned together, and the place became inaccessible and impassible. And though it be doubtfull, because they vse not the Hebrew Tongue, nor Law of Moses, nor are gouerned by any Lawes; yet is it credible, that as their hearts then in Moses go∣uernment were rebellious, Reprobately-sensuall and Idolatrous, so now more prodigiously their heart and Language is confounded, and their life immane and beastly inhumane. They are cal∣led Tartars of a certayne Riuer called Tartar, running alongst their hils. [ 50]

Anno 1241. that inhumame and brutish, lawlesse, barbarous and sauage Nation of Tartars, horribly spoyling the North and North-east parts of the Christians, caused great feare and hor∣rour ouer all Christendome. For they had now brought in manner to a Wildernesse, Frisia, Gothia, Polonia, Bohemia, and both Hungarias, the most part of the Princes, Prelates and people beeing fled or slaine: as by this Letter appeareth.

TO the Beloued and alway worthy to be beloued Lord, our Father in Law, the Illustrious Prince the Duke of Brabant, H. by the grace of God Earle of Loraine, Palatine of the Saxons, his hum∣blest seruice. The perills foretold in holy Scripture, now breake forth because of our sinnes. For a certaine cruell and innumerable people, sauage and lawlesse, inuadeth and possesseth the Confines next bordering to vs, and are now come to Poland, many other Lands being passed and peoples destroyed. Whereof aswell by [ 60] our owne Messengers, as by our beloued Cousin the King of Bohemia, we are fully certified and are in∣uited speedily to succour and defend the faithfull. For we know for certayne that about the Octaues of Easter, the Tartarian Nation will inuade cruelly and forcibly the Lands of the Bohemians, and if not

preuented, will there perpetrate vnheard-of slaughter. And because our next neighbours house is now on fire, and the next Countrey ••ieth open to waste, and some are alreadie wasted, we earnestly and pitifully entreat the ayde and counsell of God and of our neighbour-brethren for the vniuersall Church. And be∣cause delay is full of danger, with all our hearts we beseech you, that you make all possible speed to arme as well for your as our deliuerance, making strong preparations of store of Souldiers; diligently exciting the noble, mightie and couragious, with the people subiect to them, that yee may haue them in readinesse, when we shall next direct our Messengers to you. And we, by the ministerie of our Prelates, Preachers, and Minors,* 3.1 cause the Crosse (because the businesse belongs to him which was crucified) to be generally prea∣ched, fast•• and prayers to be appointed, and our Lands in common to be called to the warre of Iesus Christ. [ 10] Hereto wee adde that a great part of that detestable Nation, with an other Armie adioyned to them, wa∣steth Hungaria with vnheard-of tyrannie, insomuch that the King is said to haue retayned but a small part to himselfe. And to speake much in few words, the Church and People of the North is so oppressed and brought to such Straits, as it neuer was so scourged since the World began. Dated the yeere of grace 1241. on the day on which is sung Laetare Ierusalem:

And this was the Letters sent to the Bishop of Paris by the Duke of Brabant. The like was written by the Arch-bishop of Cullen to the King of England. Therefore for this grieuous tribu∣lation, and for the discord betwixt the Pope and the Emperour, so hurtfull to the Church, there are appointed fasts and prayers, with larger Almes in diuers Regions, that our Lord being pa∣cified with his people, who as a magnificent triumpher is as strong in a few as in many, may destroy the pride of the Tartars. The French Kings mother, Queene Blanch,* 3.2 with deepe sighs and [ 20] plentifull teares spake hereof to her sonne. What shall we doe my dearest sonne about this la∣mentable euent, the terrible rumour whereof is comne to our Confines? generall destruction of vs all and of holy Church hangs ouer our times by the impetuous inuasion of the Tartars. The King with mournfull voice, not without the Spirit of God, answered: The heauenly comfort,* 3.3 Mother, exalt vs; and if they come on vs, either we shall send againe those Tartarians to their Tartarean places whence they came; or they shall exalt vs to Heauen.

THe Emperour certified hereof, wrote to the Princes,* 4.1 and especially to the King of England in this forme. Frederike Emperour &c. to the King of England greeting. Wee cannot conceale, though it somwhat lately came to our eares, but giue you notice of a thing which concerneth the Roman [ 30] Empire (as prepared to the preaching of the Gospell) & all zealous Christian Kingdom•• in the World, threatning generall destruction to all Christendom. A barbarous Nation hath lately come from the Sou∣therne * 4.2 Region, which had long layne hid vnder the torrid Zone, and after towards the North by force possessing Regions long remayning is multiplied as the Canker worme, called Tartars wee know not of what place or originall; not without the fore-seene iudgement of God is reserued to these last times, to the correction and chastisement of his people, God grant not losse of all Christendom. A publike destruction hath therefore followed, the common desolation of Kingdomes, and spoile of the fertile Land, which that wicked people hath passed thorow, not sparing sexe, age, or dignitie, & hoping to extinguish the rest of mankind, whiles it alone goeth about to domineere and reigne euery where by their immense and incom∣parable [ 40] power and number. Now all things which they haue beene able to set eye on being put to death and spoyle, leauing vniuersall desolation behind them, these Tartarians (yea Tartareans) when they had come to the well peopled Colonie of the Cumani (prodigall of their liues, hauing Bowes their most familiar Armes, with Darts and Arrowes which they continually vse and are stronger in the armes then other men) they vtterly ouerthrew them, and with bloudy sword killed all which escaped not by flight. Whose neighbourhood scarcely warned the Rutheni not farre distant to take heed to themselues. For they suddenly flie thither, to prey and spoile as the wrath of God and lightning hurles it selfe, and by their sudden assault and barbarous inuasion take Cleua the chiefe Citie of the Kingdome; and all that noble Kingdome was wasted to desolation, the Inhabitants being slayne. Which yet the neighbouring Kingdome of the Hungarians who should haue taken warning, neglected: whose sluggish King too secure, being required by the Tartars messengers and letters, that if he desired that he and his should liue, he should ha∣sten [ 50] their fauour by yeelding himselfe and his Kingdom; yet was not hereby terrified and taught to fortify against their irruptions: but they ignorant or insolent contemners of their enemies, secure in their enemies approach, trusting in the natiue fortification of the place, vnexpectedly compassed and oppressed at vn∣awares by them entring like a whirlewind, opposed their Tents against them. And when the Tartars Tents were fiue miles from the Hungarian, the Tartarian fore-runners in the dawning of the morning, rushed suddenly and compassed the Hungarians, and first slaying the Prelates and chiefe men, killed an infinite number, with such vnheard-of slaughter as scarcely is recorded euer to haue hapned in one battell. The King hardly escaped by flight on a swift Horse, which fled with a small companie to the brotherly portion of the Hyllirian Kingdome, there to be protected; the Enemie possessing the Tents and spoyles. And now wasting the nobler and greater part of Hungarie beyond Danubius, consuming all with fire and [ 60] sword, they threaten to conf••und the rest, as by the venerable Bishop V••tien••is the Anbassadour of the said Hungarian King, not••ce is giuen to our Court first as he passed, being destined to the Roman Court. Wee are also hereof fully certified by the Letters of our deare sonne Conrade, elect King of Romans al∣way Augustus, and heire of the Kingdome of Ierusalem; and of the King of Bohemia, the Dukes of

Austria and Bauaria; by the Messengers words also instructed experimentally of the Enemies neere∣nesse. Nor could wee learne these things without great griefe. Truly, as the report goeth, their vnde∣termined damnable Armie, by our Lords sufferance, hath proceeded diuided purposely in three parts. For one being sent by the Pructeni, and entring Poland, the Prince and Duke of that Land were slayne by them, and after that all the Region spoyled. The second hath entred the bounds of Bohemia, and be∣ing entred hath made stay, the King manly opposing himselfe. The third hath runne thorow Hungaria, bounded by Austria. Whence the feare and trembling hauing beginning from furie, d••e excite and inuite all; necessitie vrgeth to withstand them, the danger being neere; the generall destruction of the world, and specially of Christendome, calls for speedie helpe and succour. For this People is brutish, and without law, ignorant of humanitie: yet followers, and hath a Lord whom it obediently obserueth and worships, and calls, The God of the earth. The men are of short stature, but square and w••ll set, rough and couragious, [ 10] at the becke of their Leader rushing on any difficulties▪ haue broad faces, frowning lookes, horrible cries agreeing to their hearts. They weare raw Hides of Oxes, Asses, or Horses, with Iron pla••es sewed on for defensiue Armes hitherto: but now, with griefe we speake it, out of the spoiles of conquered Christians, they are more decently armed, that in Gods anger wee may be the more dishonourably slayne by our owne wea∣pons. They are also furnished with better Horses, fed with daintier fare, adorned with fairer rayment. The Tartars are incomparable Archers; carrie sewed skins artificially made, by which they passe Riuers and waters without losse. When food fayles, their Horses are sayd to be content with barkes and leaues of Trees, and roots of Herbs: whom yet they finde swift and hardy. And we fore-seeing all those things, often by Letters and Messengers are mindfull to request your excellence, as also other Christian Princes, [ 20] earnestly solliciting and warning, that peace and loue may flourish amongst Rulers, and discord being appeased (which often endamage Christendome) agreeing together to set stay to them which haue lately shewed themselues; forasmuch as fore-warned are fore-armed, and that the common enemies may not reioyce,* 4.3 that to prepare their wayes, so great dissentions breake forth amongst Christian Princes. Oh God, how much and how often would wee haue humbled our selues, doing the vtmost that the Roman Bishop might haue surceased from the scandall of dissention against vs which is gone thorow the World; and would more temperately haue reuoked his passions from impetuous rashnesse, that wee might be•• able to quiet our subiects by right, and rule them more peaceably; nor that he would protect those Rebels, the greatest part of which is by him fostered: that things being setled, and the Rebels awed against whom wee haue wasted much treasure and labour, our power might bee aduanced against the common Ene∣mies. [ 30] But Will being to him for a Law, not ruling the slipperie running of his tongue, and disdayning to abstayne from manifold dissention which he hath attempted; by his Legats and Messengers hee hath commanded the Crosse to be published against mee the Arme and Aduocate of the Church, which hee ought to haue exercised against the tyrannie of the Tartars or Saracens, inuading and possessing the Holy Land, whiles our Rebels insult and consult grieuously against our honour and fame. And now that our greatest care is to free our selues from domestike and familiar Enemies, how shall wee also repell Barba∣rians? seeing that they by their spies which euery where they haue sent before, they (howsoeuer directed without Diuine Law, yet well trayned in Martiall stratagems) know the publike discord, and the vnfor∣tified and weaker parts of the Lands: and hearing of the heart-burning of Kings, and the strife of King∣domes, are more encouraged and animated, O how much doth triumphing courage adde to strength? Wee [ 40] will therefore by Gods prouidence conuerted, apply our strength and industrie to both, that wee may driue away the scandall domesticall and barbarous on this side and on that, from the Church. And we haue ex∣pressely sent our deare sonne Conrade, and other Princes of our Empire, that they may powerfully with∣stand the assaults of our barbarous Enemies, and represse their entrie. And heartily wee adiure your Ma∣iestie in behalfe of the Common necessitie, by our Lord Iesus Christ, that taking heed to your selfe, and to your Kingdome (which God keepe in prosperitie) with instant care and prouident deliberation, you dili∣gently prepare speedy ayds of strong Knights, and other armed men and Armes: this we require in the sprinkling of the bloud of Christ, and the league of * 4.4 affinitie in which wee are ioyned And so let them be ready with vs manfully and prouidently to fight for the deliuerance of Christendome, that against the Ene∣mies now proposing to enter the confines of Germanie, as the Gate of Christendome, by vnited forces vi∣ctorie [ 50] to the praise of the Lord of Hosts may be obtayned. Neither let it like you to passe ouer these things with dissimulation, or to suspend them by deferring. For if (which God forbid) they inuade the Ger••ane confines without obstacle, let others looke for the lightnings of a sudden tempest at the doores; which we beleeue to haue hapned by Diuine Iudgement, the world being diuersly infected, the loue of many waxing cold (by whom faith ought to be preached and conserued) and their pernicious example stayning the world with Vsuries, and diuers other kinds of Simoine and Ambition. Let your Excellency therefore prouide; and whiles the common enemies are outragious in the neighbour Regions, wisely consult to resist them: because they haue comne out of their Lands with this intent, not regarding the perils of life, that they might subdue to them (which God auert) all the West, and may peruert and subuert the Faith and Name of Christ. And in respect of vnexpected victorie, which hitherto by Gods permission hath fol∣lowed [ 60] them, they are growne to that exceeding madnesse, that now they thinke they haue gotten the King∣doms of the World, and to tame and subiect Kings and Princes to their vile seruices. But wee hope in our Lord Iesus Christ, vnder whose Standard wee haue hitherto triumphed, being deliuered from our Ene∣mies, that these also which haue broke forth of their Tartarean seats, their pride being abated by oppo∣sed

forces of the West, these Tartars shall be thrust downe to their Tartara (or Hell) Nor shall they boast to haue passed so many Lands, ouercome so many peoples, perpetrated so many mischiefes vnaven∣ged, when their vnwarie Destinie, yea Sathan, shall haue drawne them to the conquering Eagles of puis∣sant Imperiall Europe to their deaths. Where Germanie voluntarily raging and prone to Armes, France the mother and nurse of Soulderie, warlike and daring Spaine, fertile England potent in men and a furnished Nauie, Almaine full of impetuous Warriours, Strip-strong Denmarke,* 4.5 vntamed Ita∣lie, Burgundie ignorant of Peace, vnquiet Apulia; with the Pyraticall and inuincible Iles of the Greeke, Adriaticke and Tyrrhene Seas, Creet, Cyprus, Sicil, with the Sea neighbouring Ilands and Regions, bloudie Ireland, with nimble Wales, marishie Scotland, Icie Norway, and euery Noble and [ 10] famous Region in the West, will cheerfully send their choise Soulderie vnder the Colours of the quickning Crosse, which and not onely rebellious men but aduerse Deuils dread. Dated in our returne after the yeelding and depopulation of Fauentia, the third of Iuly.

Some (Papalines) suspected that the Emperour had hatched this Tartar-pestilence like Lu∣cifer or Antichrist, to get the Monarchie of the world and to subuert Christiany,* 4.6 and that the secret Counsels and waylesse wayes of the Tartars were fraught with Imperiall Counsels. For they conceale their Language, varie their Armes, and if one be taken, knowledge of them or their purpose can by no tortures be extorted from him. And where (say they) should they lurke, in which of the Climats till this time? whence their so secret and fraudulent Conspiracie? They are Hircans and Scythians, sauage bloud-suckers, who with the confederate Cumani, through the Emperours deuise, haue ouerthrowne the King of Hungarie, to make him seeke shelter vnder the [ 20] Imperi••ll wings, and doe him homage, &c.

Needs must they goe whom the Deuill driues: or how else but by mad malice, and furious faction, or an Antichristian mist, could such impossibilities haue beene conceiued?* 4.7 Of their dri∣uing the Turkes and the Choerosmines out of Persia is else-where spoken. Of the Popes enter∣tainment of the Tartarian Messengers, Anno 1248. close Conferences with them and gifts to them, with diuers other discourses in the said author or Authors, I omit. Onely this Epistle following, as containing both the strange aduentures of an Englishman, and his relations of the Tartars from better experience, I could not but adde heere, making so much to the Readers pur∣pose and ours. It was written by one Yuo of Narbone a Clergie man, which being accused of [ 30] Heresie to Robert de Curzun the Popes Legat, fled, and liued one while with the Patarines, ano∣ther with the Beguines, and at last writ this Letter containing a discourse of his trauels, amongst them in Italie and G••rmanie. He begins Giraldo Dei gratia Burdegalensi Archiepiscopo, Yuo dictus Narbonensis suorum olim••ouissimus Clericorum, salutem, &c. and after some premisses of the Pata∣rines, and Beguines (too long for this place) hee proceeds; Hoc igitur & multis alijs peccatis inter nos Christianos emergentib••s iratus Dominus, &c. In English, Our Lord therefore being angry with this and other sinnes falling out amongst vs Christians, is become as it were a destroying enemie.

Part of an Epistle written by one YVO of Narbona vnto the Archbishop of Bur∣deaux, [ 40] containing the confession of an Englishman, as touching the barbarous demeanour of the Tartars, which had liued long among them, and was drawne along perforce with them in their expedition against Hungarie: Recorded by Matthew Paris in the yeare our Lord 1243.

THe Lord therefore being prouoked to indignation, by reason of this and other sinnes committed a∣mong vs Christians, is become, as it were, a destroying enemy, and a dreadfull auenger. This I may iustly affirme to bee true, because an huge Nation, and a barbarous and inhumane people, whose Law is lawlesse, whose wrath is furious, euen the rod of Gods anger, ouerrunneth, and vtterly wasteth infinit•• [ 50] Countries, cruelly abolishing all things where they come, with fire and sword. And this present Summer, the foresaid Nation, being called Tartars, departing out of Hungarie,* 4.8 which they had surprised by trea∣son, layd siege vnto the very same Towne, wherein I my selfe abode, with many thousands of Souldiers: neither were there in the said Towne on our part aboue Fifty men of warre, whom, together with twenty Corsse-bowes, the Captaine had left in Garrison. All these, out of certaine high places, beholding the ene∣mies vaste Armie, and abhorring the beastly cruelty of Antichrist his complices, signified forthwith vnto their Gouernour▪ the hideous lamentations of his Christian subiects, who suddenly being surprised in all the Prouince adioyning, without any difference or respect of condition, Fortune, sexe, or age, were by ma∣nifold cruelties, all of them destroyed: with whose carkesses, the Tartarian chieftaines, and their brutish and sauage followers, glutting themselues, as With delicious cates, left nothing for vultures but the bare [ 60] bones. And a strange thing it is to consider, that the greedy and rauenous vultures disdained to pray vpon any of the reliques, which remained. Old and deformed Women they gaue, as it were for daylie su∣stenance, vnto their Canibals: the beautifull deuoured they not, but smothered them, lamenting and scritching, with forced and vnnaturall rauishments. Like barbarous miscreants, they quelled Virgins

vnto death, and cutting off their tender paps to present for dainties vnto their Magistrates, they engor∣ged themselues with their Bodies.

Howbeit, their spials in the meane time discrying from the top of an high mountaine the Duke of Au∣stria, the King of Bohemia, the Patriarch of Aquileia, the Duke of Carinthia, and (as some report) the Earle of Baden, with a mighty power, and in battell aray, approching towards them, that accursed crew im∣mediatly vanished, and all those Tartarian Vagabonds retired themselues into the distressed and vanquish∣ed land of Hungarie; who as they came suddenly, so they departed also on the sudden: which their celeri∣tie caused all men to stand in horrour and astonishment of them. But of the said fugitiues, the Prince of Dalmatia tooke eight: one of which number the Duke of Austria knew to bee an Englishman, who was perpetually banished out of the Realme of England, in regard of certaine notorious crimes by him comm••t∣ted. [ 10] This fellow on the behalfe of the most tyrannicall King of the Tartars, had beene twise, as a messen∣ger and Interpreter, with the King of Hungarie, menacing and plainely foretelling those michiefes which afterward happened, vnlesse he would submit himselfe and his Kingdome vnto the Tartars yoke. Well, being allured by our Princes to confesse the truth, he made such oathes, and protestations, as (I thinke) the De∣uill himselfe would haue beene trusted for. First therefore hee reported of himselfe, that presently af∣ter the time of his banishment, namely, about the thirtieth yeare of his age, hauing lost all that he had in the Citie of Acon at Dice, euen in the midst of Winter, being compelled by ignominious hunger, wearing nothing about him but a shirt of sacke, a paire of shooes, and a haire cap onely, being shauen like a foole, and vttering an vncoth noyse as if hee had beene dumbe, he tooke his iourney, and so trauelling many Countries, and finding in diuers places friendly entertain∣ment, [ 20] he prolonged his life in this manner for a season, albeit euery day by rashnes of speech, and inconstancy of heart, hee endangered himselfe to the Deuill. At length, by reason of extreame trauaile, and continuall change of ayre and of meates in Caldea, hee fell into a grieuous sicknesse, insomuch that he was weary of his life. Not being able therefore to goe forward or backward, and staying there a while to refresh himselfe, hee began (being somewhat learned) to commend to writing those wordes which he heard spoken, and within a short space, so aptly to pronounce and to vtter them himselfe, that he was reputed for a natiue member of that Countrie: and by the same dexteritie he attained to manie Languages. The man, the Tartars hauing intelligence of by their spies, drew him perforce into their societie: and being admonished by an oracle or vision, to challenge dominion ouer the whole earth, they allured him by many rewards to their faithfull seruice, by reason that they wanted Interpreters. But concerning their manners and [ 30] superstitions, of the disposition and stature of their bodies, of their Countrie and manner of figh∣ting, &c. he protested the particulars following to be true: namely, that they were aboue all men, couetous, hastie, deceitfull, and mercilesse: notwithstanding, by reason of the rigour and extremi∣tie of punishments to be inflicted vpon them by their superiours, they are restrained from braw∣lings, and from mutuall strife and contention. The ancient founders and fathers of their tribes, they call by the name of Gods, and at certaine set times they doe celebrate solemne Feasts vnto them, many of them being particular, and but foure onely generall. They thinke that all things are created for themselues alone. They esteeme it none offence to exercise cruelty against rebels. They be hardy and strong in the breast, leane and pale-faced, rough and huffe-shouldred, hauing [ 40] flat and short noses, long and sharpe chinnes, their vpper jawes are low and declining, their teeth long and thin, their eye-browes extending from their fore-heads downe to their noses, their eyes inconstant and blacke, their countenances writhen and terrible, their extreame ioynts strong with bones and sinewes, hauing thicke and great thighes, and short legs, and yet being equall vnto vs in stature: for that length which is wanting in their legs, is supplyed in the vp∣per partes of their bodies. Their Countrey in old time was a land vtterly desert and waste, si∣tuated farre beyond Chaldea, from whence they haue expelled Lyons, Beares, and such like vnta∣med beasts, with their bowes, and other engines. Of the hides of beastes being tanned, they vse to shape for themselues light, but yet impenetrable armour. They ride fast bound vnto their Horses, which are not very great in stature, but exceedingly strong, and maintained with little [ 50] prouender. They vse to fight constantly and valiantly with Iauelins, maces, battle-axes, and swords. But especially they are excellent Archers, and cunning warriers with their bowes. Their backs are sleightly armed, that they may not flee. They withdraw not themselues from the combate, till they see the chiefe Standerd of their Generall giue backe. Vanquished, they aske no fauour, and vanquishing, they shew no compassion. They all persist in their purpose of subduing the whole world vnder their owne subiection, as if they were but one man, and yet they are moe then millions in number. They haue 60000. Courriers, who being sent before vp∣on light Horses to prepare a place for the Armie to incampe in, will in the space of one night gallop three dayes iourney. And suddenly diffusing themselues ouer an whole Prouince, and sur∣prising all the people thereof vnarmed, vnprouided, dispersed, they make such horrible slaugh∣ters, [ 60] that the King or Prince of the land inuaded, cannot finde people sufficient to wage battell against them, and to withstand them. They delude all people and Princes of regions in time of peace, pretending that for a cause, which indeed is no cause. Sometimes they say that they will make a voyage to Collen, to fetch home the three wise Kings into their owne Countrey; some∣times

to punish the auarice and pride of the Romans, who oppressed them in times past; some∣times to conquer barbarous and Northern nations; sometimes to moderate the furie of the Ger∣mans with their owne meeke mildnesse; sometimes to learne warlike feates and stratagems of the French; sometimes for the finding out of fertile ground to suffice their huge multitudes; sometimes againe in deri••••on they say, that they intend to goe on Pilgrimage to Saint Iames of Galicia. In regard of which sleights and collusions certaine vndiscreet Gouernours concluding a league with them, haue granted them free passage thorow their Territories, which leagues not∣withstanding being violated, were an occasion of ruyne and destruction vnto the foresaid Go∣uernours, &c.

[ 10]

To the Reader.

I Found this Booke translated by Master Hakluyt out of the Latine. But where the blind leade the blind both fall: as here the corrupt Latine could not but yeeld a corruption of truth in English. Ra∣musio, Secretarie to the Decemviri in Venice, found a better Copie and published the same, whence you haue the worke in manner new: so renewed, that I haue found the Prouerbe true, that it is better to pull downe an old house and to build it anew, then to repaire it; as I also should haue done, had I knowne that which in the euent I found. The Latine is Latten, compared to Ramusios Gold. And hee which [ 20] hath the Latine hath but Marco Polos Carkasse, or not so much, but a few bones, yea, sometime stones rather then bones; things diuers, auerse, aduerse, peruerted in manner, disioynted in manner, beyond beliefe. I haue seene some Authors maymed, but neuer any so mangled and so mingled, so present and so absent, as this vulgar Latine of Marco Polo; not so like himselfe, as the three Polos were at their returne to Venice, where none knew them, as in the Discourse yee shall find. Much are wee beholden to Ramusio, for restoring this Pole and Load-starre of Asia, out of that mirie poole or puddle in which he lay drowned. And, O that it were possible to doe as much for our Countriman Mandeuill, who next this (if next) was the greatest Asian Traueller that euer the World had, & hauing falne amongst theeues, neither Priest, nor Leuite can know him, neither haue we hope of a Samaritan to releeue him. In this I haue indeuoured to giue (in what I giue) the truth; but haue abridged some things to preuent prolixitie [ 30] and tautologie in this so voluminous a Worke, leauing out nothing of substance, but what elsewhere is to be found, in this Worke: and seeking rather the sense then a stricter verball following our Authours words and sentence. As for the Chapters I find them diuersly by diuers expressed, and therefore haue followed our owne method.

CHAP. IIII. The first Booke of MARCVS PAVLVS VENETVS, or of Master MARCO POLO, a Gentleman of Venice, [ 40] his Voyages.

§. I. The Voyages of Master M. NICOLO and M. MAFFIO from Constantinople to the Great CAN, and their comming home to VENICE: their second Voyage with the Authour and [ 50] returne.

IN the time of Baldwin Emperour of Constantinople, * 4.9 where vsually remayned a Magistrate of Venice, called Messer lo Dose, in the yeare of our Lord 1250. Master Nicolo Polo, Father of Master Marco, and M. Maffio his Brother, No∣ble, Honourable and Wisemen of Venice, beeing at Constantinople with store of Merchandize, kept many Accounts together. At last they determined to goe into the Great (or Euxine) Sea, to see if they could increase their stocke, and buying many faire and rich Iewels. They departed from Constantinople and sayled by the said Sea to a Port called Soldadia: * 4.10 from whence they trauelled after by Land to the Court of a [ 60] great Lord of the Tartars, called Barcha, who resided in the Cities of Bolgara and Assara, and was reputed one of the most liberal and courteous Princes that euer had beene amongst the Tar∣tars. He was very well pleased with their comming, and did them great honour. They hauing made shew of their Iewels, and seeing they pleased him, freely bestowed them on him. He, loth

to be exceeded in liberalitie, caused twice the value to bee giuen them, and besides great and rich gifts. Hauing stayed one yeare in the Countrey of the said Prince, whiles they thought to returne to Venice, there suddenly arose Warre betwixt the said Barcha and another named Alau, Lord of the Easterne Tartars. These Armies fighting together, Alau had the Victorie, and the Armie of Barcha receiued a great ouerthrow. By reason whereof, the wayes beeing not secure, they were not able to returne that way which they came. And hauing consulted how to re∣turne to Constantinople, they were aduised to goe so farre to the East, that they might compasse the Realme of Barcha, by vnknowne wayes: and so they came to a Citie called Ouchacha, which is in the Confines of the Kingdome of this Lord of the Tartars on the West, and passing further, they went ouer Tigris (one of the foure Riuers of Paradise) and after that a Desart of seuen∣teene [ 10] dayes Iourney,* 4.11 without Citie, Castle, or Fort, finding only Tartars, which liue in the fields in certayne Tents, with their beasts. Beeing past the Desart they came to a good Citie called Bocara, (the name also of the Prouince) in the Region of Persia, which was subiect to a King called Barach: in which place they stayed three yeares before they could goe forward or backward, by reason of great warres betwixt the Tartars.

At that time a certayne Wiseman was sent Ambassador from the said Prince Alau to the Great Can, who is the greatest King of all the Tartars, residing in the Confines of the Earth, betwixt the North-east and the East, called Cublai Can: who being comne to Bocara, and fin∣ding there the said two brethren which had now well learned the Tartarian Language, he reioy∣ced aboue measure, and perswadeth these Westerne men or Latines to goe with him, to the pre∣sence of the Great Emperour of the Tartars; knowing that hee should gratifie him in this, and [ 20] the men notwithstanding should be entertayned with great honour, and rewarded with large gifts especially, seeing through the manifold conference had with them, he now perceiued their pleasing behauiour. Those men therefore considering, that they could not easily returne home without danger, consulting together, ioyne with the said Ambassadour, and iourney with him to the Emperour of the Tartars, hauing certayne other Christians in their Company, whom they brought with them from Venice, and departing towards the North-east and the North, were a whole yeare in going to the Court of the said chiefe King of the Tartars. The cause of their long time in this Iourney, was the Snowes and Riuer Waters much increased, so that they were forced in their trauell to stay the wasting of the Snow, and decreasing of the flouds.

* 4.12Being therefore brought before the presence of the Great Can, they were most courteously [ 30] receiued of him. He questioned them concerning many things, as of the Countries of the West, the Romane Emperour, and other Kings and Princes, how they carried themselues in Gouern∣ment, and in Warlike affaires, how Peace, Iustice, and Concord continued among them; also what manner of life, and customes were obserued with the Latines; and especially of the Pope of the Christians, of the things of the Church and the Religion of the Christian Faith. And M. Nico∣lo and M. Maffeo, as Wisemen told him the truth, alway speaking well to him, and orderly in the Tartarian Tongue. Insomuch that hee often commanded they should bee brought to his pre∣sence, and they were very acceptable in his sight.

Hauing well vnderstood the Affaires of the Latines, and resting satisfied with their answers, [ 40] the Great Can intending to send them his Ambassadours to the Pope, first, consulted with his Barons, and then calling to him the two Brethren, desired them for his loue to goe to the Pope of the Romans, with one of his Barons called Chogatall, to pray him to send an hundred Wise∣men,* 4.13 and learned in the Christian Religion vnto him, who might shew his Wisemen, that the Faith of the Christians, was to bee preferred before all other Sects, and was the only way of saluation; and that the Gods of the Tartars were Deuils, and that they and others the people of the East were deceiued in the worship of their Gods. Hee gaue them also in charge to bring in their returne from Ierusalem, of the Oyle of the Lampe which burneth before the Sepulchre of our Lord Iesus Christ, to whom hee had great deuotion, and held him to bee true God. They therefore yeelding due reuerence to the Great Can, promise that they will faithfully execute [ 50] the charge commited vnto them, and present the Letters which they receiued from him, writ∣ten in the Tartarian, to be deliuered to the Bishop of Rome.

He (according to the custome of his Kingdome) commanded a Golden Tablet to bee giuen them ingrauen and signed with the Kings marke;* 4.14 carrying the which with them throughout his whole Empire, in stead of a Passe-port, they might bee euery-where safely conueyed through dangerous places, by the Gouernours of Prouinces and Cities, and receiue expenses from them; and lastly, how long soeuer they would stay in any place, whatsoeuer they needed to them or theirs, should be ministred vnto them. Taking their leaue therefore of the Emperour, they take their Iourney, carrying the Letters and Golden Tablet with them. And when they had rid twentie dayes Iourney, the Baron aforesaid associated vnto them began to fall grieuously sicke. [ 60] Whereupon consulting and leauing him there, they prosecute their intended Iourney, beeing euery-where courteously receiued by reason of the Emperours Tablet. Yet in very many places they were compelled to stay, by occasion of the ouer-flowing of Riuers, so that they spent three yeares, before they came vnto the Port of the Citie of the Armenians, named Giazza. From

Giazza they goe to Acre, to wit, in the yeere of our Lord 1269. in the moneth of Aprill.

But hauing entred into the Citie of Acre, they heard,* 4.15 that Pope Clement the fourth was late∣ly dead, and that no other was substituted in his place: for the which they were not a little grie∣ued. At that time, there was a certaine Legate of the Apostolicall Sea at Acre, to wit, Master Tibaldo de Vesconti di Piacenza, to whom they declared all they had in commission, from the Great Can: and he aduised them, to expect the Creation of a new Pope. In the meane space therefore departing to Venice to visit their Friends, (purposing to remayne there vntill ano∣ther Pope were created) Master Nicolo found that his wife was dead, whom (at his departure) hee had left great with child, but had left a sonne, named Marco, who was now * 4.16 nineteene yeeres of age. This is that Marco which ordayned x 4.17 this Booke, who will manifest therein [ 10] all those things which he hath seene. Moreouer, the Election of the Pope of Rome was defer∣red two yeeres.

They (fearing the discontentment, and disquieting of the Emperour of the Tartars, who (they knew) expected their returne) goe backe againe to Acre to the Legate, carrying with them Marco aforesaid, and (hauing gone to Ierusalem, and fetched of the Oyle) with the Le∣gats Letters, testifying their fidelitie to the Great Chan, and that a Pope was not yet chosen, they went againe towards Giazza. In the meane time whiles they were going, Messengers came from the Cardinals to the Legate, declaring vnto him, that he was chosen Pope▪ and he called himselfe d 4.18 Gregorie. Hearing this, presently sending Messengers, hee calleth backe the Venetians, and admonisheth them not to depart, preparing other Letters for them, which they [ 20] should present vnto the Great Chan of the Tartars; with whom he also ioyned two Preaching Friars, men famous for their honest conuersation and learning, whereof the one was called Friar Nicolo Dauicenza; the other, Friar Guielmo da Tripoli. To these hee gaue Letters, and Priui∣ledges, and authoritie to order Priests and Bishops, and of all absolution as if himselfe were pre∣sent, with Presents also of great value, and Crystall vessels to present the great Chan, together with his Benediction. They came to Giazza, a Port of the Sea in Armenia. And because Ben∣tiochdare the Sultan of Babylon leuying a great Armie had then inuaded the Armenians, the two Friars mentioned, began to bee afraid of themselues, and deliuering the Letters and Presents to Master Nicolo, and Maffio, and Marco, desiring to auoide the danger of the wayes, and perill of warres, remayned with the Master of the Temple, and returned with him.

[ 30] But the three Venetians exposing themselues to all danger, with many labours, and much dif∣ficultie trauelled many dayes, alwaies towards the North-east and North, till they after three yeeres and a halfe came vnto the Emperour of the Tartars, vnto the Citie called Clemenfu:* 4.19 for in the Winter time their iourney had often and long hinderantes, by reason of the snow and extreme cold, and inundations of waters. Moreouer, King Cublai hearing that they were com∣ming, who were yet very farre off, sent Messengers fortie dayes iourney to meet them, who should conduct them, and minister all necessaries for the iourney.

Going therefore to the Kings Court, and being brought to his presence,* 4.20 they fell downe be∣fore him on their faces, yeelding the accustomed reuerence. Of whom being curteously recei∣ued, they are willed to arise, and he commandeth them to declare, how they passed the diuers [ 40] dangers of the wayes, and what they had treated with the Bishop of Rome. Then they orderly declare all things, and giue the Emperour the Popes Letters and Presents which they brought. Whereat the Chan wonderfull reioycing, commended their faithfull cares.* 4.21 The Oyle also brought from the Lampe of the Lords Sepulcher, and offered vnto him, hee reuerently receiued of them, and commanded it should bee honourably preserued. And asking of Marco, who hee was, Master Nicolo answered, that he was his Maiesties seruant and his sonne. Hee entertayned him with a friendly countenance, and caused him to write amongst other his honourable Cour∣tiers: Whereupon he was much esteemed of all the Court, and in a little space learned the cu∣stomes of the Tartars, and foure diuers Languages, being able to write and reade them all.

[ 50] The great Chan to make his wisedome more apparent, committed an Embassage vnto him to be performed in a Citie called Carahan, vnto the which he could scarcely attayne in sixe mo∣neths space. But he, carrying himselfe wisely in all things, discharged what hee had in comis∣sion, not without the commendation and fauour of the Prince. And knowing the Emperour was delighted with nouelties in the Countries which he passed thorow, he diligently searched the customes and manners of men, and the conditions of the Countries; making a memoriall of all which he knew and saw, to pleasure the Great Chan. And in sixe and twentie * 4.22 yeeres which he continued one of his Court, he was so acceptable to him, that he was continually sent thorow all his Realmes and Signiories, for the affaires of the Great Chan, and sometimes for his owne, but by the Chans order. And this is the true reason that the said Master Marco lear∣ned [ 60] and saw so many nouelties of the East, which follow in order diligently written.

But these Venetians hauing stayd in that Court many yeeres, and growne very rich in Iewels of great value, were inflamed with desire to visit their Countrey, fearing that if the Chan (now old) should die, they should not bee able to returne. One day Master Nicolo seeing the Chan merrie, craued licence to depart in the name of all three. Whereat hee was moued, and asked

why they would put themselues on so dangerous a iourney: and if they wanted riches, he would giue them twice as much as they had: and in great loue would not permit their departure. Yet in the meane space it happened,* 4.23 that a King of the Indians, named Argon, sent three wise men vnto the Court of Great Cublai, whose names were Vlatai, Apusca, Coza, to treat with him, that he wold deliuer him a wife; for his wife named Bolgana, being lately dead, begged this grace of the King at the point of death, and left in her Wil, that he should not marrie a wife of another Familie then her owne, which was of Catay. King Cublai therefore yeelding to his request, caused to be fought out for them a faire young Mayden of seuenteene yeeres of age, named Co∣gatin, descended of the said Queenes stocke, and to be the wife of Argon.

These Embassadors departing, rode eight moneths the same way they came, but found so hot [ 10] warres betwixt the Tartars, that they were constrayned to returne: and acquainted the Chan with their proceedings. Meane-whiles, Master Marco had returned from the parts of India, where he had beene employed with certaine ships, and declared to the Chan the nouelties of the places, and the securitie of those Seas: which words hauing passed him, the Embassadours conferred with the Venetians, and agreed that they with the Queene should goe to the Great Chan, and desire leaue to returne by Sea, and to haue the three Latines, men skilfull in Sea af∣faires, with them to the Countrey of King Argon. The Great Chan was much displeased with their request, yet vpon their petition granted it: and caused Nicolo, Maffio and Marco to come to his presence, and after much demonstration of his loue, would haue them promise to returne to him, after they had spent some time in Christendome, and at their owne house. And he cau∣sed [ 20] to giue them a Tablet of Gold, in which was written his commandement, for their libertie and securitie thorow all his Dominions, and that expenses should bee giuen them and theirs, and a Guide or conuoy for safe passage; ordayning also that they should be his Embassadours to the Pope, the Kings of France, of Spayne, and to other Christian Kings. Hee caused fourteene ships to be prepared, each hauing foure Masts and able to beare nine Sayles in sayling, the forme of which is too long here to relate. Foure of them, or fiue, had from two hundred and fiftie to two hundred and sixtie Mariners each of them. In these ships the Embassadours, the Queene, and Nicolo, Maffio, and Marco, set sayle, hauing first taken leaue of the Great Chan, who gaue them many Rubies and other precious gems, and expenses for two yeeres.

After three moneths they came vnto a certaine Iland, named Iaua, and from thence sayling [ 30] through the Indian Sea; after eighteene moneths, they come vnto the Countrey of King Argon, sixe hundred men of the Mariners and others, and but one of the Women and Damsels died in the iourney, and onely Coza of the three Embassadours was liuing. When they came to the Countrey of King Argon, they found that hee was dead, and that one Chiacato gouerned the Kingdome, for his sonne being young. They sent to acquaint him with their businesse; who an∣swered, that they should giue her to Casan the Kings sonne, then in the parts of Arbor secco, in the Confines of Persia with sixtie thousand persons for the guard of certaine passages against the enemie. Hauing done so, Nicolo, Maffio, and Marco returned to Chiacato, and stayed there nine moneths. After this, taking leaue, Chiacato gaue them foure Tables of Gold, each a cupit long, fiue fingers broad, of the weight of three or foure Markes: in which was written, that in [ 40] the power of the eternall God, the name of the Great Chan should bee honoured and praised many yeeres; and euery one which should not obey, should be put to death, and his goods con∣fiscate. It was further contayned, that these three Embassadours should be honoured, and seruice done them in all Lands and Countries, as to his owne person: and that Horses, Conuoyes, ex∣penses and necessaries should be giuen them. All which was duly put in execution, that some∣times they had two hundred Horses for their safeguard. In this their trauell they heard that the Great Chan was dead, which tooke from them all hope of returning thither. They rode till they came to Trabesonde, and from thence to Constantinople, and after to Negroponte, and at last came with great riches safe to Venice, Anno 1295. And thus much may serue for a Preface to the fol∣lowing worke, whereby might appeare, how Marco Polo could come to the knowledge of the [ 50] things therein contayned.

To supply a little more, deliuered by Tradition and recorded by Ramusio: he sayth that these three being comne to Venice, like Vlysses in Ithaca, none knew them; all esteeming them long since dead. Be∣sides, their voyage had so altered them, that they seemed rather Tartarians then Venetians, hauing in manner forgotten their natiue Language; their habite also was of thicke Cloth, like Tartars. They went to their house in Saint Iohn Chrysostomes Street, and is there still to be seene, then a faire Pa∣lace, and now called, The Court of millions: which name it had by reason of Marcos relations of so many millions in this worke, and in his d••scourses of the Great Chans incredible wealth. They found there inhabiting some of their kindred▪ nor knew how to make themselues knowne. Therefore, as I haue often heard of Magnifico Messer Gasparo Malipiero, a very old Gentleman of singular integritie, from [ 60] the report of his Father and Grandfather, &c. they agreed to inuite many of their kindred to a feast, prepared in honourable manner with much Magnificence: in which at first all three came forth in Crim∣son Sattin sutes, and after the Guests were set, stripped themselues, and gaue them to the Seruitors, comming forth in Crimson Damaske; and at the next seruice in Crimson Veluet, and after in the com∣mon

habit, giuing still the former to the seruitors. Dinner ended and the Seruitors put foorth, Marco brought forth their three habits of thicke Cloath in which they had comne home, and thence tooke and set on the Table an incredible quantitie of Iewels artificially sewed therein, which was no lesse maruell to the beholders, then euidence of their being of the Polo family as they pretended. Maffio was made a Magi∣strate in Venice, Marco was daily frequented with the youth; and all wanne great reputation. In few moneths after, Lampa Doria Generall of a fleet of Genois being come to the Ile Curzola with seauentie Galleyes, Andrea Dandolo was sent against them, and in that Fleet Marco was made Captaine of a Galley, which by disaduenture of Warre was taken, and he carryed prisoner to Genoa. Where his strange trauels being made knowne, a certaine Gentleman daily resorting to him (as did the whole Citie in ad∣miration) caused and helped him to write this storie, hauing sent to Venice for his Notes. The booke was [ 10] first written in Latine, and thence translated into Italian. One of which Latine Copies very ancient and haply copied out of Marcos originall, I haue seene and compared with this which I heere Publish, lent me by a Gentleman of this Citie of the house of the Ghisi my speciall friend, which holds it in speciall e∣steeme. No price might ransome him, insomuch that his Father wanting an heyre to his wealth marryed againe, and had by his wife three Children. Marcos worthinesse obtained that which no moneys worth could doe, and being at libertie hee returned and marryed, and had two Daughters (but no sonne) Mo∣retta and Fautina, &c.

That Gentleman of Genoa made a Preface to the Booke, and Francisco Pipino a Frier Preacher which translated the same, Anno 1320. out of the Vulgar (the Latine being rare, as well it might before Printing and perhaps neuer seene of him) into Latine. Both those Prefaces are in Ramusio: the latter [ 20] commends M. Polo for a deuout and honest man, and saith his Father confirmed the truth of this Booke, and his vncle Maffio on his Death-bed to his Confessor. Pipino abbreuiated the Booke and perhaps gaue occasion to that corruption which was after increased by others.

§. II. Obseruations of M. POLO, of Armenia, Turkie, Zorzania, Baldach, Persia, Chir∣main, Cobniam, Ormus, Knaue-fooles Paradise, and other Easterne parts in Asia, and Armenia the lesse.

[ 30]

THere are two Armenia's, the greater and the lesse. In the lesse the King abides in a Citie called Sebastoz, which in all his Countrey obserueth Iustice and good Gouernment. The Kingdome it selfe hath many Cities, Fortresses and Castles: the soyle also is fer∣tile, and the Countrey lacketh no necessary thing, nor doth it want game of Beasts and fowle: the ayre is not very good.* 4.24 The Gentlemen of Armenia in times past were stout warriours, but become now effeminate and nice, giue themselues to drunkennes and ryot. There is a certaine Citie in this Kingdome seated neere the Sea, named Giazza, hauing an excellent Hauen whither many Merchants resort from diuers Countries, euen from Venice and Genua, by reason of the diuers marchandises brought thither, especially Spices of sundry sorts, and cer∣taine [ 40] other precious riches brought thither out of the East Countries for trading: for this place is as it were a certaine part of all the East Countries.

In Turchomania are three sorts of Nations; to wit, the Turchomans or Turke-men,* 4.25 which ob∣serue the law of Mahumet. They are men vnlearned, rude, and wilde, inhabiting the Moun∣taines and inaccessible places, where they know are pastures; for they liue onely of their beasts. There are good Horses, called Turke-men, (or Turkie horses) Mules, of great estimation. The other Nations are Grecians and Armenians, who possesse the Cities and Townes, and bestow their labour on Marchandise and Artes. They make the best Carpets in the world. And they haue many Cities, the chiefe whereof are Cogno, or Iconium, Caesarea, and Sebaste, where Saint Basil suffered Martyrdome for Christ, and they acknowledge one of the Kings of the Tartars for their Lord.

[ 50] Armenia the greater, being a very large Prouince, tributary to the Tartars, hath many Cities and Townes. The chiefe Citie thereof is called Arzuiga, and the best Bukram is made there. Most wholsome hot waters also spring there, for the washing and curing of mens bodies. And the other more famous Cities next to the Metropolis, are Argiron and Darziz. In the Sum∣mer time, very many Tartars resort thither with their Flockes and heards, allured through the fatnes of the pasture: and againe in the Winter depart for a certaine time by reason of the abun∣dance of Snow. The Arke of Noah remained in the Mountaines of this Armenia. This Countrey hath the Prouince of Mosull and Meridin, bordering on the East. But on the North is Zorza∣nia * 4.26, in the confines of which a Fountaine is found, from which liquor-like oyle floweth, yet is it [ 60] vnprofitable for the seasoning of meat, but very fit for the making and maintaining of Lampes, and to anoint other things enough to lade Camels.

In Zorzania is a King called alway Dauid Melicz, or King Dauid:* 4.27 One part of the Pro∣uince is subiect to him, the other payeth tribute to the King of the Tartars. The Woods there are of Boxe-tree. The Countrey abutteth on the two Seas, Mar-maggiore, and that of Abaccu,

(or the Caspian) which containeth in Circuit twentie eight hundred Miles, and is like a Lake, not mingled with other Seas. In it are many Ilands, Cities and Castles, some of which are in∣habited by those which fled from the Tartars out of Persia. The people of Zorzania are Christi∣ans, obseruing the rites of the Christians. They keepe their hayre short, like the Westerne Clergie. The Inhabitants haue many Cities and Castles, and abound with Silke, of the which they make very faire Cloathes.

Moxul is a Prouince in which dwell people of many sortes, one called Arahi which are Ma∣humetans,* 4.28 other are Christians, some Nestorians, others Iacobites, and others Armenians: and they haue a Patriarch called Iacolit, which ordaineth Archbishops, Bishops, and Abbots, and sends them thorow all parts of India, and to Cairo and Baldach, and all parts where Christians dwell, as doth the Pope of Rome. And all the cloathes of Gold and of Silke called Mossulines are wrought in [ 10] Moxul. But in the Mountaines of this Kingdome dwell the people called Cordi, whereof some are Nestorians, other Iacobines, and some followers of Mahumet. They are wicked men and rob Merchants. Neare to them is another Prouince, called Mus and Meridin, wherein growes infi∣nite store of Cotton or Bombast, whereof they make Buckrams and other workes. They are all vnder the Tartars.

Baldach is a great Citie, in which was the Chalifa that is the Pope of all the Sarcens. A Riuer runnes thorow it,* 4.29 from whence to the Sea is ordinarily seauenteene dayes iourney. They sayle by a Citie called Chisi: but before they come thither is Balsara, about which grow the best Dates in the world. In Baldach are many cloathes of Gold and Silke: there are wrought Da∣maskes [ 20] and Veluets with diuers figures of creatures. All the pearles (in manner) in Christen∣dome come thence. In that Citie is studyed the law of Mahomet, Negromancie, Physicke, Astro∣nomie, Geomancie, and Phisnomie: It is the chiefe Citie in those parts. When the Tartars began to raigne, there were foure Brethren, the eldest of which, Mongu raigned in Sedia. These purpo∣sing to subdue the world, went one to the East, another to the North, to the South a third, which was Vlau, and the other to the West. In the yeare from the Incarnation of our Lord 1250. V∣lau hauing a great Army of one hundred thousand Horse,* 4.30 besides Foot, yet vsed policie, and ha∣uing hid a great part of his men brought by fained flight, the Calipha into his ambush, and tooke him, and the Citie: in which he found infinite store of treasure, insomuch that he wondered.

He sent for the Califa, and reproued him that in that warre hee had not therewith prouided [ 30] himselfe of Souldiers for defence: and commanded that hee should be inclosed in that Tower, where his Treasure was, without other sustenance. This seemed a iust iudgement from our Lord Iesus Christ on him. For he in the yeare 1225. seeking to conuert the Christians to Mahumet: And taking aduantage on that place of the Gospell, that hee which hath Faith asmuch as a graine of Mustard-seed, should be able to remoue mountaines, he Conuerted all the Christians, Nestorians, and Iacobites, and propounded to them in ten dayes to remoue certaine Mountaines, or turne Ma∣humetans, or be slaine, as not hauing one man amongst them which had the least faith. They therefore continued eight dayes in Prayer: after which a certaine Shoomaker by reuelation to a Bishop, was designed to performe it. This Shoomaker once tempted to lust by sight of a young Woman in putting on her Shooe, zealously had fulfilled that of the Gospell, and literally had put [ 40] out his right eye: He now on the day appointed with other Christians following the Crosse and lifting his hands to Heauen, prayed to God to haue mercy on his people, and then with a loude voyce commanded the Mountaine in the name of the Father, Sonne, and holy Ghost to remoue, which presently with great terrour to the Califa and all his people was effected. And that day is since kept holy, with fasting also on the euen.

Tauris is a great Citie in the Prouince of Hirace. It is a most populous Citie. They liue of Arts and Merchandise.* 4.31 They make Cloathes of gold and silke. Foraine Merchants make there great gaine, but the Inhabitants are generally poore: a mixed people of Nestorians, Armenians, Iacobites, Georgians, and Persians, and Mahumetans. These last are perfidious and treacherous, thinking all well gotten which they steale from men of other Religions. And this wickednesse [ 50] of the Saracens hath conuerted many Tartars thereto. If the Christians kill them in their robbe∣rie,* 4.32 they are reputed Martyrs. From Tauris to Persia are twelue dayes iourney. In the confines of Tauris is the Monasterie of Saint Barsam, the Monkes whereof are like Carmelites; they al∣way make girdles which they lay on the Altar, and giue to their friends, which deuoutly e∣steeme of them.

* 4.33Persia containeth eight Kingdomes: whereof the first is called Casibin, the second Curdistan, the third Lor, the fourth Suolistan, the fift Spaan, the sixt Siras, the seauenth Soncara, the eight Timochaim, which is neere Arboresecco towards the North. Faire and great Horses are there, whence they are sold into India. There are also very goodly and excellent Asses sold dearer then the Horses, for that they eat little, carrie much and farre. They haue Camels but not so swift. [ 60] These are necessary in those Countries, which sometime in a long way yeeld no grasse. The peo∣ple in those Countries are very wicked,* 4.34 contentious, Theeues, and Murtherers, professing the faith of Mahumet. Merchants are euery where slaine by those Theeues, vnlesse they trauell in troupes. Yet are there excellent Artificers in the Cities, who make wonderfull things in gold,

silke, and Embroyderie. They abound with Silke-wormes, Wheat, Barley, Milium, and other kindes of Corne: and haue also plenty of Wine and fruits. And though their Law forbid wine,* 4.35 yet they haue a glosse to correct or corrupt the text, that if they boyle it, then it changeth the taste, and therefore the name also of Wine.

Iasdi is a great Citie in the confines of Persia, where much Trading is exercised.* 4.36 It hath also cunning Artificers who labour in Silke.

Chierman is a Kingdome in the confines of Persia to the East, subiect to the Tartars. In the veines of the Mountaines the stones are found, commonly called Turchisses; veines also of Az∣zaio and Andanico. There are also made all Armes and munition for warre, and by the Women [ 10] excellent needle-workes in Silkes, with the portraitures of all sorts of Creatures verie admira∣ble. There are the best Falcons in the world, verie swift of flight, red brested, and vnder the trayne, lesse then those of other Countries. Proceeding further, you goe through a great Plaine, and hauing ended eight dayes iourney, you come vnto a certaine descent. In the Plaine many Par∣tridges are found, and also Castles and Townes. But in that steepe descent are many trees and those fruitfull, but no habitation is there but of Shepheards. This Countrey in the winter time hath intollerable cold.

After this you come vnto a certaine great Plaine, where a certaine Citie is seated,* 4.37 named Ca∣mandu, which in times past was great, but is now destroyed by the Tartars, and the Countrey is called Reobarle. There grow Pomgranats, Quinces, Adams-apples, and diuers others fruits, [ 20] which grow not in our cold Countries. It hath also very great Oxen, and all white, thin hayred with thicke blunt short hornes, with a Camels bunch on the backe,* 4.38 accustomed to beare great burthens. And when the packe-saddles are set vpon the bunch, they bow the knee like Camels, and hauing receiued the burthen rise againe, being so taught by men. The Sheepe of that Coun∣trey are no lesser then Asses, bearing so long and broad a tayle, that they weigh thirty pound weight. They are very faire and fat, and good meat. Moreouer, in the plaine of this Countrey are many Cities and Townes, with high walls of Mud to defend them from the Caraunas, that is Mestizos, or mingled people of Indian women and Tartars, ten thousand of which bee con∣ducted by one Nugodar, the nephew of Zagathai who ruled in the greater Turkie. This Nugod••r hearing of the Malabars subiect to Soldan Asidin, without his Vncles knowledge went and [ 30] tooke Dely with other Cities, and erected a new Seignorie, and mixing with the Indian women procreated these Caraunas, which goe vp and downe to rob and spoyle in Reobarle and other Countries. There they learned magicall and diabolicall Arts,* 4.39 by which the ayre is so darkned in the day time for a long space, that none may see them or preuent them. M. Marco one time thorow such darknesse did almost fall into their hands, but made shift to escape to a Castle called Cousalmi: but many of his company were taken or slaine.

That Plaine whereof I now speake, is fiue daies iourney extended towards the South. But at the end therof, the way beginneth by litle and litle to descend for twenty miles together,* 4.40 & the way it selfe is very bad, and not without danger by reason of Theeues. At length you come to very goodly Plaines, which extend themselues two dayes iourney in length, and the place it selfe is [ 40] called Ormus. That Countrey aboundeth with Riuers of water and Palme trees. There is also plenty of diuers Fowles, especially of Poppin-jayes, which are not like to ours. From hence you come vnto the Ocean, where on an Iland is seated, a Citie called Ormus,* 4.41 whereto many Mer∣chants resort, bringing Spices, Pearles, precious Stones, cloath of Gold and Silkes, and Elephants teeth, and all other precious things from India. That Citie is a great Mart, hauing Cities and Castles vnder it, and is head of the Kingdome Chermain: the King is called Ruchmedin Acho∣mach, who yeelds obedience to the King of Chermain. He makes himselfe heyre, if any Mer∣chant dyes there. In Summer they by reason of the heat betake themselues to their Garden hou∣ses built on waters. And from nine till noone there blowes a winde with such extreame heat from the sands, that it swallowes vp a mans breath and stifleth him, which makes them lye in [ 50] the water. The King of Chermain sent an Armie of sixteene hundred Horse, and fiue thousand Foot, against the Lord of Ormus for not paying his tribute, which were all surprised and stifled with that winde. The Inhabitants of the place eate no Bread made of Corne and flesh, but feed vpon Dates, salt Fish, and Onions. They haue not very sound Ships:* 4.42 for they fasten them not with yron nayles (by reason that the wood is brittle and would cleaue) but with woodden pins, with certaine threds made of the shels of Indian Nuts. These shels are dressed after the manner of Leather, out of the which, threds are cut, and of the thrids exceeding strong cordes are made,* 4.43 which are able to indure the force and violence of the water, and are not easily corrupted there∣by. Those Ships haue one Mast, one sayle, one beame, and are couered but with one decke. They are not chalked with Pitch, but with the Trane of Fishes. And when they crosse the Sea [ 60] to India, carrying Horses and other fraight with them, they lose many Ships, beeause that Sea is very tempestuous, and the Ships are not strengthened with yron. The Inhabitants of that Countrey are blacke, and addicted to the Law of Mahumet. It is the custome of this Countrey, when any Master of a family dyeth, that the wife left behind him should mourne for him foure weekes, once a day. They haue women which professe the practise of mourning and are thereto hired, to mourne daily for their dead.

Returning from Ormus to Chermain is a fertile Plaine, but the bread made there, cannot bee ea∣ten of them, who are not accustomed thereunto, it is so bitter by reason of the bitter water put therein, whereof are store of hot Bathes good against diseases.

Going from Chermain in three dayes riding you come to a Desart, which continued till you come to Cobinam,* 4.44 seuen dayes Iourney, which is extended. In the first three dayes you shall haue no water, saue a very few, and those salt and bitter, of a greene colour in shew, as if it were the iuyce of Herbs: and whoso tasteth but a little thereof, cannot escape loosenesse of the belly. The like also hapneth, if any taste the Salt made of that water. It is therefore needfull, that Tra∣uellers carrie some water with them, if they will not be indangered through thirst. The beasts also which are compelled to drink that water, escape not without scouring. In the fourth day they [ 10] find a fresh Riuer vnder ground: the three last dayes are as the first.

* 4.45Cobinam is a great Mahumetan Citie; goodly, and great Looking Glasses of Steele, are made there. Tutia also which cureth the eyes; and Spodio and that, after this manner. That Coun∣try hath Mines, out of which they digge Earth, which they boyle casting it into a fierie Fornace, an Iron grate receiuing the ascending vapour from aboue, in the which, the conglutinated and clammie vapour becommeth Tutia. But the grosser matter remayning in the fire, is called Spodio. The Inhabitants of this Countrey, are followers of Mahumet.

* 4.46Leauing the Citie Cobinam, you meet with another Desart eight dayes Iourney in length, and in it there is great drynesse: it wanteth trees, and fruits, and waters which it hath are very bit∣ter, so that the very beasts refuse to drinke them except they mixe meale therewith, and Tra∣uellers carrie water with them. But hauing passed ouer this Desart, you came to the Kingdome [ 20] Timochaim in the North Confines of Persia,* 4.47 where many Cities and Castles are. There is a great Plaine in which a great tree groweth, called the tree of the Sunne, which the Christians call, The dry Tree.* 4.48 This tree is very great and thicke, and hath leaues, which on the one side are white, and on the other side greene. It produceth a 4.49 prickly shales like those of a Chesnut, but nothing in them. The wood is solide and strong, yellow like Boxe. There is no tree within one hundred miles, except on one side, on which are trees within ten miles. In this place the Inhabitants say, that Alexander the Great fought with Darius. The Cities are plentifull of good things, but Mahumetan, and of temperate Aire. It hath also goodly men, but specially women, the most beautifull in my iudgement in the World. [ 30]

* 4.50Mulehet is in Saracen Language, as much to say as a place of Heretikes, and of this place they call the men Mulehetici, that is, Heretikes in their Law, as with vs Patarines. Hauing spoken of the Countrey, the old man of the Mountayne shall bee spoken of, of whom Marco heard much from many.* 4.51 His name was Aloadine, and was a Mahumetan. Hee had in a goodly Valley betwixt two Mountaynes very high, made a goodly Garden, furnished with the best trees and fruits he could find, adorned with diuers Palaces and houses of pleasure, beautified with gold Workes, Pictures, and Furnitures of silke. There by diuers Pipes answering diuers parts of those Palaces were seene to runne Wine, Milke, Honey and cleere Water. In them hee had placed goodly Damosels skilfull in Songs and Instruments of Musicke and Dancing, and to make Sports and Delights vnto men whatsoeuer they could imagine. They were also fairely at∣tyred [ 40] in Gold and Silke, and were seene to goe continually sporting in the Garden and Palaces. He made this Palace, because Mahomet had promised such a sensuall Paradise to his deuout fol∣lowers. No man might enter: for at the mouth of the Valley was a strong Castle, and the en∣trance was by a secret passage.

Alaodine had certaine Youthes from twelue to twentie yeares of age, such as seemed of a bold and vndoubted disposition,* 4.52 whom hee instructed daily touching Mahomets Paradise, and how hee could bring men thither. And when he thought good, he caused a certaine Drinke to bee gi∣uen vnto ten or twelue of them, which cast them in a dead sleepe: and then hee caused them to be carryed into diuers Chambers of the said Palaces, where they saw the things aforesaid as soone as they awaked; each of them hauing those Damosels to minister Meates and excellent [ 50] Drinkes, and all varieties of pleasures to them; insomuch that the Fooles thought themselues in Paradise indeed. When they had enioyed those pleasures foure or fiue dayes, they were againe cast in a sleepe, and carryed forth againe. After which, hee caused them to be brought into his presence, and questioned where they had beene, which answered, by your Grace, in Paradise, and recounted before all, all before mentioned. Then the old man answered, This is the commande∣ment of our Prophet, that whosoeuer defends his Lord, he make him enter Paradise: and if thou wilt bee obedient to mee, thou shalt haue this grace. And hauing thus animated them, hee was thought happie whom the old man would command, though it cost him his life: so that other Lords and his Enemies were slaine by these his Assasines, * 4.53 which exposed themselues to all dangers, and contemned their liues. Hereupon hee was esteemed a Tyrant, feared in all those parts; and had two Vicars one in the parts of Damasco, and another in Curdistan: which obser∣ued [ 60] the same order with young men. Hee vsed also to rob all which passed that way. Vlau in the yeare 1262. sent and besieged his Castle, which after three yeares siege they tooke, slue him and ruined his Paradise, not being able for want of victuall to hold out longer.

§. III. Of Sapurgan, Balac, Thaican, Scassem, Balaxiam, Bascia, Chesmur, Vochan, Samarchan, Carchan, Peym, the dreadfull De∣sart of Lop and Tanguth.

DEparting from the foresaid place, you come vnto a certayne Country pleasant enough,* 4.54 which hath Hils, Plaines, and excellent Pasture, and lastly, fruits in great plentie: [ 10] for the soyle thereof is very fruitfull. This continues sixe dayes, and then you enter a Desart of fortie or fiftie miles, without water.* 4.55 After this you come to the Citie Sapurgan, where plentie of all victuall is found: especially, Pompions the best in the World, sweet like Honey.

Passing from thence, we came vnto a certayne Citie, named Batach, which in times past was great and famous, hauing sumptuous Marble Palaces: but now ouerthrowne by the Tartars. In this Citie they report, that Alexander tooke the Daughter of King Darius to wife. To this Ci∣tie (on the East and North-east) continue the Confines of Persia. But if you goe from hence,* 4.56 and proceed betweene the East, and the North-east, you cannot finde any Habitation for two dayes Iourney: because the Inhabitans of the place hauing endured so many grieuances by Theeues [ 20] and Robbers, are compelled to flye vnto the Mountaynes, to wit, places of more safetie. Many waters are found there, and very much game of wild beasts: Lyons also are there. And because Trauellers find no food in that Iourney, they carrie victuals with them, which may suffice them for two dayes.

That two dayes Iourney ended, which we mentioned, we met with a certayne Castle, called * 4.57 Thaican; where is great plentie of Corne, and very goodly fields.* 4.58 The Mountaynes also on the South are high, some of which are of white and hard Salt, and the Inhabitants thirtie dayes Iourney about fetch it from thence, being the best World, so hard that they must breake it with Iron Instruments, so much that the whole World may haue sufficient Salt from thence. The o∣ther Mountaynes haue store of Almonds and Pistaches. Going betweene the East and North-east [ 30] from hence the Countrey is fruitfull, the Inhabitants Murtherers, Perfidious, Mahume∣tans, Drunkards: Their Wine is boyled and excellent. They goe bare-headed, saue that the men bind vp their heads with a certaine string of ten hanfuls long. But they make them clothing of the skinnes of the wilde beasts which they take, as Breeches and Shooes, and vse no other Garments.

After three dayes Iourney is the Citie Scassem seated in a Plaine, and hath many Castle,* 4.59 in the Mountaines round about it. A certaine great Riuer also floweth through the middle thereof. There are many Porcupines in that Countrey, which they hunt with Dogges by the Hunters:* 4.60 and they contracting themselues with great furie, cast their prickly Quils against the men and the Dogges, and wound them. That Nation hath a particular language: the sheepherds there∣of [ 40] abide in the Mountaynes, hauing made Caues for their Habitation. You goe hence three daies Iourney without any Habitation at all, to the Prouince Balaxiam.

Balaxiam is a Mahumetan Prouince, and hath a peculiar Language.* 4.61 Their Kings who suc∣ceed one another by hereditarie right, are reported to haue deriued their discent from Alexander the Great, and from the Daughter of Darius, and are called Zulcarnen, which is to say, Alex∣ander. There are found the Ballasses, faire precious stones, and of great value. No man without danger of life, dare either digge such stones, or carrie them out of the Countrey, but with the li∣cence and consent of the King: for all those stones are the Kings, and he sendeth them to whom he pleaseth, either for a Present, or payment of Tribute: he exchangeth also many for Gold and Siluer. And this hee doth lest the stone whereof there is such plentie should become viler and [ 50] cheaper. Other Mountaynes also in this Prouince yeeld stones, whereof the best Azure is made, the like whereof is not found in the World. The Mines also yeeld Siluer great store, and Brasse and Lead. The Countrey it selfe is very cold. It hath many Horses, and those excellent, great,* 4.62 and swift, which haue so hard and strong hoofes on their feet, that they need no Iron Shooes, al∣though they runne through Rockes. It is said that not long since there were Horses of the Race of Alexanders Bucephalus, all with his forehead-marke, in the possession only of the Kings Vn∣cle, who was slaine for denying the King to haue of them: whereupon his Widow in angry spite destroyed the whole Race. There are also excellent Falcons. The soyle thereof beareth notable Wheate, and Barley without huskes, and Oyle made of Nuts and Susimane, which is like to flaxe seed, more sauourie then other Oyle. There are strait passages and many stormie [ 60] places. The men are good Archers and Huntsmen, clothed with beasts skinnes. The hils are steepe and high, large plaines, Riuers alongst the ruptures; and if any haue an Ague with abi∣ding two or three dayes on the hils he recouereth, which Marco prooued in himselfe after a yeares sicknesse. The women in the skirts of their Garments put sixtie or eightie yards of Cot∣ton, the greatest Bumsie Boncer seeming the goodliest Lasse.

The Prouince Bascia is ten dayes Iourney toward the South, distant from the Countrey Ba∣laxiam.* 4.63 And the Countrie it selfe is very hot: whereby it commeth to passe, that the people are browne: they are expert Magicians, and continually attend thereto. They haue a peculiar Language: and weare Golden and Siluer Eare-rings with Pearles and stones artificially wrought in them. They eate flesh and Rice, and are Idolaters, craftie and cruell.

* 4.64The Prouince Chesmur is seuen dayes Iourney distant from Bascia. The Inhabitants thereof haue a peculiar Language, and are Idolaters; beyond all others cunning Inchanters, forcing their Idols to speake, and darkning the day. They are the chiefest Idolaters, and Idols are descended from them. From thence you may goe to the Indian Sea. The men and women are browne, not wholly blacke, the heate some-what tempered: their food is flesh and Rice, yet are they excee∣ding [ 10] leane. There are many Cities and Townes there. Their King is tributarie to none. There are certaine Heremites in this Prouince, who in Monasteries and Cels worship Idols, honouring their Gods with great abstinence of meate and drinke, and obserue great Chastitie, are very cau∣telous not to offend their Idols, and liue long. Of these are many Abbeyes, and the people giue them great reuerence. The men of this Prouince kill no quicke creatures, and shed no bloud: and if they will eate flesh, it is necessary that the Saracens which liue amongst them, kill the creature. Corall is here sold dearer then any where. Wee will leaue the way to India now and returne to Balaxiam and direct our way towards Catay, betwixt the East and North-east. Be∣yond Balaxiam is a certaine Riuer, whereon stand many Castles and Villages belonging to the King of Balaxiams Brother:* 4.65 and after three dayes Iourney is the Prouince Vochan, hauing in [ 20] length and breadth three dayes Iourney. The Inhabitants thereof haue a peculiar Language, and worship Mahumet. They are good Liuers, stout Warriours, and good Hunters: for that Coun∣trey aboundeth with wild beasts. If you depart hence betwixt the North-east and the East, you must ascend for three whole dayes together,* 4.66 vntill you come vnto an exceeding high Moun∣tayne, then the which, there is said to bee none higher in the World. There also betweene two Mountaynes, a great Lake if found, whence by a Plaine runneth a very goodly Riuer, neere vnto which are excellent Pastures, so that in them a leane Horse, or an Oxe, may bee fatted in ten dayes. There is also plentie of wild beasts: especially, exceeding great wild sheepe, hauing hornes some of them sixe palmes or spans long, of the which they make diuers kinds of vessels. That Plaine contayeth twelue dayes Iourney in length,* 4.67 and is called Pamer; nor is there any humane Habitation there, and Trauellers must carry victuals with them. No Bird also appea∣reth [ 30] there, by reason of the cold, and (it is reported for a Miracle) if fire be kindled there, it is not so bright nor so effectuall to boyle any thing, as in other places. From hence the way leadeth fortie dayes further, betweene the East and the North-east through the Mountaynes, Hils, and Valleyes, in the which many Riuers are found, but no humane habitation, nor any herbe: and the Countrey it selfe is called Beloro.* 4.68 Habitations of men are seene in the top of those high Mountaynes, but such as are sauage, wicked, Idolatrous; who liue by hunting, and are clothed with the skinnes.

* 4.69After this you come to the Prouince Caschar, which is tributarie to the great Cham and a Ma∣humetan. In it are Vines, greene Gardens, fruitfull trees, Cotton, Flaxe, and Hempe, and a fertile [ 40] soyle. The Inhabitants haue a peculiar Language, and are Merchants, and Artificers, who are so couetous that they eate that which is bad, and drinke worse. Some Nestorian Christians are found there, who also haue their Churches. The Countrey inlargeth it selfe fiue dayes Iourney.

Samarchan is a great and famous Citie in that Countrey, where are goodly Gardens and a fer∣tile Plaine. It is subiect to the Nephew of the Great Cham. In it the Christians dwell with the Saracens, whence little agreement is betwixt them. It is reported, that in this manner a Mira∣cle hapned, the brother of Great Cham, named Zagatai, gouerned that Countrey, about one hundred yeares agoe, being perswaded to become a Christian, the Christians through his fauour built a Church, in honour of Saint Iohn Baptist, with such cunning that the whole Roofe there∣of, was supported by one Pillar in the midst, vnder which was set a square stone, which by fa∣uour [ 50] of their Lord was taken from a building of the Saracens. Zagathais Sonne succeeded after his death in the Kingdome, but not in the faith: from whom the Saracens obtayned that the Christians should be compelled to restore that stone. And when they offered a sufficient valuable price, the Saracens refused to receiue any other composition then the stone. But the Pillar lifted vp it selfe, that the Saracens might take away their stone, and so continueth.

* 4.70Departing againe from this Citie, you come into the Prouince Charchan, about fiue dayes Iourney in length. This Prouince hath plentie of all victuals, beeing subiect to the Dominion of the Nephew of Great Cham. The Inhabitants worship Mahumet, yet among them certaine Nestorian Christians dwell.* 4.71 They are great Artificers, and haue most of them great legges, and a great Wenne or Bunch in the throat, by reason of the waters which they drinke. [ 60]

The Prouince Cotam followeth betweene the East and the North-east. It is subiect to the Dominion of the Nephew of Great Cham, and hath many Cities and Townes. The chiefe Ci∣tie thereof is called Cotam. The Prouince is extended eight dayes Iourney in length. There is no want therein of any thing, appertayning to the maintenance of life. It hath plentie of Cot∣ton,

Flaxe, Hempe, Corne, and Wine. But the people are not warlike, yet good Artificers and Merchants. They acknowledge Mahumet.

Proceeding further through the same Countrey, you meet with the Prouince Peim,* 4.72 extended fiue dayes Iourney in length. It is subiect to Great Can, and hath many Cities and Castles. The chiefe Citie thereof is called Peim, neere which runneth a Riuer, wherein precious stones are found, to wit, Iasper stones and Chalcedonie. The Inhabitants of the Countrey worship Ma∣humet, and are Artificers and Merchants. There is a custome in this Prouince, that when any marryed man goeth into another place and returneth not home within twentie dayes, it shall be lawfull for the Wife to marrie another Husband,* 4.73 and the men also wheresoeuer they goe doe [ 10] the like. All those Prouinces aforesaid, to wit, Caschar, Cotam, Peim, to the Citie of Lop, are in the bounds of Great Turkie.

Ciarcian is subiect to the Tartars, the name of the Prouince and chiefe Citie,* 4.74 it hath many Cities and Castles. Many precious stones are found there in the Riuers, especially Iaspers and Chalcedonies, which Merchants carrie euen to Ouchach to sel, and make great gain. From Peim to this Prouince, and quite thorow it also, it is al Sand▪ with many bad waters and few good. When any Armie passeth through this Prouince, all the Inhabitants thereof with their Wiues, Chil∣dren, Cattel, and all their houshold stuffe, flie two dayes Iourny into the sands, where they know good waters are, and stay there: and carrie their Corne thither also to hide it in the sands after Haruest for like feares. The wind doth so deface their steps in the sand, that their Enemies can∣not [ 20] find out their way. Departing from this Prouince, you are to trauell fiue dayes Iourney thorow the sand, where no other water almost then that which is bitter is to be found, vntill you come vnto the Citie named Lop.

Lop is a great Citie, from whence is the entrance of a great Desart, called also Lop, seated be∣tweene the East and the North-east. The Inhabitants are Mahumetans,* 4.75 subiect to the Great Can. In it Merchants who desire to passe ouer the Desart, cause all necessaries to be prouided for them. And when victuals beginne to faile in the Desart, they kill the Asses and Camels and eate them. They most willingly vse Camels, because they are sustayned with little meate, and beare great burthens. They must prouide victuals for a moneth to crosse it ouer-thwart; for to goe tho∣row the length, would aske a yeares time. They goe thorow the sands and barren Mountaines, [ 30] and daily find water, yet is it sometimes so little, that it can scarsly suffice fiftie or one hundred men with their beasts: and in three or foure places the water is salt and bitter: the rest (which are eight and twentie) good. In it are neither beasts nor birds.* 4.76 They say that there dwell many spirits which cause great and meruailous Illusions to Trauellers to make them perish. For if any stay behind that he cannot see his company, he shall be called by name, and so going out of the way is lost. In the night they heare the noyse as it were of a company, which taking to bee theirs they perish likewise. Other apparances as of their companions, or of enemies haue caused some to miscarrie. Consorts of Musicall Instruments are sometimes heard in the Ayre, likewise Drummes, and noyses of Armes. They goe therefore neere together, hang Bels on their beasts neckes, and set markes if any stay.

[ 40] Hauing passed ouer the Desart, you come vnto the Citie Sachion, betwixt the East and North-east, subiect to the Great Can, in the Prouince of Tanguth,* 4.77 where among the Worshippers of Mahumet, a few Nestorian Christians are found. Many Idolaters are also there, who haue their proper Language. The Inhabitants of this Citie, liue not of Merchandize, but the fruits of the Earth. This Citie hath many Monasteries, consecrated to diuers Idols, in the which many Sa∣crifices are offered, and great reuerence. And when a Sonne is borne vnto a man, hee presently commendeth him to some Idoll, and in honour thereof, nourisheth a sheepe that yeere in his house, which he presenteth before it together with his Sonne,* 4.78 the next Festiuall Day of that Idoll, with many Ceremonies and great reuerence. Afterward the flesh of the sheepe is boyled, and left so long before the Idoll, while their Prayers are finished, which they make for the con∣seruation [ 50] of their Sonne, and the Idoll hath sucked out the sauour of the meate, after which their fancie all his kindred being gathered together, eate that flesh at home with great deuotion and ioy: but orderly keepe the bones in certayne vessels. The Priests haue the feete, head, in∣wards, skinne, and some part of the flesh for their share.* 4.79 In celebrating the Funerals of such as were of esteeme, the dead bodies are burned after this manner. The kindred send for the Astro∣logers, and tell them what yeare, moneth, day, and houre, hee who dyed was borne: who per∣ceiuing the constellation, declare the day when hee is to be burned: so that when the Planet fits not, they reserue the dead bodie sometimes seuen dayes, and sometimes sixe monethes, preparing a Chest for it at home, and ioyning the sides together with such cunning Art, that no stinke can issue forth. They also imbalme the bodie it selfe with Spices, and couer the Chest fairely pain∣ted [ 60] with a costly cloth: and euery day that the dead corps is kept at home, at the houre of Din∣ner, a Table is prepared neere the Chest, setting wine and meate thereon for the space while one might well eate a meales-meat, supposing that the soule of the dead, feedeth of the sauour there∣of. The Astrologers sometime forbid to carrie it forth at the chiefe gate, pretending some disa∣strous starres thereto, and cause them to carrie it out another way, and sometimes breake the

wall which is opposite to that place which the Planet makes more luckie; for otherwise the spirits departed would bee offended and hurt those of the house. And if any such euill happen, they ascribe it to the dead thus wronged. When the bodie is carryed through the Citie to be bur∣ned without, woodden Cottages are erected in the way, with a porch couered with Silkes, in which they set the bodie, and set before it Bread, Wine, and Flesh, and Delicate Cates, sup∣posing the spirit to be refreshed therewith, which must bee presently present at the burning of the bodie.

And when they come vnto the place of burning, they write and paint vpon Papers made of the barkes of Trees, the Images of Men and Women, Horses, Camels, Money, and Garments. (All the Instruments of the Citie meane-while resounding) all which are burned together with [ 10] the dead bodie. For they say, that that dead man shall haue so many Men-seruants, and Mayd-ser∣uants, Cattell, and Money, in another life, as resemblances, and Pictures were burned together with him, and shall perpetually liue in that honour and riches.

The Prouince Chamul lyeth in the great Prouince Tanguth, subiect to the Great Can, hauing many Cities and Townes: the chiefe Citie is called Chamul. The Land butteth vpon two De∣sarts, to wit, the great Desart, whereof wee haue spoken before, and a certaine other, that is lesse, of three dayes Iourney. It aboundeth with such things, which a man needeth for the sus∣tentation of life.* 4.80 The Inhabitants are Idolaters, haue a peculiar Language, and seeme to bee borne for none other purpose, but to apply themselues to sporting, singing, dancing, writing and reading after their fashion, playing on Instruments, and to giue themselues delight. When any Traueller passing by, turneth into any mans house for entertaynment, the Master of the Family [ 20] receiueth him with great ioy,* 4.81 and commandeth his Wife and all the Family, that they as long as he will abide with them, obey him in all things. In the meane space, he departeth not to re∣turne so long as the Guest remayneth in his house. And meane-while hee lyeth with the Wife, Daughter,* 4.82 and the rest, as with his owne Wiues. The women of that Countrey are beautifull, and readie to obey all those Commandements of their Husbands, who are so besotted with this folly, that they thinke it a glorious thing for them, and acceptable to their Idols, for which they prosper with plentie of all things. Mangu Can hauing heard of this folly, commanded them to obserue this detestable custome no longer; which they did about three yeares, and then see∣ing not their wonted fertilitie, and troubled with some Domesticall crosses, sent Ambassadours to [ 30] the Can, and instantly entreated, that he would reuoke so grieuous an Edict, and not abolish that Tradition which they had receiued from their Elders. The Can answered, seeing you desire your reproch and shame, let it be granted you. Goe and doe herein after your wont. The Messengers returning with this Answer, brought great ioy to all the people: this custome is obserued by that people vntill this day.

After the Prouince of Camul, followeth the Prouince of Chinchintalas, which on the North boundeth vpon the Desart, and is sixteene dayes Iourney in length, subiect to the Dominion of Great Cham.* 4.83 It hath Cities and many Castles. The people thereof are diuided into three Sects. Some few acknowledge Christ, and these are Nestorians: others worship Mahumet, the third, adore Idols. In this Prouince there is a Mountaine where are Mines of Steele and Andanicum, [ 40] and also Salamanders, of the which cloth is made, which, if it bee cast into the fire, cannot bee burned. But that cloth is made of the Earth in this manner (as one of my companions, a Turke named Curcifar, a man indued with singular industrie, informed me) who had the charge of the Minerals in that Prouince. A certaine Minerall of Earth is found in that Mountayne, which yeeldeth threeds, not vnlike to Wooll, which being dryed in the Sunne, are bruised in a brazen Morter, and afterward washed, and whatsoeuer earthy substance cleaueth vnto them, is taken away:* 4.84 lastly, those threeds so purged and made small, are spunne like other Wooll, and wouen into cloth. And when they will whiten those clothes, they cast them into the fire for an houre, and then they are taken out of the flaming fire vnhurt, whiter then Snow. After the like man∣ner they clense them, when they haue taken any spots: for no other washing is added to them, [ 50] besides the fire. But touching the Salamander, the Serpent, which is reported to liue in the fire, I could search out nothing in the East Countries. They say, there is a certayne Napkin at Rome, wouen of the Salamander, wherein the Handkerchiefe of the Lord is kept wrapped vp, which a certayne King of the Tartars sent vnto the Bishop of Rome.

After you are past this Prouince, you go betwixt the East and North-east ten dayes Iourney, in which few Habitations or things remarkable are found; and then you come to the Prouince Succuir, which hath many Habitations and Townes. The chiefe Citie thereof is called Succuir. In this Prouince, among many Idolaters, a few Christians are found: they are subiect to the Great Can. They apply not themselues to Merchandize, but liue of the fruits of the Earth. The best Rhubarbe is found in great quantitie in this Prouince, which is carryed thence by Mer∣chants, [ 60] to diuers parts of the World. Strangers dare not go to the Mountaynes where it growes, by reason of venemous herbs, which if their beasts should eate them would lose their hoofes; but those of that Countrey know and auoyd them. The generall name of this Prouince, and of the two following is Tanguth.

Campion is a great Citie, the principall in the Countrey of Tanguth. In it are Christians (which haue there three great and faire Churches, Mahumetans, and Idolaters.* 4.85 The Idolaters haue many Monasteries, where they worship their Idols. Moreouer, those Idols are made ei∣ther of stone, wood, or clay, some ouer-layed with gold, and very artificially wrought. Among these, some are so great, that they contayne ten paces in length, fastned to the earth, as if they lay vpright, neere vnto the which, little Idols are placed, which seeme to giue reuerence to the greater, and both are much reuerenced. The Religious men seeme to liue more honestly then o∣ther Idolaters, abstayning from certaine things, as Lecherie, and other things; although Leche∣rie seemes no grieuous sinne: for they say, if a woman seekes for loue to a man, he may vse her [ 10] without sinne, but not, if he seekes first to her. They reckon the whole circuit of the yeere by Moones. In these Moones, they obserue fiue, or foure, or three dayes, wherein they kill no Beast,* 4.86 or Bird, nor eat Flesh (as is the vse with vs on Friday, Saturday, and Vigils.) The Lay-men marrie twentie or thirtie wiues, as they are able to maintayne:* 4.87 yet the first is accounted the more worthie, and more legitimate. The husband receiueth no dowrie from the wife, but hee himselfe assigneth conuenient dowrie, in Cattell, seruants, or money, according to his abilitie. If the wife become hatefull to the husband, it is lawfull for him to diuorce her from him, as he pleaseth. They take for wiues their Kins-women or Mothers in law. Marco, together with his Father, and Vncle, remayned a yeeres space in this Citie, for the dispatch of certaine affaires.

From the Citie Campion, you goe twelue dayes iourney to the Citie Ezina,* 4.88 bordering vpon a [ 20] sandy Desart towards the North, contayned in the Prouince of Tanguth. Many Camels are there, and many other beasts; and Hawkes of diuers kinds. The Inhabitants are Idolaters, liuing of the fruits of the Earth, forbearing merchandise.

§. IIII. Of Carchoran, the Originall, proceedings and exploits of the Tartars; of Priest IOHN and his discendants. Customes of the Tartars. Of Bargu, Erginul, Xan∣du the Cans Citie and Palace; of Muske: of strange Sorce∣rers, [ 30] and austere Monkes.

ALl the Prouinces and Cities aforesaid, Sachion, Chemul, Chinchitalas, Succuir, Campion, and Ezina, pertayne to Tanguth. Hauing passed ouer the foresaid Desart, you come vnto the Citie Carchoram, which is in circuit three miles,* 4.89 strongly rampierd with earth, for they want stone. Neere it is a great Castle, and in it the Gouernors faire Palace. This was the first place neere which in old times the Tartars assembled themselues. And now we will declare how they began to raigne. They dwelt in the North parts, to wit, in Cior∣za and Bargu, where are many and great Playnes without Cities and Townes, but goodly Pa∣stures, Riuers and waters. They had not a Prince of their Nation, but payed tribute to a certayne great King, named as I haue heard, in their language Vmcan, which in some mens opinion in our [ 40] tongue signifieth, Presbyter (or Priest) Iohn. To him the Tartars gaue yeerely the tenths of all their beasts. In processe of time, the Tartars so encreased in multitudes, that Vmcan was afraid of them, and thought to disperse them into seuerall parts of the world. And therefore when any rebelled he sent three or foure of an hundred of the Tartars into those parts, so diminishing their power; and the like he did in his other occasions, deputing some of their principals to that pur∣pose. They seeing their ruine intended and loth to be separated one from another, went from the places where they dwelt to the Desart towards the North, where by remotenesse they might be safe, and denyed to Vmcan their wonted Tribute.

It hapned that about An. 1162. the Tartars hauing continued some time in those parts, chose a King among themselues, a wise and valiant man, named Cingis Can. He began to reigne with [ 50] such iustice, that he was beloued and feared of all as a God rather then a Prince, insomuch that his fame brought all the Tartars in all parts to his subiection. And hee seeing himselfe Lord of so valiant men would needs leaue those Desarts, and commanding them to prouide Bowes and o∣ther weapons, began to subdue Cities and Prouinces, in which Conquests hee placed such iust Gouernours, that the people were not offended. The chiefe of them hee carried alongst with him with great prouisions and gifts. Seeing therefore that he was aduanced to so great glorie,* 4.90 and power, he sent Embassadors politikly to Vmcan to intreate, that he would bestow his daughter vpon him to be his wife. Which he taking, in very euill part, answered with indignation, and re∣iecting the Embassadors of Cingis, said, doth my seruant demand my daughter? Get ye out of my sight and tell your Master, if he euer make such demand againe, I will make him die a miserable [ 60] death. But King Cingis, leuying a great Armie, went forth with an hostile minde,* 4.91 and incamped in a certaine great Plaine, named Tanduc, sending vnto the King, and signifying vnto him, that he should defend himselfe. But he, comming with a mightie Armie, descended to the Playnes, and pitched his Tents within ten miles of the Campe of the Tartars. Then Cingis commanded his Astrologers to shew him, what euent and successe the battell should haue. They cutting a Reed

lengthwise in two parts, set the pieces themselues into the ground, and wrote vpon the one, Cingis; and on the other, Vmcan; and said vnto the King: In the meane space, while we reade the Coniurations, it shall come to passe by the Idols power, that these two parts of the Reed shall fight together: And whose part shall ascend vpon the other, that King shall obtayne victo∣rie in the battell. The multitude therefore running together to behold that spectacle, the Astro∣logers beganne to mumble their prayers, and reade their inchantments, when presently the parts of the Reed being moued, fought together, vntill at length the part of Cingis ascended vpon the part of Vmcan.* 4.92 Which being seene, the Tartars assured of the future victorie, were encouraged to the battell, and Vmcan being slayne, the Victorie, and Kingdome, and Vmcans daughter remayned to Cingis. Cingis raigned sixe yeeres a••ter this, in the which hee got many Prouinces: and lastly, when he endeuoured to winne a certaine Castle, called Thaigin, and came [ 10] somewhat neere,* 4.93 being shot in the knee with an Arrow, he died, and was buried in the Moun∣taine Altai.

The first King of the Tartars, was called Cingis; the second, Cyn Can; the third, Bathyn Can; the fourth, Esu Can; the fifth, Mangu Can; the sixth Cublai Can, whose power is greater then all his Predecessors, hauing inherited theirs, and adding by Conquest in manner the rest of the World. For he liued neere sixtie yeeres in his Gouernment. The name Can signifieth Emperor. All the great Cans, and Princes of that bloud of Cingis, are carried to the Mountaine of Altai to be buried, wheresoeuer they die, although one hundred dayes iourney from it. And they which carrie the Corpse to the buriall, kill all those that they meet in the way, saying: goe, and serue [ 20] our Lord the King in another life. They kill also the better Horses. When the bodie of great Cham Mongu, the Predecessor of Cham Cublai, was brought vnto the Mountaine Altai to bee buried, the Souldiers accompanying the funerall, are reported to haue slayne aboue ten thousand men, vpon the foresaid occasion.

* 4.94The Tartarean women are most faithfull to their husbands. Adulterie is a great shame with them: yet it is accounted lawfull, and honest, that euery one may marrie as many wiues as he is able to maintayne, although the first be iudged to be more principall and honorable then the rest. These liue together in the same house without one ill word,* 4.95 in admirable concord, make their merchandises, buy, and sell, and chaffer all things necessarie to their husbands and housholds, the men medling with nothing but their hunting, hawking, and things pertayning to Armes. They [ 30] haue the best Falcons in the World, and so they haue of Dogs. They liue onely of Flesh and Milke, and what they take in hunting. They eat Horses, Camels, Dogs, if fat; and drinke Mares milke, called Chemurs, so vsed, that it is like white z 4.96 Wine. If the father dies, the sonne may haue all his wiues except his owne mother and sisters. So, the brother being dead, it is lawfull for the brother who remayneth aliue, to marrie the widdow of the brother. The husbands receiue no dowrie from the wiues, but they themselues assigne dowry to the wiues, and their mothers. Through the multitude of wiues, the Tartars haue many children. Nor is the multitude of Wiues very burdensome vnto the Tartars, seeing they gaine much through their la∣bours. Besides, they are very carefull for the gouernement of the familie, and preparation of food: and with no lesse care, execute the other duties of the house. But the men apply them∣selues [ 40] wholly to hunting,* 4.97 fowling, and exercise of Armes. The Tartars nourish many herds of Oxen, flocks of Sheepe, and other Beasts, and Cattell, and abide with them in places of Pa∣sture, in the Summer time, in the Mountaines, and colder places, where they finde Pasture and Wood; but in the Winter, they remoue vnto the hotter Countreyes, where they finde Pasture for their Cattell:* 4.98 and goe forth-on two or three moneths together. Their houses are couered with stickes and felts, ordinarily round, which they carrie with them on Carts or Waggons of foure wheeles, whither soeuer they goe. For they can fold and extend them, set them vp, and take them downe: and they turne the doore of them alwaies to the South. They haue also neat Carts of two wheeles (couered with Felt so well that rayne cannot pierce them) drawne by Oxen, and Camels, wherein they carrie their wiues, children, and necessarie houshold-stuffe [ 50] with them, and defend them from the iniurie of foule weather, and rayne.

The Tartars, if they be rich, are clothed with Sables, Ermins, and Cloth of gold, and all their furniture is costly. Their Armes are Bowes, Swords, Polaxes, and some Lances, but they can best vse their Bowes, whereto they are vsed from their childhood. They are hardie, valorous, cruell, will continue two dayes and nights on horse-backe armed; exceeding patient of difficul∣ties, and exceeding obedient to their Lords. Their Cattell also are hardie.

* 4.99The Law and Faith of the Tartars is this. They say, that there is a great God, high and hea∣uenly, of whom with daily incense they desire good vnderstanding and health. They haue ano∣ther, which they call Natigay, which is like an Image couered with Felt, or some other thing, which euery one hath in his house. To this God they make a wife and children, placing the [ 60] wiues Image at the left hand, and the representations of children before his face. This they call, The God of earthly things, which keepeth their Children, and their Beasts, and Corne: and giue it great reuerence. Before they eat themselues, they anoint the mouthes of the Ima∣ges with the fat of the sodden Flesh, and they cast the broth out of doores, in honour of other

Spirits, saying, that their God with his familie haue had their part; and after they eate and drinke at pleasure.

If the sonne of any Tartar die, who hath not yet beene married, and also the daughter of an∣other die vnmarried, the parents of both the deceased parties meet together,* 4.100 and make a mar∣riage betweene the dead: and making a draughter in writing, of that contract, they paint men and women for seruants, Horses and other creatures, with clothes of all sorts and moneyes, in [ 10] paper, and burne them together with the writing of contract; by the fumes whereof, they say that all these things are carried to their children in another world, where they are married, and the fathers and mothers thinke they are ioyned together through such a bond of affinitie, as if those marriages had beene celebrated, while the married couple yet liued.

When the Tartars goe to warre, their Prince conducteth about one hundred thousand Horse,* 4.101 appointing Heads ouer tens, hundreds, thousands, ten thousands, by which orderly subordina∣tion, commands are easily effected. Euery hundred is called a Tuc; ten, a Toman. When they set forth they send out men euery way, as Scouts that no Enemie may assault them vnprouided. Of Horse and Mares, there are for euery man about eighteene. They carrie also their like Felt houses, vnder the which they shelter themselues in the time of rayn••. When there falls out [ 20] some important employment, they will ride ten dayes together without victuals boyled, and liue of the bloud of their Horses, cutting a veyne and sucking it. They haue Milke dryed like Paste, which they make, boyling the Milke, and taking the Creame which swims on the top, put it in another vessell, and thereof make B••tter: After, they set the Milke in the Sunne, and drie it; and when they goe in the Armie, carrie ten pounds thereof, and euery morning take halfe a pound, and put it into a little Flaske or Bottle of Leather, with as much water as he plea∣seth: which while he rides, beats together: and this is his dinner. When they encounter with their Enemies, they ride here and there shooting, and sometimes make shew of flight, shooting as they flee, and finding the Enemies broken, redintegrate their forces, and pursue the victorie: hauing their Horses at command, with a signe to turne any way. But now the Tartars are mixed [ 30] in diuers parts, and so are their fashions.

They punish malefacters after this manner. If any steale a thing of small value,* 4.102 and hath not deserued to be depriued of life, he is seauen times beaten with a Cudgell, or seauenteene, or sea∣uen and twenty, or thirty seauen, or forty and seauen, giuing the strokes according to the mea∣sure and qualitie of the offence, and that vnto an hundred; some doe often times dye, through these strokes. But if any haue stollen an Horse, or another thing, for the which hee deserueth to dye, he is cut asunder with a Sword in the middle: but if hee will redeeme his life, he shall re∣store the theft nine fold. Such as haue Horses, Oxen or Camels, brand them with their markes, and send them to the pastures without a keeper.

Leauing the Citie of Carachoran, and the Mountaine Altai, you come vnto the champaine [ 40] Countrey of Bargu, which extendeth it selfe Northwards about sixtie dayes iourney in length.* 4.103 The Inhabitants of those places are Mecriti, and they are subiect to great Chan, vsing the man∣ners of the Tartars. They are wilde men,* 4.104 and eate the flesh of Beasts which they take by hun∣ting, especially of Stagges, whereof they haue great plentie, and they make them so tame,* 4.105 that they may ride them. They want Corne and Wine. In the Summer they exercise great hun∣ting and taking of wilde Beasts and Fowle, with the flesh whereof they may liue in the winter: For in Winter, as well fowle as other liuing creatures flie from thence, by reason of the excee∣ding and vntolerable cold of that Countrey. After the end of fortie dayes iourney, you come vnto the Ocean, neere which is a Mountaine where Astori, and strange Falcons breed, which are carryed thence vnto the Court of great Chan.

[ 50] Heere we must returne vnto the Citie Campion.* 4.106 If therefore you proceed further fiue dayes iourney from the Citie Campion towards the East, (in the places lying in the middle, horrible voyces of Deuils are heard in the night time) you come to the Kingdome Erginul, in the Pro∣uince of Tangut, subiect to the great Cham. In this Kingdome are many other Kingdomes which are Idolators. There are some Nestorian Christians, and Turkes. There are many Cities and Ca∣stles, of which Erginul is chiefe. From hence, if you proceed further to the Southeast, you may goe to the parts of Cathai, going Southeast towards Cathai,* 4.107 there is a certaine famous Citie na∣med Cinguy, (the name also of the Prouince) tributarie vnto great Chan: contained in Tangut: the people are some Christians, some Mahumetans, others Idolators. Their are also found wilde Oxen, neere as great as Elephants, very faire, hauing white and blacke hayre, short in [ 60] other parts, and on the shoulders three palmes long, fine and white beyond silke: of which Marco brought some to Venice as a rare thing. Many also of these Oxen are tamed,* 4.108 and made to engender with tame Kine, and the breed of them are fitter for businesse then any other creatures, beare great burthens are yoaked to the plow, and doe twise as much as others. The best Muske in the world is found in this Prouince, and is of a goodly beast of the bignesse of a Goat,* 4.109 hauing grosse hayre like a Stagge, feet and tayle like a Gazella but without hornes; it hath foure teeth, two aboue, and two beneath, of the length of three fingers, subtle, and white as Iuorie, and is a faire beast to see to, when the Moone is at full, neare the nauill vnder the belly there growes

to this beast an impostume or bladder full of blood, and at the full then they goe to hunt the said beasts and take away that swelling, which is dryed in the Sunne, and is the best Muske: the flesh also is good to eate. Master Marco brought to Venice the head and feet of this beast dryed. The men ••••ue of Merchandise and Arts, and haue aboundance of Corne: they are Idolaters, of a fat body and a little Nose, blacke hayred, hauing no beard but foure hayres on their chin. The women are faire and white. And when the men desire to marry wiues, they rather seeke the beautifull,* 4.110 then the noble or rich. Whereby it commeth often to passe, that a great and No∣ble man marryeth a poore wife, but beautifull, assigning dowrie to her mother there. This Pro∣uince extendeth it selfe fiue and twentie dayes iourney in length, and is very fertile. In it are exceeding great Feasants, hauing traynes eight or ten handfuls long. Many other kindes of Birds are also found there, which haue very goodly feathers, distinguished with diuers and ex∣cellent [ 10] colours.

Proceeding further towards the East, after eight dayes iourney, you meet with the Prouince Egrigaia,* 4.111 in the which are many Cities and Castles, all still in Tanguth. The principall Citie is called Calacia. The Inhabitants thereof are Idolaters, there are three Churches of Nestorian Christians, and are subiect to the great Chan. In the Citie Calacia, Chamlets are made, wouen of white wooll and the hayre of Camels, then the which, there are scarce any fairer found in the world.

Going to the East from the Prouince Egrigaia, the way leadeth vnto the Prouince Tenduch, in the which are many Cities and Castles: where also Presbyter Iohannes vseth to abide, who [ 20] now payeth tribute to great Chan. This King of that progenie of Priest Iohn is named George, and is a Priest and a Christian, and most of the people are Christians. All the Great Chans, after his death who was slaine in battell by Cingis, gaue their Daughters to those Kings to wife. This King George holds not all that Priest Iohn before held, and is the fourth of that progenie. There is a Nation there called Argon, more goodly men and fitter for Merchandise then the rest, descended of Idolaters and Mahumetans. There are also two Regions where they raigne, which in those parts are called Og and Magog,* 4.112 but they which dwell there call them Vng and Mongul: in Vng are Gog, and in Mongul the Tartars. Riding East seauen dayes towards Catay, are many Cities peopled with Idolaters, Mahumetans, and Nestorians. There is one Citie cal∣led Sindicin,* 4.113 where very faire and excellent Armes are made of diuers sorts, fit for Armies. In the [ 30] mountaines of this Prouince are great Mines of siluer, and manifold game of wilde beasts, and the Countrey of the mountaines is called Idifa. Three dayes iourney distant from the foresaid Citie, standeth another Citie Iangamur,* 4.114 that is White Lake, wherein is a Palace, in which the great Chan most willingly remaineth, because there are many Lakes and riuers, many Swannes, and in the plaines,* 4.115 Cranes, Feasants, and Partridges, and store of other fowle. There are fiue sorts of Cranes there: some haue blacke wings like Crowes, others are white and bright, hauing their feathers full of eyes like Peacocks, but of a golden colour, the necke blacke and white very beautifull; a third sort of bignesse not vnlike ours; a fourth, little and very faire, intermingled with red and blew colours; the fifth, of a grizell or gray colour, hauing red and blacke heads, and these are very great. And neere vnto this Citie lyeth a certaine valley where many Cottages are, in the which [ 40] an exceeding number of Partridges is maintained, which are kept for the King, comming to lodge there for a time.

* 4.116This Citie is three dayes iourney Northeastward to the Citie Xandu, which the great Chan Cublay now raigning, built; erecting thereing a maruellous and artificiall Palace of Marble and o∣ther stones, which abutteth on the wall on one side, and the midst of the Citie on the other. He included sixteene miles within the circuit of the wall on that side where the Palace abutteth on the Citie wall, into which none can enter but by the Palace. In this inclosure or Parke are goodly meadowes, springs, riuers, red and fallow Deere, Fawnes carryed thither for the Hawkes, (of which are there mewed aboue two hundred Gerfalcons which he goeth once a weeke to see) and he often vseth one Leopard or more,* 4.117 sitting on Horses, which hee setteth vpon the Stagges [ 50] and Deere, & hauing taken the beast, giueth it to the Gerfalcons, and in beholding this spectacle he taketh wonderfull delight. In the middest in a faire Wood hee hath built a royall House on pillars gilded and vernished,* 4.118 on euery of which is a Dragon all gilt, which windeth his tayle a∣bout the pillar, with his head bearing vp the loft, as also with his wings displayed on both sides: the couer also is of Reeds gilt and varnished, so that the rayne can doe it no iniurie, the reeds be∣ing three handfuls thicke and ten yards long, split from knot to knot. The house it selfe also may be sundred, and taken downe like a Tent and erected againe. For it is sustained, when it is set vp, with two hundred silken cords. Great Chan vseth to dwell there three moneths in the yeare,* 4.119 to wit, in Iune, Iuly, and August. On the eight and twentieth day of August, he departeth to make a solemne sacrifice. He hath an herd of white Horses, and white Mares, about ten thou∣sand [ 60] of the milke whereof none may drinke except hee be of the progenie of Cingis Can, except one family,* 4.120 called Boriat, priuiledged hereto by Cingis for their valour. And these beasts as they goe vp and downe feeding are much reuerenced, nor dare any goe before them or hinder their way. The Astrologers or Sorcerers tell Chan that on the twentie eight of the Moone of August,

he should disperse that milke heere and there, for the honour of all spirits and his Idols, that they might be carefull preseruers of all those things which he possesseth.

There are two sorts of Idolaters, Sorcerers called Thebeth and Chesmir,* 4.121 which in the midst of stormes ascend the Palace and suffer no rayne to fall thereon; which they make the people be∣leeue comes to passe by their sanctitie: and therefore they goe slouenly and regardlesse of their persons, neuer washing nor combing themselues. They also haue a horrible custome to dresse and eate such as are comdemned to death, but not those which dye naturally. They are called also Bachsi, which is the name of their Order, as Friers Predicants or Minors with vs. They seeme by Magicke to doe what they list, when the great Can in his Hall sits at his Table, which is [ 10] eight yards high: and in the midst of the hall a good distance from the table is a great Cupboard of plate furnished: They cause that the peeces full of Wine or Milke or other viands of them∣selues, fill the goblets without any hand touching them, and goe ten paces in the ayre into the great Cans hand; and when he hath drunke, returne to their place. This they doe in the pre∣sence of any man, when their Lord commands. These Bachsi also when they will make feasts to their Idols, goe to the Can and say; Sir, know that if our Idols be not honoured with Sacrifices, they will bring plagues to Corne and Beasts. And therefore wee pray you to giue the flesh of so many Sheepe with blacke heads, and so many pounds of Incense and Lignum aloes, that we may make them due sacrifice and honour. This they spake not to him themselues, but by certaine Lords deputed to that Office, who speake to the Can and obtaine it. On the feast day they [ 20] sacrifice the said beasts, and sprinkle the broath before the Idols.

They haue great Monasteries some of the bignesse of a Citie, in some of which are about two thousand Monkes which serue Idols, sequestred from the Laitie in their shauing and garments. For they shaue their heads and beards, and were a religious garment.* 4.122 These in the solemnities of their Idols sing with solemne songs and lights, some of them may marry. There are some of great abstinence called Sensim, leading an austere life, for they eate nothing but Meale mingled with water till all the Flower be gone, and eate the branne without any sauour. These worship the Fire; and the men of other rules say that these which are so austere, are Heretikes against their Law, because they worship not Idols as they doe;* 4.123 and there are great differences betwixt them: and these marry not in any case. They shaue their Head and Beard: they weare blacke hempen garments, and bright yellow. They sleepe in thicke Mats, and liue the seuerest life [ 30] in the world.

§. V. Of CVBLAI CAN, his Raigne and Acts, Magnificent feasts and Huntings, Court and Counsell. His Citie Cambalu and glorious Palace.

[ 40]

IN this Booke I purpose to write of all the great and maruellous Acts,* 4.124 of the present Can called Cublai Can, which is in our Tongue Lord of Lords, the greatest Prince in peoples, Cities and Treasures, that euer was in the world. Hee being discended from the Progenie of Chingis, the first Prince of the Tartars, is the sixth Emperour of that Countrey, beginning to raigne in the yeare of our Lord 1256. being twentie seauen yeares old, and ruling the people with great wisedome and grauitie. He is a valiant man, exer∣cised in Armes, strong of bodie, and of a prompt minde for the performance of matters, before he attained to the dignitie of the Empire (which by his wisdome he did against the will of his Brethren) he often shewed himselfe a valiant Souldier in the warres, and carryed himselfe like a wiser and bolder Captaine, then euer the Tartars had. But since he swayed the Kingdome, he went but once into the Field, but sends his Sonnes, and other Captaines in expeditions.

[ 50] In the yeare of our Lord 1286. his Vncle named Naiam, being thirtie yeares of age, and ha∣uing the command of many people, and Countries, so that hee was able easily to bring together foure hundred thousand Horse. Being puffed vp through youthfull vanitie, would now no lon∣ger be subiect, but would needs take away the Kingdome from his Lord Cubai, and sent to ano∣ther great Lord named Caydu, Lord of the parts towards great Turkie, who was nephew of the Emperour Cublai, yet hated him, who yeelding consent to Rebellion, promised to come in pro∣per person with an hundred thousand Horse.

Both of them began to gather Forces, which could not bee done so secretly but Cublai heard of it, and presently tooke order to set guard to the wayes that no intelligence might passe that way: and then assembled all the Forces within ten dayes iourney of Cambalu with great speed, [ 60] so that in twentie dayes, were gathered together three hundred & sixtie thousand Horse, and one hundred thousand Foot, a great part of them Falconiers and men of his Houshold. With these hee made all haste day and night towards Naiams Countrey, where at the end of twentie fiue d••yes he arriued, altogether vnlooked for: and rested his men two dayes. Then hee called his

Astrologers, and caused them before all the Armie to diuine who should haue victorie (a thing they alway vse to incourage their men) and they promised it to Cublai. One morning whiles Naiam was sleeping negligently in his Tent, hauing not so much as sent out any scouts to espie, Cublai made shew of his Armie vpon a hill to Naiams. Hee himselfe sate in a certaine Castle of wood, full of Archers and Crosse-bow men, borne by foure Elephants; on the top whereof was the Royall Standard with the Images of the Sunne and Moone. Hee deuided his Armie into three wings, of which he sent that on the right hand and the other on the left against Naiams Armie: To euery ten thousand Horse were assigned fiue hundred Foot with Lances, taught to leape vp behind the horse-men if any occasion of flight happened, and suddenly on aduantage to light and slay the enemies horses with their lances. Caidu was not yet come. The battels ioy∣ned [ 10] and made a cruell fight, which continued from morning till noone: and then was Naiam ta∣ken and brought before Cublai, who commanded that he should be sewed betwixt two Carpets, which should be tossed vp and downe till the breath were out of his bodie, that so the Imperiall blood might not be exposed to the Sunne and the ayre. The remainder of his people sware O∣bedience to Cublai, which were foure Nations, Ciorza, Carli, Barscol, and Sitingui.

Naiam was secretly baptised, and by profession a Christian, but no follower of the workes of Faith, and signed his principall Ensigne with the signe of the Crosse, hauing with him infinite store of Christians which were all slaine.

The Iewes and Saracens, that were in the Armie of Cublai, began to vpbraid the Christians with this disaster of the Crosse, who thereupon complained to Cublai. Hee then sharply repro∣uing [ 20] the Iewes and Saracens, turning to the Christians saith; Surely, your God and his Crosse, would not giue any ayde to Naiam, but be not you therefore ashamed, because God beeing good and iust, ought not at all to defend Iniustice and Iniquitie. Naiam was a Traytour to his Lord, and contrary to all equitie raised rebellion, and sought the helpe of your God in his mischieuous purpose. But he as a good and vpright God, would not fauour his Designes. He returned after this with great triumph to Cambalu, and stayed there till Easter. On that day he called the Christians before him, and kissed their Gospels, and made his Barons doe the same. The like hee doth in the great Feasts of Saracens, Iewes, and Ethnikes, that Sogomamber Can the God of the Idols, Mahumet, Moses, or whosoeuer is greatest in heauen might helpe him. Yet he made best shew of liking to the Christian Faith but pretended the ignorance of the Professors, and the mightie acts [ 30] of the Sorcerers, to his not professing it.

Now for rewarding his Souldiers, he hath twelue Barons or wise Counsellours, which giue him notice of each Captaynes merit, who raiseth them command of one hundred to a thousand, and from one thousand to ten thousand, and so forward, giuing them Vessels of Plate and Tablets. The Captayne of one hundred hath a Tablet of siluer, and the Captayne of one thousand of Gold, or siluer gilded; the Captayne of ten thousand hath a Tablet of Gold with a Lions head on it: the weight of the Tablets differ also according to the worth and weight of the dignitie. On the said Tablet is written a command in this manner. By the strength and power of the great God, and by the Grace which he hath giuen to our Empire, the name of Can be blessed, and let them all dye and be destroyed which will not obey him. All they which haue these Tablets haue [ 40] priuiledges in writing, of all things which they are to doe or demand. And the Generals when they ride in publike, they haue a cloth borne ouer their heads; and when they sit, sit on a Chaire of siluer. Their Tablet is of three hundred Saggi (fiftie ounces of Gold) with the Images of the Sunne and Moone. They whose Tablet haue a Gerfalcon, may take with them for their guard the whole Armie of a great Commander.

* 4.125Cublai is a comeley and faire man of a meane stature, of a red and white face, blacke and good∣ly eyes, well fashioned nose, and all the lineaments of his bodie consisting of a due proportion. He hath foure wiues which he accounteth lawfull, and the first-borne of them succeedeth him in the Kingdome.* 4.126 And euery one of these is called Empresse, and holdeth a peculiar Court, and that Princely in a proper Palace, hauing about three hundred chosen Hand-mayds, and Mayd-seruant, [ 50] and many Eunuch seruants, and at least ten thousand persons in their Family. The King hath also many Concubines.

* 4.127There is a certaine Nation of faire people, Tartars, called Vngut, whether euery second yeare he sendeth Ambassadors to puruey the fairest Lasses for him of greatest esteeme for beautie, which bring him foure or fiue hundred more or lesse, as they see cause. There are Praysers or Exami∣ners appointed, which take view of all their beauties, examining Eyes, Nose, Mouth, &c. apart; and set price on them at sixteene, seuenteene, eighteene, nineteene, twentie or more Carrats. And they bring those of that rate which their Commission appoints. These hee causeth to bee reuiewed by other Examiners, and of so many chuseth perhaps thirtie for his Chamber of the chiefe; which he puts to some of his Barons Wiues, to see if they snore not in their sleepe, if in [ 60] smell or behauiour they be not offensiue. Those which are approoued are by fiues diuided, each fifth part wayting three dayes and nights in his Chamber by course, the other in the next Lod∣gings preparing whatsoeuer these command them. The lesse prized are put to Cookerie, and o∣ther noble Officers. And sometimes the Can bestowes them on Gentlemen with great portions.

The men of that Countrey esteeme it a grace and credit to haue Daughters worthy his liking: and thinke themselues borne vnder an ill Planet, if they haue not for his turne.

Cublai hath two and twentie Sonnes by his foure legitimate Wiues,* 4.128 and the first-borne of his first Wife was called Cingis, who should haue succeeded him in the Empire, if hee had not dyed before his Father. He left a Sonne named Temur, a valiant man, wife, and exercised in Armes,* 4.129 who is to succeed his Grand-father in the Empire, in stead of his deceased Father. But by his Hand-mayds and Mayd-seruants, he hath fiue and twentie Sonnes, all which are daily exercised in feats of Armes, and are great Lords. Seuen of his Sonnes by his Wiues are Kings of great Prouinces, and maintayne their states with great reputation.

Three moneths of the yeere, to wit, December, Ianuarie, and Februarie, Cublai remayneth [ 10] ordinarily in Cambalu which is at the North-east border of Cataio, and there on the South part by the new Citie is seated a great Palace. First, there is a square Wall, each square being eight miles, with a deep Ditch enuironing, and a Gate in the middle of each: after which is the space of a mile in circuit where Souldiers stand. After this is another circuit of sixe mile square, with three Gates on the South square, and three on the North: that which is in the midst being in both the greater, and kept shut, except when the Can passeth that way; the other alway open to others. In each corner of this Wall and in the midst is a faire Palace, eight in all, very large, in which are kept the Cans munitions and furnitures of all sorts, for Horses in one, in another Bowes and shooting Artillerie, in a third Costlets, Curasses and leather Armours, and so in the rest. Within this circuit is another wall-circuit, very thicke, and ten paces high, all the battle∣ments [ 20] white; the wall square, each square a mile in length, with sixe gates as the former, and eight Palaces also very great, wherein are the Cans prouision. Betwixt these two last walls are many faire trees and medowes, in which are Deere, Muske beasts, with other game, and store of grasse, the paths being heigthned two cubits to spare it, no durt, nor plashes of water being therein. Within this last wall is the Palace of the great Can, the greatest that hath beene seene, abutting with the wall on the North and South and open spaced where the Barons and Soul∣diers passe. It hath no seeling, but a very high roofe: the foundation of the pauement ten palms high, with a wall of marble round about it, two paces wide, as it were a walke. In the end of the wall without, is a faire Turret with Pillars. In the walls of the Halls and Chambers are carued Dragons, Souldiers, Birds, Beasts, of diuers kinds, histories of Warres, gilded. The [ 30] roofe is so made, that nothing is seene but Gold and Imagery. In euery square of the Palace is a great Hall of marble, capable of great multitudes. The Chambers are disposed the best that may be deuised: the roofe is red, greene, azure, and of all coloures. Behind the Palace are great Roomes, and priuate store-houses for his treasures and Iewels, for his women, and other secret employments▪ Ouer against the said Palace of the Can, is another for Cingis his sonne, whose Court, was in all things like his Fathers. Neere this Palace towards the North is a Mount made by hand, a mile in compasse, one hundred paces high; beset with trees that are alwaies greene. Vnto this mountaine, the king commandeth all the best trees, to be brought from remote parts, lading Elephants with them, for they are taken vp with the roots, and are transplanted in this Mountaine. And because this Mountaine is alwaies greene it is called, The greene Mountaine. [ 40] And where the earth of that Mount was taken away, are two Lakes answering each other,* 4.130 with a pretie Riuer filling them, stored with fish, and so grated that the fish cannot get forth.

The Citie of Cambalu in the Prouince of Cathai, seated on a great Riuer, was famous, and regall, from antiquitie. And this name Cambalu signifieth, The Citie of the Lord, or Prince.* 4.131 This Citie the great Can remoued vnto the other side of the Riuer where the Palaces are: for he vnderstood by the Astrologers, that it should rebell against the Empire * 4.132. This new built Citie is called Taidu: and he made all the Catayans to goe out of the old Citie into the new: which contayneth in compasse foure and twentie miles, euery side of the square contayning sixe miles. It hath walls of earth ten paces thicke at the bottome, and at the top but three, by little and little ascending thinner: the batlements are white. Euery square of the wall hath three [ 50] principall Gates, which are twelue in all, hauing sumptuous Palaces built ouer each of them. There are also excellent Palaces in the angles of the walls,* 4.133 where the Armes of the Garrison (which are one thousand at each Gate) are kept. The buildings are squared out, & the streets laid very straight by line, throughout this Citie,* 4.134 so that from one Gate a free prospect openeth tho∣row the Citie, to the opposite Gate, hauing very goodly houses built on both sides, like Palaces with Gardens and Courts, diuided to the Heads of Families. In the middle of the Citie, a cer∣taine sumptuous house is built, wherein hangeth a very great Bell, after the third knolling whereof in the night no man may goe out of his house, vntill the beginning of the day follow∣ing, except it be for speciall cause, as for a woman in trauell, &c. And they are compelled to [ 60] carrie a light with them.

Without the Citie of Cambalu are twelue great Suburbs, three or foure miles long, ioyning vpon each of the twelue Gates, more inhabiting the Suburbs then the Citie:* 4.135 heere Mar∣chants and Strangers keepe, each Nation hauing a seuerall Store-house or Burse in which they lodge. No dead corps of any man is buryed within this Citie, but the bodies of Idolaters are

burned without the Suburbs, where the dead bodies of other sects are buryed. And because an huge multitude of Sorcerers conuerse alwayes there,* 4.136 they haue about twentie fiue thousand Harlots in the Suburbs and in the Citie, and these haue a Captaine appointed ouer euery hun∣dreth, and thousand; and one Generall; whose office is, that when Embassadours come, or such as haue businesse with the Can whose charges he findeth, this Captaine giueth euery Embassadour and euery man of his family, change of women nightly at free cost: for this is the Queanes tri∣bute.* 4.137 The Guards euery night cast those in prison which they finde walking late: and if they be found guiltie they are beaten with Cudgels: for the Bachsi tell them that it is not good to shed mans blood. But many dye of those beatings.

* 4.138The great Can hath in his Court twelue thousand Horse-men, which they call Casitan, faith∣full Souldiers of their Lord, who guard his person more for state then feare. And foure Captaines [ 10] haue the charge of these, whereof euery one commandeth three thousand. When one Captaine with three thousand Souldiers within the Palace, hath guarded the King for three dayes and nights, another Captaine with his Souldiers againe succeedeth: and so throughout the whole yeeare, this course of watching by course is obserued.

* 4.139When through occasion of any feastiuall day hee keepeth a solemne Court, his Table being higher then the rest of the Tables, is set at the North part of the Hall, and his face is to the South, hauing the greatest Queene on his left hand, to wit, his principall wife, and his Sonnes, and nephews,* 4.140 and they of the blood royall on his right. Yet their table is in a lower place, so that they scarce touch the Kings feet with their heads; the seat of the eldest being higher then the [ 20] rest. The Barons and Princes, sit in a lower place then that. Their wiues also keepe the like order, first the Cans sonnes wiues and his kinsmens, sits lower on the left hand, and after, those of the Lords and of euery Captaine, and Noble-man, each in her degree and order. And the Emperour himselfe, while he sitteth at his table, may cast his eyes vpon all that feast with him in that Hall. There are not Tables for all to sit,* 4.141 but the greatest part of the Souldiers and Barons eate on Car∣pets. At all the doores stand two giantly fellowes with Cudgels, to see that none touch the Threshold, which if hee doe they take his garments away; which he must redeeme with so many blowes as shall be appointed, or else lose them. They which serue the King sitting at the table, all of them couer their mouthes with Silke, least their breathing should by any meanes touch the Kings meat or drinke. And when he hath minde to drinke, the Damosell which giues [ 30] it, goeth back three paces and kneeles downe, and then the Barons and all the people kneele, and the Musicians sound their Instruments. There is no cause why I should write any thing concer∣ning the meats which are brought to the Table, how daintie and delicate they are, and with what magnificence and pompe they are serued in.* 4.142 All the Tartars obserue this custome, to cele∣brate the Birth day of their Lord most honourably. The Festiuall birth day of Cublai, is kept the twentie eight of September,* 4.143 and this day hee accounteth more solemne, then any of the whole yeare, except the first of February, wherein they begin their yeare. The King therefore in his Birth day is cloathed with a most precious garment of Gold, and about two thousand Ba∣rons and Souldiers, are cloathed of the same colour of gold (though of Silke stuffe) and a girdle wrought with gold and siluer, which is giuen them with a payre of shooes: some weare Pearles [ 40] and Gemmes of great price, namely, the Quiecitarie, which are next to the Can: and these gar∣ments are not worne but on their thirteene solemne Feasts according to the thirreene Moones of the yeare; all then cloathed like Kings. This custome is also obserued with the Tartars, that on the birth day of great Cham, all the Kings, Princes, and Nobles, which are subiect to his Do∣minion, should send presents vnto him, as to their Emperour. And they who desire to obtaine any place of Dignitie or office of him, offer their requests vnto twelue Barons appointed for this purpose, and what they decree, is all one, as if the Emperour himselfe had answered them. All people also, of what Faith or sect soeuer, whether Christians, or Iewes, Saracens, or Tartars, and other Pagans are bound, solemnly to call vpon their Gods, for the life, safetie, and prospe∣ritie of Great Can. [ 50]

* 4.144On the day of the Kalends of February, which is the beginning of the Tartars yeare, great Can and all the Tartars, wheresoeuer they are, celebrate a very great and solemne Feast, and all aswell men as women,* 4.145 desire to bee cloathed in white Garments. For they beleeue, that the white garment is a token of good lucke: Therefore that fortune might fauour them all the yeare, they weare white in the beginning of the yeare. Moreouer the Rulers of Cities, and Gouernours of Prouinces, mindfull of their dutie, send vnto their Emperour on this day presents of Gold and Siluer, Pearles and Precious stones, many white Cloathes, and other white things, and many Horses of a white colour: the rest of the Tartars at the beginning of the yeare, send white pre∣sents one to another.* 4.146 It is the custome of those which bring presents, if they can, of each to present nine times nine; as if they send Horses, to present nine nines, that is e••ghtie one, and so of [ 60] Gold, of Cloaths, & other things, that somtimes he hath by this reckoning one hundred thousand Horses. Also at this good lucke, all the Elephants which the Emperour hath (fiue thousand in number) are brought vnto the Court, couered with Tapistrie, wherein the similitudes of diuers Beasts and Fowles are portrayed, carrying vpon their shoulders two Chests full of golden and

Siluer vessell. Many Camels also are brought, couered with faire Silken clothes, which bring other things, necessarie for the Court. And this day in the morning, all the Kings, Cap∣taines, Barons, Souldiers, Physicians, Astrologers, Falconers, and the Gouernours of Prouinces, and Armies, and other Officers of the Emperour, assemble in the great Hall before the King, and they who happen to haue no place there, for the multitude of men, stand in another place where he may see them. All being placed in their order, and degree, one ariseth as it were some Prelate, and crieth out with a loude voyce, Bow downe, and adore. And presently all doe re∣uerence, bending downe their foreheads to the earth. Then he sayth, God preserue our Lord with long life and ioy, and all answere, God grant. Then he sayth, God encrease and aduance his Empire, [ 10] and preserue his Subiects in peace, good-will, and prosperitie: and all answere, God grant. And this they doe foure times. The adoration finished, the said Prelate goeth to an Altar richly adorned, on which is a red Table, wherein is written the name of the Can, and taking a Censer, and put∣ting odoriferous Spices therein, they perfume the Table and the Altar with great reuerence, in honour of great Can, and so returne to their places. After which, are offered the gifts whereof we haue spoken; and then the Tables are prepared, and a most solemne Dinner held,* 4.147 eating and drinking with great ioy with their wiues, in manner before described. And lastly, a domesti∣call Lion is brought vnto the King, which lying at his feet, like a gentle Whelpe,* 4.148 acknow∣ledgeth his Lord.

In those three moneths, in which as we said before, the Emperour remayneth in the Citie of Cambalu, to wit, in December, Ianuarie, and Februarie,* 4.149 all the Hunters which the Emperour [ 20] hath in all Prouinces, round about the Prouince of Cathai, apply themselues to hunting, and offer all the greater wilde-beasts, to wit, Stags, Beares, Roe-buckes, wilde Boares, Deere, and such like, vnto their Gouernours: who (if they be distant from the Emperours Court, lesse then thirtie dayes Iourney) send such beasts taken, by Waynes, and Ships vnto the Emperour, ha∣uing first bowelled them. But such as are fortie dayes iourney distant from his Court, send one∣ly the skinnes, which are necessarie for the making of Armour. Hee hath many Leopards,* 4.150 and Wolues for hunting, and many Lions also, greater then those which are in Babylon, in the haire whereof certaine little beames appeare of diuers colours, to wit, white, blacke and red, and they are accommodated to catch Boares, Beares, Stags, Roe-buck••s, wilde Asses, and wilde Oxen; [ 30] and it is maruellous to see the Lions fiercenesse and dexteritie in the act. Two Lions vse to bee carried in one Wagon, when they goe to hunt, and with them a Dog, with which they are ta∣med; and they carrie them on this fashion, because of their furie and vnrulinesse: and they must carrie them contrary to the wind; for else the beasts would sent them, and flee.* 4.151 Hee hath many tame Eagles, which are so fierce, that they take Hares, Roe-buckes, Deere, and Foxes: among which some of them feare not with great violence ••o seize vpon Wolues, and vexe them so sore, that without labour and danger, they may be taken by men.

The great Can hath in his Court two which are brethren, one called Bayan, the other Mingan,* 4.152 called in the Tartar language, Ciuici, that is, Masters of the Game, whereof either hath the charge of ten thousand men: they which are vnder one of them, are clothed in red; the other in skie-colour, [ 40] alway when they hunt. These keepe diuers sorts of Dogs, to the number of fiue thou∣sand Mastiues and other. In hunting they goe with their people, one on the right, and the other on the left hand of the King: and they take vp so great a length of the Playne, that from one end to the other is a dayes iourney, so that no beast can escape them; and it is great pleasure when the Can goes in the midst, to see the Dogs follow Harts, Beares, and other kinds. And these Brethren are bound by coue••ant, from the beginning of October to the end of March, to bring to the Court, one thousand heads of ••easts and birds, besides Quailes, and fishes the best they can, in great proportion.

The moneth of March comming in▪ great Can departeth from the Citie of Cambalu,* 4.153 and pro∣ceedeth North-eastward towards the Ocean distant thence two dayes iourneyes, bringing with [ 50] him about ten thousand Falconers, who haue Falcons, Hawkes, Gerfalcons, and other kinds of Fowles of prey fit for hawking.* 4.154 These Falconers disperse themselues by an hundred or two hundred in a Companie: and the birds that are taken, for the most part, are brought vnto the King, who by reason of his Gout, sitteth in a woodden house, which two Elephants carrie,* 4.155 co∣uered with the skins of Lions, and within hanged with cloth of Gold, hauing with him for his recreation, twelue choice Hawkes, and twel••e fauoured Courtiers: many Noblemen and Soul∣diers ride by, who guard the Kings person. Who, when they see Phesants, or Cranes, or other birds flying in the aire, declare it to the Falconers which are neere vnto the King: and they, signifying the same vnto the King vncouer the Kings House, and let their Falcons and Hawkes flie, and the King sitting on his Bed, beholdeth the pastime of the birds. Other ten thousand [ 60] men also goe with the King, who in that hawking, ••unne hither and thither, by two and two, and mar••e whither the Falcons and Hawkes flie, that are cast from the fist, that (if need bee) they may helpe them. And these, in the Tartars Language, are called Toscaol, that is to say,* 4.156 Watch-men or Markes-men, being skilfull in a certaine kind of whistle, wherewith they call in the Hawkes that are flowen. Nor is it needfull, that the Falconer who let the Hawkes flie,

should follow her, seeing they, of whom I now speake, are busily imployed in taking vp the Hawkes, and are carefull that by no meanes they bee hurt or lost. And euery flying Hawke car∣rieth a little table of siluer on her foot,* 4.157 signed with the marke of her Master or Falconer, that if shee bee lost, shee may bee restored to her owner. But if the marke cannot be knowne, the Hawke is deliuered to a certaine Baron, who for this cause is called Bulangazi, to whom are brought all lost things (otherwise the Finder would be counted a Thiefe) and to him Losers resort to inquire of things lost. He hath a most eminent place, noted by his Ensigne, that in so great an assembly of people he may be knowne.

Whiles they are thus busied in sporting and hawking, they come vnto a certaine great Plaine, called Caczarmodin, where the Tents of the King and all the Courtiers are prepared, about [ 10] ten thousand in number.* 4.158 The first and chiefe is the Cans Pauilion, vnder which ten thousand Souldiers stand, besides Barons and Noble-men, with the doore to the South: sustayned with three Pillars, wrought with diuers curious and excellent carued workes, and coue∣red with the skinnes of Lions (and strakes of diuers colours) which keepe out rayne. But within,* 4.159 the walls of the Pauilions are couered with most costly skinnes of Armelines and Sables, although in those Countries these skinnes are accounted most precious, that sometimes skinnes worth two thousand Sultanines of gold are scarce sufficient for one paire of Vests. The Tartars call the Sable, the Queene of Furres. The Cordes, wherewith these Pauilions are supported, are of silke. There are also other Pauilions erected, wherein the Wiues, Sonnes, and Hand-maides of the King remaine. Further also, the Falcons, Hawkes, Owles, Garfalcons, and other Birds, [ 20] which serue for Hawking, haue their Tents wherein they are contayned. For, there is so great a multitude of Tents, that to them that come thither, a farre off it seemeth that a famous Citie is built there.* 4.160 The King remayneth all March in that Plaine, and taketh innumerable Beasts and infinite multitudes of Fowle. For no man may else hunt in all the Prouinces of that King∣dome, at the least within fiue dayes iourney one way, ten another, and fifteene a third way of the Cans Court: nor keepe an hunting Dogge, or an Hawke: and specially, from the beginning of March vntill the moneth of October, no man is permitted to vse any deuice or engine what∣soeuer, to take Stagges, Deere, Roe-bucks, Hares, lest he should hinder their breede: and here∣vpon it is that there are such store.

* 4.161It is incredible what multitudes of People, Merchants, and merchandises of all sorts are seene [ 30] in Cambalu. The Money of the Great Can is not made of gold or siluer, or other metall, but they take the middle barke from the Mulberrie Tree, and this they make firme, and cut it into diuers and round pieces, great and little, and imprint the Kings marke thereon. Of this matter therefore,* 4.162 the Emperour causeth an huge masse of money to bee made in the Citie of Cambalu, which sufficeth for the whole Empire: and no man vnder paine of death may lawfully coine any other, or spend any other money, or refuse it in all his Kingdomes and Countries. Nor any com∣ming from another Kingdome, dare spend any other money in the Empire of Great Can. Where∣by it commeth to passe, that Merchants often comming from farre remote Countries and Regi∣ons vnto the Citie of Cambalu, bring with them gold, siluer, pearle, and precious stones, and re∣ceiue the Kings money for them. And because this money is not receiued in their Countries, [ 40] they change it againe in the Empire of Great Can for merchandise, which they carrie away with them. He also payeth stipends to his Officers and Armies of the mentioned money; and lastly, whatsoeuer thing he needeth in his Court he buyeth with this money. Wherefore, there is not a King to be found in the World, who exceedeth him in Treasure, not expended on the Mint as elsewhere.

The Great Can hath twelue Barons, as is said before, which are his Counsell of Warre, and dispose of martiall affaires, and the exalting or disgracing of Captaines and Souldiers. Their of∣fice is called Thai, that is, The high Court, because they haue none aboue them but the Can. Other twelue Barons are appointed Counsellors for the foure and thirtie Prouinces, which haue a faire Palace in Cambalu, in which is for euery Prouince a Iudge & many Notaries. These haue power [ 50] to choose Gouernours of the said Prouinces, and present their names to the Can which confirmes them. These also haue the charge of the Treasure to exact and dispense the same. Their office is called Singh, that is, The second Court, subiect to none but the Can, yet reputed lesse noble then the former, that being a martiall State.

[ 60]

§. VI. The Cans prouisions for Embassadors and for Posts; against Dearth; for High-wayes; for the Poore in Cambalu, for Astrologers; Tartars Wine, Fuell, Religion, Opi∣nions, Behauiour, Court-neatnesse: POLOS proceeding from Cambalu Westward. Of Pulisangan, Gouza, Tainfu, Pianfu, Thaigin, Cacianfu, Quenzanfu, Sindinfu, Thebeth, Caindu, Caraian, Cara∣chan, Cardandan and Vociam.

[ 10]

WIthout the Citie of Cambalu, many publike wayes conduct to the neighbouring Pro∣uinces, and in euery one of them alway at the end of fiue and twentie or thirtie miles, are Lodgings or Innes built, called Lamb, that is, Post-horses, with great and faire Palaces, Chambers furnished with Beds and other Prouisions,* 4.163 meete to enter∣taine great Men, yea to lodge a King; the prouisions laid in from the next adioyning places: where about foure hundred Horses are in readinesse for Messengers and Embassadors, which there leaue their ridden Horses and take fresh. And in mountaynous places, where are no Villages, he sends People to inhabite, ten thousand at a place where these Lamb are built, which till the ground for their prouisions; and this continueth vnto the furthest limits of the Empire: so that in the publique wayes, throughout the whole Empire, about ten thousand of the Kings Innes [ 20] are to bee found. And the number of the Horses, appointed for the seruice of the Messengers in those Innes, are more then two hundreth thousand, a thing almost incredible to tell: so that in a little while with change of Men and Horse, intelligence might flie to the Court. And if any wonder how so many men and beasts should be prouided for, hee must consider that the Moores and Gentiles haue many women, and store of children, some hauing thirtie sonnes which follow them armed; and for victuall they sow three seeds, Rice, Panike and Mill, which yeeld an hun∣dred fold: they make not bread, but boile these with Milke or Flesh. Wheat will not so encrease with them: nor suffer they any ground, which will beare, to lye vntilled. And their Cattell al∣way increase, that each of them carries with him six, eight, or more Horses into the field for his owne person. These Horses also take turnes, that of the foure hundred aforesaid two hundred are [ 30] in the stables readie, the other two hundred at grasse by monethly courses. Their Cities adioy∣ning to Riuers or Lakes, are appointed also to haue ferry Boats in readinesse for the Posts. And Cities adioyning to Desarts, are sessed at Horses and prouisions thorow those Desarts, but haue contribution from the Can. In cases of great import, the Poste rides with a Gerfalcon Table, and is trussed so that he will ride two hundred miles in a day, or two hundred and fiftie, sometimes also they ride the night, Foot-posts running by with lights, if the Moone shine not. They winde a Horne that the fresh Horses may be brought forth for them to mount presently, and hauing their bellies and heads girded runne as fast as the horse can: and those which are able to endure this ex∣cessiue riding are of great reputation.

There are also betweene the said Innes other habitations, three or foure miles distant one from [ 40] another, where there are a few houses wherein Foot-posts dwell, hauing all girdels full of shrill sounding bells. These are alwayes readie, and as often as the Kings Letters are sent vnto them, conuey them speedily to the next habitation:* 4.164 who hearing the sound of the Foot-post comming afarre off, expect him, and receiuing his Letters, presently carrie them to the next watch: and so the Letters passing through diuers hands, are conueyed without any delay, vnto that place whither they ought to come. And it commeth often to passe, that the King vnderstandeth newes, or receiueth new fruits from a place, ten dayes iourney distant, in two dayes: as fruits growing at Cambalu in the morning, the next day at night at Xandu.* 4.165 But all the mentioned Postes are free from all exaction of Tribute, and receiue a good recompence of their labours from the Kings Rent gatherers besides. Some also are appointed to examine these Posts monethly▪ and to punish [ 50] their faults.

He sends yeerly vnto diuers Prouinces, subiect to his Empire,* 4.166 to inquire whether any harme be done to the Corne, by Tempests, Locusts, Wormes, or any other pl••gue. And when he hath notice giuen him, that any Prouince or Citie, hath sustained any damage, he remitteth Tributes to that people for that yeere, and sendeth Graine for victu••ll and for Seede, out of his owne Gar∣ners. For, in the time of great plentie, the King buyeth abundant store of Corne,* 4.167 and keepeth it with great care of Officers, three or foure yeeres in Garners, that when there shall be scarcitie of Corne in one Countrey, that defect may bee supplied out of the Kings Store-houses. Hee sel∣leth his graine for the fourth part of other mens price, and alway prouideth that his store-houses [ 60] be stored. Likewise, when any mu••ren lighteth among Cattell, hee sends them other Cattell which he hath for Tenths in other Prouinces. And if a thunder-bolt hath stricken any beast of any Herd or Flock, he will haue no Tribute thereof for three yeeres, be the Herd neuer so great: nor custome of a Thunder-stricken ship, thinking God is angrie with them which are so stricken. Likewise, that Trauellers may find the way in all places capable to beare Trees, He hath caused

Trees to be planted, a little distance one from another, neare vnto the principall wayes; and in Sandie and desart places,* 4.168 he hath caused to set Stones and Pillars for that purpose: and Officers are appointed to looke to these things. Hee plants Trees the rather because his Astrologers tell him, that planting Trees lengthens the life.

They make excellent drinke, in the Prouince of Cathai, of Rice and diuers Spices, which in the taste thereof excelleth the sweetnesse euen of Wine. And they who drinke more greedily therof then reason iudgeth to be fit, or the nature of the drinker requireth, sooner become drunke then if they had drunke Wine.

* 4.169Throughout the whole Prouince of Cathai, certaine blacke stones are digged out of the Moun∣taines, which put into the fire burne like wood, and being kindled preserue fire a long time, as if [ 10] they be kindled in the Euening, they keepe quicke fire all the night. And many vse those stones, because that though they haue store of wood, yet is there such frequent vse of Stoues and Bathes (thrise euery weeke) that the wood would not serue.

It is not amisse also, hauing spoken of his Prouisions abroad, to mention his care for the poore of Cambalu. When he heares of any honourable Familie decayed by disaduentures, or of any which cannot worke, and haue no meanes: he causeth to giue to such Families the whole yeares expenses; each of such Families going to the Officers for that purpose, and shewing their Bill of allowance, receiue prouisions accordingly. There is a Palace deputed for those Officers. They are prouided also of garments for Winter, and for Summer; the Can hauing the Tenths of all Wool, and Silke, and Hempe, which he causeth to bee made into Clothes in a house thereto appointed: [ 20] for all Trades are bound one day in the weeke to worke for him. He prouides also apparell for his Armies, and in euery Citie causeth Cloth to be made of his tithe wooll. You must vnderstand that ••he Tartars ancient customes knew no almes, but rather vpbraided such as were in necessitie, as hated of God. But the Idolaters, especially these Bachsi, haue propounded it as a good worke acceptable to God, and haue taught him to be thus bountifull, so that in his Court bread is neuer denyed to any which aske: and there is no day in which is not giuen away twentie thousand Crownes in Rice, Millet and Panike, whereby he is esteemed as a God.

There are also in Cambalu of Christians, Saracens, and Catayans, about fiue thousand Astrolo∣gers and Diuiners, which the Great Can prouideth yeerly of foode and rayment, as those poore abouesaid. These haue an Astrolabe in which are marked the signes of the Planets, the houres and [ 30] points of all the yeere. Herein all these Astrologers, each Religion apart, view the course of the yeere, according to euery Moone, obseruing the disposition of the weather, referring alway to God to doe more or lesse after his owne pleasure. They write also vpon certaine squares (they call them Tacuini) the things which are to come that yeere, which they sell to those that will buy them, and such as speake most truth are most honored. If any intend any great worke, or to goe a farre iourney, and will know the euent before-hand, he makes recourse to these Astrologers, to see it with their eyes in the Heauens, which they doe, comparing the present Constellation with that of his Birth (which they demand of him) so foretelling him the good or euill.

* 4.170The Tartars reckon the computation of their yeeres by twelues, the first signified by a Lion, the second by an Oxe, the third by a Dragon, the fourth by a Dogge, and so thorow the whole [ 40] twelue: so that if a man be demanded when he was borne; he will answer, such a point of such an houre, of such a day in the yeere Lion (this their fathers exactly set downe in a booke) and when the twelue is complete, they goe ouer the same againe.

* 4.171Of their Religion we haue said that they are Idolaters, and for their Gods haue a Table set a∣loft in the wall of their Chamber, on which is written, a Name representing the High God of Heauen; and there euery day, with a Censer of incense, they adore it in this manner. They lift vp their hands aloft, and strike their teeth thrice, praying it to giue them a good vnderstanding and health; and desire thereof nothing else. Besides, on the ground they haue another statue, cal∣led Natigai, The God of earthly things, with his Wife and Children (as before is said) whom likewise they worship with incense, striking * 4.172 or gnashing the teeth, and lifting vp the hands; [ 50] and desire thereof temperature of the aire, fruits of the earth, children, and the like. They hold the Soule to be immortal, and that when a man dies, it enters into another bodie better or worse, according to the merits in the former life,* 4.173 as of a poore man to become a Gentleman, and after of a Prince or Lord, and so higher till it be assumpted in God: or if it hath ill deserued to be a poorer man, after a Dogge, alway descending to the lowest ranke of basenesse. They haue a comely speech,* 4.174 salute cheerfully and honestly, haue a gracefull carriage, and feed cleanly. They beare great reuerence to their Parents, and if any be vndutifull, or helplesse to their necessitie, there is a publike Office designed to this particular, to punish vngratefull or disobedient children. Priso∣ners are released at three yeeres end, and marked in the cheeke, to be knowne Malefactors.

* 4.175The Barons and People which goe to the Grand Can, obserue these Rites. First, within halfe [ 60] a mile of the place where the Can is, all is husht and quiet without noyse or cryes, or any loud speech: and euery Baron carries continually a little faire vessell to spit in, after which hee couers it, none daring to spit on the Hall. They haue Furre buskins of white leather, which they put on when they enter the Hall, putting off the former and giuing them to the seruants, lest they should foule the faire artificiall Carpets.

TEn miles off Cambalu, is a certayne great Riuer, named Pulisangan, emptying it selfe into the Ocean, by which many ships with much merchandise ascend. And in that place, there is a very faire Bridge, all of Serpentine stone curiously wrought, contayning three hundred pa∣ces in length, and eight in breadth, that ten men may ride abrest.* 4.176 On each side it is fairely moun∣ted with a wall of marble, and Pillars set on a rew: and in the height of the ascent is a great and high Pillar, at the foote whereof is a great Lion, and on the top another. And so quite thorow the Bridge, one pace and halfe distant are Pillars with Lions on the top, and a faire well-wrought marble worke betwixt, to keepe men from falling.

Hauing passed ouer the Riuer and Bridge, proceeding thirtie miles westward (in which Pala∣ces [ 10] are continually seene with Vineyards and fertile Fields) you come to the Citie Gouza,* 4.177 both faire and great▪ hauing many Monasteries of Idols. Cloth of gold and silkes are made there, and the purest and finest Cambricks or Launes; and many common Innes for Strangers and Trauailers are found in that Citie: The Citizens are Artificers and Merchants. A mile without this Citie the way parteth, one leading West, the other South-east:* 4.178 that to the West leadeth through the Prouince of Cathay, but the other towards the Countrey of Maugi. From the Citie of Gouza to the Kingdome of Tainfu, you ride ten dayes thorow Cataio, alway finding many faire Cities and Castles, well traded with Vineyards and tilled Fields, from whence Wine is carried to Ca∣taio, where it wants. There are many Mulberrie trees for Silke-workes: the People ciuill and Cities very frequent.

Tainfu is the name of the Kingdome, and of the chiefe Citie which is great and faire,* 4.179 hath [ 20] much trading with store of munition, fit for the Cans Armies. The Wine about this Citie ser∣ueth the whole Prouince. Seuen dayes further westward is a goodly Countrey, beautified with many Castles and Cities, in which also great trade of merchandise is vsed. After which, you come to a Citie very great, named Pianfu, in which there is great abundance of Silke and Trading.

Westward from Pianfu standeth a very goodly Castle, named Thaigin, anciently built by a King called Dor. In it is a spacious Palace, wherein is a faire Hall, in which are painted all the famous Kings which haue reigned there; a faire spectacle.* 4.180 Of this King Dor they say that he was potent, and was attended onely by young Damsels, whereof his Court had great store. [ 30] They also when hee listed to take his pleasure, carried him in a small light Chariot thorow the Castle, which is so fortified by Art and Nature, that the Gouernour thereof feared none, no not Vmcan his Lord, against whom hee rebelled. But seuen men professing fidelitie and seruice to Dor, tooke him at aduantage in hunting, and brought him captiue to Presbyter Iohn or Vmcan, who put him in vile clothes, and appointed him to keepe his Cattell, and set on him a strong guard till two yeeres were ended: after which, hee commanded him to bee brought before him, and attyred him in Princely apparell, and giuing him his pardon after sharpe admonition, sent him so well attended to the repossession of his Kingdome.

About twentie miles beyond the Castle Thaigin, is the Riuer Caramoran,* 4.181 which by reason of the exceeding bredth and depth thereof, hath no Bridge: and floweth to the Ocean. On the [ 40] shoare thereof are many Cities and Castles built; wherein much trading is exercised. This Coun∣trey aboundet with Ginger, Silke, and Fowle, especially Feasants, that three of them are bought for a groat of Venice. There grow Reeds infinite store, so great that some are a foot, some are a foot and halfe in compasse, profitable to many vses. Passing this Riuer, after two dayes iourney is the famous Citie called Carianfu, where many clothes of Gold and Silke are made: heere growes Ginger, Galingale, Spike, and many Spices. The people are Idolaters.* 4.182 Proceeding se∣uen dayes iourney Westward, many Cities, and Townes, goodly Fields and Gardens are found; and euery where Mulberies for Silke-wormes. And they are Idolaters: but there are also Chri∣stians, Turkes, Nestorians, and some Saracens. There is much both of wilde Beasts and Fowle. If you proceed seuen dayes iourney further, you shall come to a certaine great Citie, named [ 50] Quenzanfu, which is the chiefe Citie of the Kingdome,* 4.183 in which haue raigned many famous Kings: and at this day, the sonne of great Can, called Mangalu, hath the command thereof. That Countrey yeeldeth great plentie of Silke, Cloth of Gold, and all other things necessarie for fur∣nishing of an Armie, and for preseruation of the life of Man. The Inhabitants worship Idols, and there are some Christians, and Turkes, and Saracens. Fiue miles without the Citie standeth the Palace of Mangalu, seated in a Playne, where are many Springs, Riuerets, and places of Game. There is a high wall encompassing fiue miles, where are all wilde Beasts and Fowles,* 4.184 in the midst is an excellent Palace, hauing many Halls and Chambers great and faire, all painted with Gold and Az••re, and infinite Marbles adorning. The King with his Courtiers applieth himselfe to hunting of wilde Beasts, and taking of Fowle, and followeth his ••athers steps in [ 60] Iustice and Equitie, much beloued of his people.

Going three dayes Iourney Westward from the said Palace, through a certaine goodly Plaine, where many Cities and Castles are (and abundance of Silke, Merchandise, and Arts) is a moun∣tainous Countrie, where, in the Mountaines and Valleyes are frequent Habitations, and store of Lodgings, of the Prouince of Cunchin. The Inhabitants are Idolaters, and Husbandmen. Also,* 4.185

in that Countrie they hunt Lions, Beares, Stags, Roe-buckes, Deere, Wolues. That Plaine is two dayes iourney, and the Countrey is twentie dayes Westward all inhabited, hauing Moun∣taines, and Valleyes, and many Woods.

* 4.186After that, twentie dayes towards the West, is a Prouince, named Achbaluch Mangi, that is, The white Citie of the borders of Mangi, which is wel peopled. This Prouince for two daies iourny hath a Plaine, with infinite habitations. After which follow Mountaines, Valleyes, and Woods, all inhabited twentie dayes iourney Westward. It hath store of wild beasts, and of those creatures which yeeld Muske. In this Prouince Ginger groweth in great plentie, as also Corne and Rice.

After twentie dayes iourney thorow those Hills, is a Playne, and a Prouince in the Confines of Mangi,* 4.187 named Sindinfu. The chiefe Citie hath the same name, great and exceeding rich, be∣ing, [ 10] twentie miles circuit about. It hath had many rich and mightie Kings, but the old King dy∣ing, left three sonnes Successors of the Kingdome, which diuided the Citie into three parts, compassing euery part with their proper walls, all which notwithstanding were contayned within the former wall. But great Can subiected that Citie and Kingdome to his Dominion. Thorow this Citie runne many Riuers, in many places, and round about, some halfe a mile ouer, some two hundred paces, very deepe, and on them are many Bridges of stone, very faire, eight paces broad, set on both sides with marble Pillars, which beare vp a timber Frame that couers the Bridge; each Bridge hauing streets and shops all alongst. When these Riuers are past the Citie, they becom one great riuer,* 4.188 called Quian, which runneth one hundred dayes iourney hence to the Ocean. Neere these Riuers are many Cities and Castles, and ships for Merchandise. Proceeding fiue dayes iourney ••urther, through a certaine Playne, many Cities, Castles, and Villages are [ 20] found, in which fine Lawnes are in great aboundance. Many wilde Beasts also are there.

* 4.189After the Playne whereof wee now speake, is the Prouince of Tebeth, which great Can van∣quished, and wasted: for in it are many Cities destroyed, and Castles ouerthrowne by the space of twentie dayes iourney. And because it is become a Wildernesse, wanting Inhabi∣tants, wilde Beasts, and Lions are there encreased abundantly: and it is needfull that Tra∣uellers carrie victuals with them. Very great Canes grow in this Countrey ten paces in length, and three palmes in thicknesse, and as much from knot to knot. When Trauellers therefore will rest by night secure from Beasts,* 4.190 they take great bundles of the greener Reeds, and putting fire vnder, kindle them. Which make such a cracking, and so great a noyse, that it may bee [ 30] heard two miles off. Which terrible sound the wilde Beasts hearing, flee away. More∣ouer, Horses, and other Beasts which Merchants vse for their iourney, hearing this noyse and cracking, are very much afraid, and many betaking themselues to flight, haue escaped from their Masters: but the wiser Trauellers binding their feet together with Fetters, detayne them with violence.

Twentie dayes Iourney ended, hauing passed ouer the Prouince of Tebeth, wee meet with Cities,* 4.191 and very many Villages, in which, through the blindnesse of Idolatrie, a wicked custome is vsed: for, no man there marrieth a wife that is a Virgin. Whereupon, when Trauellers and Strangers comming from other parts, passe through this Countrey, and pitch their Pauilions, the Women of that place hauing marriageable daughters, bring them vnto Strangers, desiring [ 40] them to take them, and enioy their companie as long as they remayne there. Thus the pretier are chosen, and the rest returne home sorrowfull. And when they will depart, they are not suffe∣red to carrie any away with them, but faithfully restore them to their Parents. The Mayden also requireth some toy or small Present of him who hath defloured her, which shee may shew as an argument and proofe of her deflouring. And shee that hath beene loued, and abused of most men, and shall haue many such fauours and toyes to shew to her Wooers, is accounted more noble, and may more easily and honourably be married. And when shee will goe honoura∣bly attired,* 4.192 shee hangeth all her Louers fauours about her necke, and the more acceptable shee was to many, of so much the more honour is shee adiudged worthie. But when they are once married to husbands, they are now no more suffered to be coupled with strange men. And the [ 50] men of this Countrie are very wary, that they offend not one another in this matter. They are Idolaters, and cruell men, thinking it no sinne if they rob, and exercise theft. They liue by hunting, and the fruits of the earth. Many beasts also are found with them, yeelding Muske called by them, Gudderi. They haue a proper Language, and haue no money, not the Paper money of Can,* 4.193 but spend Corals for money, and are clothed with the skins of beasts, or course Hempe. This Countrey appertayneth to the Prouince of Tebeth: for Tebeth is a very large Prouince,* 4.194 and hath beene sometime diuided into eight Kingdomes, hauing many Cities, and Townes, with many Mountaynes, Lakes, and Riuers, where Gold is found. The women weare Corall about their neckes, and hang it about the neckes of their Idols, as a precious thing. In this Countrey there are very great Dogs, as big as Asses, which take wilde Beasts, specially wilde [ 60] Oxen, called Beyamini. They are exceeding Necromancers, causing tempests, lightnings, thun∣derbolts, and many other wonders. There are many sorts of Spices neuer brought into these parts. This Thebeth is (as all the former Prouinces) subiect to the Can.

* 4.195On the West of the Prouince of Tebeth, bordereth the Prouince of Caindu, sometimes gouer∣ned

by her owne Kings, now by the Gouernours of the Can. By the West you must not vnder∣stand that the Countries are in the West, but that wee departing from those parts which are be∣twixt the East and North-east come hither Westward: and therefore reckon them Westward. The people are Idolaters, haue many Cities, the chiefe called by the name of the Prouince, Cain∣du, built in the entry of the Prouince. There is a great salt Lake, in which is store of Pearles, white, not round, so abundant, that the price of them would become little worth, if they were suffered to be carried away at mens pleasures. Whereupon, it is prouided vpon payne of death, that none should presume to fish for Pearle in this Lake, without the licence of great Can. There is also a Mountaine in which is found a Minerall of Turkesse stones, confined to the like [ 10] licence. Many Gadderi are also in this Prouince, which yeeld Muske.* 4.196 That Lake also which ingendreth Pearle in such plentie, aboundeth with Fishes: and the whole Countrey is full of wilde Beasts, that is to say, of Lions, Beares, Stags▪ Deere, Ounces, Roe-buckes; and diuers kinds of Birds. Cloues are found there in great plentie, which are gathered from small Trees,* 4.197 which haue boughs and leaues like the Bay-tree, but somewhat longer and straighter, white flowers and little, as are the Cloues, and when they are ripe they are blacke and duskie. Gin∣ger, Cinamon, and diuers other Spices grow there in great plentie,* 4.198 which are not brought vnto our Countries. Wine groweth not in it, but in stead thereof they make excellent Drinke of Corne, Rice, and diuers other Spices. The Inhabitants of this Countrey worship Idols,* 4.199 by which they are so besotted, that they thinke they deserue their fauour, if they prostitute their wiues, [ 20] sisters, and daughters to bee abused by Trauellers. For, when any Stranger commeth amongst them, euery housholder seeketh to giue him entertainment, and goe their way, leauing the femals and house to the Strangers will, and returne not vntill they depart. And the women presently hang vp some signe till he be gone, that when the Master of the familie returneth, he may know he is there still, and goe away againe, staying without till he be departed: which hee doth for the glorie of his Idols, hoping they will be more gracious vnto him. Certaine twigs of Gold are their money, vsing weights, and according to the weight of the twig is the value of the mo∣ney. And this money is the greater money without stampe. They haue also a lesser, which they make after this manner. They boyle Salt in a Caldron an houres space,* 4.200 of which being congea∣led, they make little lumps like two-pennie loaues, which being made solid, is signed with the [ 30] Princes Stampe, and make great profit thereof in sauage places, remote from Cities which haue store of Muske and Gold, and want Chapmen. These bartar their Gold for Salt to vse in their meats. Leauing this Prouince, they proceed fifteene dayes iourney further, and in the meane space meet with Castles, and many Villages, whose Inhabitants haue the same customes, that the Prouince of Caindu hath, and at length they come vnto a Riuer, called Brius,* 4.201 where the Pro∣uince of Caindu is bounded. In this Riuer Gold is found in great plentie, which they call, Di Paiola (washed in vessels to seuer it from the sands and earth.) On the bankes thereof Cinamon groweth in great abundance. This Riuer runneth to the Ocean.

Hauing passed ouer the Riuer Brius, they come westward to the Prouince Caraian,* 4.202 which contayneth seuen Kingdomes. It is subiect to the Great C••n, whose sonne, named Sentemur, [ 40] is made King of that Kingdome, who is rich, wise and iust. The Inhabitants thereof are Idola∣ters. You ride fiue dayes and finde it all well peopled. They liue of their Beasts and Fruits. The Countrey breedeth excellent Horses: and it hath a peculiar and difficult language. At the end of those fiue dayes is the chiefe Citie, called Iaci, and it is great and famous,* 4.203 hath in it many Mer∣chants and Artificers, and many sorts of People▪ Idolaters, Christians, Nestorians, and Saracens; but the most Idolaters. It hath Corne, and much Rice, although they eate no bread of Corne, because it is not whol••ome, but they make bread of Rice. They make drinke also of it, and diuers Spices very pleasant. They vse white Porcelanes in stead of money,* 4.204 and for ornaments which are found at the Sea. Much Salt is made in this Citie of the water of salt Wells, whereof the King hath great profit. The men of this Countrey care not if any man come to their Wiues, so they giue their consent. There is also a Lake there very full of Fish, contayning an hundreth [ 50] miles in compasse. Those men eate raw flesh of Hennes, Beefe, Mutton and Buffals,* 4.205 but prepa∣red after this manner. They first breake it into small pieces, and after season it with excellent Spices; but the poorer sort shred it and lay it in Garlicke sawce, and eate it as wee doe boy∣led meate.

Departing from the Citie of Iaci, hauing trauailed ten dayes iourney westward, yee come to the Prouince named, as is the chiefe Citie, Carazan, which Cogatin, sonne of Cublai, gouerneth.* 4.206 The Riuers there yeeld very much gold di paiola, and also that which is more solid, and the Mountaines gold of the veine, and they giue one stone of gold for six of siluer. They spend Porce∣lanes for money, brought thither from India. The Inhabitants are Idolaters: very great Serpents are bred in this Countrey, whereof some contayne ten paces in length, and in thicknesse ten [ 60] spannes. They haue two little feet before nigh the head, with three talons or clawes like Lions, and the eyes bigger then a Groat loafe, very shining. They haue their mouthes and jawes so wide, that they are able to swallow a man; great and sharpe teeth: nor is there any man, or o∣ther liuing Creature, which may behold those Serpents without terror: there are found lesse, of

eight, sixe, or fiue paces long, which are taken after this manner. In the day time they vse to lie hid,* 4.207 by reason of the heat, in holes, out of the which they goe by night to seeke their prey, and deuoure whatsoeuer they get, Lions, Wolues, or others: and then goe to seeke water, lea∣uing such a tract with their weight in the sands, as if some piece of timber had beene drawne there. Whereupon the Hunters fasten vnder the sands sharpe Iron prickes in their vsuall tracts, whereon they are wounded and slayne. The Crowes presen••ly ring his knell, and by their cra∣ing cries inuite the Hunters, which come and slay him, taking forth his gall, profitable for di∣uers Medecines (amongst other things, for the biting of mad Dogs, a penie weight giuen in Wine; and far women in trauell for carbuncles and pushes) and they sell the fl••sh deare as being exceeding delicate. There are bred great Horses in this Prouince, which by Merchants are carri∣ed into India. They vse to take one bone out of the tayle, lest he should bend his tayle hither and [ 10] thither, and esteeme it more comely that it hang downe right. They vse long Stirrups as the Frenchmen; which the Tartars and other Nations 〈◊〉〈◊〉 their shooting vse short, because when they shoot, they rise vp. They vse Targets and Armour in the Warres, made of the hides of Buffals: they haue Lances and Crosse-bowes, and poyson all their Arrowes. Some of them which are ill minded, are said to carrie * 4.208 poyson about them conti••ually, that if they be taken, they may suddenly swallow it and death together, to preuent t••r••ure. For which cause the great Lords haue Dogs dung ready, which they force them to swallow, and that forceth them to vomit the poyson.* 4.209 Before the great Can subiected them, they vsed, that when any Stranger which seemed of good presence and parts lodged with them, they slue him by night, supposing that those good parts of that man might abide afterwards in that house: and this was the death [ 20] of many.

Going from the Prouince Carazan, after fiue dayes iourney Westward, is the Prouince Car∣dandan,* 4.210 which also is subiect to great Can. The chiefe Citie thereof is called Vociam. The In∣habitants thereof vse Porcelanes and weighed pieces of Gold in stead of money: for in that Countrey, and many other lying round about, Siluer mines are not found, and they giue one ounce of Gold for fiue ounces of Siluer,* 4.211 and great gayne is made by the change. The men and women of that Countrey couer their teeth with thinne plates of Gold, which they so fit vnto them, that the teeth themselues seeme (as it were) to be set in the plates. The men about their armes and legs make lists, pricking the places with Needles, and putting thereon a blacke inde∣lible tincture. And these lists or markes are esteemed with them a great galantrie. They giue [ 30] their minds to nothing but riding, hunting, hawking, and exercises of Armes, leauing the hous∣hold cares to the women, who are helped therein by slaues which they buy or take in Warre. When a woman is brought to bed shee forsakes the bed, washeth the child and dresseth it, and then the husband * 4.212 lieth downe and keepes the child with him fortie dayes, not suffering it to depart: is visited meane while of friends and neighbours, to cheare and comfort him. The wo∣man lookes to the house, carrie the husband his br••ths to his bed, and giues sucke to the child by him. Their Wine is made of Rice and Spice, their meat Rice, and raw flesh dressed, as is before mentioned. In this Prouince there are no other Idols, saue that euery familie adoreth the oldest man in the house, of whom they say come themselues and all they haue. They dwell for the most part, in wilde and mountainous places. But Forrainers come not to those Mountaines, because [ 40] the ayre would kill them, being in Summer very corrupt. They ••aue no letters, but make their Contracts and Obligations by tallies of wood, the halfe whereof the one keepeth, and the o∣ther, the other: which being afterward payd, the tallie is rendred. There are no Physicians in this Prouince, nor in Caindu, Vociam and Caraian: but when any is sicke, they call the Magi∣cians, or Idoll Priests together, and he sicke partie declareth his disease vnto them: then the Magicians dance, and sound certaine instruments, and bellow forth songs in honour of their Gods, while at length the Deuill entreth into one of them skipping and playing in the dance. Then leauing the dance, they consult with him that is possessed, for what cause that disease hap∣ned vnto him, and what is to be done for his recouerie. The Deuill answereth by him, because [ 50] he hath done this or that, or because he hath offended this or that God: therefore, he fell into this disease. Then the Magicians intreat that God to pardon him that offence, promising, that if the sicke partie recouer, he shall offer a Sacrifice of his owne bloud. But if the Deuill thinke the weake partie to be sicke of such a disease that he cannot be freed from the same, he vseth to answere: This man hath so grieuously offended that God, that he cannot by any sacrifices bee appeased. But if he thinke he shall recouer, he commandeth to offer so many Rammes hauing blacke heads, and to prepare so many Magicians with their wiues, by them to offer Sacrifices, and that God may then bee appeased towards him. Which being heard, his kinsmen quickly cause those things to be done which the Deuill commanded: they kill Rammes, and sprinckle their bloud in the ayre, and the Magicians assembled with their Witches, light great Candles, [ 60] and perfume the whole house with incense, making fume of Lignum Aloes, and sprinckle the broth of the flesh in the ayre, together with the potion made of Spices: all which being duely performed, they skip about againe in a dance in honour of that Idoll, which is supposed to haue beene fauourable to the sicke, singing, and making an horrible noyse with their voyces: These

things being done, they aske the possessed againe, whether by these things the Idol be appeased. If he answer, No, they presently prepare themselues to fulfill another command of his. But if he answer, that he is satisfied, they sit downe at the Table, and eate the flesh offered to the Idoll with great ioy, and drinke the confections. And dinner being ended, and the Magicians payed, euery one returneth to his owne home. And when the sicke hath thus escaped the disease, through the prouidence of God, and hath beene restored to health, they attribute it to the Idoll whom they sacrificed. But if he die, then they say, the Idoll was defrauded, and that some of the Sacrificers tasted thereof first. This is not done to all but to the Richer, the Deuill deluding their blindnesse.

[ 10]

§. VII. Of the Prouince of Mien and Bengala, how they were conquered to the Can: Of Cangi∣gu, Amu, Tholoman, Cintigui, and some other parts of Cataio. And of the Conquest of Mangi.

ANno Dom. 1272. the Great Can sent an Armie into the Kingdome of Vociam, and Carazan to guard it, to the number of twelue thousand expert warriors, vnder the [ 20] conduct of Nestardin a wise Captaine. As soone as the King of Mien, and the King of Bengala heard of their comming, assembling their forces, they ioyned Horse and Foot together, about threescore thousand, and about a thousand Elephants beating Castles, and in euery Castle twelue or sixteene * 4.213 armed men were placed. With this Armie the King of Mien speedily marched towards the Citie Vociam, where the Armie of the Tartars rested. Nestardin comming forth with a manly courage to fight against the Enemie, encamped against a certaine great Wood, knowing that the Elephants with those Towres were not able to enter into the Wood. Then the King of Mien marcheth forth to meete them. But the Tartarian Horses per∣ceiuing the Elephants to be present, which were placed in the first front of the battaile, were terrified with so great feare, that they could not by any violence or policy be prouoked against [ 30] the Elephants. The Tartars therefore were compelled to alight from their Horses,* 4.214 and tying them to the Trees of the Wood, they come to fight on foot against the Elephants. In the front of the battaile, all the Tartars purposely shot a multitude of Arrowes against the Elephants, which not able to indure the strokes of the Arrowes, speedily betooke themselues to flight, and with swift course went all vnto the next Wood, and brake their Castles, and ouer-threw the armed men sitting in them, which the Tartars seeing, runne vnto their Horses, and getting vp vpon them, furiously fall vpon the Kings Armie with great violence: and many of either Ar∣mie fell, at length the King of Mien being put to flight, left the victorie to the Tartars, who hasten to the Wood, and taking many Captiues, vsed their helpe to take two hundred of these Elephants. And euer since Great Can hath vsed Elephants in his Armies which before hee had [ 40] not accustomed. Hereupon also he vanquished the Countries of the King of Mien and Bengala, and subiected them to his Empire.

Departing from the Prouince of Cardandan, is a great descent, which continueth two dayes and a halfe, nor is there any habitation there, but a very large Playne, in the which,* 4.215 three dayes in the weeke many men meete together for Trading. Many descend from the great Mountaines of that Countrey, bringing gold with them to change for siluer, to wit, giuing one ounce of gold for fiue ounces of siluer: whereupon, many Merchants from forraine Nations come thither, who bringing siluer carrie away gold, and bring thither merchandises to sell to those people. For to those high Mountaines, in which, they who gather gold in that Countrey, dwell, no stranger can come, seeing the way is vnpassable and intricate. When you are past that Playne, going to∣ward [ 50] the South, Mien bordereth vpon India, and the way lyeth fifteene dayes iourney in pla∣ces not inhabited and wooddy, in which innumerable Elephants, Vnicornes,* 4.216 and other wild beasts wander.

After that fifteene dayes is found Mien, a great and noble Citie, the head of the Kingdome,* 4.217 and subiect to Great Can. The Inhabitants thereof haue a peculiar language, and are Idolaters. In this Citie there was a King, who being readie to die, commanded that neere to his Sepulchre, there should be made two Towres in Pyramide fashion, one at the head, the other at the feete, both of Marble, of the heigth of ten fathom. On the top was a round Ball. He caused one to bee couered all ouer with gold a finger thicke, and the other with siluer. And vpon the top round about the Balls, many little golden and siluer Bells were hanged, which at the blowing of the [ 60] winde gaue a certaine sound. The Moniment or Sepulchre was also couered with Plates, partly of gold, partly of siluer. He commanded this to be made in honor of his Soule, and that his me∣morie should neuer decay among men. And when Great Can minded to subdue this Citie, hee sent a valiant Captaine, and the greatest part of his Armie were Iesters, of which his Court is al∣way furnished. These winning the Citie, would not violate that Moniment without the Cans

knowledge, who hearing that the decessed had made it for the honor of his Soule, would not suf∣fer it to be stirred:* 4.218 for the manner of the Tartars is, not to violate those things which belong to the dead. In this Prouince are many Elephants, wild Oxen, great and faire Stagges and Deere, and other wild Beasts of diuers kindes.

* 4.219The Prouince Bengala bordereth vpon India toward the South, which Great Can subdued, when Marco Polo liued in his Court. The Countrey hath a proper King, and peculiar language. The Inhabitants thereof are all Idolaters: they haue Masters which keepe Schooles and teach I∣dolatries and Inchantments; a thing common to all the great Men of that Countrey. They eate Flesh, Rice and Milke: they haue Cotton in great plentie, and by reason thereof, much and great trading is exercised there: they abound also with Spike, Galangal, Ginger, Sugar, and diuers o∣ther [ 10] Spices.* 4.220 Huge Oxen also are there, comparable with Elephants in height but not in thick∣nesse. Many Eunuches are made in this Prouince, which are afterwards sold vnto Merchants. This Prouince continueth thirtie dayes iourney, in the end whereof going Eastward is the Pro∣uince of Cangigu.

* 4.221Cangigu hath his proper King and pecul••ar language. The Inhabitants thereof worship Idols, and are Tributaries to Great Can. Their King hath about three hundreth Wiues. Much gold is found in this Prouince, and many Spices, but they cannot easily be transported, seeing that coun∣trey is farre distant from the Sea. There are also many Elephants in it, and much game of many wild Beasts. The Inhabitants thereof liue with Flesh, Milke and Rice. They want Wine, but they make good drinke of Rice and Spices.* 4.222 Aswell the Men as the Women vse to embroider their [ 20] Faces, Necks, Hands, Bellies and Legs, making the Images of Lions, Dragons and Birds, and so firmely imprint them that they cannot easily bee put out: and the more such Images any one hath, by so much is hee esteemed the more gallant. And there be Professors of this foolish Art of flesh embroiderie, which vse no other Trade but this Needle-worke, and dying of Fooles-skinnes.

* 4.223Amu is an Easterly Prouince subiect to Great Can, whose Inhabitants worship Idols, and haue a peculiar language. They abound with Herds of Cattell, and haue plentie of Victuals, and many Horses and those excellent, which Merchants bring into India. They haue also many Buffes and Oxen, because there are delicate Pastures there. As well Men as Women, weare brace∣lets of gold and siluer of great value on their armes, also the like on their legs: but those of the Women are of most value. From Amu to Cangigu are fiue and twentie dayes iourney.

* 4.224The Prouince Tholoman is eight dayes iourney distant to the East from Amu, subiect vnto [ 30] Great Can, hauing a peculiar language, and worshipping Idols. The Men and Women thereof are tall and goodly, of a browne colour. The Countrey is very well inhabited, hauing many and strong Castles and Cities. The men are exercised in Armes and accustomed to warre. They burne the bodies of their dead, and inclosing the Reliques of their bones in a Chest, hide them in the Caues of the Mountaines, that they cannot bee touched either of man or beast. Gold is in great plentie there, and in stead of money they vse Porcelanes brought from India, as also in Cangigu and Amu.

From the Prouince Tholoman, the way leadeth towards the East on a Riuer, by which are ma∣ny Cities and Castles,* 4.225 and at the end of twelue dayes you come to the great Citie Cintigui. The [ 40] Countrey is subiect to Great Can, and the Inhabitants thereof are addicted to Idolatrie. Excel∣lent Clothes are made in this Countrey of the barkes of Trees,* 4.226 wherewith they are clothed in the Summer. Very many Lions are there, so that for feare of them, none dare sleepe without doores by night. The ships which goe vp and downe the Riuer, for feare of the Lions, are not fastned to the banke. There are great Dogs in the same Countrey, so hardie and strong, that they feare not to aduenture on the Lion: And it often hapneth, that two Dogs and one Archer kill a Lion: for the Dogs set on by the man giue the onset, and the Lions nature is presently to seeke shelter from some Tree, that the Dogs may not come behind him: neither yet will his great heart suffer him to runne from the Dogs, lest he should seeme afraid; but he holds his stately pace, the man mean∣while shooting, and the Dogs fastning on his hinder parts, but with such quicknesse, that when [ 50] the Lion turnes on them they are gone. And then doth this magnanimous Beast hold on his way againe to seeke such Tree succour, that with Bitings and Arrowes he sometimes comes short, and with expense of bloud dyeth by the way. This Countrey aboundeth with Silke, which by Merchants is carried to diuers Prouinces by the Riuer. They liue on Merchandise, their money is Paper.* 4.227 They are valiant in Armes. At the end of ten dayes is the Citie Sidinfu, and twentie dayes from thence is Gingui, and foure dayes thence is Pazanfu towards the South, and is in Cataio re∣turning by the other side of the Prouince. The people are Idolaters and burne their dead. There are also certaine Christians which haue a Church: all vnder the Can and vse Paper money. They make Clothes of Gold, and Silke, and Launes very fine. By this Citie (which hath many Cities vnder it) goes a great Riuer which carries store of merchandise to Cambalu, made by many Chan∣nels [ 60] to passe thither. But wee will passe hence, and proceeding three dayes iourney, speake of Cianglu.

* 4.228Cianglu is a great Citie toward the South of the Prouince of Cataio, subiect to the Can, the In∣habitants are Idolaters, and burne their dead. Their money is the (Mulberie) Paper coine of the

Can. In this Citie and the Territories they make store of Salt, for that Earth is very salt,* 4.229 and out of it they get Salt, after this manner. They heape vp Earth in manner of an Hill, and powre water vpon it, which drawes the saltnesse of the Earth vnto it, and then runnes into certaine Conduits, and is boyled in Pannes till it be congealed to Salt faire and white, to the Cans and their great gaine, being carried into other Countries to sell. There are great Peaches very good, which weigh two pounds a piece. Fiue dayes iourney beyond the Citie Cianglu,* 4.230 in Cataio South∣ward standeth another Citie, named Ciangli (in which way are many Cities and Castles, all sub∣iect to the Can) through the middest whereof runneth a great Riuer,* 4.231 very conuenient for ship∣ping laden with merchandises.

[ 10] Six dayes iourney thence to the South (all which way hath great Cities and Castles of Idola∣ters) is the noble Kingdome and great Citie Tudinfu, which had his proper King,* 4.232 before it was subdued to Great Can, Anno 1272. and hath eleuen Royall Cities, famous for traffick, subiect to the iurisdiction thereof. It is very delectable for Gardens and Fruits, rich in Silkes. The Can sent to the gouernment hereof one of his Barons, named Lucansor, with eightie thousand Horse: who rebelled against his Lord, but was slaine by a power of one hundred thousand vnder two other Barons sent against him, and the Countrey reduced to obedience. Seuen dayes off (riding by ma∣ny Cities and Castles of Idolaters, plentifull of all things) towards the South is the famous Ci∣tie, named Singuimatu, vnto the which on the South, a certaine great Riuer runneth,* 4.233 which be∣ing diuided by the Inhabitants of the place into two Riuers, floweth partly to the East to∣wards Cataio, and partly to the West towards Mangi. By these Riuers, innumerable Vessels for [ 20] multitude, and incredible for their greatnesse and wealth, bring necessaries to both Prouinces. If you goe sixteene dayes iourney towards the South from Singuimatu, you still meet with Cities and Townes where much trading is exercised. The Inhabitants of these Countries are Idolaters, subiect to Great Can.

After that sixteene dayes, you come vnto a great Riuer, named Caramoran,* 4.234 which is said to flow out of the Kingdome of Vincan or Presbyter Iohn, of the North. It is very deepe, and car∣rieth Ships of great burthen: it is also stored with Fish. Within one dayes iourney of the Sea there are in this Riuer fifteene thousand Saile, each of which carrieth fifteene Horses and twen∣tie Men, besides Victualls and the Mariners. This is the Cans Fleet kept there in readinesse, to carrie an Armie to any of the Ilands in the Sea, if they should rebell; or to any remote Region [ 30] Neere the banke of the Riuer where these Ships are kept, is Coiganzu, and ouer against it Quan∣zu, one a great Citie, the other small. After you are past that Riuer, you enter into the noble Kingdome of Mangi. And doe not thinke that wee haue handled in order the whole Prouince of Cataio: yea, I haue not spoken of the twentieth part. For, M. Polo passing by the said Pro∣uince, hath onely described the Cities in his way, leauing those on both hands, and those be∣twixt these, to preuent tediousnesse.

The Prouince of Mangi is the most rich and famous that is found in the East: and An. 1269. had a certaine King, named Fanfur,* 4.235 richer and mightier then any which had reigned there in an hundred yeeres, but a man peaceable and full of almesdeeds, so beloued of his subiects, that there∣by, [ 40] and by the strength of the Countrie, he seemed inuincible. Whereby it came to passe, that the King aswell as the People, lost the vse and exercise of Warre and Armes. All the Cities were compassed with Ditches, a Bow shoot broad, full of Water. Hee held in pay no Horses, because he feared none. And hence it came to passe, that the King giuing himselfe to pleasure more then was meete, enioyed continuall delights. He maintayned about a thousand goodly Lasses, with which he passed his time in pleasure. He nourished Iustice, and preserued Peace. No man durst offend his Neighbour, and disturbe the Peace, for feare of seuere vnpartiall punishment. So that Artificers would often leaue their Shops full of Wares open by night, and yet none would pre∣sume to enter into them. Trauailers and strangers most safely walked day and night, throughout that whole Kingdom, fearing no man. The King himselfe also was pitifull and mercifull towards the Poore, and forsooke not them that were oppressed with necessitie, or pinched with penurie. [ 50] Besides, euery yeere hee tooke vp twentie thousand young Infants, cast off by their Mothers, which through pouertie were not able to keepe them, which he brought vp, and set them when they were growne to some Trade, or married the young Men with the Maids which hee had in like sort educated

Cublai Can was of a differing disposition to Fanfur, and delighted onely in Warres and Con∣quests, and to make himselfe Great; he sent a great Armie leuied of Horse and Foot, and made one, named Chinsan Baian (that is, one hundred eyes) Generall thereof. Hee,* 4.236 therefore comming with his Armie and a Fleet to the Prouince of Mangi, first summoned the citie Coiganzu to yeeld obedience to his Emperour. Who refusing the same, hee departed without any assault giuen to the Citie: and required the same of the second Citie; which likewise refusing, he marched forward [ 60] to the third, and fourth, and receiued the like answere of them all. But he assaulted the next with great courage, and vanquished the same by force, and slue euery mothers child therein; which so affrighted and terrified the rest, that they all presently yeelded. Moreouer, Great Can sent ano∣ther great Armie after the former, with both which Armies hee marched against the chiefe Citie

Quinsai, where the King of Mangi resided: who mightily terrified, as neuer hauing seene any battell,* 4.237 fled with his wealth and treasures in ships which he had prepared to certaine impreg∣nable Ilands in the Ocean (where he after died) committing the custodie of the Citie of Quin∣sai to his wife, bidding her to defend it as well as shee could; for being a woman shee need not feare death,* 4.238 if shee were taken. It is to be obserued, that King Fanfur had beene told by his Di∣uiners, that his Kingdome should neuer be taken from him, but by one which had an hundred eyes: which the Queene knew, and therefore was still in hope not to lose the Citie, howsoeuer streightned; thinking it impossible for one man to haue an hundred eyes. But one day she heard, that the Commander of the Tartars was called Baian Chinsan, that is to say, An hundred eyes, and was much terrified: wherefore, calling for the Commander of the Tartars Armie, thin∣king [ 10] him to bee the man which the Astrologers spake of, shee deliuereth the Citie vnto him. Which being heard, the Citizens, and Inhabitants of the whole Prouince, reuolted to the obe∣dience of great Can. The Queene was sent vnto the Court of great Can, and was most honou∣rably receiued by him, and maintayned like a Queene. And now wee will speake of the Cities of * 4.239 Mangi.

[ 20]

§. VIII. Of the Cities of Mangi (now called China) and the rarities thereof: the many wonders of Quinsai, the Palaces, Pleasures, Rites and Gouernment, obserued by the Natiues, and the Tartars.

* 4.240COiganzu is a faire and rich Citie, situate towards the South-east, and East in the en∣trance of the Prouince of Mangi, (from Cataio, whence the Authour passed) where are alway great store of ships, being seated on the Riuer Caramoran. Great store of [ 30] Merchandise is carried thither.* 4.241 Salt is also made there in great abundance.

Going from Coiganzu, you ride towards the South-east one dayes iourney on a stone * 4.242 Cau∣sie; on both sides whereof are great Fennes with deepe waters, whereon they may passe with ships: neither is there any entrance into Mangi but by shipping (as the Captaine of the Can did) but by this Causie.* 4.243 At the end of that dayes iourney is a Citie called Paughin great and faire. The people make clothes of Gold and of Silke, are Merchants and Idolaters. The Paper money of great Can is receiued throughout that whole Countrey. It is plentifull of all neces∣saries of life.

* 4.244To the Citie Caim, is from Paughin one dayes iourney South-east, and this is also a famous Citie,* 4.245 abounding with fish, and game, of beasts, and fowle: especially Phesants are found there, in exceeding great plentie, as great as Peacocks; of which you may haue three for one [ 40] Venetian groat.

Proceeding further hence one dayes iourney, you come thorow a well manured and peopled Countrey to the Citie Tingui,* 4.246 which although it be not great, yet hath it exceeding great plen∣tie of victuals. They are Merchants, and very many ships are also there: plentie of beasts and fowles: It is seated to the South-east, and on the left hand towards the East three dayes iour∣ney off is the Ocean:* 4.247 and in the space betweene, are very many Salt pits; and they make great store of Salt. After this, is Cingui a great Citie, whence the Countrey is furnished with Salt, whereof the Can makes great profit, beyond beliefe. They are Idolaters, and haue Paper mo∣ney.* 4.248 From Cingui riding towards the South-east, you meet with the noble Citie Iangui, vnder [ 50] the gouernment whereof are other Cities; seuen and twentie in number. And in that Citie resi∣deth one of the twelue Barons which are Gouernours of Prouinces chosen by the great Can. They are Idolaters, and liue of Merchandise. They make Armes and Harnasse for warre. And Master Marco had the sole gouernment thereof by commission of the great Can,* 4.249 three yeeres to∣gether in stead of one of those Barons.

Nanghin is a Prouince to the West, one of the greatest and noblest of Mangi, a place of great Merchandise. They are Idolaters, spend Paper money, haue store of beasts and fowle, wilde and tame. They make clothes of Gold and Silke, and are rich Merchants, and the Countrey is very commodious to the Can, specially by Customes of Merchandise. There is great plentie of Corne. Sianfu is a noble and great Citie in the Prouince of Mangi, and hath twelue rich and [ 60] great Cities subiect vnto her iurisdiction. They make great store of Silkes and cloth of Gold, haue plentie of game and fowle, and of all things pertayning to a Citie of note: so strong, that it was three yeeres besieged, and could not be vanquished by the Armie of the Tartars, when the Prouince of Mangi was subdued. For it is compassed on euery side with Lakes, that there

was no way vnto it, but on the North: so that ships came and went continually, bringing plen∣tie of victuals: which not a little afflicted great Can. The two brethren Master Nicolo, and Master Maffio, then in his Court, hearing hereof, went to him, and offered their seruice to de∣uise certaine Engines after the manner of the West, able to shoot a stone of three hundred weight, thereby to kill men, and ruine houses. The Can appointed them the best Carpenters which were Nestorian Christians, who made three (Mangani) of those Engines in a short space,* 4.250 which were proued and approued before him, and by ships sent vnto his Armie. Planting them therefore against the Citie Sianfu; they began to cast great stones into the Citie: and the first falling vpon a certaine house, brake it for the most part, with the violence thereof. Which the [ 10] besieged Inhabitants seeing, were very much astonished, and yeelded themselues, and became subiect to the obedience of great Can, on the same conditions with the rest of Mangi; to the great repute of the two Venetian brethren.

From the Citie Sianfu, to a certaine Citie, named Singui,* 4.251 are numbred fifteene miles South-eastward, which although it be not great, yet hath it an exceeding multitude of Ships, being seated vpon the greatest Riuer in the world, called Quian,* 4.252 the bredth of which in certaine pla∣ces, contayneth ten miles, in other eight, and in some sixe. But the length thereof extendeth it selfe aboue an hundred dayes iourney from the head to the Sea. Innumerable other Riuers flow into it, which runne thorow diuers Regions, and are nauigable, and make it so great; incredi∣ble store of Merchandise is brought by this Riuer. There are also very many other Cities, in number about two hundred, which participate of this Riuer: it floweth through the bounds [ 20] of sixteene Prouinces. The greatest commoditie is Salt, wherewith all the Cities which com∣municate in these waters are stored. Master Marco saw at one time at Singui fiue thousand ships, and yet other Cities on that Riuer haue more. All those ships are couered, and haue but one mast, and one sayle, and vsually carrie foure thousand, and so vpwards, some of them twelue thousand Venetian Cantari. Neither vse cordage of Hempe, except for the mast and sayle, but haue Canes fifteence paces long, which they riue into thinne parts from one end to the other, and binding the cut pieces together, and wreathing them, make very long ropes, so that some of them contayne three hundred fathom in length. And those lines are as strong as Hempen, and serue for halfes and cables to draw their ships vp and downe the Riuer, each ship hauing ten or twelue Horses for that purpose. On that Riuer in many places are rockie hillockes, on which [ 30] are built Monasteries to their Idols: and all the way are Villages and places inhabited.

Cayngui is a little Citie, vpon the foresaid Riuer South-eastward,* 4.253 where euery yeere is brought store of Corne and Rise, carried the most part to Cambalu.* 4.254 For they may passe thither by Lakes and Riuers, and by one deepe large hand-made Riuer, which the Can caused to be made for pas∣sage from one Riuer to another, and from Mangi to Cambalu without going to Sea. Which worke is goodly and wonderfull for the site and length, and more for the profit thereby to the Cities. Hee hath made also great Causies to goe on land by those waters commodiously. In the mids of the said Riuer is an Iland of a Rocke, on which is erected a great Temple and Mona∣sterie, in which are two hundred Idolatrous Monkes. This is the Mother-temple and Monaste∣rie [ 40] of many others.

Cinghianfu is a Citie of Mangi, rich in Merchandise, plentifull of game,* 4.255 of wilde beasts and fowle, and of victuall. In it are two Churches of Nestorian Christians, built Anno 1274. when the great Can sent Gouernour thither, Marsachis a Nestorian, which built them.

From the Citie Cinghianfu, in three dayes iourney South-eastward, you find many Cities and Castles all Idolaters, and at last come to the Citie Tinguigui, a great and faire Citie,* 4.256 abounding with all kinde of victuals. When Chinsam Baian, Generall of the Armie of the Tartars con∣quered the Prouince of Mangi, he sent many Christians (called Alani) against this Citie, which was double walled; into the inner they retired; into the other the Alans entred, and found there abundance of Wine, whereof after a bad iourney, they began to drinke so largely, that they were all drunke: and the Citizens in their sleepe suddenly falling vpon them, slue them all, [ 50] none escaping. But Baian hearing this, sent another great Armie against those Citizens, which shortly vanquishing the Citie, in reuenge, put them all to the sword, leauing none aliue.

The great and excellent Citie Singui, contayneth in circuit twentie miles.* 4.257 Great multitudes of people are in it: it hath many rich Merchants, and cunning Artificers, and it hath also very many Physicians, and Magicians, and Wisemen or Philosophers. In the Mountaines of this Citie,* 4.258 Rhubarb and Ginger grow in great plenty. This Citie hath sixteen Cities vnder the iurisdiction thereof, where much trading is vsed, and very many curious Arts are exercised. Very many Silkes are made there. The word Singui, in their language, signifieth, The Citie of the Earth, as also they haue another Citie, which they call Quinsai, that is to say, The Citie of Heauen. From Singui one dayes iourney is Vagiu, where is also abundance of Silke, and cunning Artificers with [ 60] many Merchants.

GOing from Vagiu three dayes, continually you find Cities, Castles, and Villages, well peo∣pled and rich. The People are Idolaters, vnder the Can: at the end of those dayes you

come to Quinsai, which for the excellency hath that name (interpreted Citie of Heauen) for in the World there is not the like,* 4.259 in which are found so many pleasures, that a man would thinke he were in Paradise. In this Citie Master Marco Polo hath often beene, and considered the same with great diligence, obseruing the whole state thereof, setting downe the same in his memori∣als, as here shall be declared briefly. This Citie by common opinion, is an hundred miles in cir∣cuit; for the streets and channels thereof are very wide. There are Market places exceeding large. On the one side a cleere Lake of fresh water, on the other a great Riuer which enters in many places, and carries away all the filth of the Citie, and so runneth into that Lake, thence continuing his course to the Ocean: which causeth a good ayre, and commodious passage both by land, and by these channels. There may goe both Carts and Barkes to carrie necessa∣ries: and the report is, that there are twelue thousand Bridges great and small, and those [ 10] on the chiefe channels are so high that a ship without her Mast may passe vnder, and aboue, Chariots and Horses.

On the other side the Citie is a Ditch, about fortie miles long, which encloseth it on that side; large and full of water from the Riuer, made by the antient Kings of that Prouince, both to re∣ceiue the ouerflowings of the water, and to fortifie the Citie: the earth which was taken out being layd within as a banke or hill encompassing.* 4.260 There are ten chiefe Market-places (besides in∣finite others along the streets) which are square, halfe a mile in each square. And from the fore∣part of them is a principall street fortie paces wide, running right from one end of the Citie to the other,* 4.261 with many Bridges trauersing it. And euery foure miles is found such a Market-place, two miles,* 4.262 as is said, in compasse. There is also one large channell, which runnes against [ 20] the said street, behind the Market-places, on the next banke whereof are erected great Store-houses of stone, where the Merchants from India, and other parts lay vp their Merchandise, at hand,* 4.263 and commodious to the Market-places. In each of these Market-places is a concourse three dayes in the weeke of persons betwixt fortie and fiftie thousand, which bring thither all things that can be desired for mans life, of all beasts of game, and fowles; that Lake yeelding such commodiousnesse to bring them vp, that for a Venetian groat you may haue two Geese, and foure Duckes for as much. Then follow the Butcher-rowes of Veale, Beefe, Kid, and Lambe, which the great and rich men eat; for the poore eat vncleane meats without respect. There are all sorts of herbs and fruits continually,* 4.264 and amongst the rest huge Peares, weighing ten pounds a piece, white within like paste, and very fragrant: Peaches yellow and white very delicate: [ 30] Grapes grow not there, but are brought from other places dried very good, and Wine also, but not so esteemed in those parts, that of Rice and Spices contenting them. Euery day from the Ocean is brought vp the Riuer (which is the space of fiue and twentie miles) great quantitie of fish, besides that of the Lake, so much as a man would thinke would neuer be bought, and yet in a few houres is gone. All those Market-places are encompassed with high houses, and vnder∣neath are shops of Artificers, and all sort of Merchandises, Spiceries, Iewels, Pearles, and in some onely Rice-wine. Many streets answere one another in the said Market-places. In some of them are many Baths of cold waters accommodated with attendants of both sexes, a thing which from children they vse themselues vnto. There are chambers also in the said Baths with [ 40] hot waters for strangers which are not accustomed to the cold waters. They wash euery day; neither doe they eat before they haue washed.

* 4.265In other streets are mercenarie Prostitutes in such number, that I dare not report it: and not onely neere the Market-places, where they haue their places appointed, but thorow all the Ci∣tie they stand very pompously with great odours, many seruants, and their houses adorned. These are very practike in making sports, and daliances, and sweetest pleasures rauishing (fooles) forth of themselues. In other streets are the Physicians, the Astrologers, they which teach to reade and write, and infinite other Trades. At each end of euery Market-place is a Palace, where Lords and Gouernours are appointed by the King to deternine difficulties which happen be∣twixt Merchants or others, as also to looke to the Guards on the Bridges, punishing the negli∣gent. [ 50] Alongst the principall Street (whereof wee spake) on both sides are great Palaces with Gardens; and neere them houses of Artificers, and such multitudes of people continually going to and fro, that a man would wonder whence such multitudes should bee prouided of victuals. And Master Marco learned of an officer of the Custome-house in Quinsai,* 4.266 that by reckonings ap∣peared the daily expence of Pepper in Quinsai, to be three and fortie Some, and euery Soma is two hundred twentie three pounds. Hence may be ghessed the quantitie of Victuals, Flesh, Wine, Spiceries, were there spent.

* 4.267The Inhabitants are Idolaters, spend Paper money, are white and faire complexion, apparel∣led for the most part in Silke, which growes in all that Territorie abundantly, besides that which is brought from other places. There are twelue principall mysteries, each of which haue [ 60] one thousand shops; and in each shop or standing, are ten men, fifteene, or twentie at worke, and in some fortie vnder one Master. The rich Masters doe no worke with their hands, but stand ciuilly adorned, or rather pompously, especially their wiues, with Iewels inualuable. And although the antient Kings ordayned, that the child should bee of the fathers Trade; yet the

rich are permitted not to worke, but to keepe shop, and men working in the same Trade. Their Houses are well ordered, and wrought richly, adorned with Pictures and other stupendious costs. The Natiues are peaceable, know not to manage Armes, nor keepe them in their Houses: nor is there strife and debate amongst them. They make their workes with great sinceritie. They loue in such amitie, that one Street seemes as one House, without jealousies of their Wiues, which they hold in great respect, and it would be reputed great disgrace to speake a dishonest word to a mar∣ried Woman. They entertayne Merchant-strangers kindly, both in their houses, and with best aduice for their affaires. But they are loth to see Souldiers and the Guards of the Grand Can,* 4.268 as by whom they are bereft of their naturall Lords and Kings.

[ 10] About the Lake are built faire Buildings and great Palaces of the chiefe men: and Temples of their Idols with Monasteries of many Monkes. In the midst of the Lake are two Ilands, vp∣on each of which is a Palace with incredible numbers of Roomes; whither they resort vpon occasions of Marriages or other Feasts; where Prouisions of Vessels, Naperie, and other things are maintayned in common for such purposes, one hundred sometime accommodated at once in seue∣rall Roomes. In the Lake also are Boates and Barges for pleasure,* 4.269 adorned with faire Seates and Tables, and other prouisions for Bankets, couered aboue and plaine, vpon which men stand with Poles to make the Boat goe, the Lake being but shallow. Within they are painted; without, are windowes to open and shut at pleasure. Nor can any thing in the World seeme more plea∣sant then in this Lake to haue such an obiect, the Citie so fully presenting it selfe to the eye, [ 20] with so many Temples, Monasteries, Palaces, Gardens with high Trees on the Waters, Barges, People: for their custome is to worke one part of the day, and to dispense some part to this so∣lace with their Friends, or with Women in the Lake; or else by Chariots riding thorow the Citie, which is also another of the Quinsay pleasures. For all the streets are paued with stone;* 4.270 as also are all the high Wayes in the Prouince of Mangi, onely for the Postes is left on the side, a space vnpaued. The principall street of Quinsay is paued ten paces on each hand, and in the midst it is full of Grauell with passages for the Water, which keepe it alway cleane. On this street are alway innumerable long close Chariots, accommodated with Clothes and Cushions of silke, for six persons; which solace themselues in the street, or goe to Gardens, and there passe the time in places made by the Gardeners for that purpose, and returne at night in the said [ 30] Chariots.

When one is borne, the Father sets downe the print of Time, and with that note goes to the Astrologer to consult of his future fortunes.* 4.271 Of these Astrologers are a great number in euery Market place. They will not celebrate a marriage without such consultation. When one dies that is of note, his Kindred clothe themselues in Canuasse,* 4.272 and so both Men and Women accom∣panie him to the burning place, playing on Instruments, and singing all the way prayers to their Idols: and being comne to the place, cast into the fire many Papers of Cotton, whereon are painted Slaues, Horses, Camels, Clothes of gold and silke, Monies, which they thinke hee shall really possesse in another World; and make such minstrelsie, in conceit of the ioy wherewith the Idols there receiue his Soule, where hee beginneth (they say) to liue anew. In euery street are [ 40] Towres of stone, whither in danger of fire they vse to carrie their goods, their timber houses being much subiect to such casualtie.

The Can hath ordayned that on the most part of the Bridges, day and night,* 4.273 there stand vnder a couert ten Guardians, fiue by day and fiue by night: and in euery Guard is a Tabernacle of Wood with a great Bason, whereby they know the houres of the day and night,* 4.274 which at euery houres end the Warders strike to notifie what houre, one, two, &c. beginning at the Sunne ri∣sing, and then againe at the beginning of the night. They walke vp and downe, and if any haue a light or fire after the deputed time, they cause him to answer it before the Iustices or Gouernors aforesaid; or if any walke later. If any be not able to worke, they carrie him to Hospitals,* 4.275 of which are exceeding many founded by the Kings of old, with great reuenues, thorow the Citie. When they are well againe, they are compelled to worke. If a fire happen; these from diuers [ 50] places come to quench it, and to carrie the goods into Boats, or the Ilands, or those Towres: for in the night the Citizens dare not come out, but those who are in danger. The Can alway kee∣peth here store of his best and faithfullest Souldierie, as being the best and richest place in the World. Within a mile of each other are builded Rampiers of wood,* 4.276 where a sound is made to be heard further off, for like purposes.

When the Can had reduced all Mangi to his obedience, hee diuided it (being before but one Kingdome) into nine parts, and set a King ouer each, which there administers iustice.* 4.277 Euery yeere they giue account to the Cans Officers of the reuenues, and other accidents: and euery third yeere are charged, as all other Officers are. One of these Deputie-Kings is resident at Quinsay, who is Gouernour of aboue one hundred and fortie Cities, all rich and great. Nor may this be a [ 60] wonder, seeing in Mangi there are twelue thousand Cities,* 4.278 all inhabited with rich and indu∣strious people. In euery of which the Can maintayneth a Garrison, proportionable to the great∣nesse and occasions, one thousand, ten or twentie thousand; not all Tartars, but Catayans; for the Tartars are Horse-men, and keepe where they may exercise their Horses. Into Cathay he sends

those of Mangi, and Cathayans hither such as are fit for Armes, of which he makes choise euery third yeere: and sends for foure or fiue yeeres together into places twentie dayes iourney from their Countrey, and then suffers them to returne home, others succeeding. And most part of the Cans Receits are this way expended: and if any Citie rebell, he suddenly from the next Gar∣risons rayseth an Armie to reduce or destroy them. This Citie of Quinsai hath in continuall Garrison thirtie thousand Souldiers; and that which hath least, hath one thousand in Horse and Foote.

* 4.279To speake now of the Palace of King Fanfur; his Predecessors caused to enclose a place of ten miles circuit with high walls, and diuided it into three parts. That in the midst was entred by one Gate; on the one side and the other were great and large Galleries, the Roofe sustayned by Pillars painted, and wrought with gold and fine azure: these were smaller at the entrie, and the [ 10] further the greater; the fairest at the end, the Roofe fairely adorned with gold, and on all the Walls were painted the stories of the former Kings artificially. There euery yeere on certaine I∣doll holy-dayes,* 4.280 Fanfur kept his Court and feasted his principall Lords, the great Masters, and rich Artificers of Quinsai, ten thousand at a time vnder those Terraces. This dured ten or twelue dayes with incredible magnificence, euery guest indeuouring to present himselfe in greatest pompe. Behinde this middle-most building was a wall, and going out which diuided the Palace; in which was, as it were, a Cloyster with Pillars, sustayning the Porch or Terrace round about the Cloyster: wherein were Chambers for the King and Queene curiously wrought. From this Cloyster was entrance into a Gallerie six paces wide, in length extending to the Lake, all coue∣red. [ 20] On each side of this Gallerie were ten Courts, answering one another fashioned like Cloy∣sters,* 4.281 each Court hauing fiftie Chambers with their Gardens, and in them one thousand Lasses abode, which the King kept for his seruice, who sometimes with the Queene, sometimes with them, went in his Barge on the Lake for solace, or to visit his Idoll Temples.

The other two parts of the Serraile were diuided into Groues, Lakes, Gardens planted with Trees;* 4.282 in which were inclosed all sorts of beasts, Roes, Bucks, Stags, Hares, Conies: and there the King solaced himselfe with his Damsels in Charets or on Horse-backe, no man entring there. There did he cause These to hunt with his Dogs, wearie whereof they went into those Groues, which answered one another ouer the Lakes, and there leauing their garments came forth naked, and set themselues a swimming in the Kings presence. Sometimes hee would take his repast in [ 30] those Groues being serued by those Damsels, without once thinking of Armes, which sweet meat cost him the soure sawce yee haue heard. All this was told mee by a rich old Merchant of Quinsai, whiles I was there, one which had beene an inward familiar of King Fanfur, and knew all his life, and had seene that Palace flourishing, into which he would needs bring me. The Vice∣roy now resides there; and the first Galleries remayne as they were wont, but the Damsells Chambers are ruined; the wall also which encompassed the Woods and Gardens is fallen to the ground, the Beasts and Trees being gone.

Twentie fiue miles from Quinsai is the Ocean betwixt the East and North-east, neere to which is a Citie,* 4.283 called Gampu, a goodly Port, where arriue the Indian ships of merchandise. Whiles M. Marco was in Quinsai, account being giuen to the Grand Can of the Reuenues, and [ 40] the number of the Inhabitants, he hath seene that there haue beene enrolled one hundred and six∣tie Toman of fires, reckoning for a fire, the Familie dwelling in one house: euery Toman con∣tayneth ten thousand,* 4.284 which makes sixteene hundred thousand Families: of all which there is but one Church of Christians, and those Nestorians. Euery house-holder is bound to haue written ouer his doore, the names of the whole house-hold, Males and Females; also the number of Hor∣ses; the names added or blotted out as the Familie increaseth or decreaseth. And this is obser∣ued in Mangi and Catay.

Those also that keepe Innes, write in a Booke the names of their Guests, and the day and houre of their departure, which Booke they send daily to the Lords or Magistrates, which reside at the Market-places. In Mangi the poore which are not able to bring vp their children, sell them [ 50] to the rich.

* 4.285The Reuenues which accrew to the Can from Quinsai, and the others pertayning thereto, be∣ing the ninth part of the Kingdome of Mangi, are first, of Salt euery yeere eightie Toman of gold (euery Toman is eightie thousand Sazzi of gold, and euery Sazzo is more then one Florin of gold) which will amount to six Millions and foure hundred thousand Duckats. The cause is, that that Prouince being nigh the Sea, there are many Lakes where the water in Summer is coagula∣ted into Salt, wherewith fiue other Kingdomes of that Prouince are serued. There is store of Su∣gar growing,* 4.286 which payeth as all other Spices doe, three parts and a third in the hundred. The like of Rice-wine. Also those twelue mysteries (which we said had twelue thousand shops) and the Merchants which bring goods hither, or carrie any hence by Sea, pay the same price. They [ 60] which co••e from farre Countries and Regions, as from the Indies, pay ten per cento. Likewise, all things there breeding, as Beasts, and growing out of the Earth, and Silke, pay tithe to the King. And the computation being made in the presence of M. Marco, besides Salt before mentioned, yeerely amounts to two hundred and ten Toman, which will bee sixteene millions of gold and eight hundred thousand.

FRom Quinsai one dayes iourney to the South-east are all the way Houses, Villages, faire Gar∣dens, plentifull of Victuals, at the end whereof is Tapinzu, a faire and great Citie, in the iuris∣diction of Quinsai. Three dayes thence South-east is Vgaiu,* 4.287 and two dayes further may you ride that way, all the way finding Castles, Cities, and cultiuated Places, in such Neighbour-hood, that they seeme to Trauellers all one Citie; all in the same iurisdiction of Quinsai. There are great Canes fifteene paces long and foure palmes thicke. Two dayes iourney further is the Citie Gengui, faire and great, and trauelling further South-east are inhabited places,* 4.288 full of People and Trades. And in this part of Mangi are no Muttons, but Beeues, Buffals, Goates, and Swine in great plentie. At the end of foure dayes iourney is found the Citie Zengian,* 4.289 built on a Hill in the midst of a Riuer, which with her parted Armes embraceth and encompasseth it, and then [ 10] runne one to the South-east, the other to the North-west. They are in the iurisdiction of Quin∣sai, are Merchants, Idolaters, haue store of Game. Three dayes iourney thence, thorow a good∣ly Countrey exceedingly inhabited, stands Gieza, a great Citie, the last of Quinsai Kingdome,* 4.290 after which you enter into another Kingdome of Mangi, called Concha.* 4.291 (The principall Citie thereof is Fugiu) by the which you trauell, six dayes iourney South-east, thorow Hills and Dales, alway finding places inhabited and store of Game of Beasts and Fowle.* 4.292 They are Idola∣ters, Merchants, subiect to the Can. There are stout Lions; there growes Ginger and Galingale plentie, with other sorts of Spices, eightie pounds of Ginger for a Venetian groat. There is an herbe, whose fruit hath the effect and giues the colour and smell of Saffron, but is not Sa••••ron, v∣sed in their meates. They voluntarily eate mans flesh, if they die not of sicknesse, as daintier [ 20] then others. When they goe to Warres, they shaue to the eares and paint their faces with azure; they are all Foot saue the Captaine which rideth, and vse Swords and Launces: are very cruell, and when they kill an Enemie, presently drinke his bloud, and after eate his flesh.* 4.293

After those six dayes trauell is Quelinfu, a great Citie with three Bridges,* 4.294 each eight paces broad and aboue one hundred long; the Women faire, delicate; and they haue store of Silke and Cotton, are great Merchants, haue store of Ginger and Galingale. I was told, but saw them not, that they haue Hennes without feathers, hayrie like Cats, which yet lay Egges and are good to eate. Store of Lions make the way dangerous. After three dayes,* 4.295 in a populous Countrey which are Idolaters, and haue store of Silke, is the Citie Vnguem, where is great plentie of Sugar;* 4.296 sent thence to Cambalu, which they knew not to make good till they became subiect to the Can; in [ 30] whose Court were Babylonians, which taught them to refine it with ashes of certayne Trees; they before onely boyling it into a blacke paste. Fifteene miles further is Cangiu, still in the Realme of Concha: and here the Can keepeth an Armie in readinesse for guard of the Countrey.* 4.297 Thorow this Citie passeth a Riuer a mile broad, fairely built on both sides, and stored with Ships of Sugar and other lading. This Riuer disembokes from hence fiue dayes iourney South-east, at Zaitum, a Sea Port, from whence the rich Ships of India come to this pleasant and fertile Citie, as is the way betwixt, in which are Trees or Shrubs of Camfire.

Zaitum is a famous Port, where many Ships arriue with merchandise,* 4.298 thence dispersed tho∣row all India. There is such store of Pepper, that the quantitie which comes to Alexandria to the West, is little to it, and as it were one of a hundreth: the concourse of Merchants is incre∣dible, [ 40] it being one of the most commodious Ports of the World, exceeding profitable to the Can, which Custometh ten of the hundreth of all merchandise. They pay so much for hire of ships also that there is not aboue one halfe of their merchandise remayning entire to themselues, and yet is that moitie very gainfull to them. The Citie is Idolatrous, giuen to pleasure; in it is much embroiderie and Arras worke. The Riuer is great, very wide and swift, and one arme of it goeth to Quinsai, at the parting of which is Tingui situate,* 4.299 where Porcelane dishes are made (as I was told) of a certaine Earth which they cast vp in great Hills, and so let lie to all weathers for thir∣tie or fortie yeeres without stirring: after which refining by time, they make Dishes, paint them and then put them in the Furnace. You may there haue eight Dishes for one Venetian Groat. In this Kingdome of Concha the Can hath as great Reuenue almost as of the Kingdome of Quin∣sai. [ 50] In these two M. Marco was, and in none of the other nine Kingdomes of Mangi (in all which is one speech vsed, with varietie of Dialect, and one sort of writing) and therefore will speake no more of them; but in the next Booke discourse of India the Greater, the Middle, and the Lesse, in which hee was both in the seruice of the Can, and also in his returne with the Queene to Argon.

[ 60]

§. IX. The Ships of India described, the Ile of Zipangu, the Sea Chin, and World of Ilands, the two Iauas, Zeilan and other Ilands, with the rarities therein.

WE will now enter into India and begin with their Ships, which are made of Firre, and the Zapino Tree,* 4.300 with one deck, on which are twentie Cabbins (or lesse, as the Ships are in quantitie) each for one Merchant. They haue a good Roother, and foure Masts with foure Sailes, and some two Masts, which they erect or take downe at [ 10] pleasure. Some greater Ships haue thirteene Colii, or diuisions, on the inside made with boards inchased, that if by blow of a Whale or touch on a Rooke water gets in, it can goe no further then that diuision; which being found is soone mended. They are all double, that is, haue two course of boards one within the other, and are well ••alked with Ocam, and nayled with Iron, but not pitched (for they haue no Pitch) but anointed with the Oile of a certayne Tree mixed with Lime and Hemp beaten small, faster then Pitch or Lime. The greater ships haue three hundred Mariners, others two hundred, one hundred and fiftie, as they are in bignesse, and from fiue to six thousand bags of Pepper. And they were wont to be greater then now they are; the Sea hauing broken into Ports and Ilands, that the defect of water, in some places, causeth them to build lesse. They vse also Oares in these Ships, foure men to an Oare; and the greater Ships [ 20] haue with them two or three ships lesse, able to carry a thousand bags of Pepper, hauing sixtie or more Mariners, which lesse ships serue sometimes to tow the greater. They haue also with them ten small Boats for fishing and other seruices, fastned to the sides of the greater ships, and let downe when they please to vse them. Also they sheath their ships after a yeeres vsage, so that then they haue three course of boards; yea proceed on in this manner sometimes till there bee six courses, after which they breake them vp. Hauing spoken of the ships, we will speake of In∣dia, and first of certayne Ilands.

* 4.301Zipangu is an Iland in the East, one thousand and fiue hundred miles distant from the shoares of Mangi, very great, the people white and faire, of gentle behauiour, in Religion Idolaters, and haue a King of their owne. They haue gold in great store, for few Merchants come thither, and [ 30] the King permits no exportation of it.* 4.302 And they which haue had commerce there tell of the Kings house couered with Gold, as Churches here with Lead, gilded Windowes, Floores of gold: there are many Pearles. Once; the fame of these riches made Cublai Can to send to con∣quer it, two Barons, with a great fleet of ships, one named Abbaccatan, the other Vonsancin, which going from Zaitum and Quinsai arriued there; but falling out betwixt themselues, could take but one Citie, and there beheaded all they tooke saue eight persons, which by an inchanted precious stone inclosed in the right arme betwixt the skinne and flesh, could not bee wounded with Iron; whereupon, with woodden Clubs, at the command of the two Barons they were slaine. It hapned one day that a Northerne winde made great danger to the ships there riding, so that some were lost, some returned further into Sea, and others with the two Leaders and o∣ther [ 40] Principals returned home. Out of many broken ships some escaped by boards, and swim∣ming on an Iland not inhabited foure miles off Zipangu, and were about thirtie thousand, with∣out prouisions of victuals or Armes, against whom the Zipanguanders, after the Tempest was calmed, set out a fleet of ships and an Armie. These comming on Land to seeke the wracked Tartars without order, gaue occasion to the Tartars to wheele about, the Iland (being high in the midst) and to get vnseene to their ships, which were left vnmanned with the Streamers displaid: and with them they went to the chiefe Citie of Zipangu, where they were admitted without suspicion, and found few others but Women. The King of Zipangu besieged them six moneths, and they hauing no reliefe yeelded themselues, their liues saued: this happened An. 1264. The Can for this disorder of his two Commanders,* 4.303 cut off the head of one, and sent the other to a [ 50] saluage Iland, called Zorza, where hee causeth Offenders to die, by sewing them, their hands bound, in a new-flayed hide of a B••ffall, which drying shrinketh so as it puts them in a little-ease to a miserable death. The Idols in this and the adioyning Ilands are made with heads of Kine, Swine, Dogs, and other fashions more monstrous, as with faces on their shoulders, with foure, ten, or an hundred hands (some, and to these they ascribe most power and doe most reuerence) and say, that so they learned of their Progenitors. They sometimes eate the Enemies which they take, with great ioy, and for great dainties.

The Sea in which this Iland standeth, is called the Sea of Cin or Chin, that is the Sea against Mangi: and in the language of that Iland, Mangi is called Chin: which Sea is so large, that the Mariners and expert Pilots which frequent it, say, that there are seuen thousand foure hundred [ 60] and fortie Ilands therein, the most part inhabited, and that there growes no Tree which yeelds not a good smell, and that there growes many Spices of diuers kindes, especially Lignum Aloes, and Pepper blacke and white. The ships of Zaitum are a yeere in their voyage, for they goe in Winter and returne in Summer, hauing Windes of two sorts, which keepe their seasons. And

this Countrey is farre from India. But I will leaue them (for I neuer was there, nor are they subiect to the Can) and returne to Zaitum. From hence sayling South-westward one thousand fiue hundred miles, passing a Gulfe, called Cheinan (which continues two moneths sayling to the Northward, still confining on the South-east of Mangi, and elsewhere with Ania, and Tolo∣man, and other Prouinces before named) within it are infinite Ilands, all in manner inhabi∣ted. In them is found store of Gold, and they trade one with the other. This Gulfe seemes ano∣ther World.

After one thousand and fiue hundred miles sayling ouerthwart this Gulfe,* 4.304 is the Countrey Zi∣amba, rich and great, hauing a King and Language proper, Idolaters, and paying tribute to the [ 10] Grand Can, of twentie Elephants, and Lignum Aloes in great quantitie yeerely. Anno 1268. the Can hearing of the riches of this Iland sent thither Sagatu with an Armie, to inuade it. Ac∣cambale the King thereof was old, and made this composition of tribute. There are many Woods of blacke Ebonie.

Sayling thence betwixt the South and South-east one thousand & fiue hundred miles, is Iaua,* 4.305 supposed by Mariners, the greatest Iland in the World, aboue three thousand miles in circuit, vnder a King which payeth tribute to none, the Can not offering to subiect it for the length and danger of the voyage. The Merchants of Zaitum and Mangi fetch thence store of Gold and Spi∣ces. South and South-westward sixe hundred miles from Iaua are two Ilands, one Sondur, which is the greater; the other Condur, lesse, both desolate. Fifty miles South-east from them is a Pro∣uince [ 20] of firme land, very rich and great, named Lochac, the people Idolaters, hauing a Language and King peculiar. There growes Brasill-wood in great q••antitie, store of Gold, Elephants, wilde beasts, and fowle, a fruit called Berci, as great as Limons, very good. The place is moun∣tainous and sauage, and the King permits not many to come th••ther, l••st they should know his secrets. There is store of Porcelane shells for money transp••r••ed to other places.

Fiue hundred miles Southward from Lochac is the Ile Pentan, a sauage place,* 4.306 which produ∣ceth in all the Woods sweet Trees: sixtie miles of the way the Sea is in many places but foure fathoms: after which being sayled to the South-ea••t, thirtie miles further is the Iland and King∣dome of Malziur, which hath a peculiar King and Language to it selfe; and here is much Mer∣chandise of Spices. From Pentan one hundred miles South-east is Iaua the lesse, encompassing [ 30] about two thousand miles, and hath in it eight Kingdomes, and as many Languages. They are Idolaters, haue store of Treasure, Spices, Ebon: Brasill, and are so farre to the South, that the North Starre cannot there be seene. Ma••••er Marco was in sixe of those Kingdomes, of which shall here be spoken, leauing the other two, which he saw ••ot.

One of those eight Kingdomes is, Felech: here the Idolaters by frequent Trade of Saracens are conuerted to the Law of Mahomet, in the Cities, the Mountainers being beastly, eating mans flesh and all impure food; and worship all day wha•• they first see in the morning. Next to that is Basma, which hath a Language by it selfe; they liue without Law, like beasts, and sometimes send Hawkes to the Can (who challengeth all the Iland) for Presents. They haue wilde Elephants, and Vnicornes much lesse then Elephants, like the Buffals in haire. Their feet [ 40] are like Elephants feet. They haue one horne in the midst of the fore-head and hurt no bodie therewith; but with the tongue and knee. For on their tongue are certaine long prickles and sharpe, and when they hurt any, they trample on him, and presse him downe with their knee, and then wound him with their tongue. The head is like to a wilde Boares, which hee carries downwards to the ground; and they loue to stand in the mire, and are filthie beasts, and not such as they (Vnicornes) are said to be in our parts, which suffer themselues to be taken of Mai∣dens, but quite contrarie. They haue many Apes and of diuers fashions. They haue Gos∣hawkes all blacke as Rauens great, and good for prey. There are certaine small Apes faced like men, which they put in Boxes, and preserue with Spices, and sell them to Merchants, who car∣rie them thorow the World for Pigmeys, or little men.

[ 50] Samara is the next Kingdome where Master Marco stayed fiue moneths against his will,* 4.307 for∣ced by ill weather. There none of the Starres of Charles wane are seene. Hee descended once on land with two thousand people, and there fortified for that fiue moneths, for feare of those bru∣tish man-eaters, and traded meane while with them for victuals. They haue excellent Fish, Wine of the Date-••ree, very medicinall for P••tisicke, Dropsie, diseases of the Spleene;* 4.308 some white, some red▪ and Indian Nuts as big as a mans head, the middle whereof is full of a pleasant liquor, better then Wine: they eat all flesh w••thout any difference.

Dragoian is another of those Kingdomes, claymed by the Can, hauing a proper King and Lan∣guage. I was told of an abominable custome, that when one is sicke, they send to enquire of the Sorcerers whether hee shall scape; if the Deu••ls answere, No; the kindred send for some [ 60] whose office it is, to strangle the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 partie, after which they cut him in pieces, and the kin∣dred eat him with great ••o••lity, euen to the marrow of the bones, For (say they) if any sub∣stance of him should rem••yne, wormes would breed thereof, which would want food, and so die, to the great torture of the soule of the deceased. The bones they after take and carrie into some Caue in the hils, that no beast may touch them. If they take any stranger they also eat him.

Lambri is a fifth Kingdome of Iaua in which is store of Brasill, of the seeds whereof Master Marco brought to Venice,* 4.309 and sowed them, but in vayne, the soyle being too cold. Some men (the most) in this Kingdome haue tayles more then a palme long, like Dogs, but not hairy; and these dwell in the Mountaines out of Cities. They haue Vnicornes in great plentie, and chase of beasts and fowles.

* 4.310Fanfur, the sixth Kingdome hath the best Camfire, which is sold weight for weight with Gold. In that Prouince they take meale out of great and long trees, as great as two men can fa∣thome, whence taking the thinne barke and wood about three fingers thicke, the pith within is meale, which they put in water, and stirre well, the lightest drosse swimming, and the purest setling to the bottome; and then the water being cast away, they make thereof paste, of which [ 10] Master Marco brought to Venice,* 4.311 tasting like Barley bread. The wood of this tree throwne in∣to the water sinkes like Iron, whereof they make Lances, but short, for the long would be too heauie to beare: these they sharpen, and burne at the tops, which so prepared will pierce an Armour sooner then if they were made of Iron.

About one hundred and fiftie miles from Lambri, sayling Northwards, are two Ilands, one called Nocueran,* 4.312 in which they liue like beasts, goe all naked, men and women, and worship I∣dols, haue excellent Trees, Cloues, Sanders white and red, Indian Nuts, Brasill, and other Spi∣ces;* 4.313 the other, Angaman, sauage as the former, and I was told, they had Dogs heads and teeth.

* 4.314Sayling hence one thousand miles to the West, and a little to the North-west, is Zeilan, two thousand and foure hundred miles in circuit▪ and of old encompassed three thousand and sixe [ 20] hundred miles, as is seene in the Maps of the Mariners of those parts, but the North winds haue made a great part of it Sea. It is the best Iland of the World. The King is named Sender∣naz. The men and women are Idolaters, goe naked (saue that they couer their priuities with a cloth) haue no Corne, but Rice, and Oyle of Sesamino, Milke, Flesh, Wine of trees, abundance of Brasill, the best Rubies in the World, Saphires, Topazes, Amathists, and other Gems. The King is said to haue the best Rubie in the World, one palme long, and as big as a mans arme, without spot,* 4.315 shining like a fire, not to be bought for money. Cublai Can sent and offered the value of a Citie for it, but the King answered, he would not giue it for the treasure of the world, nor part with it, hauing beene his Ancestours. The men are vnfit for warres, and hire others when they haue occasion.

[ 30]

§. X. Of the firme Land of the Greater India.

* 4.316FRom Zeilan sayling sixtie miles to the West is the great Prouince of Malabar, which is not an Iland, but firme Continent, called India the greater, the richest Prouince in the World. There are in it foure Kings, the chiefe of which is Senderbandi, in whose Kingdome they fish for Pearles, to wit, betwixt Malabar and Zeilan, in a Bay where the Sea is not aboue ten or twelue fathome,* 4.317 in which diuers descend, and in bags or nets [ 40] tyed to their bodies bring vp the Oysters in which they are. And because there are great fishes which kill the Fishermen, they hire certaine Bramines to charme them (being skilfull to charme all sorts of beasts also and birds) and these haue the twentieth, the King the tenth. These Oy∣sters are found all Aprill, and till the midst of May, and not else: in September they finde them in a place aboue three hundred miles off, and till the midst of October. The King goeth as naked as the rest, saue that he weareth some honorable Ensignes, as a Coller of precious stones about his necke, and a threed of Silke to his breast with one hundred and foure faire Pearles (as Beads) to number his Prayers,* 4.318 of which he must daily say so many to his Idols: like Bracelets he weareth on three places of his armes, and likewise on his legs; and on his fingers also and toes. The [ 50] prayers which he sayth are Pacauca▪ pacauca, pacauca, one hundred and foure times. This King hath one thousand women, and if any please his sense he takes her; as one he did from his bro∣ther, whence warres had followed, but the mother threatning to cut off her breasts which had nourished them, if they proceeded, stayed the broyle. He hath many Horsemen for his Guard which alway accompanie him, who when the King dies, throw themselues voluntarily into the fire wherein he is burned to doe him seruice in the next World.* 4.319 This and his brethren the Kings of Malabar buy their Horses from Ormus, and other parts. The Countrey breeds none, and if it happens sometimes, yet are they there bred ill-fauoured and naught. Condemned per∣sons will offer themselues to die in honour of such an Idoll, which is performed with twelue Kniues, and twelue wounds in diuers parts of the bodie, at euery blow, saying, I kill my selfe in [ 60] honour of that Idol, and the last he thrusts in his heart; and then is burned by his kindred. The wiues also cast themselues into the fire with their husbands; they being disreputed which re∣fuse it.

They worship Idols, and most of them Beeues, and would not eat of so holy flesh as Beefe,

for all the World. There are some called Gaui, which eate those Beeues which dye alone, may not kill them, and dawbe ouer their houses with Oxe dung. These Gaui are of the Posteritie of those which slue Saint Thomas, and cannot enter the place where his bodie is, if ten men should carrie them. They sit on Carpets on the ground in this Kingdome, they haue no Corne but Rice, are no Warriours, kill no beasts, but when they will eat any get the Saracens to doe it, or other people; wash twice a day, morning and euening both men and women, and will not otherwise eate; which they which obserue not, are accounted Heretikes. They touch not their meat with the left hand, but vse that hand only to wipe, and other vncleane offices. They drinke each in his owne pot, and will not touch another mans pot, nor suffer their owne to touch their mouth, [ 10] but hold it ouer and powre it in. To strangers which haue no pot they powre drinke into his hands to drinke with them. Iustice is seuerely executed for Crimes,* 4.320 and Creditors may encom∣passe their Debtors with a Circle, which he dares not passe till hee hath paid or giuen securitie: if he doth, he is to be put to death: and M. Marco once saw the King himselfe on Horse-backe thus encircled by a Merchant whom he had long delayed and frustrated, neither would the King goe out of the Circle which the Merchant had drawne till he had satisfied him, the people ap∣plauding the Kings Iustice.

They are very scrupulous in drinking Wine of the Grape, and they which doe it are not ad∣mitted to be Witnesse; a thing denyed also to him which sayles by Sea, for they say such men are desperate. They thinke Leachery no sinne. It is very hote, and they haue no raine but in [ 20] Iune, Iuly, and August, without which refreshing of the Ayre they could not liue. They haue many Physiognomers and Sooth-sayers, which obserue beasts and Birds,* 4.321 and haue an vnluckie houre euery day of the weeke, called Choiach, as on Munday betwixt two and three, on Tues∣day, the third houre, on Wednesday the ninth, &c. thorow all the yeare set downe in their Bookes. They curiously obserue Natiuities: at thirteene yeares old they put the Boyes to get their owne liuings, which runne vp and down to buy and sell, hauing a little stocke giuen them to begin: and in Pearle-season they buy a few Pearles, and sell them againe to the Merchants, which cannot well endure the Sunne for little gaine. What they get they bring to their Mothers to dresse for them, but may not eate at their Fathers cost.

They haue Idols Males and Females, to which they offer their Daughters,* 4.322 which when the [ 30] Monkes (or Priests) appoint, sing and dance to cheere the Idols; and diuers times set victuals be∣fore them saying, that they eat, leauing it the space of a meale, singing the while, and then they fall to eating in deed, after which they returne home? The cause of these solaces is the house∣hold quarrels betwixt the God and his Goddesse, which if they should not thus appease, they should lose their blessing.

The great men haue Litters of large Canes, which they can fasten artificially to some vpper place, to preuent Tarantulas byting and Fleas, and other Vermine; and for fresh Aire. The place of Saint Thomas his Sepulchre, is a small Citie, smally frequented by Merchants,* 4.323 infinitely by Christians and Saracens for deuotion. The Saracens hold him a great Prophet, and call him Ana∣nias, that is a holy man. The Christians take of the Earth where he was slaine, which is red, and [ 40] carry it with them with great reuerence, and giue it mixed with water to the sicke.

Anno 1288. A great Prince hauing more Rice then roome to lay it in, made bold with Saint Thomas his Church in the roome where Pilgrimes were receiued, but by a Vision of Saint Tho∣mas in the night was so terrified that he quickly freed the place. The Inhabitants are black, not so borne, but often anoynt themselues with Sessamine Oyle to obtayne that beautie: they paint the Deuill white, and their Idols blacke. The Beeue-worshippers carry with them to battell, some of the haire of a wild Oxe as a preseruatiue against dangers: and therefore such haires are deare∣ly prized.

Murphili or Monsul is Northward from Malabar fiue hundred miles, they are Idolaters. They haue Diamonds in their hils, which they search for after great-raines.* 4.324 West-wards from [ 50] Saint Thomas is Lac, whence the Bramines haue originall, which are the truest Merchants in the World, and will not lye for any thing,* 4.325 and trustily keepe any thing committed to their cu∣stodie, or sell, or barter Merchandice for others. They are knowne by a Cotton threed which they weare ouer the sholder tyed vnder the arme crossing the brest. They haue but one Wife, are great Diuiners, of great abstinence and long life: obserue their owne shadow in the Sunne when they are to buy, and thence coniecture according to their Discipline.* 4.326 They vse to chew a cer∣tayne Herbe which makes their teeth good and helpes digestion. There are some Religious of them called Tingui, which goe altogether naked, liue austerely, worshippe the Beeue, whereof they haue a little brasse Image on their forehead, and of the Oxe bones ashes make an Ointment, wherewith they anoynt their bodies in diuers places with great reuerence. They nor kill nor eate any quicke creature, nor herbe greene, or Root before it is dryed, esteeming all things to [ 60] haue a soule. They vse no Dishes but lay their Viands on dry leaues of Apples of Paradize. They doe their Excrements in the Sands, and then disperse it hither and thither, lest it should breed Wormes which must presently dye for want of food. Some of them liue to one hundred and fiftie yeares, and their bodies after death are burned.

In Zeilan I had forgot to tell of a high Mountayne, which none can ascend but by Iron chaines,* 4.327 as I was told, in the top whereof the Saracens say is Adams Sepulchre, the Idolater say it is the body of Sogomonbarchan the first Idol-founder, sonne to a King of that Iland, which gaue himselfe to a solitarie life on the top of this hill, whence no pleasures nor perswasions could draw him. His Father made an Image after his death to represent him, all of Gold adorned with Gemmes, and commanded all the Ilanders to worship it, and hence began Idolatry. Hither they come from farre places in Pilgrimage; and there his haire, teeth, and a dish of his are reserued, and solemnly shewed. The Saracens say they are of Adam, which report caused the Can, Anno 1281. to send Ambassadors thither,* 4.328 who obtayned two teeth, and a dish, and some of his haires by grant of the King of Zeilan; which he caused to be receiued by the whole people of Cam∣balu, [ 10] without the Citie, and brought to his presence with great honour.

* 4.329Cael is a great Citie gouerned by Astar, one of the foure Brethren, very rich and a good vser of Merchants: he hath three hundred women. All the people haue a custome to carrie in their mouthes chawing, a leafe called Tembul, with Spices and Lime. Coulam is fiue hundred miles North-west from Malabar, they are Idolaters; there are also Christians and Iewes which haue a speech by themselues. They haue Pepper, Brasill, Indico, Lions all blacke, Parrets of diuers sorts, all white as Snow, others Azure, others Red, and some very little: Peacockes and Pea∣hens much differing from ours, and greater, as are their fruits. They are leacherous, and marrie their sisters and kindred.* 4.330 There are many Astrologers and Physicians. In Cumari are Apes so great that they seeme men: and here we had sight of the North starre. Dely hath a proper King [ 20] and Language: the people Idolatrous and haue store of Spices. The shippes of Mangi come thither.

* 4.331Malabar is a Kingdome in the West, in which and in Guzzerat are many Pirats, which come to Sea with aboue one hundred Sails, and rob Merchants. They bring with them their wiues and children, and there abide all Summer. In Guzzerat is store of Cotton, the Trees six fathoms (or paces) high, and dure twentie yeeres; the Cotton of the old Trees is not good to spin, after they are past twelue yeeres old, but for Quilts. There are many * 4.332 Vnicornes: they haue artifi∣ciall embroideries. In Canam is store of Frankincense; it is a great Citie, where is great trade for Horses. In Cambaia is much Indico, Buckram, and Cotton. Seruenath is a Kingdome of a pecu∣liar language, Idolaters, Merchants, a good people. Chesmacoran is a great Kingdome of Idola∣ters [ 30] and Saracens, the last Prouince of the greater India towards the Northwest (vnderstand the Author according to his iourney, from China or Mangi by Sea) fiue hundred miles from which, are said to be two Ilands, one of Men, the other of Women, those comming to these, and there stay∣ing March,* 4.333 Aprill, and May. The Women keepe their Sonnes till twelue yeeres, and then send them to their Fathers. It seemes the Ayre admits no other course. They are Christians and haue their Bishop, subiect to the Bishop of Soccotera; they are good Fishers and haue store of Ambar. Soccotera hath an Archbishop, not subiect to the Pope, but to one Zatolia which resides in Bal∣dach, who chooseth him. The Soccoterans are Inchanters and great Witches, as any in the world (howsoeuer excommunicated therefore by their Prelate) and raise Windes to bring backe such ships as haue wronged them, in despite of all contrarie working. [ 40]

A thousand miles thence Southward is Magastar, one of the greatest and richest Iles of the World, three thousand miles in circuit, inhabited by Saracens, gouerned by foure old men. The People liue of merchandise, and sell great store of Elephants teeth. The Currents in these parts are of exceeding force. They tell of Fowles, called Ruch, like an Eagle, but of incomparable greatnesse, able to carrie an Elephant (but I am not able to carrie it.) Zenzibar also is said to bee of great length, &c. there are Elephants, Giraffas, sheepe vnlike to ours: the Men and Women are very deformed. I haue heard Mariners and great Pilots of those parts report, and haue seene in their writings, which haue compassed the Sea of India, that there are in it twelue thousand and seuen hundred Ilands, inhabited or desart. In India maior, which is from Malabar to Ches∣macoran are thirteene Kingdomes. India minor is from Ziambi to Murfili, in which are eight [ 50] Kingdomes, besides Ilands many. The second or middle India, is called Abascia. The chiefe King is a Christian; there are six other Kings, three Christians, and three Saracens, subiect to him: there are also Iewes. Saint Thomas hauing preached in Nubia, came to Abascia, and there did the like, and after to Malabar. They are great Warriors, alway in Armes against the Sol∣dan of Adem, and the people of Nubia. I heard that An. 1288. the great Abissine would haue visited Ierusalem, but being disswaded by reason of Saracen Kingdomes in the way, he sent a Bi∣shop of holy life to doe his deuotions, who in his returne was taken by the Soldan of Adem, and circumcised by force: whereupon the Abissine raysed a power, discomfited the Soldan with two other Mahumetan Kings, tooke and spoyled Adem. Abascia is rich in gold. Escier is subiect to Adem fortie miles distant South-east:* 4.334 where is store of white Frankincense very good, which [ 60] drops from small Trees by incision of the barke; a rich merchandise, &c. Some in that Coun∣trey for want of Corne make Bisket of Fish, whereof they haue great plentie. They also feede their beasts with fishes. They take them in March, April, and May, &c.

Hauing spoken of the Prouinces on the Coast, I will now returne to some Prouinces more to

the North, where many Tartars dwell, which haue a King called Caidu, of the Race of Cingis Can, but subiect to none. These obserue the customes of their old Progenitors,* 4.335 dwell not in Ci∣ties, Castles, or Fortresses, but abide with their King in the Fields, Playnes, Valleyes, and Fo∣rests, and are esteemed true Tartars. They haue no sort of Corne, but liue of Flesh and Milke in great peace. They haue store of Horses, Kine, Sheepe, and other beasts. There are found great white Beares, twentie palmes long, black Foxes very great, wilde Asses, and little beasts called Roudes which beare the Sable Furres, and Vari arcolini, and those which are called Pharaos rats, which the Tartars are cunning to take. The great Lakes which are frozen except in a few mo∣neths of the yeere, cause that the Summer is scarse to bee trauelled for myre. And therefore the [ 10] Merchants to buy their Furres, for fourteene dayes iourney thorow the Desart, haue set vp for each day a house of Wood, where they abide and barter:* 4.336 and in Winter they vse Sleds without wheeles, and plaine in the bottome, rising with a semi-circle at the top or end, drawne easily on the Ice by beasts like great Dogs * 4.337 six yoked by couples, the Sledman only with his Merchant and Furres sitting therein.

In the end of the Region of these Tartars, is a Countrey reaching to the furthest North, called Darknesse, because the most part of the Winter moneths the Sunne appeares not, and the Ayre is thicke and darkish, as betimes in the morning with vs. The men there are pale and great, haue no Prince; and liue like beasts. The Tartars oft rob them of their Cattell in those darke moneths, and left they should lose their way, they ride on Mares which haue Colts sucking, which they [ 20] leaue with a Guard at the entrance of that Countrey, where the Light beginneth to faile, and when they haue taken their prey giue reynes to the Mares, which hasten to their Colts. In their long continued day of Summer they take many the finest Furres (one occasion of the Tartars go∣ing to rob them) of which I haue heard some are brought into Russia.* 4.338 Russia is a great Countrey in that Northerne Darknesse: the people are Greeke Christians, the Men and Women faire, and pay Tribute to the King of the Tartars of the West, on whom they border on the East. There is store of Furres, Waxe, and Minerals of siluer. It reacheth, as I was told, to the Ocean Sea; in which are store of Gerfalcons and Falcons.

[ 30] To the Reader.

IN this admirable Voyage of Polo, I confesse, Inopem me copia fecit; the Translation which I had of Master Hakluyts from the corrupted Latine, being lesse then nothing (nimirum damno auctus fui) did me no steed but losse, whiles I would compare it with the Latine, and thought to amend it by the Italian; and was forced at last to reiect both Latine and English, and after much vexation to present thee this, as it is, out of Ramusio. I haue not giuen thee word for word as an exact Translator, but the sense in all things substantiall, with longer Relations then I haue admitted in others, because many which haue read M. Paulus, neuer saw M. Polo, nor know the worth of the worthiest Voyage, that perhaps any one man hath written; a man credible in that which hee saw himselfe, in some things receiued by Relation, rather telling what he heard, then that which I dare beleeue, and specially [ 40] toward the end of his third Booke, which I haue therefore more abridged. Pitie it is that time hath so gnawne and eaten some-where, and some-where deuoured vtterly many his names and Tracts, which new Lords and new (Lawes, the Saracenicall Conquests, especially euer since his time) in those parts haue caused. And farre easier by the Cans greatnesse then, and his employments vnder him, might hee know the World in those times; then in the combustions long since begunne and still continued, in diuersified and quarrelling States is possible: the Saracens quarrelling with Ethnikes, Christians, and other Saracens; the Tartars diuided and sub-diuided into so many quarrelsome Serpentine heads, whereby that hugenesse is broken in pieces; the Chinois and others prohibiting ingresse of strangers, egresse of their owne; that I mention not Ethnike and Moorish Diuisions amongst themselues. In the same time with Polo, liued this following Armenian, of whom Ramusio relateth,* 4.339 and this Discourse intimateth that the Ho∣ly [ 50] Land being quite lost, Pope Clement the Fift minding to recouer it, was giuen to vnderstand of helpes which might be gotten from the Tartars, and withall of this Haiton or Antonie a Kinsman of the King of Armenia, then liuing a Monke or Frier of the Order Premonstratensis in Episcopia in Cy∣prus; who in his young time had beene exercised in the Warres betwixt the Tartars and Egyptian Sol∣dans, by whom he might receiue the best Intelligence of Tartarian Affaires. He therefore (as hee first remoued the Court from Rome to France, where it abode seuentie yeares) caused the said Hayton to be brought from Cyprus to France with all his Memorials and Writings of that subiect, and being comne to Poitiers, caused one Nicolo di Falcon a Frenchman to write in French, which the other dictated in Armenian, which was done Anno 1307. A Copie of this Storie written aboue two hundred yeares since [ 60] came to Ram••sioes hand (whereto I here, that I say not you, are beholden) whence hee tooke that which concerned the Tartars, omitting the rest, or remitting rather his Reader to M. Polo. Betwixt which two some difference may seeme, but so little, that Wisemen need no aduertisement thereof.

One thing is remarkable, that the Author and the next, who in many Geographicall Notes agrees with him, diuide Asia into two parts, one called profound or deepe, the other the greater, and diuided in the

midst by the Caspian Sea,* 4.340 and Caucasus, which our Armenian cals Cocas, which Alexander passed not, nor was euer well knowne to the Ancients, who called all beyond that Hill Scythia, as wee now call the most of it by a generall name Tartaria. Strabo * 4.341 hath made like diuision of Asia into the inner and vtter, Taurus being the Vmpire; which Hill (with diuers Appellations) beginning at Pamphylia runnes Eastwards thorow the midst of Asia to the Indies, that part to the North beeing called Asia within (Taurus) and that to the South Asia without. Some ancient Geographers as Dionysius mentions, extended Europe to the Caspian Sea, which most of the Ancients thought to concurre with the Ocean, as the Mediterranean, Arabian, and Persian doe. Dionysius his Verses are worth obseruation,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 * 4.342 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. [ 10]

They called it Taurus, as there followes of the Bull-forme, &c.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,

Hereof we are the more curious, to giue to the more curious a reason of our method in this Worke, who in our former Tome haue first encompassed the shoares of Asia from the West to the East: and then in the In-land parts haue in the eight and ninth Bookes principally (as Voyages gaue leaue) viewed Asia without Taurus, and to the South of the Caspian: but this Profound or Inner, more vnknowne part, we suruay here, where we handle the Voyages and Discoueries of those parts of the World, which the Ancients [ 20] knew very little or not at all. And indeed, how little was Mangi, Cataio, or Tartaria knowne, till the Tartars obtruded vpon the World, a terrible knowledge of themselues, in manner as Rubruquius and the former Friers, with these Gentlemen, Polo and Haiton describe? Yea, how were they by ignorance of following times buried againe, till Portugall, English, and other moderne Voyages haue reuiued them, as it were in a resurrection? and that often in new names, as if they had suffered that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, so often here rehearsed, and so much credited in many Religions of those Easterne Asians, whence it comes that they are hardly knowne to be the same. The Reader must pardon me (or go to the Author himselfe) if I haue here omitted some pieces of Haiton, which you haue had in Polo and others before, specially not so pertinent to our present Tartarian subiect. The figures note the Chapters, after the Latine, from which Ramusios Diuision is much diuided, and we therefore from both. [ 30]

CHAP. V. The Historie of AYTON, or ANTHONIE the Armenian, of Asia, and specially touching the Tartars.

[ 40]

§. I. Of the Kingdome of Cathay, and diuers other Prouinces of Asia, and of the first habitation of the Tartars: and of CANGIVS, or CINGIS his beginnings.

* 4.343THe Kingdome of Cathay, is the greatest that is to be found in the World, and is re∣plenished with people and infinite riches; beeing situated on the shoare of the Ocean Sea; In the which there are so many Ilands, that their number can no [ 50] wayes be knowne. For neuer was there any man that could say he had seene all those Ilands; But those of them which haue beene frequented, are found to a∣bound with innumerable wealth and treasures; and that which is there most e∣steemed,* 4.344 and deerest sould, is Oyle of Oliues, which the Kings and Commanders there cause to be kept with great diligence, as a Souereigne Medicinable thing; And moreouer, in the King∣dome of Cathay, are many maruellous and monstrous things, which I forbeare to mention. The Inhabitants of those parts are exceeding wise and subtill, replenished with all kind of skill and cunning, insomuch, that they disdaine the endeauours of all other Nations, in all kind of Arts, and Sciences:* 4.345 saying, that they only see with two Eyes, the Latines but with one eye, and that all other Nations are blind. And albeit they are exceeding sharpe-sighted in the exercise of all [ 60] bodily workes and labours; yet is there not amongst them any knowledge of spirituall things; the men of that Countrey are not bold, or couragious, but more fearefull of death then befitteth such as beare Armes; yet are they very ingenious, and haue oftner had victorie of their enemies by Sea, then by Land: the money vsed in those parts, is of square peeces of Paper, signed with

the Kings signe, according to which signe or marke: the pieces are of greater or smaller value; and if they begin by age to be wasted, or worne out, hee that bringeth them to the Kings Court shall haue new for them; of Gold and other Metals, they make Vessels, and other ornaments. Of this Kingdome of Cathay it is said, that it is in the beginning of the World,* 4.346 because the head thereof is in the East, and there is not knowne any other Nation to inhabit more Easterly there∣abouts; on the West it confineth on the Kingdome of Tarsa, on the North with the Desert of Belgian. And on the South-side are the Ilands of the Ocean, afore mentioned.

2. In the Kingdom of Tarsa are three Prouinces, whose Rulers are also called Kings,* 4.347 the men of that Countrie are called Iogour, they haue alwayes worshipped Idols, and yet doe except the [ 10] ten Kindreds of those Kings, who by the guiding of a Starre came to worship the Natiuitie in Bethleem Iuda. And there are yet found many great and noble among the Tartarians of that Race, which hold firmely the Faith of Christ. But the rest which are Idolaters in those parts, are of no estimation in matter of Armes,* 4.348 yet are they of a piercing wit for the learning of all Arts and Sciences. They haue peculiar Letters or Characters of their owne. And almost all the In∣habitants of those parts abstayne from eating of flesh and drinking of Wine, neither would they by any meanes bee brought to kill ought that hath life.* 4.349 Their Cities are very pleasant and they haue great Temples in which they worship their Idols. Corne groweth there abundantly, and all good kind of Graine. But they are without Wine, and hold it a sinne to drinke it, as doe al∣so the Agarens. This Kingdome of Tarsa on the East-side confineth with the Kingdome of Ca∣thay, [ 20] as aforesaid; on the West it bordereth on the Kingdome of Turquestan, on the North on a certayne Desert, and on the South-side it adioyneth to a very rich Prouince called Sym,* 4.350 which is situate betweene the Kingdome of India and Cathaia, and in that Prouince are found Diamonds.

3. The Kingdome of Turquestan on the East side is confined with the Kingdome of Tarsa, on the West side with the Kingdome of the Persians,* 4.351 on the North side with the Kingdome of the Corasmians, and on the South it reacheth out to the Desart of India. In this Kingdome are but few good Cities, but there are large Plaines and good feeding for their flockes, therefore the In∣habitants for the most part are Shepherds, dwelling in Tents, and houses that may easily bee re∣moued from place to place. The greatest Citie of that Kingdome is called Ocerra, there grow∣eth but little Barley or Wheate: no Wine at all. Their Drinke is Cursia, and other made Drinks, [ 30] and Milke, they eate Rice and Millet, and flesh, and are called Turkes.* 4.352 And almost all of them are of the Sect of wicked Mahomet, yet there are some amongst them of no Faith nor Religion. They haue no peculiar Characters of their owne, but doe vse the Arabike Letters in their Cities or Campes.

4. The Kingdome of the Corasmians, is well stored with good Cities and Townes, and there are many Inhabitants, because the Land is fruitfull and pleasant, and wheate, and other graine,* 4.353 is there in great quantitie; but they haue little Wine. This Kingdome is confined with a Wildernesse of one hundred dayes Iourney, in length on the West-side, it reacheth out to the Caspian Sea. On the North it bordereth on the Kingdome of Cumania, and on the South it hath the Kingdome of Turquestan. The chiefe Citie of that Kingdome is called [ 40] Corasme, and the people are called Corasmians, being Pagans, which haue neither Learning, not Religion. But those wich are called Soldini, are very fierce in Armes,* 4.354 and haue their Language and Letters, and Ceremonies of the Greekes, and make the bodie of Christ after the Greeke manner, and are obedient to the Patriarkes of Antioch.

5. The Kingdome of Cumania is very great: yet by reason of the distemperature of the Ayre,* 4.355 it is ill inhabited: for in the Winter season, the cold is so great in some places, that neither man nor beast can any way liue therein. And againe in some places, the heate of Summer is so great, that none can endure the same, nor the flyes which abound there. This King∣dome of Cumania, is in a manner all plaine, and there are no Trees, nor any Wood to bee found therein, vnlesse it be about some Cities, which haue certayne Orchards. The people inhabit in [ 50] Fields, and in Tents burning the dung of beasts in steed of Wood: This Kingdome of Cumania on the East-side, hath the Kingdome of Corasmia, and a certayne Desert or Wildernesse; on the West-side is the great Sea called Pontus Euxinus, and the Sea of Tanais: on the North-side it confineth on the Kingdome of Cassia, and on the South-side, it reacheth out to a certayne great Riuer called Etil, which euery yeare is frozen, and sometimes remayneth all the yeare so hardly frozen, that men and beasts goe thereon as on Land, on the bankes of that Riuer, are found cer∣tayne small Trees. But beyond and on the other side of that Riuer, are diuers and sundry Nati∣ons inhabiting, which are not accounted of the Kingdome of Cumania, and yet are obe∣dient to the King thereof: And some there are which inhabit about the Mountayne Cocas,* 4.356 which is exceeding great and high. The Astures and other rauenous Birds, breeding [ 60] in that Mountayne, are all white, and that Mountayne is seated betweene two Seas; for on the West is the great Euxine Sea, and the Caspian Sea on the East, which Caspian Sea hath no entrance into the Ocean, but is as a Lake which only for his greatnesse hath the name of a Sea, for it is the greatest Lake that is to bee found in the World,* 4.357 reaching from the said Mountayne Caucasus, euen to the head of the Kingdome of Persia, and diuideth all Asia into

two parts, whereof that which is towards the East is called Asia profunda, and that which is on the West is called Asia maior, or the greater Asia, and many good fishes are in that Lake.

* 4.3586. The Kingdome of India is very long, and situated on the Ocean Sea, which in those parts is called the Indian Sea. This Kingdome beginneth from the Confines of Persia, and extendeth by East vnto a Prouince called Balaris, in which are found the precious stones which wee call Balayes.* 4.359 On the North-side is that long and great Desart of India, where the Emperour Alex∣ander is said to haue found so many Serpents, and such diuersitie of Beasts inhabiting. In that Kingdome it is that Saint Thomas preached the Faith of Christ, and conuerted many people and Prouinces. But because they are so farre distant and remote from other places and parts of Chri∣stendome, the Christian Religion is there much diminished, for there is but one Citie that is in∣habited [ 10] with Christians, the rest hauing wholy forsaken the profession of Christianitie. On the South-side of this Kingdome is a very long reach of the Ocean, in the which are many Ilands, but their Inhabitans be all blacke, going altogether naked for heat, and worship Idols like fooles. In those Ilands are found precious stones, Pearles, and Gold, and sundry Spices, and medicinable drugs helpfull vnto men. There is also a certayne Iland called Celan or Zeilan, knowne in an∣cient time by the name of Taprobana, in which are found Rubies and Saphires, and the King of that Iland hath the greatest and best Rubie that is any where to be found, which when hee is to be crowned King, he holdeth in his hand riding round about the Citie, and is afterwards obeyed of all as King.

* 4.3609. In the Land of Armenia there are foure Kingdomes: yet haue they alwayes beene sub∣iect [ 20] to one King only. The length of the Kingdome of Armenia beginneth at the Confines of Persia, and reacheth out West-ward euen to the Kingdome of Turkie. The breadth of Armenia begins at the Citie Miralis, called the Iron Gate, and extendeth euen to the Kingdome of Me∣dia.* 4.361 In Armenia there are many great and very rich Cities, of which Tauris is the chiefe: they haue both Characters of their owne, called the Armenian Letters, and others also which they call Haloen. In Armenia is the highest Hill or Mountayne that is in the World, which is com∣monly called Arath, or Ararat, and on the top of that Mountayne, the Arke of Noah rested first after the Deluge. And albeit for the abundance of Snow which is alwayes on that Mountayne, both Winter and Summer none is able to goe vp the same, yet is there alwayes seene in the top thereof a certaine blacke thing, which men affirme to be the Arke. [ 30]

* 4.36210. The Kingdome of Georgia on the East-side, beginneth from a certayne great Mountayne, called Alboris, or Albsor. There doe inhabit many Nations, and thereof that Prouince is called Alania, or Albania, from whence the Kingdome of Georgia reacheth West-ward on the North-side to some Lands of the Kingdome of Turkie; the whole length of this Kingdome of Georgia lying vpon the great Sea, and on the South-side it is confined with Armenia the Great. This Kingdome of Georgia is diuided into two Kingdomes, one of which is called by the name of Georgia, and the other knowne by the name of Albcas, or Albcase: and they haue beene alwaies gouerned by two seuerall Kings. The one of which is subiect to the Emperour of Asia; name∣ly, the King of Georgia, But the Kingdome of Albcas being mightie in people, and strongly si∣tuated and fortified, could neuer yet either by the Emperours of Asia, or by the Tartarians bee [ 40] subdued. In this Kingdome of Georgia is a maruellous strange Wonder or Miracle, which I durst not haue reported or beleeued, if I had not seene it with my eyes. But because I haue personal∣ly beene there, and beene made the eye witnesse thereof, I say, that in those parts there is a Prouince or Countrey called Hamsem, being in circuit about three dayes iourney, whose whole extent is all couered ouer with such thicke and palpable darknesse, that none can see any thing therein, neither doe any dare to goe into that Land, because they know not the way out againe. Those that inhabit neere about it, affirme, that they haue often heard the sound of mens voices crying, of Cockes crowing, and the neighing of Horses in the Wood, and by the course of a Ri∣uer that runneth out from that place, there appeare certaine signes that there are people in∣habiting therein. [ 50]

* 4.36311. The Kingdome of the Chaldaeans beginneth on the East-side from the Mountaynes of Media, and reacheth out vnto Niniue. The Inhabitants of Chaldaea are called Nestorians, be∣cause they are followers of the Errour of Nestorius, and they haue their peculiar Chaldaean Characters, others there are amongst them that vse the Arabian Letters, and are of the Sect of the seducer Mahomet.

* 4.36412. The Kingdome of Mesopotamia on the East-side, beginneth at the great Citie Mosel, (called of the Ancients Seleucia) which is seated neere the Riuer Tigris, and stretcheth out vnto the Riuer Euphrates,* 4.365 and the Citie of Robais (or Edessa.)

13. When the Turkes had inuaded the Kingdome of Turkie, and possessed themselues there∣of, they could not preuayle against the Citie of Trapezond, nor the Territorie thereof, because [ 60] of their strong Castles and other Fortifications, by reason whereof it remayned still vnder the gouernment of the Emperour of Constantinople, who vsed yearely to send thither a Ruler or Go∣uernour as his Deputie there, vntill at length one of them rebelling against him, made himselfe King in such sort that he which now holdeth that Land, is called Emperour of Trapezond. The

Inhabitants are Greekes. In the Kingdome of Turkie are foure Nations inhabiting; namely, the Greekes, Armenians, and Iacobines, (or Iacobites, which are Christians,* 4.366 liuing on merchandise and manuring the Earth:) and the Turkes, which are Saracens, that haue inuaded that Land, and gotten the Gouernment from the Greeks. Some of them liue on merchandise, and labouring of the ground inhabiting in Cities and Townes: others keeping in the Woods and Fields, both Winter and Summer being Shepherds, and very good Bow-men.

14. Cilicia at this day is called Armenia,* 4.367 by reason that after the enemies of the Christian faith had gotten that Countrey, and held it a long time from the Greekes, the Armenians endeauoured themselues so well that they wonne it againe from the Pagans. In so much that the King of Ar∣menia, [ 10] by the grace of God ruleth ouer Cilicia at this day: In the Kingdome of Syria are diuers Nations inhabiting, namely, Greekes, Armenians, Iacobites, Nestorians, and Saracens.* 4.368 There are also other Christian Nations, namely, the Syrians and Maronines (or Maronites.)

16. The Countrey in which the Tartarians first inhabited, lieth beyond the great Mountaine Belgian, mentioned in the Histories of * 4.369 Alexander. And there they liued like brutish People without learning or Religion, feeding herds of Beasts, and going from place to place to seeke pa∣sture. And being not exercised in armes they were despised of other Nations, and payed tribute to al. Of these in ancient time there were many Nations which by a common name were called, * 4.370 Mogli, who vpon their encrease were after diuided into seuen principall sorts esteemed more noble then the rest. The first of these Nations was called Tatar, from the name of that Pro∣uince wherein they first inhabited: The second, was named Tangur: The third, Cunat: The fourth, [ 20] Talair: The fifth, Sonich: The sixth, Monghi: And the seuenth, Tebeth. And whiles these se∣uen Nations liued vnder the subiection of their Neighbours, as is aboue said, it happened that a poore old man, being a Smith, saw a Vision in his sleepe; namely, a man armed all in white Ar∣mour, and mounted on a white Horse, which calling him by his name, said vnto him, Changius, It is the will and pleasure of the immortall God, that thou be Lord and Ruler ouer these Nations of the Mogli, and that by thee they bee deliuered from the Dominion of their Neighbours, vnder which they haue long remayned: and they shall rule ouer their Neighbours, and receiue Tribute of them to whom they formerly paid Tribute. Changius hearing this Word of God, was replenished with exceeding ioy, and made publikely knowne the Vision which he had seene. But the Rulers and Comman∣ders would not giue credite to the Vision, but rather despised and mocked the old man. But [ 30] the night following, they themselues saw the same Vision of the Horse-man armed in white, who commanded them from the Immortall God, that they should be obedient to Changius, and cause all to obey his command. Whereupon, all the said Chieftaines and Gouernours of the se∣uen Nations of the Tartarians, calling the people together made them to yeeld obedience and re∣uerence to Changius. Then afterwards placing a Chaire for him in the midst of them, and sprea∣ding a blacke Felt Carpet on the ground, they set him thereon, and then the seuen chiefe Ru∣lers lifting him vp, did place him in the Throne, or Chaire of State, with great triumph and acclamation, calling him Can their first Emperour, and doing him solemne reuerence, with bow∣ing their knees as to their Lord and Gouernour.

[ 40] Now, at this solemnitie of the Tartarians, and at the simplicitie of their blacke Cloth, vsed in the creating of their first Emperour, none ought much to wonder, either because haply they were not then furnished with any fairer (loth of S••ate, or else were so rude and ignorant at that time, that they knew no better or fairer fashion of S••ate. But at this men might rather maruell,* 4.371 that the Tartarians hauing since that, co••quered many Kingdomes, and gotten infinite riches, (and namely, commanding ouer the Dominions and wealth of Asia, euen to the confines of Hungaria) they will not yet leaue their ancient and accustomed manner; but at the confirma∣tion of euery Emperour obserue the like order in euery point, whereof I can well be a witnesse, hauing beene personally present at the ceremonie vsed at the Confirmation of one of their Em∣perours. But to returne to our purpose,* 4.372 Changius Can being thus made Emperour by common consent of all the Tartarians, determined ere he attempted any thing, to make triall, whether [ 50] they would all performe faithfull obedience to him, to which end he made certaine Ordinances to be obserued of all.

The first was, That all the Tartarians should beleeue and obey the Immortall God, by whose will hee was promoted to the Imperiall Dignitie: which Commandement they obserued and from thenceforth vntill this day haue euer continued to call on the Immortall God in all their occasions. Secondly, Hee willed that all the men that were able to beare Armes should be num∣bred, and that ouer euery ten should be one appointed, and ouer euery ten thousand a great Com∣mander, and that also ouer euery thousand should bee a Colonell, or Conducter of a Regiment, and he called an Armie of ten thousand Souldiers, a Regiment. He commanded also the seuen Ru∣lers ouer the Nations of the Tartarians, that they should forthwith dismisse themselues of their [ 60] former dignities: which they relinquished immediatly. But another of his Ordinances was very strange and admirable, in which he commanded those seuen chiefe Rulers to bring euery of them his eldest sonne, and each with his owne hand to cut off his head. Which Commande∣ment appearing to bee most cruell and vniust, yet was there none that would any way gainsay

it, because they knew him to be set ouer them by Gods prouidence, and therefore they present∣ly fulfilled it. When Changius Can had seene that they were readie to obey him, euen vnto death, he appointed them all a certaine day in which they should be readie to fight. And then they rode against them which bordered next vnto them,* 4.373 and subdued them. Whereby, they which had beene Lords ouer them, were brought into subiection vnder them. After, hee inuaded diuers other Nations, which hee conquered with great celeritie: For hee did all his exploits with a small troupe of men, and was successefull in his enterprises.

Yet, one day it fell out, that being accompanied with a small number he was encountred with a great troupe of his Enemies, in such sort, that the fight being begun betweene them, whiles he valiantly defended himselfe, his Horse was slaine vnder him. And the Tartarians seeing their [ 10] Lord ouerthrowne, betooke themselues to flight; so that the Enemies being all busied in pur∣suing of those that fled, and hauing no knowledge of the Emperour, whom they had vnhorsed and ouerthrowne; he runne and hid himselfe among certaine shrubs for safety of his life. Whi∣ther when the Enemies were returned, with purpose to spoile the dead Carkasses, and to seeke out such as were hidden, it happened that an Owle * 4.374 came and sate vpon those little trees or shrubs which he had chosen for his couert, which when they perceiued, they sought no further in that place, supposing that the said Bird would not haue sate there, if any man had beene hidden vnderneath. By which meanes in the dead time of the night he found meanes to escape thence, and came by diuers vnfrequented wayes vnto his owne people, and discoursed vnto them what had befallen him. For which the Tartarians rendred thankes vnto the Immortall God. And that Bird which vnder God was held to be the meanes of his escaped, hath euer since beene held [ 20] in such reuerence amongst them, that happie is he that can get but a Feather of an Owle, which they weare in their heads with great reuerence. Which I thought fit to set downe in this Booke, that the cause might be knowne for which the Tartarians vse commonly to weare Feathers on their heads.

But their Emperour Changius Can hauing giuen great thankes to God: for his deliuerance out of so great a danger gathered his Armie together, and fiercely assaulted his former Enemies a∣gaine and brought them all vnder subiection,* 4.375 and so became Emperor of all the Countries lying on that side of the Mountaine Belgian, and possessed them quietly without disturbance, vntill it happened him to haue another Vision as shall after be declared.* 4.376 Neither is it any maruell that in these Histories I haue not set downe the certaine time, because albeit I haue sought of many [ 30] to know the certaintie thereof, yet could I neuer finde any to instruct me fully therein: the rea∣son thereof I take to be, because the Tartarians at the first were ignorant of all Learning, and knew no letters, and so passed ouer the times and memorable accidents without any Record or Register thereof kept, whereby they came afterwards to be forgotten.

§. II. Of CHANGIVS Can his second Vision and Conquests. Of HOCCOTA and his three Sonnes expeditions; of GINO Can; of MANGV Can, who [ 40] was visited by the King of Armenia, and baptised; of the expedition of his Brother HALOON.

17. AFter that Changius Can had subdued all the Kingdomes and Countries on that side of the Mountaine Belgian, he saw another Vision in the night. For the selfe-same Hors∣man armed in white Armour appeared vnto him againe,* 4.377 saying, Changius Can, it is the pleasure of the Immortall God, that thou passe ouer the Mountaine Belgian, and di∣rect thy course Westwards, where thou shalt possesse Kingdomes and Countries, and subdue many Nations. And that thou mayest be assured that the words which I speake vnto thee are from the Immortall God: [ 50] Arise and goe with thy people to the Mountaine Belgian, to that part thereof which ioyneth to the Sea, there thou shalt alight from thy Horse, and kneeling downe nine times towards the East; thou shalt worship nine times the Immortall God, and he which is Almightie will shew thee the way by which thou mayest easily passe ouer the Mountaine. At this Vision Changius reioyced exceedingly, and arose without farther doubt or delay: because the trueth which he had found in the first Vision gaue him assurance of the other: in such sort that he forthwith speedily assembled his people, and commanded them to follow him with their wiues and children, and all that they had. And so they went forwards vntill they came to the place where the great and deepe Sea did beate a∣gainst the Mountaine, so that there appeared no way nor passage for them.

There presently Changius Can as had beene commanded him by God, alighted from his Horse, [ 60] and all his followers in like manner, worshipping nine times on their bended knees towards the East, they beseeched the Almightie and euerliuing God, that of his infinite mercy and grace he would vouchsafe to shew them the way and passage thence where they continued in prayer all that night. And in the morning arising, they saw that the Sea was departed from the Moun∣taine,

and had left them a way of nine feet in bredth to passe. Whereat they being all astoni∣shed exceedingly, and rendring thankes to the Immortall God most deuoutly,* 4.378 they passed on the way which they saw before them, and directed their steps towards the West. But as the Histories of the Tartarians doe mention, after they had passed ouer those Mountaines, they in∣dured some hunger and thirst for certaine dayes, because the land was Desart, and the waters were bitter and salt, which they could not by any meanes drinke▪ vntill at length they came where they had all necessaries aboundantly. In which place they abode many dayes. And there it happened by the will of God, that Changius Can grew dangerously sicke, in such sort that the Physicians despaired of his recouerie.* 4.379

[ 10] By reason whereof he called before him his twelue sonnes, and perswaded them to vnitie and concord by an Example. For, he commanded each of them to bring with him an Arrow,* 4.380 which when he had receiued, and bound them altogether he willed the eldest to breake them if he could, which when he had tried, but could not performe, he deliuered them to the second, and then to the third, and then to all the rest, but none of them could breake them as they were. Then he commanded his youngest sonne to take the Arrowes seuerally and breake them, which hee easily accomplished. Then said Changius Can to his sonnes: In like manner will it be with you; for, as long as you remayne in concord and vnitie, your Empire shall continue; but as soone as there commeth diuision amongst you, your power is easily ouerthrowne. Many other good examples were giuen by him, and gathered by the Tartarians, which in their Language they [ 20] call, Iasach, or Instructions of Changius Can. And afterwards hee caused the wisest and best of his sonnes, called Hoccota Can, to be receiued as his Successour in his Empire, before he died: and then rested in peace. And his sonne, called Hoccota Can, was placed in his Seat.

But before wee end this Historie we must shew how the number of Nine came to be of reue∣rence and sacred estimation among the Tartarians:* 4.381 for of a memoriall of the nine kneelings which they made in the Mountaine Belgian, when they worshipped the immortall God, accor∣ding to the direction of him that appeared in white Armour, and their way of the bredth of nine feet, through which they passed, they hold that number Nine in very high estimation.* 4.382 Insomuch, that if any will offer a Present to the Tartarian Emperour, it must bee presented in forme of nine seuerall things, if hee will haue it graciously accepted; and so that the number [ 30] of Nine be offered the gift is reputed happie, which Custome is yet obserued at this day among the Tartarians.

18. Hoccota Can, who succeeded in the Empire, was a man of much valour and wisedome, which made him very well beloued of the Tartarians, who were alwaies faithfull and obedient vnto him. Hee therefore bethought himselfe in what manner he might best subdue all Asia, and thought good to make triall first of the mightiest Prince therein before he attemped it himselfe in person. On that enterprise therefore he sent forth ten thousand Horse-men vnder the conduct of a wise and valiant Leader, called Gebesabada, and commanded him to seeke out diuers King∣domes and States, and when hee met with an Aduersarie too mightie for him, to returne. Hee marched on, and tooke diuers Castles and Townes, and cruelly vsed those which hee vanquished [ 40] in battell, for terrour to others, putting out their eyes, and taking away their Horses and Vi∣ctuals; dealing kindly with the weaker. Thus hee proceeded to the Iron Gate which Alexan∣der built at the foot of Cochas, and razed it, left it might hinder his returne. Yuannu•• the Prince of Georgia came out against him, and in a Plaine, called Mogran, they fought, but the Tartars ouercame; and proceeded to Arscor a Citie of the Soldan of Turkie, who was so well prouided to entertayne him, that Gebesabada seeing his forces decayed, returned to Hoccota Can,* 4.383 then in Cambalu. Hee desiring to subdue all Asia, called three of his sonnes, giuing to each a great Ar∣mie, Iochi the eldest he sent Westward to Tigris; Baydo, to the North; Chagoday, to the South: and so diuided Asia among his three sonnes. Hoccota Can made choise of another skilfull and valiant Captaine, called Baydo, to whom he gaue thirtie thousand Tartarian Souldiers, termed [ 50] Tamachi, or Conquerours, and commanded them to set forward the very same way that the o∣ther ten thousand went before, and not to make stay in any place till they came to the King∣dome of Turkie, and to trie whether they could withstand the Soldan of Turkie, which was held the mightiest of all the Princes in Asia. And if haply they found him so strong that they were not able to encounter him, they should then forbeare to fight with him, and make choise of some place where they might rest themselues till they had receiued supplie of further aide from some of his sonnes which should bee neerest vnto them, and that afterwards they might with more safety set vpon him. Baydo accordingly with his thirtie thousand Tartarians came to the Kingdome of Turkie; and there hee vnderstood that the Soldan which had discomfited the first Tartarians was dead, and that his sonne Guiatadin succeeded him. And this man hearing of the [ 60] Tartarians comming, was very much afraid, and got all the Mercenaries that he could to his suc∣cour both Barbarians and Latines, and amongst others hee had to his aide two thousand Latines vnder his two Captaines, the one called, Iohn de Liminado, who came from the Ile of Cyprus, and the other Bonifacius de Molin, who was borne at Genua. The Soldan also sent to his Neigh∣bours, promising many fauours and benefits to such as would assist him, by which meanes hauing

assembled a great number of men, hee went towards the place where the Tartarians made their abode,* 4.384 whom they found nothing astonished at his approach; for they manfully gaue him bat∣taile at a place called C••nsedrack, where they ouerthrew the Armie of the Turkes, and so the Tartarians wonne the Kingdome of Turkie, in the yeere 1244.

* 4.38519. And after a little time Hoccota Can dyed, and a sonne of his succeeded in the Empire, called Gino Can, whose life was but short, and after him succeeded a Kinsman of his, called Man∣go Can, who was of very great power and subdued many Prouinces, and at length with a great spirit he went into the Cathayan Sea to take a certaine Iland, which whiles he held besieged, the Inhabitants of those parts being very subtile and ingenious, sent certaine Diuers secretly vnder water, who continued so long vnder the Ship, in which hee was, vntill they had made many holes therein, so that the water came into it (no man obseruing nor stopping the leake) vntill [ 10] the Ship sunke, and Mango Can was drowned therein. Whereupon the residue of the Tartari∣ans returned home and chose his brother, called Cobila Can, for their Emperour, who raigned ouer them two and fortie yeeres, became a Christian, and founded a certaine Citie, called Ions, in the Kingdome of Cathay, which is reported to be greater then Rome; and in that Citie he dwel∣led vntill his dying day. But leauing him, let vs speake of the three sonnes of Hoccota Can, and of Haoloon, and of his Heires.

20. Iochi, the eldest sonne of Hoccota Can, r••de toward the West with all that people which his Father had giuen him, and there finding fruitfull and pleasant Countries, abounding in all kinde of riches, he fixed his Tents, and ruled ouer the Kingdome of Turquestan, and the lesser [ 20] Persia, euen to the Riuer Phison, where his people inhabiting euer since, are exceedingly multi∣plied in persons and riches, and the Heires of Iochi haue succeeded one the other in those Domi∣nions to this present, and those Countries are at this day ruled by two Brothers, the one called Chapar,* 4.386 the other Doax, who haue diuided those Countries betweene them, and doe possesse them peaceably.

* 4.38721. Baydo, the second sonne of Hoccota Can, with the Tartarians which his Father gaue him, rode towards the North, vntill he came to the Kingdome of Cumania, where the Cumani∣ans hauing many armed men, opposed themselues, and defended their Land against them. But being at length ouer-come,* 4.388 they fled to the Kingdome of Hungaria, where are yet many Cuma∣nians inhabiting. Baydo hauing beaten the Cumanians out of their Countrie, went to the King∣dome [ 30] of Russia and conquered it, and possessed the Land of Gazaria (which is in the Northerne part of Taurica) and the Kingdome of Bulgoria, and by the way which the Cumanians had fled, he came to the Kingdome of Hungaria. Afterwards the Tartarians went towards the parts of Germanie, till they came to a certaine Riuer that runneth through the Dukedome of Austria: where they thought to haue passed ouer a Bridge which they found there. But Frederick the Duke of Austria, and others, that bordered neere it, had fortified the Bridge so that the Tartari∣ans were denyed passage. Baydo thereupon, incensed with furie, commanded that all should passe through the water, and himselfe was the first that entred, exposing thereby himselfe and all his followers to apparant danger of death:* 4.389 for such was the breadth of the Riuer and the vio∣lence of the streame, that their Horses were wearied before they could come to the farther banke [ 40] of the Riuer. Which the residue seeing which were not yet entred into the water, they were confounded with griefe, and returned to Russia, and Cumania which they formerly had conque∣red, as hath beene declared; and neuer since that haue the Tartarians attempted against Germa∣nie.* 4.390 But the posteritie of Baydo hath euer since successiuely held those Lands which he subdued. And he which now raigneth there, is called a 4.391 Tochai, and ruleth peaceably and quietly.

22. Cangaday (or Chagoday) with those Tartars which his Father gaue him, rode towards the South, euen to the parts of India the lesser. There he found many Desarts, Mountaines, and drie Lands not inhabited, so that hee could not passe that way: but hauing lost many of his People, Horses, and other Beasts, he turned him towards the West, and after much labour came to his brother Iochi, to whom he related what had befalne him: who taking compassion on his [ 50] brother, gaue him and his people a good part of those Countries which hee had: and euer after, those two brethren dwelled together and their Progenie, vntill this day inhabite in those parts, yet in such sort, that those which descended of the younger brother, doe beare a kinde of reue∣rence to the posteritie of the Elder, and so being content with their Portions, they liue peace∣ably and quietly together: and that Successor of b 4.392 Iochi that now liueth, is called Barach.

23. In the yeere of our Lord 1253. Haython, the King of Armenia, seeing that the Tartari∣ans had in a manner subdued all the Kingdomes, Countries, and Lands, euen to the Kingdome of Turkie, taking Counsell of the wise, he resolued to goe in person to the Emperour of the Tar∣tarians, the better to insinuate himselfe into his fauour, and to make league with him. But first he sent his brother, Lord Sinibaldy, Constable of the Kingdome of Armenia, to obtayne safe con∣duct [ 60] for him: who carrying with him many Presents, and going attended with a goodly com∣panie, dispatched in good order the businesse for which he was sent, yet stayed hee by the space of foure dayes before he came backe to Armenia: but at his returne, he related to the King what he had seene and done: who without delay departed in secret manner disguised, because it might

be dangerous for him to be knowne in the Kingdome of Turkie, through which hee must needes make his iourney: and as God would, at his comming thither,* 4.393 he found that the Soldan of Tur∣kie was ouerthrowne by a Tartarian Captaine, whom hee met with there and made himselfe knowne vnto him, who when he vnderstood him to be the King of Armenia, and that hee was going toward the Emperour, entertayned him very honorably, and caused him to bee conducted to the Kingdome of Cumania, and beyond the Iron gate.

And afterwards, other Tartarian Captaines caused him to bee conducted ouer all other Coun∣tries and Places, vntill he came to c 4.394 Almalech (or Cambalu) where Mango Can their Empe∣rour resided; who reioyced much at the comming of the King of Armenia, and the rather for that from the comming of Changius Can ouer the Mountaine Belgian, no other great Prince had [ 10] come to meet him, and therefore hee receiued and entertayned him with much honour and loue, and gaue vnto him some of the greatest persons about him to attend, and associate him at his plea∣sure, and did him many other fauours; But the King of Armenia hauing rested certaine dayes, intreated the Emperour to vouchsafe him Audience in those affaires, for which hee was come, and to giue him licence to returne. The Emperour very graciously answered him, that he would most willingly accomplish all his desires, and that it was very acceptable vnto him that he came of his owne accord.

The King with good deliberation made seuen Petitions. First,* 4.395 He desired that the Empe∣rour and all his people would be baptized in the Christian Faith, leauing all other Sects. Se∣condly, That there might be a perpetuall peace and friendship established betweene the Christi∣ans [ 20] and the Tartarians. Thirdly, That in all Countries which the Tartarians either had con∣quered [ 1] or should conquer, the Churches and Churchmen, whether secular or religious, might be [ 2] free and exempted from all seruitude and payments. Fourthly, That he would deliuer and free [ 3] the holy Land, and the holy Sepulcher of our Lord, out of the hands of the Saracens, and restore [ 4] them to the Christians. Fiftly, That he would endeuour the destruction of the Caliph of Bal∣dach, who was the head and chiefe Doctor of the Sect of Mahometisme. Sixtly, Hee required [ 5] that a speciall Charter might be granted him, that of whatsoeuer Tartarians especially such as [ 6] should be nearest to the Kingdome of Armenia hee should bee occasioned to demand aide, they should forthwith be readie to assist him. Seuenthly, He craued that all the Lands of the iuris∣diction [ 7] [ 30] of the Kingdome of Armenia, which the Saracens had inuaded, and were or should hap∣pen to be recouered by the Tartarians, might be restored to the King of Armenia, and that such as he should get from the Saracens, hee might peaceably and quietly enioy.* 4.396 Mango Can hauing considered the Petitions of the King of Armenia, calling before him all his chiefe Captaines and Counsellers in their presence, made him answere after this manner. Because that the King of Armenia of his owne accord, and not of compulsion, is come vnto vs from remote parts; it be∣seemeth the Imperiall Maiestie to yeeld him all his demands that are lawfull and honest: Therefore to you, O King of Armenia, Wee returne this answere, That wee will accept of all your Requests made, and will cause them all (God-willing) to bee duely accomplished: first, I [ 1] my selfe being Emperour and Lord of the Tartarians, will bee baptised in that Faith which the [ 40] Christians hold at this day; wishing and aduising all my Subiects to doe the like: yet not en∣tending to force any thereunto. To your second, We will and agree that there be a perpetuall [ 2] peace betweene the Tartarians and Christians, yet with this caution, that your selfe bee a chiefe Pledge and Suretie that the Christians obserue on their behalfe the like peace and amitie towards vs, as wee for our part intend inuiolably to keepe towards them. Wee grant also, That all the Churches of Christians and their Clergie-men whatsoeuer, either Secular or Religious, shall en∣ioy [ 3] their Priuiledge and Immunitie of Libertie and Exemption throughout the Dominions of our Empire, and that none shall molest them any kinde of wayes. Touching the matter of the holy Land, we say, That if we could conueniently we would willingly goe thither in person, for [ 4] the reuerence we beare to our Lord Iesus Christ. But because we haue many occasions of impor∣tance to stay vs in these parts, wee will take order with our Brother Haloon for the due accom∣plishment [ 50] of that seruice in all points as it behooueth, for the freeing of the Citie of Hierusalom and all the holy Land, out of the hands of the Pagans, and restoring it to the Christians.

Concerning the Caliph of Baldach. We will giue order to Baydo, our Captaine of the Tarta∣rians, which are in the Kingdome of Turkie, and the rest thereabouts,* 4.397 that they bee all obedient [ 5] to our Brother, whom wee will haue to destroy the Caliph as our capitall and deadly Enemie. The Charter which the King of Armenia desireth for assistance from the Tartarians, Wee wish it to bee drawne according to his desire, and wee are readie in all things to confirme it. Lastly, [ 6] whereas the King Armenia requireth, That the Lands of his Kingdome, which the Saracens [ 7] had taken from, and haue since beene recouered by the Tartarians, may be restored vnto him, we freely and frankly accord it,* 4.398 willing our Brother Haloon to see such restitution made without [ 60] delay.

24. After that Mango Can had thus liberally accorded the Requests of the King of Arme∣nia, and confirmed them by Charters, he would forth with receiue the Sacrament of Baptisme,* 4.399 and was accordingly baptised by the hands of a certaine Bishop, who was Chancellor of the King of

Armenia, and all that were of his houshold with many other great Personages of both Sexes. And then he made choice of such as were to accompany his Brother Haloon, about the enterprize of the Holy Land. After Haloon and the King of Armenia departed, and rode both together vntill they passed ouer the great Riuer Phison;* 4.400 then Haloon with his mightie Armie inuaded the Coun∣treyes and Lands euery where, and in lesse then six moneths hee subdued easily the whole King∣dome of Persia, because it was without a Ruler, or Gouernour, and tooke in all the Countreyes without resistance, euen till he came to the Land of certayne Infidels, which are called Assassini, hauing neither Law nor Religion, but liuing as their Prince and Lord, commonly called * 4.401 Sex∣montio, instructeth them at whose pleasure and commandement they willingly and readily ex∣pose themselues to death. These had a certayne impregnable Castle, called Tigado, which was [ 10] so well furnished with all kind of necessary prouision, and so strongly built and seated, that they feared no assault. Haloon therefore commanded one of his Captaynes to take with him tenne thousand of those Tartarians, which hee had left in Persia, and in no wise to depart from the siege of that Castle vntill hee had taken it, so that they remayned at the siege thereof, by the space of seuen yeares both Winner and Summer, which at last was yeelded vp by the Assassini, only for want of clothes,* 4.402 but not for any penury of victuals, or scarsitie of any other thing, whiles Haloon employed himselfe in ordering of the Kingdome of Persia, and besieging the Castle of the Assassini, the King of Armenia tooke leaue of him to returne, because hee had beene long out of his Kingdome: Haloon therefore licenced him to depart, and giuing him many great gifts, di∣rected his Precept to Baydo, residing in the Kingdome of Turkie, which he had subdued, that he [ 20] should conduct him safely to the entrance of his owne Kingdome, which in all things he fulfil∣led, so that after three yeares and a halfe of absence, the King of Armenia, through the mercie of Iesus Christ, came ioyfully home into his owne Countrey.

* 4.40325. Haloon hauing ordered the Kingdome of Persia in conuenient manner, went into a cer∣tayne Prouince neere to Armenia, called Sorloch, where he reposed and recreated himselfe all the Sommer, and at the beginning of Winter he besieged Baldach, in which the Caliph resided, who was the chiefe Master and Doctor of the Irreligious Sect of Mahometisme, for which Enterprize Haoloon re-enforced his Army with thirtie thousand Tarrarians, that were in the Kingdome of Turkie, and assaulting the Citie by the shoare, hee tooke the same without any great difficul∣tie, or delay. The Caliph was brought aliue into the presence of Haloon, and there was found in [ 30] Baldach, so much Treasure and Riches as would scarcely bee beleeued to bee in all the World be∣sides; This Citie of Baldach was taken in the yeere 1258.

* 4.40426. When Haoloon had disposed of the Citie of Baldach, he caused the Caliph to be brought vnto him, and all his Treasure to be laid before him, Then he demanded of him whether he had beene Lord of all that Treasure, who affirming, it was asked againe why hee had not made vse thereof in procuring the ayde of his Neighbours, and leuyed mercenarie Souldiers to defend him and his Countrey from the power of the Tartarians, whose answere was that hee thought his owne people had been sufficient. Then said Haloon to the Caliph, thou art said to be the chiefe Doctor & Teacher of all that beleeue the deceiuing Doctrine of Mahomet, & receiuest rewards and Gifts of them all; therefore such and so precious a Master must be fed with no other meate [ 40] but with these precious things, which thou hast loued and kept so carefully, all which wee giue thee for thy sustenance: and so commanded that the Caliph should bee shut into a Chamber, and that his Pearle and Gold should bee set before him,* 4.405 that hee might eate as much as hee would thereof, but that no other meate nor drinke should be giuen him; by which meanes the miserable wretch ended his life after a miserable manner. And there was no other Caliph in Baldach after him.

27. After that Haoloon had subdued Baldach and all the Countrey round about, hee distribu∣ted the Prouinces amongst his Captaines and Rulers as he thought good, giuing charge that the Christians should euerie where he louingly vsed,* 4.406 and be preferred to the gouernment of Castles and Cities, and the Saracens held vnder streight subiection. Haloon had also a Wife called Don∣coscaro [ 50] discended of those Kings that came from the East being guided by the Starre of the Na∣tiuitie of our Lord, which Ladie being a most deuout Christian, was a great meanes of destroy∣ing the Temples of the Saracens, and prohibiting the Solemnities and Ceremonies of Maho∣met, and finally rased their Temples to the ground, and brought the Saracens in such subiection that they durst not shew their heads.

28. After that Haoloon had rested a yeare, he sent to the King of Armenia, to meete him at the Citie Robays, in the Kingdome of Mesopotamia, because he entended to goe towards the Ho∣ly Land,* 4.407 that hee might restore it to the Christians, whereupon, the King Haython of famous memorie tooke his Iourney, accompanied with a great Armie both of Horsemen and Footmen, for at that time the Kingdome of Armenia, was in so good estate, that it could ra••se a power of [ 60] twelue thousand Horse, and threescore thousand Footmen, whereof beeing an Eye witnesse my selfe, I can will giue testimonie thereof, when the King of Armenia was come according to this appointment of Haplan, and had conference with him touching the Enterprize of the Ho∣ly Land,* 4.408 he aduised him that because the Soldan of Halappi, ruled ouer all the Kingdome of Sy∣ria,

in which the Citie of Ierusalem was seated, the way to get the Holy Land, was first to be∣siege the Citie of Halappi, being the chiefe Citie of Syria, which when he had wonne, it would not be difficult for him to subdue all the rest of that Countrey: which aduise Haloon liked well, and besieged the Citie of Halappi (or Aleppo) which he found to be of great strength being well walled and inhabited: therefore with Mines vnder ground, with Slings and other Engines,* 4.409 hee begirt it so straightly, and assaulted it so manfully on euery side that albeit it seemed impregna∣ble, yet in the space of nine dayes he obtayned it.* 4.410 In this Citie they found such incredible store of wealth as would hardly be beleeued, yet there was a Castle in the midst of the Citie, that held out eleuen dayes after the Citie was taken, which at length was wonne by vndermining. So the [ 10] Citie Halappi, and afterwards the Kingdome of Syria, was taken by Haolono in the yeare of our Lord * 4.411 1240.

29. But when the Soldan of Halappi named Melechnaser being then in the Citie of Damascus, vnderstood that the Citie of Halappi, with his Wife and Children in it, was taken, being vtterly destitute of Counsell hee came and cast himselfe at the feet of Haloon, hoping thereby that his Wife and Children with some part of his Dominions would bee restored him. But the Soldan found himselfe therein deceiued, for Haloon sent him with his Wife and Children into Persia, that thereby he might enioy the Kingdome of Syria, the more securely. These things thus disposed, Haloon gaue to the King of Armenia a great part of the spoile of Halappi, and of the Lands which he had inuaded, whereby the King of Armenia was strengthened with many Ca∣stles [ 20] bordering on his Kingdome, which he fortified as he thought good; and after that Haoloon had setled the affaires of those Cities and Countries which he had wonne, intending to goe to Ierusalem to free the Holy Land from Pagans, and to restore it to the Christians. There came to him a Messenger the third day, who brought newes that the Tartarian Empire was vacant by the death of his Brother Mango Can, and that his comming was earnestly expected to bee his Successor therein, which report made him very sorrowfull: In regard whereof hee could now proceed no further in person, but left ten thousand Tartars to keepe the Kingdome of Syria, vn∣der the command of a Captayne called Guiboga, to whom he gaue order that hee should conquer the Holy Land, and restore it to the Christians. And so leauing his Sonne at Tauris, hee hastened Eastward himselfe by great Iourneyes.

[ 30]

§. III. Of COBILA CAN the fift Emperour, of the Tartarians: Of the Warre with BARCHA, and Tartarian quarrell with the Christians, HAO∣LAONS death. Acts of the Soldan of Egypt. Of ABAYA and other Sonnes and Suc∣cessors of HALOON.

[ 40]

BVt before he could come to the Kingdom of Persia, he heard that the Nobles & Princes had placed his Brother Cobila Can in the Imperial Seat of the Tartars,* 4.412 which he heard whilst he was at Tauris: where he vnderstood that Barcat (or Barcha) was marching thither with a great Armie, purposing to make himselfe Emperour. Haoloon therefore assembled his people and met with his Enemies, on a certayne Riuer which was frozen, where beganne a very great Battaile. But the Ice being broken by the great multitude of Horses and Men, there was drowned on the one side and on the other thirtie thousand Tartars; Insomuch, that the Armies on each side returned. But Guiboga whom Haoloon had left in the Kingdome of Syria, and the Prouince of Palestina held those Countreyes peaceably, and loued the Christians well, for he was of the Progenie of the three Kings which went to worship the Natiuitie of our [ 50] Lord. But when he had laboured earnestly to reduce the Holy Land againe vnder the power of the Christians, the Deuill sowed the seed of scandall, and discord betwixt him and the Christi∣ans of those parts, which hapned on this manner. In the Land of Belforte,* 4.413 which is of the Ter∣ritory of the Citie of Sidon, there were sundry Townes and Villages inhabited by Saracens, which paid certayne Tribute to the Tartars, on whom some of Sidon and Belforte made diuers rodes and spoyles killing sundry of the Saracens, and carrying others away Captiue with a great droue of Cattle. A Nephew of Guiboga remayning neere thereabouts, followed speedily after those Christians that had committed those out-rages to tell them on the behalfe of his Vncle, that they should dismisse their bootie. But some of them vnwilling to large their prey they had taken, ranne vpon him, and slue him, with diuers other Tartarians that accompanyed him.* 4.414 Gui∣boga [ 60] hearing that the Christians had slaine his Nephew, rode presently and tooke the Citie of Sidon, dismanteled the walls thereof, and slue some few Christians, the rest sauing themselues in an Iland. And neuer after would the Tartars trust the Christians of Syria, neither durst they put confidence in the Tartars, who were afterwards driuen out of the Kingdome of Syria by the Saracens, as shall be declared.

31. Whiles Haoloon was busie in the warre with Barcat, as hath beene said, the Soldan of Egypt assembling his Armie came to the Prouince of Palestina,* 4.415 and in a place called Hamalech, he ioyned battaile with Guiboga and his Tartars, where Guiboga was slaine, and his Armie de∣feated. The Tartars which escaped went into Armenia, and by this meanes the Kingdome of Syria was wholly subdued by the Saracens, sauing certayne Cities of the Christians, which were seated neere the Sea. When Haloon vnderstood how the Soldan of Egypt had inuaded Syria, and driuen thence his people,* 4.416 he gathered his Armie and sent to the King of Armenia, and to the King of Georgia, and the other Christians of the East to prepare themselues against the Soldan of Egypt and the Saracens, and when his Armie was in readinesse a sicknesse seized him, of which he languished the space of a fortnight, and then dyed, by whose death the enterprize of the Ho∣ly Land had an end. Abaga his Sonne held the Dominion of his Father, who intreated the Em∣perour [ 10] Cobila Can being his Vncle,* 4.417 to confirme him therein, to which he willingly accorded. So he was called Abaga Can, and began to reigne in the yeare of our Lord 1264.

32. Abaga was wise and gouerned prosperously in all things, two only excepted, one that he would not be a Christian, as his Father had beene, but worshipped Idols, beleeuing the Ido∣latrous Priests. The other, that he was alwayes in warres with his Neighbours, by reason wher∣of the Soldan was long in quiet, and the power of the Saracens much increased. Those Tartars (or rather Turks) which could escape from out the Dominion of the Tartars, fled vnto the Sol∣dan, seeking to auoid the heauie burthens which the Tartars imposed on them. And the Soldan dealt politikely, for he sent Messengers by Sea to the Tartars, in the Kingdomes of Cumania, and [ 20] Russia, and made composition and agreement with them, that whensoeuer Abaga should mooue warre against the Land of Egypt, then they should inuade his Countrey, for which he promised them great gifts, by meanes whereof Abaga could not well inuade the Land of Egypt, but the Soldan could easily without resistance inuade the Christians in the parts of Syria, insomuch, that the Christians lost the Citie of Antioch, and diuers other places of strength, which they held in that Kingdome.

* 4.41833. Moreouer, Bendecar the Soldan of Egypt was so fortunate that he much abased the King∣dome of Armenia. For it hapned that the King of Armenia with many of his men was gone to the Tartars, which the Soldan hearing, sent a Captayne of his to inuade the Kingdome of Ar∣menia. The Sonnes of the King of Armenia, gathering together all that could beare Armes, en∣countred [ 30] the Egyptians in the Confines of their Kingdome, and resisted them couragiously; but the Armie of the Armenians being ouerthrowne, one of the Kings Sonnes was taken, and the other was slaine in battaile. So that the Saracens thereby wasted and spoyled all the Kingdome of Armenia, and carryed infinite riches thence to the great damage of the Christians, whereby the Enemies power was much encreased, and the Kingdome of Armenia wondrously weakned. The King whose endeauour was wholly bent about the destruction of the Infidels, hauing heard this most vnhappie newes of his owne Countrey, busied his thoughts night and day how to af∣flict the Saracens, and oft-times very earnestly dealt with Abaga, and his Tartars to attempt the ouerthrow of faithlesse Mahomet,* 4.419 and the reliefe of the Christians. But Abaga excused himselfe by reason of the warres, in which he was daily entangled with his Neighbours. The [ 40] King of Armenia seeing that hee could not haue any present ayde of the Tartarians, sent and made truce by his Messengers with the Soldan of Egypt, that he might redeeme his Sonne which was Prisoner. The Soldan also promised him that if he restored him a friend of his called An∣goldscar whom the Tartars held captiue, and yeelded vp the Castle Tempsach, and some holds of the Citie of Halappi, which he had gotten in the time of Haoloon, hee would set his Sonne at li∣bertie. Whereupon the Soldan, hauing receiued his friend, and the Castle of Tempsacke beeing yeelded, and two other Castles throwne downe at his appointment, deliuered his Sonne out of Prison, and restored him accordingly. Then afterwards King Haython of famous memorie, ha∣uing reigned fortie fiue yeares, and done much good to the Christians, yeelded vp his Kingdome and Dominion to his Sonne Liuon, whom he had deliuered out of captiuitie, and renouncing this [ 50] Kingdom of the World became professed in Religion, and was called Macharius, changing his name (according to the custome * 4.420 of the Armenians) when they enter into Religion, and in short time after dyed in peace in the yeare of our Lord 1270.

34. This King of Armenia Liuone was wise, and gouerned his Kingdom prouidently, and be∣ing much beloued by his owne People, and by the Tartars, he laboured earnestly to destroy the Saracens, so that in his time Abaga made peace with al his neighbors, who of long time had been his enemies. Then the Soldan of Egypt entred the Kingdome of Turkie, and slue many of the Tartars, and draue them out of many Townes. For a Saracen, called Paruana, being Captaine ouer the Tartars that were in Turkie, rebelled against Abaga, and sought the destruction of the Tartarians. Abaga hearing thereof, posted thither so speedily, that in fifteene dayes hee rode [ 60] fortie dayes iourney. The Soldan hearing of his comming departed suddenly, not daring to make any longer abode. Yet could not so speedily withdraw himselfe, but that the Tartars following swiftly, ouertooke the rereward of his Armie in the entrie of the Kingdome of Egypt, in a place called Pasblanke. There the Tartarians rushing on them, tooke two thousand Horsemen of

the Saracens, beside much riches, and fiue thousand of the Cordines which liued in that Countrie. Abaga being come to the Confines of Egypt, was perswaded to goe no farther for heat: for that Land is very hote, and his Tartars, and their beasts hauing come speedily from farre, could hard∣ly haue indured it, by reason whereof hee returned into Turkie, and spoiled and wasted all the Countries that had rebelled, and yeelded to the Soldan.* 4.421 But he caused the Traytor Paruana with his partakers to be cut asunder in the midst, after the Tartarian manner, and part of his flesh to be serued in all his meats, whereof he and his Captaines did eat. Such was the reuenge of King Abaga on the Traitor Paruana.

35. Abaga hauing effected his desires in Turkie, and enriched his Tartars with the spoyles of the rebellious Saracens, he called to him the King of Armenia,* 4.422 and offered him the kingdome [ 10] of Turkie, in regard that his father and hee had beene euer faithfull to the Tartarians. But the King of Armenia being discreet and wise, rendred great thankes to Abaga for so great a Present, but excused himselfe from the accepting thereof, as vnable to gouerne two Kingdomes. For the Soldan of Egypt was in his full strength, and earnestly bent against the Kingdome of Armenia: so that hee had enough to doe to prouide for the defence thereof. Yet aduised him to settle and dispose the Kingdome of Turkie in such sort ere his departure, that there might bee no feare of Rebellion afterwards: and in any case to permit no Saracen to command there. Which aduice Abaga accepted of, and neuer after suffered any Saracen to beare rule in that Countrey.* 4.423 The king of Armenia then desired him to thinke of deliuering the Holy Land out of the hands of the Pagans: wherein he promised all his best endeauour: and wished the King to send messen∣gers [ 20] to the Pope, and to other Princes of Christendome for their assistance. So Abaga hauing orde∣red the affaires of Turkie, returned to the Kingdome of Corazen, where hee had left his familie.* 4.424 Bendecar the Soldan of Egypt, after he had receiued such damage by the Tartars, was poisoned, died in Damascus: whereof the Christians of those parts were very glad.* 4.425 And the Saracens very sorrowfull: for they had not his like after, as they themselues commonly reported. For his sonne, called Melechahic, succeeded him, who was soone driuen out of his Dominion by one called Elsi, who violently vsurping, made himselfe Soldan.* 4.426

36. The time appointed being come, when Abaga was to begin his warre against the Sol∣dan of Egypt, hee appointed his brother Mangodanior to goe to the Kingdome of Syria with [ 30] thirtie thousand men, being Tartars, and couragiously to ouercome the Soldan, if he came in bat∣tell against him: or otherwise to take in the Castles and Holds of the Countrey, and deliuer them to the Christians, if the Soldan should shun the fight.* 4.427 When Mangodanior with his Armie setting forward, was come neere the Confines of Armenia, hee sent for the King of Armenia, who came presently vnto him with a goodly companie of Horse: so that they entred the King∣dome of Syria, and went spoyling and forraging, till they came to the Citie Aman, now called Camella, which is seated in the midst of Syria. Before this Citie lieth a faire great Playne, where the Soldan of Egypt had assembled his Power, intending to fight with the Tartarians.* 4.428 And there the Saracen on the one side, with the Christians and Tartars on the other side, fought a great battell. The King of Armenia with the Christians ruled and commanded the right wing of the [ 40] Armie which inuaded the Soldans left wing manfully, and put them to flight, and pursued them three dayes iourney, euen to the Citie Aman.* 4.429 Another part of the Soldans Armie was also rou∣ted by Amalech a Tartarian Captaine, who pursued them also three dayes iourney, to a Citie cal∣led Turara. When they thought the Soldans Power vtterly ouerthrowne, Mangodanior who neuer had seene the conflicts of warre before, being afraid without any reasonable cause of cer∣taine Saracens, called Beduini, withdrew himselfe out of the field, hauing the better, forsaking the King of Armenia, and his Captaine which had preuayled against his enemies. When the Soldan, which thought he had lost all, saw the field cleere, and all abandoned, he got vpon a little hill, with foure armed men, and stood there. The King of Armenia returning from the pursuit, and missing Mangodanior in the field, was much astonied, and imagining which way hee should be gone, followed after him.

[ 50] But Amalech returning from the enemies whom he had pursued,* 4.430 abode two dayes expecting his Lord, supposing that he had followed after him, as he ought, for the further subduing of his enemies, and the Countrey which they had ouercome: till at last, hauing heard of his retrait, leauing his victorie, hee made speed after him; whom hee found on the banke of the Riuer Eu∣phrates staying for him. And then the Tartars returned to their owne Prouince.* 4.431 But the King of Armenia sustained much losse, and hard aduenture in his returne: for the Horses of the Christians of the Kingdome of Armenia, were so wearied and spent with the length of the way, and want of Fodder, that they were not able to trauell, so that the Christians going scatteringly by vnv∣suall wayes, were often found out, and slayne without mercy by the Saracens inhabiting those [ 60] parts: Insomuch that the greatest part of the Armie was lost, and in a manner all the Nobility. And this misaduenture of Mangodanior happened in the yeere of our Lord 1282.

When Abaga vnderstood the successe hereof, he assembled all his people,* 4.432 and when hee was readie to set forward with all his power against the Saracens, a certaine Saracen, the sonne of the Deuill, came to the Kingdome of Persia, and preuayled by giuing great gifts to s••me that

serued neere about Abaga, in such sort, that both he and his brother Mangodanior were poyso∣ned both in one day:* 4.433 and died both within eight dayes after. The trueth whereof was after∣wards disclosed by the mischieuous Malefactors themselues. And so died Abaga Can in the yeere of our Lord 1282.

* 4.43437. After the death of Abaga Can the Tartars assembled themselues, and ordayned ouer them a brother of his, called Tangodor, who had ouergone the rest of his brethren. In his youth he had receiued the Sacrament of Baptisme, and was baptised by the name of Nicholas. But be∣ing come to riper yeeres, and keeping companie with Saracens, whom hee loued, hee became a wicked Saracen,* 4.435 and renouncing Christian Religion, would be called Mahomet Can, and labou∣red by all meanes to turne all the Tartarians to that irreligious Sect of Mahomet the sonne [ 10] of Iniquitie; in such sort, that those that hee could not compell by violence, hee a••lured by preferments and rewards: insomuch that in his time many of the Tartarians became profes∣sed Saracens, as at this day appeareth. This Child of perdition commanded the Churches of the Christians to be destroyed, and forbade them to vse any of their religious Rites or Ceremonies. Hee caused the doctrine of Mahomet to bee publikely preached, the Christians to bee banished, and their Churches in the Citie of Tauris vtterly to bee destroyed. Hee sent Messengers also to the Soldan of Egypt, and concluded a Peace and a League with him, promising that all the Chri∣stians within his Dominion should become Saracens, or else lose their heads, which gaue the Sa∣racens cause of much reioycing, and made the Christians very sad.

* 4.436Hee sent moreouer to the King of Armenia in Georgia, and to the other Christian Princes of [ 20] those parts to come vnto him without delay. But they resolued rather to die in battell then to obey his commandement, for other remedie they could finde none. And the Christians being now in such anguish and bitternesse of heart, that they rather desired to die then to liue, euen God (which neuer refuseth them that put their trust in him) sent consolation to them all. For a Brother of this Mahomet, with a Nephew of his also, called Argon, opposing themselues, and rebelling against him for his euill deeds did signifie to Cobila Can the great Emperour of the Tartarians,* 4.437 how he had forsaken the steps of his Ancestors, and was become a wicked Saracen: labouring with all his might to bring the rest of Tartars to be Saracens also. Which when Co∣bila Can vnderstood he was much displeased thereat: insomuch that he sent and required Ma∣homet to reforme his euill wayes, for otherwise he would proceed against him. Which message [ 30] replenished him with wrath and indignation, insomuch that he being perswaded there was none that durst gainsay his proceedings but his Brother and his Nephew Argon,* 4.438 he caused his Brother to be slayne: and intending the like to his Nephew, he went against him with a mightie Armie. Argon being not of strength to withstand his forces, betooke himselfe to a strong Hold among the Mountaines; which that Sonne of Iniquitie besieged with his deuillish Armie.

Argon finally yeelded himselfe, with condition that he might still enioy his Dignitie and Do∣minion. But Mahomet deliuered him to the Constable and others of the Nobilitie, to bee kept in Prison. And departing towards the Citie of Tauris, where he left his wiues and children, he gaue direction that his Armie should come softly after him: but appointed the Constable, and such as he trusted most, to put his Nephew to death secretly, and to bring him his head. These [ 40] things thus hastily ordered and directed, there was amongst those that had receiued the com∣mand of that bloudy execution, a man of some Place and Authoritie, brought vp vnder Abaga the Father of Argon,* 4.439 who hauing compassion of his distresse, tooke Armes, and in the night time slue the Constable of Mahomet and all his followers, and deliuering Argon, made him Lord and Ruler of all: some for feare, and others for loue being obedient to his will and commande∣ment. Argon being thus established, accompanied with his faithfull followers, pursued present∣ly after Mahomet,* 4.440 whom he ouertooke and seized on before he came to Tauris, and caused him after their manner, to be cut asunder in the midst. And such was the end of that cursed Caitiffe Mahomet, before he had sate two yeeres in his seat.

[ 50]

§. IIII. Of ARGON the Sonne of ABAGA, and REGAITO his Brother; of BAIDO, and of the exploits of CASAN against the Soldan of Egypt, and others.

IN the yeere of our Lord 1285. after the death of Mahumet, Argon the sonne of Aba∣ga Can, would not take on him the title of Can, vntill he had receiued commandement from the great Can Soueraigne Lord and Emperour, to whom he dispatched Messen∣gers [ 60] which were honourably receiued, and entertayned by the great Can, who reioy∣ced much of his successe against Mahomet and sent some of his great Officers,* 4.441 to confirme Ar∣gon in his Dominion, who was thenceforth called Can, and much respected of all. For he was of a goodly aspect and presence, couragious and wise in his proceedings, much regarding and

honouring the Christians. The Churches ouer-throwne by Mahomet he repayred. The Kings of Armenia and Georgia, with the other Christian Princes of the East, came vnto him, desiring his best counsaile, and helpe that the holy Land might be freed from the Pagans. Argon very gra∣ciously answered, That he would gladly doe any thing that might tend to the honour of God, and the aduancement of Christian Religion, and that he intended to make peace with his Neigh∣bours, that hee might the more freely and securely follow that enterprise. But Argon, before the execution of these good designments, dyed in the fourth yeere of his raigne.* 4.442 And a Brother of his, called Regaito, succeeded him, who was a man of small valour, as shall be after declared.

39. In the yeere of our Lord 1289. after the death of Argon Can, his brother Regaito was [ 10] his Successor, being a man of no Religion: in Armes he was of no valour, but was altogether gi∣uen ouer to beastly luxurie, and satiating his insatiable appetite with superfluous meates and drinkes: and did nothing else by the space of six yeeres which he raigned, insomuch that being hated of his subiects and contemned of strangers, he was finally strangled by his Peeres. After whose death Baydo, a Kinsman of his succeeded him,* 4.443 who was vpright and constant in Religi∣on, and did many fauours to the Christians, but he soone ended his dayes, as shall be declared.

40. In the yeere of our Lord 1295. after the death of Regaito, his Kinsman Baydo ruled ouer the Tartars. He being a good Christian builded the Christian Churches, and commanded that none should Preach or publish the Doctrine of Mahomet amongst the Tartarians. But because those of the Sect of Mahomet were many, they could hardly be induced to bee obedient to that [ 20] commandement of Baydo, and therefore sent Messengers secretly to Casan the sonne of Argono, promising to giue him the Dominion which Baydo held, and to make him their Lord and Ruler, if he would renounce the Christian Religion. Casan caring little for Religion, but greatly affe∣cting Dominion, promised to doe whatsoeuer they would, and so began an open rebellion, where∣vpon Baydo assembled his people, thinking to haue taken Casan, not knowing of the Treason which his people had wrought against him. But when they came to the Field, all the Maho∣metists leauing Baydo, fled vnto Casan, so that Baydo being forsaken,* 4.444 thought to haue escaped by flight, yet was pursued and slaine by his Enemies.

41. After the death of Baydo; Casan being made Ruler ouer the Tartars,* 4.445 at the beginning of his raigne, durst not gainsay what hee had promised the Mahometists that had promoted him [ 30] thereto, and therefore shewed himselfe for a while very austere to the Christians. But when hee found himselfe well and firmely settled in his Dominion, hee began to honour and cherish the Christians, doing them many fauours as shall be declared. First, therefore hee destroyed many great Ones, who had beene perswaders with him to become a Saracen, and to persecute the Chri∣stians. Then hee commanded all the Tartars within his Dominion, to bee readie with their Ar∣mour and all necessarie furniture, to attend him for a Conquest of the Kingdome of Egypt, and ouer-throw of the Soldan, and sent to the King of Armenia, and the King of Georgia, and other Christian Princes of the East in that behalfe. At the beginning of the Spring Casan gathered his forces, and first set forward towards Baldach: and at length turned towards the Land of E∣gypt. The Soldan, called Melechnaser, who had long before some intelligence of the comming [ 40] of the Tartars, assembled all his power, and came before the Citie of Aman,* 4.446 which is seated in the middest of the Kingdome of Syria. Casan vnderstanding that the Soldan meant to giue him battaile, forbore to besiege any Citie or Castle, but hasted speedily to the place where the Soldan was, and pitched his Tents but one dayes iourney from him in certaine Meadowes, where was plentie of forrage and feeding, where he rested his Followers and their Horses which were wea∣ried with their trauell. Amongst whom was a Saracen,* 4.447 called Calphack (or Capchick) who had serued the Soldan, and was fled from him to Casan, for feare of imprisonment and punishments for his misse-demerits. This Calphack had receiued sundrie fauours and rewards of Casan, who reposed great confidence in him: yet, like a wicked Traytor, he disclosed the counsaile and pur∣pose of Casan to the Soldan and Saracens, acquainting them by Letters how Casan meant to [ 50] abide in those Meadowes, vntill they had sufficiently rested their Horses which were wondrous∣ly wearied, and therefore counsailed the Soldan to set vpon him before his Horses were refresh∣ed, whereby he might easily ouer-come the Tartarians.

The Soldan who thought to haue expected the Tartars at the Citie of Aman,* 4.448 did hereupon change his resolution, and with a chosen companie hasted with all speede to assaile Casan at vn∣awares. But his Espials and Scouts giuing him notice of their approach. Casan commanded his men presently to be set in order and manfully to resist them. He himselfe more bold then a Lion with such companie as hee had about him, rode to meete the Saracens, who had approached so neere that they could not auoid the battaile. Casan seeing that the residue of his companie were spred so farre abroad in the Countrie for the feeding of their Horses,* 4.449 that they could not sudden∣ly [ 60] come to him, he commanded those that were with him to dismount from their Horses, and placing them in a Circle, made as it were a Wall of them, and with their Bowes and Arrowes caused his men to expect their Enemies, and not to shoote vntill they were sure to reach them, by which meanes the Tartars shooting altogether, wherein they are very skilfull and readie, wounded the foremost Horses of their Enemies in such sort that they fell before the rest, where∣by

the rest following on with great furie, and finding the former ouerthrowne, fell themselues head-long ouer them: insomuch, that of all the Saracens there escaped few, which were not ei∣ther ouerthrowne or else wounded to death, with the Arrowes of the Tartars.

The Soldan himselfe being in the Armie, fled as fast as hee could, which Casan perceiuing, made his men get vp on their Horses, and manfully to set on their Enemies, being himselfe the foremost amongst them that entred the Armie of the Soldan, who with some small companie re∣mayning so long, sustayned the brunt, vntill the Tartars came in Troupes well ordered to fight, and then came the whole Armie on both sides to battaile, which endured from the Sunne rising till the Ninth houre.* 4.450 But in the end, the Soldan with his Saracens fled, being not able to with∣stand the courage of Casan, who did wonders with his owne hand, and pursued them with his people, killing on euery side vntill it was darke night, and made so great slaughter of the Sara∣cens, [ 10] that the Earth was couered euery where with their dead carkasses. That night Casan rested at a place,* 4.451 called Caneto, reioycing exceedingly at that great victorie which God had giuen him against the Saracens. This fell out in the yeere of our Lord 1301. on the Wedn••••day before the Feast of the Natiuitie.

42. Then Casan sent the King of Armenia, and a Leader of the Tartars, called Molay, with fortie thousand Horse, to pursue the Soldan as farre as the Desart of Egypt, being twelue dayes iourney distant from the place where the battaile was fought, and willed them to expect him or some Messenger from him at the Citie Gazara.* 4.452 And they departed speedily before the Sunne rising, to follow after the S••ldan. But some three dayes after, Casan sent for the King of Arme∣nia to returne, because he purposed to besiege the Citie of Damascus, and willed Molay with the [ 20] fortie thousand Tartars to pursue with speede after the Saracens, and to put what hee could take to the sword. Yet the Soldan himselfe flying very swiftly, and riding on Dromedaries both night and day,* 4.453 in the conduct and companie of certaine Beduini, escaped into the Citie of Babylon very strangely. But others of the Saracens fled seuerall wayes, as they thought they could best saue themselues, and a great number of them going by the way of Tripolis, were slaine by the Chri∣stians, which inhabited the Mountayne of Libanus. The King of Armenia returning to Casan, found that the Citie of Aman had yeelded vnto him, so that the whole treasure of the Soldan, and his Armie was brought into his presence: which was so great that euery one maruailed, why the Soldan carried so much treasure with him when he went to fight. Casan, when he had gathe∣red together all the riches and spoiles which they had gotten, bestowed them bountifully a∣mongst [ 30] the Tartars, and the Christians his followers, whereby they were all made rich.

* 4.454And I Friar Haython, the Compiler of this Historie, who was present in all Expeditions and Battailes, which the Tartars had with the Soldan, from the time of Haloon to this day, yet did I neuer see nor heare that any of the Tartarian Lords accomplished more in two dayes then did Casan. For the first day, with a small companie of his owne, he ouer-came a great Armie of his Enemies, and did such exploits in his Person, that he wanne fame and commendations aboue all the rest. On the second day, such was his largesse, and so great this liberalitie of his heart, that of all the infinite wealth and treasure which hee got, hee kept nothing for himselfe, but a Sword and a Purse, in which was contayned certaine writings concerning the Land of Egypt, and the number of the Soldans Armie. And this was most maruailous aboue all the rest, how in so little [ 40] a body, and of so bad presence (for he seemed like a Monster) there could be so much vertue and rigour contayned:* 4.455 for among neere two hundred thousand Souldiers, there could hardly one of lesse stature, or of worse aspect be found. Therefore, because this Casan liued in our time, it is fit∣ting wee made the more ample narration of his Acts. And in regard that the Soldan who was o∣uerthrowne by Casan,* 4.456 is yet liuing at the writing of this Historie, they which intend to de∣stroy, or any wayes to endamage the Saracens, may receiue many aduertisements out of these Collections.

After some few dayes rest, Casan directed his course towards the Citie of Damascus: where the Citizens hearing of his approch, and fearing lest if hee tooke them by force, they should die without mercy, by the aduice of the wisest amongst them, sent with one consent their Messen∣gers [ 50] vnto him with offer of their Citie, which hee willingly accepted, and after a while rode towards the Riuer of Damascus, on whose Bankes hee pitched his Tents, forbidding any da∣mage to bee done to the Citie. Then the Citizens sent him diuers gifts, and plentie of victuals for his Armie. There Casan made his abode fiue and fortie dayes with all his Followers, ex∣cept those fortie thousand Tartars which were sent with Molay, who stayed his comming at the Citie of Gaccara.

43 While Casan reposed himselfe neere Damasco, there came newes vnto him, how a Kins∣man of his called Baydo, had entred into the Kingdome of Persia, and committed great spoile there in his absence: and thereupon hee resolued to returne to his owne. Leauing therefore his [ 60] chiefe Captaine Cotolusa,* 4.457 with part of his Armie for the custodie of the Kingdome of Syria (whom hee willed Molay and the rest of the Tartars to be obedient vnto as to his Lieutenant) he set Rulers and Gouernours ouer all the Cities, and committed the gouernment of Damascus to the Traytor Calfach, being not yet acquainted with his trayterous disposition. Then calling

to him the King of Armenia, and acquainting him with his purpose, hee told him that hee would willingly haue deliuered the Lands which hee had conquered into the Christians hands, if they had come to him, and that if they came hee would giue order to Cotolusa to restore them the Lands which they had formerly holden: and to yeeld them conuenient supply for the repayring of their Castles and Fortresses. These things thus ordered, Casan tooke his iourney towards Mesopotamia, but when hee came to the Riuer Euphrates, hee sent word to Cotolusa, that leauing twentie thousand Tartars vnder the command of Molay, hee should come speedily to him with the rest of the Armie. Cotolusa did as was commanded him, so that Molay remayned Lieutenant in Syria for Casan, who eft-soones by perswasion of the [ 10] Traytor Calfach, remooued towards the parts about Ierusalem, to a place called Gaur,* 4.458 to finde good feeding and prouision for his Horses.

But in the Sommer time, Calfach (who had formerly hatched Treason in his heart against Casan, sent word secretly to the Soldan, that hee would restore him Damascus with the other Townes which Casan had taken. The Soldan liked hereof, and couenanted to giue him Damasco in perpetuall keeping, and part of his treasure with his sister to wife. Insomuch, that shortly after, Calfach became Rebell, and caused all the strong places to rebell against the Tartars, bearing themselues bold on the heate of Sommer, in which they knew the Tartars could not ride nor yeeld any aide vnto their friends. When Molay perceiued that they rebelled euery where, hee durst not stay any longer with so small a companie, but tooke the shorte•••• way towards the Kingdome of Mesopotamia, and signified thence to Casan all that had hapned in [ 20] the Kingdome of Syria. Who seeing hee could not any way redresse it at that season, by rea∣son of heate, yet when the Winter approached, hee made very great preparation on the bankes of the Riuer Euphrates, and sent ouer Cotolusa before with thirtie thousand Tartarian Horse-men, directing him that when hee came to the parts of Antiochia, hee should call vnto him the King of Armenia, and the other Christians of the East, and of Cyprus, and with that strength should enter into the Kingdome of Syria, whiles hee prepared to come after with the strength of his Armie. Cotolusa did as hee was commanded, and with his thirtie thou∣sand Tartars went forwards till hee came to Antioch, and then sent to the King of Armenia, who came vnto him with his Armie. The Christians also in the Kingdome of Cyprus hauing heard of the comming of Cotolusa, came speedily with their Gallies and other Vessels to the [ 30] Ile called Anterada, among whom was the Lord Tyron brother to the King of Cyprus,* 4.459 Master of the Hospitall of the Temple, with their Brethren of their Societie. And these being all rea∣die to vnder-goe the seruice of Christ, there came a rumour that Casan was dangerously sicke, that men dispayred of his recouerie. Whereupon Cotolusa with his Tartars returning towards Casan; the King of Armenia returned also into his Countrey; and the Christians at the Ile of Anterada to the Kingdome of Cyprus, by which meanes the businesse of the Holy Land was vt∣terly abandoned, which happened in the yeere of our Lord 1301.

Againe, in the yeare of our Lord 1303. Casan assembling a mightie Armie, came with great preparation to the Riuer Euphrates, intending to enter into the Kingdome of Syria,* 4.460 and there [ 40] to destroy the whole Sect of Mahomet, and to restore the Holy Land to the Christians. But the Saracens fearing the comming of Casan, and doubting that they should not be able to with∣stand him when they had reaped and gathered their Corne and other fruits of the Earth, and had housed their cattell in strong holds, they set fire on the rest,* 4.461 that the Tartars when they came might not find victuals for themselues, nor for forrage for their beasts. When Casan vnderstood what the Agarens had done, and how they had wasted all the Land, considering that his hor∣ses could not there be fed nor sustayned, he resolued to remayne that Winter vpon the bankes of the Riuer Euphrates, and to beginne his Iourney at the beginning of the Spring, when the grasse began to sproute. For the Tartars are euer more carefull of their Horses then of themselues, be∣ing contented with the smallest pittance of any kind of nourishment for themselues.

Then Casan sent for the King of Armenia, who came to him without delay, and lodged [ 50] himselfe on the Riuer. Casan extended three dayes Iourney in length euen from a certayne Ca∣stle called Cacabe, to another Castle called Bir, which Castles appertayned to the Saracens,* 4.462 yet yeelded without any assault vnto Casan. But while Casan abode there, expecting the conue∣nient season for effecting his desire on the Saracens, and to deliuer the Holy Land out of their hands, the Deuil cast a new Obstacle in his way, for he had newes againe that Baydo had entred, and made more spoyles on his Land then before;* 4.463 so that it was necessary for him to returne to his owne, whereat being much grieued, in respect that he was constrayned so long to delay the businesse of the Holy Land, he commanded his Captayne Cotolusa with fortie thousand Tartars to enter into the Kingdome of Syria, and to take Damasco, and kill all the Saracens;* 4.464 and that the King of Armenia should ioyne his people with Cotolusa. Casan then returned into Persia, [ 60] Cotolusa and the King besieged the Citie Aman: and hauing certayne Intelligence that the Soldan was at the Citie Gazara, and would not stirre from thence, they tooke it by assault put∣ting all the Saracens one with another to the sword.* 4.465 There they found great store of wealth and munition.

Thence they went to the Citie of Damascus to besiege it, but the Citizens sent their Mes∣sengers,* 4.466 desiring a Truce for three dayes which was granted them. The Scouts of the Tartars be∣ing almost a dayes Iourney beyond Damascus, tooke certayne Saracens whom they sent to Co∣tulossa that he might examine them. Cotulossa being aduertized by these that there were about twelue thousand Saracens Horsemen, with in two dayes Iourney from thence, which expected daily the comming of the Soldan. He rode presently with all speed, hoping to take them at vn∣awares: But it was almost night before Cotulossa and the King of Armenia could reach thither, and they had Intelligence that the Soldan was come newly before them. Therefore being decei∣ued of their expectation to assaile those twelue thousand alone, some aduised them for the best to repose themselues that night being now somewhat late, and to set vpon the Enemie in the morning. But Cotulossa despising the Soldan, and his people would not hearken to any aduice, [ 10] but commanded his Armie to bee forthwith put in order:* 4.467 which the Saracens perceiuing, kept their standing, being on the one side fenced with a Lake, and with a Mountayne on another side, and knowing that the Tartars could not come to assault them without danger, they would not goe forth to fight,* 4.468 but remayned in the place where they were, and when the Tartars thought without any impediment to haue assailed their Enemies; they found a small Riuer betweene them, which in some places had no passage ouer: by meanes whereof much time was spent be∣fore they could passe ouer the Riuer; but after they had passed the greatest part ouer the Riuer, they set manfully on their Enemies. Yet the Soldan stood still and would not remoue from the place he was in,* 4.469 betwixt the Lake and the Mountayne; which Cotulossa perceiuing, because the darke night approached, he withdrew his company for that night and lodged them neere the [ 20] Mountayne; only about a thousand Tartars, which could not passe the Riuer, were not with him that night. The day comming, the Tartars againe couragiously set vpon the Soldan: but as before, he would by no meanes come forth to fight, but defended himselfe in that place of aduantage. So the Tartars continuing their assault from the morning vntill the ninth houre, beeing thirstie and ouer-wearie for lacke of water they retyred themselues in good order, leauing the Soldan and came to the Plaine of Damascus, where they had plentie of pasture and water at will, where they determined to abide vntill they had sufficiently reposed themselues and their Horses.

But the Inhabitants knowing, that the Armie of the Tartars was spread abroad in that Plaine, opened the Sluces of the Riuer in the night time, whereby the waters rose so high in [ 30] eight houres ouer all the Plaine, that the Tartars were constrayned on the sudden to arise and de∣part, so that the night being darke, and the Ditches all filled with water, and no wayes nor pathes to be seene, they were all amazed in such sort that many Horses perished, and much Ar∣mour was lost, insomuch, that the King of Armenia endured much losse, yet the day comming through the goodnesse of God, they escaped the waters, but the Bowes and Arrowes of the Tartars being their chiefe weapons which they vse,* 4.470 and the rest of their Armour being all wet and vtterly vnseruiceable, they were so astonied therewith, that if their Enemies had then pur∣sued them, they might haue beene taken or slaine. Afterwards, the Tartars by reason that ma∣ny had lost their Horses, returned softly by small Iournies to the bankes of the Riuer Euphrates, yet none of their Enemies durst follow or pursue them, but the Riuer beeing risen and swolne [ 40] through the abundance of raine that fell, many of the Armenians, as also of Georgians, perished therein, more then of the Tartars, whose Horses knew better to swimme: so returned they in∣to Persia ruined and disgraced, not by the power of the Enemie, but by accident partly, partly by euill aduice. A great cause whereof was the obstinacie of Cotolusa, who would not regard any aduice that was giuen, for if he would haue harkened to the counsell of the wise, he might easily haue preuented those dangers.

And I Frier Haython the Compiler of this Historie, was present at all these proceedings: and if happily I treate more largely thereof then shall be thought conuenient.* 4.471 I craue pardon in re∣gard that I doe it to this end, that on like occasions happening these courses may bee called to [ 50] minde. For these actions that are ordered by counsell, haue commonly good and commenda∣ble euents, but the rash and improuident Enterprizes, doe vsually faile of their wished successe. After that the King of Armenia had passed the Riuer Euphrates with some losse, he resolued to goe to Casan before he returned to his Kingdome of Armenia, and therefore hee went streight to the Citie of Niniue in which Casan then resided. He entertayned the King with much honour, kindnesse, and magnificence, and being compassionate of his losses to make him some recompence of especiall fauour vnto him, he granted him a thousand Tartarians, continually in pay at his charge for the defence of his Kingdome, and also granted him out of the Kingdome of Turkie, a yeerely pension, for the maintenance of another thousand Armenian Horse men yeerely at his pleasure, the King thus recompenced, hauing taken his leaue, returned to the Kingdome of Ar∣menia, [ 60] which Casan had enioyned him to watch warily ouer, vntill God pleased to enable him personally to goe to the reliefe of the Holy Land.

§. V. CASAN dyeth, CARBANDA succeedeth; his Apostasie. The Authors entrance into a Religious Habit. Of TAMOR Can the sixth Empe∣rour, and of CHAPAR, HOCHTAI, and CAR∣BANDA, three other Tartarian Kings.

[ 10]

THe King of Armenia returned safely to his Kingdome, but after hee came thither hee found little rest there, for after it so pleased God, that Casan was surprized with a grieuous infirmitie, and hauing gouerned wisely in his life, hee was no lesse willing that his wisdome should bee commended in his death. Therefore hee made his last Will and Testament,* 4.472 appointing his Brother Carbanda (or Carbaganda) his Heire and Successor and hauing ordered all things concerning the Affaires of his Kingdome and his House in prudent manner, he made many good Ordinances and Lawes which for a memoriall he left behind him, being at this day inuiolably obserued by the Tartarians. Then dyed Casan, and his Brother Car∣banda succeeded in his Kingdome.

[ 20] This Carbanda was the Sonne of a Ladie of famous memorie, called Erockcaton, who was very deuout and religious in Christianitie, while she liued, and had euery day Diuine Seruice celebra∣ted before her, keeping a Priest and Chappell of her owne, so that this Carbanda was baptized and named Nicholas in his Baptisme, and continued a professed Christian as long as his Mother liued. But after his Mothers death, delighting in the societie of Saracens, he forsooke the Chri∣stian Religion to become a Mahometist. The King of Armenia vnderstanding of the death of Casan, was much troubled therewith, and his Enemies began to lift vp their Crests very high. For the Soldan of Babylon thereupon sought by all meanes to endamage him and his people, sending all the yeare almost euery moneth great troupes of armed Souldiers, which foraged and wasted the Kingdome of Armenia, and did more damage and spoyle on the plaine Countrey [ 30] then they had euer sustayned before in any mans memorie.* 4.473 But the Almightie and most merci∣full God who neuer forsaketh altogether those that put their trust in him, had compassion on the poore afflicted Christians: for it fell out that in the moneth of Iuly, seuen thousand Saracens of the best Families vnder the Soldan, made a roade into the Kingdome of Armenia, wasting and spoyling all as farre as the Citie of Tharsus, in which the blessed Apostle Saint Paul was borne, and when they had committed many spoyles in that Prouince, and were vpon their returne, the King of Armenia, hauing gathered his people together, encountred and set vpon them neere the Citie of Giazza, where more by Gods goodnesse then our worth,* 4.474 they were vtterly ouer∣throwne in such sort, that of seuen thousand Saracens there escaped not three hundred, but were either taken or slaine, albeit they thought in their Pride, they could haue ouer-runne the [ 40] whole Kingdome of Armenia, and deuoure all ••he Christians there at a morsell. This was per∣formed on the Lords Day, being the eighteenth of Iuly, after which conflict,* 4.475 the Saracens durst no more enter into the Kingdome of Armenia. But the Soldan sent to the King of Armenia to make truce with him, which was agreed betweene them.

46. I Frier Haython, hauing beene present at all the said proceedings,* 4.476 had purposed long be∣fore to haue taken a Regular Habit vpon me, and to haue entred into Religion. But by reason of many impediments and difficulties in the Affaires of the Kingdome of Armenia, I could not with my honour forsake my friends and kindred in such extremities. But seeing that Gods goodnesse had beene so gracious vnto me, as to leaue the Kingdome of Armenia, and the Chri∣stian people there after my manifold labours and trauels in quiet, and peaceable estate, I then [ 50] tooke the time to performe that Vow which before I had vowed. Therefore hauing taken my leaue of my Lord the King▪ and of the rest of my kindred and friends, euen in that field where God gaue the Christians Victorie ouer their Enemies, I beganne my Iourney, and comming to Cyprus in the Monasterie of Episcopia, tooke a Regular Habit of the Order Premonstratensis, to the end that hauing serued the World as a Souldier in my youth,* 4.477 I might spend the rest of my life in the Seruice of God, forsaking the pompe of this World, which was in the yeere of our Lord 1305. Therefore I render thankes vnto God, that the Kingdome of Armenia, is at this day in a good and peaceable estate, and well reformed by the Moderne King Liueno, Sonne to King Haython, who is a Looking-glasse or patterne to all other Kings in all kinde of eminent vertue.

[ 60] Moreouer, the Compiler of this Worke affirmeth,* 4.478 that he hath come three manner of wayes to the knowledge of those things which hee declareth and writeth in this Booke. For from the beginning of Changius Can, who was the first Emperour of the Tartars vntill Mango Can, who was their fourth Emperour, I faithfully deliuer what I gathered out of the Histories of the Tartarians. But from Mango Can to the death of Haloon, I write, that which I receiued of an

Vncle of mine, who writ the same by the commandement of Haiton King of Armenia, and was present then at all the foresaid occurrences, and with great diligence did often discourse & make rehearsall of them to his Sonnes and Nephewes, that they might remayne the better to Posteri∣tie, and from the beginning of Abaga Can to the end of this third part of this Booke, the Au∣thor relateth those things which hee knew of himselfe, as hauing beene present at them a••l, whereby he is enabled to giue testimonie of the truth. Now albeit we haue hitherto treated of the Histories and Deeds of the Tartarians, there remayneth yet somewhat to be said concerning their Power and Dominion, especially of those that are now liuing, that it may the better bee knowne.

* 4.47947. The great Emperor of the Tartars which now holdeth the Empire, is called Tamor Can, [ 10] being their sixt Emperour, who keepeth his Residence in the Kingdome of Cathay, in a very great City called Iong,* 4.480 which his Father caused to be built, as is aboue declared, his power is ve∣ry great. For this Emperour alone is able to doe more then all the Tartarian Princes together, and the Nations vnder his gouernment are reputed more noble and rich, and better stored of all ne∣cessaries, because that in the Kingdome of Cathay, in which they now liue, there is great abun∣dance of riches.

* 4.481Besides this great Emperour, there are three other great Kings or Princes of the Tartars, which rule each of them ouer many Nations, yet are they all subiect to the Emperour, and ac∣knowledge him their naturall and Leige Lord. And the differences which happen betweene them are decided in the Emperours Court, and determined by his Iudgement. The first of these [ 20] Kings is called Chapar,* 4.482 another Hochtay, and the third Carbanda. This Chapar hath his Domi∣nion in the Kingdome of Turquestan, being the neerest to the Emperour. It is thought that he is able to bring into the field foure hundred thousand Horsemen, and these are bold and good War∣riours, but not so well furnished of Horse and Armour as were expedient. The Emperours sub∣iects doe many times make warre vpon them, and they on the other side doe often inuade the people of Carbanda. The Dominion of this Chapar was in ancient time subiect for the greatest part to a Lord called Doay.

Hochtay keepeth his Seat of Residence in the Kingdome of Cumania, in a Citie called Asaro, (or Sara) and it is said,* 4.483 that he is able to bring six hundred thousand Horsemen to the fight, yet are they not so much commended in Feats of Armes, as the men of Chapar, albeit they haue bet∣ter [ 30] Horses. These make warre sometimes on the Subiects of Carbanda, sometimes against the * 4.484 Hungarians, and sometimes amongst themselues. But Hochtay who ruleth at this present hol∣deth his Dominion peaceably and quietly.

Carbanda hath his Dominion in the Kingdome of Asia the Great, and maketh his chiefe a∣bode in the Citie of Tauris, beeing able to bring three hundred thousand Horsemen to the field. But these are gathered out of diuers parts being rich and well furnished with necessaries. Cha∣par and Hochtay doe sometimes make warre vpon Carbanda, but hee neuer medleth first with them: neither moueth warres against any but that he sometimes inuadeth the Soldan of Egypt: against whom his Predecessors haue fought many Battailes. Chapar and Hochtay would willing∣ly take from Carbanda his Dominion, if they were able to effect it.

The reason whereof is this, Asia is diuided into two parts, the one part whereof being called [ 40] the Lower or Deepe Asia,* 4.485 is inhabited by the Emperour, and those two Kings called Chapar and Hochtay. The other part being the higher, is called Asia the Greater, in which Carbanda inha∣biteth and hath Dominion. Now there are only three wayes by which men may passe out of the Deeper or Lower Asia, vnto the high Countrey called Asia Maior, The one is out of the King∣dome of Turquestan, to the Kingdome of the Persians; another way there is called Derbent, which lyeth neere the Sea where Alexander built the Citie called the Iron Gate,* 4.486 as in the Histo∣ries of Cumania appeares; the other way is to goe ouer the Sea, called Mare maius, which way lyeth through the Kingdome of Barca,. By the first way the subiects of Chapar cannot passe to the Territories of Carbanda, without great danger and difficultie, because they should find no [ 50] feeding for their Horses in many dayes trauailes, the Land being so dry and barren, that before they could come to any fruitfull inhabited Countrey, their Horses would be starued, or at least so faint and wearied that they might be easily ouercome, and therefore that way they will not take. By the way of Derbent the people of Hochtay may passe into the Countrey of Carbanda, only sixe moneths in the yeare, which is in the Winter time. But that way Abaga hath caused great Trenches and Fortifications to bee made in a place called Ciba: and is alwayes kept and especially in the Winter with a Garrison of armed men to defend the passage. The people of Hochtay haue assayed many times to passe that way by stealth and secretly: but they neuer could, neither can by any meanes doe: for in a Plaine called Monga, there are alwayes in the Winter time certaine Birds about the bignesse of Phesants hauing very faire feathers to behold, [ 60] and these Birds (which are called Seyserach) when any people come into that Plaine,* 4.487 straight flye away ouer those Watchmen and their Trenches, whereby the Souldiers there are eft-soones assured of the comming of their Enemies, and preuent the surprize: and by the way of the Sea called Mare maius, they neuer attempted, because that way goeth through the Kingdome of

Barca, which is so mightie in people and so strongly situated,* 4.488 that they are without hope to preuayle there, and by meanes hereof hath Carbanda and his Predecessors beene secured from the power of so potent Neighbours. Now we will briefly say somewhat of the manners and fashions of the Tartars.

48. The Cataians do so much differ from other Nations in their fashions and manner of liuing, that it were tedious to treat of the manifold diuersitie and strange varietie found amongst them.* 4.489 They acknowledge and confesse one Immortall God, and they call vpon his Name: yet they nei∣ther fast nor pray, nor any wayes afflict nor humble themselues, for feare or reuerence of him, nor doe any good workes. The killing of men they hold to bee no sinne: but if they happen to [ 10] leaue their Bridle in their horse-mouth when hee should feed, they thinke therein they offend God mortally. Fornication and Lecherie is held by them as no sinne. They marrie many wiues,* 4.490 and the custome is, that the Sonne must marrie his Step-mother after the death of his Father: and the Brother is married to his Brothers Wife after his decease. In matter of Armes they are very good, and more obedient to their Superiour then other Nations are: and doe easily know by certaine signes in Battaile the will of their Commander:* 4.491 whereby the Armie of Tartarians is easily ruled and commanded. Their Lord bestoweth not any stipend on them, but they liue on hunting and such prey as they can get: and their Lord may take from them when hee list whatsoeuer they haue.

When the Tartars ride vpon any enterprize, they take with them great store of Horse, drin∣king [ 20] their Milke, and feeding on their flesh which they reckon very good food.* 4.492 The Tartars are very readie and excellent Archers on horse-backe, but on foot they are but slow, they are dex∣terous and ingenious in taking of Cities and Castles, and are for the most part victorious ouer their Enemies; yet will they not forbeare to turne their backes in the skirmish if it be for their aduantage. And this aduantage they haue in the field that they will fight with the Enemies when they list themselues, and yet they cannot be compelled to fight but at their pleasure. Their manner of fight is very dangerous, so that in one conflict or skirmish of the Tartars there are more slaine and wounded then in any great Battaile of other Nations, which hapneth by reason of their Arrowes, which they shoot strongly, and surely out of their Bowes; beeing indeed so skilfull in the arte of shooting, that they commonly pierce all kind of Armour, and if they [ 30] happen to be routed, yet they flye in troupes and bands so well ordered, that it is very dange∣rous to follow or pursue them, because they shoot their Arrowes backwards in their flight, wounding and killing oft-times both men and horses that pursue them.

The Armie of the Tartars maketh no great shew, because they goe trooping close together, so that an Armie of one thousand Tartars will scarse seeme fiue hundred.* 4.493 The Tartarians doe cour∣teously entertayne strangers, giuing them part of their Viands, and expect the like offers to bee made them, for otherwise they will take it by violence. They are much more skilfull in con∣quering of Countries then in keeping of them. When they are weake they are humble and gentle; stout and proud when they are growne the stronger. They cannot endure lying in o∣ther men, yet themselues are much giuen to lying, vnlesse it be in two especiall things.* 4.494 The one [ 40] being in matter of Armes, in which none dareth affirme, that he did any exploit which was not done by him, or denie any faire Act which hee hath committed: The other is, That whosoeuer hath done any offence, though it deserueth death, he confesseth it presently to his Lord if he be examined thereon. This may suffice at this time, concerning the manners of the Tartars, be∣cause it were long to rehearse all the different customes and kinds of behauiour.

The other Chapters which follow, pertayning rather to aduice fitting those Times, and the holy Land affaires, then the Tartarian Historie, I haue omitted. And in the next place will present some Extracts of our Countriman, that famous Traueller Sir Iohn Mandevile, whose Geographie Ortelius commen∣deth, howsoeuer he acknowledgeth his Worke stuffed with Fables. For my part, I cannot but deplore the losse of such a Treasure, but know not how to recouer or repayre it (as Ramusio hath done for Polo) and [ 50] here haue beene forced to deale with him, as Historians doe with our famous Arthur, daring to say little, because others haue dared so much and such incredibilities. For his merit, and for his Nation I haue giuen a touch of him, these few Latine Extracts; referring him that hath a minde to reade him, to Ma∣ster Hakluits first Edition of his Voyages, where his storie in Latine is to be seene at large. I suspect that some later Fabler out of the Tales of Ogerus the Dane hath stuffed this storie; some of which,* 4.495 for a taste, I haue here left remayning; not that I take pleasure in lyes, but that thou maist see, from what Fountayne I suppose this corruption flowed: and in that mistie Age (when humaner learning was in∣humanely imprisoned, and Diuine Scripture was vulgarly buried, and Printing not at all borne) what Huskes poore Christian Prodigals (prodigall to beleeue such lyes) were fed with in stead of Bread; not onely in the Church by Legends, but in their priuate studies, by Arthurs, Orlandos, Beuises, Guyes, [ 60] Robin Hoods, Palmerins, and I know not what monstrous changeling-births of Historie. Such was this Ogerus: and in great part such was Odericus a Friar and Traueller, in whom perhaps some Friar hath trauelled, with him at least in this Author (whose age was before him,* 4.496 and therefore could not cite ought out of him.) Neither is it for nothing (though for worse then nothing, a lye is both) that Friars are in this storie so often mentioned and praysed: I smell a Friars (Lyars) hand in this businesse. Our

Mandevile trauelled from Ierusalem beyond Ierico, from Christendome to remotest Ethnikes, and hath fallen among Theeues: The Friarly Priest and Leuite not onely neglected him, but I am afraid played the Theeues thus to rob and wound him; mayming the two former parts, and iuggling in the third, which I haue therefore chopped off; not daring in the former but with the Nilus Dogge to taste and away, for feare of a false Crocodile. Here you may finde lyes by retaile efficta, afficta, affixa, to this Mandevile; who there, is made a maunde vile full of such pedlerie, vnworthy thy sight.

CHAP. VI. [ 10] Briefe Collections of the Trauels and Obseruations of Sir IOHN MAN∣DEVILE; written by Master BALE, Cent. 6.

IOhn Mandevile, Knight, borne in the Towne of Saint Albons, was so well giuen to the studie of Learning from his childhood, that he seemed to plant a good part of his felicitie in the same: for he supposed that the honour of his birth would no∣thing auaile him, except hee could render the same more honorable by his know∣ledge in good Letters. Hauing therefore well grounded himselfe in Religion by reading the Scriptures, he applyed his studies to the Art of Physick, a Profession worthy a noble wit: but amongst other things, hee was rauished with a mightie desire to see the [ 20] greater parts of the World, as Asia and Africa. Hauing therefore prouided all things necessarie for his iourney, hee departed from his Countrey in the yeere of Christ 1332. and as another Vlysses returned home, after the space of foure and thirtie yeeres, and was then knowne to a ve∣ry few. In the time of his trauaile he was in Scythia, the greater and lesse Armenia, Egypt, both Lybias, Arabia, Syria, Media, Mesopotamia, Persia, Chaldaea, Greece, Illyrium, Tartarie, and di∣uers other Kingdomes of the World: and hauing gotten by this meanes the knowledge of the Languages, le•••• so many and great varieties, and things miraculous, whereof himselfe had beene an eye wit••esse, should perish in obliuion, hee committed his whole Trauell of three and thirtie yeeres to writing in three diuers Tongues, English, French, and Latine. Being arriued againe in [ 30] England, and hauing seene the wickednesse of that Age, hee gaue out this speech: In our time (said hee) it may bee spoken more truly then of old, that Vertue is gone, the Church is vnder foot, the Clergie is in error, the Deuill raigneth, and Simonie beareth the sway, &c. Hee dyed at Leege, in the yeere 1372. the 17. day of Nouember, being there buried in the Abbey of the Order of the Guilielmites.

The Tombe and Epitaph of Sir Iohn Mandevile, in the Citie of Leege, spoken of by Ortelius, in his Booke called Itinerarium Belgiae, in this sort. [ 40]

MAgna & populosa Leodij suburbia, ad collium radices, in quorum iugis multa sunt, & pulcher∣rima Monasteria, inter quae magnificum illud, ac nobile D. Laurentio dicatum, ab Raginardo Episcopo. Est in hac quo{que} Regione, vel suburbijs Leodij, Guilielmitarum Coenobium, in quo Epita∣phium hoc Ioannis à Mandeville, excepimus.

* 4.497Hic jacet vir nobilis, D. Ioannes de Mandeville, aliter dictus ad Barbam, Miles, Dominus de Campdi, natus de Anglia, Medicinae Professor, deuotissimus, orator, & bonorum largissimus pauperibus erogator, qui toto quasi orbe lustrato, Leodij diem vitae suae clausit extremum. Anno Dom. 1371. Mensis Nouembris, die 17.

Haec in lapide: in quo caelata viri armati imago, Leonem calcantis, barba bifurcata, ad caput manus [ 50] benedicens, & vernacula haec verba: Vo•• qui paseis sor mi, pour l'amour deix pr••ïes por mi. Cli∣peus erat vacuus, in quo olim fuisse dicebant laminam aeream, & eius in ea itidem caelata insignia, Leo∣nem videlicet argenteum, cui ad pectus lunula rubea in campo caeruleo, quem L••mbus ambiret denticu∣latus ex auro. Eius nobis ostendebant, & cultros, ephipia{que}, & calcaria quibus vsum fuisse asserebant, in peragrando toto fere terrarum orbe, vt clariùs testatur eius Itinerarium, quod typis etiam excusum passim habetur.

* 4.498PRincipi Excellentissimo, prae cunctis mortalibus praecipue venerando, Domino Edwardo ejus nominis Tertio, diuina prouidentia, Francorum & Anglorum Regi Serenissimo, Hi∣berniae Domino, Aquitaniae Duci, mari ac eius Insulis Occidentalibus dominanti, Christianorum [ 60] encomio & ornatui vniuers••rum{que} arma gerentium Tutori, ac Probitatis & strenuitatis exem∣plo Principi quoq▪ inuicto, mirabilis Alexandri Sequaci, ac vniuerso Orbi tremendo, cum reue∣rentia non qua decet, cum ad talem, & tantam reuerentiam minus sufficientes extiterint, sed qua paruitas, & possibilitas mittentis ac offerentis se extendunt, contenta tradantur.

CVm terra Hierosolymitana, terra promissionis filiorum Dei,* 4.499 dignior cunctis mundi terris sit ha∣bend•• multis ex causis, & praecipuè illa, quod Deus conditor coeli & mundi, ipsam tanti dignatus fuit aestimare, vt in eo proprium filium Saluatorem mundi Christum exhibuerit geueri humano per incar∣nationem ex intemerata Virgine, & per eius conuersationem humillimam in eadem,* 4.500 ac per dolorosam mortis suae consummationem ibidem, at{que} indè per eius admirandam Resurrectionem, ac Ascensionem in coelum, & postremo quia creditur illic in fine saeculi reuersurus, & omnia iudicaturus: certum est, quòd ab omnibus qui Christiano nomine à Christo dicuntur, sit tanquam à suis proprijs haeredibus diligenda, & pro cuius{que} potestate ac modulo honoranda. Verum quia iam nostris temporibus verius quàm olim dici potest, Virtus, Ecclesia, Clerus, Daemon, Simonia, Cessat, calcatur, errat, regnat, dominatur, ecce iusto Dei iudicio, credita est terra tam inclyta, & Sacrosancta impiorum manibus Saracenorum, [ 10] quod non est abs{que} dolore pijs mentibus audiendum, & recolendum. Ego Ioannes Mandeuil militaris ordinis saltem gerens nomen, natus & educatus in terra Angliae, in Villa Sancti Albani, ducebar in Adolescentiamea tali inspiratione, vt quamuis non per potentiam, nec per vires proprias possem praefatam terram suis haeredibus recuperare, irem tamen per aliquod temporis spacium peregrinari ibidem, & sa∣lutarem aliquantulum de propinquo.* 4.501 Vnde in Anno ab Incarnatione Domini 1322. imposui me naui∣gations Marsiliensis mar••s & vs{que} in hoc temporis, Anni 1355. scilicet, per 33. annos in transmarinis partibus mansi, peregrinatus sum, ambulaui, & circuiui multas, ac diuersas Patria••, Regiones, Prouin∣cias, & Insulas, Turciam, Armeniam maiorem & minorem, Aegyptum, Lybiam bassam & altam, Syriam, Arabiam, Persiam, Chaldaeam, Aethiopiae partem magnam, Tartariam, Amazoniam, In∣diam [ 20] minorem, & mediam, ac partem magnam de maiori, & in istis, & circum istas Regiones, multas Insulas, Ciuitates, Vrbes, Castra, Villas, & loca, vbi habitant variae gentes, aspectuum, morum, legum acrituum diuersorum: Attamen quia summo desiderio in terra promissionis eram, ipsam diligentius, per loca vestigiorum filij Dei perlustrare curaui, & diutius in illa steti. Quapropter & in hac prima parte huius operis iter tam peregrinandi, quam nauigandi, à partibus Angliae ad ipsam describo, & loca notabiliter sancta, quae intra eandem sunt breuiter commemoro & diligenter, quatenus peregrinis tam in itinere quamin prouentione valeat haec descriptio in aliquo deseruire.

Qui de Hibernia, Anglia, Scotia, Noruegia,* 4.502 aut Gallia iter arripit ad partes Hierosolymitanas potest saltem vs{que} ad Imperialem Greciae Ciuitatem Constantinopolim eligere sibi modum proficis∣cendi, siue per Terras, siue per Aquas. Et si peregrinando eligit transigere viam, tendat per Coloniam Agrippinam, & sic per Almaniam in Hungariam ad Montlusant Ciuitatem, sedem Regni Hungariae. [ 30] Et est Rex Hungariae multum potens istis temporibus. Nam tenet & Sclauoniam, & magnam partem Regni Comannorum, & Hungariam, & partem Regni Russiae. Oportet vt peregrinus in finibus Hungariae transeat magnum Danubij flumen, & vadat in Belgradum; Hoc flumen oritur inter Mon∣tana Almaniae, & currens versus Orientem, recipit in se 40. flumina antequam finiatur in mare. De Belgrade intratur terra Bulgariae, & transitur per Pontem petrinum fluuij Marroy, & per terram Pyncenars, & tunc intratur Graecia, in Ciuitates Sternes, Asmopape, & Andrinopolis, & sic in Constantinopolim, vbi communiter est sedes Imperatoris Greciae. Qui autem viam eligit per aquas versus Constantinopolim nauigare, accipiat sibi portum, prout voluerit, propinquum siue remotum, Marsiliae, Pisi, Ianuae, Venetijs, Romae, Neapoli, vel alibi: sic{que} transeat Tusciam, Campaniam, [ 40] Italiam, Corsicam, Sardiniam, vsque in Siciliam, quae diuiditur ab Italia per brachium maris non magnum. In Sicilia est Mons Aetna iugiter ardens, qui ibidem appellatur Mons Gibelle,* 4.503 & praeter illum habentur ibi loca Golthan vbi sunt septem lencae quasi semper ignem spirantes: secundum diuersi∣tatem colorum harum flammarum estimant Incolae annum fertilem fore, vel sterilem, siccum vel humi∣dum, calidum, vel frigidum: haec loca vocant caminos Infernales,* 4.504 & à finibus Italiae vs{que} ad ista loca sunt 25. miliaria. Sunt autem in Sicilia aliqua Pomeria in quibus inueniuntur frondes, flores, & fru∣ctus per totum annum, etiam in profunda hyeme. Regnum Siciliae est bona,* 4.505 & grandis Insula habens in circuitu ferè leucas 300. Et ne quis erret, vel de facili reprehendat quoties scribo leucam, intelligendum est de leuca Lombardica, quae aliquanto maior est Geometrica; & quoties pono numerum, sub intelli∣gatur fere, vel circiter, siue citra, & dietam intendo ponere, de 10. Lombardicis leucis:* 4.506 Geometrica [ 50] autem leuca describitur, vt notum est, per hos versus.

Quinque pedes passum faciunt, passus quoque centum Viginti quinque stadium, si millia des que Octo facis stadia, duplicatum dat tibi leuca.

Constantinopolis pulchra est Ciuitas, & nobilis, triangularis in forma, firmiter{que} murata,* 4.507 cuius duae partes includuntur mari Hellespont••, quòd plurimi modò appellant brachium Sancti Georgij, & ali∣qui Buke, Troia vetus. Versus locum vbi hoc brachium ex••t de mari est lata terrae planities, in quà an∣tiquitus stetit Troia Ciuitas de qua apud Poetas mira leguntur, sed nunc valdè modica apparent vesti∣gia Ciuitatis. In Constantinopoli habentur multa mirabilia, ac insuper multae Sanctorum venerandae reliquiae, ac super omnia, preciosissima Crux Christi, seu maior pars illius, & tunica inconsutilis, cum [ 60] spongia & arundine, & vno clauorum, & dimidia parte Coronae spineae. cuius altera medietas seruatur in Capella Regis Franciae, Parisijs. Nam & ego indignus diligenter pluribus vicibus respexi partem v∣tram{que}: dabatur quo{que} mihi de illa Parisijs vnica spina, quam vs{que} nunc preciose conseruo, & est ipsa spina non lignea sed velut de iuncis marines rigida, & pungitiua. Ecclesia Constantinopolitana in ho∣norem Sanctae Sophiae, id est, ineffabilis Dei sapientiae dedicata dicitur,* 4.508 & nobilissima vniuersarum

mundi Ecclesiarum, tam in schemate artificiosi operis, quàm in seruatis ibi Sacrosanctis Relliquijs: nam & continet corpus Sanctae Annae Matris nostrae Dominae translatum illuc per Reginam Helenam ab Hierosolymis:* 4.509 & corpus Sanctae Lucae Euangelistae translatum de Bethania Iudeae; Et corpus Beati Ioannis Chrysostomi ipsius Ciuitatis Episcopi, cum multis alijs Reliquijs preciosis; quoniam est ibi vas grande cum huiusmodi reliquijs velut marmoreum de Petra Enhydros; quod iugiter de seipso de∣sudans aquam, semel in anno inuenitur suo sudore repletum. Ante hanc Ecclesiam, super columnam marmoream habetur de aere aurato opere fusorio,* 4.510 magna Imago Iustiniani quondam Imperatoris super Equum sedentis. De praedicta terra Thraciae fuit Philosophus Aristoteles oriundus in Ciuitate Stage∣res, & est ibi in loco tumba eius velut altare, vbi & singulis annis certo die celebratur à populo festum illius, ac si fuisset Sanctus. Temporibus ergo magnorum confiliorum conueniunt illuc sapientes terrae, reputantes sibi per inspirationem immitti consilium optimum de agendis. Item ad diuisionem Thraciae & [ 10] Macedoniae sunt duo mirabiliter alti Montes, vnus Olympus, alter Athos, cuius vltimi vmbra O∣riente sole apparet ad 76. miliaria, vs{que} in Insulam Lemnon. In horum cacumine montium ventus non currit, nec aer mouetur, &c.

* 4.511Priù•• dictum est de reuerentia Soldani, quando ad ipsum intratur exhibenda. Sciendum ergo, cum ab eo petitur securus conductus, nemini denegare consueuit, sed datur petentibus communiter sigillum eius, in appenditione absque literis: hoc sigillum, pro vexillo in virga aut hasta dum peregrini ferunt, omnes Saraceni videntes illud flexis genibus in terram se reuerenter inclinant, & portantibus omnem exhibent humanitatem. Verumtamen satis maior fit reuerentia literis Soldani sigillatis, quod & Admi∣rabiles, & quicun{que} alij Domini, quando eis monstrantur, antequam recipiant, se multum inclinant: [ 20] Deinde ambabus manibus eas capientes ponunt super propria capita, posteà osculantur, & tandem legunt inclinati cum magna veneratione, quibus semel aut bis perlectis, offerunt se promptos ad explendum quicquid ibi iubetur, ac insuper exhibent deferenti, quicquid possint commodi, vel honoris: sed talem conductum per literas Soldani vix quisquam perigrinorum accipit, qui non in Curia illius stetit, vel noti∣tiam apud illum habuerit.* 4.512 Ego autem habui in recessu mec, in quibus etiam continebatur ad om∣nes sibi subièctos speciale mandatum, vt me permitterent intrare, & respicere singula loca, pro meae placito voluntatis, & mihi exponerent quorumcun{que} locorum mysteria distincte & absque vllo velamine veritatis, ac me cum omni sodalitate mea benigne reciperent, & in cunctis rationa∣libus audirent, requisiti autem si necesse foret de ciuitate conducerent in ciuitatem. Habito ita{que} peregrinis conductu, ad Montem Sinay, &c. [ 30]

* 4.513Mons Sinay appellatur ibi desertum Syn: quasi in radice Montis istius habetur Coenobium Mo∣nachorum pergrande, cuius clausura in circuitu est firmata muris altis, & portis ferreis, pro metu be∣stiarum deserti. Hi Monachi sunt Arabes, & Graeci, & in magno conuentu, multum Deo deuoti. O∣stendere solent & caput ipsius Catherinae cum inuolumento sanguinolento, & multas perterea sanctas, & venerabiles reliquias, quae omnia intuitus sum diligenter & saepè, oculis indignis, &c.

Ierusalem cum tota terra Promissionis, est quasi vna de quin{que} Prouincijs vel pluribus, quibus Reg∣num Syriae distinguitur. Iungitur autem Iudaea ad Orientem Regno Arabiae, ad meridiem Aegypto, ad Occidentem mari magno,* 4.514 & ad Aquilonem Regno Syriae. Iudeae terra per diuersa tempora à diuer∣sis possessa fuit Nationibus, Cananaeorum, Iudaeorum, Assyriorum, Persarum, Medorum, Macedo∣num, Graecorum, Romanorum, Christianorum, Saracenorum, Barbarorum, Turcorum, & Tar∣tarorum. [ 40] Cuius rei causa merito potest aestimari, quod non sustinuit Deus magnos peccatores longo tempore permanere in terra sibi tam placita, & tam sancta.

Itaque peregrinus venient in Ierusalem primo expleat suam peregrinationem, ad reuerendum & Sa∣crosanctum Domini nostri Iesu Christi Sepulchrum:* 4.515 cuius Ecclesia est in vltima ciuitatis extremitate, ad partem Aquilonarem, cum proprio sui ambitus muro ipsi ciuitati adiuncto. Ipsa vero Ecclesia est pul∣chra & rotundae formae cooperta desuper cum tegulis plumbeis, habens in Occidente turrim altam & fir∣mam, in pauimenti Ecclesiae medio ad figuram dimidij compassi habetur nobili opere Latonico aedificatum paruum Tabernaculum quasi 15. pedum tam longitudinis quàm latitudinis, & altitudinis miro artifi∣cio intus extra{que} compositum, ac multum diligenter diuersis coloribus ornatum. Hoc ita{que} in Taberna∣culo seu Capella, ad latus dextrum, continetur incomparabilis thesaurus gloriosissimi Sepulchri, haben∣tis [ 50] octo pedes longitudinis, & quinque latitudinis. Et quoniam in toto habitaculo nulla est apertura prae∣ter paruum ostium, illustratur accedentibus peregrinis pluribus lampadibus, (quarum ad minus vna co∣ram sepulchro iugiter ardere solet) ingressus.

Sciendum, quod ante breue tempus solebat sepulchrum esse ingressis peregrinis accessibile, ad tangen∣dum & osculandum: sed quia multi vel effringebant, vel conabantur sibi effringere aliquid de petra se∣pulchri,* 4.516 iste Soldanus Melech Mandybron fecit illud confabricari, vt nec osculari valeat, nec adiri, sed tantummodo intueri. Et ob illam cansam in sinistro pariete in altitudine quinque pedum immurari effracturam petrae sepulchri ad quantitatem capitis humani, quod tanquam pro sepulchro ibi ab omni∣bus veneratur, tangitur, & osculatur.

Dicitur ibi quo{que} communiter praefatam lampadem coram sepulchro singulis annis in die Sanctae Pa∣rascheues,* 4.517 [ 60] hora nona extingui, & in media nocte Paschae sine humano studio reaccendi. Quod (si ita est) euidens diuini beneficij miraculum est. Et quamuis id plurimi Christians simpliciter in magno pietatis merito credant, pleris{que} tamen est in suspicione. Fortè talia Saraceni custodes sepulchri fingen∣tes divulgauerunt, pro augendo emolumenta tributi, quod inde resultaret, sen oblationum quae dantur.

Singulis autem annis in die Coenae Domini in Parascheue, & in vigilia Paschae, tribus his diebus manet Tabernaculum hoc apertum continuè, & patet omnibus Christianis gentibus accessus,* 4.518 alias vero non per annum sine redditione tributi. Intra Ecclesiam, propè parietem dextrum, est Caluariae locus, vbi crucifixus pependit Christus Dominus. Per gradus ascenditur in hunc locum, & est rupis velut albi coloris, cum aliqua rubedine per loca commixta, habens scissuram, quam dicunt Golgotha, in qua maior pars preciosi sanguinis Christi dicitur influxisse: vbi & habetur Altare constructum, ante quod consistunt tumbae Godefridi de Bullion, &c.

Vltrà duo stadia ab Ecclesia ad Meridiem sancti Sepulchri habetur magnum hospitale sancti Ioan∣nis Hierosolymitani,* 4.519 qui caput & fundamentum esse dignoscitur ordinis Hospitaliorum modò tenen∣tium Rhodum Insulam: in quo recipi possunt omnes Christiani peregrini cuiuscunque sint conditionis, [ 10] seu status, vel dignitatis. Nam Saraceni pro leui cura anxij rumoris, prohibent ne apud quenquam suorum Christianus pernoctet. Ad sustentationem aedificij huius hospitalis, habentur in eo 124. co∣lumnae marmoreae, & in parietibus distincti 54. pilarij. Satis propè hunc locum in Orientem, est Ecclesia quae dicitur, de Domina nostra magna: & inde non remotè alia, quae dicitur nostrae Dominae Latinorum, aedificata super locum, vbi Maria Magdalene, & Maria Cleophae cum alijs pluribus, dum Christus cruci affigebatur, flebant & dolores lamentabiles exercebant.

Item ab Ecclesia sancti Sepulchri in Orientem ad stadium cum dimidio habetur aedificium mirabile, ac pulchrum valdè, quod Templum Domini nominatur, quod constructum est in forma rotunda, cuius cir∣cumferentiae Diameter habet 64. cubitos, & altitudo eius 126. & intrinsecus pro sustentatione aedificij, multi pilarij. In medio autem Templi est locus altior 14. gradibus, qui & ipse columnis vndi{que} est sti∣patus: [ 20] & secundum quatuor mundi plagas habet Templum quatuor introitus per portas Cypressinas arti∣ficiosè compositas, nobiliter{que} sculptas, & excisas. Et ante portam Aquilonarem intra Templum fons est aquae mundae, qui quamuis olim exundabat, tamen nunc minimè fluit. In toto circuitu aedificij ex∣trinsecus est valdè pro atrio latum spacium loci, stratum per totum pauimentum marmoribus. Hoc Tem∣plum non ducitur stare in eodem loco vbi Templum Dei stetit in tempore Christi, quo post Resurrectionem à Romanis destructo, istud longo post tempore Adrianus Imperator extruxit, sed non ad formam Templi prioris: praedictum tamen excelsum in medio Templi locum vocant Iudaei Sanctum Sanctorum.

Sciatis ita{que} quòd Saraceni magnam exhibent huic Templo reuerentiam, & honorem, saepius illud dis∣calceati intrantes, & positis genibus deuotè Deum Omnipotentem exorantes, nulla enim ibidem habetur imago, sed multae lampades relucentes. Neminem Christianorum seu Iudaeorum ingredi sinunt hoc [ 30] Templum, reputantes eos indignos ad hoc, & nimium immundos,* 4.520 vndè nisi virtute literarum quas habui à Soldano, nec ego fuissem ingressus. Ingrediens autem cum meis sodalibus deposuimus calciamenta, recogitantes cum multa cordis deuotione, nos magis id facere debere, quàm incredulos Saracenos.

Porrò in eo loco vbi statuerat idem Rex ante Templum Altare holocausti, videlicet extra portam Templi Occidentalem, habetur & nunc Altare, sed non ad instar, nec ad vsum primi: Nam Saraceni, quasi nihil curantes, traxerunt in eo lineas tanquam in Astrolabio figentes in linearum centro batel∣lum, ad cuius vmbram per lineas discernuntur diei horae.

Viaturo ad dextram satis de propinquo habetur & alia Ecclesia, quae nunc appllatur schola Salomonis: rursus{que} ad Meridiem est & aliud Templum siue Ecclesia, quae vocatur Templum Salomonis,* 4.521 quòd [ 40] olim fuit caput, & fundamentum totius ordinis Templariorum, &c.

Dominus Soldanus quodam die in Castro, expulsis omnibus de camera sua, me solùm retinuit secum tanquam pro secreto habendo colloquio. Consuetum enim est ijs eijcere omnes tempore secretorum: qui diligenter à me interrogauit qualis esset gubernatio vitae in terra nostra, breuiter respondebam, bona,* 4.522 per Dei gratiam, qui recepto hoc verbo dixit ita non esse. Sacerdotes (inquit) vestri, qui seipsos exhi∣bere deberent alijs in exemplum, in malis iacent actibus, parum curant de Templi seruitio: ha∣bitu & studijs se conformant mundo: se inebriant vino, continentiam infringentes, cum fraude negotiantes, ac praua principibus consilia ingerentes. Communis quoque populus, dum festis diebus intendere deberent deuotioni in Templo, currit in hortis, in spectaculis,* 4.523 in Tabernis vsque ad crapulam, & ebrietatem, & pinguia manducans & bibens, ac in bestiarum morem, luxuriam [ 50] prauam exercens. In vsura, dolo, rapina, furto, detractione, mendatio & periurio viuunt plures eo∣rum euidenter, ac si qui talia non agant, vt fatui reputantur, & pro nimia cordis superbia nesciunt ad libitum excogitare, qualiter se velint habere, mutando sibi indumenta, nunc longa,* 4.524 nunc curta nimis, quandoque ampla, quandoque stricta vltra modum, vt in his singulis appareant derisi po∣tius quam vestiti: pyleos quoque, calceos, calligas, corrigias sibi fabricant exquisitas, cùm etiam è contra deberent secundùm Christi sui doctrinam simplices, Deo deuoti, humiles, veraces, inui∣cem diligentes, inuicem concordantes, & iniuriam de facili remittentes. Scimus etiam eos prop∣ter peccata sua perdidisse hanc terram optimam quam tenemus, nec timemus eam amittere, quam∣diu se taliter gubernant. Attamen non dubitamus, quin in futurum per meliorem vitae conuer∣sationem merebuntur de nostris eam manibus recuperare.

[ 60] Ad hoc ego vltra confusus & stupefactas, nequiui inuenire responsum; verebar enim obloqui veritati, quamuis ab Infidelis ore prolatae, & vultu prae rubore demisso percunctatus sum, Domine, salua reue∣rentia, qualiter potestis ita plenè hoc noscere? De hominibus (ait) meis interdum mitto ad modum Mercatorum per terras & Regiones Christianorum, cum Balsamo, Gemmis, Sericis, ac Aromatibus,

ac per illos singula exploro, tam de statu Imperatoris, ac Pontificum Principum, ac Sacerdotum, quam Praelatorum, nec non Aequora, Prouincias, ac distinctiones earum.

Igitur peracta collocutione nostra satis producta, egressos Principes in cameram reuocauit ex quibus quatuor de maioribus iuxta nos aduocans, fecit eos expresse ac debite, per singulas diuisiones in lingua Gal∣licana destinguere per partes, & singularum nomina partium, omnem Regionem terrae Angliae, ac alias Christianorum terrras multas, acsi inter nostros fuissent nati, vel multo tempore conuersati. Nam & ipsum Soldanum audiui cumijs bene & directè loquentem idioma Francorum. Itaque in omnibus his mente consternatus obmutui, cogitans, & dolens de peccatis singulis, rem taliter se habere, &c.

* 4.525AEthiopia consistit à terra Chaldaeorum in Austrum, quae distinguitur in Orientalem Aethiopiam, [ 10] & Meridionalem,* 4.526 quarum prima in illis partibus vocatur Cush, propter hominum nigredinem, altera Mauritania.

De Aethiopia intratur in Indiam mediam, nam triplex est, videlicet Infima, quae in quibusdam suis partibus est nimis frigida ad inhabitandum: Media quae satis temperata est, & Superior, quae nimi•• calida, &c.

* 4.527Hinin Meridiem pluribus exactis Insulis per viam decem dietarum venitur in Regnum Mabron. Illic in ciuitate Calamiae, seruatur in magno Templo corpus beatissim•• Thomae Apostoli Domini noster Iesu Christi in capsa honorificata. In quo loco & martirizatus fuit, licet dicunt quidam, quod in E∣dissa ciuitate. Iste populus non est multum tempus transactum, quin fuit totus in fidei religione, sed nunc est ad pessimos Gentilium ritus peruersus. [ 20]

Per certas historias habetur Ducem Danorum Ogerum conquisiuisse has terras, & in exaltatione sanctarum Apostoli relliquiarum fecisse fieri praefatam spectactilem Ecclesiam, &c.

In hac ipsa beati Thomae Ecclesia statuerunt multa mirae magnitudinis simulachra, ex quibus vnum quòd maius est multò alijs, apparet sedens homo in alto solio adoperto aureis sericis, & lapidibus praetiosis, habens{que} ad collum suspensa pro ornatu multa cinctoria pretiose gemmis, & auro contexta. Ad hoc au∣tem Idolum adorandum confluunt peregrini à remotis partibus, & propinquis, in satis maiori copia, & valde feruentiori deuotione quàm Christiani, ad sanctuum Iacobum in Galizia, quia multi eorum per totum peregrinationis iter, non audent erigere palpebras oculorum, ne fortè propter hoc deuotio in∣termittatur.

Alij de propè venientes superaddunt labori itinerandi, vt ad tertium vel ad quartum passum semper [ 30] cadant in genibus. Nonnulli quoque Demoniaca inspiratione semetipsos per viam peregrinationis lan∣ceolis, & cultellis nunc minoribus, nunc maioribus sauciant vulneribus per singula corporis loca, & dum ante Idolum perueniunt, excisum frustum de carne propria proijciunt ad Idolum pro offerenda, ac plagis durioribus se castigant, & quandoque spontaneè penitus se occidunt: in solemnitatibus verò, sicut in de∣dicatione, & sicut in thronizatione simulachrorum, fit conuentus populi, quasi totius Regni. Et ducitur cum processione maius Idolum per circuitum ciuitatis, in curru preciosissimo, modis omnibus perornato, & praecedunt in numero magno puellae cantantes binae, & binae, ordinatissimè; succedit{que} pluralitas Musi∣corum cum instrmentis varijs simphonizantes, quos continuè subsequitur currus cuius lateribus coniun∣git se peregrinorum exercitus, qui & venerunt de remotis.

Ibique cernitur miserabilis actus vltrà modum. Nam aliqui victi vltrà modum diabolica deuotione [ 40] proijciunt se sub rotis currus praecedentis, vt frangantur sibi crura, brachia, latera, dorsa, nec non & colla in reuerentiam Dei sui (vt dicunt) à quo remunerationem sperant, venire ad Paradisum terrestrem.

Et post processionem postquàm statuerunt Idolum in Templo suo loco, multiplicatur coram simula∣chris numerus saepè plangentium, & Occidentium vltrà quam credi sit facile. Ita quod quando{que} in illa vnica solemnitate inueniuntur ducenta corpora,* 4.528 vel plura occisorum. Etassistentes propin qui amici talium Diaboli martyrum, cum magna musicorum melodia decantantes in sua lingua offerun Idolis corpora, ac demum accenso rogo omnia corpora comburunt in honorem Idolorum, assumentes sibi singuli aliquid de ossibas aut cineribus pro reliquijs, quas putant sibi valituras contra quaelibet infortunia, & tempestates. Et habetur ante Templum, aquae lacus, velut seruatorium piscium, in quo proijcit populus largissimè [ 50] suas oblationes, Argentum, Aurum, Gemmas, Cyphos, & similia, quibus ministri certis temporibus exhibentes prouident Ecclesia, ac simulachro, ac sibi ipsis abundantèr.

* 4.529Inde vlterius procedendo in Austrum per multas & mirabiles terras quinquaginta duarum diaetarum spacio, habetur magna Insula Lamori. Illic omnes nudi incedunt, & ferè omnia sunt singulis communia; nec vtuntur priuatis clauibus siue seris, imo & omnes mulieres sunt communes omnibus & singulis viris, dummodo violentia non inferatur: sed & peior est ijs consuetudo, quod libentèr comedunt teneras carnes humanas; vnde & negotiatores adferunt eis crassos infantes venales: quod si non satis pingues afferun∣tur eos saginant sicut nos Vitulum, siue Porcum.

* 4.530Hic apparet in bona altitudine Polus Antarcticus & incipit modò apperere in alta Lybia, ita quod in alta Aethiopa, eleuatur octodecem gradibus, prout ipse probaui Astrolabio. [ 60]

Et est valde grandis Regio Iaua, habens in circuitu ambitum leucarum duarum millium. Huius Rex est valde potens, & imperans septem Insularum vicinarum Regibus. Terra ista est populosa, valdè, & cres∣cunt in ea Species, & abundantia Gingiberis, Canella, Gariofoli, Nuces Muscatae, & Mastix, cum

Aromatibus multis. Sed & quod ibi nascatur vinum, non habent: Aurum & Argentum est ibi in copia immensa, quòd patet in Regis Iauae palatio, cuius palatij nobilitas non est facilè scribenda.

Cuncti gradus ascendentes ad palatij aulas, & aularum cameras, & ad thalamos camerarum sunt solids de argento vel auro, sed & omnis statura pauimentorum in alijs habetur ad similitudinem scacarij, vnam quadratam argenti, alteram auri, laminis valdè crassis, & in ipsis pauimentis, sunt ex sculpta ge∣sta, & historiae diuersae. In principali verò aula, est plenariè expressa Dani Ducis Ogeri historia, à na∣tiuitate ipsius, quousque in Franciam fantasticè dicatur reuersus, cum tempore Caroli Magni Regis Franciae, ipse Ogerus armata manu conquisiuit Christianitati ferè omnes partes transmarinas à Iero∣solymis vsque ad arbores Solis & Lunae, ac propè Paradisum terrestrem.

Pro hac Regione Iaua, (quae tangit fines Imperij Tartariae) sibi subiuganda, Imperator Grand Can [ 10] multoties pugnanit, sed nunquam valuit expugnare. Hinc per mare venitur ad regnum * 4.531 Thalamas∣sae, quòd & * 4.532 Pachon dicitur, in quo habetur magnus numerus bonarum ciuitatum. Intra hanc Insu∣lam, quatuor sunt genera arborum, de quarum vna accipitur farina ad panem, de secunda mel, de ter∣tia vinum, & de quarta pessimum venenum. Extrahitur autem farina de suis arboribus isto modo.* 4.533

Certo tempore anni percutitur stipes arboris vndique prope terram cum securi, & cortex in locis plu∣ribus vulneratur, de quibus recipitur liquor spissus, qui desiccatus ad solis aestum & contritus reddit fari∣nam albam, ac si de srumento esset confectus, attamen hic panis non est triticei saporic, sed alterius valde boni. Simili modo de suis arboribus mel elicitur, & vinum * 4.534 liquitur: excepto quod illa non sicut gra∣mina prima desiccantur. Fertur quoque ibidem extractionem huius farinae, mellis, & vini, per Angelum [ 20] primitus fuisse ostensam praedicto Danorum Duci, ill••c fame cum suo exercitu laboranti. Contra vene∣num quod de quarto arboris genere stillat, solum est intoxicato remedium, vt de proprio fimo per puram aquam distemperato bibat.

In littore maris Calanoch miraculose veniunt semel in anno, per tres continuos dies,* 4.535 quasi de omni ge∣nere piscium marinorum, in maxima abundantia: & praebent se omnibus liberè capiendos ad manum. Nam & ego ipse cepi quamplures. Vnde notandum, quod eodem tempore anni quo super dicta extra∣hitur farina, mel, & vinum, conueniunt in hoc isti pisces: quae ambo mirabilia fecit vno tempore Deus olim pro Duce suo Ogero, quae & in memoria illius, vsque nunc, singulis annis innouantur.

Et sunt in hoc territorio testudines terribilis quantitatis,* 4.536 fit{que} de maioribus Regi ac Nobilibus delica∣tus ac preciosus cibus: mentior, si non quasdam ibidem viderim testudinum conchas, in quarum vna [ 30] se tres homines occultarent, sunt{que} omnes multum albi coloris. Si hic vir vxoratus moritur, sepelitur & vxor vna cum eo, quatenus, sicut ibi credunt, habeant eam statim sociam in seculo altero.

In istis autem meridionalibus partibus apparebat mihi eleuatio poli Antarctici 33. graduum,* 4.537 cum 16. minutis. Et sciendum quod in Bohemia, similiter & in Anglia eleuatur polus Arcticus 52. gra∣dibus vel citra: Et in partibus magis septentrionalibus, vbi sunt Scoti 62. gradibus cum 4. minutis. Ex quo patet respiciendo ad latitudinem coeli, quae est de polo ad polum, itinerario mea fuit per quartum Horizontis spherae terrae, & vltra per 5. gradus, cum 20. minutis. Cum ergo secundum Astrologos, totus terrae circuitus sit 31500. milliarium, octo stadijs pro milliario computatis,* 4.538 & septinginta stadia respondeant ad vnum gradum, quod patet ad latitudinem terrae, perambulaui 66733. stadia cum vno tertio, quae faciunt 4170. leucas Geometricas cum dimidia vel propè.

[ 40] Cum igitur tot & talia in istis Insulis vidimus monstra (quae si explicarem scribendo vix à legenti∣bus omnia crederentur) non curauimus vlterius procedere sub polo Australi,* 4.539 ne in maiora pericula inci∣deremus: sed propter auditam & inuisam nobis famositatem potentiae, nobilitatis, & gloriae Imperatoris Tartarorum, vertebam faciem cum socijs nauigare magis versus Orientem. Cum{que} per multas dietas sustinuissemus multa pericula maris, peruenimus in Regnum Manchus, quod est in confinibus superioris Indiae, & iungitur ab vna parte Tartariae. Haec Regio Manchus pro sua quantitate reputatur melior, delectabilior, & omnium bonorum abundantior de cunctis ibi propè Regionibus. Nam & homines, be∣stiae, & volucres maiores & corpulentiores sunt alijs, & prae vbertate vix inuenirentur in vna ciuitate decem mendici. Formosi sunt viri, sed foeminae formosiores. Sed viri loco barbae, habent perpaucos pilos, rigidos, & longos ab vtraque oris parte, quemadmodum nostros videmus cattos habere.

[ 50] Prima quam ingrediamur ciuitas est Lachori, distans vna dieta à mari, & mirabamur, & gauisi sumus nos inuenisse integram ciuitatem Christianae fidei. Nam & maior pars Regni credit in Christum.* 4.540 Ibi habetur in leui precio copia rerum omnium, & praecipuè victualium: vnum genus est ibi serpentum in abundantia quod manducant ad omne conuiuium, & nisi pro finali ferculo ministrarctur de illis ser∣pentibus, conuiuium quàm modicum diceretur.

Sunt{que} per hoc regnum pleraeque ciuitates & Ecclesiae, & religiones quas instituit Dux Ogerus, quia hoc est vnum de quindecim regnis quae quaesiuit, sicut infra dicetur. Illic sunt elegantes albae gallinae, quae non vestiuntur plumis vt nostrae, sed optima lana. Canes aquatici, quos nos lutras nominamus, sunt ibi multi edomiti, quòd quoties mittuntur in flumen, exportant domino piscem.* 4.541

Ab hoc loco per aliquas dietas, venitur ad huius regionis maximam vrbem Cansay, hoc est dicere, [ 60] Ciuitatem Coeli, imo de vniuerso orbe terrarum putatur haec maxima ciuitatum; nam eius circuitus 50. leucis est mensus, nec est facile dicere, quàm compresse à quamplurimis populis inhabitatur. Haec sedet in lacu maris, quemadmodum, & Venetiae: & habentur in ea plures quàm mille ducenti pon∣tes, & in quolibet turres mirae magnitudinis, ac fortitudinis, munitae peruigili custodia & pro vrbe tuen∣da contra Imperatorem Grand Can. Multi sunt ibi Christiani, & multae Religiones Christianorum,

sed & de ordinibus Minorum, & Praedicatorum, qui tamen ibi non mendicant; est magna pluralitas ex diuersis Nationibus Mercatorum. Per Regionem nascitur vinum valdè bonum, quod appellatur Bi∣gon. Et ad leutam extra Ciuitatem; Abbatia magna est, non de Religione Christiana sed Pagana: & in ea forrestum, siue hortus magnus vndi{que} circu••••clusus, consitus arboribus, & arbustis in cuius etiam medio mons altus simul & latus, habens hortum vbi solum inhabitant bestiolae mirabiles••, sicut Simiae, marmotae, Lanbon, papionès, foreti & huiusmodi ad varia & multa genera, & ad numerum infinitum.

* 4.542Omni autem die post refectionem conuentus Abbatiae, qui est valdè Monachosus, deferuntur reliquiae ciborum cum magno additamento, in vasis auro lucentibus ad hunc hortum: & ad sonitum Campanae argenteae, quam Eleemo syuarius manu gestat descendentes, & occurrentes de bestiolis duo millia aut plures sese componuut residere ad circulum more pauperum mendicorum, & traditur singulis per seruos, ali∣quid de his cibarijs, ac denuò audita campana segregando recurrunt: Cumque nos tanquam redarguen∣tes, [ 10] diceremus, cur haec non darentur egenis, responderunt, illic pauperes non habentur, quod si inueniren∣tur, potius tamen dari deberent bestiolis. Habet enim eorum perfidia, & Paganismus, anima•• nobilium hominum post mortem ingredi corpora nobilium bestiarum, & animas ignobilium corpora bestiarum ig∣nobilium & vilium, ad luendae videlicet crimina, donec peracta poenitentia transcant in Paradisum: ideo∣que nutriunt, prout dicunt, has nobiliores bestias, fiue bestiolas, quòd à quibusdam nobilibus fundaba∣tur in principio haec Abbatia. Multa sunt alia mira in hac Ciuitate, de quibus sciatis, quod non om∣nia vobis recitabo.

* 4.543Insula Pygmaeorum non est protensa, sed fortè 12. Ciuitatum. Quarum vna est grandis, & bene mu∣nita, & quam Grand Can facit cum fortibus armaturis curiosè seruari, contra Regem Mangi.

Hinc proceditur per Imperium Grand Can, ad multas Ciuitates, & Villas morum mirabiliter diuer∣sorum, [ 20] vs{que} in Regnum Iamcham, quod est vnum de 12. Prouincijs maximis, quibus distinguitur to∣tum Imperium Tartarorum.* 4.544 Nobilior Ciuitas huius Regni seu Prouinciae dicitur Iamchan, abundans mercimonijs, & diuitijs infinitis, & multa praestans proprio Regi tributa, quoniam sicut illi de Ciuitate fatentur, valet annue Regi quinquaginta milia * 4.545 Cuman Florenorum auri. Nota. In Iamchan Ci∣uitate est Conuentus fratrum Minorum: in hac sunt tres Ecclesiae Monasteriorum: reditus simul as∣cendit ad 12. Cuman. Odericus. Vnus Cuman est decem millium. Summa tributi annui, quinquagin∣ta millia millium Florenorum. In illis nam{que} partibus magnas numerorum summas estimant per Cu∣man,* 4.546 numerum 10 millium qui & in Flamingo dicitur laste. Ad quinque leucas ab hac Ciuitate est alia dicta Meke, in qua fiunt de quodam albissimi genere ligni Naues maximae cum Aulis & Thalamis, ac multis aedificijs, tanquam Palatium tellure fundatum. [ 30]

Inde per idem Regnum ad viam octo diaetarum per aquam dulcem, multas per Ciuitates, & bonas Villas, venimus a 4.547 Laucherim, (Odericus appellat Leuyim) vrbem formosam opum{que} magnarum, fi∣tam super flumen magnum b 4.548 Cacameran. Hoc flumen transit per medium Cathay, cui aqua infert damnum, quando nimis inundat, sicut Padus in Ferraria, Mogus in Herbipoli: & illud sequentes in∣trauimus principalem Prouinciam Imperij Tartariae, dictam Cathay Calay: & ista Prouincia est mul∣tum distenta, ac plena Ciuitatibus, & Oppidis bonis, & magnis omnibus{que} referta mercimonijs, maxi∣mè Sericosis operibus, & Aromaticis sp••••••ebus.

Nauigando per dictum flumen versus Orientem, & itinerando per hanc Cathay Prouinciam ad multas dietas per plurimas Vrbes & Villas, venitur in Ciuitatem c 4.549 Sugarmago, abundantiorem omni∣bus in mercemonijs antedictis: quando sericum est hic vilissimum quadragintae librae habentur ibi pro de∣cem [ 40] Florenis. Ab hac Ciuitate, multis Ciuitatibus peragratis versus Orientem, veni ad Ciuitatem Cambalu, quae est antiqua in Prouincia Cathay: Hanc postquam Tartari ceperunt, ad dimidium mi∣liare fecerunt vnam Ciuitatem nomine Caydo, & habet duodecim portas, & à porta in portam duo sunt grossa miliaria Lombardica, spacium inter medium istarum Ciuitatum habitatoribus plenum est & cir∣cuitus cuiuslibet istarum ambit 60. miliaria Lombardica,* 4.550 quae faciunt octo Teutonica. In hac Ciuita∣te Cambalu residet Imperator Magnus Can, Rex Regum terrestrium, & Dominus Dominorum ter∣restrium. At{que} indè vlterius in Orientem intratur vetus vrbs Caydo, vbi communiter tenet suam se∣dem Imperialem Grand Can in suo Palatio. Ambitus autem vrbis Caydo, est viginti ferè leucarum, duodecim habens portas à se distantes amplius quàm stadia 24.

* 4.551Palatium Imperatoris Grand Can, quod est in Caydo Ciuitate, continet in circuitu proprij muralis [ 50] vltrà duas leucas & sunt in eo aulae quàm plures, in forma nobiles, & in materia nobiliores. Aula autem sedis, quae est maxima caeterarum, habet intrinsecus pro sui sustentatione 24. aereas columnas factas opere fusorio, de auro puro, & omnes parietes ab intus opertas pellibus quorundam animalium, quae vocantur Pantheres: hae sanguinei sunt coloris, & ita remicantes, vt Sole desuper relucente, vix oculus valeat hu∣manus sufferre splendorem, tantae{que} fragrantia vt illi approximare non posset aer infectus, vnde & ista oper∣tura parietum appreciatur super tegmen aurearum laminarum, &c.

Istius autem ostia aulae▪ dum in ea residet, aut deambulat Imperator, multi Barones ingressum seruant intentè & ne limen tangatur, quod hoc haberent pro augurio: & benè verberaretur, quia imperatore prae∣sente, nemo nisi adductus in quacunque camera, vel habitatione intromittitur, donec interrogatus iusserit [ 60] Imperator.* 4.552 Latitudinem huius Basilicae aestimo ad spacium de meis pedibus centum & longitudinem vl∣trà quatuor centum.

Praeterea, iuxta Palatij ambitum, habetur grandis parci spaciamentum, diuersi generis arboribus repletum, fructus ferentibus varios, & nobis inuisos, & in parte media, aula super excelsum collem de

tam mira & pulchra structura, vt eius nobilitas de facili ad praesens non possit describi. Et vndi{que}, per collis gyrum aquae fossatum profundum, & latum, vltrà quod pons vnicus ducit ad collem. At{que} ex duo∣bus montis lateribus, stagnum cum diuersorum copia Piscium, & volucrum indomitarum, vt aucarum, annatum, cignorum, ciconiarum, ardearum, & collectorum in magna pluralitate: nec non & per parcum, multae syluestres bestiae, & bestiolae quatenùs per aulae fenestras possit Dominus pro solatio respicere volu∣crum aucupationes, bestiarum venationes, & piscium captiones.

Praeter palatium hoc in Caydo, habet Imperator similitèr tria: vnum in ciuitate Sadus, versus Sep∣tentrionem, vbi competens est frigus, ibi moratur in aestate. Cambalu, vbi competens c••lor, ibi moratur hyeme. Tertium in ciu••tate Iongh, in quo & in isto Caydo, vt saepiùs seruat sedem,* 4.553 eò quòd in istis est [ 10] aër magis temperatus, quamuis semper calidus videtur Nostratibus.

Sciatis quòd ego, mei{que} sodales, pro fama magnificentiae huius Imperatoris,* 4.554 tradidimus nos stipen∣diarios esse in guerris, contra Regem Mangi praenominatum. Et fuimus apud ipsum 15. mensibus, & certè inuenimus multò maiorem partem hominum, in mediam partem nobis non fuisse relatam: hòminum (exceptis custodibus bestiarum & volucrum) qui intra palatium certa gerunt ministeria est numerus decem cuman.

Nota. Traxi moram in Cambalu tribus annis: fratres nostri locum habent in Curia sua speciali∣ter, & festis diebus statutis dant benedictionem. Odericus.* 4.555 Et quoniam Imperator habet satis plures quàm decem mille Elephantes edomitos, & velut vltrà numerum alias bestias (quarum quaedam tene••∣tur in caueis, stabulis mirabilibus, vel catenis) nec non & aues rapaces, & Accipitres, Falcones, Ostro∣nes, Gryfandos gentiles, Laueroys, & Satyros▪ sed & Auiculas loquentes, & Papingos, & similes, a∣lias{que} [ 20] cantantes: reputatur numerus hominum de istis curam & laborem gerentium, vltrà sex cuman, & praetereà iugiter ad Curiam equi••es cum plenarijs armaturis, quin{que} cuman,* 4.556 & de peditibus cum proe∣liandi armaturis, cuman decem. Sed & omnes de natione quacun{que} mundi venientes, qui petunt de∣scribi pro Curia, recipiuntur. Sic enim iussit Imperator. Habet & medicos Paganos viginti, & totidem Physicos, atque sine his Medicos Christianos ducentos, & totidem Physicos, quoniam iste Grand Can maiorem gerit confidentiam in Medicis Christianis, quàm in suae propriae nationis medicis.

Hoc ergò firmiter scias, quod de Curia Regis accipiunt necessaria sua ingitèr vltrà triginta cuman hominum, praeter expensas animalium & volucrum, cùm tamen in festis maioribus sint homines propè in duplo tanti. Nec valet hic Dominus defectum vllum pati pecuniae, eò quòd in terra sua non currit moneta [ 30] de argento, vel auro, aliòne metallo, sed tantùm de corio vel papyro: horum enim forma denariorum signo Imperatoris impressorum preciatur minoris aut maioris valoris, secundùm diuersitatem impressio∣nis, qui per visitationem, detriti vel rupti, cùm ad Regis thesaurarios deferuntur, protinùs dantur pro illis noui.

Quater in anno celebrat Imperator sestiuitates solennes. Prinam de die propriae Natiuitatis.* 4.557 Se∣cundam, de die suae prima praesentationis in eorum Templo, quod appellant Moseath, vbi & fit ijs, ne∣scio quod genus circumcisionis. Tertiam, in throniz ti••ne sui Idoli in Templo. Quartam, de die quo Idolum coepit dare responsum, seu facere diabolica mira. Plures enim in anno non tenet solennitates,* 4.558 nisi si quando nuptias filij aut filiae celebrat. Ita{que} in istis solennitatibus est populi multitudo abs{que} nu∣mero, &c.

[ 40] Celebrato post hoc prandio satis morosè, quia nunquam est vltrà semel edendum in die,* 4.559 de quo & eius administratione nunc longum est scribere, adsunt gesticulatores, mira visu, suauia{que} auditu pedibus, ma∣uibus, brachijs, humeris, capitibus, & toto corpore, ac ad singulos gestus, correspondentes debito vocis so∣no. Et semper finem horum mirabilium cantilena subsequitur musicorum. Ex hoc ioculatores praestò sunt, & Magi, qui suis incant••tionibus praestant praestigia multa.

Certum est illic homines esse subtiles ad quasdam huma••as artes, & ingeniosos ad fraudes super om∣nes, quas noui mundi partes, vnde & inter se dicunt prouerbium, se solos videre duobus oculis, & Chri∣stianos vno, caeteros autem homines caecos▪ sed mentitur iniquitas sibi, quoniam ipsi vident solo oculo ter∣rena & transitoria, & nos Christiani duobus, quia cum terrenis videmus spiritualia, & mansura:* 4.560 percus∣sit enim Naas, id est, humani generis hostis cum illis foedus, vt erueret omnibus oculos dextros, scili∣cet [ 50] spirituales.

Post annos Christi 1100. prima Tartaria fuit nimis oppressa seruitute sub Regibus circumiacentium sibi nationum. Quando autem Deo placuit,* 4.561 maiores illius Tartariae eleuauerunt de seipsis sibi Regem dictum Guis Can, cui & promiserunt subiectissimam obedientiam. Idem cùm esset prudens & strenuus 12. viriles habens filios, debellauit cum ijs & populo suo, & vicit, ac subiecit cunctos in circuitu Reges, quibus terra indebitè diù subiacuerat. Quin etiam apparente sibi in visione Argelo Dei velut milite in albo equo, & candidis armis, & hortante se, vt transiret Alpes, per montem Beliam, & per brachium maris, ad terram Cathay, & ad alias illic plurimas regiones transiuit, & coepit cum filijs suis aliquas ex illis debellare, & subijcere, Deo in omnibus adiuuante potentèr. Et quoniam in equo albo ei Angelus apparuit, qui etiam antè passum praedicti maris nouem orationes Deo facere iussit, ideò successores vsque [ 60] hodiè diligunt equos albos, & nouenarium numerum habent prae caeteris in gratia. Dun{que} Guis Can morti prae senio appropinquaret, conuocatos ante se filios hortabatur, & mouebat exemplo 12. telorum in simul colligatorum▪ quae à nullo filiorum pariter frangi potuerant, sed dissoluta vnumquod{que} per se facile frangebatur: sic filij (inquit) dilectissimi, si per concordiam vos inuicem dilexeritis, & vixeritis seniori fratri obedientes, confido in Deo iuxta promissionem mihi ab Angelo factam, quòd omnem latissmam

istam terram, & optimam illius imperio subijcietis, quod & post patris discessum strenuissimè, ac fidelis∣sime (Deo sibi prosperante) perfecerunt. Et quia cum proprijs nominibus habebant cognomen Can, pri∣mogenitus pro differentia obtinuit nomen Grand Can,* 4.562 id est, Magnus Can, videlicet supra caeteros fra∣tres, qui sibi in omnibus obediebant.

* 4.563Ita{que} iste secundus Imperator vocabatur Ochoto Can. Post quem filius eius regnauit dictus Gui Can. Quartus autem, qui Mango Can baptizabatur, permansit{que} fidelis Christianus, qui etiam misso magno exercitu cum fratre suo Hallaon in partes Arabiae & Aegypti mandauit destrui in toto Maho∣me•• superstitionem, & terram poni in manibus Christianorum. Et fratre tum procedente, accepit ru∣mores de fratris sui Imperatoris morte inopinata▪ quapropter & redijt negotio imperfecto.* 4.564 Quintus Co∣bila Can, qui etiam fuit Christianus, & regnauit 42. annis, & aedificauit magnam ciuitatem Iong, [ 10] maiorem satis vrbe Roma, in qua & continetur valdè nobile palatium Imperiale. Hinc vs{que} hodie om∣nes successores Paganismo foedantur.

* 4.565Tempore autem meo erat nomen Imperatoris Echiant Can, & primogenitus eius Cosue Can, praeter quem & alios filios habuit 12. de quorum nominibus conscribendis non est curae praesentis.

Prima vxorum suorum vocabatur Serochan, quae & est filia Presbyteri Ioannis, scilicet Impera∣toris Indiae. Secunda Verouchan. Tertia Caranth Can.

Istis duobus Imperatoribus non creditur inueniri maior Dominus sub firmamento Coeli. In literis quae huius Imperatoris Tartariae scribuntur nomine ponitur semper iste Titulus. Can filius Dei excel∣••i, omnium vniuersam terram colentium summus Imperator, & Dominus dominantium omnium. Circumferentia magni sui sigilli, continet hoc scriptum. Deus in Coelo, Can super terram, eius for∣titudo. [ 20] Omnium hominum Imperatoris sigillum. Sciendum quo{que} quod quamuis populi ibi dicun∣tur, & sunt Pagani, tamen & Rex & omnes credunt in Deum immortalem, & Omnipotentem, & iu∣rant per ipsum appellantes,* 4.566 Yroga, id est, Deum Naturae. Sed nihilominus colunt & adorant Idola, & simulachra aurea, & argentea, lapidea, lignea, filtria, lanea, & linea.

* 4.567Totum Imperium Imperatoris Grand Can distinctum est in 12. magnas Prouincias, iuxta numerum duodecim filiorum primi Genitoris Can. Harum Prouinciarum maior, & nobilior dicitur Cathay, quae consistit in Asia profunda. Tres enim sunt Asiae, scilicet quae profunda dicitur, & Asia dicta maior quae nobis est satis propinquior & tertia minor intra quam est Ephesus beati Ioannis Euangelistae sepul∣tura, de qua habes in praecedentibus.

Omnes tam viri quam feminae similibus in forma vestibus inducuntur, videlicet valdè latis, & breui∣bus [ 30] vs{que} ad genua cum apertura in lateribus quam firmant (dum volunt) ansis quibusdam, nam vter{que} sexus est brachijs seu femoralibus plenè tectus. Nunquam vtuntur toga aut collobio, sed nec caputio, vnde nec per aspectum indumentorum potest haberi differentia inter virum & mulierem innuptam. Sed nupta gestat per aliquod tegumentum in capite formam pedis viri. Nubit illic vir quotquot placet mulie∣ribus, vt nonnulli habeant decem vel duodecim vxores aut plures. Nam quis{que} maritus iungitur licenter euilibet mulieri, exceptis matre, & amita, sorore, & filia. Sicut viri equitant, tendunt, & currunt per patriam pro negotijs sic & mulieres, quoniam & ipsae operantur omnia ferè artificia mechanica sicut pan∣nos & quicquid efficitur de panno, corio, serico{que}, minant{que} carrucas, & vehicula, sed viri fabricant de ferro & de omni metallo lapidibus at{que} ligno, nec vir nec mulier nobilis aut degener comedit vltra semel in die communiter.* 4.568 Multa nutriunt pecora sed nullos porcos, parum comeditur ibi de pane exceptis ma∣gnatibus [ 40] & diuitibus, sed carnes edunt pecorum, bestiarum, & bestiolarum vtpote Boum, Ouium, Ca∣prarum, Equorum, Asinorum, Canum, Cattorum, Murium, & Rattorum, ius carnium sorbentes, & omnis generis lac bibentes.

Nobiles autem bibunt lac Equarum, seu inmentorum, pro nobilissimo potu & pauperes aquam bulli∣tam cum modico mellis, quia nec vinum ibi habetur, nec ceruisia conficitur: & multi ac plurimi fontes consulunt in sua siti,* 4.569 per villas, & rura. Domus, & habitacula rotundae sunt formae, compositae & con∣textae paruis lignis, & flexilibus virgulis, ad modum cauearum quas nos facimus pro auiculis, habentes rotundam in culmine aperturam praestantem duo beneficia habitationi, quoniam & ignis quem in medio domus constituunt fumum emittit, & pro aspiciendo lumen immittit. Intrinsecus sunt parietes vndi{que} de filtro, sed & tectum filtrum est: has domus, dum locum habitandi mutare volunt, vel dum in diutina [ 50] expeditione procedunt, ducunt secum in plaust••is quasi tentoria.

* 4.570Multas superuacuas obseruant ceremonias, quia respiciunt in vanitates & insanias falsas: solem & lunam praecipuè adorant, eis{que} frequenter genua curuant, & ad nouilunium, quicquid est magni esti∣mant inchoandum. Nullus omnino vtitur calcaribus in equitando, sed cogunt equum flagello scorpione, reputantes peccatum non leue, si quis ad hoc flagellum appodiat, aut iumentum percuteret suo fraeno: plera∣que similia, quae parum aut nihil nocent, ponderant vt grauia, sicut imponere cultellum in igne, os osse confringere, lac seu aliud potabile in terram effundere, nec non & huiusmodi multa. Sed super haec, tenent pro grauiori admisso mingere intra domum quae inhabitatur, & qui de tanto crimine proclamare∣tur assuetus, mitteretur ad mortem. Et de singulis necesse est vt confite••tur peccator Flamini suae legis, & soluat summam pecuniarum delicti. Et si peccatum deturpationis habitaculi venerit in publicum, o∣portebit [ 60] reconciliari domum per Sacerdotem, priusquam vllus audebit intrare. Insuper & peccatorem necesse erit pertransire ignem, semel, bis, aut ter iuxta iudicium Flaminis, quatenus per ignis acrimo∣niam purgetur à tanti inquinatione peccati.

Neminem hominum probibent inter se habitare, sed indifferenter receptant, Iudaeos, Christianos,

Saracenos, & homines cuiuscun{que} nationis, vel legis, dicentes se satis putare suum ritum non ita secu∣rum ad salutem, nisi quando{que} traherentur ad ritum magis salutarem, quem tamen determinate nunc ignorant, imò multi de nobilibus sunt iam in Christianitate baptizati.

Porrò Tartari in praecincto expeditionis habent singuli duos arcus, cum magna pluralitate telorum:* 4.571 Nam omnes sunt sagittarij ad manum & cum rigida & longa lancea. Nobiles autem in equis preciose phaleratis ferunt, gladios, vel spatas breues & latas, scindentes pro vno latere, & in capitibus galoas de corio cocto, non altas, sed ad capitis formàm depressas. Quicun{que} de suis fugerit de praelio, ipso facto conscriptus est, vt siquando inuentus fuerit occidatur.* 4.572 Si castrum vel ciuitas obsessa se illis reddere vo∣luerit, nullam acceptant conditionem nisi cum morte omnium inimicorum, vel si quis homo singularis se [ 10] dederit victum nihilominus abs{que} vlla miseratione occidunt, detruncantes illi protinus aures, quas postea coquentes, & in aceto (dum habuerint) ponentes mittunt inuicem ad conuiuia pro extremo ferculo: dum∣que ipsi in bellis arte fugam simulant, periculosum est eos insequi, quoniam iaciunt sagittas à tergo, qui∣bus equos & homines occidere norunt. Et quando in prima acie comparant ad bellandum, mirabilitèr sese constringunt, vt media pars numeri eorum vix credatur.

Generaliter noueritis, omnes Tartaros habere paruos oculos, & modicam vel raram barbam:* 4.573 In pro∣prijs locis rarò inter se litigant, contendunt, aut pugnant, timentes legum pergraues emendas. Et inue∣nitur ibi rarius vispilio, latro, fur, homicida, iniurians, adulter, aut fornicarius, quia tales criminatores inuestigatione sollicita requiruntur, & sine redemptione aliqua perimuntur. Dum quis decumbit infir∣mus figitur lancea iuxta illum in terra, & cum appropinquauerit morti, nullus remanet iuxta ipsum, [ 20] cum verò mortuus esse scitur, confestim in campis, & cum lancea sepelitur.

Imperator Grand Can postquam eius cognita fuerit defunctio,* 4.574 defertur mox à paucis viris in parco palatij, ad praeuisum locum vbi debeat s••peliri. Et nudato prius toto illo loco à graminibus cum cespite figitur ibi tentorium, in quo velut in solio regali de ligno corpus defuncti residens collocatur, paratur{que} mensa plena coram eo cibarijs preciosis, & potu de lacte iumentorum. Instabulatur ibi & equa cum suo pullo, sed & ipse albus, nobiliter phaleratus, & onustatus certo pondere auri & argenti. Et est totum Tentorij pauimentum de mundo stramine stratum.

Tunc{que} effodiunt in circuitu fossam latam valdè, & profundam vt totum tentorium cum omnibus con∣tentis descendat in illam. Eo{que} facto ita equalitèr terram planificantes adoperiunt graminibus, vt in omni tempore locus sepulturae non vaeleat apparere. Et quoniam ignorantiae nubilo turpiter excaecati pu∣tant [ 30] in alio saeculo homines delectationibus frui, dicunt quod tentorium erit et pro hospitio, cibi ad eden∣dum, lac ad potandum, equus ad equitandum, aurum & argentum ad respiciendum, sed & equa lac sem∣per praestabit, & pullos equinos successiue generabit.

Post has ita{que} Imperatoris defuncti miseras exequias, nullus omnino audebit de ipso loqui coram vx••∣ribus & filijs, & propinquis, sed nec nominare, quia per hoc putarent derogari paci, & quieti illius, qua non dubitant cum dominari, in maiori satis gloria Paradisi quam hic stetit.

Breuiter & nunc intendo cursum describere aliquarum magnarum Regionum & Insularum Imperij Tartariae. Et primo illas quae descendunt â prouincia Cathay per septentrionalem plagam,* 4.575 vs{que} ad fines Christianitatis Prussiae, & Russiae.

Ergo prouincia Cathay descendens in sui Oriente à regno Tharsis iungitur ab Occidente regno Tur∣quescen, [ 40] in quo & sunt plurimae ciuitates, quarum formosior dicitur Octopar. Ipsum autem Turques∣cen regnum iungitur ad Occidentem sui regno seu Imperio Persiae, & ad Septentrionem regno Cora••inae, quod spacio sum est valde, habens versus Orientem sui vltra centum diaetas deserti: hoc regnum est mul∣tis bonis abundans, & appellatur eius melior ciuitas etiam Corasine.

Isti quo{que} regno iungitur in Occidente versus partes nostras regnum Commanorum, quod & simili∣ter longum est, & latum, sed in paucis sui locis inhabitatum: Nam in quibusdam est frigus nimium, in alijs nimius calor, & in nonnullis nimia muscarum multitudo.

Sunt autem in Persia duae regiones: vna altae Persiae, quae à regno Turquescen descendens, iungitur ad Occidentem sui fluuio Pyson. In ista habentur renominatae ciuitates, quarum meliores duae dicuntur Bocura & Seonargant, quam aliqui appellant Samarkand: Et altera Regio Baslae Persiae, descendens [ 50] à flumine Pyson, qui ad sui Occidentem iungitur regno Mediae, & terrae minoris Armeniae,* 4.576 & ad A∣quilonem mari Caspio, & ad Austrum terrae minoris Indiae. In hac bassa Persia tres principaliores ciuitates sunt Aessabor, Saphaon, Sarmasaule, &c.

A finibus regni Bachariae supradicti vbi contiguatur Imperio Indiae, eundo per multas diaetas in∣tratur in regnum Pentoxyriae quod est magnae latitudinis, & abundantiae in multis bonis: huius nomi∣natior ciuitas, dicitur Nyse, & in ea habet Imperator palatium Imperiale, in quo residet dum sibi placet. Imperator iste semper vocitatus est Presbyter Ioannes, cuius nominis causam audieram quando{que} non veram: sed in i••lis partibus accep•• rationem indubitatam, quam breuiter hic enarro. Circa annum ab Incarnatione Domini Octingentessimum, Dux Ogerus de Danemarchia, cum quindecim cognationis suae Baronibus, & armatis viginti milibus transiuit mare Greciae, & fauente sibi Deo conquisiuit Chri∣stianitati [ 60] per multa pr••lia penè omnes Terras, Regiones, & Insulas, quas esse de potestate Grand Can praedixi, nec non & omnes, quae sunt de potestate Imperij huius Imperatoris Indiae. Erat{que} inter Barones vnus denominatus Ioannes filius Goudebucf, Regis Frisonum: qui dictus Ioannes Deo deuotus fuit, & dum licuit Ecclesiarum limina iniuit, vnde & Barones ei dabant quasi per iocum Presbyter Ioannes vocabulum. Dum ergo Ogerus dictas regiones expugnatas d••uideret in hus quindecim suis cognatis,

& quemlibet eorum in suo loco constitueret Regem, quatenus Christiana religio in illa Orbis superficie semper stabilis permaneret, tradidit isti Presbytero Ioanni superiorem Indiam, cum 4000. Insulis, Re∣gionibus,* 4.577 & ipsum praefecit Imperatorem super reliquos cognatos, vt ei certa tributa impenderent, & in omnibus obedirent, at{que} ex nunc omnes successores Indiae sunt vocati Presbyter Ioannes, & vs{que} in hodiernum tempus boni manserunt Christiani, & Religionis aemulatores, &c.

CHAP. VII. [ 10] The Voyage of NICOLO di CONTI a Venetian, to the Indies, Mangi, Cambalu and Quinsai, with some Obseruations of those places.

* 4.578NIcolo di Conti a Venetian, hauing trauelled quite thorow India, after fiue and twentie yeeres returned home; and because to saue his life he had made denyall of his Faith, hee went to the Pope (then Eugenius the Fourth, An. 1444.) being at Florence to obtayne absolution; who enioyned him in way of penance, truly to make Narration of his Voy∣age, and whole Peregrination to his Secretarie Poggius, who writ it in the Latine tongue. [ 20] Ramusio sought for it in Venice and other Cities of Italie in vaine, and at last heard that it was translated into Portugall by the care of King Emanuel, An. 1500. a Copy whereof he pro∣cured from Lisbon, but so corrupt, that he doubted to publish it, which yet for want of better he did; and we out of him these Obseruations.

Nicolo di Conti a Venetian being a young man, then at Damasco, and hauing learned the A∣rabike Language, went with his merchandise in a Carauan of six hundred Merchants, with whom he trauelled into Arabia Petraea, and thence into Chaldaea, till he came to Eufrates. In the Desarts of Arabia,* 4.579 once about midnight they heard a great noyse, which they thought were the wilde Arabs comming to rob them, but saw a great multitude passe by neere their Tents with∣out hurting them, which some of the Merchants said were Deuils which hanted these Desarts. [ 30]

* 4.580From Baldac is eight dayes iourney to Balsera, and thence foure dayes to the Persian Gulfe, where the Sea ebbeth and floweth. After fiue dayes sayling therein, he came to Calcum, and af∣ter to Ormuz;* 4.581 thence to Calatia a Port of Persia of great traffick, where he remayned to learne the Persian tongue. Afterwards clothed in the habit of the Countrey (which hee vsed to doe in all his iourney) he went with certaine Moores and Persians, hauing sworne to be faithfull to each other, and sayled to Cambaia, and after to Pacamuria and Dely, where store of Ginger growes. Thence they went farre into Sea,* 4.582 and came to Bisinagar sixtie miles about, at the foot of a high Mountayne; in which are one hundred thousand men fit for armes; they marry as many wiues as they will, which are burned with them when they die. The King is the mightiest King in India, and hath twelue thousand Women, foure thousand of which attend him on foot whither [ 40] soeuer he goeth, and are busied in the seruice of his Kitchin; foure thousand others ride on Hor∣ses, or are carried in Litters; two thousand are to burne with him, which is holden a great ho∣nor.* 4.583 Pelagonga is subiect to him, eight dayes iourney thence and ten miles in circuit: from whence in twentie dayes by Land hee came to Pudifetania (leauing in the way Odeschiria, and Cenderghisia, where red Sanders grow) and thence went to Malepur where Saint Thomas is bu∣ried in a great and faire Church.* 4.584 The Inhabitants are Nestorians, which are Christians dispersed thorow all India, as Iewes amongst vs. And all this Prouince is called Malabar.

At the end of that Country is Zeilam a famous Iland, two thousand miles about, where are Rubies, Saphires, Cats-eye stones; and store of good Cinamon; the Tree like a Willow but thicker, the boughs growing more in breadth then height, the leaues like those of the Bay Tree, [ 50] but greater: the Barke of the boughs is best, that of the Trunke is not good: the fruit like Bay∣berries of which they make good Oile to anoint them. There is a Lake in which is a Citie of three miles circuit, gouerned by Bramines, which spend their liues in the studies of Philosophie, and are much giuen to Astrologie.

After that is a great Iland called Sumatra, which the Ancients called Taprobana, where hee stayed a yeere. There growes the best Pepper, the Tree like to Iay. In a part of the Iland, cal∣led Batech, they eate mans flesh. Thence he sayled to Ternassari: and thence to the mouth of Ganges▪ and vp the streame (which is very great) to Cernouem, and to Maarazia; whence cros∣sing ouer Land he came to Racha,* 4.585 and thence in seuenteene dayes to Aua fifteene miles about, where they are much giuen to spend the Time in drinking and fellowship both Men and Wo∣men. [ 60] There are certaine old women which get their liuing by selling Bels of gold, siluer, brasse, of the bignesse of Nuts,* 4.586 which they put in mens yards betwixt the skin and flesh, when they are of age to vse Women, and in short time cure the place; and the men much please themselues to heare the sound of them as they goe. Here the Copy is defectiue.

Mangi is full of Elephants of which the King nourisheth ten thousand: they serue him in the warre, and carrie Castles in which stand eight, ten, or twelue men with Lances,* 4.587 Bowes and Slings. They take them with a tame female Elephant, vsed to feed in a place encompassed with a wall with two gates to goe in and out; into which in the coupling season the male enters at one gate, and shee flees out at the other, many men attending with deuices to take him, both gates being shut; and with fasting, and accustoming other tame Elephants to him, tame him in few dayes.

The men of this Countrey haue but one wife, and all both men and women paint or embroi∣der their skinnes with Iron pennes, putting indelible tinctures thereunto. They worship Idols, [ 10] yet when they rise in the morning, they turne to the East, and with hands ioyned, say, God in Trinitie keepe vs in his Law. This Countrey produceth Serpents as grosse as a man, sixe cubits long, without feet, which they eate for great dainties; as they doe also certaine red Ants. There is a beast headed like a Swine, tayled like an Oxe, with a horne in the forehead like an Vnicorne a cubit long, of the colour and stature of an Elephant; with whom hee continually fighteth. The horne is much esteemed against poyson. In the furthest parts of this Countrey towards Cataio, are white and blacke Kine, some haired and tayled like Horses, some with haires like feathers of which they make Fannes.

Beyond Mangi is the greatest Prouince in the World, called Cataio,* 4.588 the Lord whereof is cal∣led the great Can which signifieth Emperour: and the chiefe Citie is called Cambalu, which is [ 20] foure square and hath eight and twenty miles in circuit. In the midst thereof is a Fortresse, and in it a Palace for the King; and at euery of those foure corners is a Castle, each foure miles about, in which are Armouries of diuers sorts, and Engines for battery. From the Palace is a way on the wall to all those Castles, that if the people rebell he might betake himselfe thither.* 4.589 Beyond this Citie fifteene dayes iourney is Quinsai another great Citie, which within this little while hath beene new made by this King. It hath thirty miles compasse, and is more peopled then the former. In these two Cities it was told him that the Houses and Palaces are after the manner of Italie, and the men richer and wiser then in other places.

After he was gone from Aua, alongst the Riuer to the Sea in seuenteene dayes he arriued at Zaiton, a great Port, where he tooke Sea, and in ten dayes came to a great and populous Citie,* 4.590 [ 30] called Pauconia, which is of twelue miles compasse where he stayed foure moneths. There are a few Vines, which runne vpon Trees, and they make no Wine of them. There grow Abre∣cockes, white Sanders, and Camphire, &c.

I am loth to returne into India with this Author, whose defects and corruptions haue made him so little seruiceable, together with the changed names of places since his time.* 4.591 It is remarkable that hee sayth that the Indian Mariners sayled by the Starres Antartike, and not by the compasse; vsing certaine measures and rules in that Starre-obseruation. Hee also relateth the huge greatnesse and treble shea∣thing of their Ships. But of India, whereof all his Relations are, wee haue already giuen you better, that is more punctuall, methodicall, and credible Authors. Yet before we leaue him, let vs obserue what Aeneas Syluius, or Pope Pius Secundus hath, cited out of him. Hee sayth, that hee sayled the Indian [ 40] Sea a moneth beyond Ganges, and then came to the Riuer Ratha, which being sayled in sixe dayes,* 4.592 hee found a Citie called by the same name. And thence after seuenteene dayes passing desart Hills he came into champaine Countries; which hauing passed in a fortnight with great labour, hee found a Riuer greater then Ganges, called Daua: and hauing sayled therein a moneth, came to a famous Citie fif∣teene miles in circuit, named Dua, where the women are exceedingly libidinous, the men contented with one wife, The Prouince is called Macin, full of Elephants,* 4.593 ten thousand of which the King keepes for his warres, and is himselfe carried on a white Elephant, wearing a golden Chayne distinguished with gemmes, and hanging to his feet. The men and women rase themselues, &c. (as before) but of the Kine, he sayth, that the same Kine haue tayles long and hairy to the feet, the haires subtile like Feathers, of much esteeme, and vsed on the tops of Lances as Ensignes. These things hath this Nicholas (sayth Sil∣uius) [ 50] of Macin, noting without doubt, the Region Serica. For our age placeth the Easterne Scythians in Cathay. That * 4.594 of Dua greater then Ganges, and that of ten thousand Elephants nourished by a King not knowne by fame, are hard to be beleeued: but longinquitie cannot easily be confuted.

TO THE READER.

REader, I here present thee a piece of a Historie, so much as abuts on Tartaria, and China. Alhacen, a learned Mahumetan was the Authour; whether an exact Historian, euery where literally to be vnderstood; or whether in some part he be parabolicall, and presents a Tamerlane like Xenophons [ 60] Cyrus, (in some things rather what he should haue beene, and what the Authour could say, then what he was) I vndertake not to determine. The Abbat of Mortimer takes it for a iust Storie, and so doth Master Knolls in his Turkish Historie. If it be an Historie partly parabolicall, yet doth the decorum exact of the Authour a verisimilitude euery where of actions and places (sufficient to procure our par∣don, if not thankes) the veritie of a great part being euident in other Stories. It is true that some things

seeme false for want of truth in our intelligence, rather then in themselues. And so hath it fared with all (the subiect of this Booke) Tartarian and Chinesian affaires: of which we had as little knowledge as of Tame••lan, f••rther then terrors of Tartarian Armes and some mens speciall occasions and tra∣uels haue giuen vs light. Euen the Sunne riseth in those parts whiles it is not day-breake with vs, and hath attayned almost his Noon-point before we see him: and worthy wee are still to abide in a blacke night of ignorance, if we welcome not what light we can get (if we cannot get what wee would) from so remote an East. Once; Tartarian affaires (as it happens in Conquests) were changeable, and their New Moone was quickly at the full; diuers chances and changes succeeding after Poles dayes to these; such wealth whetting the Tartars to get and hold, and no lesse the Chinois to recouer, the China State be∣ing vnquiet so long as the Tartar greatnesse continued, and freed (for the most part) with their dimini∣shing, and diuision into diuers Estates. As for these times of Tamerlan (if this Story be exact) it is like [ 10] the Can held the North parts of China from Quinsay forward, with Cataio; and the King of China the rest; then Nanquin being the Seat Royall, as since the expulsion of the Tartars Paquin. Or per∣haps the Quinsay heere mentioned, is that which Conti hath in the former Page told vs, was lately built by the Can: and not that which Polo speakes of; in Catay and not in China: which cleareth this doubt of the Cans residence and rule in China. To reconcile all doubts is for mee too hard a taske, because Cataio and China are euen still bemysted, and leaue their Surueyers perplexed, bounding the search of the most curious in searching their iust bounds, how farre they are the same or differing; where∣in our Iesuites will more amuse and amaze vs (where wee will cleare our selues as well as we can) when wee come to them. I haue premised Conti, though Tamerlane be a little Elder for his Religions sake, [ 20] and to recreate with a little Relation, before this longer Storie.

CHAP. VIII. Extracts of ALHACEN his Arabike Historie of TAMERLAN, touching his Martiall Trauels, done into French by IEAN DV BEC, Abbat of Mortimer.

[ 30]

§. I. TAMERLANS Birth and Person, his Expedition against the Muscouite; his Marriage with the Cans daughter; his ouerthrow∣ing of CALIX.

SVndry Histories doe attribute, as a great want vnto the happie fortune of Tamer∣lan, not to haue a Writer in his dayes, which might haue left in writing his Hi∣storie [ 40] vnto posteritie. But without any cause did they moane him, insomuch as his Historie is very famous amongst the Turkes,* 4.595 and Arabians; his Conquests very largely discoursed, and many of his worthy and notable sayings collected, with an infinite number of Noble deeds left vnto the memoriall of posteritie. Very true it, is, that he had not an Homer, but a great and worthie person, learned as well in na∣turall Philosophie, as in Astrologie, who was in the time of this Prince, a companion and fa∣miliar of his Conquests,* 4.596 named Alhacen, an Arabian by birth, and of Mahomets Religion. This Authour then being fallen into my hands, in my Voyage into the East Countrey, I caused the same to be interpreted vnto mee by an Arabian,* 4.597 who did speake Frank (as they terme it) that is to say, Italian, and some time I spent, in associating my selfe so with this man, who com∣mended [ 50] greatly vnto me the eloquence and grauitie of this Authour, wondering at his digressi∣ons, and entring againe into his matter so well to the purpose. It grieued mee much that I had not the perfection of this Language, to be a helpe vnto the richer of this Historie, for to deli∣uer it vnto my Nation with some grace: but I tooke thereof as much as I could in his Language, which was corrupted, as is the Franke Tongue (so they terme it) which is a kinde of Italian, mingled with Slauon, Greeke, and Spanish Tongues very common at Constantinople, with the A∣rabian and Turkish Tongues: so as I could not gather but onely the trueth thereof, and not the drifts and grauitie of the Declaration, wherein the Authour had collected it for posteritie (and as he said) by the commandement of the Prince, who was a louer of learning, and excellent in the knowledge of Astrologie and Diuinitie, as the custome of those Nations is to ioyne them ordinarily together, studying vpon the vertue of names, and of the turning of letters, euen in [ 60] their placing, writing them vnderneath Starres, whereof they make sentences, by meanes where∣of they wrought miraculously in the things of Nature. This is that Zoroastrien and Bactrien Science, that of Balaam, and some others in my opinion, which hath succeeded vnto so many

Arabian Astrologians. Now then, this Prince was endued with such knowledge, as made him admired of the people where he commanded, who are for the most part great wonderers, inso∣much as this caused him to be accounted a Prince accompanied with the Diuine vertue, conside∣ring the iustice he vsed in all his actions. This hath proceeded euen so farre that some Italians haue written foolish things thereof, as of certaine kinds of Tents which he caused to be pitched, when he besieged any Citie; one white, signifying peace, it yeelding vnto his mercy; another red, sig∣nifying cruelty to follow; and the third blacke, signifying mourning to ensue. But I finde not this in our Author, and I beleeue them to be fables.

I will now declare vnto you with my Arabian, who this great Prince Tamerlan was.* 4.598 Hee [ 10] was then of the bloud of the Tartarian Emperours, and his father Og had for his portion the Countrey of Sachetay, whereof hee was Lord. This Countrey lying betweene the North and the East, is the antient Countrey of Parthia, vpon the Coast of the Zogdians, and the chiefest Citie of his estate was Samercand situated vpon the Riuer of Issarle.* 4.599 Some of our Historiogra∣phers would needs haue him to be the sonne of a shepheard; but this haue they said, not know∣ing at all the custome of their Countrey, where the principall reuenue of the Kings and No∣bles consisteth in Cattell, despising Gold and Siluer, but making great reckoning of such riches, wherein they abound in all sorts: this is the occasion wherefore some call them Shepheards, and say also that this Prince descended from them. So his Father Og was Prince of * 4.600 Achetay, abounding in such kinde of wealth. And being come vnto the age of fifteene yeeres, his father [ 20] being already old, deliuered vp vnto him the gouernment of his Kingdome, with the comman∣dement ouer all his Men of warre. His father Og being giuen vnto peace, withdrew himselfe vnto a solitary life, for to serue God, and end the rest of his dayes in quiet. Hee gaue vnto his sonne Tamerlan (which signifieth Heauenly grace in their Tongue) two sufficient personages for to guide and assist him in the gouernment of his Estate: the one was called Odmar, and the other Aly, persons in great dignitie and credit with his father. Now this Prince was well in∣structed in the Arabian learning, and exercised himselfe much therein, and at such time as they thought him to be either in the Bathes, wherein they are very curious in that Countrey being their chiefest delicacies, he was in the contemplation and studie of heauenly things. This Prince had within his eyes such Diuine beautie, being full of such maiestie, that one could hardly in∣dure [ 30] the sight of them without closing of their eyes, and they which talked with him, and did often behold him, became dumbe, insomuch as he abstayned with a certaine modestie and com∣linesse, to looke vpon him that discoursed vnto him. All the rest of his visage was curteous and well proportioned: he had but little haire on his chinne: hee did weare his haire long and cur∣led, contrary to the custome of his Countrey, who are shaued on their heads, hauing the same alwaies couered, but he contrariwise was alwaies in a manner bare-headed, and said, his mother came of the race of Samson, for a marke whereof shee aduised me to honour long haire. This was the cause that made him respected of his men of Armes, and the most part of them did beleeue there was some vertue in those haires, or rather some fatall destinie, the which many did beleeue to be so; and verily they were of a dusky colour drawing toward a violet, the most beautifull [ 40] that any eye could behold. His stature was of the middle sort, somewhat narrow in his shoul∣ders, he had a faire leg and strong, the strength of his body was such as no body did surpasse, and often on the festiuall dayes he made triall of his strength with the most strong: and this he did with such grace and humanitie, that he whom he ouercame held himselfe therein most happie, although it bee a disgrace amongst the Tartarians to bee throwne to the ground in wrastling. Now, as he was Martiall, and desirous of glorie: the first warre that hee attempted was against the Moscouite, who came and spoyled a Citie which had put it selfe into his protection, and had entred also into his Countrey, and being retired, proclaymed open warre against him, gaue him battell neere to the Riuer Mascha, although the Muscouite had a great Armie, which hee had gathered together long before On the other side, the Prince determining to resist him, as∣sembled [ 50] all his forces, and those of his allyes. Now the Muscouite had very great forces, and men well trayned vp in the warres, hauing had alwaies warres with his neighbours, the King of Polonia, with whom hee had then friendship, and the ayde of ten thousand very good Horse. There were also with him many Hungarian Gentlemen, led by Vdecelaus a Hungarian Gentle∣man, who had brought with him more then eight thousand Horse; the opinion was, that hee had in his Armie fourscore thousand Horse, and a hundred thousand foot-men. Our Prince Ta∣merlan had in his Armie about six-score thousand Horse, and a hundred and fifty thousand men on foot, but not so skilfull in points of warre as those of the Moscouite: for our Estate had long enioyed peace, and our Souldiers were indeed trayned vp in discipline of warres, but not in the practice thereof. The order of Tamerlan was this; that is,* 4.601 he caused all his Armie to bee diui∣ded [ 60] into squadrons, each consisting of sixe thousand Horse, except his owne, which was of ten thousand, so as he made eighteene squadrons, his owne being reckoned which made nineteene. The Auant-guard was conducted by Odmar, who led nine squadrons, flanked with fortie thou∣sand men on foot, diuided both on the right and left sides, who should shoot an infinite number of Arrowes. The Battell was conducted by Tamerlan, who led ten squadrons, his owne being

therein closed, and fiftie thousand Foot-men, the best and choicest Souldiers of his whole Ar∣mie. Prince Thanais, a kins-man vnto the Prince, led the Arere-ward, with fortie thousand Foot-men, and sixe squadrons: hee had some three thousand Horse aduenturers, whom they call Oliagues, in their Tongue, the same which wee tearme, The forlorne hope.

The Moscouite did not obserue that order, but did fight by double Rankes with Lances, and there was a space to helpe themselues therein, and to breake them, notwithstanding those Na∣tions doe not breake them at all, and they seemed to bee a greater number then wee, making a great noyse. At the length multitude and skill ouercame the force and valour of the Moscouites, the victory bending to the Parthians side, the which they did pursue hotly. Tamerlan was hurt on the fore-head vpon the side of the left eye, and had two Horses slaine vnder him in the fight. Tamerlan employed himselfe in giuing God thankes for this victory, after hee had pursued the [ 10] enemy three leagues; the next day he reuiewed his Armie, and found that he had lost of his side for his part betweene seuen and eight thousand Horse-men, and betweene three and foure thou∣sand Footmen. The Moscouite lost some seuen and twenty thousand Foot-men, and betweene fifteene and sixteene thousand Horse-men. This same day was Odmar the safegard of his Prince; but he lost Hally, who was slaine by the blow of an Arrow. The Prince did slacke no time after so great a victory: He set forward, and came into the borders of the Moscouite, whom he enforced to capitulations, that they should become Tributaries of a hundred thousand Duckets, and should pay all the charges of the War, amounting vnto the summe of three hundred thousand Duckets, he then would send backe againe all the Prisoners, and withdraw his Armie; [ 20] that for securitie hereof they should giue him pledges, which should be changed euery yeare; vn∣to all which they agreed. So was this Warre ended to his contentment, returning with glorie vnto the Prince his Father.

Now Tamerlan was receiued into all his Countries with much honour and triumph. The great Cham of Tartaria, Brother vnto his Father, sent Presents to gratifie him, making offer vnto him of his Daughter in Marriage, and that in marrying of her, hee would cause him to bee ac∣knowledged as Emperour throughout all his Kingdomes, as his next heire, himselfe being now old, and out of all hope to haue any more Children. Hereupon hee presently tooke his Iourney towards him,* 4.602 being in the City of Quauicay, where he was receiued with all kind of Triumph and Magnificence; there did he shew himselfe braue in all manner of gallant Showes and Com∣bats, [ 30] as well in jest as in earnest. And as these Nations are full of vanitie, and desirous to make shew of their strength and agilitie, Tamerlan carryed away the Prize therein, whether it were in shooting neere with his Bow, or in changing Horses in the middest of the courses, or in breaking an Iron in running at the Quintaine;* 4.603 he made euery one wonder at his dexteritie, and was crow∣ned the sixt day after his comming thither with the joyfull consent of all the Subiects of the Emperour his Vncle,* 4.604 and of all the Court. After that, he married the Emperours Daughter, de∣siring first to bee crowned before the Marriage, to the intent that none should thinke that the Crowne came vnto him by meanes of her, but by succession, the Daughters not at all succeeding into Empires. It was also to assure his estate, and hauing remayned in that place by the space of two moneths, hee returned from thence with his Wife to Samercand, in which Citie hee de∣lighted [ 40] greatly to remayne, because the situation thereof was very faire; and for that the Citie is accompanied with a faire Riuer, which causeth great Traff••que, and maketh it richer then any Citie within that Countrey.* 4.605 Odmar alone was called by him, at such time as the great Cham his Vncle did impart vnto him his Affaires: and amongst other matters, he propounded vnto him the Enterprize of China, promising him assistance and ayde, and giuing him to vnderstand how necessarie it was to vndertake this Warre for the better assuring of his estate, seeing the King of China had much gone beyond his ancient bounds.

He had in his Court a Christian whom he loued much, and euery one greatly respected, na∣med Axalla, a Genuois by birth, brought vp from his youth about his person. This man prin∣cipally did stirre him vp vnto great Enterprizes,* 4.606 and notwithstanding his Religion, hee trusted [ 50] him. Now he had all Religion in reuerence, so as it did worship one onely God, Creator of all things. He often said, that the greatnesse of Diuinitie consisted in the sundry kindes of people which are vnder the Cope of Heauen, who serued the same diuersly, nourishing it selfe with di∣uersitie, as the nature was diuers where it had printed his Image, God remayning, notwithstan∣ding, one in his Essence, not receiuing therein any diuersitie. This was the reason that mooued him to permit and grant the vse of all Religions within the Countreyes of his obedience, al∣wayes prouided (as I said before) that they worshipped one onely God. He determined to make Warre with the King of China (who is called the Lord of the World, and Childe of the Sunne) which was no small Enterprize. But before hee would begin the same, hee sent vnto the said King of China, for to demand right for some Countreyes (which they call Hordas) abiding places, which this Prince of China had vsurped long before, and euen the passages of a Riuer [ 60] called Tachij, which is beyond his limits, which are Walls which are betweene the Kingdomes of the great Cham, and of our Tamerlan, builded of purpose by this King of China, to defend him from the Roades of the Tartarians, and forces of our Prince, so as this was begun with the aduice of the

great Cham, and for his benefit as well as for the Princes. Therefore to accomplish his Enter∣prize, in the meane-time that he attended for the returne of his Embassadors,* 4.607 he caused his for∣ces to come forwards from all parts, appointing vnto them for the place of meeting his owne at the Horda of Baschir, where all his Armie assembled: and other ayding troupes of the great Cham in the Deserts of Ergimul, at a certayne day, in which place he should joyne with all his Army. The Army of the great Cham consisted of two hundred thousand fighting men, wherein were all the braue men of his Court, who were accustomed vnto the Wars, the Emperour which then raigned, and was old, hauing greatly increased his limits, and conquered a great Countrey, so as these men were well trayned vp in the Wars, and accustomed vnto trauell and paines. Now [ 10] then the Embassadors which were sent, returne and informe the Prince of the will of (this proud King of the World) this King of China (who was named so) who puffed vp with vaine glorie, was astonished how any durst denounce Warre against him, making this proud Answere, That Tamerlan should content himselfe that hee had left him that which hee might haue taken from him, and that his Armes and Forces were of another sort, then those of whom he published the victorie, to bring thereby terrour vpon his Neighbours.

This Answere being heard, our Prince marched directly vnto the Army, and gaue order for the conueyance of victuals from all parts, sent to hasten forward his Confederates, emparted the Answere vnto the Emperour by Embassadours dispatched from him, caused the boldnesse of the King of China to be published, to make manifest vnto all the World the justnesse of his cause▪ [ 20] Before his departure he went to take leaue of his Father, who endued with a singular and Fa∣therly affection, said he should neuer see him againe, and that he hastened vnto his last rest, and hauing made solemne Prayers ouer the Prince his Sonne for his prosperitie, kissing him a thou∣sand times, drew off his Imperiall Ring, and gaue it vnto him, not asking whether his Iourney tended: and calling Odmar, he bade him farewell, recommending his faithfulnesse vnto his Son. Then he departed and drew towards Samarcand, where the Empresse his Wife remayned; whom he carryed with him as is the custome of that Nation, and after he had (being Religious) visited the Tombe of his Seruant Hally, hee caused his soule three dayes to bee prayed for, according to the Rites of his Law: whereupon he presently departed,* 4.608 hauing taken order for the well go∣uerning of his Kingdome in his absence, committing the charge thereof vnto Samay, a man well [ 30] practised in Affaires, and he who had the charge of our Prince in his youth. So then he marched forward in the middest of his Army, which consisted but of fiftie thousand Horse, and one hun∣dred thousand men on foot, relying principally on the Forces of the great Cham his Vncle; who aboue all desired this War: he did not forget to giue in charge, that the rest of his Forces should be readie vpon the first Commandement, as soone as he should be ioyned with the forces of the great Cham, and marching forwards he had stayed by the way by reason of some distemperature which had surprized him through changing of the Ayre, as the Physicians affirmed. But yet, notwithstanding, the forces which Catiles, Captayne of the Army of the great Cham conducted, went daily forwards. Now the newes was spred into an infinite number of places of his di∣stemperature, yet did he not neglect to send vnto the great Cham, and often aduertize him of [ 40] the estate of his health, to the end the same should not cause any alteration, the which hee did fore-see by reason of his preferment vnto this Empire, by the great Cham his Vncle: and hee was in doubt of a certayne Lord named Calix, who was discontented therewith, and had not as yet neither gratified nor acknowledged him as all the other subiects had done.

Now concerning his delay, it was by sundry diuersly interpreted; some said that hee had bin aduertized of some vproare to be attempted, when he should be farre seuered from thence, and had passed ouer the Mountaynes of Pasanfu, and that Calix stayed vpon nothing else, insomuch as the Companies of the great Cham were gone forwards, euen beyond the Mountaynes, hauing passed the Riuer of Meau, and were encamped at Bouprou, the which Calix vnderstanding,* 4.609 thought he should haue the meanes to worke his enterprize. Thereupon hauing assembled great [ 50] store of his most faithfull followers, he tooke counsell with them, that this was the meanes to ouerthrow the purposes of Zachetay, who would reigne ouer, and bring them vnder his Empire: & that seeing their Prince had bin so badly minded as to do the same of his own mind without calling of them which had interest in that election, that now was the time to assure their liber∣tie, which was in doubt to be lost, & caused also a rumor to be spred of the sicknes of this Prince, that the great Cham was old, the greatest part of his forces, far separated from him, forthwith dispatching a Messenger vnto the great Cham their Prince, to assure him that they bent not their forces against him, but were his faithful and obedient s••biects: but they armed themselus, because they would not be gouerned by the Parthians, their ancient enemies. Thus Calix thought greatly to trouble him, when he rose in Armes against him, and did thinke that he had already assaulted [ 60] the Wall which the King of China had made against the Tartarians. As soone then as the Prince was aduertized of the pretences of Calix thus discouered, hee marched one dayes Iourney for∣ward, to the end he might approach vnto Calibes, and impart the same vnto him, what face so∣euer Calibes set on the matter, he harkened what would become of Calix, that hee might like∣wise make some commotion: there was left with him to command ouer the Parthians, the

Prince of Thanais, without whom he could not doe any thing, for that hee led the Auantgard. Thus was the Army deuided in two parts; the King of China remayning long before he was ad∣uertized of all this, and thought he had all the forces both of the Tartarians and Parthians vpon his Armes,* 4.610 so as this was of no small importance to fauour our Affaires: for Tamerlan had espe∣cially giuen commandement, that the passages which are easily gotten, might as diligently bee kept, to the end that the King of China should not be aduertized of the tumult. Then Tamerlan set forward his Auantgard vnder the leading of Odmar: hee promised vnto himselfe shortly a happie successe in his Affaires, and aduertized the Emperour of all: but it came vnto him when he was sicke. And surely it was high time for Tamerlan to march forward, or else all had beene reuolted, so leauing his Footmen, he made great Iournies. Now during the time that he had bin [ 10] aduertized, and made his abode to consult, which was the space of two moneths: Calix hauing presented himselfe with a hundred thousand fighting men before Cambalu, a very great Citie, and chiefe of the Prouince of Catayo, the Inhabitants thereof came out to meete him, and did also receiue him with all the joy that might be.

Now whilst our Army marched towards Caindu, and from thence vnto Calatia, whether our Army went easily, looking for the Forces of his Natiue Countrey of Zachetay, to come and joyne with him: he did not yet forget to send forward daily of our Souldiers towards Cambalu, so as they supposed all our Forces to be on the necke of them already, which gaue great terrour vnto the people. Calix perceiuing that the people did repent, hee thought best to withdraw himselfe out of Cambalu, determining to oppose himselfe against Tamerlan, and sent for his [ 20] power from all places, putting all vpon the euent and hazard of a battell. He drew out of Cam∣balu full fiftie thousand men, as well Burgesses, as Souldiers which were there in Garrison, ha∣uing wonne all the Captaynes which the old Emperour had placed there in Garrison, amounting to the number of thirty thousand men, and him that commanded ouer them, who had consen∣ted vnto the reuolt of this great Citie. To make it short, hauing assembled all his Forces, he had fourescore thousand Horse, and a hundred thousand Footmen, the which hee had gathered toge∣ther from all parts. Our Army then marched with all diligence, in such sort as certayne Scouts which were two thousand Horse, had newes of the Armie of Calix, the which came forwards directly towards vs, whereof they caused the Emperour to be certified speedily, who sent thi∣ther two thousand Horses more,* 4.611 to the end they should keepe the passage of a Riuer called Brore, [ 30] by the which our victuals were conueyed vnto the Armie, and also for to winne alwayes time, the Prince knowing right well that the motions of Ciuill Warres bee furious at the beginning, and that it is the best to resist them slowly, drawing them alwayes out at length if it be possible. For the people in the end acknowledging their faults, their meanes and money fayling them, and oftentimes victuals also. On the contrary side in a Royall Army none of all this doth happen, where all things are fauourable, and the Souldiers well disciplined, obedience and order beeing wisely obserued. Then had the Emperour the guiding of his owne purposes, for he had receiued commandement from the Emperour his Vncle, to hazard therein all for all, deliuering vp into his hands the safegard of his life and estate, that he might thereby end his dayes in peace, willing him likewise to punish this arrogant fellow and his partakers. By this meanes came forces from [ 40] all parts vnto Tamerlan; but on the contrary part, the Enemies Army was then in his chiefest force, and began to feele the want of victuals.

Calix was of the age of fortie, he was a Captayne renowmed with the great Cham, hee was one of the chiefest in dignitie and place, and they had alwayes respected him within Tartarie as a person most worthy of the Empire, if the glory of Tamerlan, and his reputation had not so far excelled. The Armies began to be viewed the one of the other about eight of the clock in the morning, where there were very many skirmishes before they came vnto the mayne Battayle (according to the fights of these Nations) it was a great Plaine wherein they met at that time, with like aduantage on eyther part; Odmar led the Auantgard, wherein there was fortie thou∣sand Horse, and threescore thousand Foot-men; he made three Squadrons, whereof hee set for∣ward [ 50] one before him that began the Battayle. Tamerlan marched in the same order, but his Squadrons were much stronger, the Foot-men both of the Auantgard and of the Battayle were on the right and left wings. Tamerlan had drawne out sixe thousand Parthian Horse, and two thousand Tartarian for the Arier-ward, and had committed the charge thereof vnto a faithfull Seruant of his called Axalla (a Genuois borne) a man of great judgement,* 4.612 his vnderstanding being good and quicke, and a Captayne in great estimation amongst the Souldiers, although hee worshipped God in another manner then wee did,* 4.613 and was a Christian. And hee had many of them with him, whom he caused to come from the Georgians, and from Pont Euxin, who fought with great agilitie; this day did hee shew his great fidelitie and courage vnto his Prince. Calix on the other-side, who was a well spoken man, was encouraging his Souldiers to fauour his fortune, and the libertie of his Nation: he had diuided his troupes into three mayne Battayles [ 60] onely, his Foot-men vpon the right hand, his owne person was in the middest of the mayne Battayle, with many Foot-men which compassed him round about (according as wee vse to fight.)

In the end, valiantly fighting, he fell into Axallas hands, which with one voyce he proclaymed through all his Campe, which ouerthrew the courage of all his Souldiers.* 4.614 Hee was kept vntill the next day, and was iudged by all the Counsell worthy of punishment: whereupon Tamerlan caused his head to bee smitten off, the which hee sent to bee presented vnto the Inhabitants of Cambalu: he caused the like to be done vnto all the chiefe Leaders, not for crueltie, but for ne∣cessitie, knowing very well, that the meanes to cut off the Foot of ciuill warres, is to punish the Heads of the same, for they be Hydras which grow vp too fast.

§. II. [ 10] Cataio, Cambalu; TAMERLANS expedition into China, entring the Wall, conquering the King, and disposing of the Countrey, and returne to Cataio.

AFter this the Armie marched into the Kingdome of Cataio, a Countrey rich in grasse, and in all kinds of pastures, abounding with great quantitie of Beasts, and People, which knew not what warre meant. The Prince gaue commandement that these people should not be accounted as Enemies, but his good Subjects, that hee would vse all the Cities well, as Cangi, Sochgi, Gonzae, Tagni, Togara, Congu, which had reuolted, and were come to sue for pardon at his hands, in humbling themselues before him; the which he granted [ 20] vnto them, enjoyning them onely to prouide sufficient victuals for his Armie: which was of no small importance for the appeasing of others, who had put all their hope in extremitie, which is in losing their owne liues to make others doe the like▪ and especially the Inhabitants of Cam∣balu had taken this resolution: but being informed of the Emperours clemency, changed their opinions. In the meane while our Armie daily approched, and at such time as we came neerest, the more did the feare of all the Citie increase, insomuch as the Prince was aduertised daily from those which fauoured his side, of all things within the Citie, and he was assured that euery one determined to obey the Conqueror, and to doe whatsoeuer he commanded. The which be∣ing knowne vnto the Prince, he left all his Armie at Gonsa, and himselfe went directly vnto the Citie of Cambalu, where all things were made quiet,* 4.615 by the meanes of thirtie thousand Soul∣diers, [ 30] being the ordinarie Garrison, whom hee caused to enter thereinto before him, and two houres after entred into the same himselfe, being receiued with great magnificence, not yeelding as yet to pronounce the word of pardon, referring all vnto the Emperour, and to the ordinarie course of Iustice. He stayed for the returne of one of his Fauourites, whom he had sent vnto the Emperour, to carry him newes of the victorie, and of the death of Calix, and that the chiefe of this Faction remayned prisoners with him; also to know what Iustice the Emperour would appoint to bee inflicted on those Citizens, which were the first beginners of the reuolt of this Citie: for the Prince being desirous to be esteemed mercifull, and to win loue within this great Citie, would not execute justice of himselfe, nor in his owne name, but by the Emperour his Vncle, whom hee did gratifie herein, leauing the authoritie wholly vnto himselfe, and by this [ 40] meanes hee was not esteemed cruell. Thus the Prince after hee had remayned here eight dayes, departed. He was not many dayes iourney from the Citie before he receiued tydings, how the great Cham his Vncle, willed that justice should bee executed on them which were the first Moouers of this reuolt; the which was executed accordingly in the name of the Emperour, and by his speciall ministers; in such sort, that as the people accused the crueltie of the Empe∣rour, they commended the mercy of Tamerlan. Thus was this warre brought vnto an end, to the great honour and reputation of Tamerlan.

As soone as our Prince was returned vnto his Army where hee found Odmar, who there at∣tended his comming, hee was receiued of his Souldiers, and with a loud voyce called by all his Captaines and Souldiers; Most great Emperour and most victorious,* 4.616 as they are accustomed to [ 50] doe amongst the Tartarians. The Prince after he had long discoursed with his Captaines both of the beautie and greatnesse of the Citie of Cambalu, hee arriued at his Tent, where after hee had declared vnto Odmar in what sort all things had passed at Cambalu: he asked his aduice, whe∣ther hee should goe and visit the Emperour his Vncle. Odmar well perceiued that the Prince de∣sired it, and called vnto his remembrance the honour which hee had receiued when hee was at Quinzai, and that hee would haue beene very willing to spend the Winter with the Empresse▪ staying for the Spring for to returne vnto the enterprise of China, with a long speech disswaded him. The Emperour answered him, that he had euer knowne his fidelitie and loue, and that the cause of his sadnesse was, for that hee did not find in himselfe abilitie to recompence the same: and that when he thought to giue himselfe some ease, then was the time hee must in stead of the [ 60] delicacies and pleasures of Quinzay, make the Desarts of Cipribit the resting place from the tra∣uailes of his new victorie: that it was ended, and his purposes determined: I haue also heard the Prince say, that Odmar did not speake vnto him like an earthly but diuine man, and that he verily beleeued that God by his meanes did call him back from some misse-hap which would haue light vpon him, to make his glorie increase the more. Now, the rumour was alreadie

spread ouer all, that the Princes determination was to goe and visit the Emperour his Vncle, the which tickled euery man with desire to returne into his Countrey, hoping to inioy the sweetnesse of his natiue soyle. When as commandement was giuen for a generall reuiew of the whole Armie:* 4.617 where the Emperour spake vnto his Souldiers in this manner: Wee haue begunne (my faithfull Souldiers) an enterprise to goe and assault the King of China, who hath of late re∣pulsed euen beyond the Mountaynes the Tartarian name; but wee were hindered to our great griefe by the foolish rashnesse of Calix, and were driuen to turne the bridle for to punish him, wherein you haue all assisted mee. It grieueth mee that I cannot as well bragge of the fresh spoyles of a stranger, as I may vaunt (by the meanes of your weapons) of those our vnfaithfull Citizens; and in times past with your owne selues making tryall of my first Armes against the boldnesse of the fierce Moscouite, al∣though [ 10] for this last ciuill victorie I am further indebted vnto you, for your greater endeuour, and the hazarding of your persons being much greater, so were they our owne people, who would not acknow∣ledge vs, whereof I cannot speake without shedding of teares, desiring rather to burie such a victo∣rie, what glorie and honour soeuer wee haue gotten thereby. Neither doe I recount these things vnto you, but for to manifest that I forget not your faithfulnesse, and the great trauaile you haue endured with mee. Wee must not therefore bee wearie, but must turne our weapons against those which thinke that wee are greatly troubled, whereas wee are victorious. Wee haue left our Companions, who haue temporized to heare the euent and successe of our affaires, all our munitions bee there; wee must in that place (my Souldiers and friendly Followers) passe ouer the rest of Winter: our Companions looke for vs. The Enemie is secure and looketh not for vs at this season of the yeere: for hee perceiueth [ 20] that our Armie which is there is not sufficient for offence, but onely for defence. You shall receiue dou∣ble pay, the better to furnish you against the iniurie of cold: and as wee shall bee clothed with double garments, I hope wee shall bee also apparelled with double glorie. Let vs march on merrily, I my selfe will goe with you, and bee companion of your glorie. After hee had thus spoken vnto his Souldiers,* 4.618 they all cryed; One God in Heauen, and one Emperour on the Earth: and bowing downe all their heads in token of humilitie, they shewed how agreeable they were to obey that which he commanded.

Thus euery one returned into his Tent, where they abode yet eight dayes more. The Prince sent back againe Zamai vnto Sachetay with some fiue and twentie thousand Horse, and fiftie thousand Foot-men, for the safetie of his estate in those parts. Thus after prayers were said, [ 30] all the Armie being assembled together in the presence of the Prince (according to the custome of our Emperours) our Armie began to march forward. Hee forgat not likewise to dispatch one vnto the Emperour his Vncle, to giue him vnderstanding of all this resolution, the which hee very well liked of. The Prince by the same Messenger did beseech him, to send vnto him in the Spring of the yeere some fiftie thousand men to repayre his Armie,* 4.619 and certayne money also for the payment of his men of Warre, which hee granted him. Moreouer, the condu∣cting of good store of warlike munition, and plentie of victuals for to renew ours: for this warre was principally enterprised for the profit and greatnesse of the Tartarians, and for the importance which the losse of the Lordships of Paguin and Quifu was vnto them, whereby the King of China had greatly strengthened and assured his estate, in so much as hee might at his [ 40] pleasure enter vpon the Tartarians, and the Tartarians could not enterprise against him with∣out great forces, for that hee had caused a wall to bee made betweene the spaces of the Mountaynes, which was fortie leagues long, so as they were defended hereby from the ordinarie incursions, the which continually did greatly enrich them, because they brought much Cattell through the same, wherein the Countrey of China doth greatly abound, by reason it is situated in a tempe∣rate ayre, being neither too hot nor cold. This was the cause that made the Emperour his Vncle to desire this warre; whom our Prince, according to his dutie, would to the vttermost of his power gratifie, as also his new Subiects.

So wee began to march, and in thirtie eight dayes wee arriued at Cipribit, the Armie hauing found great discommodities: there had wee newes of Calibes, who was very glad to vnderstand [ 50] how the affaires had passed: hee came to visit the Prince, who shewed vnto him a very good countenance, and gaue him particular vnderstanding of his determination, and vnderstood at large of Calibes, all that had passed within the Kingdome of China. The next day the Prince mounted on horse-back, and came vnto Pazanfou, where the forces commanded by Calibes were a•• that present, the which had often fought with and tryed the forces of the Chinois: but found them much interiour vnto their owne. The Emperour caused a generall reuiew to bee made of all the forces which were vnder Calibes, and after he beheld the countenances of these Souldiers throughout all their rankes, he caused them to muster, and to receiue money, euery one crying▪ God saue the victorious and inuincible Emperour, according to their custome.

The Prince of Thanais (who commanded the Armie in Calibes absence, going to meet Tamer∣lan) with great diligence had marked the Wall, and the places by the which hee might enter by [ 60] force, and sent many Spyes into the Country of China, by certayne little wayes that were with∣in the Mountaynes, who aduertised him of all. Hee had also gayned through his courtesie a Lord of the same Mountaynes (called the Lord of Vauchefu) who ruled a great Countrey, with

whom he had so well profited, that he made him desirous of a new Master, and to submit him∣selfe vnto the Emperour, receiuing daily great discommoditie by the warres which the Tartari∣ans and Chinois made: so as he comming to visit the Prince of Thanais, hee assured him of his desire to doe the Prince seruice, and to helpe him in the warre against the Chinois, the which the Prince of Thanais had wisely concealed from Calibes. But as soone as the Prince was arriued, he imparted the same vnto him, the which made Tamerlan desirous to haue some speech with him, so that as soone as the Prince had receiued commandement from the Emperour, hee sent vnto Vauchefu to aduertise him of the Princes arriuall, and of the commandement which hee had receiued: whereof the other was very glad, and hauing appointed a day, the Prince tooke [ 10] his iourney (without stirring of the Armie) into the campe of the Prince of Thanais, which was neere vnto the Riuer of Languenne, whither hee had caused this foresaid Lord to come, who met him there.

Then the Prince after he had heaped vpon him gifts of faire Horses, rich Furres, and other rare things, he willed him to vtter that which he had to say vnto him. This Lord spake then in this manner: Know my Lord, that it is but losse of time to thinke,* 4.620 that with your Armes you should bee able to force the Wall, which the Chinois haue built against the incursions of your subiects, the De∣fendants haue too much aduantage therein. I doubt not of your Souldiers stoutnesse and of their cou∣rage, I know you haue conquered many Nations with them, and that whatsoeuer you command them, they will die or doe the same. I know you haue great and wise Captaines with you, that [ 20] your Person is onely of all the World worthy to command them: but all this will bee but in vaine a∣gainst the Wall of the Chinois, where I assure you there are fiftie thousand men to keepe it, and you cannot stay there so short a time, but there will come thither fiftie thousand more, led by the Xianxi who hath such a commandement. The King of China will himselfe march forward also, who will giue you battell with two hundred thousand Horse and as many Footmen. After you haue fought, I beleeue that the fortune and valour of your men may obtayne the victorie, the which will cost you deare: but for to shew vnto you how much the reputation and mildnesse of your men hath bound mee vnto them, I will shew you a meanes by the which you may cause fiftie thousand men to enter into the Kingdome of China, whom I my selfe will conduct; and they shall bee on them which keepe the Wall, in a manner as soone as they shall perceiue it. In the meane time you shall cause your [ 30] men to goe vnto a place that I will tell you, which will bee very discommodious vnto the Chinois, by reason of a Mountayne ouer against them, which you must cause them to winne: for I assure my selfe, that when they shall perceiue your Souldiers to bee passed, they will lose their courage, and you may easily winne the passage for to fauour those men of yours which shall bee passed ouer with mee. And for to shew vnto you the affection and fidelitie of that I speake, I will deliuer into your hands an onely Sonne I haue, and two little Daughters with my Wife: I haue also one Brother, who I am assured will follow mee to doe you seruice. The Prince hauing heard this Lord speake, receiued great ioy thereof, hoping that his affaires should happily succeede, and this hee kept very se∣cret, for euen the Prince of Thanais knew not the meanes that this Lord had, seeing there was onely present the Prince and an Interpreter, and the Prince after hee had thus spoken vn∣to [ 40] him, gratifying him with all hee could possibly, this Lord retyred himselfe, accompa∣nyed with the Prince of Thanais, who conducted him backe againe with all the honour that might bee. So the Emperour returned from thence into his quarter, and the next day after hee had imparted the whole vnto Odmar, and heard Calibes concerning that which hee had learned of the departing of the King of China, and of his preparation, which was great. This enterprise seeming hard vnto him, after due reuerence yeelded vnto the Prince, hee spake vnto him in this manner: Know my Lord, that I am your Slaue for to obey you: but seeing you require mee to giue you an account of all that I know of the estate of the Kingdome of China, for that I haue remayned these six moneths vpon the borders by your commandement,* 4.621 to hinder them from passing the same, whereby they might hurt your enterprises, I can af∣firme [ 50] vnto you, that the King of China, who raigneth at this present, is of great reputation, and hath increased the limits of his Kingdome more then any of his Predecessors. His strength consisteth in this Wall opposed against vs, the which hee hath caused to bee made by reason of the ordinarie roades of our Nation. I am of opinion, that there bee betweene fiftie and three∣score thousand men at the guard of that Wall, men for the most part trayned vp in the Garri∣sons of the King of China, and his best Souldiers, and I know no good meanes to force this Wall without great hazard and much losse of your men. I haue vnderstood, that towards the Lake Hogeen you may finde more easie entrance into the Kingdome:* 4.622 after euery one had decla∣red his opinion, hee said; that hee hoped the great God (the Vnitie, of whom hee would maintayne against such Idolaters) and his iust right should answere the reasons which doe con∣tradict [ 60] his purpose, and the valiant arme of his Souldiers shall quite ouerthrow whatsoeuer op∣poseth it selfe against the same; and concealed from his Souldiers that which hee held as assured to execute it, to the end, the honour of a happy conducting might be ascribed vnto him onely.

Now, our Prince hauing satisfied euery one of the Kings and Lords that did accompany him, hee appointed the meeting place for his Armie to bee at a certayne place, where hee meant to

choose fiftie thousand fighting men, and deliuer them vnto the commandement of the Prince of Thanais, vnto whom he ioyned the Lord Axalla a Genuois (for that hee knew him to bee dis∣creete) for to accompanie him, commanding him to giue credite vnto him, for his experience and fidelitie. The day appointed being come, the Lord with his brother came to the Emperor, hauing viewed the place againe, and found it to bee forceable and fit to passe, assuring the Prince once againe of the happy successe of their enterprise, and the Prince beeing assembled with them to conferre together, resolued in the end, that his person with all the army should approach vnto the walles directly ouer against Quaguifou,* 4.623 in which meane space the fiftie thousand men should march forwards vnto the place appointed,* 4.624 and where they were assured to passe, conducted by the Chinois Lord, vnder the charge of the Prince of Thanais and [ 10] Axalla. The Emperour hauing not failed to deliuer vnto them the best souldiers of his armie, and hauing set downe the order by them to bee obserued, hee willed that the Lord Axalla should leade twentie thousand of them, and should march the first, the rest led by the Prince of Thanais, and that euery one should haue one of those Lords to guide them, that by their meanes the enterprise might bee more safely directed. So hauing marched ten leagues, they arriued at the passage, the which was won, not finding any man there to resist them: and hauing taken a light repast, they beganne to march forward other ten leagues which yet remained, where the Chinois were,* 4.625 who suspected no such thing, hauing onely an eye vnto them which marched for to force their walles, assuring themselues to haue the mastry, considering their aduantage. [ 20]

But it fell out much otherwise, for euen at the very same time the Chinois did perceiue the Princes armie to approach vnto their wall, as soone did they discry Axalla with twenty thousand men, who aduanced forward being followed by the Prince of Thanais with thirtie thousand souldiers chosen out of the whole army, who without any com∣munication set vpon the Chinois, which came presently vnto them, hauing left a certaine number of their Campe for the guard of the wall: but they were presently won by the footmen led this day by Odmar,* 4.626 who passed ouer so as the Chinois were cut off betweene our Armies. When Axalla began the battaile, he ouerthrew them in a manner all, the Prince of Tha∣nais not hazarding himself therein: there was great riches gotten this day, the King of China his Cousin (whom he called King) was taken prisoner: There was a great quantity of gold amongst [ 30] them, as well on their armes as on their horse and furniture: they shewed no great stoutnesse.

The newes heereof being come vnto the King of China, who at that present time was at Quantou,* 4.627 brought vnto him great astonishment, for that hee iudged it a thing that could not possibly come to passe, you might haue seene euery one filled with fright, teares and cries, bewailing the losse of their friends. The King gathering together souldiers from all parts (as the custome is of these people) caused all the Priestes and such as had the charge of holy things to come vnto him,* 4.628 and after exhortations vsed, he (as their head) commanded them to offer sacrifice vnto their Gods, of whom the Sunne is the principall commanding in heauen (whom they hold opinion to bee the chiefest cause of their being, accounting it immortall and im∣passible, mouing it selfe onely for the benefit of liuing creatures) this did hee command to bee [ 40] obserued through out all his Cities; and the second thing was, that euery one able to beare armes should mount on horsebacke, and come vnto the King at Paguinfou, whither hee doubted that we would go, because it was one of the neerest townes vpon the borders.

I haue forgotten to declare that this Lord who had the charge to conduct fiftie thousand men vnto the frontiers, at such time as they which were there had need thereof, was soone in a readinesse,* 4.629 and came to oppose himselfe against the Princes Armie which entred, and being skil∣full in the wayes of the countrey, troubled much the Armie: for a great number of his men were on horsebacke. The Prince determined to beate downe all the wals, the better to assure his re∣turne, as also all the fortresses which were there vpon all the passages, all of them hauing yeelded themselues after his victorie, shewing himselfe very courteous vnto the people of these [ 50] mountaines,* 4.630 he gaue vnto this Lord a small portion of land, wherein there be seuen or eight good townes, Archij, Ymulij, Faliquien, Fulij, Cohensen, Qualij, Pulij Quianlu, who came and deliue∣red vp their keyes vnto him, being neighbours vnto this Lord, and gaue him the gouernment of the frontier prouince of Xianxij, shewing himselfe to be a Prince of his word, and acknow∣ledging the notable seruices the which this Lord had done him. He referred the honouring of his brother vntill he had meanes to doe the same: the Prince had receiued newes, how that the King of China assembled his forces & marched forwards, and that he was there in his owne per∣son, & that he strengthened also his Cities which are sufficiently fortified, and vpon these doubts hee thought good to haue the aduice of his Captaines, and after sundry opinions, his resolution was, to leaue nothing behind him, and to assault some famous Citie, and take it, by meanes where∣of [ 60] he may nourish his Armie, and secondarily call the enemie vnto battell. The which the con∣queror should alwaies seeke,* 4.631 & the defender the latest he can hazard the same. For that it is a very doubtfull thing to commit themselues vnto a battell, his dutie being rather to delay, vndermi∣ning the conqueror by lengt hand by wearinesse, and light skirmishes, then to fight in open field.

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It was concluded, and the aduice of euery one was, to conquer the Countrey by little and little, so as their enterprise was to draw directly vnto Paguinfou, which as it was a great Citie, and one of the chiefest, so is it also strongly fortified, and well replenished with people.

Then he dispatched Odmar with fourteene thousand Horse, to aduance forward and summon the same, as for to hinder victuals from being conuayed thereinto out of the champaine Coun∣trey: to the end that the Cattell remayning in the fields, should be a meanes to maintayne and nourish his Armie. I had forgotten to tell you,* 4.632 that for the acknowledging of the Lord Axalla his seruices, the Prince had made him Captaine generall of all his Foot-men, which was one of the principall honours of the Armie. Hee caused the said Lord Axalla to march after Odmar, [ 10] with all the Foot-men, which was very neere a hundred and fifty thousand men, well trayned vp in the warres, and good expert fighters. He marched himselfe immediatly after with all his Horsemen, Artilleries, Engines, and other munitions belonging vnto warre,* 4.633 directly vnto Pa∣guinfou. Odmar did ride twentie French leagues this day, so as he arriued there contrary to their expectation, looking rather for the King then for the Enemie, and hauing taken much Cattell, wherewith the Countrey greatly aboundeth, he pitched his Tents, leauing the Citie betweene him and vs, and stayed for his footmen, who marched forwards in the meane space, sending continually vnto the warre, for to wearie the Enemie. This endured three or foure dayes, vn∣till our footmen led by this braue Christian Genuois, shewed themselues in the Playne of Pa∣guinfou. Then the Citie was summoned to yeeld obedience vnto the Emperour, or else they should receiue the Law of the Conquerour. They made answere, that they were determined to [ 20] liue and die in the seruice of their Prince.

Now you must vnderstand that it was fortie yeeres, or thereabouts,* 4.634 since the Father of the King which raigneth at this present ouer the Chinois, had conquered it from the Empire of the Tartarians, and hauing driuen out all the Inhabitants, they had planted therein new Colonies, so thorowly, that there were but few of the first remembrance, but only they of the flat Coun∣trey, and small walled Townes, who came from all parts and brought their Keyes, most wil∣lingly submitting themselues vnto the obedience of the Prince: so as there was great abundance of victuals within our Armie: and if wee had beene within our owne Countrey, there could not haue come greater store; a thing which made our Prince hope for a happie successe, there being no other difficulty which for the most part can ouerthrow a great Armie as ours was, and [ 30] withdraw them from their enterprise. And thus the Citie of Paguinfou is besieged, and our foot∣men camped round about within an Arrowes shot of the walls. They within the Citie did vse great endeuour for their defence, and our Prince omitted nothing for their offence.

Axalla hauing viewed a great and strong Suburbe, which was in length almost halfe a league, supposed that those of the Citie kept no watch there: that this must needs bee, for that they would not make him obstinate; he had a determi••ation to winne it in the night, and hauing im∣parted it vnto the Prince, vpon the first watch all his men were ready, all of them hauing made prouision of Ladders, and of such things as are necessary for winning thereof with hand-blowes, and hauing assaulted it on sundry parts, after the fight had continued two houres, [ 40] Axalla remayned the Conquerour,* 4.635 and cut in pieces eight thousand men at the least which were within the same: the spoyle was great, there were many of Axalla his men slayne of one side, which was that by the which they doubted to be assaulted. But on the other side, by the which it was taken, there was scarce any one slayne. The taking of this Suburbe did greatly astonish those of the Citie, who had marked the lustinesse of our men, and beganne to enter into doubt of their safety, which vnto this day they accounted as most assured.* 4.636 Now you must vnderstand that the situation of the Citie was of hard accesse, being seated vpon a Playne, the which was enuironed round about with Mountaines, one of them onely approaching the Citie, which ouer∣looked it on front vpon the North side, where was a Valley by the which they p••ssed, and there did runne a Riuer: on this side was the Suburbe situated which had been taken, so as the meanes to succour the Citie was stopped, our Souldiers keeping the passages of these Mountaines, the [ 50] which were in the old time the borders of the Kingdome: for Paguinfou was once gouerned by the Tartarians, which kept it for a defence against the Chinois, but had lost the same, and these Mountaines were the limits of China against the aforesaid Tartarians, who gouerned Paguin∣fou at that time, so as these Mountaines were of hard accesse, and there remayned no other way but on the side of the Suburbe, the which a Riuer compasseth about, running all along the side of a bordering Mountaine, vpon the which wee caused many bridges to be built, for to haue thereby a way for to succour our Souldiers, which kept the passages of the Mountaines on the enemies side.

In this meane time the King of Chinaes Armie approached which was very great, as they brought vs word daily, the Prince determining to goe in person and meet with the Enemie, ac∣companied [ 60] with his principall Hors-men, and to leaue the greatest part of his Foot-men at the siege, whereunto he had a great desire, omitting nothing that might wearie the besieged, who defended themselues couragiously. So the Prince beganne to batter,* 4.637 causing his Engines to ap∣proach; as Rammes, and other munitions: insomuch as the Citie was assaulted on two sides ve∣ry

couragiously. In the end through the valour of Axalla, who gaue an assault with twenty thou∣sand of his best Souldiers, he wonne the wall, and lodged there, the Prince hauing so comman∣ded him to doe, to stop the heat of the Souldiers from going any further. Now the Princes pur∣pose was to compound for the Citie, and not to force it, for two reasons. The first was, for that he feared, the Citie being great and rich, that when the Souldiers should sacke it, the Enemie who was but thirty leagues from thence, should come vpon them, and by this meanes his Armie should be found in disorder, also rich Souldiers neuer serue well: The other was, for that hee would draw out of that Citie which was rich and wealthy, those commodities which were ne∣cessary for the sure accomplishing of his enterprise, seeing it was necessary to haue such a Citie for to make a Store-house of necessary things for the Armie. Thus although the wall was won, [ 10] the Enemies wanted not courage yet to defend themselues valiantly, looking for ayde according to the newes they had receiued, that the Kings Armie marched forward. Whilest these things were in doing,* 4.638 one of our Engines shooting a bullet, slue the Gouernour, whereupon they did resolue for to yeeld themselues vnto the Princes mercy, sauing their liues, and the Souldiers en∣ioying their horse and weapons. The conditions were agreed vpon, and there came out of the Citie eighteene thousand Souldiers, the Inhabitants remayning in a manner all: there were therein thirtie thousand Souldiers at the beginning: the siege continued two moneths. The honour of taking the Citie and the happy successe therein was attributed vnto Axalla, to whom was giuen the gouernment of the Citie with the Countrey already conquered. But hee besee∣ched the Prince that it would please him to bestow it vpon some other, and for himselfe hee re∣serued [ 20] the hope of his Master, wherein hee should haue part. This answere did greatly content the Prince, for hee greatly desired the seruice of Axalla. Vpon his refusall this charge was be∣stowed vpon the Prince of Thanais, with the Title of Vice-roy. Now, as I haue already told you, our Prince after hee had giuen such order as was necessary, and aduertised his friends in all parts, and aboue all the Emperour, he marched forward, hauing contented his Souldiers, and made a generall muster of his Armie, as well of the horse as footmen, the which hee found to be diminished of ten thousand men onely. Now, our Prince after he had solemnely called vpon the Immortall,* 4.639 Inuincible, and Incomprehensible God, and spent one whole day in prayer, wee enterprised to goe on forward, and to goe directly vnto the Enemie, who was at Sintehu, with all his owne forces, and of all his Allies. As soone as he receiued newes that our Armie was pas∣sed [ 30] ouer the Riuer of Chulifu, the King of China marched directly vnto vs with great magnifi∣cence:* 4.640 there was nothing to bee seene but gold and precious stones in his Armie: hee himselfe was commonly in a Chariot, wherein there was such a quantitie of gold and rich stones, that euery part was full of Diamonds, Rubies, and Pearles.

The King of China was of the age of three and thirtie yeeres, who for the most part had beene brought vp in pleasures, and not in militarie exercises, nor vnder the bloudie ensigne of Mars; loden with Iron, boysterous and furious, not with gold, precious stones, and with such kinde of riches: so as he was very insolent in threatnings, brauadoes, and in defying vnto the battaile▪ He often said that we had surprised him, and had not warned him to prepare himselfe, and that we had strucken him without speaking any word: for this is the custome of the people in those [ 40] parts,* 4.641 to doe in this manner. Hee had two or three Kings also with him, his Neighbours and Allies, who marched with the same preparation. The rumour of these riches gaue great courage to the Souldiers, for they were couetous of iust gayne, as is that gotten by a battaile. So both our Armies went forward each to approch the other, and there was a Citie yeelded vnto the Prince called Tunicheuoy,* 4.642 the which helped our Armie greatly. The next day, to the end wee might giue occasion vnto the Enemie for to approch neerer, we sent to summon, and at the same time to take possession of the Citie of Pannihu, the which in aduancing forward wee left a little behinde vs.* 4.643 The King of China had put many men thereinto, and it was a Citie sufficiently well fortified: from Tiaucheuoy to Paguinuhu there were ten leagues. He aduanced his Armie within a league of the Citie Tiaucheuoy,* 4.644 about noone the next day they had more certaine aduertise∣ment [ 50] of the Enemies comming. The Prince commanded his Armie to take the place for the battaile, which he had chosen in his iudgement with most aduantage, and hauing set downe vn∣to Odmar the order he would haue to be obserued, he desired to see the comming of this Armie: so sending before him fiue or six thousand Horse as Scouts, hee aduanced forward, and Calibes with him. After he had seene this great confused Armie which continually came forward, hee commanded Calibes to retyre himselfe as soone as they drew neere vnto him, and bring vnto him this great cloud, the which hee hoped soone to disperse. So the Prince returned backe vn∣to his men for to assure them of the battaile: hee caused all his footmen to bee placed all along by a great Mountayne, so as they had but one head for to doubt. And hee planted great store of Artillerie for the guard of his footmen. I am of opinion, that the Prince had about six-score [ 60] thousand footmen,* 4.645 whereof many were armed after the Christian manner, and all they were commanded by sundrie Captaines; but all obeyed Axalla, who commanded them as Generall.

Our Horse-men were in battaile array in a great leuell Playne, hauing the Footmen on the

left hand, and on the right was the comming of the Enemie, so as vpon the least disfauour that might happen, hee would retyre to bee assisted by his footmen. Wee had foure score thousand horse: Calibes with the Scythians were in the Auantguard, and had the commandement of thir∣tie thousand horse, who should receiue him at such time as he did draw on the Enemie, as he was commanded. It was diuided into three troupes, each one consisting of ten thousand. Odmar had also thirtie thousand horse who should assist him. The Prince remayned in the Arier-ward at the one of the wings of his footmen, which held one of his principall forces: his purpose was to suffer the threescore and six thousand horse to maintayne the fight against the Barbarians, being led by two good Captaines, and if any of them remayned, the Emperor hoped after of [ 10] them to haue a good market, by causing his footmen to march forward, and himselfe with whom there abode twentie thousand of the best horse, which were sufficient without hazarding his Person for to giue a new battaile, if so be that any disfauour should happen vnto them: for hee had vnderstood that this was the custome of the Kings of China, to enclose themselues within the middest of their Chariots with their footmen, and not to hazard themselues but vpon the extremitie. So the Enemie fayled nothing at all to march directly vnto Calibes, and all the Ar∣mie marched after following of him and setting vpon him, and hee euen as the Scythians are al∣wayes accustomed to doe, with his six thousand horse in retyring gaue many charges, killing some of them, and they likewise killing some of his men. It was a beautifull sight to see this great Armie march, for it seemed to bee twise as great as ours, therein being an infinite number [ 20] of armed Chariots, wherein he put his principall trust against the furie of our Souldiers; so ma∣ny gildings of gold and siluer as well in the trappings of their Horses, as on their Armour, that it glittered, and was of vs all much admired. The Prince who with a troupe of horse did see the Armie march after Calibes,* 4.646 commended greatly the manner of casting their men out of the rankes, for to compell this troupe vnto fight, and did see this Armie come in good order, and he tryed with his eye to note the place where the Kings Person was, hauing neere him the Chinois Lord to instruct him, who knew well their manner of fighting. Now, they had neither Auant∣guard nor battaile, but onely an Arier-ward commanded by the King, and inclosed (as I haue said) with his Chariots: the which being shewed vnto him by this Lord, the Prince turned himselfe vnto vs, and in our language said: Yet must wee this day disperse this cloud here so gilded,* 4.647 [ 30] and the King of China and my selfe must make a partition thereof.

Now, hauing seene the Enemie sufficiently aduanced, and iudging that he had had seene them march a good league, he thought it not conuenient to suffer them for to take breath, nor for to put themselues againe into their order; he sent vnto Calibes for to will him to set forward the fight, and that if those whom he had led with him should be weary, they should come vnto him; but it was not in Calibes power to haue this commandement ouer them. For as soone as they heard this word of fighting vttered, they required the first charge, with a young Lord, who commanded ouer them, called Zioctabanes, who made appeare vnto the Chinois to what end their flight was, charging very stiffely vpon the foremost of the Enemies, the which was an oc∣casion to begin the first fight. And I assure you, there could not be seene a more furious thing, nor [ 40] any for to fight with more desire to manifest the valour of his Nation, and for to procure honour vnto his Prince. Now, this endured a long houre before the Chinois had ouerthrowne Calibes. The Prince did see all patiently, saying alwayes,* 4.648 that the great multitude how confused soeuer it were, would carry it away from the order and valour of his Souldiers: you could not yet per∣ceiue any alteration in the Princes countenance, Aduersitie and Prosperitie were so indifferent vnto him. His thirty thousand Horse were all Scythians, who obserue not the same order the Parthians doe. Now, before the Prince retyred with his men, hee did see the first charge giuen. Calibes being wounded, retyred himselfe neere vnto the Prince, hauing with him two thousand horse ioyned together againe, and many more ioyning themselues together neere vnto the Prince, who commanded that they should cure Calibes, viewing the place of his wound, hee [ 50] caused him to bee conducted behind his footmen, and the other which were hurt with him also. Now, Calibes was not able to pierce through this Armie, being beaten back; but Odmar with almost all the Parthian horse-men, did handle them more roughly, for hee ranne cleane thorow them, and returned by one of the right wings of the Armie, where hee fought most valiantly, and hauing beaten them back euen within the Kings Chariots, he thought that he should not doe wisely to goe about to breake such forces.

The King of China comming forward, and the horse-men which had beene broken by Od∣mar, ioyning themselues together for his ayde, Odmar onely remayning in the battaile sent vn∣to the Prince for the footmen, and for to set forward the Artillerie, and that hee should assure himselfe of the victorie. The Prince, who had already set forward, kept aloofe off, and sent [ 60] vnto him fiftie thousand footmen, with a part of the Artillery, giuing charge thereof vnto Axalla, who forthwith set forward, hauing commandement to set vpon the Chariots, and to make an entrance: he set forward the Artillery before him, the which did greatly astonish the enemies: for the Gouernours of the horses, belonging to the Kings Chariots, could not hold them; it made also a great spoyle. As soone as he perceiued this disorder, hee set forward, and

came to hand-blowes, there were a hundred and fiftie thousand men, as yet about the Kings person. Axalla full of courage fought so valiantly, that they neuer beheld any doe more braue∣ly. Odmar during this fight charged againe the Horsemen, who were retyred vnto the Kings ayde, whom he put to flight. Then the Prince aduanced forward with the rest of his Foot-men, gaue ayde vnto Axalla, and came euen vnto the person of the King of China, who was as yet enclosed within a second ranke of Chariots with thirty or forty thousand men: and after hee had fought two or three houres, the Horse-men assisting the Foot-men, and they principally whom the Prince had reserued,* 4.649 the King remayned wounded within the power of the Prince, the battaile being wonne, and all the Enemies Campe forced; the fight endured eight houres, and it was euen night, which saued the liues of many of the Enemies. There were slaine two [ 10] Kings the Allyes of the King of China, and one taken Prisoner: there was inestimable riches gotten, as well in golden Vessell as precious stones, and the most rich and faire Chariots that could be seene.

The Prince would not see the captiued King vntill the next day, beeing mounted on Horse-backe, and passing through the Campe of the Battayle for to stay the slaughter, and to ioyne to∣gether againe his men, to the end the accustomed watch might bee kept, whereof hee gaue the charge vnto Axalla; to whom he gaue likewise commandement to keepe the King of China within the middest of his Souldiers, hauing bin already dressed of a wound he had receiued in his right arme. It was a strange thing to behold the Enemies Weapons, and the diuersitie of streamers wherewith they were decked, the which seemed vnto vs afar off as beautifull, as the diuersity of [ 20] colours plentifull. But to say the truth, the multitude was great which this King had, notwith∣standing there was much difference betweene their valour and ours: and it is reported, that hee had ranged in Battayle this very day three hundred and fifty thousand men, whereof there were an hundred and fiftie thousand Horse-men, the rest on foot: the greatest part of them were rude and barbarous people, which suffered themselues to bee slaine one vpon another, not marking their aduantage, nor hauing any Warlike knowledge, as our men haue: there were slaine of the Enemies some threescore thousand. Now the next day after the buriall of the dead, the Prince hauing giuen thankes vnto God for his victorie, caused the wounded to bee cured, and amongst the others Calibes, who by reason of the vntemperatenesse of the Ayre, rather then by the blow of the wound he had receiued, found himselfe very ill, yet would he not omit his dutie, to com∣mand [ 30] alwayes his Auant-gard, the which was a great pleasure vnto the Prince, for he alone had Commandement ouer the Emperours Forces, beeing a Scythian, and greatly beloued of his Nation.

The Prince dispatched away thirty thousand Horse in the pursuit of one of the King of Chi∣nas Brothers,* 4.650 who was fled away, hauing ioyned together againe some twelue or fifteene thou∣sand Horse. The Prince sent to summon Pannihu, the which did yeeld it selfe vnto him: where∣vpon our Army approached neere vnto it, for to aduance our selues the further into the Coun∣trey. Now I forget to declare how the Prince hauing the next day caused his Tents to bee pit∣ched most stately, and his Guards ordered according to his greatnesse, the principall of his Ar∣my being also neere his person: for all the night hee had remayned continually on Horse-backe, [ 40] vntill about two of the clocke, when as they brought him a Tart and his water, for hee neuer dranke Wine; and lay downe on a Carpet where hee passed the rest of the night. I was neere vnto him and neuer left him:* 4.651 but I neuer heard any vaunting or boasting to pro∣ceed out of his mouth. Then hee sent a commandement vnto Axalla to bring vnto him the imprisoned King: who beeing come, the Emperour issued out of his Tents, and went to receiue him. This King of China came with a very proud and haughtie countenance, and like a couragious man, approaching neere vnto the Emperour, hee demanded of Axalla by an Inter∣preter, which was the Emperour, and being shewed him, hee spake fiercely vnto him after this manner: The Gods whom I worship, being prouoked against my Nation and people, and con∣spired against my good fortune, haue made mee at this day thy Prisoner: but forasmuch, as it is [ 50] reported ouer all the World, that Tamerlan maketh warre for the honour of his Nation: thou shouldest be contented that thou hast wonne it this glory, that the Lord of the World, the Child of the Sunne, is in thy power, to receiue such Law as it shall please thee to prescribe him. This hee said in a braue manner, and without any other humbling of himselfe. The Emperour on the o∣ther-side hauing saluted him very courteously, led him into his Tent.

* 4.652He is surely a great Prince, and which hath had two hundred famous Cities within his King∣dome. There be many Mynes of Gold and Siluer, much Muske, and also of an Herbe which the Christians call Rhubarbe. There bee in like manner within the Kingdome of China fifteene very large Prouinces, the which haue Gouernours. It is reported that hee hath threescore and tenne Kings wearing Crownes, Tributaries vnto him. We call this Region China, the which they in [ 60] their Language name Tame, and the people Tangis, the which we call Chinois. This Kingdome doth abound in fish,* 4.653 and in great numbers of wild-fowle, by reason of the great abundance of running waters which doe ouerflow the Countrey, the which is reasonable temperate: they a∣abound greatly in Silkes, and the meanest are apparelled therewith, hauing small quantitie of

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Wooll, and not vsing the same: they haue much Cotton and Linnen in stead thereof. The men doe weare their haire long, the women combe them: they haue as many Wiues as they are able to maintayne. Next vnto the King, there is a Gouernour Generall whom they call Tutan, the which was the Brother vnto the imprisoned King. The Prince hauing assembled his counsell, to to the end he might be aduised how he should vse his Prisoners and the rest of the Victory: hee receiued newes by Odmar, how that the Kings Brother was arriued at Quantou, the which hee had fortified, and that great store of forces did ioyne themselues vnto him.* 4.654 This was the cause that the Prince hauing somewhat rested his forces, commanded two thousand Parthian Horse to conuey the Prisoners vnto Paguinfou, and from thence after they had made abode there, to passe [ 10] ouer the Mountaynes,* 4.655 and to remayne at Burda (a Citie of olde time faithfull vnto the Empe∣rours of Schytia) and there to keepe them faithfully. The purpose and resolution of the Prince was, that it behooued to assault Quantou, and to shut vp, if it were possible, the Kings Brother within the same, being one of the principall seates belonging vnto the King of China, and a Citie greatly peopled and strong: it was forty leagues from the place where the battayle was fought. But Odmar being aduanced thither, would not retyre before he had expresse Comman∣dement from the Prince, who hauing sent thither, pitched his Tents round about the said Citie: hauing summoned many small Cities, the which yeelded themselues wholly vnto the Princes mercy, making great lamentation for their King taken. Notwithstanding, the gentlenesse vsed by the Conquerour made them to take all their losses with patience: and because it was also re∣ported, that he had vsed the King most friendly, and all the Prisoners: the Kings Brother had [ 20] sent Embassadours to obtayne leaue for to know of the Kings health, and for to see him, the which the Prince did willingly suffer, to the end this other should not declare himselfe King, who would haue brought him more trouble then the other. He attended for the euent of Quan∣tou, and had his eye vpon the successe of this siege. Now the Kings Brother hauing receiued newes of the Affaires of the besieged, he determined eyther to succour it, or to fight a Battle, and came straight vnto Porchio, and made a bridge of Boats, whereof there be great store in these same Countreyes.* 4.656

Now being enformed when the halfe part were passed, which was fiftie thousand men good, Odmar finding them in very ill order, and nothing at all aduertised of the Enemies nearnesse, gaue the charge, and vtterly ouerthrew them▪* 4.657 there remayned dead vpon the ground some fiftie [ 30] thousand men, but it was not without great fight, strengthened with the fauour of water, and a great Marish wherein they were encamped. Notwithstanding, our Foot-men hauing wonne the banke of the Riuer, beganne also to winne the Boats, and to seuer them by the meanes of a great Boat, the which we with diligence caused to runne downe beeing full of artificiall fire, so as at the same very time that they which were within the Boate did draw neere, they retyred out of the same, hauing first kindled the fire within the Boate, the which with a great force ru∣shed against the Bridge of Boats and ouerthrew it, and where it was resisted did burne. This did greatly astonish them that were passed, to see their returne cut off. The Kings Brother was not yet passed vnto the other-side of the water, and he which first had gone ouer was the King [ 40] of Cauchina, who was slayne at the first charge, fighting very valiantly, in the fore-front. The Kings Brother did see his men slayne and drowned, and could not remedie the same. This se∣cond ouerthrow was of no small importance, although it was but the third part of the Kings Brothers Army, and that there remayned vnto him as yet a hundred thousand fighting men: but there was no great hope that he durst present himselfe before our Army. The newes hereof be∣ing reported at Quantioufou, they desired to make tryall of the Emperours clemency. Axalla dispatched one of his faithfull friends of his Countrey vnto the Prince, to carry vnto him these good newes: which was more welcome vnto the Prince, then the ouerthrow he had giuen vn∣to the Enemy, and agreed vnto all that Axalla demanded, referring all vnto his sufficiencie and fidelitie. The Kings Brother hauing sent to demand safety for to treate, the Prince granted so much vnto them, for such as would come vnto him.

[ 50] In this meane-time Quantoufou yeelded it selfe into the hands of Axalla, who caused the Gar∣rison to come out of the same, receiued the Inhabitants into the Princes protection, and they which would might remayne therein vnarmed: and he entred thereinto with the joy of all the Inhabitants, who did determine to receiue the Emperour into the same with all the magnificence that might be. He caused thirty thousand men of War to enter thereinto; vnto whom was mo∣ney deliuered for to maintayne them there, vntill such time as all the Foot-men should receiue pay for three monethes due vnto them, whereof the Inhabitants of Quantoufou did furnish the Prince, to the summe of eight hundred thousand Tentins, the which do amount vnto foure hun∣dred and fifty thousand crownes or therabout. The Prince at this present sent me vnto Axalla, whom I found feasting of his Captaines and souldiers, staying for the commandement that I [ 60] brought vnto him, the which was to remaine within Quantoufou, and to cause all his footmen to set forward directly vnto him, the which was done by the Prince, to the end it should strike a greater terror into the minds of the enemies, who seeing all his footmen arriued, he supposed they wold nothing doubt (Quantoufou being taken) but that he would march forward, insomuch

as he hoped this would greatly aduance his Affaires, considering the estate they were in. I retur∣ned from Quantoufou vnto the Emperour, hauing seene a beautifull and great Citie well forti∣fied, and wonderfully peopled, and round about it there was a fruitfull Countrey.

Thus the Embassadors being arriued, who were of the Kings chiefest Vassals, Tamerlan recei∣ued them with all humanitie, causing his greatnesse to appeare vnto them; and therewithall the agilitie of his Horsemen, to make them see with their eyes, that it would be the destruction of the Chinois name,* 4.658 if he proceeded any further. So hauing saluted the Emperour with all reue∣rence, they vttered their Embassage vnto him, which was that the Kings Brother had sent them vnto him to treat for two causes: the one, was for the liberty of their King, the other, for pre∣seruation of their Countrey. The Prince hauing heard them, answered them, that they had rea∣son to trust vnto his mildnesse, and seeing at this present, they desired it, he would yeeld there∣unto. [ 10] Thereupon the Prince rose vp, and caused to be said vnto them, that they should deliuer their offers in writing, and that present answere should bee made thereunto. Thus went they out of the Princes presence with great joy, and as it were assured of Peace, and to recouer their former prosperities. The conditions which they offered, were to leaue Paguinfou, and all the Countrey beyond it, with all the Fortresses of the Mountaynes; that they would pay all the charges of his Army, since the day of answere made vnto his Embassadors; that they would giue two Millions of Gold,* 4.659 for their King. This being presented vnto the Lord, hee made an∣swere thereunto, which was; that he would keepe that which hee had conquered within the Countrey, which was his owne justly, seeing his armes had giuen it vnto him; that hee would haue the Riuer where he was now encamped to be his Frontier, stretched vnto Hochioy, Tahau∣cezug, [ 20] Cauchio, Lulun, euen vnto Poschio bordering vpon the Sea; that the King of China should pay vnto him yearely three hundred thousand Crownes, the which should bee deliuered at Pa∣guinfou, for acknowledgement of submission vnto the Empire, as well for his Successors as him∣selfe; that they should pay fiue hundred thousand Crownes in ready money for the charge of the Army; that the King of China should be deliuered, and all the Chinois Prisoners should pay ransom vnto particular men that took them, except those which carryed the name of Kings, who should pay one hundred thousand Crownes for peace with his Armes: that no Chinois should bee kept as slaue, nor sold for such hereafter, beeing vnder the Princes obedience, that Traffique and Entercourse of Merchants should be free betweene both the Nations; that the King of China should deliuer his Brother as Prisoner, and two Kings named, with twelue prin∣cipall [ 30] men of the Countrey for assurance of the peace. They accepted of such conditions of peace as pleased the Conquerour, hoping that time would bring againe vnto them their ancient liberty, and that for a time it behooued them to beare with patience the yoke of their bondage. Now the Prince had sent two thousand Horse, to fetch the King of China, to the end that being at liberty, he might sweare to the peace solemnly, the which he hauing performed at Quantou∣fou, whither the Prince caused him for to come, he brought with him vnto Paguin, all the pled∣ges, and amongst the rest, the Kings eldest Sonne, and his Brother. The King beeing departed for to performe his promise, according to the Treaty by him confirmed, he was receiued, and as it were worshipped within his Countrey, with all the joy that might be.

In the meane-time the Emperour, after hee had prouided for the assurance of his new con∣quest, [ 40] he left Odmar there to gouerne them, and gaue vnto him an estate of thirty thousand Horse and fifty thousand Foot-men, to furnish all the Fortresses and strong places, the Prince hauing led with him many of the new conquered people, desiring to haue them for to dwell within his Countrey, and to send other Colonies in their places, to assure himselfe the better of the lightnesse of this people, hauing noted them to bee inclined vnto Nouelties. Hee gaue in charge vnto Odmar to make his principall abode at Quantoufou,* 4.660 and to fortifie well the passage: and also commanded a Fortresse to be made at Dermio, the better to strengthen his Borders: and after he had left him all things necessary, he recommended vnto him the seruices of that Lord, who had manifested vnto him his great affection. The Emperour hauing well tryed his faith∣fulnesse in his Affaires as they fell out, he carryed with him a Brother of his, vnto whom he gaue [ 50] great gifts within Sachetay.

Then we turned our faces straight vnto Cambalu, hauing aduertized the Great Cham of the happy successe of our Affaires. The Prince remayned in deed King of China, holding in his pos∣session, two of the fairest and greatest Cities of all the whole Countrey, hauing an hundred good leagues thereof vnto himselfe, and many lesser Cities, hauing extended his Borders vnto a Riuer, by which he might goe vnto the Enemy, but they could not come vnto him without passing o∣uer the same: hauing good meanes to keepe it and with aduantage. Now the Prince desired a∣boue all that the Idols which were within his Conquest, should be beaten downe, and comman∣ded the worship of one God, establishing the same after the forme of his owne Countrey, for he [ 60] made account that in short time all would bee reduced vnto our customes. Our Army wherein was much sicknesse, began to march, and on the third day hauing newes of forces which came towards vs, the Prince sent them a Commandement not to come any further forward, and that they should march straight vnto Cambalu, where the Prince did suppose to finde the Emperour

his Vncle, who had set forward towards that place to haue the good hap for to see him, being determined to receiue him at Cambalu with magnificence and triumphs, as hee well deserued.

Now I will declare by the way, how Odmar being seuered from vs, all the Princes fauour was turned vnto Axalla, vnto whom hee committed the whole charge of his Armie,* 4.661 insomuch as Axalla although he was alwaies in great reputation, notwithstanding the same was much en∣creased by the Prince at Quantoufou, where the Prince did trust him with the Armie, in so weighty an enterprise as that was, and the which he so gloriously atchieued: likewise the man∣ner of entring into the Kingdome of China, the intelligences hee had: so as the report of his valour did flie throughout all the Empire. Calibes led the Auant-guard, and Axalla was in the [ 10] battell neere vnto the Emperour, who gaue him the chiefest place, bestowing vpon him two hundred thousand crownes yeerely, for to maintayne his ordinary expences. After certaine dayes iourney, wee receiued newes of the Emperours arriuall at Cambalu,* 4.662 the Prince hauing left his Armie in a faire Countrey for to winter, where he dismissing many of our Souldiers, wee arriued within foure leagues of Cambalu, whither all the Princes of the Emperours Court, came for to receiue him, together with all the principall Inhabitants, for to gratifie our Prince for his happie Voyage. The Prince hauing receiued euery one, according to his wonted cur∣tesie, retayning notwithstanding conuenient Maiestie, hee was beheld to the great content∣ment of all his Subiects. Hee had with him the Empresse his wife, who had not left him in his Voyage. The next day the Emperour did him so much honour, as to come and meet him,* 4.663 [ 20] with all the magnificence that might bee. Hee gaue a present vnto the Emperour his Vncle, of all the richest Chariots, and fairest Horses hee had wonne. The Emperour was very desi∣rous to see his daughter: he caused her Chariot to bee vncouered, and caused her to enter into his: but the Prince remayned on Hors-backe, whom the eyes of all the people could not be sa∣tisfied with admiring. The Prince presented Calibes vnto the Emperour, and making a recitall of his faithfulnesse, and the endeauour of euery one, hee caused the Emperour to giue vnto him an hundred thousand crownes of encrease vnto his pension.* 4.664 Axalla was also presented vnto the Emperour, who being informed of his valour, hee was receiued with all the best fauours that might be, and he gaue vnto him of the reuenues belonging vnto the Empire, an hundred thou∣sand Tartarins of gold in a Principalitie, that he might the better declare vnto him how much [ 30] he esteemed of his fidelitie.

§. III. The differences betwixt TAMERLAN and BAIAZET the Turke; his returne to Samercand, and expedition against BAIAZET; the battell, and vi∣ctorie, his caging of BAIAZET, and making him his Foot-stoole.

[ 40] THis ioy and pleasure continued with vs all the Winter, where the Prince hauing re∣ceiued aduertisement how Baiazet Emperour of the Turkes, had enterprised to ioyne the Empire of Greece vnto his owne, and fully determined to besiege Constantinople: the which he vnderstanding, and succour being required of him by the Greeke Empe∣rour, he dispatched one towards Baiazet, for to declare vnto him his pleasure herein,* 4.665 and war∣ned him on his behalfe, not to trouble the Emperour Paleologue who was his confederate. Now this motion came from Prince Axalla, who had wrought this league, being of kinne vnto Pa∣leologue, and also thrust forward with desire to maintayne his Religion in Greece, where he was borne of the Genuois race. Whereunto being answered very proudly, by Baiazet vnto our Em∣perour, asking what he had to doe therewith, and that he should content himselfe,* 4.666 with enioying [ 50] lawes vnto his Subiects, and not vnto others, seeing he was not borne his Subiect. This answer being made, Axalla procured to be very ill accepted of the Emperour, and in such sort, that he determined to hinder this enterprise of the Ottomans.

Now the Prince had obtayned of the Emperour his Vncle an hundred thousand Foot-men, and fourescore thousand Horse, hoping to haue as many from Sachetay, besides the Lords who would accompanie him for to winne glorie, from whom he made account also of fifty thousand men more that they would bring vnto him, besides the other forces. Hee supposed that he had abilitie to deliuer the Empire of Greece from the bondage of the Ottomans. Thus the Prince departed, leauing the Empresse with the Emperour her father, for to serue him as a comfort of his age: it was not without a hard farewell of the Emperours part towards his Nephew; but [ 60] more grieuous on the Princes part towards his wife,* 4.667 who had neuer left him since the time they were married: but nothing with-held our Prince, where there was either glorie, or meanes to encrease his reputation, and profit the Common-wealth: saying often,* 4.668 that he was borne to this end, and that he must take in these exercises his principall delights: for euery other thing where∣in he did exercise himselfe was but borrowed, being appointed and called of God to punish the

pride of Tyrants. Neither will I here omit a dreame, which our Prince had the night before hee departed from Cambalu,* 4.669 which was, that he did see as hee thought, a great multitude of reue∣rent men, who put forth their hands vnto him, requiring his succour against the violence of cer∣taine Tyrants, who did afflict them with sundry kinds of torments: he said, that he did neuer see more reuerent countenances, & that some of them were apparelled in white, and others in cloth of gold, some hauing as it were Crowns of gold vpon their heads, and it seemed vnto the Prince, that he gaue them his hand, and lift them very high. This dreame he recited vs the next morning, but no body was able to giue him the interpretation thereof, & himselfe thought no more of it.

* 4.670The Prince was accompanied also with Calibes, & he commanded the Prince of Tanais, to take vpon him the state of Colonell of the footmen, which Axalla had left: vnto whom he gaue the [ 10] charge of Lieutenant generall within his Armie, with commandement to leade his Auant-guard, and Calibes the Arere-ward, being accompanied with farre greater forces then euer he had in any of his Armies: for they came vnto him from all parts. The Chinois Lord was licenced by Odmar to goe with 20000. men of the subiects newly conquered, being desirous to shew himselfe vnto the Emperour,* 4.671 as also for to learne our manners and fashions. The Prince tooke his Voyage di∣rectly vnto Samercand, the place of his birth, three yeeres being past since hee had beene there. Zamay came to meet him, and I verily beleeue, a million of men, blessing and praysing him in all manner of songs. All the Princes of the Countrey also ranne to visite him; he abode there a moneth. Axalla in this meane time was already at the meeting place at Ocera, who prepared all things, looking for the Princes commandement for to goe vnto him, aduertising him often of [ 20] the doings of Baiazet.

* 4.672We departed from Samercand, for to goe vnto Ozara, where was the meeting place for all the Princes troupes: and hauing in that place taken aduice for his iourney, that is to say, for to know whether should be most expedient and fauorable, either to goe by the coasts of Moscouie directly vnto Capha, or rather on the other side of the Sea Bachu to passe by the skirts of Persia. It was resolued in the end, after sundry opinions, although the way were the longer, to passe vnto Capha for to come vnto Trebisonda, and to the Georgians, and from thence to enter into the limits of the Ottomans.* 4.673 Then our Armie after the accustomed ceremonies & prayers made vnto God, wherein our Emperor hoped to finde his principall succours, we drew straight vnto Maranis, where the Armie abode three dayes, looking for the forces which Odmar did send, whereof they receiued [ 30] newes. There did the Emperour cause all his Armie to be payd, and a generall muster was made. He had newes also there of the forces that the Moscouite did send vnto him: he likewise caused an infinite quantitie of victuals, and the most part of his furniture to be conuayed by the Sea of Bachu,* 4.674 there being some twentie leagues where was want of water and victuals, through the which our Armie must needs passe, causing all things necessary to be carried by water, the which was a great commoditie vnto vs: and there was a commandement giuen at all the shoares of the Sea, that they should bring all the vessels for to carrie the munition of the Armie: so as this fore∣sight did greatly ease our Armie.* 4.675 The Prince went continually coasting the Sea-shoare, passing away his time in hunting, and his Armie came not neere him by ten leagues, except such as came to seeke necessaries for the Armie, the which did extend it selfe some twenty leagues, it was so [ 40] great. The Prince abode at Sarasich during the time his Army passed the Riuer of Edel at Me∣chet, and at two or three other Bridges, the which they had caused to bee made; there had hee ceataine newes how Baiazet marched vnto the siege of Constantinople,* 4.676 hauing reduced vnto his obedience all Bythinia, and Bursia a very noble Citie, the which hee caused to bee fortified, and diuers other Cities, vsing all the cruelties that might be, insomuch as all the adioyning Prouin∣ces yeelded themselues his tributaries: amongst the rest the noble Citie of Capha: the Citie was by the Prince giuen vnto Axalla for to dispose of the same:* 4.677 which hee did, going thither to see his kins-folke, and to take such order there, as he thought was for the preseruation of the Citie, as one not vngratefull vnto his Countrey: he rather placed his hope in this little shoare of Mar Maiore, then in the limits of Scythia and China, and for to succeed after his Master vnto [ 50] all his great conquests, for that he had all the Souldiers at his commandement, and great credit amongst all the people ouer whom his Prince commanded. Baiazet hauing a very great and mightie Armie, neither beleeued, nor once thought that wee would come vpon him, to excee∣ding barbarous was he, that he would not indure any man so much as to speake onely vnto him of our Armie, as despising it, he was so proud: and there he caused all the bordering people pub∣likely to bee forbidden,* 4.678 to make any vowes and prayers for our prosperitie. Iustice raigned so amongst vs, insomuch as if a Souldier had taken but an Apple, he was put to death, and this was seuerely obserued ouer all, a thing vsuall, and especially in this Iourney, the which was the one∣ly cause of ouerthrowing the tyrannie of the Ottomans, and of this proud Baiazet. So we ar∣riued at Bachichiche, where the Armie refreshed it selfe for the space of eight dayes. Vnto this [ 60] place came the Embassadours of Guines, vnto the Emperour, whom the Prince did greatly reue∣rence for his holinesse. The Emperor after he had caused generall prayers to be published, Tamer∣lans Armie departed from Bachichiche, and they reckoned that there was in our Armie, three hun∣dred thousand Horse-men, and fiue hundred thousand Foot-men, of all kinds of Nations. Our

Armie came vnto Garga, where it passed the Riuer Euphrates, the Auant-guard at Chinserig; and the generall meeting of the Armie was appointed to bee at Gianich, the which did yeeld it selfe: and there had we newes that Baiazet his Armie was nee••e vnto vs, within some thirty leagues, which caused ••s to march more close. All the Cities yeelded, the Emperour receiuing them graciously, and those which refused obedience, were cruelly punished, especially such In∣habitants as were Turkes, but the Christians set in full libertie, vnder the name of the Greeke Emperour Emanuel, whom the Emperour would wholly gratifie, Axalla hauing receiued this commandement from the Prince: so hee caused them to sweare fidelitie vnto Emanuel.* 4.679 The great Armie of Baiazet thought to haue surprised our men within Sennas (which they had ta∣ken) but as soone as they drew neere, our men set it on fire, and the greatest part retyring, there [ 10] remayned some hundred Horse to performe the same, who retyred themselues in very great dis∣order. Now, the Prince of Ciarcan had diuided his men into two troupes,* 4.680 and giuen comman∣dement vnto the first troupe, that as soone as they perceiued the Enemies to pursue the hundred Horse, they should receiue them, and retyre ioyntly together. Now, hee had the rest of his power in a valley neere vnto a Wood, and hauing suffered some two thousand of the Enemies Horse. Turkes Auant-currers to passe by him, he charged them behind, and fought with them, they not fighting but fleeing as soone as they did see themselues pressed: many were slayne, and many were taken prisoners. This was the first time wee fought, and carried away the victorie: all the prisoners were sent vnto the Prince, amongst the rest the Bassa of Natolia, who led this troupe. The next day Baiazet his Armie drew neere vnto the sight of ours,* 4.681 the which marched [ 20] two leagues: and wee encamped within a league the one of the other. All the night long you might haue heard such noyse of Horses, as it seemed the heauens were full of voyces, the aire did so resound, and euery one was desirous to haue the night passed, for to come each one vnto the triall of his valour. Vnto the Scythian Nation, the which is desirous of goods, they propounded the great riches they should get by the victorie ouer the Ottomans. Vnto the Parthian Nation ambitious of rule, the honour and glorie of the Nation, being Conquerours of them, who onely were able to take from them the Empire of Asia. The Christians who made the fourth part there∣of, assured themselues to conquer their greatest Enemie. Behold, now euery one spake during the night time, according to his humour. The Prince this night went through his Campe hearing all this, and was very glad to see the hope that euery one of his Souldiers did conceiue already of [ 30] the victorie; and I being neere him, he did me the honour to tell me, that at the time he fought the battell against the Moscouite, he did heare all the night long all kindes of songs, the which resounded in his Campe, seeing in a manner no bodie sleepe: I hoped then (said hee) to haue some good hap, and I trust to receiue the like now. Now after the second watch the Prince re∣turned vnto his lodging, and casting himselfe vpon a Carpet hee meant to sleepe: but the desire of d••y would not suffer him; he then commanded me to giue him a booke, wherein he did reade: therein was contayned the liues of his Father and Grandfather, and of other valiant Knights, the which he did ordinarily reade: he called me, hauing light vpon (in reading) the discourse of a battell that his Grandfather had lost against the Persians, the which he had thought to haue [ 40] gotten (very vndiscreetly) hauing assaulted his Enemie, many aduantages being propounded vn∣to him, whereof he might haue made good vse, all which he neglected, trusting vnto his owne valour and that of his Souldiers And hauing ended his speech, he commanded mee to reade the same before him, and said vnto me, I alwaies reade this before I beginne a battell,* 4.682 to the end I should not so much trust vnto the Lions skin, wherein I wrap my arme, that I should not serue my selfe with the Foxes, to wrap therewith my head: for thus (said he) my Grandfather was in a place of aduantage, and he went out of it to seeke his Enemie, who was lodged strongly, and whatsoeuer his men said to him, hee went on headlong, shutting his eares against all the counsell and aduise of his seruants.

Seeing the Turkish Foot-men march, whom they doe call Ianizaries,* 4.683 the which were placed in the middest, and vpon the two fronts, two great squadrons of Horse-men, the which see∣med [ 50] to be thirty thousand Horse, and another which aduanced and couered the battalion of the Ianizaries: Hee thought this order to be very good, and hard to breake, and turning himselfe vnto Axalla, who was neere vnto him, he said, I had thought to haue fought on foot, but it be∣hooueth me this day to fight on horsebacke, for to giue courage vnto my Souldiers to open the great battalion: and my will is, that they come forward vnto mee as soone as they may:* 4.684 for I will aduance forward an hundred thousand Foot-men, fifty thousand vpon each of my two wings, and in the middest of them forty thousand of my best Horse. My pleasure is, that after they haue tryed the force of those men, that they come vnto my Auant-guard, of whom I will dispose (and fifty thousand Horse more) in three bodies, whom thou shalt command, the which I will assist with fourescore thousand Horse, wherein shall be mine owne person, hauing an hun∣dred [ 60] thousand Foot-men behind me, who shall march in two troupes; and for my Arere-ward forty thousand Horse, and fifty thousand Foot-men, who shall not march but vnto my ayde. I will make choise of ten thousand of the best Horse, whom I will send into euery part where I shall thinke needfull within my Armie, for to impart my commandements. Ouer the first forty

thousand the Prince Ciarcian commanded: ouer the foremost footmen was the Lord Synopes, a Genuois, kinsman vnto Axalla, and he which was his Lieutenant ouer the footmen, a Captaine of great estimation. That ouer which the Prince Axalla commanded, consisted of fiue squadrons of horsemen. Baiazet his Armie seemed faire and great, which was aduanced continually forward towards vs, who stirred not one whit from the place of the battaile. There were many light horsemen, as well Scythians, Parthians, as Moscouites, who left their rankes, and shot Arrowes, and brake Lances betweene the two Armies. There was a Spie who brought word that Baiazet was on foot in the middest of his Ianizaries, where he meant to fight, that hee did not forget to mount on horse-back, giuing order ouer all for the wants of his Armie: but purposed to fight in the middest of those Ianizaries, who are a number of trusty men, brought vp in exercises from [ 10] their youth to all manner of warfare,* 4.685 and chosen out of al Nations, the fairest and strongest men, so as they are inuincible. By this bringing vp the which they haue had together, they doe fight with a great force and courage for their Prince and Lord, who being in the middest of them, they are as in a halfe circle within the Armie. Now, they were thirty thousand men in this order, wherein Baiazet put his principall hope: he had many other footmen, but gathered together of all sorts. His battaile of horse was very faire, amounting vnto the number of an hundred and fortie thousand horse, well exercised in all manner of fights. The Soldan of Egypt hauing ayded him with thirty thousand Mammolues,* 4.686 very good horse-men, and with thirty thousand footmen. Their Armie in that order seemed almost as great as ours: for they were not so knit together as we were, our forces being directly one after the other, and theirs all in a front. [ 20]

So the Enemies Armie aduanced forward continually with an infinite number of cryes, and ours was in great silence. After that common prayer was ended, the Emperour himselfe aduan∣ced continually forward, beholding the first charge giuen, and caused Axalla to set forward af∣ter he returned into his order, continually exhorting his men before hee left them. There could not be seene a more furious charge giuen, then was performed by the Ottomans vpon the Prince of Ciarcian, who had commandement not to fight before they came vnto him: there could not haue beene chosen a fairer Playne, and where the skilfull choise of the place was of lesse aduan∣tage for the one then for the other, but that wee had the Riuer on our left hand, the which was some aduantage for the Emperour, hauing giuen commandement, that in any case they should not lose the same, and that the Enemies, whatsoeuer came thereof, should not win it: this hee [ 30] did for to haue the aduantage of the hand in fight. The Emperour, who aboue all Maximes of warre,* 4.687 did vse to deale in such manner, that the Enemie might bee the first Assaulter; hee had straightly commanded them which were appointed for the first charge, to suffer the Enemie for to giue the on-set. Now (as I haue already declared) this young Prince of Ciarcian with his for∣ty thousand horse was almost wholly ouerthrowne,* 4.688 hauing fought as much as hee could, but hee entred euen into the middest of the Ianizaries, where the person of Baiazet was, putting them in disorder, where he was slaine. About this time Axalla set vpon them with the Auantguard, where as he was not in any such danger; for hauing surprised one of the enemies wings, hee cut it all in pieces, and his footmen comming to ioyne with him, as they had beene commanded, hee faced the Battalion of the Ianizaries. [ 40]

The Prince seeing the charge Axalla had vpon his arme, sent ten thousand horse from his bat∣taile for to succour him, and knit together the mayne battaile of Axalla, and to giue once againe a charge vpon another Battalion of footmen, the which did shew it selfe, and came to ioyne with and strengthen that of the Ianizaries, who behaued themselues valiantly for the safetie of their Prince. This fight continued one houre, and yet you could not haue seene any scattered, fighting resolutely the one against the other. You might haue seene the Mountaynes of horses rush one against another, the men die, crie, lament, and threaten at one very time. The Prince had patience to see this fight ended, and when hee did perceiue that his men did giue place, hee sent ten thousand of his Horse to joyne againe with the ten thousand appointed for the A∣rierward, and commanded them to assist him, at such time as hee should haue need thereof. At [ 50] this very time the Emperour chargeth, and made them giue him roome, causing the footmen to assault, ouer whom the Prince of Thanais commanded; who gaue a furious on-set vpon the Bat∣talion of the Ianizaries, wherein was yet the person of Baiazet, who had sustayned a great bur∣then. But the multitude, and not valour, did preuaile; for as much as might bee done in fight,* 4.689 was by the Ianizaries performed, for to preserue the person of their Prince. But in the end the Horse-men, wherein was the Emperours person, gaue a new charge, and his A∣uantguard was wholly knit againe vnto him, hee renewed another forcing, and was fully vi∣ctorious. Baiazet hauing retyred on horse-back out of the troupe of Ianizaries wounded, fell aliue into the hands of Axalla, vnto whom hee yeelded himselfe, supposing it had beene Ta∣merlan: then Axalla seeing him so followed (being for a time not knowne but for some great [ 60] Lord of the Ottomans) twentie thousand horse did not fight at all, but onely in pursuing the vi∣ctorie, and they made a great slaughter. The Prince had his horse slaine vnder him with the blow of a Lance, but he was soone remounted againe on horse-back. This day the wisdome of the Em∣peror gaue the victorie vnto his Souldiers: for the iudgment which he had in tyring of the strong

forces of the Ottomans, was the safeguard of his. For if all had gone vnto the battaile in one front, surely, the multitude had put it selfe into a confusion: but this manner of aiding his men made euerie one profitable. The Emperour iudging (like a great Captaine) of the need that euery one of his souldiers had, so that this manner of proceeding was the getting of the victory. They accounted threescore thousand men slaine of the Ottomans, and twentie thousand of ours. The Prince of Tirzis was slaine, as I haue said: the head of the Georgians slaine, Calibes was ve∣rie sorrie hee had so easie a reckoning in his Arier-ward, being very couragious, and a gentle Knight: the Despote of Seruia was taken prisoner, who did accompanie Baiazet, and was a Christian: they gaue him this day of battaile much reputation. The Emperour gaue vnto [ 10] him very good entertainment, reproouing him, for that hee did accompany Baiazet against him, who did come in fauour of his Emperour. Hee answered him, that it was not according to his dutie, but the prosperitie of Baiazet, vnto whom it seemed, that all the world did bend for to subict it selfe vnto him, and that his safetie had caused him to set forward. The Emperour presently thereupon gaue him leaue to depart at his pleasure. Hee tooke care to get into his hands Baiazet his children: hee gaue commandement that Baiazet should bee cured, and after brought before him: who at such time as hee was there neuer made any shew of humilitie. The Emperour saying vnto him,* 4.690 that it lay in him to cause him to lose his life, he answered: Do it, that losse shall be my happinesse. And demanding of him what made him so rash, for to enterprise to bring into subiection so noble a Prince [ 20] as was the Emperour of the Greekes. Hee answered him, the desire of glorie and rule, Wherefore doest thou (said the Emperour vnto him) vse so great crueltie towards men, so farre foorth that neither thou nor thine doe pardon either sex or age? This doe I (answered hee) to giue the greater terrour to my enemies. Then said the Emperour, so shalt thou receiue the like reward: and causing him to bee conueyed againe out of his presence, hee turned vnto his followers, and said, behold a proud and fierce countenance, hee deserueth to be punished with crueltie, and it is necessarie that hee bee made an exemplarie punishment to all the cruell of the world, of the iust wrath of God against them. I acknowledge that God hath this day de∣liuered into my hands a great enemy, wee must giue thankes vnto God for the same: the which was performed, being yet day: for the battaile was wonne at foure of the clocke, and there [ 30] was as yet fiue houres of day-light. The children of Baiazet were brought before him: hee caused them to bee vsed curteously, and as the children of an Emperour. The next day hee commanded the dead to bee buried: they found the Prince of Tirzis dead in the middest of the Ianizaries, where he remained enclosed. The Emperour did greatly lament this young Prince, who was his kinsman, and would haue beene one day worthie for to doe him great seruice. In that battaile there died manie Captaines, & almost the chiefe Ottomans.* 4.691 This was a great Bat∣taile, the which was fought from seuen vnto foure of the clocke, in such sort that they knew not vnto whom the victorie did incline. Our Armie stayed vntill the next day, euery one cau∣sing his friends to bee buried. The Prince of Tirzis was emblamed, and conueyed with two thousand horse vnto Samarcand vntill the Emperour returned. All the other dead bodies were [ 40] buried at Sanas with all the honour that might be. Axalla was much grieued for his kinsman, because hee was verie well beloued of the Prince: his charge was giuen vnto one of his brethren who was verie famous; in fighting this same day, we might iudge the euents of the matters of the world, Behold this Emperour Baiazet, who was, as hee thought, superiour to fortune, which in an instant found himselfe and his estate by one battaile onely ouerthrowne euen vnto the lowest place, and at such time as hee thought least thereof. Hee vsed to say, that hee was iustly punished, for despising the multitude we had, for the assurance that hee had in the valour of his horsmen, and especially of his Ianizaries.* 4.692 Hee was three dayes (as they report) be∣fore he could bee pacified, as a desperate man, seeking after death, and calling for it. The Empe∣our did not vse him at all curteously, but caused small account to bee made of him: and for to [ 50] manifest that he knew how to punish the proud; vpon festiuall dayes, when as hee mounted on horseback, they brought this proud man vnto him, and he serued him in stead of a foot-stoole:* 4.693 this: did he for to manifest the folly and arrogancie of men, and how iustly God had humbled him. The next day the Prince marched directly towardes Bursia, whither all the remainder of Baiazet his Armie was retired, with the Bassa Mustapha. All the countrie yeelded vn∣to vs, and the Prince caused all the holdes and fortresses to bee ouerthrowne and destroyed, and punished all those which were so euill aduised as to stay vntill they were besieged. I had forgotten to declare, how hee caused the Prince of Tirzis bodie to bee accompanied with diuers prisoners chained and tied together, whom hee did send vnto Samarcand, the which the Prince had determined to make great, for a perpetuall memorie of his greatnesse.* 4.694 Euen so [ 60] had hee greatly peopled with people of China, which had beene taken in the Battailes, and of those likewise which were taken out of the two great Cities, Paguinfou, and Quan∣toufou. Now this batta••le did bring great astonishment vnto all the countries possessed by Baiazet, and no bodie res••sted vs, euen vnto Bursia, whither this Armie was fled, and therein were also two sonnes of Baiazet verie young. Axalla being alwaies aduanced forward before

our Armie, with fortie thousand Horse, and an hundred thousand Foot-men without any car∣riages, who hindred the Enemies from joyning themselues againe together: and hee made a cruell Warre vpon the Ottomans, deliuering the Graecians from the tyrannie of Baiazet. Hee approached neere vnto Bursia,* 4.695 where the Ottomans did not stay the comming of Axallas Armie, but only they which could not runne remayned behind. Baiazet his two Sonnes were sent vnto the Greekish Emperour for to bring them vp, and to haue mercie vpon them; the rest went vnto Gallipoli, for to goe vnto Andrinopoli, the which they held, hauing conquered it from the Graecians. Now the Prince (for to returne vnto my purpose) dispatched towards the Empe∣rour his Vncle, and vnto the Empresse his Wife, one of his Familiars, called Lieban, Captayne of his Chamber,* 4.696 for to carrie him newes of this Victorie, and to ioyne it also vnto all the rest. He sent vnto him Baiazet his Sword and Bow, and the Caparisons of his Horse, the which was e∣steemed [ 10] to be worth aboue two hundred thousand Duckets. You may easily thinke that Prince Lieban was well entertayned of the old Emperour, and of the young Princesse, bringing word vnto them, that all the World did bend it selfe to make our Prince victorious, who surely recei∣ued these Victories from God without insolencie, and at such time as hee sent him most glory, then did his men note him to be least puffed vp. He was neuer bold, but in the day of battaile, and on the Eeue for to command seuerely, and with greater Majesty. To tell you what he was in aduersitie, I did neuer see him in that estate: but it is to be thought, that they which bee not in∣solent in prosperitie, are not faint-hearted in aduersitie. So our victorious Prince marched di∣recty vnto Bursia, loaden with Spoyles and Trophees which hee daily got, departing from the Cities which did come and yeeld themselues vnto him; therein obseruing the same manner of [ 20] proceeding, the which we did in the Conquest of China; they which did yeeld vnto him with∣out fighting, were well vsed, and the obstinate well punished, the Prince knowing that reward and punishment are the Moderators of Common-wealthes, the one to bee vsed towards the good, and the other towards the euill. In the end we receiued newes by Axalla, that he had re∣ceiued Bursia in the Emperours name, and how the Inhabitants thereof had punished the Gar∣risons of Baiazet, hauing driuen them away, and slaine many.

But I dare not follow our Author any further from Tartaria, for whose sake I haue entertayned him. Leauing therefore his agreement with the Greeke Emperour, and secret visiting Constantinople; his comming to Ierusalem, and Expedition against the Soldan, With his Exploits in Egypt, Syria, Persia, we will returne with him to Samarcand. [ 30]

§. IIII. Encrease of Samarcand; Affaires of China: Funerals of the Can; comming to Quinza, and description thereof. His dispo∣sition of his estate and death.

[ 40]

PErsia, as long as he liued was much affected vnto him: which greatly serued him for the keeping as well of Syria, as of the Soldans Empire, leauing continually men there, and drawing out Colonies, the better to settle his Affaires in those places. So the Emperour leauing the Prince of Thanais, with his Army to attend his pleasure, he marched with the rest of his forces into his owne Countrey with all the Ioyes and Triumphes that might be possible, the chiefest Prisoners marching before the Emperour, amongst the which was Baiazet Emperour of the Turkes all chayned, and was a Spectacle vnto all the World of Fortunes inconstancy: hee continued notwithstanding in the same fiercenesse was woont to be in him. So wheresoeuer the Emperour passed, the people assembled themselues by thousands,* 4.697 praysing and singing his Victories. We arriued at the last at Samarcand with all our spoyles, in very great magnificence: where after we had beene the space of one moneth or two [ 50] in Feastings and Manificences, the Emperour with his accustomed Deuotion, hauing in great so∣lemnitie vowed a Church and Hospitall vnto his God, the most magnificent that might bee de∣uised. Whereupon to performe the same, he began to search out all sorts of Handicrafts men for to honour this Citie, the which hee had a desire to make one of the stateliest Cities in the World. And in one of the corners thereof he began, and did build there his Temple and Hospi∣tall, making an account to increase yet this Citie, as large againe as it was, and to people the same, with so many seuerall kinds of people and Nations as hee had brought with him, giuing libertie vnto them all to frame and build their Houses, causing money to be distributed to do the same, and giuing all kinds of Priuiledges and Freedomes vnto the Prisoners, for to giue them a [ 60] greater desire to build and settle themselues there: and hauing caused the streets and places to be plotted, and hauing appointed a place for euery one to build vpon, hee tooke no other plea∣sure, neither had he any other care then the preseruing the good will of his most famous Soul∣diers, whose name hee hauing caused to bee written in a generall Muster-booke, the which 〈◊〉〈◊〉

commanded to be made, from day to day, they (not thinking thereof) receiued honours, and good turnes of the Prince, in recompence of their so great seruices. Now he declared the death of the Emperour his Vncle vnto his Councell (of which he before had receiued Intelligence, but kept it close) and forgot no Ceremony due vnto the honour of the said Emperour outwardly, shewing the griefe he conceiued for his death; where after hee had rested some eight dayes, hee determined to goe vnto Quinzai for to see the Empresse, and hauing left Baiazet in the custodie of the Gouernour of Zachetay, the Emperour set forward with his ordinary Court which was of forty thousand Horse, and threescore thousand Foot-men.

The Emperour being come vnto Cambalu, receiued newes of the Battell Odmar, had wonne [ 10] against the King of Chinas, Captayne Generall, and how he pursued his Victory,* 4.698 hauing taken three or foure great and rich Cities, the which did yeeld themselues vnto him, and that againe the Chinois did desire peace. The Emperour sent the Articles he required, which were that be∣fore all other things the King of China should pay the Arrerages of the Tribute, the which hee had agreed with the Emperour. First, he should come in person to doe homage vnto his Majesty, [ 1] and acknowledge himselfe as Vassall vnto his Empire. That the Army should withdraw it selfe [ 2] during his Voyage, and he should deliuer vp vnto him all his Cities, sauing three such as the Em∣perour [ 3] should nominate; and that the things should be restored vnto the same estate they were in [ 4] before the Warre, when the Emperour made the first peace; that hee should pay the Army for sixe moneths, and should also satisfie all the expences of the War, seeing he had begunne it, and [ 20] was Author of the breach of peace. Then the Emperour gratified Odmar, sending vnto him for Wife one of his Sisters with all magnificence that might be, for to make him the more affectio∣ned vnto him. I will declare how the Emperour was receiued at Cambalu by his Subjects, with all the magnificence possible, the Emperour for to gratifie them hauing restored their Priuiled∣ges, the which he had taken from them, for the Rebellion they had committed with Calix: so as the Emperour went ouer all gratifying his Subjects for this new Succession that was lately fallen vnto him, all the Companies comming vnto him: for in these Countreyes they haue no certayne dwellings, they are alwayes wandring in troupes wheresoeuer they goe: thither the Empresse (hauing left Prince Axalla to gouerne at Quinzai) came vnto him. The Prince remay∣ned there almost two moneths, hauing in this place giuen order for all the Affaires he had. Cam∣balu was also neere vnto mount Althay, where they vse to bury the Scythian Emperours, whom [ 30] we doe call the great Cham.

The Emperor caused the body of the Emperour his Vncle to be brought thither, and himselfe would conduct it with all pompe, honouring not only his body, but also all that hee had loued in the World, and although it was not the custome to cause women for to assist the Funerals,* 4.699 yet would he affoord this honour vnto the Empresse, that she should assist the bringing of the body, going neere vnto the same. This he did, the more to make appeare how much he honoured the memory of the late Emperour in his Wife, being his Daughter, and also to the end that if God did take him away, his children being small, shee should haue the greater authority, and bee the better acknowledged worthy to gouerne in the minoritie of his Children; and also for that shee [ 40] had beene brought vp alwayes in authority, euen since shee was marryed. The Prince desiring thereby the more to acknowledge the honour the Emperour his Vncle had done him, by adop∣ting him as his Sonne, and in hauing left him so great and large an Empire, as that was, where∣of he left vnto him the possession. Now the Emperour loued her onely, hauing no other affecti∣on in such pleasure, but only the happinesse of a faire Off-spring, the which he hoped for. Now the body of the late Emperour being come vnto Cambalu, he determined to conduct it vnto the buriall according vnto the accustomed Ceremony,* 4.700 and to put the body with the Kings and Em∣perours his Ancestors. After he had from point to point performed the last Will and Testament of the late Emperour, he returned from thence vnto Cambalu, where he spent all Winter in Tilt and Turnying, going a hunting, making his abode there, because he was in a place neerest vnto the Kingdome of China, to know how matters passed there, hauing now brought thither his last [ 50] Affaires, purposing to goe thither in person the next Winter,* 4.701 if Odmar did not make an end of the Wars alreadie begunne, and if the King of China did not submit himselfe wholly vnder his obedience, hauing determined not to depart from Cambalu, vntill this Countrey were pacified, the marke he shot at, being only to keepe that which his valour was able to conquer through his good fortune, being desirous to spend the rest of his life in enjoying the fruits of his trauels, and for to publish his prayses vnto his people, and with Millions to maintayne them in peace. He had also a purpose to bring vnto an end that which hee had determined to doe at Samarcand.

Now Axalla was at Quinzai, as well vnto the contentment of all the men of Warre, as the Inhabitants, who desired much to see their Prince, and hauing caused Prince Axalla in their be∣halfe to beseech it, that it would please the Emperour to cause his Sonne to bee brought vp a∣mongst [ 60] them there, the which he did grant vnto them in fauour of the said Prince Axalla, esta∣blishing him for to command in the absence of the Prince his Sonne, whom hee made Gouer∣nour of Quinzai, from Cambalu euen vnto the Sea. This Countrey was replenished with some three hundred Cities, and was in largenesse more then foure hundred leagues, besides an finite

number of Villages. To make short, it was that the Emperour his Vncle gouerned, where this Prince Axalla was his Lieutenant generall,* 4.702 vnder the authoritie of the young Prince his sonne, vnto whom he deliuered him in charge for to be his Gouernour, authorising him vnto the go∣uernement generall of all his Kingdomes: for the great wisedome that was in this Knight, made him beloued in all the Countreys vnder the Emperours obedience: the seruices also and great victories the which he had caused the Emperour to obtayne by his stout courage, and good conduct, who for these occasions put his principall trust in him, and after himselfe hee thought him onely worthie to preserue for his children his Kingdome and Empresse.

The King of China came to visit him at his Court, according vnto the couenants offered vn∣to him, the which he accepted: he did sweare once againe obedience vnto the Emperour, who caused him to see all his greatest Cities, for to make himselfe the more to be feared of this Bar∣barian, [ 10] who kept no more promise then pleased himselfe. Hee was astonished to behold so ma∣ny Souldiers, and the Countrey so well replenished with people; and aboue all, that they vsed so little curiositie of riches in their apparell and garments, wondring that the Emperour was apparelled in meane Cloth of one colour, without any other fashion: but to counteruaile that, he had about him men which seemed to bee Kings. At the same time when the King of China was at the Court, the Emperour receiued newes of the * 4.703 victorie against the Soldan, for the which the Emperour reioyced, making feasts and turneys in his Court in token of mirth, and this reioycing continued for the space of eight dayes. After the Emperour had giuen order for the double paying of his Armie that came into Persia, vnder the conduct of the great Chamber∣laine, [ 20] and Synopes Colonell generall in the Imperiall Armie, the Emperour went vnto Quinsay for to see his sonne, and visit the people of this Countrey.

The Emperour arriuing neere vnto Quinsay, Prince Axalla comming to meet him two dayes iourney off, with all the chiefe Lords of the Countrey, together with the principall Citizens, who were preparing for the Emperour the most magnificent receiuing that might bee, as well by water as by land.* 4.704 As this Citie is one of the richest in the world, so is it one of the greatest, and of the most wonderfull situation, being all wholly diuided and ouerthwarted with channels, vpon the which are framed wonderfull and stately buildings, accompanied with an infinite number of Bridges, vpon the which they passe ouer channels: this Citie aboundeth with all kinde of spices, and in great quantitie, likewise with all manner of merchandises. The Empe∣rour [ 30] as soone as he was arriued, receiued presents of the Citizens, the which were esteemed to be worth aboue two millions of Gold, with a wonderfull variety of all rare and singular things, the which they presented vnto him, for to testifie the loue and obedience they did owe vnto him. The Emperour was desirous to see his sonne, whom they brought vp with the accusto∣med greatnesse of Princes: and hauing caused the child to be brought before him, being of the age of seuen yeeres: he forbad from hence forward they should suffer him to weare any thing vpon his head, and himselfe did hang a Bowe about his necke, saying aloud, that they which from their birth were called vnto soueraignties, should bee vsed both vnto cold and heate, and should bee exercised in Armes betimes, and not brought vp delicately and easily, reprehending them which had the bringing of him vp, demanding of them, if they meant to make a woman [ 40] of him?* 4.705 And they answering, that he was tender. If he be not borne (said he) for to be strong in Armes, he will not be worthy to succeed mee: for he must not be an effeminate Prince that shall preserue the Parthian Empire. Now he had sent the Empresse vnto Samarcand to be de∣liuered, where shee was honourably receiued, hauing neuer beene there since shee was married. Hee receiued newes that shee was there deliuered of another goodly sonne,* 4.706 a thing which hee caused to be published ouer all, and himselfe in token of ioy, made feasts fifteene dayes, with all kindes of magnificent turneys: this he did for to shew his agilitie vnto this people, to the end, that as he excelled all his Court in vertues, that they should also iudge him worthie to gouerne them aboue all other men. After he continued there a moneth, and hauing visited all the Sea-townes neere vnto Quinsay,* 4.707 hunting all kindes of chases, neglecting nothing notwithstanding [ 50] which belonged to his charge, saying often, that the recreations hee did take, were helpes for to ease him in the paines of his publike affaires whereunto God had called him. Hauing vpon his returne called together all the people, he published his lawes, which were all reuerenced of this people,* 4.708 as though they had proceeded from the Diuinitie, so much admiration had euery one of the greatnesse of this Prince. The which I will truely declare vnto you, that so long as the Emperour was there, this people did almost nothing, being for the most part busied in be∣holding of him, not finding any greater contentation then that. Some of his Courtiers, and a∣mongst the rest, Prince Axalla said one day vnto him, that this was a Citie fit for his abode. O my friend, it is not so: if they should see mee daily, they would make no more account of mee. It is a maxime, that the Lord of this great Citie must not goe thither but once in ten yeeres, and when he is there, it behooueth him to temper his actions, as if he were vpon a Scaffold rea∣die [ 60] for to play some Comedie, where grauitie and good grace is necessary for to content the be∣holders: for the people doe easily receiue an euill impression of their Prince, as they also doe a good, if you performe it well vnto them.

Now I 〈◊〉〈◊〉 forgotten to tell you how the Emperour sent Prince Axalla in his name from Quinsay 〈◊〉〈◊〉 China,* 4.709 and his Imperiall Maiestie did not depart out of the Prouince before he re∣turned he went thither with great diligence for to establish peace there. Prince Axalla went forward towards Paguin, where he was receiued of the Gouernour with all possible honour. An•• hauing assembled all the Emperours forces, hee set forward towards the borders of China, ••••ue an enteruiew at Pochio, where the meeting place was agreed vpon. He passed by Quantou: went forward vnto Pochio, whither the King came also to meet with him; and hee entred full fiftie leagues into the Countrey newly conquered. It seemed vnto him a thing too much dero∣gating from the greatnesse of the Emperour, the maiestie of whose person hee represented, if [ 10] he went any further to see this barbarous King, being more fit that he should come forward into the Countrey conquered lately from him by Odmar, after he had obtayned the victory, then to goe into his Countreys although he had subiected them vnto the Emperour, and did pay a very great tribute. So the King of China arriued within a league of Pochio with all his Court:* 4.710 hee set forward vnto a Plaine, where he and Prince Axalla did see each other, who was much bet∣ter accompanied, from whom the King did as much differ as from the Emperours owne person. They met three seuerall times together: the King desired to bee admitted into a Citie, which the Emperour had granted vnto him by the treatie. Prince Odmar declared that it was of great importance, therefore Prince Axalla was by the Emperour appointed for to bee Iudge of this controuersie, In the end they required another further within the Countrey, the which the King accepted: so hee was put into possession of that Citie, the situation whereof was very [ 20] pleasant, being compassed about with a Lake. Axalla hauing discouered that this barbarous King, did earnestly desire it onely for his pleasure, and not for any other euill intent, the Citie which hee deliuered being seated vpon a Riuer further within his Countrey, and that other within our Countrey compassed about with our fortresses: but Odmar did not allow of that, and supposed it to bee for an euill purpose, as for to contriue some new practises. Odmar be∣ing an olde man, who knew the Kings vnfaithfulnesse, although hee had made him know it well enough vnto his smart, hauing (as I haue said) wonne twenty or thirty Cities from him; and aboue fourescore leagues of Countrey, at such time as hee obtayned the last Battell, during the time that the Emperour was in his last Voyage against the Persians.

[ 30] So the enteruiew continued yet betweene Prince Axalla and the King of China on the Plaine, a Tent being pitched, whither Prince Axalla did come vnto him, whom hee continual∣ly honoured as much as the Emperours owne person, where after they had long time trea∣ted by Interpreters, it was in the end agreed, that the King of China should enter againe in∣to Quinanci, not suffering him to put any Garrison into it, nor to fortifie the same: but euen as a Prisoner and Subiect vnto the Emperour, hee should enioy it, and it should bee his owne, enioying all the reuenue thereof, neither should hee carrie any kingly Ensignes, without the expresse leaue of the Gouernour for the Emperour:* 4.711 hee should notwithstanding haue a guard of three hundred men for his person; and should giue knowledge vnto the said Gouernour of his iourney, before he entred into the Emperours Countries, the which hee must passe for to [ 40] goe thither. Now the Citie was situated in the middest of a very great Lake, in the which were many Ilands, wherein there were an infinite number of houses of pleasure, and it had beene al∣waies a very delicate place, where the Kings of China were wont to recreate themselues in all kindes of pleasures that were there to be found: in so much as this barbarous King did not re∣spect the conditions propounded vnto him, so as he might make his abode there, as it were in an Hermitage. Hauing left vnto his brother the gouernment of his whole Kingdome,* 4.712 through the displeasure he had of his bondage whereunto he was brought; a courage certainly magna∣nimous, and worthie a Nation made ciuill with the best learning, and vnworthie the name of a Barbarian wherewith we called him.

Three times in the weeke at Samercand, Tamerlan ministred open iustice vnto the meanest,* 4.713 [ 50] in his Imperiall Maiestie, a thing which made him beloued of the people ouer whom hee com∣manded. In the other dayes hee gaue secret audience for the affaires of his Estate, and tooke ad∣uice for matters of importance, which were decided daily in his presence. He had such seueritie in his counsell, that they must needs deale truely before him, and without all passion in discour∣sing: notwithstanding he alwaies shewed himselfe courteous in his conuersation, and made him∣selfe both beloued and feared of his people: hee neuer changed his seruants, except they com∣mitted great faults against him: of all the seruants of the late Emperour his Vncle he did not change one of them, but hee did withall encrease their estates, making them in this change to feele his liberalitie, which he made strangers for to taste also, vnto whom he was accustomed to giue, to binde them vnto him. He drew great store of money yeerely for tribute of the Mosco∣uite: [ 60] but he distributed it within the same countrey for to maintayne his authoritie there, win∣ning those for his which might haue hurt him, by meanes of giuing vnto them.* 4.714 Hee had great care of his reuenues, and he had such a readinesse, that he did see his estate from three moneths vnto three moneths within one houre, both the ordinarie and extraordinarie expences, they presented it so well digested vnto him.

But our haste of other voyages permits not our stay here. Onely we will adde, that after 〈◊〉〈◊〉 things or∣dered, Sicknesse arrested and Death conquered this great Conquerour: and this Traueller trauelled the way of all flesh into another world. Presently after his death they ranne to call his sonne, who as soone as he was come shut his eyes,* 4.715 powring out teares, as also did all his seruants. The Prince Sautochio his eldest sonne, within two houres after was proclaymed Emperour throughout ••ll the whole Armie, and dispatches were made from all parts to aduertise the Gouernours of Pro∣uinces thereof, the Letters being signed with the hand of the new Emperour, who hauing as∣sembled all the Armie together, hee made an Oration vnto the Captaines and Souldiers, and caused them to make a generall muster, gratifying all the ancient Seruants of the Emperour his Father: he would not dispose of any thing before he had seene Prince Axalla, and was ioyned [ 10] with the Imperiall Armie. This young Prince, when he came vnto this Empire was nineteene yeeres old,* 4.716 hee was faire, and had much of the Emperor his Fathers naturall disposition. They hoped that hee would wisely (through the good counsell that was about him) maintayne this great Empire: but they feared greatly the young Prince Letrochio his brother (whom his mo∣ther loued) would cause diuisions, as it happened in the times of their great grand-father be∣tweene two brethren, who had beene occasion of the destruction of their estate, the which was releeued and lifted vp againe vnto his height by the valour of Tamerlan.

[ 20]

CHAP. IX. Reports of GHAGGI MEMET a Persian of Tabas in the Prouince of * 4.717 Chilan, touching his Trauels and Obseruations in the Countrey of the Great Can, vnto M. G. BAPTISTA RAMVSIO.

HE said that he had beene at Succuir and Campion, Cities of the Prouince of Tan∣guth,* 4.718 in the entrance of the State of Grand Can, who (said he) was called Daimi•• Can, and sent his Officers to the gouernment of the said Cities, which are the first toward the Muslemans, and are Idolaters. He went thither with a Cara∣uan, [ 30] which went with merchandises out of Persia, and from the places adioy∣ning to the Caspian Sea, for the Regions of Cataio; which Carauan they permit not to pierce further then Succuir and Campion, nor any other Merchant therein, except he goe Ambassadour to the great Can.* 4.719

This Citie of Succiur is great and populous, with faire houses of hewen stones after our man∣ner; and hath many great Temples with their Idols of stone. It is situate in a Playne where runne infinite Riuolets; is abundant in victuals of all sorts, and yeelds silke there made of the black Mulberies in great quantitie: hath no Wine growing, but they make a drinke with Hony as it were Ale. Of fruits, by reason the Countrey is cold, there grow none but Peares, Apples, Apricocks,* 4.720 Peaches, Melons and Cucumers. Hee said that Rhubard (of this commoditie Memet [ 40] had brought great store at that time to Venice) growes all ouer the Countrey; but the best, in certaine high stony Hills neere adjoyning, where are many Springs and Woods of diuers sorts of high Trees, and the Land is of a red colour, and by reason of many Raynes and Springs almost al∣way myrie. He shewed out of his bosome a picture of the Plant, brought out of the Countrey (which Ramusio in his Preface to M. Polo hath also presented with this discourse) the description of which is this. The leaues, he said, are ordinarily two spans long, more or lesse as the Plant is in bignesse; narrow below and broad aboue, downy with (as it were) small hayres in their cir∣cumference; the stalke or trunke is greene foure fingers high, and sometimes a span from the ground: the greene leaues with age grow yellow and spread on the ground. In the midst of the trunke growes a thin branch with flowres fastned within, like the Mamole violets in forme, but [ 50] of the colour of Milke and Azure, and greater then those violets, of a noysome sent. The roote within ground is a span or two long, of a tawny colour in the barke, some as bigge as a mans thigh or legge,* 4.721 out of which grow little Roots or Sprigs, which spread in the ground, and are cut away from the great Roote; which within is yellow with many veynes of faire red, full of red and yellow juyce, cleaning to the fingers and making the hand yellow: and being cut in peeces the viscous juyce issueth out and the roote becomes light; they lay them therefore on boords turning them vp and downe diuers times a day, that the juyce should incorporate there∣in, lest it lose the goodnesse; after foure or six dayes hanging them to drie in the winde, where the Sunne may not come at them, being in two moneths drie and perfect. They ordinarily take it out of the ground in the Winter,* 4.722 the vertue being then most vnited in the Roote (the Spring [ 60] there beginning at the end of May) which at other times is dispersed into the leaues and flowers, that juyce also being gone and the roote light and hollow.

* 4.723They sell one of their Cart lodes of Roots with leaues for sixteene siluer Saggi (not much vn∣like ours) for they haue no Coynes, but make their gold and siluer in small thin rods, and thence

cut peeces of a Saggio weight, which in siluer is twentie Soldi Venetian, and in gold a Ducket and halfe. He said that they would not gather it, if forren Merchants should not come to trade for it, themselues making no reckoning thereof: and that the Merchants of China and India car∣ry away the greatest part; who if they should cut and dresse it as before is expressed, after it is brought in Car••s, in foure or six dayes it would corrupt; and seuen burdens greene (hee said) would not yeeld aboue one drie. When it is greene it is intolerably bitter; and in Cataio they vse it not for medicine, but beate and mixe it with other odoriferous compositions for perfumes to their Idols. In some places there is such store that they burne it dryed in stead of wood; o∣thers giue it their crased horses, so little doe they esteeme it in Cataio. But there they much prize another small Roote, which growes in the Mountaines of Succuir, where the Rubard [ 10] growes, and call it Mambroni cini, very deare, vsed for diseases, those specially of the eyes;* 4.724 nor did he thinke any of it was brought into these parts. He said also, that in all Cataio they much vse the leaues of another herb, which they ••all Chiai Catai, which growes in a place of Catai, called Cacianfu. They boyle it, whether new or drie, and taking off a Beaker or two of that de∣coction fasting (as hot as can be borne) takes away the Feauer, payne of the Head or Stomack, Back, Ioynts, and other diseases, especially the Gowt, and it is good for digestion. They vse to carry it with them in their Voyages, and will giue a sack of Rubarb for an ounce of Chiai Catai. And the Cataians say, that if our Merchants, Persians and Frankes, knew the goodnesse thereof, they would buy no Rauend Cini, so they call Rubard.

I asked him of his Voyage from thence to Constantinople, and hee answered mee by Mambre [ 20] our Interpreter, that hee returned not that way he went with the Carauan, by reason that the Greene-head Tartars called Iescilbas, sent an Embassador at that time when hee was to come a∣way, with a great company, by the way of Tartaria Deserta, aboue the Caspian Sea to the great Turke at Constantinople, to make a league against the Persian their common enemie.* 4.725 Whereupon he thought good to come with them, and so did to Caffa. I asked of the way he went. He said he should haue returned from Campion to Gauta in six dayes (eight Farsen••s, each of which is three Italian miles, are a dayes iourney, but on the Hils and Desarts they goe not halfe so much) from Gauta to Succuir in fiue dayes, from Succuir to Camul in fifteene, here the Musulmans (or Mahumetans) begin: from Camul to Turfon is thirteene. From Turfon they passe three Ci∣ties, Chialis ten dayes iourney thence, after that Cuchia other ten, and after that Acsu in twen∣tie. [ 30] From Acsu to Cascar are other twentie dayes all rough Desart, all the former way being thorow places inhabited. From Cascar to Samarcand are fiue and twentie dayes. From Sa∣marcand to Bochara in Corassam, fiue; from Bochara to Eri, twentie; from thence to Veremi in fifteene; from Veremi to Casbin in six; thence to Soltania in foure, and thence to Tauris in six dayes.

Now for some particulars of those places, he related that Campion is subiect to Daimir Can,* 4.726 great Emperor of the Tartars; the Citie placed in a fertile Playne all cultiuated and abundant in prouisions. They are apparelled in black Cotton cloth,* 4.727 furred in Winter with skins of Wolues and Sheepe if they be poore; the richer with Sables and Marterns of great price. They weare black Bonets sharpe like a Sugar-loafe; the men rather small then great,* 4.728 wearing beards as we [ 40] doe, specially a certayne time of the yeere. Their houses are of stone like ours,* 4.729 with two or three lofts, slope-roofed, and diuersly painted, and they haue one street onely of painters. The great men for magnificence make a great Loft or Pageant,* 4.730 and thereon erect two Tents of silke embroydered with gold, siluer, pearles, and jewels, and there stand with their friends. This they cause to bee carried by fortie or fiftie Slaues, and so goe thorow the Citie in solace. The Gentlemen are carried on a simple Pageant, by foure or six men without other furniture. There Temples are made like our Churches,* 4.731 so great that they may contayne foure or fiue thousand persons; and haue in them two Statues, of a Man and a Woman, each fortie foot long, all of one peece, stretched on the ground, and all gilded. They haue excellent stone cutters. They bring quarry stones two or three moneths iourney on shod Carts of fortie wheeles very high,* 4.732 drawne [ 50] by fiue or six hundred Horses and Mules. There are also small Images with six or seuen heads and ten hands, all holding diuers things, one a Serpent, another a Bird, a third a Flower, &c. There are some Monasteries in which liue men of holy life,* 4.733 immured within their houses that they cannot goe out whiles they liue, and haue victuals euery day brought them. There are in∣numerable, like our Friars, which goe vp and downe the Citie. They haue a custome,* 4.734 when one of their kindred dyes, to clothe themselues in white many dayes made of Cotton; their gar∣ments are made long to the ground with wide sleeues. They vse Printing of their Books, which he thought somewhat like those I shewed him at M. Thomas Giuntos printing house.* 4.735 Their Ci∣tie is fortified with a thick wall, within filled with earth, able to carry f••ure Carts abrest,* 4.736 with [ 60] Towres and Artillery as thick as those of the great Turke. The Ditch is wide and drie, but they can make it runne with water at their pleasure. They haue a kind of very great Oxen with long, thin and with hayre.* 4.737 The Cataians and Idolaters are forbidden to goe out of their Coun∣tries, to goe on merchandise thorow the World.

Beyond the Desart aboue Corassam to Samarcand, and till the Idolatrous Cities▪ the 〈◊〉〈◊〉

rule,* 4.738 which are Tartars, Musulmans, wearing greene sharpe Turbants of felt, so making a diffe∣rence betwixt them and the Persians, which weare them red: and betwixt them two for diuer∣sitie of opinions in Religion are continual warres, and disagreement about their Confines. Bocara and Samarcand are two Cities of these Green-heads, each a Signorie of it selfe. They haue three particular sciences,* 4.739 Chimia (in the same sense as here) Limia, to make and cause loue, and Simia, to make men see that which is not. The moneys which they haue are not Coyned, but euery Gentleman and Merchant makes thin rods of gold and siluer, as is before said of Campion and Succuir.* 4.740 In the market place of Campion are euery day many Mountebankes which haue that science of Simia, which compassed with a great multitude present strange sights, as to cause a man to cut off his arme, or thrust himselfe thorow with a sword, and seeme to bee all [ 10] bloudy, with other like.

CHAP. X. A Treatise of China and the adioyning Regions, written by GASPAR DA CRVZ a Dominican Friar, and dedicated to SEBAS∣TIAN King of Portugall: here abbreuiated.

[ 20]

§. I. Of Camboia and the Bramenes there; the cause of his going to China: Of China and the neighbouring Regions.

I Being in Malaca building an house of my Order, and preaching, was informed that in the Kingdome of Camboia (which is subiect to the King of Siam,* 4.741 and ly∣eth toward the parts of China, and doth confine with Champa, whence commeth [ 30] the most precious Calambach) was great oportunitie to preach the Gospell, and to reape some fruit. Hauing leaue of my Prelate, I tooke the iourney in hand. And after the passing many troubles and hunger in the iourney, with dangers and sicknesses, I came a land, and after I had reasonably informed my selfe by a third person, conuersing with the People and with the Fathers, euen before I knew it I found all to the contrary of that which they had told, and that all were deceits of the simple Laytie, which of light matters were moo∣ued to presume of the people that which was not in them. And besides this, I found many hin∣derances for the obtayning of my desires and intent;* 4.742 for first, the King is a Bramene, and the Bramenes are his principall men and his fauourites, and most familiar, because they are Witches, for they are much giuen to bee pleased with witchcrafts, and they doe nothing without con∣sulting [ 40] the Witches and Bramenes that are in the Kingdome (for by this meanes they thriue) by the Deuill. And so the first thing that the King asked me, was if I were a Witch.

* 4.743The Bramenes doe worship among others one God, which they call Probar missur (which they said made the Heauens and the Earth;* 4.744 and another God, which they call Pralocussar, this also hauing obtayned power of another which they call Praissur, for to giue this licence to Probar missur) and I shewed them, that not onely he had not made the Heauen and the Earth, but that hee had beene a very wicked man and a great sinner: wherefore these Priests said, that they would worship him no more, hauing worshipped him thitherto with their God Praput prasar metri:* 4.745 whereupon the hatred of the Bramenes increased towards me, and from thence forward I had disfauours of the King, which was mooued for the zeale of his God, and the God of his Bra∣menes. [ 50] There met about these matters, the Priests of the Idols, and all of their troupe, which goe for Priests, and hold themselues for religious men, and in their conuersation and life they are separated from all other people, which to my thinking is the third part of the people of the Land; the King thereof setting an hundred thousand men in the field. This religious people, or that holds it selfe for such, are exceedingly proud and vaine, and aliue they are worshipped for gods,* 4.746 in sort that the inferiour among them doe worship the superiour like gods, praying vn∣to them and prostrating themselues before them: and so the common people haue a great confi∣dence in them, with a great reuerence and worship: in sort that there is no person that dare con∣tradict them in any thing, and their wordes among them are held for so sacred, that in no wise they will endure to be gainsayed. Insomuch that it hapned sometimes whiles I was preaching, [ 60] many round about me hearing me very well, and satisfying themselues of that which I said vnto them; if there came any of these Priests, and said this is good, but ours is better, they would all depart and leaue me alone. Further, they being very ignorant presumed to be very wise, and the common people did hold them for such, all their knowledge being ignorances and Heathenish follies.

They make seuen and twenty Heauens, some where there is meate and drinke and faire wo∣men whether they say all liuing things doe goe, euen the Flea and the Lowse, for they say,* 4.747 that as they haue soules, that they must liue in the other World. And to these, they say, all doe goe that are not Religious men as they are. They place others higher, whether they say, their holy Priests doe goe that liue in the Wildernesses, and all the felicitie they giue them there, is to sit refreshing themselues with the wind. They place others yet higher, the gods of the which, they say, haue round bodies like Bowles, those which goe to these Heauens, and the honour w••ich they giue them is, to giue them round bodies as the Gods themselues haue.* 4.748 And euen as they make many Heauens, so they doe many Hels, for they make thirteene, to the which they goe [ 10] according to the grieuousnesse of the sinnes of euery one, eyther higher or lower.

They haue a diuision of their religious men, for some they call Massancraches,* 4.749 which are as supreame, which sit aboue the King: others they call Nascendeches, which are as our Bishoppes here. These sit equall with the King. Others they call Mitires, which are in the common de∣gree of Priests, which do sit vnder the King: vnder the which there are yet two degrees, which they call Chaynizes and Sazes. And all these they ascend in degree, so they doe in vanitie and pride, and are more reuerenced. Besides all this, there is another very great inconuenience, that except the Priests and all those that holds themselues for Religious men, all the rest are slaues of the King, and when the owner of the House dyeth, all that is in it returneth to the King, and let the Wife and Children hide what they can, and begin to seeke a new life: the people of the [ 20] Countrey is of such a nature, that nothing is done that the King knoweth not: and any bodie be he neuer so simple may speake with the King; wherefore euery one seeketh newes to carry vnto him, to haue an occasion for to speake with him: whereby without the Kings good will nothing can be done, and wee haue already shewed before, that hee is vnwilling to the matter of Chri∣stianitie. To these things was joyned some disorders of the Portugals, so that by all meanes I found crosses and inconueniences for to obtayne my desires and my pretence: wherefore I hauing beene in the Countrey about a yeare, and seeing I could make no fruit beside the passing of grie∣uous sicknesses, I determined to leaue this Countrey, and because they told mee many things of China, and the people of it to haue a disposition to Christianitie, and that they loued reason, I determined, seeing in this Countrey I did no good, nor baptized more then one Gentile, which I [ 30] left in the Caue, to goe to China in a ship, of China which was then in the Countrey; in which they carryed me with a very good will, giuing me the best roome in the ship, not taking any in∣terest of me; yea, they dealt very charitably with me. This name China is not the proper name of the people of this Countrey, nor of the Countrey it selfe, neither is there commonly in the Countrey notice of such a name, onely among all the people of India, and among those which dwell in the South parts, as in Malaca, Siam, Iaoa, this denomination of Chinas goeth currant, and also among those Chinas which doe traffique among vs. The proper name of the Countrey is Tame, the e. not well pronounced, but almost drowning it: and the name of the people of the Countrey is Tamgin, whence this name China doth come,* 4.750 which is currant a∣mong the strangers we know not, but it may be conjectured, that the people which in old time [ 40] did sayle to those parts, because they passed by the Coast of a Kingdome, which they call Cau∣chin-china, and traffique in it, and victuall, and take refreshings there for the Iourney of the Countrey that lyeth forward, which is that of China, in the which Kingdome they liue after the manner of the Chinas, and is subject to the Chinas, it s••emeth, that omitting Cauchin, from the denomination of this other Kingdome, they called all the Countrey that lyeth along China.

China is a great part of Scythia; for as Herodotus saith, Scythia extendeth it selfe vnto India, which may be vnderstood, because the Chinas did possesse many parts of India, and did conquer them of old time, whereof at this day there are some Monuments, as in the Coast of Choro∣mandell, which is towards the Coast of the Kingdome of Narsinga, on that side which we call Saint Thome, because there is a House built by the Apostle, and the Relikes of his bodie. There [ 50] is at this day a great Temple of Idols, which is a ma••ke for the Nauigators to know the Coast which is very low, the which as the men of the Countrey affirme, was made by the Chinas, of whom there remayned among them a perpetuall memory, and therefore they call it Pagode, of the Chinas, which is to say, Temple of the Chinas. And in the Kingdome of Callecut, which is the head of M••lauar,* 4.751 there be very ancient fruit-trees which the men of the Countrey say were planted by the Chinas, and on the shoales of Chilao, which doe runne from the Iland of Ceylan, toward the Coast of Cheromandel, is affirmed, by the men of the Countrey, a great Ar∣my of the Chinas to be cast away which came for India, which was lost, because the Chinas were but young in that Nauigation. And so the men of the Countrey say the Chinas were Lords of all Iaoa, and of Iautana, which is the Kingdome of Malaca, Siam, and of Chapaa, as it is com∣monly [ 60] affirmed in those parts: wherefore some doe affirme, many of this people to bee like the Chinas, that is, hauing small eyes, flat noses, and long faces, for the great commixture that the Chinas had with all of them, especially with them of Iaoa, which commonly are more China-like. But the King of China seeing that his Kingdome went to decay, and was in danger by

their seeking to conq••er other strange Countreyes, he with-drew himselfe with his men to his owne Kingdome, making a publike Edict vnder paine of death that none of the Countrey should sayle out of the Kindome of China: the which lasteth to this day.

* 4.752The Liquos are not continued with mayne Land, but it is an Iland which standeth in the Sea of China, little more or lesse then thirtie leagues from China it selfe. In this Iland liue these people, which is a well disposed people, more to the white then browne. It is a cleanly and well attyred people; they dresse their haire like women; and tye it on the side of their head, fastened with a siluer bodkin; their grounds are plentifull of many and good waters; it is a people that sayle very seldome being in the middest of the Sea. They weare good shore Swords, they were in times past subject to the Chinas, with whom they had great conuersation, therefore are very [ 10] like the Chinas. Now this Iland remayning to the Sea from China, as we haue said, the Coast of China runneth, winding from the Prouince of Cantano, and from her Coast vnto the Coast of the Prouince of Nanquin, whether to the Portugals haue sayled, the Coast making neuer a point as the Maps doe make, the which may be seene well pointed in the Sea-cards and in the Maps made among the Portugals.

The Tartars are reckoned among the Scythians, and runne so far along China, with the which it hath continuall Warre, that commonly they affirme to haue betweene the Chinas and the Tar∣tarians, a Wall of an hundred leagues in length. And some will affirme to bee more then a hun∣dred leagues: the first Kingdome that doth confine with it on the Sea-side of India, is one that is called Cauchin-china, which hath about an hundred leagues little more or lesse a long the Sea-coast,* 4.753 [ 20] the Sea maketh a great entrance betweene it and the Ile Daman, which is of fiftie leagues in length, and is already of the Chinas: and in the end of this entrance this Kingdome abutteth with the Kingdome of China, and is subiect to the King of China. The people of this Kingdome in their Habit, Policie, and Gouernment, doe vse themselues like the people of China. The Countrey is much inhabited and of much people, it is also a very plentifull Countrey. They haue the same Writing that the Chinas haue, although their speech be diuers. Beyond this King∣dome of the Cauchin-chinas,* 4.754 lyeth another very great Kingdome, which runneth within the Land along China, which some doe call Laos, and others Siones, Maons: this by the otherside towards India, doth confine with the Kingdome of Camboia, and with the great Kingdome of Syam, and with the rich Kingdome of Pegu, with all the which Kingdomes it hath Traffique: [ 30] in sort that there remay••eth to this Kingdome towards the Sea of India, all the Coast of Pegu, vnto the ends of the Kingdome of Champaa, which doth confine with Cauchin-china. And so there remayne to these Laos toward the ••ide of the Indian Sea, the great Kingdome of Pegu, the Kingdome of Tanaçarin, and that of Quedaa, and that of Malaca, and the Kingdomes of Pa••, of Patane, of Syam, of Camboia, and of Champaa which abutteth vpon the Cauchin-chinas. This Kingdome of the Laos,* 4.755 or Sions Maons, was subdued by the Bramas (of the which we will speake presently) in the yeere of fiftie sixe, and among some which they brought captiue to Pegu▪ they brought some Chinas which the Laos held Captiues, as one George Mello affirmed vnto mee, which went for Captayne of the Voyage to Pegu. And though commonly there be no Warres betweene these Laos and the Chinas, because of the great Mountaynes that are betweene them, [ 40] on the which the Chinas haue good forces on that side in the Prouince of Camsi, which doth confine with these and with the Bramas: and in the forces they haue continually men in Garri∣son for the defence of those parts: there bee notwithstanding, continually assaults on the one side and of the other: whereby the Laos might haue some Chinas captiue. Before that these Laos were subdued by the Bramas, they carryed to Sion, to Camboia, and to Pegu some very good Muske and Gold, whereof is aff••rmed to be great store in that Countrey, and these people hauing Muske, makes a conjecture the great store of Muske which the Chinas haue, they get it from the many beasts tha•• are in the Confines of this Kingdome in the Prouince of Camsi, from whence they bring it.

The Muske is the flesh and bloud of certayne beasts, which they say, to be as bigge as Foxes, [ 50] the which beaten with strokes and killed,* 4.756 they tye the skinne with the flesh together in lumps, the which they cut after the flesh is rotten, and so they sell it, which the Portugals do call Muske Cods. And when it commeth fresh, presently it appeareth to be rotten flesh and bloud: the rest they sell loose, holding these Cods for the finer Muske. Returning to the Laos, whereof we were speaking, these be the Wares which they brought to the aboue-said Kingdomes, carrying in re∣turne Cotton-clothes and other things they had need of. This people is not very browne, they weare their haire all cut round vnderneath, and all the rest aboue ruffled, raysing it many times vpward with their hands, that it remayneth to them like a Cap, and serueth in stead of one, for they weare nothing on their heads; they goe naked from the middle vpward, and from the hips downward, they weare certayne Cotton-clothes girt about them all white: the women goe couered from the brests to the halfe legge: they haue their faces some-what like the Chinas, they [ 60] haue the same Heathenish Ceremonies that the Pegus and Siones, and the Camboias: The Priests of their Idols doe weare yellow clothes girt about as the rest of the people, and a certayne man∣ner of yellow Copes, with certayne folds and seames in which they hold their Superstitions.

Of this people I saw many in Camboia, which remayned there the yeere before by the way of Traffique, and that yeare that I was there, they came not because of the Warres, wherein (as I said) they said they were subdued by the Bramas.

These Laos came to Camboia, downe a Riuer many daies Iournie, which they say, to haue his beginning in China, as many others which runne into the Sea of India: it hath eight, fifteene, and twentie fathome water, as my selfe saw by experience in a great part of it: it passeth through many vnknowne and desart Countries of great Woods and Forrests, where there are in∣numerable Elephants, and many Buffes, of which I saw many wild in that Countrie, and Me∣rus, which is like a good Mule, and certayne beasts which in that Countrie they call Badas:* 4.757 of [ 10] the which the Male haue a pointlesse and blunt Horne in their fore-head, and some of the Hornes are spotted with singular colours, and others all blacke, others of a waxe colour, but they haue no vertue, but only for the Hemorroides, or Piles: and after the Elephant there is no other greater beast; the haire of it is browne and footed like an Elephant, the head like a Cow, and it hath a great lumpe of flesh that falleth vpon his head, whereof I did eate trauelling in those parts. There are also many other wilde Beastes. There bee some Thorny Trees, like Limons and Oranges, and many wilde Grapes through the Woodes. When these Laos doe re∣turne to their Countrie, going against the streame, they goe in three moneths. This Riuer cau∣seth a wonder in the Land of Camboia, worthy of reciting. Comming neere to a place which they call Chudurmuch, which is twelue leagues from the principall Citie of Camboia, it maketh [ 20] a passage to another Riuer which commeth from a great Lake, that is in the vttermost parts of Camboia, and hath Siam, on the other side: in the middest of the which his bignesse being great,* 4.758 yee can see no Land on neither-side, and this Riuer passeth by Loech, which is the principall Ci∣tie of Camboia, vnto Chudurmuch: the waters of this Riuer, which is also verie great, the most of them doe passe to the Riuer that commeth from the Laos, neere to Chudurmuch, and the rest doe run downe the Riuer directly to the Sea, when the great Winter floudes doe come, which happen when it raines not in the Countries of Camboia.* 4.759 The many waters which doe come by the Riuer that commeth from the Laos, which there they call Sistor, doe make a passage right against Chudurmuch, to the Riuer that passeth through Loech, with so great furie,* 4.760 that where the waters of Loech did run downward, by multitude of the other that entreth into it, they are [ 30] turned backe and run vpward with a great current: in sort that it ouerfloweth all the Countrie of Camboia, whereby all the Countrie is not trauelled in the time of these flouds, but in Boates, and they make their Houses all with high lofts, and vnderneath they are all ouerflowne, and sometimes these flouds are so high, that they are forced to make higher Roomes with Canes to keepe their houshold-stuffe in, and to lodge themselues. This Riuer runneth vpward from Iuly to September, and with the passing from the Riuer that commeth from the Laos, (or from the Riuer Sistor, which is his proper name) of so many waters to the Riuer of Loech, it doth not leaue his running to the Sea, making below verie great armes, and goeth verie high ouer-flowing many Countries downward, but not so much as aboue. The Portugals did shew mee in Loech a field, a great hill of Earth, ouer the which they affirmed that in the time of the flouds a great [ 40] ship that was made in the Countrie did passe without touching, which ship might well haue say∣led from India to Portugall.

Beyond these Laos, follow the Brames, which is a great people,* 4.761 and very rich of Gold and Precious stones, chiefly of Rubies. It is a proud Nation and valiant, these are now Lords of Pegu, which subdued it by force of Armes some yeares before they subdued the Laos, they are men of good complexion, and well made, they are browne. They haue Pegu and part of Ben∣gala toward the Sea of India. It is a Countrey very scarce of victuals, they apparell themselues as we said of the Laos, but that their clothes are fine, and many do weare them painted or wrought: they are also somewhat like the Chinas in the faces, they haue very rich and gallant shippings garnished with Gold, in the which they sayle in the Riuers: they vse Vessels of Gold and of [ 50] Siluer, their Houses are of Timber very well wrought, the Kingdome is very great, they haue not commonly warre with the Chinas, because of the great Mountaynes that are betweene the one and the other, and because the Chinas are well fortified on that side: notwithstanding this, sometimes there are Robbers on the one side, and the other that doe make assaults, whereby the Chinas haue some Bramas Captiues, as some Portugals which were Captiues in those parts, which saw them did affirme, and did speake with them in the great Citie of Camsi: and these slaues told them, that from thence it was not very farre to Brama, and that in Pegu, they had seene Portugals.

There followeth along the China beyond the Bramas, the Kingdome of the Patanes,* 4.762 which now are Lords of Bengala, and after them the Mogores. Beyond these Mogores there runneth [ 60] along the China, the Tartarians, which doe extend themselues from Mogor to the Lake Meotis and the Riuer Thanais, which is a very great Kingdome and of much and innumerable people. This people are commonly red and not white, they goe naked from the waste vpward, they eate raw flesh, and anoint themselues with the bloud of it: whereby commonly they are stin∣king and haue an ill sent.

An old man of China did affirme vnto me, that sometimes when they came against the Coun∣tries of China, if the wind stood on that side where they came, they were discerned by their smell: and when they goe to warre they carry the flesh raw vnder them for to eate, they eate it in this manner, and anoint themselues with the bloud to make themselues the more sturdie and strong, and to prouoke themselues to crueltie in the Warre: these also fight on Horse∣backe with Bowes and Arrowes, and vse short Swords. With these is the continuall Warre of the Chinas, and as I haue said the Chinas haue an hundred leagues (others saying there are more) of a Wall betweene them and the other,* 4.763 where are continually Garrisons of men for the defence of the entries of the Tartarians. It may bee beleeued that this Wall is not conti∣nued, but that some Mountaynes or Hils are intermixt betweene; for a Lord of Persia affir∣med [ 10] to me, that the like Workes were in some parts of Persia, with intermixing some Hils and Mountaynes.

It was affirmed to the Portugals which were Captiues, and in Prison in their Dungeons, in the yeare 1550. that some yeares there is Truce betweene the Chinas and the Tartarians: and in the same yeare the Tartarians made a great entry in China,* 4.764 in the which they tooke a very prin∣cipall Citie from them: but a great number of people of the Chinas comming and besieging the Citie, and not being able to enter it by force of Armes, by the Councell of a man of low degree, they had a meanes whereby they killed them and their Horses, and remayned Lords againe of the Citie. The same Portugals which afterward were set at libertie, affirmed, that all the Prisoners made great Feasts, and made a great stirre when the Tartarians made this [ 20] entry, with the hope of being set at libertie by the meanes of the Tartarians, if they did pos∣sesse China.

In the Citie of Cantan I saw many Tartarians Captiues, which haue no other captiuitie then to serue for men at Armes in other places farre from Tartarie, and they weare for a difference red Caps, in all the rest they are like the Chinas with whom they liue: they haue for their mainte∣nance a certayne stipend of the King,* 4.765 which they haue paid them without faile. The Chinas call them Tatos, for they cannot pronounce the Letter r. Aboue the Lake where Thanais hath his beginning, they doe confront with the skirts of high Almayne, although on the side of Europe, and betweene them and Almayne are Hils that doe diuide them: and of these people of the skirts of the Mountaines, the Chinas say that the King of China hath many men of Warre in [ 30] pay, that doe keepe the weake passages and the Wals on the side of the Tartarians: and say, they are great men with great Beards, and weare cut Hose, and Caps, and blunt Swords, and a Portugall that was carryed captiue the Land inward, told me that he heard the Chinas say, that they called these * 4.766 Alimenes.

§. II. Cantan described; the publike and priuate buildings and Gouernment. The shipping and Husbandry of China; their contempt of the idle, and prouision for impotent [ 40] poore.

BEing to intreate of the Citie of Cantan, I giue first a warning to the Readers, that a∣mong many Noble Cities, Cantan is one lesse Noble then many of China; and farre inferiour in building then many other: although it be more populous then many; this is said by all them that saw it, and trauelled within the Land, where they saw many other. This aduice presupposed, it is to be noted, that Cantan in his compasse, is of very strong Wals, very well made, and of a good height, and to the sight they seeme almost new, beeing eighteene hundred yeares since they were made,* 4.767 as the Chinas did affirme: they are very cleane [ 50] without any cleft, hole, or rift, or any thing threatning ruine. They are of free stone about a mans height, and from thence vpward of brickes made of a clay like vnto that of the Porcelane Dishes, whence it causeth them to bee so strong, that I building a Chappell in Malaca, one of these (which was brought from China) could scarsly bee broken with a good Pick-axe. Iointly with this there is in this Citie and in all the rest an Officer of the King which onely hath care to ouer-see the Wals, for the which he hath a good stipend. And euery yeare when the Gouer∣nour of the Borders commeth to visit the Prouince, hee doth visit this as well as the other Offi∣cers, to know if he doth well his Office, and finding him in any fault, or negligence, hee is put from his Office, and punished. And if he standeth in need of any expence for the mending of the Walls, the Ouer-seer of the Rents is bound to giue him that which is necessarie, vnder paine, [ 60] that if the mending remayneth vndone, he shall bee well punished. For this cause the Wals of all the Cities are continually kept sound and in good reparation. These Walles are within the Citie little more then the walke of the same Citie in their height, which is the cause of beeing much more cooler. The Wals haue in compasse 12350. paces, and it hath eighty three Bulwarks.

This Citie (and so all the rest) hath on the one side the Riuer, along the which, as well this as the rest are built almost in a Valley;* 4.768 and on the other side they haue a Ditch full of water of a good breadth, betweene the which and the wall remayneth a good distance where there may runne together a good troupe of people, and the Earth that was taken out of the Ditch, was cast betweene it and the wall, whereby the foot of the wall remayneth a great deale higher then the other ground. Besides the ditch, notwithstanding, this wall hath a great blemish, for it hath on the contrarie side to the Riuer without the wals, and the ditch a little, Hillocke that disco∣uereth all the Citie within the wals.

This wall hath seuen gates: the entries of the which are sumptuous and high,* 4.769 strong and [ 10] well made, with Pinacles aboue, not square but made like steps. The other places of the wals haue no Pinacles: the wall at the entring of the gates is twelue paces thicke: the gates are all o∣uer plated with Iron, and all of them haue their draw-bridges very strong,* 4.770 which are alwayes vp, and are neuer let downe, but are ready against they be needfull: all the gates at the entrings haue Courts, and the Courts that are toward the side of the Suburbs, which lyeth along the Ri∣uer haue euery one three gates, one in the front and two on the sides,* 4.771 which remayne for the seruice of streets that lye along the wall, the wals of the Courts are almost of the height of them within: the gate which is in the front in the Court, is like vnto that of the wals within: it hath also a draw-bridge; the gates which are in the side of the Courts are small. The Courts that are on the other-side of the field where no Suburbe is, haue no more but one gate, and this not [ 20] right against that of the wals, but stand on the one side: the streets of the Citie are all drawne by a Line very straight without any manner of making a nooke or winding: all the crosse wayes are as straight as the streets:* 4.772 in sort that there is neyther street nor trauerse that maketh any tur∣ning. All the streets and trauerses are very well paued, the pauements going along the Houses, and lower in the middest for the course of water: the principall streets haue triumphant Ar∣ches which doe crosse them, high and very well made, which make the streets very beautifull, and enoble the Citie: the principall streets haue along the Houses close Portals, in the which and vnder the Arches many things are sold.

The Houses of them which rule the Countrey, are at the entrings very sumptuous,* 4.773 with high Portals, great and well wrought of Masons worke: they haue in the fore-front very great gates [ 30] like the gates of a Citie, with two Giants painted with Clubs in their hands: I saw foure in one Pagode, (which is a Temple of Idols) drawne naturally from some, which they say, the King hath to keepe his weakest passages from Tartaria. They are of great members, of about twelue or thirteene spans high. On the street side it hath right against the principall Porch a * 4.774 re∣ceite not very great. It hath built along the street a good wall of a good height right against the gate, that when the gate is open they that are within may not be gazed on by them that goe by the street: this gate serueth not, neither is it opened but for dispatching of matters of Iustice, and the principall of the House goe in and out at them, and others that are as honourable or more then they: at the one side of this principall gate is another very great gate, but not so big as the principall, which is for the seruice of the House, and of the Prisoners when the principall [ 40] gate is shut: and when this principall gate is shut, they set a glued Paper crosse ouer both the leaues, on which is written the name or firme of the principall of the House, and for to open it againe, an Officer of the House bringeth the same firme or marke on a playstered board to the Porter, that hee may open it, without the which token hee may not open it vnder a great punishment.

Entring by this gate, there is a great Court and almost square, which is almost a Horse-race, and it hath a Gallery little lesse then the length of the gate, which leadeth straight from the gate to a very great Table that stands at the end of the Court, the which is all paued with square stones with leanings as high as a mans waste, and it is high in the entry of the gate,* 4.775 and there remayneth onely one step in the end of it to the Table, and the course in the sides of the Galle∣ry [ 50] is low, that they goe downe to it by steps: this Gallery of the middest is of such respect a∣mong them, that in no wise it is lawfull for any one to passe through it, but onely some of the chiefest of the House, or others as great or greater then they: and those that goe to negotiate with the Officer of the House when they enter in at the gate, they must goe presently to one side, going downe to the Court which hath very great Trees for shaddow, and they goe vp a∣gaine by steps vnto the Table aboue-said, which is at the end of the Court, which is very great. In the end of this Table in all his length there is a step, and within the step a very great walke, all paued with square stones as the Table without it, and very high and all wrought with Ma∣sons worke: in the middest of it leaning to the wall of the front are two Chaires, with two Tables before them, a little distant the one from the other, one of them, which stands on the [ 60] left hand, serueth for the Gouernour of that house, and that of the right hand is void, for if there should come another of a higher dignitie then hee, to sit him downe. To euery one of the sides there are two spaces which runne behind this Gouernour, and are of a good breadth, hauing pla∣ced along the sides of these two spaces in euery one fiue Chaires with fiue Tables before them, and as the distance from them to the principall Gouernour is good, they remayne though behind,

in sight of the principall Gouernour. These serue for ten Assistants which are with the princi∣pall at the dispatching of waightie matters. From these Galleries inward are greate Lodgings, as well for the Gouernour of the House▪ as for the Assistants, and for all the other Ministers and Officers of the House, which are many, as we will shew in their place.

* 4.776On euery side of the Court are very great Prisons and great Lodgings, as well for the Iay∣lours (which also are of great authoritie) as for the Watches that watch by night and by day, but neither these Prisons nor the Chambers of the Ministers of the••, nor the Lodgings of the chiefe of the House are seene outward, for they are serued of all things, the doores shut and haue continually their Porters. There are in Cantan foure of these Houses for foure principall Offi∣cers, and in euery Prouince in the Citie, that is, the Head of the Prouince there are fiue of these Houses: in Cantan there are but foure; for as the Gouernour of Cantan is also Gouernour of Cansi, [ 10] he is not resident in Cantan, but in a Citie that is in the Borders of one of the Prouinces, that the recourse in the Affaires of both the Prouinces may be the easier. Besides, these principall Hou∣ses of the chiefe Gouernours, there are many other in Cantan, the which though they bee not of so great Maiestie as they, they are notwithstanding very great, of other inferiour Officers, and chiefly those of the chiefe Iaylour which are very great. There is on the wals of Cantan, on the contrary side of the Riuer a high Towre all close behind, that they which are in it may not bee seene, nor gazed on from the Hillocke or Mount aforesaid, that was without the wals, and it is built in length along the wall, so that it is longer then broad, and it is all made in Galleries very sumptuous, from whence they discouer all the Citie, and the Marshes and Fields beyond the [ 20] Riuer, which serueth for the recreation of them that rule. In the other Cities are such buil∣dings which serue for recreation, many and very sumptuous, and of singular building.

The Houses of the common people in the outward shew, are not commonly very faire, but within are much to be admired;* 4.777 for commonly they are white as Milke, that they seeme like sleeked Paper, they are paued with square stones: along the ground, of a spanne little more or lesse, they are dyed with Vermilion, or almost blacke; the Timber is all very smooth and euen, and finely wrought and placed, that it seemeth to be all polished, or dyed, or in white, and some there is in white so faire and pleasant to the sight, waued Damaske-like, as it were Gold, and so bright that they should doe it injurie in painting it. I confesse, in truth, that I neuer saw so fine Timber as that. It hath after the House that is at the entrie, a Court with solaces of small [ 30] Trees; and Bowers with a faire little Fountayne: and then at the entring of the House where the women doe with-draw themselues, it hath a certaine manner of a Gallery open before to∣wards the Court, where they haue verie great Cubboards finely wrought, which takes the one square of the House, in the which they haue their Oratories, and Gods made of Wood, or of Clay: these Oratories are more or lesse curious according to the abilitie of euerie one: all the Houses are tiled with very good Tiles, better, and of more continuance then ours: for besides, they being well made, they are of verie good Clay: those which receiue the water are broad and short, and the vppermost that close, the other are narrower, and at the ends toward the street side, they are garnished with fine Workes made of Lime: for many yeares they haue no need to be tiled againe, for as the Clay is very good, they are not so mouldring as ours, or so rough, but [ 40] they are very smooth and warme, and beeing so well set they breed no filthinesse. There bee many Houses faire within, and very few with Lofts, the most are low Houses.

* 4.778They haue in the middest of the Citie a Temple of Idols with high Towres, the wals of the which we will speake of hereafter: they haue their Mesquit with Alcoran very high with his Pinacle on the top. The Suburbes without are very great and of many Houses, in such sort that some Portugals would haue compared them in bignesse with them of Lisbon, but to mee and to others they seemed lesse, though they bee bigger and of more Houses then the Citie within the wals. It is very populous, and the people is so much, that at the entring of the gates on the Ri∣uer side yee can scarce get through.* 4.779 Commonly the people that goeth out and in, doe cry and make a great noyse to giue place to them that carrie burthens. And the Rulers of the Citie com∣manding [ 50] to enquire what victuals were spent euery day,* 4.780 it was found to spend only fiue or sixe thousand Porkes, and ten or eleuen thousand Duckes; besides which, they eate great store of Beeues and Buffes, and many Hens, and an infinite deale of fish, whereof the Markets and streets are full, and many Frogs and Shel-fish, great store of Fruits and all other Pulse. Hereby little more or lesse may be seene what people are in Cantan, and whether it may bee compared with Lisbon.

* 4.781The Houses of the Suburbes are like those of the wals within; the streetes are so well and le∣uelled by Line as those within, and all for the most part paued also, and some of them are verie broad, and haue triumphant Arches, but very few. Some streets, as well without as within the wals, on the one side and the other along the Houses, haue Trees for to make shadowes. In all the streets of the Suburbs at the ends of them are gates with speciall Porters,* 4.782 whose Office is to [ 60] locke them euery night vnder paine of sore punishment, and euery street hath a Constable and a Iayle. He stands bound, either to yeeld the Malefactor which by night doth any harme in the street, are to pay for it; wherefore all the streets haue euery night a watch, the Neighbours di∣uiding

themselues in quarters: and they make euery night sixe quarters or watches, and for a signe that they are awake, in euery street they found a Drumme,* 4.783 where they haue all the night a Lanthorne with a light. The gates of the Citie are shut as soone as it is night, and on the two leaues is set a paper, with the chiefe Captaines marke on euery one of them, and they are ope∣ned with the Sunne, with a token from the same Captaine to them all, with his marke written on a white boord. Euery gate hath a Captaine, a very honest man,* 4.784 and euery one hath certaine Souldiers, which continually doe watch euery one of the Gates by day and by night.

In some Cities the water runneth almost thorow euery street, and on the one side and the other of the street are Tables made of stone, for the common seruice of the people: and tho∣row [ 10] all the streets are very good and well wrought Bridges to passe from one side to another: and thorow the middest of the streets is great trafficke by water that goe from one place to an∣other. In those places whereby the water entreth into the Citie, they haue made in the walls very good gates, which haue very strong Iron grates for to shut by night: and the most of the streets to the land inward are very well paued with stone, and (where is no stone) with small tyle. In all the Mountaines and Hills where there are wayes, they are very well made, cut with the Pick-axe, and paued where they are needfull. This is one of the good works of China, and it is very generall in euery place of it. Many Hills on the side of the Bramas, and of the Laos, are cut in steps, very well made; and in the height of the Hill is made a low place, very well cut; in the which is a very high Towre, which aboue doth equall with the highest of the Mountain, [ 20] which is very strong, the wall of one of the Towres was measured at the entring of the gates, and it was sixe fathome thicke and an halfe. There are on this side many of these workes, and so there may be in other places. I heard of a Gentleman of credit, called Galiote Perera,* 4.785 Bro∣ther to the chiefe Iustice of Arrayolos, which abode in Cansi, being Captiue, that (with the houses of these kinsmen of the King, being so many and so great) the Citie was so bigge that it seemed they occupied very little of it, and make a very little show in it: and so he had it written in a Rudder of his, whence I tooke a great deale * 4.786 of that which is heere spoken of: in such sort that the greatnesse of the Citie did hide in it selfe the multitude and greatnesse of these houses.

As in the Countrey there is great store of Timber and very cheape, and much Iron and cheap, [ 30] and it is very good, there are infinite number of ships and shippings;* 4.787 for through the Countrey are infinite Groues of Firre trees, and other trees, whereby it is easie for any one though of a little substance, to make a ship and haue shippings, and this causeth the great profit and gayne that is of them with the necessitie the Countrey hath of them: for it hath not onely a great number of Ilands alongst the coast, but also a very great coast where they Nauigate: and besides this, all China within is nauigated, and runne through Riuers which doe cut and water it all, which are many and very great. So that yee may sayle to the ends of the Land, and goe in ship∣pings. Any Captaine along the coast may in a little sp••ce ioyne two hundred, three hundred, euen to a thousand ships, if hee stand in need for to fight. And there is no small Towne along the Riuer that is not plentifull in small and great ships. Along the Citie of Cantan, more then [ 40] halfe a league off the Riuer, is so great a multitude of shipping, that it is a wonderfull thing to see them, and that which is most to wonder, is that, that this multitude neuer decreaseth nor fayleth almost all the yeere: for if thirty, forty, or an hundred goe forth one day, as many doe come in againe the next: I say, the multitude neuer to diminish nor fayle, for though some∣time there be more, some lesse, alwaies there remayneth a maruellous multitude: and that which is more, all those that goe forth, goe laden; and all that come in, come laden; carrying goods, and bringing goods: and that which sheweth much the noblenesse of the Countrey, the plentie and riches thereof is, that all these ships bringing great store of merchandise of Clothes, Silkes, prouisions and other goods, some doe goe into the Land, others come from within the Land, and nothing commeth form without China, neither goeth out of it:* 4.788 and that which the Por∣tugals [ 50] doe carrie, and some that they of Syam doe carrie, is so little in comparison of the great trafficke of the Countrey, that it almost remayneth as nothing, and vnperceiued; seeing that out of China there goeth no more but that which the Portugals, and they of Syam doe carrie; which is as much as though they brought nothing out of China, fiue or sixe ships comming la∣den with Silke and Porcelane: the great plentie and riches of the Countrey doth this, that it can sustayne it selfe alone: Pepper and Iuorie which is the principall that the Portugals doe carrie, a man may well liue without it, and the trafficke of merchandise that is in this Countrie, is in all the Cities within the Land, which as we haue said, are almost all built along the Riuers. The Chinas haue a common speech for to shew the noblenesse of their Kingdome,* 4.789 that the King of China can make a Bridge of ships from China vnto Malaca, which are neere fiue hundred [ 60] leagues, the which though it seemeth it cannot be, yet by Metaphor it signifieth the greatnesse of China, and the multitude of ships that of it selfe it can make.

The great ships they call Iunks; besides which there are ships for warre, made like great ships,* 4.790 to the which they make great Fore-castles and high, and likewise abafte, to fight from them: in such manner that they ouer-master their aduersaries, and because they vse no Ordnance, all

their vse is to come many together, and compassing the aduersaries ship, they boord it: and at the first on-set they cast a great deale of Lime to blinde the aduersaries, and as well from the Castles as from the tops they cast many sharpe pikes burned at the end,* 4.791 which serue for Top∣darts, of a very stiffe wood; they vse also great store of stone, and the chiefest they labour for, is to breake with their ships the dead workes of their aduersaries, that they may be masters o∣uer them, hauing them vnder them, and being destitute of any thing to shelter them: and as soone as they can enter, they come to the Pike or handy-blowes, for the which they haue long Pikes, and broad-pointed Swords hanging at their sides. There bee other Iunkes for lading of goods,* 4.792 but they are not so high as those of warre, though there bee some very great. All these ships as well of warre as of burthen vse two Oares a-head: they are very great, and foure or fiue men doe rowe euery one of them, laying them along the ship they moue them with such a [ 10] sleight, that they make the ship goe forward, and they helpe very much for to goe out and in at a barre, and setting vpon the enemies for to boord them: they call these Oares, Lioslios: in all manner of their shippings they vse the Lioslios, neither doe they vse any other manner of Oares in any kinde of shipping.* 4.793 There be other lesser shippings then Iunkes, somewhat long, called Bancones, they beare three Oares on a side, and rowe very well, and loade a great deale of goods: there be other lesse, called Lanteas, which haue sixe or seuen oares on a side, which doe rowe ve∣ry swift, and beare a good burthen also: and these two sorts of ships, viz. Bancones and Lanteas, because they are swift, the theeues doe commonly vse. The rowing of these Oares is standing, two men at euery Oare, euery one of his side, setting one foot forward, another backward. In the Iunkes goe foure, fiue, or sixe men at an Oare. [ 20]

* 4.794They vse also certaine shippings very long, like vnto Gallies, without Oares or beake-head, which doe lade great store of goods: and they make them so long, because lading bringing a great burden they may sayle the better by the Riuers, which sometimes are not rough. They haue many other shippings of burthen, which is superfluous to tell of euery one. There be many small boats of poore people, in which are husband and wife, and children, and they haue no o∣ther dwelling but in their boat in a middle decke, for defence of the Sunne, and of the raine: as also haue the Bancones, and Lanteas, and others which wee said were like Gallies, and these deckes are in such sort, that vnder them are very good lodgings and chambers in the great ships, in these of the poore, they are much inferiour: there they breed their Pigs, their Hennes, and there they haue also their poore little Garden, and there they haue all their poore state and [ 30] harbouring.* 4.795 The men goe to seeke worke about the Citie to helpe to maintayne their little house; the women goe in the boats, and with a long cane that reacheth well to the bottome of the Riuer (at the end of the which is a little basket made of rods, wherewith they get shell∣fish) with their industrie, and passing of people from one side to another, they helpe to sustaine their houshold. These poore people notwithstanding doe not liue so poorely and beggarly in their apparell, as those which liue poorely in Portugall. There are other great shippings, where∣in is the stocke of them both * 4.796, which haue great lodging where they may bestow a great deale of stuffe: these haue a great stocke; they haue certaine Cages made all the length of the ship with canes, in which they keepe two or three thousand Duckes, more or lesse as the vessell [ 40] is: some of these belong to Lordships, and their seruants goe in them: they feed these Duckes, as followeth.

After it is broad day, they giue them a little sodden Rice not till they haue enough, when they haue giuen ••t them, they open a doore to the Riuer where is a Bridge made of canes, and the noise they make at their going forth is wonderfull to see them goe tumbling one ouer ano∣ther, for the great abundance of them, and the time they take in going out; they feed all the day vntill night among the fields of Rice,* 4.797 those which are owners of the shipping doe receiue a fee of them that owe the fields, for letting them feed in them, for they doe cleanse them, eating the grasse that groweth among them. When night commeth they call with a little Ta∣ber; and though they be in sundry Barkes, euery one knowes their owne by the sound of the Ta∣ber, [ 50] and goe vnto it; and because alwaies in time some remayne without that come not in, there are euery where many flockes of wilde Duckes, and likewise of Geese. When I saw such a multitude of Duckes in euery one of these Barkes, and all of one bignesse, and thinking they could not be hatched by Duckes or Hens, for if it were so, some would haue beene bigger then some, seeing so many could not be hatched in one, two, or fifteene dayes, I was willing to know how they hatched them; and they told mee, it was in one of two sorts. In Summer, laying two or three thousand Egs in the dung,* 4.798 and with the heate of the weather and the dung, the Egs are hatched. In the Winter, they make a Hurdle of canes very great, vpon the which they lay this great number of Egges, vnder the which they make a slacke fire, continuing it of one sort a few dayes till the Egges be hatched. And because they are hatched in this sort, there are [ 60] so many of one bignesse, and all along the Riuer are many of these Barkes, whereby the Coun∣tries are well prouided of this food.* 4.799

There are some ships wherein the Rulers doe sayle, which haue very high lodgings, and with∣in houses very well made, gilt, rich, and very sumptuous: and on the one side, and the other

they haue great windowes with their Nets wouen of Silke, and very fine small rods set before them, that they within seeing all them without, may not bee seene of them. Toward the side of the Laos and the Bramaes, are continually watches and wards in the Riuers in many ships, e∣uen a whole moneths Iourney in length vnto the Citie of Cansi: these ships are in the places where the Riuers make any armes,* 4.800 because of the many theeues which commonly are in these parts, being the vttermost of the Kingdome: and because the Riuers haue many armes, many ships are placed in those parts: in euery place where these shippings are, there bee two small ships, which continually doe goe night and day from one watch to another, because they are ve∣ry swift, and those of the great ships doe diuide themselues into watches at their quarters, for [ 10] to watch as well in the small as in the great ones.* 4.801 The ships of passage goe alwaies a great num∣ber together, that they may defend themselues, one another, while the ships of warre, and the watches do come to them, and at the watch where they make night, there they stay til the mor∣ning, and by the small boats they are deliuered safe to the next watch forward, and so from watch to watch they are accompanied of the small vessels till they bee set in safetie. From the Citie of Doncheo, that is, where the Gouernour of Consi and Cantan is resident, vnto the bounds of the Prouince of Cansi, which are places more dangerous, are continually Armadas of fortie or fiftie ships. All these watches are paid of the common Rents of the Kingdome.

China is almost all a well husbanded Countrey: for as the Countrey is well inhabited, and people in abundance, and the men spenders,* 4.802 and vsing themselues very deliciously in eating and [ 20] drinking, and apparell, and in the other seruices of their houses, especially that they are great eaters, euery one laboureth to get a liuing, and euery one seeketh wayes to earne their food, and how to maintayne their great expences.* 4.803 A great helpe to this is the idle people to bee much abhorred in this Countrey, and are very odious vnto the rest, and that laboureth not shall not eate, for commonly there is none that doe giue almes to the Poore; wherefore, if any poore did aske almes of a Portugal and he did giue it him, the Chinas did laugh at them, and in mockage said: why giuest thou almes to thi•• which is a Knaue, let him goe and earne it:* 4.804 onely some Ie∣sters haue some reward, going to some high place gather the people, and telleth them some fables to get something. The Fathers and Priests of their Idols are commonly abhorred and not estee∣med, because they hold them for idle people, and the Rulers for any light fault doe not spare [ 30] them, but giue them many stripes. Wherefore,* 4.805 a Ruler whipping once before a Portugal a Priest of theirs; and he asking him wherefore he did vse their Priests so ill, and held them in so little esteeme, answered him: these are idle and wretched Knaues. One day, I, and certayne Portugals entring into the house of the Ouer-seer of the goods, about the deliuerie of certayne Portugals that were in prison, because the matter belonged to him, for the great profit that came thereof to the King, much people came in with vs to see vs, among the which there was a Priest: as∣soone as the Ruler said, Set them downe, all of them ran away in great haste, the Priest running as all the rest, for feare of the whip.

Euery one laboureth to seeke a liuing; for that which hee earneth hee enjoyeth freely, and spends it as he will, and that which is left him at his death remaynes to his children and grand∣children, [ 40] paying onely duties Royall, aswell of the fruits that they gather, as of the goods they deale in, which are not heauie. The greatest Tribute they haue, is euery married man, or that hath house by himselfe, p••yeth for euery person in his house two Mazes, which are sixtie Reys.* 4.806 From Champaa, which as we said, doth confine with Cauchinchina vnto India, are many vnpro∣fitable grounds, and made Wildernesses and Woods, and the men are generally little curious to get or gather together, for they neuer gayne or get so much but it is tyrannized from them, that which they haue is onely theirs as long as the King listeth, and no more. In such sort that as soone as the King knoweth that any of their officers hath much money, hee commandeth him to bee pu•• in prison, and they vse him so hardly, that they make him cast all that hee hath gotten: wherefore there are many in those parts, that if they get any thing or money one day or one [ 50] weeke, they will not labour till they consume all that they haue earned in eating and drinking, and they doe it because if any tyrannie should chance to come, they may finde nothing to take from them. From hence it commeth, as I say, that they haue in India many grounds in diuers places vnprofitable; which is not so in China, for euery one enioyeth the fruits of his labour.

Hence it commeth that all the ground that in China can yeeld any kinde of fruit receiuing seede, is husbanded. The high places which are not so good for Corne,* 4.807 haue very faire Groues of Pine Trees, sowing also betweene them some Pulse where it may be: in the drie Lands and stiffe they sow Wheate and Pulse: in the Marshes which are ouerflowed, which are many and very long, they sow Rice: and some of these Marshes doe yeeld two or three Crops a yeere. Onely the Mountaynes that are high and beaten with the weather, and are not fit to plant any thing, [ 60] remayne vnprofitable. There is nothing lost in the Countrey bee it neuer so v••le: for the bones, as well of Dogs as of other Beasts, they doe vse, making toyes,* 4.808 and with workes in stead of Iuo∣rie, they set them in Tables, Beds, and otherfaire things: they lose not a Ragge of any qualitie, for as well of the fine as of the course, that are not of Wool••, they make fine and course Paper, and they make Paper of barkes of Trees, and of Canes, and of silken Ragges,* 4.809 and in the Paper

made of silke they write: the rest serueth for to roll betweene the pieces of silke: euen the dung or men yeelds profit, and is bought for mony or in change of herbs, and they carry it from the houses: in sort that they giue money or money worth, to suffer them to cleanse their houses of office,* 4.810 though it smelleth euill through the Citie: when they carry it on their backs, they carry it in Tubs very cleane without, and although they goe vncouered, notwithstanding it shew∣eth the cleanlinesse of the Countrey and Cities. In some Cities these Tubs vse to goe couered not to annoy.

They vse in all things more slight then force, whereby they plow with one Oxe, making the Plough in such fashion that it cutteth well the Earth, though the furrowes are not so bigge as among vs. A ship be it neuer so bigge, and haue it neuer so great a leake, the Pomps are made by such a slight,* 4.811 that one man alone sitting mouing his feet as one that goeth vp a paire of stayres, [ 10] in a very little space he pomps it out: these pomps are of many pieces as a water wheele, laid a∣long the side of the ship betweene rib and rib, euery piece hauing a piece of wood of halfe a yard little more or lesse, one quarter well wrought: in the middest of this piece of wood is a square little boord, almost of a hand breadth, and they joyne one piece into another in such manner as it may double well, the joynts which are all very close, whereby this manner of pompe doth run, is within of the breadth of the little boardes of euery one of the pieces, for they are all equall: and this manner of pompe bringeth so much water as may contayne betweene the two little boardes.* 4.812 The Chinas vse also Puppets, with the which they make representations. They bring vp Nightingales in Cages which sing all the yeere, and are vsed to Puppet representa∣tions [ 20] also.

* 4.813It is a thing worth the noting, that the blinde haue a labour appointed them for to get their food, which is to serue in a Horse-Mill like Horses grinding Corne: and commonly where is a horse-mill there are two, because two going together, they may recreate themselues in talking one with another, as I saw them going about with Fannes in their hands cooling themselues, and talking very friendly. The blinde Women are the common Women, and they haue Nurces that doe dresse them and paint them with Vermillion and Ceruse, and receiue the wages of their euill vse. The lame and the creeple which either haue no kindred within a certayne degree, or if they haue them and they doe not prouide for them that which is necessarie, or are not able to helpe them, they make their Petition to the Ouer-seer of the goods of the King, and his kindred [ 30] being examined by his Officers, if among them are any that can maintayne them, they doe binde the neerest to take them to them their charge and maintayne them, and if their kindred bee not able to maintayned them, or if they haue no kindred in the Countrey, the Ouer-seer of the goods commandeth they be receiued into the Kings Hospitall: for the King hath in all the Cities great Hospitals which haue many lodgings within a great inclosure. And the Officers of the Hospitals are bound to administer to those that are bedred all things necessarie, for the which there are sufficient Rents appointed out of the Kings Exchequor. The lame that keepe not their bed, haue euery moneth a certayne quantitie of Rice, with the which, and with some Hens or a Pigge, which they bring vp in the Hospitall, they haue sufficient to maintayne themselues, and a••l these things are very well paid without faile: and because commonly those which are recei∣ued [ 40] into these Hospitals are incurable, they receiue them for life: and all those which are recei∣ued by commandement of the Ouer-seer, are enrolled, and euery yeere the Officers of the Ho∣spitall doe yeeld account of the expenses, and of the prouision of the poore sicke, and if any fault or negligence bee found in them of that which they are bound to doe, without remission they are well punished for it.

§. III. [ 50] Of their mechanicall Trades, Merchandises and Moneyes: their prouisions of Flesh and Fish; the persons and attyre of Men and Women: their Feasts.

THere are in this Countrey many workmen of all Trades, and great abundance of all things necessarie for the common vse, and so it is requisite, for the people is infinite. And because shooes are the thing that most is spent, there are more workmen of Shoo-makers then of any other Trade.* 4.814 In Cantan are two particular streets of Shoo-makers very long, one where they sell rich shooes, and of silke, another where they sell com∣mon shooes of leather: and besides these two streets, there are many workmen scattered about [ 60] the Citie. The rich Bootes and Shooes, are couered with coloured silke, embroydered ouer with twist, of very fine workes, and there be Bootes from ten Crownes, to one Crowne price, and shooes of two Crownes and thence downward, and in some places are shooes of three pence. So that the rich and the very poore may weare shooes: and the rich as they list: the shooes of

three pence, or of a Riall, are of straw, and I say of three pence, for there is money that an∣swereth our three pence. There bee many rich husband-men, that let men by the wayes with many of these strawen shooes for the poore Trauellers (and it is no wonder to haue this charitie among these Infidels,* 4.815 for in the parts of the India are many rich Gentils which haue very great houses, wherein they spend continually much Rice, giuing foode to all the poore of what qua∣litie soeuer, that will come thither 〈◊〉〈◊〉: and by the wayes they haue men set to giue drinke to the poore Trauellers. There be also many Carpenters, and very good workmen of all man∣ner of worke. They haue continually many boxes made of many sorts, some varnished with a very fai••e varnish, others painted, othe•••• ••yned with leather, and likewise of other sorts. They haue continually a great number of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 made, some of very faire white wood, and other [ 10] fairely gilt and siluered, very finely wrought.

They haue also C••••ites wherein the Rulers are carried on mens backs through the Citie,* 4.816 which are very rich, of a great price and very faire: they haue another manner of Chaires, which are high, very rich and pleasant all close, with a little window on each side very faire with a net made of Iuorie, or of Bone, or of Wood, through the which they that goe within doe see on the one side, and on the other of the street without being seene: these serue for to carry the Wo∣men about the Citie when they goe abroad. The feare is of the height of one of our Chaires, where they goe sitting with their leg•• at length. There be many of these Chaires very rich, and of a great price: and there are some plaine, and haue Pinacles on the top•• very faire: there are also many bed-steads very pleasant and very rich, all close round about, of wood finely wrought. [ 20] I being in Cantan there was a rich one made wrought with Iuorie, and of a sweet wood, which they call Cayolaque, and of Sandalam, that was prized at foure hundred Crownes, and of little Boxes gilt, and Maundes, and Baskets, D••sks, and Tables, all as well gi••t as with Siluer is without number: Gold-smiths, Siluer-smithes, Copper smiths, Iron-smiths, and of all other Trades there be many and perfect Workmen▪ and great abundance of things of euery Trade, and very perfect. They vse infinite Vessels of Latten: and from China they furnish all Ia••a and Siam, with these Vessels, which in India they call Bategarin, and they are in euery kind very perfect. They vse Skillets, and Chasing-dishes, and other Vessels of cast Iron, and not only they doe cast these Vessels of Iron, but after they are broken they buy them againe for to re-cast them. There [ 30] are many Merchants of pieces and Clothes of Silke, because they spend many in the same Coun∣trie, and in Siam, and there are pieces of Damaske and Taffata among themselues so rich, that they bring them not to vs, because they giue them not for them what they are worth within the Land: they sell also great store of fine and course Serge of sundry colours.* 4.817 There are many Merchants of white and dyed Linnen cloth, for it is that which is most spent in the Countrie. They gaue me a piece of Linnen cloth of about ten cubits, which was valued at tenne Crownes, there is both fine and course as euery one will haue it.

And howsoeuer the Porcelane which is vsed in all the Countrie of China,* 4.818 and in all India is of common Clay; notwithstanding, there is very much course Porcelane, and other very fine, and there is some that is lawfull to be sold commonly, for the Rulers onely vse it because it is red and [ 40] greene, and gilt, and yellow: some of this is sold but very little, and that secretly. And because there are many opinions among the Portugals which haue not beene in China, about where this Porcelane is made, and touching the substance whereof it is made, some saying, that of Oysters snels, others of dung rotten of a long time, because they were not enformed of the truth, I thought it conuenient to tell here the substance whereof it is made, according to the truth of them that saw it. The substance of the Porcelane is a white and soft stone, and some is redde,* 4.819 which is not so fine, or in better speaking, it is a hard clay, the which after well beating and grinding it and laying in Cisternes of water (which they haue very well made of free-stone and some playstered, and they are very cleane) and after it is stirred in the water,* 4.820 of the Creame that remayneth on the top they make the very fine Porcelane: and so the lower the courser, and [ 50] of the dreg•• they make the coursest and base, which the poore people of China doe vse. They make them first as the potters doe any other vessell; after they are made, they drie them in the Sunne, and then paint them as they list with Azure, which is so fine as we see: after these Pi∣ctures are drie, they lay on the Glasse, and then harden them.

The principall streets of the Merchants, are the most principall streets, which haue couerts on the one side and on the other: notwithstanding, the chiefest sale of the Porcelane is in the Gates of the Cities,* 4.821 and euery Merchant hath at his doore written in a Table all that is sold within his shop: those which sell simples for medicines, haue at their doores tyed and hang∣ing in a string, a piece of euery thing. There is in China great store of Rubarbe, but it is not brought to Cantan, but sodden, there is none found raw. As the goods of China are very great [ 60] and many, so the rents which the King of China hath in euery part of his Kingdome are very great. Some China Merchants did affirme that Cantan did yeeld euery yeere to the King three thousand Picos of Siluer, and euery three Picos make one Baar, euery Baar hath foure Kintals, euery Kintall hath foure x 4.822 Arrobas: so that one Baar is sixteene Quarters, and three thousand Picos, making one thousand Baars, by consequence, one thousand Baars make y 4.823 sixteene thou∣sand

Quarters; and wee speake of weight, for in China is no money of Gold or Siluer, but one∣ly of Brasse, the Gold and Siluer goeth by weight. But these as they are popular people, though occupied in the trafficke of the Countrie, it seemes they know not well the trueth of this, and that the summe is greater which is collected of the rents Royall, for the Countrie is very great, and the merchandise many and very substantiall. I was informed by meanes of the Rulers, which is a more certaine information, because the rents doe passe thorow their hands, that the rent of the Salt in Cantan did yeeld alone to the King 300. Picos of Siluer, which doe make 100▪ Baars, which are 400. Kintals, that are 1600. * 4.824 quarters of Siluer.

Euery one hath a paire of scales and weights in his house, which all are exceedingly per∣fect. The weights that they commonly haue, are from ten crownes to one, and from ten Tan∣gas [ 10] to one, one Tanga is nine pence. By the name of their Countrie▪ the lesser great weight is of one Tael, one Tael is sixe Mazes, one Maez is the same that a Tanga: of the small weights, the smallest is one Conderin, ten Conderins make one Tanga, or one Maez: one Conderin hath ten Caxos; and because the common that goeth in stead of money is Siluer by weight, euery one hath weights of his owne, as abouesaid: for one laboureth by all the meanes hee can to de∣ceiue the other, none doe trust the scales and weights of the other, and euery one that goeth to buy in the Market, carrieth a weight and balance, and broken Siluer, and the balance is a little beame of Iuorie with a weight hanging at the one end with a string, and on the other end a little scale, and the string of the weight runneth along by the beames, which hath his markes from one Conderin to ten, or of one Maez vnto ten. These scales serue for to buy by retale, for [ 20] to buy by grosse they haue perfect scales very curious and fine, with very perfect weights. They carrie the Siluer commonly full of mixture, and because they encrease it with the mixture, from hence it commeth that he which will make good markets in the Countrie of China, and that it may be cheape, carrieth Siluer rather then goods, for by the encrease which the Chinas make of the Siluer with the mixture, they giue the merchandise good and cheape for the Siluer. The Merchants are commonly false and lyars.* 4.825

There is great abundance of Rice in all the Countrie, for there are many marishes, which yeeld two or three crops euery yeere. There is also much and very good Wheat, whereof they make very good Bread, which they learned to make of the Portugals; their vse before were Cakes of the same Wheat. There be many French Beanes, and other Pulse: there is great store [ 30] of Beefe, and Buffes flesh, which is like Beefe: there are many Hens, Geese, and innumerable Duckes:* 4.826 there are infinite Swine, which is the flesh they most loue: they make of the Hogs many singular flitches, whereof the Portugals carrie an infinite number to the India, when they goe thither by way of trafficke. The Chinas doe esteeme the Porke so much, that they giue it to the sicke.* 4.827 They eate Frogs also, which are sold in great Tubs full of water at the gates, and they that sell them are bound to flay them. All flesh is sold by weight aliue, except Beefe, and Buffes flesh, and Porke, which commonly is sold by the pound, except if they doe buy it whole, for then they are to weigh it whole: and that it may weigh the more, they fill it first wi••h meat and drinke: the Hens to make them weigh the more, they fill them likewise with water, and their crops full of sand and other things. The pound of the Hen, Goose, Ducke, and Frogs, is [ 40] all at one price; the Porke, Beefe, and Buffes flesh is worth lesse, and all at one price. The fish is exceeding much, and all very good, and it neuer wanteth in the markets: there be many Crabs, and Oysters, and other shell-fish, and all is very good: and of all these things the markets are full.* 4.828 The Markets are commonly at the gates of the Cities, and vnder the triumphant Arches which are in the large and principall streets, as we said before, and along the Portals of the same streets: but not to sell here flesh or fish, for there be particular streets, excepting quicke flesh, which is sold euery where.

* 4.829There are many Garden-herbes, sc. Turneps, Radish, Cabage, and all smelling Herbs, Gar∣leeke,* 4.830 Onions, and other herbes in great abundance. There are also many fruits, scil. Peaches, Damsons, and another manner of Plummes which wee haue not, with long, round, and sharpe [ 50] stones at both ends, and of these they make Prunes: There are many Nuts, and very good, and many Chesnuts both small and great. There is a kinde of Apples that in the colour and rinde are like gray Peares, but in smell and taste better then they. There is a fruit whereof there are many Orchards, it groweth on great and large boughed trees, it is a fruit as bigge as a Plumme round and a little bigger, they cast the huske, and it is very singular and rare fruit, none can haue his fill of it, for alwaies it leaueth a desire of more, though they eate neuer so much, and doth no hurt. Of this fruit there is another kinde smaller, but the biggest is the best, they are called Lechias.* 4.831 There are Oranges, Figs, and many other fruits, which were to long to recite. And though there be particular streets of Victualling houses, yet there is through all the Citie almost in euery street of these houses.* 4.832 In these Victualling houses is great store of meate dressed. Ma∣ny [ 60] Geese, Hennes, and Duckes roasted and sod, and store of other flesh and fish dressed: I saw at one doore hanging, a whole Hog roasted, and let one aske where he will, for all is very cleanly dressed: the showe of all the meate that is dressed is at the doore, almost inciting them that passe.* 4.833 At the doore is a vessell full of Rice, well coloured and dressed, and because the matters

of Iustice are commonly almost from ten of the clocke forward, and many haue their houses farre because the Citie is very great, or because they which come from out of Towne with busi∣nesse, as well Inhabitants as Strangers doe eate in these houses. When any man meeteth any acquaintance of his that commeth from abroad, or that he hath not seene him a long time, salu∣ting one another, he asketh him presently if he hath dined, and if he answereth no, he carrieth him to one of these houses, and there they eate and drinke priuily, for there is great store of Wine, and better then in any place of India, which they make of confections: if he answereth that he hath dined alreadie, he carrieth him where they haue onely Wine and Shell-fish, where∣with they drinke, of which houses there are also many, and there he doth feast him.

[ 10] There is also in Cantan along the wall on the outside, a street of Victualling houses, in the which they sell Dogs cut in quarters, roasted, boiled, and raw, with the heads pulled, and their eares; for they scald them all like Pigs, it is a meate which the base people doe eate,* 4.834 and they sell them aliue about the Citie in Cages: through euery street they sell flesh, fish, herbes, fruit, and all things necessarie, crying that which they sell. In the end of Februarie, in March, and part of Aprill, when the great flowings are, there commeth great store of fish from the Sea to spawne, in the mouthes of the Riuers along the Sea, whereby there breedeth infinite small fish of many sorts in the pooles of the Riuers. Of these spawnes in these times all the Fishers along the Sea coast doe meet in their boats, and there meet so many that they couer the Sea, and lie neere the pooles. And these Fishers doe take great quantitie of this small fish, and cast it in Ci∣sternes which they haue made with stakes, and a very thicke Net made of wyer, where they doe [ 20] feed them, to the end of the fishing time: and at this time there are wont to come a great num∣ber of Barkes from all places of China within the Land (for I said alreadie that all China is sailed by Riuers, for it is all cut and watered with great Riuers) and these Barkes doe bring a great many baskets within and without, which are all lined with oyled paper, that it may hold wa∣ter, and euery one of these Barkes doe buy the fish they haue need of. Then they carrie this fish in these baskets through all the Countrie inward, changing euery day the water, and all men of any possibilitie, within their grounds and inclosures haue great store of fish in ponds, for the which they buy the baskets they haue need, they feed this fish in the ponds in a very short time with Cow dung and Buffes dung, wherewith it groweth very fast. In all the ditches of the Ci∣ties likewise they breed great store of fish in the same sort, of which the Rulers are serued. In [ 30] all the Cities which I said alreadie, are built along the Riuers. The King hath many Sea Crowes in Coopes, in which they breed, with the which they make Royall fishings many times: all the Barkes that are bound to goe a fishing with these Cormorants, doe meet and set round in the Riuer, those that haue charge of the birds, doe tye them about the crops,* 4.835 that they cannot swal∣low them, and they cast them to fish in the Riuer. They fish till they fill their crops of middle fish, and if it be great, they bring it in the beake, and come to the Barke, where they cast all the fish they haue fished, forcing them to cast it: and in this manner they fish the quantitie they will, till they haue to their contentment: after they haue fished for the Barke they vntye them, and let them goe fish for themselues: after they be full, they come to the Boats, and are put in the [ 40] Coops: these birds doe fish very much. The King doth giue for a fauour to the Rulers one or two of these Barkes, according as the person is of qualitie for the maintayning of his house with fresh fish.

Though that the Chinas commonly are ill-fauoured, hauing their faces and noses flat,* 4.836 and are beardlesse, with some few haires in the points of the chinne: some notwithstanding there are which haue very good faces, and well proportioned, with great eyes, their beards well set, and their noses well shapen: but these are few, and it may be they are of other Nations. They weare long Coats commonly with plaites after our good ancient vse:* 4.837 with a flappe ouer the breast to tye on the side, and all in generall haue very long sleeues to their coats, they weare commonly blacke Coats of Linnen, or of very fine Serge or course of diuers colours, some weare them of Silk, many doe vse them on the Feast dayes of Silke: the Rulers weare commonly fine Serge, and on [ 50] their Feasts they vse very fine Silkes, chiefly crimson, which none in the Countrie may weare but they: the poore people weare commonly Coats of white Linnen, because it costs but little: on their head they weare a high Cap made of very fine twigs, and it is round interwouen with blacke Silke, and very well made, they vse their Stockins whole footed, which are very well made and stiched, and they weare Boots or Shooes, as the curiositie or abilitie of euery one is, either of Silke or of Leather: in Winter they weare Stockins of Felt, either fine or course, but the cloth is made of Felt: they vse also in Winter their garments lined with Martines, chiefly about the necke: they vse quilted Iackets, and some doe vse them of Felt in Winter vnder their Coats.

They vse long haire like women, which they weare finely combed,* 4.838 and they combe it many [ 60] times a day, they weare it tyed on the crowne of the head, and through the knot thrust through with a long small Siluer pin: those which are not married, to wit, the yong Bachelors doe weare for a deuise a fillet or ribband dresse very well made, their Cap remayning aboue it, that it may be seene: they haue a superstition in their haire, therefore they weare it so long, holding that

by it they shall be carried to Heauen. The common Priests doe keepe their haire, but are shauen, for they say they neede no helpe to carrie them to Heauen. Yet among them are some Priests of the Temple of the Idols, which among the Chinas are more reuerenced then the rest; these doe weare haire on the top of the head fastned with a stick, very curiously wrought like a close hand, varnished with a very fine varnish, which they call Acharan: and these Priests doe weare black coates, the other wearing a white coate.

* 4.839The Chinaes are very curteous men; the common curtesie is, the left hand close, they in∣close it within the right hand, and they bring them very oft to their brest, shewing they haue one another inclosed in their heart▪ and to this motion of the hands, they joyne wordes of cur∣tesie, though the wordes of the common sort is to say one to another, Chifan mesan, which is to say, Haue yee eaten or no, for all their good in this world is resolued in eating. The particular [ 10] curtesies betweene men of sort which haue not seene one another a long while, are the armes bowed and the fingers clasped one within another, they stoope and speake with wordes of great curtesie, euery one labouring to giue the hand to the other to make him rise: and the more hono∣rable they are the longer they stand in these curtesies. The honorable and noble People doe vse also many curtesies at the Table, the one giuing drinke to the other, and euery one laboureth to giue the hand to the other in their drinking, for at the table there is no other seruice but that of drinking. If there come any Ghest newly to his friends house, or his kinsman, if the Master of the house be not apparelled in holy day clothes, when the Ghest commeth in, he maketh no ac∣count of him nor any mention, till he commandeth to bring his festiuall apparell, and after he is so apparelled hee goeth to the Ghest, and receiueth him with many complements and curtesies. [ 20] For they hold it not conuenient, that a new-come Ghest and of reuerence bee receiued with common apparell, but clothed in feast-like apparell, for in this he sheweth him that his entring into his house is a feast day to him.

Whatsoeuer person or persons come to any mans house of qualitie, hee hath a custome to offer him in a fine basket one Porcelane, or as many as the persons are, with a kinde of drinke which they call Cha,* 4.840 which is somewhat bitter, red, and medicinall, which they are wont to make of a certayne concoction of herbes somewhat bitter: with this they welcome commonly all man∣ner of persons that they doe respect, be they strangers or be they not; to me they offered it ma∣ny times. The Chinaes are great eaters, and they vse many dainties, they eate at one table Fish and Flesh,* 4.841 and the base people dresse it sometime all together. The dainties which are to bee ea∣ten [ 30] at one table, are set all together on the board, that euery one may eate where hee liketh best. It is a cleanly and neat people. The common people hath some grosse things.

Certayne noble Portugals went to shew me on a day in Cantan a banquet, which a rich Mer∣chant made, which was worth the sight. The house where it was made, was with a loft, and very faire, with many faire windowes and casements, and all of it was a mirror: the Tables were set in three places of the house, for euery Ghest enuited a Table and a Chaire very faire and gilt, or with siluer, and euery Table had before it a cloth of Damaske downe to the ground. On the Tables was neither cloth nor napkins, as well because the Tables were very fine, as because they eate so cleanly that they need none of these things: the fruit was set along the edges of e∣uery Table, all set in order, which was, rosted Chesnuts and peeled, and Nuts cracked and sha∣led, [ 40] and sugar Canes cleane and cut in slices, and the fruit we spake of before, called Lichias, great and small, but they were dried. All the fruit was set in small heapes like Turrets very well made, crossed betweene with certayne small sticks very neat: whereby all the Tables round a∣bout with these little Turrets were very fairly adorned. Presently after the fruit, were all the seruices placed in fine Porcelan dishes, all very well dressed and neatly carued, and euery thing set in good order, and although the dishes were set one ouer another, all were so finely set, in such sort that he which sate at the Table might eate what he would, without any need of stirring or remouing any of them: and presently there were two small sticks very fine and gilt for to eate with, holding them betweene the fingers: they vse them in stead of a paire of Pincers, so that they touch nothing of that which is on the board with their hand; yea, though they eate a dish [ 50] of Rice, they doe it with those sticks, without any graine of the Rice falling: and because they eate so cleanly, not touching with the hand their meate, they haue no need of cloth or napkins: all comes carued and well ordered to the Table. They haue also a very small Porcelan cup gilt, which holdeth a mouth full of wine, and onely for this there is a Waighter at the Table: they drinke so little that at euery bit they must haue the cup, and therefore it is so small. There are some Chinaes that weare very long nailes, of halfe a quarter, and a quarter long, which they keepe very cleane, and these nailes doe serue them in stead of the sticks for to eate withall.

* 4.842The Chinaes doe vse on their birth dayes to make great feasts, continuing yet in them the cu∣stome [ 60] of the old Gentiles. In these Feasts are wont to meet all the Kinsmen and Friends, and all doe helpe him to beare the charges of the Feasts, with sending him Presents, that when they doe celebrate their birth dayes they may pay them in the same sort:* 4.843 and because they haue these helpes, they make great expence and solemnitie. The feast lasteth all night long, for all the

Gentiles as they walke in darknesse liuing without the knowledge of God, so all their feasts through all places of India and in China, are made by night.* 4.844 In these feasts is great abun∣dance of meate and great store of wine, all the night they spend in ea••ing and drinking, and musicke playing on diuers instruments. Their Priests offer their sacrifices to their Gods, apparelled very richly. They apparell themselues in diuers sorts of garments, and the Priests doe sing their songs in a very tunable voice: among these sacrifices, playing and singing, the Tables are alwayes furnished with sundrie meates, euery one taking what hee liketh best. The Priests when they haue sung as all the rest, doe make at their doore triumphant Arches very well made of Paper, and Scaffolds with diuers representations of Figures and [ 10] Statues, and certayne high Trees and hanging on the broken Boughes, very well wrought and painted, many lights, and in euery place many Lanthornes very faire and well made all with lights.

In the generall Feasts of all the Towne and People, chiefly on the first day of the yeere,* 4.845 all the streets and doores are very richly dressed, and chiefly they doe indeauour and labour to deck the triumphall Arches, couering them with many clothes of Damaske and of other silke, with many Lanthornes. There is much playing of sundrie Instruments, and singing, and ioyntly with this great store of meate of sundrie kindes, and great abundance of Wine. They vse many times representations by Actors, which doe represent very well and to the life, the A∣ctors hauing very good apparell and well ordered,* 4.846 and fitting as is requisite for the person hee [ 20] representeth; and they that represent a Womans part, besides the apparell that is requisite for the part hee representeth, they are painted with Stibium and Ceruse. Those which vnder∣stands them not what they represent, are sometimes wearied, but they that vnderstand them doe delight very much to heare them: and one whole night, and two, and some time three, they are continually busied in representations one after another. While these representations doe last, there must bee a Table set with great store of meate and drinke. They haue in these Actions two great inconueniences or blemishes, the one is, that if one be to represent two parts, and is to change his attyre, he doth it before all the Beholders: the other is, that the Represen∣ter as well as hee that speaketh alone, doe speake in a very high voyce almost singing. Some∣time they goe to the ships to play, that the Portugals may giue them money.

[ 30] The Instruments they vse for to play on, are certayne Bandoraes like ours, though not so well made, with their Pinnes to tune them,* 4.847 and there bee some like Gitternes which are smaller, and other like a Viall de gamba, which are lesse: they vse also Dulcimeres and Re∣beckes, and of a certayne kinde of Hob••yse, resembling our vse. They vse a certayne manner of Instrument that hath many wyer strings; they play on them with their nayles, which for that purpose they weare; they haue a great sound and make a good harmonie: they play ma∣ny Instruments together sometimes, consorted in foure voyces which make a very good con∣sonancy. It hapned one night by Moone-shine, that I and certayne Portugals sitting at the doore of our lodging, a few young men passing the time came along the Riuer, playing on di∣uers Instruments; and wee being glad to heare the musick, sent for them to come neere where [ 40] wee were, and that wee would inuite them, they as gallant youthes came neere with the Boate and beganne to tune their Instruments, in such sort that wee were glad to see them fit themselues that they might make no discord: and beginning to sound, they began not altoge∣ther, but the one tarried for to enter with the other, making many diuisions in the processe of the musick, some staying, others playing: and the most times they played all together in foure parts. The parts were two small Bandoraes for the Tenor, a great one for counter-Tenor, and an Instrument called Crano followed the rest, and sometime a Rebecke, sometime a Dulci∣mere for a Treble. And they vsed a good policy, that wee might remayne the more desirous, they played but two straines.

It is not lawfull for any man in all the Countrey to carry any manner of weapon,* 4.848 no not a knife, therefore when one quarrels with another they goe to buffets and pulling by the haire: [ 50] onely the Souldiers and Ministers of the Captaines of warre doe weare swords on their hangers. When any man dyeth that hath House, Kindred, and Children, after hee hath giuen vp the ghost, they wash the Coarse and put on his best apparell, and his Cap on his head,* 4.849 and set him on a Chaire, and then commeth his Wife and kneeleth downe before him, and with ma∣ny teares and lamentable wordes shee taketh her leaue of him: and after the Wife comes the Children in their order doing the like, and after the Children the rest of the Kindred, and all the rest of the House, and his Friends. The ceremonies ended, they put him in a Coffin made for him of Camfiere wood, which is preseruatiue for dead bodies, and smelleth well, they close it and pitch it well that no smell may come out of it; they set it vpon two little formes, and cast ouer it a cloath to couer the Coffin downe to the ground, whereon the picture of the [ 60] man deceased is pictured. They make a little house before the Coffin of white raw cloath, with a Portall right against the Coarse, where a Table is set with candle-sticks and candles lighted, and set thereon bread and all the fruits of the Countrey. And all this they doe of superstition for a ceremonie, and there they keepe the Coarse eight or fifteene dayes, in the

which their Priests of their Gods come continually by night to offer their Sacrifices, and to pray their Heathenish inuentions. There they bring many Pictures of men and women, and burne them with many ceremonies. Finally they hang some Pictures of men and women in paper hanging on coards, and with great praying and moouing these pictures by the coards, with great crying and showting, they say, to send the dead man to Heauen. All day and all night while they are in these ceremonies, there is a Table set with great store of meate and drinke. These ceremonies ended, they take the Coffin and set it in a Field where the dead are, and there it consumes with time.* 4.850 Their mourning which they vse is the sharpest that euer I saw, for they weare Coats after the common sort, of verie course wooll next the flesh, and girt with great coards, and on their head a Cappe of the same cloath, made like the Caps that are [ 10] vsed in the Countrey, sauing that these haue certaine flappes that fall ouer their eyes. Not∣withstanding, that as they are nearest in kindred so they weare the rougher mourning weed. The rest weare raw cloath, and not so course. For Father or Mother, they mourne three yeeres: and if he bee Louthia, as soone as hee heareth the newes presently he leaueth the office he serueth, and goeth to mourne to his owne house for three yeeres, which being ended he goeth to the Court to demand his office.

* 4.851The Women commonly, excepting those of the Sea coast, and the Mountayners, are very white and fine women, some hauing their noses and eyes well proportioned. From their child-hood they wrap their feete in cloathes, that they may remayne small, and they doe it for the China's doe holde them for finer women that haue small Noses and Feete. This is vsed [ 20] yet among the noble people, and not among the basest. They weare their hayre very well combed, close and tyed to the crowne of the head, and bound from the rootes to the toppes with a long lace very well placed. And the lace is garnished with Iewels and peeces of Gold round about. They vse long Coats like the Portugall women, which haue the waste in the same manner that they haue. They weare vpper-bodies with long sleeues, they spend com∣monly more Silke in their garments then their husbands: but in their common apparell they are cloathed in white Linnen-cloath. They make curtesies as our women doe, but they make three together and very hastely. They vse painting their faces with Vermilion and white Ce∣ruse very well set. They commonly keepe themselues close, so that through all the Citie of Cantan there appeareth not a woman, but some light huswiues, and base women. And when [ 30] they goe abroad they are not seene,* 4.852 for they goe in close Chayres, (whereof wee spake before) neither when any bodie commeth into the house doth hee see them, except for cu∣riositie they chance vnder the doore-cloath, to looke on them that come in when they are strange people.

Commonly the men haue one Wife, which they buy for their money more or lesse, accor∣ding as they are,* 4.853 of their Fathers and Mothers. Yet may euery one haue as many wiues as hee is able to maintaine: but one is the principall with whom they liue, and the other he lodgeth in sundry houses And if hee hath dealings in diuers Countries hee hath in euery one a wife and house with entertainement.* 4.854 If the wife committeth adulterie, and the husband accuseth her and the adulterer, both suffer death. And if the husband doe suffer the wife to play the adulte∣resse,* 4.855 [ 40] hee is grieuously punished. I being in Cantan, saw a Marchant of China goe from Iustice to Iustice, verie sharpely handled for suffering his wife to play the adulteresse. The common wo∣men are in no wise permitted to dwell within the walls.* 4.856 And in the Suburbes without they haue their proper streets where they dwell, out of the which they may not liue: All the com∣mon women are slaues, they bring them vp for that purpose from their child-hood, they buy them of their mothers, and teach them to play on an Instrument of musique, and to sing. And those that can best doe this, because they gaine most, are worth more. And those which cannot doe that, are worth lesse. The masters either carrie them vnto the men, or sell them to them: and when they are to beset in the street of the common women, they are written by an Officer of the King in a Booke, and the Master is bound to come euerie yeere with a certaine fee to this [ 50] Officer, they are bound to answer their Master so much euerie moneth. When they are old, with Paynting they make them seeme young. And after they are not for that trade, they are al∣together free, without any obligation either to Master or any bodie, and then they feed vpon that which they haue gottten.

I spake so particularly of this matter, for to come to say that in this Countrey of China is no greater captiuitie then this of these Wenches. And let no man say, or affirme any other thing, for about the examining of it I laboured somewhat in Cantan, because some Portugals would af∣firme it otherwise.* 4.857 The captiuitie in this Countrey is in manner following. If any woman by the death of her husband remayneth a widdow, and hath nothing to maintayne her selfe with, neither the children that are left her are such as are able to get their liuing, neither hath shee any [ 60] thing to giue her children; this Woman in this necessitie, commeth to a rich man, and agreeth with him for six or seuen Crownes, for a Sonne or a Daughter, and the price receiued shee deli∣uereth it; if it be a Daughter, shee serueth as abouesaid for a common Woman, and is brought vp for that purpose: if it be a Sonne, hee serueth his Master some time. And when hee is of age to

marrie, the Master giueth him a Wife, and all the Children that are borne to him remayne free, and without any Obligation: notwithstanding, this Seruant is bound to giue his Master so much by the yeere, hauing a house by himselfe: for when he marrieth they giue him a house and he la∣boureth, either at some Trade, or by his industrie for to earne his liuing. And no man may sell a∣ny of these Slaues to the Portugals, hauing great penalties for it. The Women, as by being com∣mon, they looke for great profit of them, in no wise they will sell them, besides the running in∣to great penalties also. And all those which commonly are sold to the Portugals are stollen, they carry them deceiued, and secretly to the Portugals, and so they sell them: and if they were perceiued or taken in these stealths, they would bee condemned in the vtmost punishment. The [ 10] Lawes of China giue authoritie to the Women for to sell their Children, and not to the Men, for as the Men are bound to get a liuing for himselfe and for his Children, if hee want the reme∣die, they hold that hee is in the fault of that. And that Man may the better labour for their li∣uing and their Childrens. So farre is China from hauing Slaues that altogether should bee cap∣tiues, that neither those which they take in warre are slaues: onely they are bound to the King, and are placed for Souldiers in places farre from their Countries where they were taken, eating of the wages they haue of the King. These doe weare for a deuice a red cap, as I saw the Tartari∣ans weare in Cantan, which had beene taken in the warres.

[ 20]

§. IIII. Of their Louthias, Mandarines or Magistrates, their creation, priuiledges, maintenance; Of Prisons and Tortures; of the King and of Embassadors.

EVery one that in China hath any office, command or dignitie by the King, is called Louthia, which is to say with vs Sen̄or. How this Title is giuen him, we will in his place make mention of it.* 4.858 There are in euery Prouince of China one thousand Lou∣thias, or according to others three thousand, besides those that are resident in the [ 30] Court, by whom are ordayned all matters of the Kingdome, and to whom come all the waigh∣tie matters of all the Realme. And because they are to dispatch with the King; and conuerse with him within doores, and it is not lawfull for other to conuerse with them,* 4.859 neither doe other see them, and they haue entrance where the Wiues of the King are, which are many, they are com∣monly Eunuchs. In euery Prouince are fiue, which among the rest are most principall, which haue a very great authoritie and majestie in their persons, and are greatly reuerenced and hono∣red, not onely of the common people, but also of all the other Lothyas.

The principall of the fiue is the Gouernour, which in their language is called Tutom, to this come all matters both great and small of all the Prouince,* 4.860 and for the authoritie and majestie of [ 40] his person he is not resident where the other Lothyas, that hee may not bee frequented of them, and so he may be more esteemed and feared. To these come all the Rents of the Prouinces except the ordinarie expences, and by him as well the businesses as the Rents that are gathered, and all that hapneth in the Prouinces are referred and sent to the Court. The second dignitie of the Prouinces, is the Ouer-seers of the goods, which in their language is called Ponchassi:* 4.861 this hath the care to send to recouer through all the Prouince the Rents thereof, for the which hee hath many Lothyas vnder his iurisdiction, which are particular Officers for the businesses and recoue∣ries of the goods. This prouideth all the ordinarie charges of the Prouince, and with that which remayneth he resorteth to the Tutom, that he may send it to the Court, this may enter-meddle in graue matters of the other Officers inferiour, and hath authoritie ouer them. Likewise, all the [ 50] matters and affaires of the Prouince resort vnto him, to bee referred by him to the Tutom. Ano∣ther chiefe dignitie vnder this is the chiefe Iustice, which in their language is called Anchasi,* 4.862 and though there be many other Officers of Iustice, this is aboue all, and by him are the dispat∣ches distributed to the rest, and all matters of Iustice resort vnto him, as one that hath authori∣tie of the other inferiour. Another dignitie vnder this is the chiefe Captaine, who in their tongue is called Aitao. To this Aitao pertayneth to command to prepare the men of warre, and all that is necessarie of shipping, and victuals,* 4.863 and all other prouision against Enemies and against Theeues: to this belong also the businesses of strangers in cases which belong not to the goods. The fift and last of the great dignities, is of the chiefe Captaine which putteth in execution the matters of warre, and is resident in the Armies which the Aitao, being a land, doth ordayne: [ 60] when it is necessarie besides the putting matters in execution and order, if the matter require his presence, he goeth in person: and so important may the matter be that the Aitao will goe.* 4.864 This is called in the Countrie language Inthissi. In the house of euery one of these, except the Luthissi, which is the inferiour of the fiue, are other ten which are as Assistants, and are also of great au∣thoritie, fiue of these doe sit at the right hand of the Principal in fiue chaires, recited before when

we spake of the buildings, and fiue doe sit on the left hand: these in matters of importance are at the dispatching with the principall of the house, and the Principall dying or by any other meanes wanting, one of these according to his antiquitie remayneth in his stead: and if it be ne∣cessary to goe through the Prouince about some matter of importance, that appertayneth to the dignitie in whose house they assist, one of these doe goe with all the authoritie of the Principall. The fiue that sit on the right hand,* 4.865 haue a greater degree and dignitie then the fiue on the left hand. And as the dignitie consisteth in their Girdles and Canopies, those of the right hand weare Girdles of gold and Canopies of yellow, and those of the left hand weare Girdles of siluer and Canopies of blew, or of changeable colour. The Girdles are little lesse then three fingers broad, and an inch thick, and all about of gold or of siluer very well wrought made of peeces. The Ca∣nopies [ 10] are very large and faire, which an Officer doth beare vpon a staffe a fathom long, of a Cloue tree very faire, and they are lined with silke.

Besides these Assistants and the fiue Principall, there is among the inferiour one of greater dig∣nitie,* 4.866 which is the chiefe Iaylor, whom they call Taissu, which haue very great hou••es of great receipts, where they haue great prisons, but neither this nor any that are vnder may weare girdle of gold nor siluer, nor a yellow Canopie, except hee bee an Officer or Captaine of men of warre, that for fauour of a Gentleman may haue a yellow Canopie: the rest weare girdles of Tartaru∣ga, or of other matter made like them of gold or siluer, and their Canopies are of changeable stuffe or blew, and all these Inferiour doe speake to the Superiour, when they are before them on their knees, and doe kneele as long as they are with them, except the Taissu, who when he com∣meth [ 20] in kneeleth and riseth vp presently, and is alwayes standing. Euery one of the great ones haue many inferiour Officers vnder his iurisdiction, for the matters and businesses necessary to the Office of euery one, all which as they are the Kings officers haue the Title of Lothias and their badges or signes. The fiue Principall with their Assistants doe weare for a Badge the Kings Armes on their brests, and on their backs, which are certayne Serpents wouen with gold thred.

* 4.867Euery yeere there is one sent to euery Prouince as a Iustice, which is called Chaen, which commeth to take account of all the Lothias, great and small, and examineth all the Students and chooseth Louthias, and visiteth the Prisons, and all that is necessary to be seene and prouided for in all the Prouince. He vseth all meanes to spie out their briberie and injustice, and hath power [ 30] to displace or preferre. When this entreth newly into this Citie, it is not lawfull for any to worke, they shut their doores and no body walketh through the street, and to preserue his wor∣ship and authoritie they will not boldly communicate in sight of the people, and many Officers with Banners displayed of crimson silke, and all the Louthias both great and small are bound to goe and meet him. The same entertainment is vsed to euery one of the fiue, when hee commeth newly to the Prouince where hee is to administer his office. There bee other dignities aboue all these, which are called Quinchais, which is to say, a Plate or Seale of gold: which are not sent but about very serious matters and of great importance,* 4.868 for the Kingdome, or the King. Euery Lothia of what qualitie soeuer hee bee, high or low, hath for a signe or badge, besides the aboue∣said, a high Cap and round with certayne eares a-crosse, made of small twigges wouen [ 40] with twist.

All the Offices are giuen from three to three yeeres, and none is giuen for longer time, and all giuen to men that are not borne in that part of the Land, because they may not be mooued by affection in matters of Iustice that belong to their offices, and also because they may not become mightie, thereby to preuent insurrections. The offices are distributed by the King with the counsell of the Eunuchs. And because the Eunuchs are those with whose counsell the offices are d••stributed, they are many times mightily bribed.

The Chaens which the King doth send euery three yeeres, commonly are sound men, and bring commonly more authoritie then the rest. And these (besides the yeerly Chaen) are sent the third yeere, when euery Officer endeth his office. After that the Chaens haue taken the ac∣counts [ 50] of the Lothyas,* 4.869 they visit the Prisons and giue audience to the Prisoners. After this hee with the other principall Lothias doe visit the Schollers, and all those that hee findeth to haue studied well, he fauoureth and giueth them good hopes, and those which haue not studied well, if hee see they haue abilitie for it, he commandeth them to bee whipped. And if already they haue beene whipped and haue not amended, he commands them to bee put some dayes in prison, besides the whipping of them, that with these punishments from thence forward they may haue a better care. If hee findeth that they neither learne, nor haue abilitie, hee thrusts them out of the Schooles.

This doe onely the Louthias which come euery three yeeres, after they haue dispatched the businesses of the Prouince, hee busieth himselfe in making Louthias: which hee maketh in forme following. He commandeth to come to the principall Citie of the Prouince, all the Students [ 60] that haue well studied, from all the Cities of the Prouince, and from all the great Townes, where the King hath Schoole-masters of free Schooles, maintayned at his charge (for the Students did learne the Lawes of the Realme, maintayned at their fathers charge.) And all the principall

Louthias of the Prouince assembled with Chaen, there examine very well euery one of the Stu∣dents, demanding of him many things concerning their Lawes: and if he answereth to all well, they command him to be put apart, and if he be not yet well instructed, eyther they send him to learne more, and if it be through his default, eyther they whip him, or being whipped they send him to Prison, as the Portugals saw many in Prison for that fault, where they were in Pri∣son also. After the Examination ended, the Chaen riseth vp, and all the Louthias with great Ceremonies, Feasts, Musickes, and Playings,* 4.870 they giue the degree to euery one of them they found sufficient, which is to giue him the Title of Louthi••. And after the passing many dayes in Feasts, and Banquets, they send them to the Court to receiue the Badges of Louthias, which are Caps with eares, broad Girdles and Canopies, and there they stay the distribution of Offices. So [ 10] that in this manner they make the Louthias, which in the Countrey are to administer Iustice. The Louthias for war are made by Chiualries and famous Deeds which they did in war. So that in these Countries men are much honoured by their Learning, or by their Chiualrie, and yet more for their Learning, because of the Learned doe commonly come the fiue principall Louthias and the Assistants.

Notwithstanding, there are many Louthias, which are made for simple fauours,* 4.871 either for do∣ing some particular seruice to the King, or to the Realme, or in some Towne, or hauing some par∣ticular fauour or qualitie. As they did to a young man of China, because the Portugals beeing in Prison, he serued for an Interpreter, whereby the Louthias gaue him the title and badges of Lou∣thia, [ 20] because he could speake Portugall. But these and such other doe not commonly serue Offi∣ces of the King, but enjoy onely the Liberties of Louthias: as the Gentlemen Portugals haue their Liberties which some enioy by fauour of the King. And these Louthias haue great Liberties in the Countrey: for none can doe him any injurie without punishment, neither can they bee im∣prisoned but for hainous faults, and they may imprison any that doe wrong them,* 4.872 and many o∣ther Liberties. And though there were some Portugals that reported without any certaintie that the Chinaes did studie naturall Philosophie, the truth is that there is no other Studies nor Vniuersities in it nor particular, but onely the Schooles Royall of the Lawes of the Kingdome. The truth is that some are found that haue knowledge of the courses of Heauen, whereby they know the Eclypses of the Sunne and of the Moone. But these if they know it by any Wri∣tings that are found among them, they teach it to some person, or persons in particular, but of [ 30] this there are no Schooles.

The Chinas haue no certaine Letters in their Writing, for all that they write is by Chara∣cters. Their lines are not ouerthwart as in the Writings of all other Nations, but are written vp and downe.

When the Louthias are dispatched at the Court with Offices for the Prouinces, where they goe to gouerne,* 4.873 they depart carrying nothing of their owne more then the Apparell they are to weare, and some few Seruants to serue him, euen when they haue no Offices, neither need they carry any prouision for the Iourney, nor carriage or shipping at their owne charge: for through all the wayes where he goeth are prouisions, aswell of shipping as of necessarie carriage, and ne∣cessary food for all the Kings Officers, which are prouided of the Royall Rents.* 4.874 In all the Ci∣ties [ 40] and great Townes, the King hath many good and Noble Houses for the Louthias both great and small to lodge in, and all those which by any meanes are the Kings, haue sufficient Rents for the maintenance of euery person that shall dwell in the House according to his degree. And that which is to be giuen to euery one for his Expences is alreadie limited. Wherefore he that may lodge there being come, the Officer of the House commeth to him, and asketh him if hee will haue his ordinary in money, or in things necessarie for prouision, and that which hee doth de∣mand, as farre as the money doth extend, hee is to giue him, very well and cleanly drest, either Flesh, Fish, Duckes, or Hennes, or what he will. And any Louthia that doth lodge there, may command the Hoast of the House to be whipped, if he serue him not to his will. And if any Lou∣thia [ 50] will goe to lodge at the House of any acquaintance of his, hee taketh the Money, which the inferiour Louthias doe also sometimes, either to spare some Money, or to bee merry at their wils more freely. And in the prouisions of these Houses there is no want any wayes, for the Ponchasis haue the charge to giue them sufficient prouision that it doe not want. And at the yeares end account is taken of the Officers of the House of the Expenses he made.

By the wayes at euery League, and at euery two leagues are Houses which onely haue Beds, and Chaires for the Trauellers to rest and ease themselues.* 4.875 And some of those that haue care of these Houses, haue prouision for to giue Wine to the guests: others giue nothing but Chua. Af∣ter the Louthias come to the Citie where they are to be resident and execute his Office, they find the Houses, where they are to lodge according to the Offices they haue great or small, greater [ 60] or smaller. In these Houses they find all the Seruants necessary, Scriueners, Porters,* 4.876 and all o∣ther Ministers necessary for their Offices. For these are continually in the houses, for to minister at all times all the Offices of the Houses where they serue. And euery Officer according to his House and person hath his prouision necessary for his meate, drinke, and his apparell (limited so that it sufficeth him well) which is payed to him without faile, euery moneth.

When the Louthias are old and wearied in the charges and Offices of the Kingdome, they are lodged in their owne Countries or where they will,* 4.877 and the King alloweth them euery moneth so much according to their qualitie for their maintenance till they dye. And because the Or∣dinaries of the Louthias are commonly sufficient, and with some abundance, they may alwayes spare some thing to leaue their Wiues and Children. Before the inferiour Ministers these Offi∣cers doe all things of their Offices and matters of Iustice, for they are present at all things, to preuent Bribes and partialitie. Whiles the Louthia is sitting in the chaire to heare the parties and dispatching of matters, the Porters, Scriueners, Sergeants and other Ministers are at the doore: and when any person commeth with any matter, one of the Porters with a high voice that hee may be heard where the Louthias sitteth (for it is farre off) telleth who and wherefore he com∣meth. [ 10] And none speaketh to the Louthias but vpon both their knees on the ground, and common∣ly they speake a prettie space distant from him.* 4.878 And from thence with a high voyce well vn∣derstood, he propoundeth his case, or sheweth him his Petition written in Paper, and lifting vp the hand desireth him to receiue it, and to shew him Iustice; to whom a Minister runneth, the Louthia making a signe to him, and presenteth it vnto him. After the Louthia readeth it, he ey∣ther dispatcheth him of that which he asketh, writing at the foote of the Petition with redde Inke, or remitteth the party to an inferiour Officer to be dispatched. So I saw it done to a Pe∣tition which a woman presented to the Ponchasi.

The promptnesse and readinesse wherewith the Louthias are serued, and how feared they are, cannot be written with the Pen, nor expressed with the Tongue, but it must be seene with the [ 20] eye for to know what it is. All doe their messages running and with great speed, not onely the Scriueners and Sergeants, and other Ministers, but also the Inferiour Louthias to the Superiour. And if any fayleth neuer so little of his diligence and accustomed speed, or committeth the lesse negligence in the World before the Louthia, hee hath not any remission, but immediately they put a little flagge in his hand, and he must hold it in his hand kneeling vntill the parties be dis∣patched: and then the Louthia commandeth to giue him the stripes that he thinke good: and the stripes are such as hereafter we will speake of. Whereby all the Ministers in the Houses of the Louthias are playstered or marked with the stripes, so that already among themselues they hold it a disgrace not to be marked with the stripes,* 4.879 because it is a thing generally common among them. And when the Louthia waxeth angry or is moued at any thing, it is a wonder to see the [ 30] trouble and feare that is in all the standers by.

I being in the House of the Ponchasi with certayne Portugals, intreating for the deliuerance of certayne Portugals that were Captiues, and imprisoned in the Iayle, for the which wee car∣ried him eight Ounces of Ambar (which at that time was much esteemed of them, and now by carrying so much it is not so much esteemed) we not being willing to giue him the Ambar, with∣out giuing vs both the Portugals, he tooke an occasion for to terrifie vs, to waxe angry against the youth, seruant of a Portugall which was in our company and was our Interpretour. Wherefore he rose out of the Chaire and became red as bloud, and his eyes were inflamed, and set one foote forward, putting his thumbes vnder his Girdle, looking to the standers by with a terrible coun∣tenance: stepping forward, lift vp his foot and stampt on the ground with it, and said with a [ 40] terrible voyce.* 4.880 Taa, which is to say, Whippe. It was a wonderfull thing to see in how little space they tooke the youth, tyed his hands behind with a Cord, and laid him on his belly with his thighes bare, and two Beadles placed them selues on each side one, with one foote forward, and their Whip readie for to giue him the stripes that they should bee commanded to giue him. Certainly it was all done in a moment. The Merchants that came in our fauour were troubled, and stood aside shaking with feare. At this time one of the Prisoners said, Sirs, be not afraid, for he cannot whip that youth. And in truth we knew it was so, for according to their Lawes there was no fault, whereby he might command him to be whipped, and there was a penaltie if hee did it. The Louthia hearing the voyce of the Prisoner, commanded to carry him with speed to the Iayle againe. And the Louthia did this for nothing else but to make vs afraid, that wee [ 50] should giue him the Ambar for one of the Prisoners, for he could not giue vs the other, because he was alreadie adjudged to dye, and the sentence confirmed by the King, which was irreuocable, and he was willing to haue the Ambar, for he hoped to haue of the King a greater Reward then to be Ponchasi for the Ambar. For he did eate it for to sustayne life, and many dayes were past since they had demanded it of the Portugals, but as they knew not the name we vsed for it, they neuer vnderstood one another till that the yeare after they had for the Aitao of Cantan a little for the deliuery of a Portugall: whereby he was aduanced to Ponchasi. And this would also haue for the same effect the Ambar at our hands for to be aduanced.

Notwithstanding, we seeing our selues tyed and without an Interpretour by whom to speake, and the youth in disposition of whipping, we gaue him the Ambar. There came presently a Cha∣sing-dish [ 60] for to proue it, and the Prisoner cast a little in the fire, and seeing the smoake ascend right vp, he was contented, and scattering the smoake hee set his Nose ouer it and said, Haoa, which is to say, it is very good. And commanded presently to deliuer vs the Prisoner free. It was wonderfull to see with what speed it was weighed, and the pieces told and put in a Paper,

and noted by the Scriuener before them all the number of the pieces, and the waight that was there. And after that Paper another, all glued presently. And after that another.* 4.881 And in the third, the Panchasi set his Marke with Red Letters, and what was contayned within. And at the same instant came a little Boxe, and being put in it was presently stopped, and vpon the co∣uer a Paper glued, and vpon it the Marke of the Ponchasi: and presently came an inferiour Lou∣thia Captayne of the Army with his Souldiers, and all afarre off kneeled downe, and said at e∣uery word Quoo, which is to say, Yes, enclining their heads and hands to the ground. And recei∣uing his message, presently as he came running, so he returned running with the Boxe to take shipping for to carrie the Ambar to the Tutaen, to bee sent from him to the King. All this that I [ 10] haue spoken was done in a trice before wee stirred from the place where wee were. This was also desirous to haue the Ambar of vs before the Louthia of that seate did come, which was loo∣ked for euery day to come a new: for this was onely a Lieutenant.

When any Louthia that is not of the fiue, neither the Chaen, neither very inferiour, but as they say of the meaner sort, goeth abroad into the Citie, he hath before him a good space two Ministers with two Maces that seeme to be of siluer, vpon long staues, made almost after our fashion, and the one goeth on the one side the street, the other on the other-side. After these a little distant, goe other two, each with a straight Cane, or Pole in his hand. After these goe o∣ther two in the same distance with two Canes trayling along the Pauements, which are the In∣struments of Iustice wherewith they doe whip. After these goe other two with two Tables [ 20] like two Targets bowed and playstered, whereon is written the Title of the Officer that passeth. The formost signifie in their Maces, that he which passeth is in his Office in the Kings place. And the two straight Rods, the right of Iustice which he ought to doe. Those which carrie the Instru∣ments of whipping, doe carrie for a signe certayne long Red Laces, with two great round Tassels at the ends. And all doe carrie very gallant Plumes very well made of the points of a Peacocks tayle. And those that goe before doe now and then say with a loud voyce Huuph, which is to say, Giue place, or beware. While these doe passe it is not lawfull in any wise for any one to crosse, or goe in the middle of the street, vnder paine of being whipped without any remission.

It chanced two Portugals went through the middest of a street in Cantan walking, and behind them came an inferiour Louthia, which had but foure Ministers, which came crying according to [ 30] their custome they should giue place. The Portugals either gaue no heed or made no regard of those that came: wherefore a Minister comming, gaue a great thrust to the one of them, and the Portugall answered him with a boxe on the eare; and being bound with his hands behind him, was to goe to Prison. It was necessary for the Portugall to come to the Louthia, and pacifie him with faire words, and he made an end of pacifying him with fourteene Crownes that hee gaue him. After the Ministers commeth the Louthia in a rich Chaire gilt and very faire, on foure mens backes. These Chaires are great and sumptuous, and the Louthia goeth compassed with all the Scriueners and other his Ministers. And all of them while hee goeth by the street, goe al∣wayes running. And the Louthia weareth a long blacke Coate of fine Searge with long sleeues, which is the common wearing: he carrieth the armes a crosse like a Frier, and his eyes low with∣out [ 40] looking to any side: for euen with their eyes they will not communicate with the common people, for to preserue their authoritie the more with them, that may be more feared.

When any of the foure Louthias goeth abroad, except the Tutan, or the yearely Chaen, they goe accompanied with many Ministers, and sixe Officers doe carrie them on their backes, and they leade a spare Horse with a faire Saddle, and a cloth of Silke ouer it; the Chaire wherein they goe is more sumptuous and richer, they carrie before foure, fiue, or sixe Maces, and two or three Instruments and more Ministers.

When the Chaen that commeth euery three yeeres commeth into the Citie,* 4.882 or for forme im∣portant affaires goeth abroad, or some Quinchay, they shut vp all the doores in the streets where he passeth, and none doth worke, nor is any seene in the street when hee passeth. The shops are [ 50] shut vp, and euery thing of sale is out of sight. The Officers with coards along the street, doe make three lanes, where the triumphing Arches are made in three Arches: and through the middest passeth the Louthia onely, and the Officers on the two sides. And it is not lawfull for any to passe through the middle:* 4.883 they are accompanied of many inferiour Louthias that goe on foot. And on the one side of the street, and the other are many armed men and others with Ban∣ners of red Silke aduanced, all standing in good order. In the Court of the house where he is to goe in, are many Kettle-drummes set vpon high stakes to be well played vpon, which are coue∣red downe to the ground with clothes of Silke quartered. After these are many placed in order, with Flags of Silke on high. After these in the same order, are many with Trumpets, and all are in great silence. As soone as the Louthia appeareth they all sound their Instruments in order:* 4.884 [ 60] the sound of the Instruments ended, they remayne all in so great a silence, as if there were no bodie in the Court, being a great multitude of people. The people as they come in, doe place themselues on the sides, the middest betweene the Instruments remayning voide, whereby the Louthia passeth. Before these Louthias goe commonly many inferiour Louthias, of those that carrie Maces when they goe abroad. There are also in this Court many men at Armes with

long gilt Lances, and with very faire Armours. This is all in the first Court. In the second, a∣long the Gallerie (whereof wee spake aboue, when wee treated of the houses of the great men, that onely the Louthias passe through them) on the one side and the other are many inferiour Louthias with Head-pieces on their heads, some gilt, some with Siluer, and with Swords han∣ging at their belts, and with Coats and Cassocks made in fashion of Frockes with studs of Gold and Siluer, that it seemeth set vpon plates, but it is a very fine worke made vpon very single Silke, which serueth onely for brauerie and ornament. Some vse on their heads white Head-pieces garnished with Gold, but are of a very fine leafe and thinne, that seeming an Armour, are not. In this manner also are the Louthias inferiours, which doe enuiron the superiour Louthia. The Chaires where these doe goe are very rich and of great price, and very sumptuous. The Tables whereon is written the titles of dignitie of these Great men are written with letters of [ 10] Siluer. And when any of these doth enter newly in any Citie with these feasts and enternayn∣ments, all the Louthias, great and small, receiue him at a house (where hee landeth very rich and noble) and from thence they accompanie him vnto his lodging, and being lodged, all doe take their leaue with many curtesies. In these receiuings they vse no sumptuous apparell. The great men (when most) weare Coats of red Silke. In their owne feasts in their houses, and secretly one with another, and in banquets they vse crimson Silke, and all the brauerie in their apparell, and in rich attires.

Whensoeuer by way of inquirie or examination any Witnesses are demanded, the Louthias doe it in publicke before the Officers and ministers of his Office,* 4.885 and before all the rest that by any meanes chance to be there present, and this because no falshood may be vsed, nor any sleight [ 20] in the manner of inquiring: and by consequence in writing. And first they examine the Wit∣nesses seuerally, and if they doe agree, they ioyne them, and examine the one before the other, till they bring them to altercations and quarrelling by words, that by the words the one spea∣keth to the other they may come to the knowledge of the truth. And if by this meanes they doe not comprehend the truth, they giue them many stripes and tortures that by one meanes or other they may know the truth of the matter they enquire or examine:* 4.886 they vse no Oath, for they esteeme nothing of their Gods. They haue notwithstanding a respect in the witnessing the persons of qualitie, and of whom is presumed that they will not easily lye. When they exa∣mine any matter of great weight, or a graue person, then they write themselues, the pro∣cesse of the examination. It chanceth sometimes that some of the Louthias for a great bribe, [ 30] or for great friendship let some Prisoner loose,* 4.887 and put another in his place, for there neuer wanteth one naughtipacke that will put himselfe in danger of stripes, or death for interest, or they bring him in by deceit, deceiuing him with words, and making the matter light vnto him, and giuing him some interest, they name him as the Prisoner they will let loose, that the faults and punishments of the guiltie may fall vpon the innocent. And when sometime in this sort they cannot let the guiltie person loose, they labour to bribe all the Officers to giue him for dead among those that die in the prisons. But these inuentions are not vsed but where the bribes are great,* 4.888 or the adherents very great and mightie. And for to eschew the inconueniences which sometime fall out, when any are imprisoned for weightie matters, or the Prisoners haue great aduersaries, they set downe all the markes of the Prisoners, and cause them to be set at the foot [ 40] of the writing, that so they may not vse any of the malices abouesaid.

With how much pietie and leasure they kill, with so much crueltie and speed they whip, for in this case they forgiue none. The stripes are such that with reason it might be a sufficient pu∣nishment for to amend, for the canes wherewith they whip are plaited below about foure fingers broad, and goe straightning vpward vnto the end, where the Beadles hold them: and they are al∣most a finger thicke (for in those parts are canes as big as a mans leg. And because in Portugall are many witnesses of knowledge of the same, I dare simply affirme it, and they are of eighty * 4.889 or ninety spans long.) And their whips are made of these canes of the height of a middle statured man to the breasts. They giue the stripes on the hammes of the mans legs, being layd on his breast, and his legs layd along, and his hands tyed behind. And the Beadles butchering, as they [ 50] are commanded, the Louthias are altogether voide of compassion, talking one with another, ea∣ting and drinking, and picking their teeth. The crueltie is such, that the Court is full of bloud: and when they haue made an end of whipping them, they carrie them not, but like Butchers with much crueltie they draw them by one leg to the Prison.* 4.890 And when the Beadles are whip∣ping, they tell with a loude voyce the stripes. If the miserable Prisoners which are in the Pr∣son for grieuous faults at the time that this correction is to bee done can get a piece of a coard, wherewith they may hang themselues, they goe to buffets who shall hang himselfe first, that that the butcherie of the stripes be not executed on them. And the Portugals affirmed, which were in Prison, that in one day fortie Prisoners did hang themselues in the Prison where they [ 60] were, to escape the stripes they were rather willing to lose their liues. And they affirmed, that the coard was very short, that scarsely there was so much as to come about the necke to tye it, and on a sticke which they stucke in the wall, and because the sticke was very lowe, they pulled one another till they were choaked, going to buffets who should hang himselfe first. When any

doth kill himselfe, or dieth in the Prison, it is the order in China to cast him in the house of of∣fice, and there to be three dayes, where the Rats doe eate him vp. And sometimes the Chinaes Prisoners doe eate of them with hunger.

Euery Citie that is the Head of the Prouince, hath thirteene Dungeons,* 4.891 and in sixe of them are the men condemned to death: there are in Cantan vpward of fifteene thousand Prisoners. There are in euery Dungeon onely for the condemned to death, one hundred and twenty men that serue for watches, and haue a Louthia ouer them as their Captaine, or Gentleman of the round. There be two sorts of tortures, one for the hands, another for the feet, which are nip∣ped by certaine stickes to the bruising or breaking of the fingers or toes with cruell paines.

The King hath as many wiues as he listeth:* 4.892 and within doores all the seruice is almost of [ 10] women: whereof he hath a great multitude: and likewise great store of Eunuches, and there is no other people within the house. The first son that is borne vnto him of any of his wiues suc∣ceedeth in the Kingdome. The rest he marrieth, and at such time as he marrieth them they are lodged in some of the Cities that he best liketh; where they are well prouided of all things ne∣cessarie for their maintenance, as sonnes to the King. But they neuer see the Kings face any more after they are married.

All the Embassadours that come to China, with Embassages from Kings or Princss, receiue of the King great rewards and fauours, and they giue him Cap and signes of Lothia, whereby he hath great priuiledges in the Countrey. They may whip and punish the Chinaes themselues,* 4.893 so that they touch not any Louthia small or great: for to meddle with these would breed great [ 20] inconueniences. This was the cause that Fernando * 4.894 Perez of Adrade going for Embassadour to China, that the Chinaes did rise against him, and hee escaped with his hands on his head, losing some ships: because hauing done vnaccustomed Iustice in China, and vpon the Chinaes, and they forbearing him, he would stretch his hand to the Louthias. The goods of the Embassadour, and of his is free from customes, and to him and to his they giue lodgings to dwell in, and all things necessarie while they are in the Countrie. No man, no not a Louthia may disturbe him in any thing, nor any thing of his. One Lothia would haue whipped one of Siam, for hauing carried a message to the Prison to certaine Portugals that were in Prison. One of the Officers said vn∣to him that was present, that he was of Siam of the Embassage, wherefore being satisfied there∣with he let him goe in peace, desiring him he would not doe so againe.

[ 30] With the Chinaes being so great as at the beginning we said and declared, the King hath such meanes and industrie in the gouernement thereof, that euery moneth he knoweth all that passeth through all the Realme, and he knoweth it in this manner. All matters of Iustice and of Warre, and all annuities with all that is worth the knowing in euery one of the Prouinces is referred by the Louthias, and by other persons to the Ponchasi, and the Ponchasi maketh a relation of all by writing to the Tutan. The Tutan is bound to send a Post euery moneth to the Court, which carrieth the information in writing to the King of all things that passed in that moneth. They count their moneths by the Moones, and they are to be dispatched in such sort, that at the be∣ginning of euery Moone the Posts from all the Prouinces are to bee at the Court, that the first day of the Moone it may be presented to the King, as relations of all things happened in euery [ 40] Prouince. And although some Prouinces are farre distant from the Court, that the Posts cannot come within a moneth to the Court: notwithstanding in such manner they agree that euery Moone the King is to haue the relation of euery Prouince, though the one be of more time then another, because of the one Prouince being farre and the other neere.

The manner of the Posts is as among vs, they carrie a Horne which they winde when they come neere to any Towne, that they may haue a Horse ready in euery Towne within a certaine distance. They are bound when they heare the Horne to haue a Horse ready for him, which is done with such diligence as all the other seruices of the Officers. And where hee is to passe a Foord, as soone as he windeth his Horne with great speed they carrie him a Boat, as I saw once going to the Citie of Cantan, in a Towne that was in the way, called Caaman. Sometimes it [ 50] hapneth by the malice of some Louthias, when they haue any interest in it, to keepe some things concealed that the King knoweth not: but woe to them if the King come to know it, for they are grieuously punished, as wee shall see in a case hereafter following. Being in India, and also in China, I was enformed that sometimes the King of China doth send some men of great confi∣dence disguised through diuers parts of China, that they might see how his Officers did serue him.* 4.895 And if there were any nouelties or changes whereof they made him not priuie, or some things that were necessarie to prouide.

[ 60]

§ V. Of the Portugall commerce with the Chinois; of the seuere Iustice executed vpon certaine Magistrates, for wrongs done to the Portugals.

BEcause we spake many times before of Portugals, captiues in China, it will bee a conue∣nient thing that the causes of their Captiuitie be knowne, where many notable things will be shewed. Yee are to know, that from the yeere 1554. hitherto, the businesses in China are done very quietly and without danger: and since that time till this day, there hath not one ship beene lost but by some mischance: hauing lost in times past many. Be∣cause as the Portugals and the Chinaes were almost at warres, when the Armies came vpon them, [ 10] they weighed anchor and put for the Sea, and lay in places vnsheltered from tempests, whereby the stormes comming, many were lost vpon the coast, or vpon some shelues. But from the yeere 1554. hitherto, Lionell of Sosa, borne in Algarue, being chiefe Captaine, and married in Chaull, made a couenant with the Chinaes that they would pay their duties, and that they should suf∣fer them to doe their businesses in their Ports. And since that time they doe them in Cantan, which is the first part of China: and thither the Chinaes doe resort with their Silkes and Muske, which are the principall goods the Portugals doe buy in China. There they haue sure Hauens, where they are quiet without danger, or any one disquieting them, and so the Chinaes doe now make their merchandise well: and now both great and small are glad with the trafficke of the Portugals, and the fame of them runneth through all China. Whereby some of the principall [ 20] of the Court came to Cantan onely to see them hauing heard the fame of them. Before the time aforesaid, and after the rising which Fernando Perez of Andrade did cause, the businesses were done with great trouble, they suffered not a Portugall in the Countrey, and for great hatred and loathing called them Facui, that is to say, Men of the Deuill.

* 4.896Now they hold not commerce with them vnder the name of Portugals, neither went this name to the Court when they agreed to pay customes: but vnder the name of Fangin, which is to say, People of another Coast. Note also, that the law in China is that no man of China doe sayle out of the Realme in paine of death. Onely it is lawfull for him to sayle along the coast of the same China. And yet along the coast, nor from one place to another in China it selfe it is lawfull to goe without a certificate of the Louthias of the Countrey whence they depart: in [ 30] which is set downe, whither they goe, and wherefore, and the markes of his person, and his age.* 4.897 If he carrieth not this certificate he is banished to the Frontiers. The Merchant that car∣rieth goods carrieth a certificate of the goods hee carrieth, and how hee payed duties for them. In euery Custome-house that is in euery Prouince hee payeth certaine duties, and not paying them he loseth the goods, and is banished to the frontier parts. Notwithstanding the abouesaid lawes some Chinaes doe not leaue going out of China to trafficke,* 4.898 but these neuer returne againe to China. Of these some liue in Mallaca, others in Siam, others in Patane, and so in diuers pla∣ces of the South some of these that goe out without licence are scattered. Whereby some of these which liue already out of China doe returne againe in their ships vnto China, vnder the pro∣tection of some Portugall: and when they are to dispatch the duties of their ships they take [ 40] some Portugall their friend to whom they giue some bribe, that he may dispatch it in his name and pay the duties. Some Chinaes desiring to get their liuing, doe goe very secretly in these ships of the Chinaes to trafficke abroad, and returne very secretly, that it bee not knowne, no not to his kindred, that it bee not spread abroad, and they incurre the penalty that the like doe incurre. This law was made because the King of China found that the much communication of the strangers might be the cause of some risings. And because many Chinaes with an excuse of sayling abroad became theeues and robbed the Countries along the Sea coast, and yet for all this diligence there are many Chinaes robbers along the Sea coast.

These Chinaes that liue out of China, and doe goe thither with the Portugals, since the offence [ 50] of Fernando Perez of Andrada did direct the Portugals to begin to goe to traffick to Liampo;* 4.899 for in those parts are no walled Cities nor Villages,* 4.900 but many and great Townes along the coast, of poore people, which were very glad of the Portugals, and sold them their prouision whereof they made their gayne. In these Townes were these Merchants of China which came with the Portugals, and because they were acquainted, for their sake the Portugals were better enter∣tayned. And as these Chinaes which were among the Portugals and the Countrey Mer∣chants in their buyings and sellings, they reaped a great profit thereby. The inferiour Louthias of the Sea coast receiued also great profit of this trafficke, for they receiued great bribes of the one and of the other, to giue them leaue to trafficke, to carrie and recarrie their goods. So that this trafficke was among them a long while concealed from the King, and from the superi∣our [ 60] Louthias of the Prouince. After these matters had for some space beene done secretly in Liampoo,* 4.901 the Portugals went by little and little forward, and began to goe and make their mer∣chandise to Chincheo,* 4.902 and to the Ilands of Cantan. And other Louthias permitted them already in euery place for the bribes sake, whereby some Portugals came to trafficke beyond Namqui,

which is very farre from Cantan, without the King being witting, or hauing knowledge of this trafficke. The matters fell out in such sort, that the Portugals wintered in the Ilands of Liampoo.

Some Chinaes that were among the Portugals, and some Portugals with them,* 4.903 came to disor∣der themselues in such manner that they made great stealths and robberies and killed some of the people. These euils encreased so much that the clamour of the iniured was so great, that it came not onely to the superiour Louthias of the Prouince, but also to the King. Who commanded presently to make a very great Armada in the Prouince of Fuquen, to driue the theeues from all the coast, especially those that were about Liampoo, and all the Merchants as well Portugals as Chinaes were reputed in this number of theeues. Being ready they went forth along the coast [ 10] of the Sea. And because the windes serued them not for to goe for Liampoo, they went to the coast of Chincheo, where finding some sh••p•• of Portugals, they began to fight with them, and in no wise did they permit any wares to come to the Portugals; who stayed many dayes there (fighting sometimes) to see if they could haue any remedie for to dispatch their businesses. But seeing they had no remedy, they determined to goe without it. The Captaynes of the Armie knowing this, sent a message to them very secretly by night, that if they would that any goods should come to them, that they should send them something. The Portugals very glad with this message, prepared a great and sumptuous present,* 4.904 and sent it them by night because they were so aduised. From thence-forward came many goods vnto them, the Louthias making as though they tooke no heed thereof, dissembling with the Merchants. And so were the businesses ended [ 20] that yeere, which was the yeere 1548.

The yeare following, which was 1549. there was a straighter watch vpon the Coast by the Captaynes of the Armada, and greater vigilancie in the Ports and entrances of China, in such sort that neyther goods nor victuals came to the Portugals: but for all the vigilancie and wat∣ching there was, (as the Ilands along the Coast are many, for they all runne in a rew along the China) the Armies could not haue so much vigilancie, that some wares were not brought se∣cretly to the Portugals. But they were not so many that they could make vp the ships ladings, and the vttering those goods which they had brought to China. Wherefore leauing the goods which they had not vttered in two ships of China, of such Chinaes as were alreadie dismem∣bred from China, and Traffique abroad vnder the shadow of the Portugals, (in the which they [ 30] left thirtie Portugals in charge with the ships and with the goods) that they might defend the ships, and in some Port of China where best they could they should sell the goods that remay∣ned in change for some Wares of China, and hauing ordayned this they departed for India.

As the people of the Armie of the Chinaes saw the two ships remayne alone, the other ships being gone, they came vpon them, being induced by some Merchants of the Countrey, which discouered to them the great store of goods that remayned in those Vessels, and the few Portu∣gals that remayned to keepe them. Then they layd an ambush for them, dressing some Chinaes ashoare, which being in armes made as though they would set vpon the ships to fight with them, because they were close to the Land, that the Portugals being prouoked, should come out of the ships to fight with them, & so the ships might remaine without defence to them of the Armada, [ 40] which lay watching in an ambush, & did accordingly set vpon the two Vessels with great furie & celeritie, and slaying some Portugals that were in the ships, and wounding others they tooke the ships. The chiefe Captayn which is the Luthissi, remayned so glorious, that he vsed great crueltie on some Chinaes that hee tooke with the Portugals.* 4.905 Hee laboured to perswade foure Portugals which had more apparance in their persons then the rest, that they should say, they were Kings of Malaca, he perswaded them in the end, because hee promised to vse them better then the rest, and therewith he prouoked them. And finding among the cloathes that hee tooke a Gowne and a Cap, and asking of one of those Chinaes, that were taken with the Portugals what habit that was, they put in his head, that it was the habit of the Kings of Malaca,* 4.906 wherefore he com∣manded presently to make three Gownes by that patterne, and three Caps, and so he apparelled [ 50] them all foure in one sort, to make his fayning true, and his victory more glorious. To this was joyned the couetousnesse of the Luthissi to see if hee could detayne the many goods that hee had taken in ships.

And to doe this more safely, not to be taken in a lye, he did great executions vpon the Chi∣naes which he tooke with the Portugals, and killing some of them determined to kill the rest. These things comming to the eares of the Aitao, which was his superior, he disliked greatly that which hee had done, and sent to him presently that hee should kill no more of those which re∣mayned, but that he should come to him presently bringing with him all the prize as well of the men that were yet aliue, as of the goods. The Luthissi ordering his Iourney for to goe to the Ai∣tao, as he was commanded, he commanded foure Chaires to be giuen to them, to whom hee had [ 60] giuen title of Kings, to be carried in them with more honour. And the other Portugals were carried in Coopes with their heads out fast by the neckes betweene the boards that they could not pull them in, but hauing some wounds in their heads,* 4.907 they went bare headed to the Sunne and to the Dew, and were carried on mens shoulders. The Luthissi went with this Prize through the Countrey with great Majestie, he carried before him foure Banners displayed, on the which

were written the names of the foure Kings of Malaca. And when he entred into the Townes, he entred with great noyse and Majestie, with sound of Trumpets, and with Cryers which went crying the great victorie, the Luthisi (naming him) had gotten of the foure great Kings of Malaca. And all the great men of the Townes went to receiue him with great Feasts and Ho∣nours, all the Townes running to see the new Victorie.

When the Luthisi came with all his pompe and glory where the Aitao was, after the giuing him particular account of all things passed and of his victory, he manifested to him his pretence and agreed with him to diuide the goods betweene them both, and that he should continue the fayning of the Kings of Malaca, that both might receiue of the King Honours and Rewards. This being set downe they both agreed that to keepe this in secret, the Luthisi should go forward in that which he had begun,* 4.908 to wit, he should slay all 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Chinas, that came there captiue. And [ 10] presently they commanded presently to put it in effect, and so they slue ninetie and odde Chi∣nas, among whom were some young youths slaine. They left notwithstanding three or foure youthes and one man, that by them (bringing them to their owne hand) they might certifie the King all that they would, that was to make of the Portugals Theeues, and conceale the goods which they tooke: certifying also by these that those foure were Kings of Malaca. And the Portugals not hauing the Language of the Countrey, neither had any person to intreate for or fauour them would perish: and they being mightie would make their owne Tale good, follow∣ing the end by them intended. And for this cause they slue not the Portugals, but left them a∣liue, for the greater triumph of the victorie.

These Lothias could not doe this so secretly, but many of those which they slue had kindred in [ 20] the Countrey, which did grieue at the death of theirs. Whereby, as well by these, as by some Louthias that were zealous of Iustice, and would not giue consent in so great euils and fraudulent dealings, this matter came to the Kings eares, and hee was informed how the Portugals were Merchants which came to traffique with their Merchandize to China, and they were no theeues, and how they had falsly giuen the Title of Kings to foure of them, to the end the King should shew great fauours, and doe them great honours; and how they had vsurped great store of goods: and that for to conceale these euils, they killed men and children without fault.

* 4.909As soone as the King was informed of all aboue said, hee dispatched present from the Court a Quinchay, (of whom we spake before, that is to say plate of Gold) And with him he sent other [ 30] two men of great authoritie also, of the which the one had beene Panchasi, the other Anchasi, these two as Inquisitors and Examiners of this matter: Commanding and commending to the Chaen which that yeare went to visit the Prouince of Fuquen, and to the Panchasi and Anchasi, of the same Prouince, their ayde and assistance to the Quinchay, and the two Inquisitors in all things necessary for them in these businesses. The two that came with the Quinchay, as Inqui∣sitors, went presently to certayne great Houses which had in the middest a great Court, and on the one side of the Court were certayne great and faire Lodgings, and on the other side others in the same sort. Each of the Inquisitors entred in one of these Houses aforesaid. The Prisoners were presently brought, and were presented to the one of them, who for courtesie remitted them to the other, that he should examine them first, with many words of courtesie. The other sent [ 40] them againe with great thankfulnesse. So they were sundry times carried from one to another, each of them willing to giue the hand to the other of beginning first, till that one of them yeel∣ded and began. And as the matter was of great import and much commended to them, all that the guiltie and the accusers did speake these Officers did write with their owne hands. The Por∣tugals had for a great Enemy a China man and Pilot of one of the shippes that were taken, and a China youth which was a Christian, which from a childe was brought vp among the Portugals: for they were both made of the part of the contrarie Louthias, mooued by gifts and promises: the Louthias being alreadie deposed of their Offices, and held for guiltie, for the which they were accused before the King.

But though they were thus handled, they were so mightie and so fauoured, that they could [ 50] take from the Portugals a China youth that serued them for an Interpreter, which vpon their Petition was againe deliuered them.* 4.910 They examined them in this order, the accused were first brought and examined by one of these Officers, and they carried them to the other to bee exa∣mined againe. And while the other was re-examining the accused, the accusers were brought to him that examined first. And as well the accused as the Accusers were all examined by both the Officers, that afterward they both seeing the confessions of the one and the other, they might see if they did agree. And first they examined euery one by himselfe. Afterward they exami∣ned them altogeter, for to see if the one did contrary the other, or did contend and reprehend one another, that so by little and little they might gather the truth of the case. In these Exa∣minations the two were contrary, to wit, the Pilot, and the Christian China youth, and had many [ 60] stripes, because they agreed in some things. The Louthias did alwayes shew themselues glad to heare the Portugals in their defence, who alleadged in their defence, that if they would know who they were, and how they were Merchants and not Theeues, they should send to enquire of them along the Coast of Chincheo, that there they should know the truth▪ which they might

know of the Merchants of the Countrey, with whom a great many yeares agoe they had dealt, and that they might know that they were no Kings, for Kings do not abase themselues so much as to come with so few men to play the Marchants, and if before they said the contrary, it was by the deceit of the Luthisi, and to receiue better vsage of him in their persons.

Hauing this information of the Portugals, presently with the opinion of the Quinchay and the other Officers, they went to Chincheo both of them, to enquire of the trueth of that which the Portugals had told them; and discouering there the truth of the Portugals matter, and the lies of the Luthissi, and of the Aitao, they dispatched presently a Post; wherein they commanded to put the Luthissi and the Aitao in Prison, and in good safeguard. Wherefore from thence forward [ 10] all men began to fauour them very much. If notwithstanding this examination had bin made in Liampoo, as it was in Chincheo, the Portugals could not haue chosen but haue past it ill, according to the greatnesse of the euils they had done there. After the Louthias returned from Chincheo, they commanded to bring the Portugals before them, and comforted them very much, shewing them great good-will, and saying to them, that they knew already they were no theeues, but were honest men: and they examined againe as well they as their aduersaries, to see if they contra∣dicted themselues in any thing of that which before they had spoken.* 4.911 In these later re-examina∣tions the Pilot of China, which before had shewed himselfe against the Portugals, and had beene on the Louthias side, seeing that the Louthias were already in Prison, and that now they could doe them no good, and that the Portugals were already fauoured, and that the trueth was already [ 20] knowne, he gainsaid himselfe of all that he had said, and said that it was true that the Portugals were no theeues nor Kings, but Merchants, and very good men, and discouered the goods which the Luthissi had taken when he surprised the Portugals. And that till then he had said to the con∣trary, was for the great promises which the Louthias promised him, and for the great threats they vsed to him if he did it not. But seeing they were already in Prison, and he knew they could doe him no hurt, he would now speake the truth. They then commanded to torment him, and whip him very sore, to see if he would gainsay himselfe, but he still continued in the same confession.

All the examinations and diligences necessarie in this business ended,* 4.912 the Quinchay willing to depart for the Court with his companie, would first see the Portugals, and giue a sight of him∣selfe to the Citie. The sight was of great Maiestie in the manner hee went abroad in the Citie, [ 30] for he went accompanied with all the great men of it, and with many men in Armes and many Ancients displayed and very faire, and with many Trumpets and Kettle-drummes, and ma∣ny other things which in such pompes are vsed. And accompanied in this manner, hee went to certaine noble and gallant houses. And all the great men taking their leaue of him, hee com∣manded the Portugals to come neere him, and after a few words he dismissed them: for this was not but onely to see them. Before these Louthias departed they commanded the Louthias of the Countrey, and the Iaylors, that all of them should fauour the Portugals, and giue them good en∣tertaynment, and should command to giue them all things necessarie for their persons. And commanded euery one to set his name in a piece of Paper, because that while they were at the Court, and their matters were dispatching, they should not craftily make some missing. And [ 40] they commanded to keepe the Luthissi in good safety, and the Aitao, and that they should not let them communicate with any person. Being gone from the Citie, they lodged in a small Towne, where they set in order all the Papers, and ingrossing onely that which was necessarie. And because the Papers were many, and were much to write, they helped themselues with three men. And hauing ingrossed all that they were to carrie to the Court, they burned all the rest. And because these three men which they tooke for helpers should not spread abroad any thing of that which they had seene, or heard, or written,* 4.913 they left them shut vp with great vigilan∣cie, that none should speake with them, commanding to giue them all things necessarie very abundantly vntill the Kings Sentence came from Court, and were declared. The Papers being presented in Court, and all seene by the King and by his Officers, he pronounced the Sentence [ 50] in * 4.914 manner and forme following.

Pimpu by commandement of the King. Because Chaipuu, Huchin Tutan without my commande∣ment, or making mee priuie thereto, after the taking of so much people, commanded them to bee slayne: I being willing to prouide therein with Iustice, sent first to know the trueth by Quinsituam, my Quin∣chei, who taking with him the Louthias which I sent to examine the trueth of the Portugals, and also of the Aitao and Luthissi, which had informed mee, that the Portugals were theeues, and that they came to all the coast of my Dominion to robbe and to murther. And the trueth of all being knowne, they are come from doing that which I commanded them. And the Papers being seene by my Pimpu, and by the great Louthias of my Court, and well examined by them, they came to giue mee account of all. And likewise I commanded them to be perused by Ahimpu, and Altu Chaen, and by Athaylissi [ 60] Chuquin, whom I commanded to ouersee those Papers very well, because the matters were of great weight; wherein I would prouide with Iustice. Which thus being seene and perused by them all, it was manifest that the Portugals came many yeeres before to the coast of Chincheo to doe their affaires, which was not conuenient they should doe in the manner they did it, but in my Markets, as was alwaies the custome in all my Ports. These men of whom hitherto I knew not: I know now that the people of

Chincheo went to their ships about their affaires, whereby I know already that they are Merchants and not theeues, as they had written to me they were.

And I doe not blame Merchants to helpe Merchants, but I put great fault in my Louthias of Chin∣cheo: because that when any ship came to my Ports, they should haue knowne if they were Merchants, and if they would pay their duties, and if they would pay them, to write presently vnto mee. If they had done so▪ so much euill had not beene done. Or when they were taken, if they had let mee know it, I had commanded to set them at libertie. And although it bee a custome in my Ports the ships that come vnto them to be measured * 4.915 by cubits for to pay their duties: these being very farre off, it was not necessarie but to let them doe their businesses, and goe for their Countries. Besides this my Pontoos * 4.916 which knew these men to be Merchants did not tell it mee, but concealed it from mee, whereby they were the cause of many people being taken and slaine. And those that remayned aliue as they could not speake, did looke [ 10] toward Heauen, and demanded from their hearts iustice of Heauen (they know no other God su∣preme out the Heauen.) Besides these things I know that the Aitao, and the Luthissi did so much euill for couetousnesse of the many goods which they tooke from the Portugals, hauing no regard whe∣ther those which they tooke, and tooke the goods from, were good or euill men. Likewise the Louthias a∣long the Sea coast knew these men to be Merchants, and certified mee not. And all of them, as disloyall, were the cause of so much euill. I knew more by my Quinchey, that the Aitao, and the Luthissi had Letters, by the which they knew that the Portugals were no theeues but Merchants, and knowing this they were not contented with the taking of them, but they wrote many lyes vnto mee, and were not con∣tented with killing of the men,* 4.917 but killed children also, cutting off the feet of some, of others the hands, and at last the heads of them all: writing vnto mee they had taken and slayne Kings of Mallaca. Which [ 20] case I beleeuing to be true, grieue in my heart.

And because hitherto so many cruelties haue beene vsed without my commandement, from hence for∣ward I command they be not done. Besides this the Portugals resisted my Armie, being better to haue let themselues beene taken, then to kill my people. Moreouer, it is long since they came to the coast of our Dominion about their affaires in manner of theeues, and not as Merchants: wherefore if they had beene naturall as they are strangers they had incurred paine of death & losse of goods, wherfore they are not with∣out fault. The Tutan by whose commandement those men were sla••ne, said * 4.918 that by this deed I should make him greater; and the people that he commanded to be slayne after they had no heads, their hearts, (that is their soules and their bloud) required iustice of Heauen. I seeing so great euils to be done, my eyes could not indure the sight of the Papers without teares, and great griefe of my heart. I know [ 30] not, my Louthias seeing they tooke this people, wherefore they let it not goe, that I might not come to know so many cruelties and so great.* 4.919 Wherefore seeing all these things, I doe create Senfuu chiefe Louthia, because hee did his dutie in his charge, and told mee trueth. I create also chiefe Louthia Quinchio, because hee wrote the trueth to mee of the Pontoos which went to doe their merchandise in secret with the Portugals to the Sea. Those which are euill I will make them baser then they which sowe Rice.

Likewise because Pachou did trafficke with the Portugals, and for bribes did permit the Merchants of the Countrey to trafficke with the Portugals, and yet doing these things, wrote vnto mee that the Por∣tugals were theeues and that they came to my Dominions onely to steale. And the same hee said also to my Louthias (which presently answered, that he lyed, for they knew already the contrarie.) And there∣fore [ 40] such a one, and such a one, (he nameth ten Louthias.) It is nothing that all you be banished to red Caps x 4.920, to the which I condemne you: but you deserue to be made baser as I doe make you. Chaen for taking these men thou sayedst thou shouldest be greater, and being in the doing of so much euill thou sayedst thou didst not feare mee: such a one, and such a one (he nameth nine) for the taking of these men yee say, I would make you great, and without any feare of mee yee all lyed, such a one, and such a one (he nameth many.) I know also yee tooke bribes. But because you did so, I make you base, (he de∣priueth them of the dignitie of Lothias.)

Such a one, and such a one (he nameth many. If the Aitao and the Luthissi would kill so many people, wherefore did you suffer it? But seeing that in consenting you were accessarie with them in their death, all are in the same fault. Chifuu, and Chanchifuu, were also agreeing to the will of the Aitao [ 50] and the Luthissi, and were with them in the slaughter, as well those that were as those that were not in fault. Wherefore I condemne you all to red Caps. Lupuu let him haue a good heart, because the Tutan being willing to kill this people, he said that he should let mee first know it. To him I will doe no harme, but good, as he deserueth, and I command that he remayne Louthia. Sanchi I make my Anchassi of the Citie of Cansi. The Antexio I command to be deposed of his honour. Assaon seeing hee can speake with the Portugals, let him haue honour and ordinarie, and he shall be carried to Chaquean, where hee was borne. (This is the youth with whom the Portugals did defend themselues, seruing them for Interpreter, they gaue him title of Louthia, and mayntenance.) Chinque Head of the Mer∣chants that went to the Sea to trafficke with the Portugals, and deceiued them, bringing great store of [ 60] goods a land, it shall be demanded of him, and set in good safeguard for the mayntenance and expences of the Portugals, and I condemne him and his foure Companions to red Caps, and they shall bee banished whither my Louthias shall thinke good.

To the rest guilty and imprisoned for this matter, I command my Louthias to giue to euery one the

punishment he deserueth. I command the Chaen to bring me hither the Tutan that his faults being per∣used by the great men of my Court, I may command to doe iustice on him as I shall thinke good.* 4.921 (This Tutan was also a consenter in the wickednesse of the Aitao and the Luthissi: for the Luthissi, and the Aitao made him partaker, and gaue him part of the booties which they tooke from the Portugals, that as the head he should hold for good that which they did: for in truth they durst not haue done that which they did if he had not giuen consent, and agreed with their opinion. This hearing what was judged against him, hung himselfe, saying, that seeing the Heauen had made him whole, that no man should take away his head. The Pontoos which yet are in Prison, shall be examined againe, and shall presently be dispatched. Chuichum shall presently be depriued from [ 10] being a Louthia, without being heard any more. Chibee, head of sixe and twenty, I command that hee and his be all set at libertie, for I find but little fault in them. Those which owe any money it shall bee recouered of them presently. Famichin, and Tomicher shall dye, if my Louthias doe thinke it ex∣pedient; if not let them doe as they thinke best. Alfonso of Paiua, and Peter of Cea (these were Por∣tugals) Antonie and Francisco (these were slaues) finding them to be guilty of killing some men of my Armie, shall with the Luthissi and Aitao be put in Prison, where according to the custome of my King∣dome, they all shall dye at leisure. The other Portugals that are aliue with all their Seruants which are in all fiftie one, I command them to be carried to my Citie of Cansi, where I command they be well in∣treated, seeing my heart is so good towards them that for their sake I punish in this sort the people of my Countrey, and deale so well with them; for it is my custome to doe Iustice to all men. The Louthias of the [ 20] Armada, finding they are in little fault, I command they bee set free (I deale in this sort with all men, that my Louthias may see that all that which I doe, I doe it with a good zeale.) All these things I com∣mand to be done with speed. Hitherto the sentence of the King.

The Portugals that were freed by the sentence,* 4.922 when they carried them whither the King commanded, found by the way all things necessary in great abundance, in the Houses aboue∣said, that the King had in euery Towne for the Louthias when they trauell. They carried them in seates of Chaires made of Canes on mens backes, and they were in charge of in∣feriour Louthias, which caused them to haue all things necessarie through all places where they came, till they were deliuered to the Louthias of the Citie of Cansi. From that time they had no more of the King euery moneth but one Foon of Rice (which is a measure as much as a man [ 30] can beare on his backe) the rest they had need of, euery one did seeke by his owne industry. Af∣terward they dispersed them againe by two and two, and three and three through diuers pla∣ces, to preuent that in time they should not become mightie joyning themselues with others.

Those that were condemned to death, were presently put in Prison of the condemned. And Alfonso of Paiua had a meanes to giue the Portugals to vnderstand that were free, that for his welcome they had giuen him presently fortie stripes and intreated him very euill, shewing him∣selfe comforted in the Lord. Those which were at libertie, now some and then some, came to the ships of the Portugals, by the industrie of some Chinas, which brought them very secretly for the great gifts they receiued of the Merchants of Portugall, which made their Merchandize in the Citie of Cantan.

[ 40]

§. VI. Of the Religion in China; difficultie of bringing in Christianitie. Terrible Earth-quakes and Tempests in China.

IN the Citie of Cantan in the middest of the Riuer which is of fresh water and very [ 50] broad, is a little Ile, in the which is a manner of a Monasterie of their Priests; and within this Monasterie I saw an Oratorie high from the ground very well made, with certayne gilt steps before it, made of carued worke; in which was a woman ve∣ry well made with a childe about her necke, and it had a Lampe burning before it. I suspecting that to bee some shew of Christianitie, demanded of some Lay-men, and some of the Idoll Priests which were there, what that woman signified, and none could tell it mee, nor giue mee any reason of it. It might well be the Image of our Ladie, made by the ancient Christians, that Saint Thomas left there, or by their occasion made, but the conclusion is, that all is forgotten: it imght also be some Gentiles Image. The greatest God they haue is the Heauen, the letter that signifieth it, is the principall and the first of all the Letters. They worship the Sun, the Moone, [ 60] and the Starres, and all the Images they make without any respect. They haue, notwithstanding, Images of Louthias, which they worship for hauing beene famous in some one thing or other.* 4.923 And likewise Statues and Images of some Priests, of the Idols, and some of other men for some respects particular to them. And not only worship they these Images, but whatsoeuer stone they erect on the Altars in their Temples.

They call commonly these Gods Omittoffois, they offer them Incense, Benjamin, Ciuet, and another Wood which they call Cayo,* 4.924 * 4.925 Laque, and other smelling things. They offer them likewise Ocha, whereof is mention made afore. Euery one hath a place to pray, and at the en∣tries behind the doores of the Houses, in the which they haue their carued Idols: to the which euery day in the Morning and at Euening they offer Incense and other perfumes. They haue in many places (as well in the Townes as out of them) Temples of Idols. In all the ships they sayle in, they make presently a place for to worship in, where they carrie their Idols.

* 4.926In all things they are to enterprize either Iournies by Sea or by land, they vse Lots & cast them before their Gods. The Lots are two sticks made like halfe a Nut-shell, flat on the one side, and round on the other: and as bigge againe as an halfe Nut, and joyned with a string. And when [ 10] they will cast Lots, they speak first with their God, perswading him with words, and promising him some Offring if he giue him a good Lot, & in it shew him his good Voyage or good successe of his busines. And after many words they cast the Lots. And if both the flats sides fal vpward, or one vp another downe, they hold it for an euill Lot, and turne them toward their Gods very melancholy, they call them Dogs, with many other reproaches. After they are wearie of rating them, they soothe them againe with faire milde words, and aske pardon, saying, that the Melan∣choly of not giuing them a good Lot, caused them to doe them injurie, and speake injurious words vnto him: but that they will pardon them and giue them a good Lot; and they promise to offer him more such a thing (because the promises are the better for them that promise them, they make many and great promises and offerings) and so they cast Lots so many times till [ 20] they fall both on the flat sides which they hold for a good Lot, then remayning well contented, they offer to their Gods that which they promised.* 4.927 It happeneth many times when they cast Lots about any weighty matter, if the Lot fall not out good, or launching a ship to the Sea it goeth not well, and some euill came to it, they runne to their Gods and cast them in the water, and put them in the flame of the fire sometimes, and let them scorch a little, and spurning them often, and tread them vnder foot, and giue them rayling words, till their businesse be ended, and then they carrie them with playing and feasts, and giue them their Offerings.

* 4.928They hold for a great Offering a Hogges head boyled: they offer Hennes, Geese, Duckes and Rice all drest, and a great pot of Wine. After they present it all to the Gods, they set his por∣tion apart, which is, to put in a Dish, the small points of the Hogs eare, the bils, and the points [ 30] of the clawes of the Hennes, Geese, and Duckes, a few cornes of Rice very few, and put in with great heed, three or foure drops of Wine very heedfully, that there fall not many drops from the Pot. These things so set in a Bason that they set them on the Altar to their Gods for to eate, and they set themselues there before the Gods to eate all that which they bring.

* 4.929They worship the Deuill also, which they paint after our fashion: and say that they worship him because he maketh those which are good, Deuils; and the euill, he maketh Buffes, or Kine, or other beasts. And they say that the Deuill hath a Master that teacheth him his Knaueries: these things say the base people: the better sort say they worship him because hee shall doe them no hurt.

When they will launch any new ship to the Sea, their Priests being called by them come in∣to [ 40] the ships to doe their Sacrifices with long side Garments of Silke. They set about the shippe many flags of Silke, they paint in the prow of the ship the Deuill, to the which they make ma∣ny reuerences and Offerings, and say they doe it because the Deuill shall doe no hurt to the ship. They offer to the Gods Papers with diuers Images painted,* 4.930 and other of sundry kinde of cut∣tings, and they burne them all before the Idols with certayne Ceremonies and well tuned Songs, and while their singing doth last, they ring certayne small Bels, and among all they vse great store of eating and drinking.

In this Countrey are two manner of Priests, the one that haue their head all shauen, these weare on their heads certayne course Caps like vnto Canopie cloth,* 4.931 they are high, and flat be∣hind (higher before then behind a hand breadth) made like a Mitre with Pinacles: their wea∣ring [ 50] is white Coates after the Lay-mens fashion. These liue in Monasteries, they haue dining places, and Cels, and many pleasures within their wals. There be others whom commonly the people doe vse for their Burials and Sacrifices, these weare their haire, and blacke silke Coates, or of Searge or Linnen,* 4.932 and long like the Lay-men, hauing for a token their haire made fast in the Crowne of the head with a sticke very well made like a closed hand, varnished blacke. None of these Priests haue Wiues, but they liue wickedly and filthily.

* 4.933The first day of the yeare, which is in the new Moone of March, they make through all the Land great Feasts, they visit one another, the chiefe principally doe make great Banquets. How much these people are curious in the rule and gouernment of the Countrey, and in their common Traffique, so much they are beastly in their Gentilities, in the vsage of their Gods and Idola∣tries.* 4.934 [ 60] For besides that which is said, they haue many Gentilicall Lyes, of men that were turned into Dogges, and afterward into men, and of Snakes that were conuerted into men, and many other ignorances.

I entred one day into a Temple and came to an Altar▪ where were certaine stones set vp

which they worshipped, and trusting in the little estimation they held their Gods in, and in be∣ing men that would be satisfied with reason, I threw the stones downe to the ground, whereat some ranne very fiercely at me and angry, asking me wherefore I had done that, I went mildly to them, and smiling, said to them, because they were so inconsiderate that they worshipped those stones. They asked me wherefore should they not adore them? and I shewed them how they were better then they, seeing they had the vse of reason, feete, hands, and eyes, where∣with they did diuers things that the stones could not doe, and that seeing they were better they should not abase and esteeme so little of themselues as to worship things so vile they being so no∣ble. They answered me that I had reason, and went out with me in company, leauing the stones on the ground: so that there is likelihood and shew of their becomming Christians. And it ma∣keth [ 10] also much to this purpose, their not making any difference of meate, as all the people of India doth. And seeing that among all the meates they esteeme the Porke most, it is almost im∣possible for them to become Turkes.

Notwithstanding, there are two verie great inconueniences to make any Christians in this Countrey. The one is, that in no wise they will permit any noueltie in the Countrey, as in some sort it may bee seene in the matter of the Moores.* 4.935 So that whatsoeuer noueltie that is in the Countrey, the Louthias take order presently how to represse it, and it goeth no further. Whence it happened in Cantan, because they saw a Portugall measure the entries of the Gates, they set presently Watches that none should come in without licence, nor goe vpon the Walls. [ 20] The second is, that no strange person may enter into China without leaue of the Louthias, nor be in Cantan, which doe giue him a certaine time to bee in Cantan. The time of the licence ended,* 4.936 presently they labour to haue them depart. Wherefore because I and those which were with me were one moneth longer in Cantan, they set vp written bords that none should keepe nor harbour vs in their houses, vnder payne of so much, till wee held it our best cheape to goe to the Ships. To the abouesaid is ioyned the common people to bee greatly in feare of the Louthias, wherefore none of them durst become a Christian without their licence, or at the least many would not doe it. Therefore as a man cannot be seeled in the Countrey, hee cannot continue Preaching, and by consequence he cannot fructifie and preserue the fruit. There was notwith∣standing one way how to Preach freely, and fruit might be made in the Countrey, without any dogge barking at the Preacher, nor any Louthia doe him hurt any way: which is, if hee haue a [ 30] licence for it of the King:* 4.937 And it might bee obtayned of a solemne Embassage were sent with a so∣lemne present to the King of China, in the name of the King of Portugall, religious men going with the Ambassadour to obtayne the licence to goe about the Countrey, shewing themselues to bee men with∣out Armes. And how our Law is no preiudice to his Dominion and Gouernement, but a great helpe that all might obey him and keepe his Lawes. This onely remedie there is in China, to reape any fruit, and not any other (speaking humanely.) And without this it is impossible for any Religious men to Preach or fructifie, and because I had not this remedie, hauing the abouesaid inconueniences, I came away from China, and therefore neither I, nor they of the company of IESVS which enterprised alrea∣die this businesse sundry times, could fructifie in China.

[ 40] This people hath besides the ignorances abouesaid, that filthy abomination,* 4.938 that they refraine no sexe among them. Notwithstanding, I Preaching sometimes, as well publike as priuately against this vice, they were glad to heare mee, saying, that I had reason in that which I sayd, but but that they neuer had had any that told them that was a sinne, nor any thing euill done. It seemeth that because this sinne is common among them, God was willing to send them a grie∣uous punishment in some places of the earth, the which was common in all China.* 4.939 I being in the Citie of Cantan, and being willing to know of a rich China Marchant the euils that had happe∣ned in the Countrey, and hee not able to tell it me by word of mouth, gaue me a Letter which they had written vnto him of what had happened: saying to me, that I should translate it and giue it him againe: but not trusting me hee translated it presently, and remayning with the [ 50] copie gaue me the principall, which I translated into Portugall with the helpe of one that could speake our language and theirs, the tenour of the Letter is this.

The principall Louthias of Sanxi and of Sauiton, wrote vnto the King, saying, that in those Prouinces the earth did shake terribly, and the dayes waxed darke like night (hee saith not how long) a South-sayer told them all that should happen. In the yeere before in the moneth of Sep∣tember, the earth opened in many places, and vnder it were heard great noyses like the sound of Bells, there followed a great winde with much rayne, and the winde ranne about all the Compasse. This winde is called in China, Tufaune, and many yeeres it bloweth but once a yeere,* 4.940 and it is so raging, that it driueth a Ship vnder sayle on the Land a great space, and the men can∣not keepe their feete, not leauing and holding one by another, and it doth things worthie admi∣ration [ 60] and incredible. In the yeere that I was in China, in the part where the Portugals were, they shewed the Boat of a Ship of a good bignesse, and the place where it was a land (that this winde ca••rayed it, might bee a great stones cast from the water) and many did affirme it to mee, that the winde had such force, that it carryed it tumbling till it blew it into the Sea. And all the houses the Portugals had made of timber, and couered with strawe, which were many and

were built vpon great stakes, and not very high, it threw them all downe breaking the stakes. And one house being fastened with foure Cables, where many Portugals retired themselues, at the last fell also, and onely one that was sheltered with a high place escaped that it fell not. To blow downe these houses was nothing, for it doth many other things incredible. This winde is almost euerie yeere in China, the which within twentie foure houres that it raigneth, it run∣neth about all the points of the Compasse. With this winde, and the Lands being shaken with the Earthquakes, many Cities fell and were made desolate, in the which dyed innume∣rable people.

In a Citie called Vinyanfuu, in this day was a great Earthquake. And on the west side a great Fire burst out,* 4.941 that swallowed vp all the Citie, in the which, innumerable people perished, esca∣ping [ 10] in one place two, in another three, and so some of the Mogores escaped. In another Citie neere to this,* 4.942 there happened the same, but in this none escaped. In a Citie called Leuchimen, the Riuer increased in such sort, that it ouer-flowed the Citie, where infinite people were drowned. In a Citie called Hien, was an Earthquake, with the which many hou∣ses fell,* 4.943 which slew neere eight thousand soules. In Puchio, the house of the Kings kinsman fell and slew all that were in the house, except a Childe of seuen or eight yeeres old his sonne, (which was carryed to the King) and day and night was a noyse heard vnder the earth, like the sound of Bells.

* 4.944In a Countrey called Cochue, with fire from Heauen and with many waters of a Floud, many perished, and the land remayned vnable to bee cultiuated againe. In a Countrey called [ 20] Enchinoen,* 4.945 at midnight the houses fell, and the Citie remayned desolate and ruined, where perished neere one hundred thousand soules. In a Citie called Inchumen, in one day and a night,* 4.946 the Riuer did flow and ebbe ten times, and with the great floud many people perished. Hitherto the translation of the Letter: that which followeth, was heard by word of mouth of the Portugals that were in the Port of Cantan in the moneth of May, and I receiued the Letter in September.

In a Citie called Sanxi, from midnight till fiue of the clocke in the morning, the earth shooke three times,* 4.947 the eighteenth of Ianuarie, 1556. and the next day after, from midnight till noone, happened the same: the next day following, the twentie of the sayd moneth, the earth shooke mightily after midnight with great Thunder and Lightnings, and all the Prouince was burnt, [ 30] and all the people thereof, and all the Suburbes, Townes, and Cities: they say it is from bound to bound, fiftie or sixtie leagues, that there was not one saued but a Childe, sonne to a kins∣man of the King, which was carried to the King. And the third of Februarie in the same yeere, in the Citie of Panquin where the King is,* 4.948 fell a shower of rayne like bloud. These newes brought one of China that came to Cantan, from a Citie neere to Sanxi, to giue newes to a Lou∣thia that hee should resort to his owne house, and said, that the Citie where he was a dweller was ouerflowne, and that he knew not whether it would perish with the rest. That which ought to bee held for truth, is, that in three Prouinces which commonly are sayd to be destroyed, there was no more destruction then of those places whereof the Letter maketh mention, or little more. The agreeing in the Childe, sheweth that the Towne whereof the Letter maketh mention with [ 40] the childe, was in the Prouince of Sanxi. This hath more apparance of truth, because the Let∣ter was written from the Court, then to say that all the three Prouinces perished.

After the happening of the things abouesaid: the same yeere in the Prouince of Cantan, a wo∣man which went to the Panchasi, told him that the Prouince of Cansi would bee destroyed with power from Heauen, the which after shee was well whipt, was imprisoned: but in the moneth of May of the same yeere, there fell great store of rayne verie hot, with the which the earth seemed to burne, and many people perished with the great heate: but the Prouince perish∣ed not altogether: wherefore this woman was carried to the King, which was in prison in the place where the Portugals were, which told this.

Reader, forasmuch as this Author hath often mentioned, and related also the storie of certaine Por∣tugals, [ 50] Prisoners in China (one of which hee nameth Galotte Perera) from whom hee receiued great part of his China intelligence: I haue thought good to adde hither Pereras relations, translated long since out of Italian, and published by R. Willes; hauing abbreuiated some things in the Frier, that you might rather haue them at the first hand from this Gentleman which saw them: but abbreuiated to preuent tediousnesse.

[ 60]

CHAP. XI. The relation of GALEOTTO PERERA, a Gentleman of good credit, that lay Prisoner in China.

THis Land of China is parted into thirteene * 4.949 Shires, which sometimes were each one a Kingdome by it selfe, but these many yeeres they haue beene all subiect vnto one King.

The King maketh alwayes his abode in the great Citie Pachin, as much to say [ 10] in our language (as by the name thereof I am aduertised,) the * 4.950 Towne of the Kingdome. This Kingdome is so large, that vnder fiue moneths you are not a∣ble to trauell from the Townes by the Sea side, to the Court and backe againe, no not vnder three moneths in Poste at your vrgent businesse. The Post-horses in this Countrey are little of bodie, but swift of foote. Many doe trauell the greater part of this iourney by water in certaine light Barkes, for the multitude of Riuers, commodious for passage from one Citie to another.

The King, notwithstanding the hugenesse of his Kingdome, hath such a care thereof, that eue∣rie Moone (by the Moones they reckon their moneths) he is aduertised fully of whatsoeuer thing happeneth therein. Before that wee doe come to Cinceo, we haue to passe through many places, and some of great importance. For this Countrey is so well inhabited neere the Sea side, that [ 20] you cannot goe one myle but you shall see some Towne, Borough, or Hostrie, the which are so a∣bundantly prouided of all things, that in the Cities and Townes they liue ciuilly. Neuerthelesse, such as dwell abroad are very poore, for the multitude of them euery where so great, that out of a Tree you shall see many times swarme a number of Children, where a man would not haue thought to haue found any one at all.

From these places in number infinite, you shall come vnto two Cities very populous, and be∣ing compared with Cinceo, not possibly to bee discerned which is the greater of them. These Cities are as well walled as any Cities in all the world. As you come into either of them, stan∣deth so great and mightie a Bridge, that the like thereof I haue neuer seene in Portugall, nor else [ 30] where. I heard one of my fellowes say, that he told in one Bridge fortie Arches. The occasion wherefore these Bridges are made so great, is for that the Country is toward the Sea very plaine and low, and ouerwhelmed euer as the Sea-water encreaseth. The breadth of the Bridges, al∣though it be well proportioned vnto the length thereof, yet are they equally built, no higher in the middle than at either end, in such wise that you may directly see from the one end to the o∣ther, the sides are wonderfully well engraued after the manner of Rome workes.* 4.951 But that wee did most maruell at, was therewithall the hugenesse of the stones, the like whereof, as we came in∣to the City, we did see many set vp in places dishabited by the way, to no small charges of theirs, howbeit to little purpose, whereas no body seeth them but such as do come by. The Arches are not made after our fashion, vaulted with sundry stones set together: but paued, as it were, whole stones [ 40] reaching from one Pillar to another, in such wise that they lie both for the Arches heads, & gal∣lantly serue also for the high-way. I haue been astonied to behold the hugenesse of these aforesaid stones, some of them are twelue paces long and vpward, the least eleuen good paces long, and an halfe. The wayes each where are gallantly paued with foure-square Stone, except it be where for want of Stone they vse to lay Bricke: in this voyage we trauelled ouer certaine Hills,* 4.952 where the wayes were pitched, and in many places no worse paued than in the plaine ground.

The Countrey is so well inhabited, that no one foot of ground is left vntilled:* 4.953 small store of cattell haue we seene this way, we saw onely certaine Oxen wherewithall the countrey-men doe plough their ground. One Oxe draweth the Plough alone, not onely in this Shire, but in o∣ther places also, wherein is greater store of cattell. These countrey-men by art doe that in til∣lage, which we are constrained to doe by force. Here be sold the voydings of Close-stooles, al∣though [ 50] there wanteth not the dung of beasts: and the excrements of man are good marchan∣dise throughout all China. The Dung-fermers seeke in euery street by exchange to buy their dur∣tie ware for Hearbs and Wood. The custome is very good for keeping the Citie cleane. There is great abundance of Hennes, Geese, Duckes, Swine, and Goates, Wethers haue they none: the Hennes are sold by weight, and so are all other things. Two pound of Hennes flesh, Goose, or Ducke, is worth two Foi of their money, that is, three halfe pence. Swines flesh is sold at a peny the pound. Beefe beareth the same price, for the scarcitie thereof, howbeit Northward from Fuquico, and further from the Sea coast, there is Beefe more plentie, and sold better cheape, Beefe onely excepted, great aboundance of all these Viands wee haue had in all the Cities wee passed [ 60] through. And if this Countrey were like vnto India, the Inhabitants whereof eate neither Hen, Beefe, nor Porke, but keepe that onely for the Portugals and Moores, they would bee sold here for nothing. But it so falling out that the Chineans are the greatest eaters in all the world, they doe feed vpon all things, specially vpon Porke, the fatter that is vnto them, the lesse lothsome. The highest price of these things aforesaid, I haue set downe, better cheape shall you sometimes

buy them for the great plentie thereof in this Countrey. Frogs are sold at the same price that is made of Hennes, and are good meat amongst them, as also Dogs, Cats, Rats, Snakes, and all other vncleane meates.

* 4.954The Cities be very gallant, specially neere vnto the Gates, the which are maruellously great, and couered with Iron. The Gate-houses built on high with Towers, the lower part thereof is made of Bricke and Stone, proportionally with the walls, from the walls vpward, the building is of Timber, and many stories in it one aboue the other. The strength of their Townes is in the mightie Walls and Ditches;* 4.955 Artillery haue they none. The streets in Cinceo, and in all the rest of the Cities wee haue seene are very faire, so large and so straight that it is wonderfull to be∣hold. Their houses are built with Timber, the foundations onely excepted, the which are laid with Stone, in each side of the streets are painteses, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 continuall Porches for the Marchants to [ 10] walke vnder: the breadth of the street is neuerthelesse such, that in them fifteene men may ride commodiously side by side. As they ride they must needes passe vnder many high Arches of tri∣umph,* 4.956 that crosse ouer the streets made of Timber, and carued diuersly, couered with Tile of fine Clay: vnder these arches the Mercers do vtter their smaller wares, and such as lift to stand there are defenced from raine, and the heat of the Sunne. The greater Gentlemen haue these Arches at their doores: although some of them be not so mightily built as the rest.

I shall haue occasion to speake of a certaine order of Gentlemen, that are called Loutea, I will first therefore expound what this word signifieth.* 4.957 Loutea, is as much to say in our language as Sir, and when any of them calleth his name, he answereth, Sir. The manner how Gentlemen are created Louteas, & do come to that honour and title, is by giuing a broad Girdle not like to the [ 20] rest, and a Cap, at the commandement of the King. The name Loutea is more generall and com∣mon vnto moe, than equalitie of honour thereby signified, agreeth withall. Such Louteas that doe serue their Prince in weightie matters for iustice, are created after triall made of their lear∣ning: but the other which serue in smaller affaires, as Capitaines, Constables, Sergeants by Land and Sea, Receiuers, and such like, whereof there be in euery Citie, as also in this, very many are made for fauour: the chiefe Louteas are serued kneeling.

The whole Prouince China is diuided, as I haue said, into thirteene Shires, in euery Shire at the least is one Gouernour,* 4.958 called there Tutan, in some Shires there be two. Chiefe in office next vn∣to them be certaine other named Chians, that is, high Commissioners, as you would say, or Visi∣ters, with full authoritie in such wise, that they doe call vnto an account the Tutanes themselues, [ 30] but their authoritie lasteth not in any Shire longer than one yeere. Neuerthelesse, in euery Shire, being at the least seuen Cities, yea, in some of them fifteene or sixteene, besides other Boroughs and Townes, not well to be numbred, these Visiters where they come, are so honoured and fea∣red, as though they were some great Princes. At the yeeres end their circuit done, they come vnto that City which is chiefe of others in the Shire, to doe Iustice there: finally, busying them∣selues in the searching out of such as are to receiue the order of Louteas, whereof more shall be said in another place.

Ouer and besides these officers in the chiefe Citie of each one of these aforesaid thirteene Pro∣uinces, is resident one Ponchiassi,* 4.959 Captaine thereof, and Treasurer of all the Kings reuenues. This Magistrate maketh his abode in one of the foure greatest houses that be in all these head Cities. [ 40] In the second great house dwelleth another Magistrate,* 4.960 called Anchiassi, a great officer also, for he hath dealings in all matters of Iustice. Tuzi, another officer so called, lieth in the third house, a Ma∣gistrate of importance, specially in things belonging vnto warfare, for thereof hath hee charge. There is resident in the fourth house a fourth Officer,* 4.961 bearing name Taissu. In this house is the principall prison of all the Citie. Each one of these Magistrates aforesaid may both lay euill doers in prison,* 4.962 and deliuer them out againe, except the fact bee heynous and of importance: in such a case they can doe nothing, except they doe meet altogether. And if the deed deserue death, all they together cannot determine thereof, without recourse made vnto the Chian wheresoeuer he be, or to the Tutan: and eftsoones it falleth out, that the case be referred vnto higher power. [ 50]

In all Cities, not onely chiefe in each Shire, but in the rest also are meanes found to make Louteas.* 4.963 Many of them doe studie at the Prince his charges, wherefore at the yeeres end they resort vnto the head Cities, whither the Chians doe come, as it hath beene earst said, as well to giue these degrees, as to sit in iudgement ouer the prisoners.

The Chians goe in circuit euery yeere, but such as are to be chosen to the greatest off••ces, meet not but from three yeeres to three yeeres, and that in certain large halls appointed for them to be examined in. Many things are asked them, whereunto if they doe answere accordingly, and be found sufficient to take their degree, the Chian by and by granteth it them: but the Cap and Girdle whereby they are knowne to the Louteas, they weare not before that they bee confirmed by the King. Their examination done, and triall made of them, such as haue taken their degree [ 60] wont to be giuen them with all Ceremonies, vse to banquet and feast many daies together (as the Chineans fashion is to end all their pleasures with eating and drinking) and so remaine cho∣sen to doe the King seruice in matters of learning. The other examinates found insufficient to proceed, are sent backe to their studie againe. Whose ignorance is perceiued to come of negli∣gence

and default, such a one is whipped, and sometimes sent to prison, where wee lying that yeere when this kinde of Act was, wee found many thus punished, and demanding the cause thereof, they said it was for that they knew not how to answere vnto certaine things asked them.

It is a world to see how these Louteas are serued and feared, in such wise,* 4.964 that in publike as∣semblies at one shrike they giue, all the seruitors belonging vnto Iustice, tremble thereat. At their being in these places, when they lift to moue, be it but euen to the gate, these Seruitors doe take them vp, and carry them in seats of beaten Gold. After this sort are they borne when they goe in the Citie, either for their owne businesse abroad, or to see each other at home. For the dig∣nitie [ 10] they haue, and office they doe beare, they be all accompanied: the very meanest of them all that goeth in these seats is vshered by two men at the least, that cry vnto the people to giue place, howbeit they need it not, for that reuerence the common people hath vnto them. They haue also in their company certaine Sergeants, with their Maces, either siluered, or altogether Siluer, some two, some foure, other six, other eight, conueniently for each one his degree. The more principall and chiefe Louteas haue going orderly before these Sergeants, many other with Staues, and a great many Catch-poles with Rods of Indian Canes dragged to the ground, so that the streets being paued, you may here a farre off, as well the noise of the Rods, as the voyce of the cryers. These fellowes serue also to apprehend others, and the better to be knowne, they weare liuerie-red Girdles, and in their Caps Pecocks Feathers. Behinde these Louteas come [ 20] such as doe beare certaine Tables hanged at staues ends, wherein is written in Siluer letters the name, degree, and office of that Loutea, whom they follow. In like manner they haue borne af∣ter them Hats agreeable vnto their titles: if the Loutea bee meane, then hath be brought after him but one Hat, and that may not be yellow: but if hee be of better sort, then may hee haue two, three, or foure: the principall and chiefe Louteas, may haue all their Hats yellow, the which among them is accounted great honour. The Loutea for warres, although hee bee but meane, may notwithstanding haue yellow Hats. The Tutanes and Chians, when they goe abroad, haue besides all this before them led three or foure Horses, with their Guard in Armour.

Furthermore, the Louteas, yea, and all the people in China, are wont to eat their meat sit∣ting on Stooles at high Tables as wee doe, and that very cleanly,* 4.965 although they vse neither Ta∣ble-clothes [ 30] nor Napkins. Whatsoeuer is set downe vpon the boord is first carued, before that it be brought in: they feed with two Sticks, refraining from touching their meat with their hands, euen as we do with Forkes, for the which respect, they lesse doe need any Table-clothes. Neither is the Nation onely ciuill at meat,* 4.966 but also in conuersation and in courtesie they seeme to exceed all other. Likewise in their dealings, after their manner they are so readie, that they farre passe all other Gentiles and Moores: the greater States are so vaine, that they line their clothes with the best silke that may be found. The Louteas are an idle generation, without all manner of exercises and pastimes, except it be eating and drinking. Sometimes they walke abroad in the fields, to make the Souldiers shoot at Pricks with their Bowes, but their eating passeth: they [ 40] will stand eating euen when the other doe draw to shoot. The Pricke is a great Blanket spread on certaine long Poles, he that striketh it,* 4.967 hath of the best man there standing a piece of Crimson Taffata, the which is knit about his head: in this sort the winner is honoured, and the Louteas with their bellies full, returne home againe.

The Inhabitants of China, bee very Idolaters, all generally doe worship the heauens: and as we are wont to say, God knoweth it: so say they at euery word, Tien Tautee, that is to say,* 4.968 The Heauens doe know it. Some doe worship the Sunne, and some the Moone, as they thinke good, for none are bound more to one then to another. In their Temples, the which they doe call Meani, they haue a great Altar in the same place as we haue, true it is, that one may goe round about it. There set they vp the Image of a certaine Loutea of that Countrey, whom they haue in great reuerence for certaine notable things he did. At the right hand standeth the Deuill, much [ 50] more vgly painted then we doe vse to set him out, whereunto great homage is done by such as come into the Temple to aske counsell, or to draw lots: this opinion they haue of him, that he is malicious and able to doe euill. If you aske them what they doe thinke of the soules departed, they will answer, that they be immortall, and that as soone as any one departeth out of this life, he becommeth a deuil, if he haue liued well in this world, if otherwise, that the same deuil chan∣geth him into a Bufle, Oxe, or Dog. Wherefore to this Deuill doe they much honour, to him do they sacrifice, praying him that he will make them like vnto himselfe, and not like other beasts. They haue moreouer another sort of Temples, wherein both vpon the Altars, and also on the walls doe stand many Idols well proportioned, but bare headed: These beare name Omithofon, accounted of them spirits, but such as in heauen doe neither good nor euill, thought to bee such [ 60] men and women, as haue chastely liued in this world in abstinence from Fish and Flesh,* 4.969 fed on∣ly with Rice and Salates. Of that Deuill they make some account, for these spirits they care lit∣tle or nothing at all. Againe, they hold opinion, that if a man doe well in this life, the heauens will giue him many temporall blessings, but if he doe euill, then shall he haue infirmities, diseases,

troubles, and penurie, and all this without any knowledge of God. Finally, this people know∣eth no other thing then to liue and die, yet because they be reasonable creatures, all seemed good vnto them we spake in our language, though it were not very sufficient.

Our manner of praying so well liked them, that in prison importunately they besought vs to write for them somewhat as concerning heauen, the which we did to their contentation, with such reasons as we knew,* 4.970 howbeit not very cunningly. As they doe their Idolatry they laugh at themselues. The greatest fault we doe finde in them is Sodomie, a vice very common in the meaner sort, and nothing strange amongst the best. Furthermore the Louteas, withall the people of China, are wont to solemnize the daies of the new and full Moones in visiting one each other, and making great banquets, for to that end, as I haue said, doe tend all their pastimes and spen∣ding [ 10] their daies in pleasure.* 4.971 They are wont also to solemnize each one his birth day, whereunto their kindred and friends doe resort of custome, with presents of Iewells or Money, receiuing againe for their reward good cheere. They keepe in like manner a generall Feast, with great Banquets that day their King was borne.* 4.972 But their most principall and greatest Feast of all, and best cheare, is the first day of their new yeere, namely, the first day of the New Moone of Februarie, so that their first moneth is March, and they reckon the times ac∣cordingly, respect being had vnto the reigne of their Princes: as when any deed is written, they date it thus; Made such a day of such a Moone, and such a yeere of the raigne of such a King.

* 4.973Now will I speake of the manner the which the Chineans doe obserue in doing Iustice. Be∣cause [ 20] the Chinish King maketh his abode continually in the City Pachin, his Kingdome so great, the shires so many, as before it hath beene said: in it therefore the Gouernours and Rulers, much like vnto our Sheriffes be so appointed suddenly, and speedily discharged againe, that they haue no time to grow nought. Furthermore, to keepe the State in more securitie, the Louteas that gouerne one shire, are chosen out of some other shire distant farre off, where they must leaue their Wiues, Children, and Goods, carrying nothing with them but themselues. True it is, that at their comming thither they doe find in a readinesse all things necessarie, their House, Furni∣ture, Seruants, and all other things in such perfection and plentie, that they want nothing. Thus King is well serued without all feare of Treason.

In the principall Cities of the shires be foure chiefe Louteas, before whom are brought all [ 30] matters of the inferiour Townes, throughout the whole Realme. Diuers other Louteas haue the managing of Iustice, and receiuing of Rents, bound to yeeld an account thereof vnto the greater Officers. Other doe see that there be no euill rule kept in the Citie: each one as it behoueth him. Generally all these doe imprison Malefactors, cause them to be whipped and racked, hoy∣sing them vp and downe by the armes with a cord, a thing very vsuall there, and accounted no shame. These Louteas doe vse great diligence in the apprehending of the Theeues, so that it is a wonder to see a Thiefe escape away in any Towne,* 4.974 Citie, or Village. Vpon the Sea neere vn∣to the shoare many are taken, and looke euen as they are taken, so be they first whipped, and af∣terward laid in Prison, where shortly after they all dye for hunger and cold. At that time, when we were in Prison, there dyed of them aboue threescore and ten. Their whips be certaine pie∣ces [ 40] of Canes, cleft in the middle, in such sort that they seeme rather plaine then sharpe. He that is to bee whipped lyeth groueling on the ground. Vpon his thighes the Hangman layeth on blowes mightily with these Canes, that the standers by tremble at their crueltie. Tenne stripes draw a great deale of bloud, twentie or thirtie spoyle the flesh altogether, fiftie or threescore will require long time to be healed, and if they come to the number of one hundred, then are they incurable.

The Louteas obserue moreouer this: when any man is brought before them to bee examined, they aske him openly in the hearing of as many as be present,* 4.975 be the offence neuer so great. Thus did they also behaue themselus with vs. For this cause amongst them can there be no false witnes as daily amongst vs it falleth out. This good commeth thereof that many being alwayes about [ 50] the Iudge to heare the Euidence, and beare witnesse, the Processe cannot be falsified, as it hapneth sometimes with vs. The Moores, Gentiles, and Iewes, haue all their sundry Oathes, the Moores doe sweare by their Mossafos,* 4.976 the Brachmans by their Fili, the rest likewise by the things they doe worship. The Chineans, though they be wont to sweare by Heauen, by the Moone, by the Sunne, and by all their Idols, in judgement neuerthelesse they sweare not at all. If for some of∣fence an Oath be vsed of any one, by and by with the least euidence hee is tormented; so be the Witnesses he bringeth, if they tell not the truth, or doe in any point disagree, except they bee men of worship and credit, who are beleeued without any farther matter: the rest are made to confesse the truth by force of Torments and Whips. Besides this order obserued of them in Ex∣aminations, they doe feare so much their King, and he where he maketh his abode keepeth them [ 60] so low, that they dare not once stirre. Againe, these Louteas as great as they bee, notwithstan∣ding the multitude of Notaries they haue, not trusting any others, doe write all great Processes and matters of importance themselues.* 4.977 Moreouer, one vertue they haue worthy of great praise, and that is, being men so well regarded and accounted of as though they were Princes, they bee

patient aboue measure in giuing audience. Wee poore strangers brought before them might say what we would, as all to be Lyes and Falaces that they did write, nor did we stand before them with the vsuall Ceremonies of that Countrey, yet did they beare with vs so patiently, that they caused vs to wonder, knowing specially how little any Aduocate or Iudge is wont in our Coun∣trey to beare with vs. For wheresoeuer in any Towne of Christendome should bee accused vn∣knowne men as we were, I know not what end the very Innocents cause would haue: but wee in a Heathen Countrey, hauing our great Enemies two of the chiefest men in a whole Towne, wanting an Interpreter, ignorant of that Countrey Language,* 4.978 did in the end see our great Ad∣uersaries cast into Prison for our sake, and depriued of their Offices and Honour for not doing [ 10] Iustice; yea, not to escape death, for as the rumour goeth, they shall bee beheaded.

Somewhat is now to be said of the Lawes that I haue beene able to know in this Countrey,* 4.979 and first, no Theft or Murther, is at any time pardoned: Adulterers are put in Prison, and the fact once proued, condemned to dye, the womans Husband must accuse them: this order is kept with men and women found in that fault, but Theeues and Murtherers are imprisoned as I haue said, where they shortly dye for hunger and cold. If any one haply escape by bribing the Iay∣lor to giue him meate, his Processe goeth farther, and commeth to the Court where hee is con∣demned to dye. Sentence being giuen,* 4.980 the Prisoner is brought in publike with a terrible band of men that lay him in Irons hand and foot, with a board at his necke one handfull broad, in length reaching downe to his knees, cleft in two parts, and with a hole one handfull downe-ward in the Table fit for his necke, the which they enclose vp therein, nayling the board fast together, [ 20] one handfull of the board standeth vp behind in the necke: the sentence and cause wherefore the fellon was condemned to dye, is written in that part of the Table that standeth before. This Ceremonie ended, he is laid in a great Prison in the company of some other condemned persons, the which are found by the King as long as they doe liue. The board aforesaid so made tormen∣teth the Prisoners very much, keeping them both from the rest, and eke letting them to eate commodiously, their hands being manicled in Irons vnder that board, so that in fine there is no remedie but death. In the chiefe Cities of euery shire, as we haue beforesaid, there be foure prin∣cipall Houses, in each of them a Prisoner: but in one of them where the Taissu maketh his abode, there a greater and a more principall Prison then in any of the rest: and although in euery Ci∣tie there be many, neuerthelesse in three of them remayne onely such as bee condemned to dye. [ 30] Their death is much prolonged, for that ordinarily there is no execution done but once a yeere, though many dye for hunger and cold, as we haue seene in this Prison.* 4.981 Execution is done in this manner The Chian, to wit the high Commissioner or Lord Chiefe Iustice, at the yeares end goeth to the head Citie, where hee heareth againe the causes of such as bee condemned. Many times he deliuereth some of them, declaring that board to haue beene wrongfully put about their neckes: the visitation ended, he chooseth out seuen or eight, not many more or lesse, of the greatest Malefactors, the which, to feare and keepe in awe the people, are brought into a great Market place, where all the great Louteas meete together, and after many Ceremonies and Su∣perstitions, as the vse of the Countrey is, are beheaded. This is done once a yeare: who so escapeth that day, may be sure that he shall not be put to death all that yeare following, and so [ 40] remayneth at the Kings charges in the greater Prison. In that Prison where wee lay were al∣wayes one hundred and moe of these condemned persons, besides them that lay in other Prisons.

These Prisons wherein the condemned captiues doe remayne are so strong, that it hath not beene heard, that any Prisoner in all China hath escaped out of Prison, for, indeed,* 4.982 it is a thing impossible. The Prisons are thus builded. First, all the place is mightily walled about, the wals be very strong and high, the gate of no lesse force: within it three other gates, before you come where the Prisoners doe lye, there many great Lodgings are to be seene of the Louteas, Notaries, Parthions, that is, such as doe there keepe watch and ward day and night, the Court large and paued, on the one side whereof standeth a Prison, with two mighty gates, wherein are kept [ 50] such Prisoners as haue committed enormious offences. This Prison is so great, that in it are streets and Market places wherein all things necessary are sold. Yea, some Prisoners liue by that kind of Trade, buying and selling, and letting out beds to hire: some are daily sent to Prison, some daily deliuered,* 4.983 wherefore this place is neuer voyd of seuen or eight hundred men that goe at libertie.

Into one other Prison of condemned persons shall you goe at three Iron gates, the Court pa∣ued and vaulted round about, and open aboue as it were a Cloyster. In this Cloyster bee eight Roomes with I••on Doores, and in each of them a large Gallerie, wherein euery night the Pri∣soners doe lye at length, their feet in the stockes, their bodies hampered in huge woodden grates that keepe them from sitting so that they lye as it were in a Cage, sleepe if they can: in the mor∣ning [ 60] they are loosed againe that they may goe into the Court. Notwithstanding the strength of this Prison, it is kept with a Garrison of men, part whereof watch within the House, part of them in the Court, some keepe about the Prison with Lanthornes, and Watch-bels, answering one another fiue times euery night, and giuing warning so lowde, that the Loutea resting in a Chamber not neere thereunto may heare them. In these Prisons of condemned persons remayne

some fifteene, other twentie yeares imprisoned, not executed, for the loue of their honourable Friends that seeke to prolong their liues. Many of these Prisoners bee Shoomakers, and haue from the King a certayne allowance of Rice: some of them worke for the Keeper, who suffe∣reth them to goe at libertie without fetters and boards, the better to worke. Howbeit when the Loutea calleth his Checke Roll, and with the Keeper vieweth them, they all weare their Liueries, that is, boards at their neckes, Ironed hand and foote. When any of these Prisoners dyeth, he is to bee seene of the Loutea and Notaries, brought out at a gate so narrow, that there can but one be drawne out there at once. The Prisoner beeing brought forth, one of the afore∣said Parthians, striketh him thrice on the head with an Iron fledge, that done, hee is deliuered vnto his friends, if hee haue any, otherwise the King hireth men to carrie him to his buriall in [ 10] the fields.

Thus Adulterers and Theeues are vsed. Such as be imprisoned for Debt once knowne, lye there vntill it be paid.* 4.984 The Taissu or Loutea calleth them many times before him by the vertue of his Office, who vnderstanding the cause wherefore they doe not pay their Debts, appointeth them a certaine time to doe it, within the compasse whereof if they discharge not their Debts beeing Debters indeed, then they be whipped and condemned to perpetuall Imprisonment: if the Cre∣ditors be many, and one is to be paid before another, they doe, contrary to our manner, pay him first, of whom they last borrowed, and so ordinarily the rest, in such sort that the first Len∣der be the last Receiuer. The same order is kept in paying Legacies: the last named, receiueth his portion first. [ 20]

When I said that such as be committed to Prison for Theft, and Murther, were judged by the Court, I meant not them that were apprehended in the deed doing, for they need no tryall, but are brought immediately before the Tutan, who out of hand giueth sentence. Other not taken so openly, and doe need tryall, are the Malefactors put to execution once a yeare in the chiefe Cities, to keepe in awe the people: or condemned, doe remayne in Prison, looking for their day. Theeues being taken, are carried to Prison from one place to another in a Chest vpon mens shoul∣ders, hired therefore by the King, the Chest is sixe handfuls high, the Prisoner sitteth therein vpon a bench, the couer of the Chest is two boards; amidst them both a Pillory-like hole, for the Prisoner his necke, there sitteth he with his head without the Chest, and the rest of his bodie within, not able to moue or turne his head this way or that way, nor to plucke it in: the necessi∣ties [ 30] of nature he voideth at a hole in the bottome of the Chest, the meate he eateth is put into his mouth by others. There abideth he day and night during his whole Iourney: if happily his Porters stumble, or the Chest doe jogge, or be set downe carelesly, it turneth to his great paines that sitteth therein, all such motions being vnto him hanging as it were. Thus were our compa∣nions carried from Cinceo, seuen dayes journey, neuer taking any rest as afterward they told vs, and their greatest griefe was to stay by the way: as soone as they came beeing taken out of the Chests, they were not able to stand on their feet, and two of them dyed shortly after.

* 4.985When we lay in prison at Fuquico, we came many times abroad, and were brought to the Palaces of Noble men, to be seene of them and their wiues, for that they had neuer seene any Portugall before. Many things they asked vs of our Countrey, and our fashions, and did [ 40] write euery thing, for they be curious in nouelties aboue measure. The Gentlemen shew great curtesie vnto strangers, and so did we finde at their hands, and because that many times we were brought abroad into the Citie, somwhat will I say of such things as I did see therein, being a gallant Citie, and chiefe in one of the thirteene shires afore-said. The Citie Fuquico, is very great and mightly walled with square stone both within and without, and as it may seeme by the breadth thereof, filled vp in the middle with Earth, laid ouer with Bricke, and couered with Tyle, and after the manner of Porches or Galleries, that one might dwell therein. The stayres they vse, are so easily made, that one may goe them vp and downe a Horse-backe, as eftsoones they doe: the streets are paued, as alreadie it hath beene said: there bee a great number of Mer∣chants, euery one hath written in a great Table at his doore such things as hee hath to sell. In [ 50] like manner euery Artizan painteth out his craft: the Market places be large, great abundance of all things there be to be sold. The Citie standeth vpon water, many streames runne through it, the bankes pitched, and so broad that they serue for streets to the Cities vse. Ouer the streames are sundry Bridges both of Timber and Stone, that being made leuell with the streets, hinder not the passage of the Barges to and fro, the Chanels are so deepe. Where the streames come in and goe out of the Citie,* 4.986 be certayne Arches in the Wall, there goe in and out their Pa∣rai, that is a kind of Barges they haue, and this onely in the day time: at night these Arches are closed vp with gates,* 4.987 so doe they shut vp all the gates of the Citie. These streames and Barges doe embellish much the Citie, and make it as it were to seeme another Venice. The buildings are euen, well made, high not lofted, except it be some wherein Merchandize is laid. It is a World [ 60] to see how great these Cities are, and the cause is, for that the houses are built euen, as I haue said, and doe take a great deale of roome. One thing we saw in this Citie that made vs all to wonder, and is worthy to be noted: Namely, ouer a Porch at the comming into one of the afore-said foure Houses, the which the King hath in euery share for his Gouernours as I haue before said,

standeth a Towre built vpon fortie Pillars, each one whereof is but one stone, each one fortie handfuls or spans long: in breadth or compasse twelue, as many of vs did measure them.* 4.988 Besides this, their greatnesse such in one piece, that it might seeme impossible to worke them: they bee moreouer couered, and in colour, length, and breath so like, that the one nothing differeth from the other.

Wee are wont to call this Countrey China, and the people Chineans,* 4.989 but as long as wee were Prisoners, not hearing amongst them at any time that name, I determined to learne how they were called: and asked sometimes by them thereof, for that they vnderstood vs not when wee called them Chineans, I answered them, that all the Inhabitants of India named them Chineans, wherefore I prayed them that they would tell me, for what occasion they are so called, whither [ 10] peraduenture any Citie of theirs bare that name. Hereunto they alwayes answered me, to haue no such name, nor euer to haue had. Then did I aske them what name the whole Countrey bea∣reth, and what they would answer being asked of other Nations what Countrey-men they were? It was told me, that of ancient time in this Countrey had beene many Kings, and though presently it were all vnder one, each Kingdome neuerthelesse enioyed that name it first had, these Kingdomes are the Prouinces I spake of before. In conclusion, they sayd, that the whole Countrey is called Tamen, and the Inhabitants Tamegines, so that this name China or Chineans,* 4.990 is not heard of in that Countrey. I doe thinke that the nearenesse of another Prouince therea∣bout called Cochinchina, and the inhabitants thereof Cochinesses, first discouered before that Chi∣na was, lying not farre from Malacca, did giue occasion both to the one Nation and to the o∣ther [ 20] of that name Chineans, as also the whole Countrey to bee named China. But their proper name is that aforesaid.

I haue heard moreouer, that in the Citie Nanquim, remayneth a Table of gold, and in it writ∣ten a Kings name, as a memorie of that residence the Kings were wont to keepe there. This ta∣ble standeth in a great Palace, couered alwayes, except it bee in some of their festiuall dayes,* 4.991 at what time they are wont to let it bee seene: couered neuerthelesse as it is, all the Nobilitie of the Citie goeth of dutie to doe it euery day reuerence. The like is done in the head Cities of all the other Shires, in the Palaces of the Ponchiassini, wherein these aforesaid tables doe stand with the Kings name written in them, although no reuerence bee done thereunto but in [ 30] solemne Feasts.

I haue likewise vnderstood that the Citie Pachin, where the King maketh his abode, is so great, that to goe from one side to the other, besides the Suburbs, (which are greater then the Citie it selfe) it requireth one whole day a horsebacke, going hackney pace. In the Suburbs bee many wealthy Merchants of all sorts. They told me furthermore, that it was Moted about, and in the Motes great store of Fish, whereof the King maketh great gaynes. It was also told mee that the King of China had no King to wage battell withall, besides the Tartars,* 4.992 with whom hee had concluded a peace more then fourescore yeeres agoe.

There bee Hospitals in all their Cities, alwayes full of people, wee neuer saw any poore bodie beg. We therefore asked the cause of this: answered it was, that in euery Citie there is a great [ 40] circuit, wherein bee many houses for poore people, for Blinde, Lame, Old folke, not able to tra∣uell for age, nor hauing any other meanes to liue. These folke haue in the aforesaid houses, euer plentie of Rice during their liues, but nothing else. Such as bee receiued into these houses, come in after this manner. When one is sicke, blinde, or lame, hee maketh a supplication to the Pon∣chiassi, and prouing that to bee true he writeth, hee remaineth in the aforesaid great lodging as long as he liueth: besides this, they keepe in these places Swine and Hennes, whereby the poore bee releeued without going a begging.

I sayd before that China was full of Riuers, but now I minde to confirme the same anew: for the farther wee went into the Countrey, the greater we found the riuers.* 4.993 Sometimes we were so farre off from the Sea, that where wee came no Sea-fish had beene seene, and Salt was there very deare, of fresh-water Fish yet was there great abundance, and that fish very good: they [ 50] keepe it good after this manner. Where the Riuers doe meete, and so passe into the Sea, there lyeth great store of Boates, specially where no salt-water commeth, and that in March and A∣prill. These Boates are so many that it seemeth wonderfull, neither serue they for other then to take small fish. By the riuers sides they make leyres of fine and strong Nets,* 4.994 that lye three handfuls vnder water, and one aboue, to keepe and nourish their Fish in, vntill such time as o∣ther fishers doe come with Boates, bringing for that purpose certaine great Chests lyned with paper, able to hold water, wherein they carrie their fish vp and downe the riuer, euery day re∣newing the chest with fresh-water, and selling their fish in euery Citie, Towne, and Village, where they passe, vnto the people as they need it: most of them haue Net-leyres to keepe Fish in alwayes for their prouision. Where the greater Boates cannot passe any farther forward, [ 60] they take lesser, and because the whole Countrey is very well watred, there is so great plen∣tie of diuers sorts of Fish, that it is wonderfull to see: assuredly, wee were amazed to be∣hold the manner of their prouision. Their Fish is chiefly nourished with the dung of Bufles and Oxen, that greatly fatteth it. Although I sayd their fishing to bee in March and Aprill,

at what time wee saw them doe it, neuerthelesse they told vs that they fished at all times, for that vsually they doe feed on Fish, wherefore it behooueth them to make their proui∣sion continually.

* 4.995When wee had passed Fuquien, we went into Quicen-shire, where the fine Clay vessell is made, as I sayd before: and we came to a Citie, the one side whereof is built vpon the foote of a hill, whereby passeth a Riuer nauigable: there we tooke Boate, and went by water toward the Sea: on each side of the Riuer we found many Cities, Townes, and Villages, wherein we saw great store of Merchandise, but specially of fine clay: there did we land by the way to buy vi∣ctuals and other necessaries. Going downe this riuer Southward, wee were glad that we drew neere vnto a warmer Countrey, from whence we had beene farre distant: this Countrey wee [ 10] passed through in eight dayes, for our iourney lay downe the streame. Before that I doe say any thing of that Shire wee came into, I will first speake of the great Citie of Quicin, wherein al∣wayes remayneth a Tutan, that is a Gouernour, as you haue seene, though some Tutans doe go∣uerne two or three Shires.

That Tutan that was condemned for our cause, of whom I spake before, was borne in this Countrey, but hee gouerned Fuquien-Shire: nothing it auayled him to bee so great an Officer. This Countrey is so great, that in many places where wee went, there had beene as yet no talke of his death,* 4.996 although he were executed a whole yeere before. At the Citie Quanche whi∣ther wee came, the riuer was so great that it seemed a sea, though it were so little where we tooke water, that wee needed small Boates. One day about nine of the clocke, beginning to [ 20] row neare the walls with the streame, wee came at noone to a bridge made of many Barges, o∣uer-linked all together with two mightie chaynes. There stayed we vntill it was late, but wee saw not one goe either vp thereon or downe, except two Louthia's that about the going downe of the Sunne, came and set them downe there, the one in one side, the other on the other side. Then was the bridge opened in many places, and Barges both great and small to the number of sixe hundred began to passe: those that went vp the streame, at one place, such as came downe, at an other. When all had thus shot the Bridge, then was it shut vp againe. Wee heard say that euery day they take this order in all principall places of Merchandise, for paying of the custome vnto the King, specially for Salt, whereof the greatest reuenues are made that the King hath in this Countrey. The passages of the bridge where it is opened, bee so neere the shore, that no∣thing [ 30] can passe without touching the same. To stay the Barges at their pleasure, that they goe no farther forward,* 4.997 are vsed certaine yron instruments. The Bridge consisteth of one hundred and twelue Barges, there stayed we vntill the Eeuening that they were opened, lothsomly oppressed by the multitude of people that came to see vs, so many in number, that we were enforced to goe aside from the banke vntill such time as the bridge was opened: howbeit, wee were neuer∣thelesse thronged about with many Boates full of people. And though in other Cities and places where we went, the people came so importunate vpon vs, that it was needfull to withdraw our selues: yet were wee heere much more molested for the number of people, and this bridge, the principall way out of the Citie vnto another place so well inhabited, that were it walled about, it might bee compared to the Citie. When we had shot the bridge, we kept along the Citie vn∣till [ 40] that it was night, then met wee with another riuer that ioyned with this, we rowed vp that by the walls,* 4.998 vntill we came to another bridge gallantly made of Barges, but lesser a great deale then that other bridge ouer the greater streame: heere stayed we that night, and other two dayes with more quiet, being out of the prease of the people. These riuers doe meete without at one corner-point of the Citie. In either of them were so many Barges great and small, that wee all thought them at the least to bee aboue three thousand: the greater number thereof was in the lesser riuer, where we were. Amongst the rest, heere lay certaine greater vessels, called in their language Parai,* 4.999 that serue for the Tutan, when hee taketh his voyage by other riuers that ioyne with this, towards Pachin, where the King maketh his abode. Desirous to see those Parai we got into some of them, where we found some chambers set foorth with gilded Beds very richly, [ 50] other furnished with tables and seates, and all other things so neate and in perfection, that it was wonderfull.

Quiacim-Shire, as farre as I can perceiue, lyeth vpon the South. On that side we kept at our first entrie thereinto, trauelling not farre from the high mountaines we saw there. Asking what people dwelleth beyond those mountaines, it was told me that they bee Theeues, and men of a strange language. And because that vnto sundry places neere this Riuer, the mountaines doe ap∣proach, whence the people issuing downe, doe many times great harme, this order is taken at the entrie into Quiacim-Shire. To guard this Riuer whereon continually goe to and fro Parai great and small fraught with Salt, Fish powdered with pepper, and other necessaries for that Countrey: they doe lay in diuers places certaine Parai, and great Barges armed, wherein [ 60] watch and ward is kept day and night in both sides of the Riuer, for the safetie of the passage, and securitie of such Parai as doe remayne there, though the trauellers neuer goe but many in company. In euery rode there bee at the least thirtie, in some two hundred men, as the passage requireth.

This guard is kept vsually, vntill you come to the Citie Onchio, where continually the Tutan of this Shire, and eke of Cantan, maketh his abode. From that Citie vpward, where the riuer waxeth more narrow, and the passage more dangerous, there be alwayes armed one hundred and fiftie Parai, to accompany other vessels fraught with merchandise, and all this at the Kings char∣ges. This seemed vnto me one of the strangest things I did see in this Countrey.

When wee lay at Fuquien, we did see certaine Moores, who knew so little of their sect, that they could say nothing else, but that Mahomet was a Moore, my father was a Moore,* 4.1000 and I am a Moore, with some other words of their Alcoran, wherewithall, in abstinence from Swines flesh, they liue vntill the Deuill take them all. This when I saw, and being sure, that in many Chinish Cities the reliques of Mahomet are kept, as soone as wee came to the Citie where these [ 10] fellowes bee, I informed my selfe of them, and learned the truth. These Moores, as they told me, in times past came in great Ships fraught with merchandise from Pachin ward, to a Port gran∣ted vnto them by the King, as hee is wont to all them that trafficke into this Countrey, where they being arriued at a little Towne standing in the hauens mouth, in time conuerted vnto their Sect the greatest Loutea there. When that Loutea with all his family was become Moorish, the rest began likewise to doe the same. In this part of China the people bee at li∣bertie, euery one to worship and follow what him liketh best. Wherefore no bodie tooke heed thereto, vntill such time as the Moores perceiuing that many followed them in superstition, and that the Loutea fauoured them, they began to forbid wholly the eating of Swines-flesh. But all this Countrey men and women, choosing rather to forsake Father and Mother, then [ 20] to leaue off eating of Porke, by no meanes would yeeld to that proclamation. For besides the great desire they all haue to eate that kind of meate, many of them doe hue thereby: and there∣fore the people complained vnto the Magistrates, accusing the Moores of a conspiracie pre∣tended betwixt them and the Loutea, against their King. In this Countrey, as no suspition, no not one trayterous word is long borne withall: so was the King speedily aduertised there∣of, who gaue commandement out of hand that the aforesaid Loutea should bee put to death, and with him the Moores of most importance: the other to be layd first in Prison, and afterward to bee sent abroad into certaine Cities, where they remayned perpetuall slaues vnto the King. To this Citie came by hap men and women threescore and odde, who at this day are brought to fiue men and foure women, for it is now twentie yeeres agoe this happened. Their off∣spring [ 30] passeth the number of two hundred, and they in this Citie, as the rest in other Cities, whither they were sent, haue their Moscheas,* 4.1001 whereunto they all resort euery Friday to keepe their Holiday. But, as I thinke, that will no longer endure, then whiles they doe liue, that came from thence, for their posteritie is so confused, that they haue nothing of a Moore in them, but abstinence from Swines-flesh, and yet many of them doe eate thereof priuily. They tell me that their natiue Countrey hath name Camarian, a firme land, wherein bee many Kings, and the Indish Countrey well knowne vnto them. It may so be: for as soone as they did see our seruants (our seruants were Preuzaretes) they iudged them to bee Indians: many of their words sounded vpon the Persicke tongue, but none of vs could vnderstand them. I asked them, [ 40] whither they conuerted any of the Chinish Nation vnto their Sect: they answered me, that with much adoe, they conuerted the women with whom they doe marrie, yeelding me no o∣ther cause thereof, but the difficultie they finde in them to bee brought from eating Swines-flesh, and drinking of Wine. I haue learned mor••ouer, that the Sea whereby these Moores that came to China were wont to trauell, is a very great gulfe,* 4.1002 that falleth into this Countrey out from Tartaria and Persia, leauing on the other side all the Countrey of China, and land of the Mogorites, drawing alwayes toward the South: and of all likelyhood it is euen so, because that these Moores, the which wee haue seene, bee rather browne then white, whereby they shew themselues to come from some warmer Countrey then China is, neere to Pachin, where the Riuers are frozen in the winter for cold, and many of them so vehemently, that Carts may passe o••er them.

[ 50] Wee did see in this Citie many Tartars, Mogorites, Bremes, and Laoynes,* 4.1003 both men and women. The Tartars are men very white, good Horse-men, and Archers, confining with China on that side where Pachin standeth, separated from thence by great Mountaines that are betwixt these Kingdomes. Ouer them bee certaine wayes to passe, and for both sides,* 4.1004 Ca∣stles continually k••pt with Souldiers: in time past, the Tartars were wont alwayes to haue warres with the Chineans, but these fourescore yeeres past they were quiet, vntill the second yeere of our Imprisonment.

The Mogores bee in like manner white,* 4.1005 and Heathen wee are aduertised that of one side they border vpon these Tartars, and confine with the Persicke Tartares on the other side, where∣of wee saw in them some tokens, as their manner of cloathes, and that kinde of Hat the Sa∣racens [ 60] doe weare. The Moores ••ffirmed, that where the King lyeth, there bee many Tartars and Mogorites, ••hat brought into China certaine Blewes of great value.

As for the Bremes, wee haue seene ••n this Citie Chenchi certaine men and women,* 4.1006 amongst whom, there was one that came not long since, hauing as yet her hayre tyed vp after the Pe∣gues

fashion: this woman, and other moe with whom a blacke Moore damosell in our com∣pany had conference, and did vnderstand them well enough, had dwelt in Peghu. This new come woman, imagining that wee meant to make our abode in that Citie, bid vs to bee of good comfort, for that her Countrey was not distant from thence aboue fiue dayes iourney, and that out of her Countrey, there lay a high way for vs home into our owne. Being asked the way, shee answered that the first three dayes the way lyeth ouer certaine great mountaines and wildernesse, afterward people to bee met withall againe. Thence two dayes iourney more to the Bremes Countrey.* 4.1007 Wherefore I doe conclude, that Chenchi is one of the confines of this Kingdome, separated by certaine huge Mountaines, as it hath beene already sayd, that lye out towards the South. In the residue of these mountaines standeth the Prouince Sian, the Laoyns Countrey,* 4.1008 Cambaia, Chinapa, and Cochinchina. [ 10]

This Citie, chiefe of other sixteene, is situated in a pleasant Playne, abounding in things ne∣cessarie,* 4.1009 Sea-fish onely excepted, for it standeth farre from the Sea: of fresh Fish so much store, that the Market-places are neuer emptie. The walls of this Citie are very strong and high: one day did I see the Louteas thereof goe vpon the walls, to take the view thereof, borne in their seates I spake of before, accompanied with a troupe of Horse-men, that went two and two: It was told me they might haue gone three and three. Wee haue seene moreouer, that within this aforesaid Citie the King hath more than a thousand of his kindred lodged in great Palaces, in diuers parts of the Citie: their gates bee red, and the entrie into their houses, that they may be knowne, for that is the Kings colour. These Gentlemen, according to their nearnesse in bloud vnto the King, as soone as they bee married, receiue their place in Honour: [ 20] this place neither encreaseth nor diminisheth in any respect, as long as the King liueth, the King appointeth them their Wiues and Familie, allowing them by the moneth all things ne∣cessarie abundantly, as hee doth to his Gouernours of Shires and Cities, howbeit, not one of these hath as long as hee liueth, any charge or gouernment at all. They giue themselues to ea∣ting and drinking, and bee for the most part burley men of bodie, insomuch that espying any one of them, whom wee had not seene before, wee might know him to bee the Kings Cou∣sin. They bee neuerthelesse very pleasant, courteous, and fayre conditioned: neither did wee finde, all the time we were in that Citie, so much honour and good entertainment any where, as at their hands. They bid vs to their houses, to eate and drinke, and when they found vs not, or wee were not willing to goe with them, they bid our seruants, and slaues, causing [ 30] them to sit downe with the first. Notwithstanding the good lodging these Gentlemen haue so commodious that they want nothing, yet are they in this bondage, that during life they neuer goe abroad. The cause, as I did vnderstand, wherefore the King so vseth his Cou∣sins, is that none of them at any time may rebell against him: and thus bee shutteth them vp in three or foure other Cities. Most of them can play on the Lute: and to make that kinde of pastime peculiar vnto them onely, all other in the Cities where they doe liue, bee forbid∣den that Instrument, the Curtizans and blinde folke onely excepted, who bee Musicians, and can play.

This King furthermore, for the greater securitie of his Realme, and the auoyding of tumults, letteth not one in all his Countrey to bee called Lord,* 4.1010 except hee be of his bloud. Many great [ 40] Estates and Gouernours there be, that during their office are lodged Lord-like, and doe beare the port of mightie Princes: but they bee so many times displaced, and other placed anew, that they haue not the while to become corrupt. True it is, that during their Office they be well prouided for, as afterward, also lodged at the Kings charges, and in pension as long as they liue, payed them monethly in the Cities where they dwell, by certaine officers appoin∣ted for that purpose. The King then is a Lord onely, not one besides him as you haue seene, ex∣cept it bee such as be of his bloud. A Nephew likewise of the King, the Kings Sisters sonne, ly∣eth continually within the walls of the Citie, in a strong Palace built Castle-wise, euen as his others Cousins doe, remayning alwayes within doores, serued by Eunuches, neuer dealing with [ 50] any matters. Their festiuall dayes, new Moones, and full Moones, the Magistrates make great banquets, and so doe such as bee of the Kings bloud. The King his Nephew, hath name Van∣fuli, his Palace is walled about, the wall is not high, but foure square, and in circuit nothing in∣feriour to the walls of Goa, the out-side is painted red, in euery square a Gate, and ouer each gate a Tower, made of timber excellently well wrought: before the principall Gate of the foure, that openeth into the high-street, no Loutea, bee he neuer so great, may passe on horse∣backe, or carried in his seate. Amidst this quadrangle, standeth the Palace where that Gentle∣man lyeth, doubtlesse, worth the sight, although wee came not in to see it. By report the roofes of the towers and house, are glased greene, the greater part of the Quadrangle set with sauage Trees, as Oakes, Chesnuts, Cypresse, Pine-apples, Cedars, and other such like that wee [ 60] doe want, after the manner of a Wood, wherein are kept Stagges, Oxen, and other beasts, for that Lord his recreation neuer going abroad, as I haue said.

One preheminence this Citie hath aboue the rest where wee haue beene, and it of right as we doe thinke, that besides the multitude of Market-places, wherein all things are to bee

sold, through euery streete continually are cryed all things necessarie, as Flesh of all sorts, fresh-Fish, Hearbes, Oyle, Vineger, Meale, Rice, In summa, all things so plentifully, that many houses need no seruants, euerie thing being brought to their doores. Most part of the Mer∣chants remayne in the Suburbs, for that the Cities are shut vp euery night, as I haue sayd. The Merchants therefore, the better to attend their businesse, doe choose rather to make their abode without in the Suburbs, then within the Citie.* 4.1011 I haue seene in this Riuer a pretie kinde of Fishing, not to bee omitted in my opinion, and therefore will I set it downe. The King hath in many riuers good store of Barges full of Sea-crowes, that breed, are fed, and doe dye therein, in certaine Cages, allowed monethly a certaine prouision of Rice. These Barges the [ 10] King bestoweth vpon his greatest Magistrates, giuing to some two, to some three of them, as hee thinketh good, to Fish therewithall after this manner. At the houre appointed to Fish, all the Barges are brought together in a circle, where the Riuer is shallow, and the Crowes tyed together vnder the wings, are let leape downe into the water, some vnder, some a∣boue, worth the looking vpon: each one as hee hath filled his bagge, goeth to his owne Barge and emptieth it, which done, hee returneth to fish againe. Thus hauing taken good store of Fish, they set the Crowes at libertie, and doe suffer them to fish for their owne pleasure. There were in that Citie, where I was, twentie Barges at the least, of these aforesaid Crowes. I went almost [ 20] euery day to see them, yet could I neuer bee throughly satisfied to see so strange a kinde of Fishing.

(∵)

[ 30] [ 40] [ 50] [ 60]

Notes

• * 1.1

  Master Hak. had published part of this Author, but the whole worke being found in Benet Colledge Li∣brary in Cam∣bridg, I thought fit to commu∣nicate it to the World; it being neuer publi∣shed, as I thinke, in any Language▪ I begin with the Tartars, as be∣ing ••••owne to thes•• parts be∣fore the Chi∣nois: yea, China or Mang•• be∣came knowne by them. Ecclus 39. v. 3. Cassaria, or Gasaria.
• * 1.2

  Gasaria▪
• * 1.3

  Soldaia.
• * 1.4

  The Citie of Matriga.
• * 1.5

  Matriga.
• * 1.6

  Zikia.
• * 1.7

  Frier Bartholo∣mew de Cremo∣na.
• * 1.8

  The necke of Tanrica Cher∣sones••••.
• * 1.9

  The Tartars.
• * 1.10

  Chap. 2. Of the Tartars, and of their houses.
• * 1.11

  The benefit of a Painter in strange Coun∣tries.
• * 1.12

  Chap. 3. Of their Bed••, Puppets, Ima∣ges and drin∣king Pots.
• * 1.13

  Idols.
• * 1.14

  Chap. 4. Of their drinkes, and how they pro∣uoke one ano∣ther to drin∣king.
• * 1.15

  They vse the like custome in Florida.
• * 1.16

  Chap. 5. Of their ••ood and victuals.
• * 1.17

  Drying of flesh in the wind.
• * 1.18

  Chap. 6. How they make their drinke, called Cosmos.
• * 1.19

  Caracosmos▪
• * 1.20

  Duke Baatu.
• * 1.21

  Store of Mares, and Mares milke.
• * 1.22

  Chap. 7. Of ••he beasts which they eat of their gar∣men••s, and of their manner of hunting.
• * 1.23

  Our Falconers vse the left fist. Another strange cu∣stome, which I leaue to bee scanned by Falconers themselues.
• * 1.24

  Great expense of Wooll.
• * 1.25

  Chap. 8. Of the fashion which the Tar∣tars vse in cut∣ting their haire, and of the attire of their women.
• * 1.26

  Chap. 9. Of the duties inioyned vnto the Tartarian Women, and of their labors, and also of their marri∣ages.
• * 1.27

  Chap. 10. Of their exe∣cution of Iu∣stice and Iudg∣ment: and of their deaths and burials.
• * 1.28

  Sepulchres.
• * 1.29

  Chap. 11. Of our first entrance a∣mong the Tar∣tars, and of their ingrati∣tude.
• * 1.30

  Duke Sartach.
• * 1.31

  Chap. 12. Of the Court of Scacatai▪ & how the Chri∣stians drinke no Cosmos.
• * 1.32

  A caue at right worthy the no∣ting.
• * 1.33

  Superstition, the Kingdom •• of God is not meate and drinke.
• * 1.34

  Chap. 13. How the Ala∣nians came vn∣to vs on Pen∣tecost or Whit∣son E••••e.
• * 1.35

  Or, Akas.
• * 1.36

  Cloth is the chiefe Mer∣chandise in Tartarie.
• * 1.37

  Chap. 14. Of a Saracen which said that he would be baptized: and of certaine men which see∣med to bee L••∣pers.
• * 1.38

  Salt-pits. Ten dayes Iourney.
• * 1.39

  Valani.
• * 1.40

  The length of Comania.
• * 1.41

  Russia.
• * 1.42

  Chap. 15. Of our afflicti∣ons which wee sustained ▪ and of the Comani∣ans manner of buriall. Prussia.
• * 1.43

  Extreame heate in Sum∣mer.
• * 1.44

  Tanai••.
• * 1.45

  The breadth of Tanais.
• * 1.46

  He is much de∣ceiued.
• * 1.47

  About the be∣ginning of Au∣gust, the Tar∣tars returne Southward.
• * 1.48

  Chap. 16. Of the Domi∣nion of Sar∣tach, and of his Subiects.

  The people of Moxel are Pa∣gans.
• * 1.49

  The people called Merdui being Saracens.
• * 1.50

  The circuit of the Caspian Sea.
• * 1.51

  Kergis or Aas.
• * 1.52

  The Saracens called Lesgi.
• * 1.53

  He returneth by Derbent.
• * 1.54

  Chap. 17. Of the Court of Sartach, and of the magni∣ficence there∣of.

  Coiat, the Nesto∣rian.
• * 1.55

  No good con∣sequence.
• * 1.56

  Chap. 18. How they were giuen in charge to goe vnto Baatu the Father of Sar∣tach.
• * 1.57

  They are come as farre as Volga.
• * 1.58

  The Tartars will be called Moal.
• * 1.59

  Chap. 19. How Sartach, and Mangu-Can, and Ken-Can doe reue∣rence vnto Christians. This Historie of Presbyter Iohn in the North-east, is alleaged at large by Gerar∣dus Mercator in his generall M••p.

  From whence▪ the Turkes first sprang.

  An Ocean Sea. Nayman. Presbyter Iohn.
• * 1.60

  The place of Ken Kan his aboad.

  Vut Can, or Vuc Can.

  The Village of Cara Carum. Crit & Merkit.
• * 1.61

  Moal in old time a begger∣ly people. The place of the Tartars.
• * 1.62

  Cyngis.
• * 1.63

  Mangu-Can.
• * 1.64

  Mancherule.
• * 1.65

  Chap. 20. Of the Rus∣sians, Hungari∣ans, and Alani∣an•••• and of the Caspian Sea.
• * 1.66

  O••, Ber••a.
• * 1.67

  Changl••.
• * 1.68

  Frier Andrew.
• * 1.69

  Chap. 21. Of the Court of Baatu: and how we were entertayned by him.

  The North Ocean.
• * 1.70

  He descendeth downe the Ri∣uer Volga in a Barke.
• * 1.71

  A••••racan.
• * 1.72

  The descripti∣on of Baatu his Court.
• * 1.73

  Horda signi∣fieth the midst.
• * 1.74

  Iohn de Plano Carpini.
• * 1.75

  The Letters of the French King.
• * 1.76

  Chap. 22. Of our iour∣ney towards the Court of Mangu-Can.
• * 1.77

  They trauell fiue weekes by the banke of Etilia.
• * 1.78

  Hungarians.
• * 1.79

  A Comonian.
• * 1.80

  A iourney of foure moneths from Volga.
• * 1.81

  The sixteenth, of September.
• * 1.82

  Forty six daies Or, Kangittae.
• * 1.83

  Chap. 23. Of the Riuer of Iagac: Or, Iaic, and of diuers Re∣gions or Nati∣ons.

  Iaic, twelue daies iourney from Volga. Pascatir.

  The Hungari∣ans descended from the Bas∣cirdes.
• * 1.84

  Valachians.
• * 1.85

  Deut. 32. v. 21. Rom. 10. v. 19.
• * 1.86

  Cangle an huge plaine Coun∣trey.
• * 1.87

  Chap. 24. Of the hunger and thirst, and other miseries, which we su∣stained in our iourned.
• * 1.88

  Certaine Ri∣uers.
• * 1.89

  Eight daies iourny South-ward.

  Asses swift of foot▪

  High Moun∣taines. Manured grounds. Kenchat, a Vil∣lage of the Sa∣racens.
• * 1.90

  The seuenth day of No∣uember.

  A great Riuer.
• * 1.91

  Many Lakes. Vines.
• * 1.92

  Chap. 25. How Ban was put to death: and concer∣ning the habi∣tation of the Dutch men. A Cottage. The Moun∣taynes of Cau∣casus are exten∣ded vnto the Easterne Sea. The Citie of Talas, or Chin∣citalas. Frier Andrew.
• * 1.93

  The Village of Bolac.
• * 1.94

  He entreth in∣to the Territo∣ries of Mangu-Can.

  Certaine Alpes wherein the Cara Catayans inhabited. A mightie Ri∣uer.

  Ground tilled. Equius.
• * 1.95

  A Lake of fif∣teene daies iourney in compasse.
• * 1.96

  Coila•• a great Citie and full of Merchants.
• * 1.97

  Contomanni.
• * 1.98

  Chap. 26. How the Nesto∣rians, S••racens, and Idolaters are ioyned to∣gether.

  The people called Iugure•• Idolaters.
• * 1.99

  Frier William was at Caraca∣rum.
• * 1.100

  Chap. 27. Of their Tem∣ples and Idols, and how they behaue them∣selues in wor∣shipping their false gods▪ Bookes.
• * 1.101

  Paper. So doe the people of Chi∣na vse to write, drawing their lines perpendi∣cularly downe∣ward, and not as we doe, from the right hand to the left.
• * 1.102

  Chap. 28. Of diuers and sundry Nati∣ons: and of certaine peo∣ple which were wont to eate their owne parents. The Countrey of Presbyter Iohn. Tangut▪
• * 1.103

  Strange Oxen.
• * 1.104

  The people of Tebet.
• * 1.105

  Abundance of gold.
• * 1.106

  The s••ature of the people of Tangut, and of the Iugures. Langa and So∣langa.

  The people of Solanga resem∣ble Spaniards
• * 1.107

  A table of Ele∣phants tooth.
• * 1.108

  The people called Muc.
• * 1.109

  Great Cataya.
• * 1.110

  From hence is supplyed by Master Haclu∣its industrie (as he told me) out of a Manu∣script in Bennet Colledge in Cambridge: the other part hee had out of an imper∣fect Copie of my Lord Lum∣lies. The Chap∣ters disagree, as being (I thinke) rather some Transcribers diuision then the Authors. Yet haue I followed the numbers I found, euen where they are obscurest. The Friers Latin for some barbarous words and phrases, hath beene troublesome to 〈◊〉〈◊〉. The worke I hold a Iewell of Antiquitie, now first entirely publike.
• * 1.111

  Idolatry.
• * 1.112

  Nestorians.
• * 1.113

  Segni a Citie of Cathay.

  They are so at this day. The euill qua∣lities of the Nestorians. Hence by cor∣ruption of manners and ignorance of faith, seemeth the Apostacy of the greatest part of Asia to haue happe∣ned, furthered by Tartarian inuasions and Saracenicall. All Priests.
• * 1.114

  Consider our Author a Frier, whose trauels we rather em∣brace, then (in such passages) his diuinitie. They were later Fathers which made such Decrees, contrary to the Father of truth which ordained marriage in Leuies Priest-hood, and chose married men to the Apostleship: and forewarned of another Father, who with Doctrines of Deuils should prohibite meate and marriage, vnder colour of Priests chastitie, making the Temple stewes to carnall and spirituall whoredome.
• * 1.115

  Chap. 26. Of such things as befell them, departing from Cailac, to the Country of the Naymannes. Nouemb. 30.
• * 1.116

  Decemb. 6.
• * 1.117

  Extreme cold.
• * 1.118

  Decemb. 7.
• * 1.119

  A dangerous passage.
• * 1.120

  Chap. 27. Of the Coun∣try of the Nay∣mans, and what befell the stock of Ken-Chan his sonne & wiues. B••atu.
• * 1.121

  Stichin and Ken kill one ano∣ther.
• * 1.122

  Chap. 28. Of their com∣ming to the Court of Man∣gu Chan.
• * 1.123

  Onam Kerule the proper Country of the Tartars. Chap. 15.
• * 1.124

  Tartars pride.
• * 1.125

  Decemb. 28.
• * 1.126

  Chap. 29. Of a Christian chappell, and of the confe∣rence with Ser∣gius the coun∣terfeit Armeni∣an Monke, and of the sharpnes and continu∣ance of the Winter.

  An Armenian Monke.
• * 1.127

  Their confe∣rence with the Armenian Monke.
• * 1.128

  Monkish Re∣(ue)lation.
• * 1.129

  Toes frozen. S. Francis Or∣der not Ca∣tholike; Vni∣uersally fitting all places and seasons.
• * 1.130

  Frost vntill the moneth of May.
• * 1.131

  Easter in the end of the end of Aprill. And great Snow in the end of Aprill.
• * 1.132

  Shauing.
• * 1.133

  Respect of Priests.
• * 1.134

  Chap. 30. Of the Admit∣ting of the Friars to Man∣gu Chan, and his description, and their con∣ference with him.

  The descrip∣tion of Mangu Chan.
• * 1.135

  Drinke of Rice is cleere and sauoury, and like to white Wine. The Indians call it Racke.
• * 1.136

  The Oration of Frier Willi∣am to Mangu Chan.
• * 1.137

  The like Let∣ters you haue of King Edw. 2. before l. 8. c. 7. for another Friar.
• * 1.138

  The answer of Mangu Chan, not wel vnder∣stood and deli∣uered by a drunken Inter∣preter.
• * 1.139

  Caracarum ten daies iourney from the Court of Mangu Chan, toward the North, as ap∣peareth, Ch. 36.
• * 1.140

  Chap. 31. Of Pascha, of Mentz in Lo∣tharingia, and William Bou∣chier the Gold∣smith, a Parisi∣an.

  Building in request.
• * 1.141

  They also rec∣kon by Moones in East India.
• * 1.142

  Crac is a strong fortresse of the Templ•• is in the holy Land.
• * 1.143

  Chap. 32. Of Theodolus the Clerke of Acon, how hee deceiued Man∣gu Chan, and was impriso∣ned of 〈◊〉〈◊〉.

  Frier Andrew went from Cy∣prus by Persia. Blasphemous flattery.
• * 1.144

  The Golden Tablet of the Emperor of the Tartars. Vastacius King of Pontus.
• * 1.145

  Or, Erserum▪
• * 1.146

  Sergius an Ar∣menian Monke.
• * 1.147

  Chap. 33. O•• Mangu Chans holyday, and how his principall wi••e and his eldest sonne came to the Diuine ce∣remonies of the Nestorians, and o•• their filthy ••••wsing••
• * 1.148

  The cold much preuayleth.
• * 1.149

  The 13. of Ian.
• * 1.150

  Cotota Caten the principall Wife of Mangu Chan.

  Baltu the Son of Mangu Chan.
• * 1.151

  Vnum buc••e∣ranum.
• * 1.152

  Cosmos of Mares Milke, Vid. sup.
• * 1.153

  Ianuary 20▪
• * 1.154

  Of the Fast of the Nestorians, and Armenians, and of their Processions vnto the Court of Mangu Chan his eldest Son, and Wiues. Saint S••rkis. Lent.

  Mangu Chans Court visited with Processi∣ons.
• * 1.155

  How they di∣uine by the sholder blades of Rommes burnt blacke. In M. Ienkin∣sons Voyage a∣mong the Tar∣tars, ye may reade of such a Diuination.
• * 1.156

  Threshold-Su∣perstition. They doe the like in Florida.
• * 1.157

  Baltues Court who was eldest Son of Mangu Chan.
• * 1.158

  The Court of the third Lady. The Armenians and Nestorians are ashamed to shew Christ fastned to the Crosse.

  Mangu built a Church.

  The Court of the fourth Lady.
• * 1.159

  Drunkennesse not reprouea∣ble among the Tartars.
• * 1.160

  Chap. 35. How Lady Cota was cured of Sergius the counterfeit Monke. Li••ence is granted him to carrie the Crosse aloft.
• * 1.161

  Rubarbe and the Crosse Mi∣racle-workers with credulous Superstition. Holy water not knowne in the East.
• * 1.162

  Sergius the Ar∣menians Lye.
• * 1.163

  Sorcerie of foure swords.
• * 1.164

  The Crosse carried aloft.
• * 1.165

  Chap. 36. A description of the Coun∣tries about the Court of Man∣gu Chan, and of their manner of writing, and their money.
• * 1.166

  Chap. 3.
• * 1.167

  Al Riuers ben∣ding towards the South and North runne towards the West.
• * 1.168

  Chap. 15.
• * 1.169

  Su-Moal, the Water Tartars to the East, li∣uing vpon fish. Kerkis. Orangai.

  Pascatir on the West.
• * 1.170

  Chap. 19.
• * 1.171

  Mutezuma commanded the like in No∣ua Hispania.
• * 1.172

  A description of Apes, or else an embleme or Apish fable, and perhaps by the Chinois inuented, to sell their wares the dearer.
• * 1.173

  Most precious Purple.

  Cataia vpon the Ocean. Taute and Man∣se, who dwell in Ilands, whose Sea freezeth in the Winter. Cataia paper money.

  The manner of writing in Ca∣taia like that of China.

  The people of Thebet·

  Their manner of writing in Tangut and Iu∣gur.

  The money of the Rutenians.
• * 1.174

  Chap. 37. Of the second fast of the peo∣ple of the East, in Lent. The Monke is re∣proued for the multitude of those that came vnto him.
• * 1.175

  Monkes Ma∣nichaean blas∣phemie of the Creation.
• * 1.176

  Snow-water, or water of Ice, exceeding naught.

  No fish eaten in Lent.
• * 1.177

  Hypocriticall feast-fast.
• * 1.178

  Chap. 38. A Description of the worke of William Bou∣chier, and of the Palace of Mangu Chan at Caraca••um, into which Citie they entred on Palm-sunday.
• * 1.179

  Two moneths iourney.
• * 1.180

  The Descrip∣tion of a most artificiall siuer Tree.
• * 1.181

  The descripti∣on of the Pa∣lace.
• * 1.182

  The Sunday in the Passion he goeth towards Caracarum.
• * 1.183

  They enter Ca∣racarum on Palme Sunday
• * 1.184

  Mangu Chan departeth from Caraca∣rum.
• * 1.185

  Chap. 39. The manner how the Nesto∣rians make the Sacramentall Bread. The Christians confesse them∣selues, and re∣ceiue the Sa∣crament of Frier William in the dayes of the Lords Sup∣per, and Easter
• * 1.186

  The Christians desire the Sa∣crament. Confession. Theft exclu∣ded the ten Commande∣ments: per∣haps these fel∣lowes were of those Borde∣rers minde, which thought K. Henry had put it in the Decalogue.
• * 1.187

  The Patriarch of the Nestori∣ans remayneth at Baldach.
• * 1.188

  Chap. 40. William Bou∣chier is sicke, the Monke gi∣ueth him Ru∣barbe; the Priest Ionas is sicke: Frier William admi∣nistreth the Lords Supper vnto him, and anionteth him beeing readie to dye. Hee reproueth the Monke for his Sorceries.
• * 1.189

  The Priest Io∣nas is sicke and dye••h.
• * 1.190

  The Nestorians know not Ex∣treme Vnction, nor Confessi∣on.
• * 1.191

  He that is pre∣sen•• with one that dyeth, cannot come into the pre∣sence of the Prince, for the space of an whol•• yeare. Bold blindnes. The Monke v∣seth Diuinati∣ons.
• * 1.192

  Chap. 41. The descripti∣on of the Ci∣tie of Caraca∣rum, they are examined: Mangu Chan sendeth h••s brethren a∣gainst diuers Kingdomes, the Monke biddeth the Saracens fare∣well. The Wife of Mangu Chan dyeth.
• * 1.193

  The Countrey of the Hassa∣sines, or Muli∣bet.

  Chap. 16. Some of Ca∣taia rebell.
• * 1.194

  Ascension day.
• * 1.195

  Arabucha the yonger bro∣ther of Mangu Chan.
• * 1.196

  Ignorant zeale a betrayer of the Faith, a cause perhaps of Tartarian Saracenisme. One of the Wiues of Chan dyeth.
• * 1.197

  The Tartars do more by deceit then by force.
• * 1.198

  Chap. 42. They are often examined wherfore they came, Man∣gu desireth to make com∣parison of Di∣uine things. The most lear∣ned speech of Frier William with the Idola∣ters. The Sa∣racens acknow∣ledge the truth of the Gospel. The godly conference of Frier William, with the Ser∣uants of Man∣gu Chan.
• * 1.199

  Mangu Chan desireth to haue a compa∣rison made concerning di∣uine things, betweene the Christians, Sara∣cens, and Idola∣ter••.
• * 1.200

  His Answere.
• * 1.201

  Mangu Chan wil haue them returne.
• * 1.202

  Whitsunday Eeuen.
• * 1.203

  How Idolatry began first in the World.
• * 1.204

  The Proclama∣tion of Mangu Chan.
• * 1.205

  The murmu∣ring of the I∣dol••ters a∣g••inst Mangu Chan·
• * 1.206

  The beginning of the disputa∣tion concer∣ning the Chri∣stian Religion, with an Idola∣ter.

  We ought first to speake of God.

  The heresie of the Manichees in Cataia, as a sprout from the Magi, infe∣cting all the Easterne Phi∣losophie and Religions. A Pythagorean child.
• * 1.207

  God is Omni∣potent.
• * 1.208

  God knowes all things. God perfectly good.
• * 1.209

  The Saracens answer, that the Gospell is true.

  The Sect of the Iugurs.
• * 1.210

  Chap 43. The day of Pentecost he is called be∣fore Mangu Chan, who con∣fesseth the faith of the Tartars he speaketh of his returne by Baatu, he craueth leaue to stay there, whi••h is not graunted.
• * 1.211

  A token of fa∣uour.
• * 1.212

  The faith of the Tartars.
• * 1.213

  He spe••keth of the Fryers re∣turne.
• * 1.214

  Baatus great∣nesse.
• * 1.215

  Hee craueth leaue againe to stay in the Tar∣tars Countrey, but it is not granted.
• * 1.216

  He departeth from the pre∣sence of Man∣gu Can.
• * 1.217

  Chap. 44. A description of the Tartari∣an Sorcerers, and of their diuers and vn∣lawfull behaui∣our.

  Chiefe Priest of the Tartars. Some of them know Astrono∣my.

  Eclipses.
• * 1.218

  They fore-tell lucky and vn∣fortunat dai••s for the perfor∣mance of all bu••inesse what∣soeuer.

  They cause all things sen•• to the Court▪ passe betweene fires. Friar Andrew, and his fellows
• * 1.219

  The ninth day of the Moone of May▪ so∣lemnly kept e∣uery ye••re.
• * 1.220

  They are cal∣led to the birth of children▪ and fore-tell their destinies, and are also ••ent for when any are sicke.
• * 1.221

  The false ac∣cusations of the Sorcerers.
• * 1.222

  The Bishop of the Nestorians in Cataia.
• * 1.223

  A lyer and a murtherer from the be∣ginning.
• * 1.224

  The Reuenge of Mangu Chan, vpon his Wife being a mur∣therer.
• * 1.225

  The Sorcerers trouble the Ayre with their Charmes.
• * 1.226

  The Sorcerers raise vp deuils.
• * 1.227

  Chap. 45. Great Solem∣nity. Mangu Chans Letters to Lodowicke King of France: the Friers companion stayeth with the Tartars: they returne to Caracarum. This is also the manner of the Americanes in Florida.

  The Embassa∣dour of the Ca∣lipha of Baldach
• * 1.228

  The Embassa∣dours of a cer∣taine Soldan of India.

  India is more to the West then Caracarum by three weeks iourney.

  The Feast of Saint, Iohn, Iune 24.

  The Letters of Mangu Chan, to Lodowicke the French King.
• * 1.229

  Moall. Nayman, Merket. Musulman.
• * 1.230

  Chen-chan, is called Cume∣can, of Iohn de Plano Carpini.
• * 1.231

  He departeth the 9. of Iuly.
• * 1.232

  Note.
• * 1.233

  They stayed there from the 27. of Decem∣ber to the 9. of Iuly.
• * 1.234

  They depart from the Court to Ca∣racarum.
• * 1.235

  Chap. 46. They come to Caracarum. Re∣turning he ac∣companieth Baatu a whole moneth; de∣parting, he go∣eth toward the South to the Towne Sa••ai.
• * 1.236

  He returned by Persia.
• * 1.237

  A precious stone good a∣gainst thunder and lightning.
• * 1.238

  From Caraca∣rum to the Ri∣uer of Volga, is two moneths, and ten dayes iourney.
• * 1.239

  A Riuer be∣tweene the Mountaines of fifteene dayes iourney.
• * 1.240

  The end of August he met Sartach in his returne going to Mangu. Coiac the Priest of Sartach.
• * 1.241

  Sarai is a new Towne, built vpon Etilia, or Volga.
• * 1.242

  They come to the Court of Baatu, Sep∣tem. 16. 1254. cap. 18.

  The King of Armenia com∣forted them.
• * 1.243

  The sea frozen in the Winter.
• * 1.244

  A short way by Hungarie.
• * 1.245

  Bigauimus wane-trauel∣ling with Baa∣tu a whole mo∣neth.

  His Guide was a Iugur.

  They depart from Baatu, 17. of October, going right South.

  The seuen mouthes of the Riuer of Volga.

  The Village Sumerkent, or Astracan is in the latitude of 46. degrees. They goe no further downe, then Sumerkent of Astracan. The Riuer of Volga frozen ouer.

  He commeth to Sarai.

  Sarai is vpon the East side of Etilia. This place is now called Vchoog, from Astracan 60. Vers••ae.
• * 1.246

  Chap. 47. From Sarai they passe by the Mountains of the Alani, and by the Saracens called Lesgi, and by Derbent, by the Citie Samar••n. by Alexanders Inclosures or Walls, by the Citie Shama∣ghi, by the gr••••t Plaine Moan, and the Bridge made of ships, where Cur and Araxes meet together. The Tartars haue little store of Armor
• * 1.247

  A Castle of the Alani.
• * 1.248

  A description of Porta ferrea, or Derbent.
• * 1.249

  Sama••en a Ci∣tie of Iewes.
• * 1.250

  The inclosures or walles of A∣lexander.

  Other inclo∣sures where the Iewes are. Or Sam••gi. Moan a great Plaine.

  Cur, or the Ri∣uer Cyrus.

  The Georgians. The Citie Ti∣phlis.
• * 1.251

  R••g. 19.45.37. Note that the Hebrew text hath Ararat in both places, Gonges, a great Citie.

  A bridge of Ships.
• * 1.252

  Chap. 48. They alwaies goe vp the Ri∣uer of Araxis, by the Citie Vaxnan, by the Countrey of Sabensa, by the Castle Marse••∣gen, by Aini, a Citie of Saben∣sa; they came to the Head of Araxis.
• * 1.253

  Bacchu a Prince of the Tartars: of whom per∣haps the Citie Bacchu on the Caspian Sea (of which it is now called the Sea of Bacchu or Bacou) hath her name.

  The head of Tigris.

  Or Vaxnan sometimes the greatest Citie of Armenia. Bartholmew and Thaddaeus Mar∣tyrs.

  The Prophesie of Methodius. Or Acatron, his Prophesie.
• * 1.254

  Mountaines on the which Noahs Arke re∣sted.

  Or Cemanium a Towne or a Citie.

  Armenian fa∣bles.
• * 1.255

  The Mountain Massis.
• * 1.256

  Tephelis.
• * 1.257

  Ianuary 14. Snow. Ianuary 18. The Countrey of Sahensa.
• * 1.258

  A Towne of Sahensa.

  The Countrey of the Soldans of Turkie. Marsengen. The first Sun∣day in Lent.
• * 1.259

  February the 2. The Citie Aini, belonged to Sahensa.
• * 1.260

  The Popes letters to Sar∣tach, and Man∣gu Chan.
• * 1.261

  Chap. 49. They come to Euphrates, to the Castle Ca∣math, they passe into Cyprus, af∣terward to An∣tiochia, and thence to Tri∣polis.

  The Citie Ar∣sengen mightily shaken with an Earthquake. The gaping of the earth clo∣uen.

  The Valley where the Sol∣dan of Turkie was vanquish∣ed of the Tar∣tars.

  Sebaste of the lesser Aomenia. Maior Hipdo∣mada.

  Cesaria of Cap∣padocia. Iconi••m.
• * 1.262

  Allum in Tur∣kie.

  The Soldan of Iconium.
• * 1.263

  Curcum a ha∣uen of Cilicia, ouer against the East part of the Iland of Cy∣prus. Barum Vsin.
• * 1.264

  Aijax or Giazzo Iune the 16. he came to Cypru••. Antiochia. Iune 29. Tripolis. August. 15.
• * 1.265

  Chap. 50. He writeth from Tripoli to King Lodowick, and giueth his aduise, for sen∣ding of a fit Ambassage to the Tartars.
• * 1.266

  The weake e∣state of Turkie.
• * 1.267

  The Bastard Pacaster getteth the Kingdome.
• * 1.268

  The weake estate of Va∣stac••us and As∣sau.
• * 1.269

  The state of the King of Hung••ria. Godfrey of Bul∣lin and many other Princes.
• * 1.270

  Tartars thriftie in food and rayment.
• * 1.271

  What Message or Ambassage should be sent to the Tartars.
• * 1.272

  Mare Scythi∣cum.
• * 1.273

  Porta ferrea vel Derbent Vid. Plin. l. 6. c. 11. videsis etiam O••tel. Thes. Geog.

  Mare Caspium fit ex concursu fluminum. Isid. Etym. Plin. l. 6. c. 13. Ptolemaeus primus prodidit Mare Caspium terra vndiqua{que} Circundatum. Capadocia. Cilicia vel Ar∣menia minor. Pamphilia.
• * 1.274

  Turkia. Lycaonia. Iconium. Soldanus Iconij▪
• * 1.275

  Descriptio Mar•••• Pontici vel ma∣ioris.

  Regiones Aqui∣lonares.

  Oceanus Sep∣tentrionalis. Quibus autho∣ribus vsus est maxime. Sinopolis. Soldaia.
• * 1.276

  Cassaria olim fuit appellata Taurica Cher∣sonesus.

  Kersoua ciuita••
• * 1.277

  Goti.
• * 1.278

  Matrica ciuitas
• * 1.279

  Palus Maeotis.
• * 1.280

  Montes Riphaei.
• * 1.281

  Vasta Solitudo. Tartaricum it••r ergo est 64. m••liariorum no∣strorum. Cuniani. Captac. Alania Occi∣dentalis. Russia magna vel Lituaniam.
• * 1.282

  Mare Sweciam▪ Dacia. Swecia. Norguegia
• * 1.283

  Mare Orientale. Estonia hinc vocat••••••us Inco∣lae in nostris hi∣storijs E••ster∣lings. Liuonia. Prussia. Semigallia.
• * 1.284

  Albania.
• * 1.285

  Danubij duode∣cim ostia.
• * 1.286

  Vel Valachi.
• * 1.287

  Albania Occi∣dentalis.
• * 1.288

  Gens Hyper∣bore••, ex anti∣quorum fabulis.
• * 1.289

  Pagani. Tartari. Alani deleti.
• * 1.290

  Deest linea. Tartari.
• * 1.291

  Montes Riphaei.
• * 1.292

  Hoc Casale hodie vocatur Asou. Albania su∣perior.

  Etilia flumen, nunc Edel, & Volga, crescit non ex eadem causa▪ quia Ni∣lus, nec eodem modo; sed Hye∣m•• congelatur; aestate l••quefiunt niu••••, &c.
• * 1.293

  Et••am in ipsis de eâ fabulis & antiquandis an∣tiquitatis nugis. Doctè tamen au∣thor iste, cuius tempore nec loca i••ta detecta, nec fabulae.
• * 1.294

  Et••l••a, vel Vol∣ga. Etil. Tar∣taricum nomen, Volga M••scou••∣ticum. Nota quod maior Bul∣garia, hodie Russia dicitur, & Muscouia.
• * 1.295

  Tephelis.
• * 1.296

  Cormini delet••▪ Amazones. Palea.
• * 1.297

  Terrae V••stacij situs. Regnum ••r••pezondae.
• * 1.298

  Terra Ararat.
• * 1.299

  De hoc dubito.
• * 1.300

  Tria flumin•• ex eisdem montibu••
• * 1.301

  Frater Willel∣mus. Vid. sup. in Ru∣bruq. Bartholo∣maeus. Iudas Tha∣daeus.
• * 1.302

  Nunc Nach∣chuan.
• * 1.303

  Alani. Aas.
• * 1.304

  Lelgi, Sara∣ceni.

  Portae Caspiae.
• * 1.305

  Bitumen egre∣gium ex insuli•• maris.

  Porta ferr••a Alexandri.
• * 1.306

  Gog & Magog 〈…〉〈…〉 locis 〈◊〉〈◊〉.

  Iudae his locis inclusi. Antichristus.
• * 1.307

  Vt Iudaei Christum ex∣pect••••ue••••nt spe∣ctantes, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 cru∣cifigentes prae∣sentem, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 altum sperant: sic arti∣bus 〈…〉〈…〉 contratijs, Pontificij spe∣ct••ntes & Con∣sp••cientes, expe∣ct••nt tamen An∣tichristum, ••or∣rent{que} venturum quem praesentem ••onora••t; neque sine Magno ini∣quitatis mysterio vices idem agit Christi & D••a∣beli.

  Frater Williel∣mus.

  Rogerus Ba∣con vixit tem∣pore Lodouici {us} regis Franciae. Oceanus Aqui∣lonaris.

  Antiqui anti∣quati.

  Cumani idem qui Cangle, & Albani.

  Iter ab Etilia 4. mensium.

  Terra principalis Imperatoris. Cumania max∣ima terrarum, v∣bi & Turco∣mani.

  Bulgaria maior (quae hodie Rus∣sicum siue Mos∣couiticum Im∣perium) ••unc temporis Maho∣metica: quae iam pridem ad ritus Greco mo∣do Christianos transijt, hodi••{que} tenet.

  Finis Aquilo∣nis.

  Pascatur terra, Magna H••nga∣ria.
• * 1.308

  Scilicet in no∣t••oribus illis Or∣bis regionibus. Blaci, Valachia Ilac.

  Mare Caspium Montes Cauca•••• Catai•• Nigra, vel Cara Ca∣taia.

  Cataia Nigra fuit Terra Presbyteri Iohannis, de quo multa falsae, nec falsitate minori transijt fabula ad Abassinos novum{que} dedit no∣his Presbyterum Ioannem Africanum. Turci. Regnum Coir Can.
• * 1.309

  Naiman popu∣lus.
• * 1.310

  Caracarum Villa.
• * 1.311

  Pascua Moal.
• * 1.312

  Tartari.
• * 1.313

  Cingis faber.
• * 1.314

  Cingis can. Hocata-can. Ken-can. Mangu-can.
• * 1.315

  Tota Russia Tartaris subdi∣ta.
• * 1.316

  Cataia Nigra. vbi fuit Presby∣ter Iohannes. Terra Moal. Terra Tartaro∣rum.

  Ornan Kerule. Caracarum, Ciuitas Imperia∣lis.

  Tangut. Vac••ae mulcen∣dae cantu ad Mulgendum.
• * 1.317

  Mulgeri. Tebeth. Vid. ab Hak. to. 1. & ap. Vincen. spec. hist. 1.32.
• * 1.318

  Solangi.
• * 1.319

  Cat••ia in ex∣tremitate Ori∣entis.
• * 1.320

  Vel Aspr••olo∣rum. Descriptio Simiae.
• * 1.321

  Patriarcha Ne∣storianorum.
• b 1.322

  Sic solus A∣buna in Aethio∣pia ordinat.
• * 1.323

  Idolatrae. Templa. Campa∣nae.
• * 1.324

  Rasu••a. Castitas. Collegia Sacer∣dotum.
• * 1.325

  Corda nucleo∣rum.
• * 1.326

  Iugres.
• * 1.327

  Tebeth. Tangut. Catai Orienta∣lis.

  Chinaei vtun∣tur hodie eius∣modi p••nicillis, & characteribus Caracteres Phi∣loso phici.
• * 1.328

  V.B. Spec. hist. lib. 32. Mat. Michou. l. 2. c. 5. saith two of them went to the Cham: but they were two o∣thers sent ano∣ther way, Iohn de Plano Carpini and his fellow, whose story is in M. Hak. and in the said Vincent. l. 32.
• * 1.329

  Others call him Ocodai Can
• * 1.330

  Bathu.
• * 1.331

  The foure were Ascelinus▪ Alberike, Alex∣ander, and Si∣mon.
• * 1.332

  See a like di∣stinction of Ethnikes, Aug. in Psal. 113.
• * 2.1

  V. Bel. l. 32 c. 90.
• * 2.2

  This seemes to be that Sar∣tac•• in Rubruq. Ercalthays pre∣tended Letter in Vincent. c. 91.
• * 2.3

  Hee was Au∣thor of a great part of that hi∣story, which is wholly ascri∣bed to Paris by the most. Dacia is here, as often by la∣ter Authours corruptly ta∣ken for Den∣marke.

  The Dacia of the ancients comprehen∣ded Transilua∣nia, Walachia, and Moldauia.
• * 2.4

  A Caluish con∣ceit.

  See Brierwood and my Pilgr. l. 4. c. ••. & l. 5. c. 14.
• * 3.1

  Crusados a∣gainst the Ta••••tars.
• * 3.2

  A deuou•• Queene and Saint King.
• * 3.3

  Diuine apop••••hegme.
• * 4.1

  Emperour Fr. 2. this Le••••ter to King Henr. 3.
• * 4.2

  An errour vsually such shadowes at••tend fame 〈◊〉〈◊〉 like the form of inclosed 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Iewes. And i••••deed the Ta••••tartars were 〈◊〉〈◊〉 base and so mote, that they like 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ouerflowed the Earth, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 w••re vn∣knowne, yea•• th••n also; 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sudden storm and vnknow•• originall ad••ding to that te••••our, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 which they then amaz•••• and withall aff••ighted th•• Wor••d as the Letters 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 4.3

  The Pope to haue his will a∣gainst the Em∣perour, expo∣seth Christian Princes to mu∣tuall quarrels, which he shold haue opposed to the Tartars, neuer ceasing till he had rui∣ned that Fa∣milie and the Empire.

  Tartar Spies.
• * 4.4

  This Emperor Fred. ••. marri∣ed Isabel Sister to K. Henr. 3.
• * 4.5

  Dacia naualis
• * 4.6

  Malice ma••,
• * 4.7

  Selib. 8. c. 6 & 4.
• * 4.8

  Neus••••t.
• * 4.9

  Of Baldw•••• conqu••ring Constantinopl•• and the Em∣pire of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 there, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 hath g••••uen a long 〈◊〉〈◊〉 course: see so Knolles Tu••••kish Historie sup. tom. 1 l. 8.
• * 4.10

  Called by bilfada Isma•••• Sogdat, and placed in Chirmia (not Armenia) on the North-side of the Euxine Sea. Frier Bacon before cals it Soldaia in Cassaria.
• * 4.11

  B••cara, or Bog∣har in Bactria, of which see M. Ienkinson.
• * 4.12

  They come to the Great Can.
• * 4.13

  They are sent Ambassadours from the Can to the Pope.
• * 4.14

  Golden tablet vsed as a Com∣mission vnder the broad Seale.
• * 4.15

  Acre or Aco••, then in posses∣sion of the Christians, see before l. 8. c. 4. Pope Clement the fourth.
• * 4.16

  Another co∣pie hath 15.
• x 4.17

  For the Booke was written by a Gentleman o•• Genoa from his mouth▪ and therefore still in Ramusio Marco is men∣tioned in the third person, and not in th•• first: at least much of it wa•• so written an•• the whole pub••lished by 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• d 4.18

  The tenth that name. Letters, and Preaching Fr••••ars sent vnto the Tartar.
• * 4.19

  The Citie Cl••••menfu.
• * 4.20

  The adorati•••• of the Tarta••
• * 4.21

  Marcus 〈◊〉〈◊〉 made one o•• the Chans Clerkes, an•• a Courtier. Marcos Leg••••ti••n.

  His wisedom•• in trauelling to a farre Countrey.
• * 4.22

  This 26. ye¦are to be re••••koned to th•• time in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 this booke 〈◊〉〈◊〉 written, fro•• 1272. to 12•• as in the Re¦lation appea¦reth. The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 is that it was 26. ye••rs s•• he began to a Cour••ier. They 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 4.23

  Argon, a King of the Indians. Argon is a Na∣tion of India. And this King gouerned the same.

  The will of Queene Bol∣gana. Cogatin.
• * 4.24

  The manner of the Inhab••••tants. Giazza.
• * 4.25

  Turchomania Turkie.
• * 4.26

  Of the Geor••••••an••
• * 4.27

  Georgia.
• * 4.28

  Moxul.
• * 4.29

  Baldach. Chisi. Balsara.
• * 4.30

  Vlau Alau, or Haalon.
• * 4.31

  Tauris.
• * 4.32

  Deuils Martyrs
• * 4.33

  The eight Kingdome of Persia. Horses. Asses.
• * 4.34

  The Inhabi∣tants.
• * 4.35

  Fine distincti∣on, as in a Popish fasts.
• * 4.36

  Iasdi.
• * 4.37

  Camandu.
• * 4.38

  Oxen with a bunch on the backe.

  Sheepe of the bignes of Asses
• * 4.39

  Their Inchant∣ments.

  The Authors danger.
• * 4.40

  Ormus.
• * 4.41

  Parrats.
• * 4.42

  Their Ships
• * 4.43

  An outward shell which growes vpon the Caco Nut, and yeelds a thready sub∣stance.
• * 4.44

  A Desart in which is Salt, bitter, laxa∣tiue, greene water.
• * 4.45

  Cobinam. Tutia and Spodio.
• * 4.46

  A Desart of eight dayes Iourney.
• * 4.47

  Timochaim.
• * 4.48

  Tree of Sun, or Arbor Secco.
• a 4.49

  Ricci.
• * 4.50

  Mulehet.
• * 4.51

  Aloadine the old man of the Mountayne.
• * 4.52

  Knaue-fooles Paradise.
• * 4.53

  It is likely that the Assa∣sines mentio∣ned in the eight & ninth Bookes were branches of this stock. Dis∣ciples of his Syrian Vicar: or this of them.
• * 4.54

  Large pleasant Countrey.
• * 4.55

  A Desart. Sapurgan. Pompions.
• * 4.56

  Statyra. Balach, perhap•• in Susa.
• * 4.57

  Thracian.
• * 4.58

  Salt-moun∣taynes.
• * 4.59

  Scassem.
• * 4.60

  Porcupines. Porci spinosi.
• * 4.61

  Balaxiam.
• * 4.62

  Couragious Horses, and vn∣shod.

  Bucephalus-breed.
• * 4.63

  Bascia.
• * 4.64

  Chesmur.
• * 4.65

  Vochan.
• * 4.66

  Highest moun∣tayne.
• * 4.67

  Pamer.
• * 4.68

  Beloro.
• * 4.69

  Caschar.
• * 4.70

  Carchan.
• * 4.71

  Wennes by bad waters happen also in the Alpes. Cotam the name of a Pro∣uince and chiefe Citie.
• * 4.72

  Peim.
• * 4.73

  Adulterous custome. Great Turkie, or Turcomania.
• * 4.74

  Ciarcian.
• * 4.75

  Lop. Desart of Lop.
• * 4.76

  Illusions of Deuils. It s••••∣meth that the compasse was not then found out, which of later times they vse in De••sarts, as in the Sea.
• * 4.77

  Sachion. Tanguth.
• * 4.78

  The Sacrifice of the Birth∣day.
• * 4.79

  The Rites of Funerall. Astrologers.
• * 4.80

  Ioui••ll L••ds.
• * 4.81

  B••wdes to their owne Wiues.
• * 4.82

  Kind Cuck∣old••.
• * 4.83

  This Chapter is not in Ramu∣sios Italian Co∣pie which I haue (printed 1559) yet is it mentioned there among the Prouinces of Tanguth.
• * 4.84

  And I haue not a little trauel∣led in Trauel∣lers to find this Salaman∣der, but haue found not a little; no Mid∣wife to my throwes; which makes mee throw away that conceit. Succuir.

  Rhubarbe. Of this Ramusio hath giuen a large discourse from the Rela∣tion of Chaggi Me••eret, which had beene in these parts.
• * 4.85

  Cam••io••. Christian Churches. Idol••trous Monasteries▪ Idols of diuers kinds.
• * 4.86

  The yeere of the Moone.
• * 4.87

  Their many wiues.
• * 4.88

  Ezina.
• * 4.89

  Carchoran, vid. Rubr. of Cara∣carum.

  The originall of the Domi∣nion of the Tartars.
• * 4.90

  The fruit of a wilde gouern∣ment.
• * 4.91

  Cingis goeth forrh against Vmcan. Tanduc.

  He consulteth with the Ma∣gicians.
• * 4.92

  Hee vanqui∣sheth the Ene∣mie by warre.
• * 4.93

  He dieth with the shot of an Arrow.

  Cingis. an. C••n Ca••. Bat••••n Can. E••u Can. Mon•••• Can. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Can. Al••••i the Se∣pulcher of the Kings of the Tartars.

  Their cruell custome of funerals.
• * 4.94

  The marria∣ges of the Tartars.
• * 4.95

  Womens con∣cord and indu∣strie.
• z 4.96

  Cosmos.
• * 4.97

  Their sub∣stance of Cat∣tell.
• * 4.98

  Cottages.
• * 4.99

  The Tartars religion.
• * 4.100

  Painted Mar∣riages.
• * 4.101

  Their war-fare
• * 4.102

  The mulct or penaltie of nine fold. The ma••kes of the heards of Cattell.
• * 4.103

  Bargu.
• * 4.104

  Meditae
• * 4.105

  Strange Fal∣cons.

  This is either a coniecture or by relation hardly credi∣ble.
• * 4.106

  Night walking Spirits. Ergmul.
• * 4.107

  Cathai.
• * 4.108

  Wilde Oxen of the bignesse of Elephants.
• * 4.109

  Muske.
• * 4.110

  Beautie prefer∣red before No∣bilitie and ri∣ches.

  Feasants.
• * 4.111

  Egregaia.
• * 4.112

  Gog and Magog
• * 4.113

  The Citie Sin∣dicin.
• * 4.114

  Idifa. Cianganor.
• * 4.115

  Fiue sorts of Cranes.
• * 4.116

  Xandu.
• * 4.117

  Hunting with Leopards.
• * 4.118

  A goodly house of plea∣sure.
• * 4.119

  A solemne Sa∣crifice.
• * 4.120

  Mares milke.
• * 4.121

  The Kings Magicians.
• * 4.122

  Shauings.
• * 4.123

  Austeritie.
• * 4.124

  Heère begins the second Booke of Mar∣co Polo, of which I thoght good to aduer∣tise the Rea∣der: as for the Chapters, the Latine and Re∣musio so differ, that I haue le••t both and ob∣serued our owne diuision•• Cingis or Chin∣gis Can.

  Naiam•• rebel∣lion. Caydu.
• * 4.125

  Cublai•• person described.
• * 4.126

  His Wiues and Concubines.
• * 4.127

  Vngut.
• * 4.128

  His children.
• * 4.129

  Temur
• * 4.130

  The greene Mountaine. Two Lakes.
• * 4.131

  Cambalu.
• * 4.132

  The long sto∣rie of this re∣bellion is o∣mitted. Taidu.
• * 4.133

  Palaces.
• * 4.134

  The equalitie of the streets.
• * 4.135

  Suburbs large▪
• * 4.136

  Burial without the Citie.
• * 4.137

  Ha••lots of the Suburbs.
• * 4.138

  The number of the horse-men of the Courti∣ers.

  The Guard.
• * 4.139

  Solemn feasts.
• * 4.140

  The order of them that sit downe.
• * 4.141

  Threshold threshing. The Noble∣men that carry dishes, couer their mouthes, The ceremo∣nies while the King drinketh. Consorts of Musicke.
• * 4.142

  The birth day of Cublai.
• * 4.143

  New Moone feast.

  The presents of the men of Dignitie, sub∣iect vnto him The like Cu∣stome is still v∣sed by the Mo∣gull, as also the New-yeares day.

  The twelue Barons.

  The prayers of diuers Religi∣ons.
• * 4.144

  New-yeres day
• * 4.145

  The white co∣lour accoun∣ted ominous. New-yeares gifts.
• * 4.146

  See Sir T. Roe of the presents to the Mogull. The Kings E∣lephants.
• * 4.147

  The Feast.
• * 4.148

  A tame Lion.
• * 4.149

  The office of the Prouincial Hunters.
• * 4.150

  Tame Leo∣pards, and Lions.
• * 4.151

  Eagles.
• * 4.152

  The Masters of the Game.
• * 4.153

  Hawking.
• * 4.154

  1••000. Falco∣ners.
• * 4.155

  The Kings Horse litter.
• * 4.156

  Toscaol.
• * 4.157

  The markes of the Hawkes.
• * 4.158

  The number and order of the Pauilions.
• * 4.159

  The huge price of Arme∣lines, and Sables.
• * 4.160

  Hunting for∣bidden.
• * 4.161

  Barke or Pa∣per money.
• * 4.162

  Cambalu, the Mint of mo∣ney.
• * 4.163

  Postes and Innes.

  The Romans also had pub∣like Stables, as appeares by Constantine, Zos. l. 2. and Palladius who in three dayes would ride from the Con∣fines of the Empire to Con∣stantinople, Soc. l. 7. c. 19.
• * 4.164

  Foote-postes. Die Post b••den.
• * 4.165

  Their Priui∣ledges.
• * 4.166

  Prouisions a∣gainst dearth.
• * 4.167

  Fatherly Roy∣altie.
• * 4.168

  Hence per∣haps the walk from Lahor to Agra was oc∣casioned. Their Rice-wine.
• * 4.169

  Coales taken out of mines, a thing strange to Polo an Ita∣lian, but com∣mon with vs, called Sea-cole, because they are brought by Sea from New-castle, &c. Aene∣as Syluius and the China Ie∣suites haue told wonders of these black stones, a won∣derfull diuine bounty indeed to this Land, and specially to this Citie. Cans charitie to the Poore. The Tenths paid to the Can.

  Weekly labour for him.

  The Deuill an Angell of light.

  Astrologers.
• * 4.170

  Tartarian com∣putation of times.
• * 4.171

  Their Religi∣on.
• * 4.172

  Shattendo i¦denti.
• * 4.173

  Opinions of the soule.
• * 4.174

  Their Cu∣stomes.
• * 4.175

  Court reue∣rence.
• * 4.176

  An admirable Bridge.

  Ramusio hath giuen a pi∣cture, London more.
• * 4.177

  The Citie Gouza.
• * 4.178

  Parting of the way.
• * 4.179

  Tainfu. Armes,
• * 4.180

  Dor and his Damsel-court. The King of Achen, and the Mogol, doe likewise in part.
• * 4.181

  Caramoran.
• * 4.182

  Carianfu.
• * 4.183

  Quenzanfu▪
• * 4.184

  King Mangalu.
• * 4.185

  Cunchin.
• * 4.186

  Achbaluch Mangi.
• * 4.187

  Mangi. Sind••nfu.
• * 4.188

  Quian.
• * 4.189

  The greatnesse of the Pro∣uince of Tebeth
• * 4.190

  The subtill de∣uise of Trauel∣lers.
• * 4.191

  Iustine in his 18. booke men∣tioneth the like of the Cy∣prians.

  Aelianus V.H. the 4. booke, chapter 1.
• * 4.192

  Whose glorie is in their shame.
• * 4.193

  Corall money.
• * 4.194

  Eight King∣domes of Tebeth.
• * 4.195

  Caindu.
• * 4.196

  Gadderi.
• * 4.197

  Cloues.
• * 4.198

  Ginger, Cina∣mon.
• * 4.199

  The Inhabi∣tants are Ido∣laters and Bawdes.
• * 4.200

  Money of Salt.
• * 4.201

  The Riuer Brius yeelding Gold.
• * 4.202

  The seuen Kingdomes of Caraian.

  King Sentemur.
• * 4.203

  The Citie Iaci.
• * 4.204

  Money of Stones.
• * 4.205

  Raw flesh.
• * 4.206

  Carazan. Riuers yeel∣ding gold di paiola that is washed in ves∣sels from the sand & earth. Great Dra∣gons.
• * 4.207

  The taking of them.
• * 4.208

  Poyson and Dogs dung.
• * 4.209

  A wicked cu∣stome.
• * 4.210

  Cardandan. Vociam.
• * 4.211

  The rarenesse of Siluer. Golden coue∣rings for the teeth.
• * 4.212

  Strabo in his third booke mentioneth the same to be done with the Spaniards in some places. Apoll••nius re∣porteth the like custome, with the Tiba∣reni. Le••us ••f the Brasilians. Tallies of con∣tracts.

  The deceitfull medicine of the Magicians.
• * 4.213

  This by rela∣tion; for they vse not to car∣ry aboue three or foure.

  His stratagem.
• * 4.214

  Fight & flight of Elephants.
• * 4.215

  Market in a dis-habited Playne. Change of gold and sil∣uer.
• * 4.216

  Vnicornes or Rhinocerotes.
• * 4.217

  Mien.
• * 4.218

  The pietie of the Tartars to∣wards the dead
• * 4.219

  Bengala.
• * 4.220

  Oxen as bigge as Elephants. Eunuches.
• * 4.221

  Cangigu. The Kings ma∣ny wiues.
• * 4.222

  Embroidred Gallants.
• * 4.223

  Amu.
• * 4.224

  Tholoman.
• * 4.225

  Cintigui.
• * 4.226

  Cloth made of Barkes: which are now vsed in Congo. Great and hardie Dogs.
• * 4.227

  Sidinfu. Cingui. Pazanfu.
• * 4.228

  Cianglu.
• * 4.229

  The Salt of Canglu.
• * 4.230

  Great Peaches
• * 4.231

  Ciangli.
• * 4.232

  Tudinfu.
• * 4.233

  Singu••matu.
• * 4.234

  Caramoran.
• * 4.235

  Fanfur King of Mangi, which is now called China.
• * 4.236

  Chinsan Baian▪ another Argus in the signifi∣cation of his name.
• * 4.237

  Quinsai, the Kings Court.
• * 4.238

  The flight of King Fanfur.
• * 4.239

  This name Mangi and China, are so different that they may seem diuers Regi∣ons. But the Reader is to obserue, that China is a name to the Chinois vn∣knowne, and that Kingdome hath appellations diuersly diuersified: either from the Familie reigning (which now is called Ciu, and the Kingdome Min, and Min Ciu, are not farre from Mangi) and by the Tartars, when they reigned, it was called Han and before, Cheu, which both put together make Han Cheu, without any great dissonance from Mangi: Or else by generall appellations com∣mon to all ages, &c. See our following relations of Ricci and Triganti••.
• * 4.240

  Coiganzu.
• * 4.241

  The Salt of Conigangui.
• * 4.242

  Terraglio.
• * 4.243

  Paughin.
• * 4.244

  Caim.
• * 4.245

  Phesants.
• * 4.246

  Tingui.
• * 4.247

  Salt pits. Cingui.
• * 4.248

  Iangui, Head of 27. Cities.
• * 4.249

  M. Polo Go∣uernour of Iangui. Nanghin.
• * 4.250

  Mangani, a kind of En∣gines. It here∣by appeares that they had not the vse of the Cannon.
• * 4.251

  Singui.
• * 4.252

  Quian.
• * 4.253

  Cayngui.
• * 4.254

  Hand-made Riuer.
• * 4.255

  Cinghianfu.
• * 4.256

  Tinguigui.
• * 4.257

  Singui.
• * 4.258

  Physicians and Philosophers. Rhubarbe.
• * 4.259

  Quinsa•• the Earthly Citie of Heauen. O how much better is the heauenly Ci∣tie on Earth in grace, & more then most in∣comparable that heauenly Citie of Hea∣uen in glorie? ap. 21. & 22. The situation. 12000. bridges. The Ditch.
• * 4.260

  Ten Market places.
• * 4.261

  The high street
• * 4.262

  The mayne Chanell.
• * 4.263

  The Markets.
• * 4.264

  Peares of ten pound.
• * 4.265

  Trades of di∣uers sorts.
• * 4.266

  A saucy Citie.
• * 4.267

  The Quinsaian Citizens and their conditi∣ons.
• * 4.268

  Great neigh∣bourhood.
• * 4.269

  Pleasures.
• * 4.270

  Stone wayes.
• * 4.271

  Astrologers.
• * 4.272

  Funerals.
• * 4.273

  Warders.
• * 4.274

  Clocks.
• * 4.275

  Hospitals.
• * 4.276

  Larums.
• * 4.277

  Nine Vice∣roy•••• in Man∣gi.
• * 4.278

  12000. Cities, and their gar∣risons.
• * 4.279

  Fanfurs Palace
• * 4.280

  Feasts.
• * 4.281

  1000. Women in 1000. cham∣bers.
• * 4.282

  Great Parke.
• * 4.283

  The Sea Gam∣pu.
• * 4.284

  1600000. hous∣holds in Quin∣sai.
• * 4.285

  Reuenues of Quinsai, & the appurtenances twentie three Millions of Duckats, and 200000.
• * 4.286

  Customes.
• * 4.287

  Tapinzu. Vg••iu.
• * 4.288

  Gengui.
• * 4.289

  Zengiaen.
• * 4.290

  Gieza.
• * 4.291

  Concha.
• * 4.292

  Fugiu.
• * 4.293

  M••n eaters
• * 4.294

  Quelinfu.
• * 4.295

  Hayrie Hens:
• * 4.296

  Vnguem. Sugar.
• * 4.297

  Cangiu.
• * 4.298

  Zaitum.
• * 4.299

  Tingui, where Porcelane is made.
• * 4.300

  Here begins the third book of M. Polo. Ships of India.
• * 4.301

  Zipangu.
• * 4.302

  De magnis ma∣iora: golden f••bles; and make diffe∣rence betwixt his owne Re∣lations and those which he had at the second hand: although it be true of much gilding in Edoo sup. l. 4. c. 1. & 3.
• * 4.303

  This punish∣ment the Mo∣gol vsed to Cor∣s••roons Cap∣taines: and in many things you shall see Sir T. Roe and our Mogol Re∣lations agree with these of Polo the Mogol being of Tartar originall. Note for China. Cin in Italian is pronounced Chi••

  The Monsons.
• * 4.304

  Ziamba.
• * 4.305

  Iaua maior, I suppose this is Borneo, and Iaua minor that which still is called Iaua.
• * 4.306

  Lochac. A Sou••h Con∣tinent, if true. P••ntan. Mala••ur. Iaua minor, in which are eight King∣domes. The Mahometans by commerce first, and after by conquests & religion haue here altered all things, both Names, Peo∣ples, and Rites; that hardly they can now be designed, and reco••ciled to l••ter names. Vnicornes, or rather some kind o•• Rhi∣noceros. Pigmeys ••ow made.
• * 4.307

  Samara.
• * 4.308

  See of this Wine (••addy) in Master ••••r∣ry pag 1469 &c Coco-nuts. Dragoian.
• * 4.309

  Lamb••i.
• * 4.310

  Fanfur. Sagu, see in Sir F. Dr••ke, and other Indian stories.
• * 4.311

  Heauie Wood.
• * 4.312

  Nocueran.
• * 4.313

  Angaman.
• * 4.314

  Zeilan.
• * 4.315

  A glorious Rubie.
• * 4.316

  Malabar.
• * 4.317

  See my Pilg. l. 5. c. 12.
• * 4.318

  Bread-deuo∣tion.
• * 4.319

  Most of these following cu∣stomes are still in vse, as in Linschoten, and in my Pilg. l. 5. is seene.
• * 4.320

  Det-circle▪
• * 4.321

  Boyes put to timely 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 4.322

  Their Idols & Vota••ies.
• * 4.323

  Malabar is by this Author extended to Choromande•• also.
• * 4.324

  Murphil.
• * 4.325

  Lac. Bramines.
• * 4.326

  Betre, or Be••••le▪ after called Tem••ul and Are••••a.
• * 4.327

  Adams sepul∣chre.

  Sogomonbarchan the fi••st cau••e of Idolatrie.
• * 4.328

  Cans supersti∣tion.
• * 4.329

  Cael.
• * 4.330

  Cumari or Cape Com••r••. D••ly.
• * 4.331

  Pirates, still vsed.
• * 4.332

  Hereby ap∣peares the V∣nicorne hee mentions, is the Rhinoceros: for India hath no other.
• * 4.333

  These Relati∣ons which fol∣low by relati∣on of others, are of lesse weight: yea, therefore I haue omitted the greatest part. I had trouble e∣nough to finde and translate the truth: and for such as loue such heare∣say-fables, as that of Ruch, &c. let them seeke else∣where.

  12700. Ilands. India maior, media and mi∣nor.

  Abascia, or In∣dia media. Soldan of A∣dem.
• * 4.334

  Frankincense.
• * 4.335

  Caidu and his Northerne Tartars.
• * 4.336

  Tragule.
• * 4.337

  Perhaps these are a kind of Deere. Region of Darknesse.
• * 4.338

  Russia.
• * 4.339

  See Tom. 1. l. 8. c. 4. §. 3.
• * 4.340

  Haiton and Mandeuils a∣gree in many things.

  The reason of our method in thus ordering our Pilgrimes.
• * 4.341

  Strab. l. 11. ad eum Nat. Ca∣saub.
• * 4.342

  Dionys. Alex. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉▪ vid. & Eustach. com.
• * 4.343

  The largenesse of the King∣dome of Ca∣thay.

  Ilands.
• * 4.344

  Oile of oliues.
• * 4.345

  Their arro∣gant pre••ump∣tion.

  Effeminate fearfulnesse.
• * 4.346

  See Sir Iohn Mandeuils tra∣uels.
• * 4.347

  Of the King∣dome of Tarsa.
• * 4.348

  Wit and incli∣nation.
• * 4.349

  Manners and Rites.
• * 4.350

  Sym.
• * 4.351

  Of the King∣dome of Tur∣questan.

  The Inhabi∣tants Shep∣herds.
• * 4.352

  Ocerra. Cursia. Turkes.
• * 4.353

  Of the King∣dome of the Corasmians.
• * 4.354

  Corasme. Soldini.
• * 4.355

  Of the King∣dome of Cu∣mania.

  This extremi∣tie comes by the long pre∣sence in Sum∣mer, and ab∣sence of the Sunne by Winter.
• * 4.356

  Cocas or Cau∣casus.
• * 4.357

  See after Chapter 47.
• * 4.358

  India.
• * 4.359

  Note that of Alexander the great, the Sa∣racens and Pa∣gans haue ma∣ny and strange Fables, neuer heard of in these parts; as here of Orlan∣do, Arthur, O∣gerus, and others.

  See in Polo. Persia and Media are o∣mitted.
• * 4.360

  Armenia.
• * 4.361

  Miralis, or the Iron gate, now Derbent.
• * 4.362

  Georgia.
• * 4.363

  Chaldea.
• * 4.364

  Mesopotamia.
• * 4.365

  Euphrates. Turkie.
• * 4.366

  Nations of Turkie.
• * 4.367

  Syria. Cilicia, how it came to bee called Armenia
• * 4.368

  Cap. 15. Of the Saracen Em∣pire is omit∣ted.

  Of the Coun∣trey where the Tartarians for∣merly inhabi∣ted.
• * 4.369

  Such dreames as the Saracens and Asians haue of Alexan∣der, whom they cal Bicornis &c. as before.
• * 4.370

  Mo••••s. Changius or Cingis.
• * 4.371

  See sup. c. ••.
• * 4.372

  Haiton, an eye∣witnesse of the Tart. Corona∣tion.

  Changius ordai∣neth Lawes.
• * 4.373

  Preuayleth in fight against his borderers.
• * 4.374

  He escapeth by meanes of an Owle. Iose∣phus in his 13. Booke chap. 8. reciteth a like matter of A∣grippa the great.

  Ramusi•• hath vn certo vccello chiamaso Alloc∣cho.

  The Allocho honoured.
• * 4.375

  A new Victory.
• * 4.376

  The Authour excuseth him∣selfe.
• * 4.377

  The second Vision.

  Iosephus men∣tions a vision of Alexander, one like the Iewish high Priest impo∣sing on him his Expedition. The Sea also gaue him way, Ant. l. 11. & l. 2.

  The fatall ex∣pedition.
• * 4.378

  The miracu∣lous way.
• * 4.379

  The sicknesse of Changius Can.
• * 4.380

  His allegorical exhorting of his sonnes to vnitie.

  The like Hi∣storie hath Sto∣baeus serm. 82. of Scilu••us see Ior∣nands also of the sonnes of Attila disa∣greeing.
• * 4.381

  His death.
• * 4.382

  The number of Nine, estee∣med among the Tartarians. So they vse still to the Mo∣gull. sup. pap. 556 Of Hoccota Can the second Emperour of the Tartarians.
• * 4.383

  Gebesabada.
• * 4.384

  The Turkes o∣uercome by the Tartarians.
• * 4.385

  Of Gino Can the third Em∣perour.

  The former Friars mention these two, I. de Pl••no C••rpini was with the former, and Rubruq. with Mangu.

  Mango Can drowned. Cobila, or Cublai Can.

  Ions the great Citie.

  Iochi raigneth ouer Turque∣stan.
• * 4.386

  See 47. Chapt.
• * 4.387

  The successe of Baydo North∣ward.
• * 4.388

  His victorie o∣uer the Cuma∣nians, so called as may seeme of the Castle Cumania, men∣tioned by Pliny l. 6. c. 11. now Derbent.

  Now Muscouia.
• * 4.389

  His drowning in Austria.
• * 4.390

  His posteritie.
• a 4.391

  Of him after 47. Chapt. Cangadays en∣terprise.
• b 4.392

  Or rather of Bagoday for the Successors of Iochi, were na∣med in the 20. Chapter. Of Mango Can the fourth Emperour.
• * 4.393

  Haiton King of Armenia his iourney.
• c 4.394

  It seemes Caracarum which then was Almalech, the Kings Ci∣tie, or Cambalu, as Ramusio hath it.
• * 4.395

  The King of Armenia his Demands.
• * 4.396

  The answere of the Tarta∣rian.
• * 4.397

  See the 18. and 24 Chap∣ters.
• * 4.398

  Polo calls this Haloon, Vlau.
• * 4.399

  Mango Can with his people is baptised.
• * 4.400

  The Voyage of Haloon with King Haython. Persia possessed by the Tartars.
• * 4.401

  Senex de monte, see Polo §. 2.

  Tigado besie∣ged.
• * 4.402

  In the Latine it is 27. Ramus 7 Polo hath but 3.
• * 4.403

  Haloon soiour∣neth in Sorloch. The si••ge of Baldach.

  The Citie and Caliph taken.
• * 4.404

  The Parsimo∣nie of the Ca∣liph.
• * 4.405

  His death a∣mongst his Treasure.
• * 4.406

  The fauour of Haolono to∣wards Chri∣stians. His Wife.
• * 4.407

  King Haython bringeth ayde to Haolono.
• * 4.408

  Halappi, or A∣leppo.
• * 4.409

  Balestri.
• * 4.410

  Halepo taken.
• * 4.411

  1260. yet both Latine & Italian haue 1240.
• * 4.412

  The Ciuill war betweene Haolon and Barcat or Bar∣cha.

  See Polo, §. 1. Guiboga of the Kindred of the three Kings that came to worship the Natiuitie of Christ.
• * 4.413

  Belforte.
• * 4.414

  He destroyeth the Citie of Sidon.
• * 4.415

  The Soldans enterprize a∣gainst Guiboga.
• * 4.416

  Haolono prepa∣ring to renew the wars, dieth.
• * 4.417

  Abaga his Son and Successor.
• * 4.418

  Bendecar Sol∣dan of Egypt inuadeth Ar∣menia. Ramusio cals him Bun∣hocdore.
• * 4.419

  He concludeth a truce with the Soldan.
• * 4.420

  That the Greeke Monkes changed their names, appea∣reth by the ex∣ample of Alex∣ander Comneus in Nicet. p. 48.6. and of Andro∣nicus the Em∣perour in Gre∣goras, lib. 9 p. 47 and of Canta∣cuzenus the Emperour in Calcondilas lib. 1. Abaga entred the Kingdome of Egypt, and destroyed Turkie. Paruana.
• * 4.421

  Paruana cut asunder and eaten.
• * 4.422

  King Liuono re∣fuseth the offer of the King∣dome of Tur∣kie.
• * 4.423

  Hee vrgeth the deliuering of Ierusalem from Pagans.
• * 4.424

  Corazen.
• * 4.425

  The death of the Soldan.
• * 4.426

  Melechahic his sonne and suc∣cessor.

  Elsi the Soldan.
• * 4.427

  Mangodanior deputed Ge∣nerall by his Brother.
• * 4.428

  He commeth to battell a∣gainst the Soldan.
• * 4.429

  Turara.
• * 4.430

  Almach.
• * 4.431

  The King of Armenia, his great losse at his returne.
• * 4.432

  1282. Abaga prepa∣reth a reuenge
• * 4.433

  He is poisoned wi••h his Bro∣ther.
• * 4.434

  Tangodor the brother and Succ••ssor of Abaga.
• * 4.435

  Of a Christian turneth Sara∣cen.
• * 4.436

  Hee seeketh to betray the Kings of Armenia and Georgia.
• * 4.437

  Hee is accused to Cobila Can.
• * 4.438

  He slayeth his Brother.
• * 4.439

  Argon of a Prisoner is made King.
• * 4.440

  His reuenge on Tangodor.
• * 4.441

  Argon is con∣fi••med by Co∣bila Can.
• * 4.442

  He dyeth.
• * 4.443

  Baydo succee∣deth him.
• * 4.444

  The death of Baydo.
• * 4.445

  Casan succee∣deth.
• * 4.446

  Melechnaser the Soldan.
• * 4.447

  Calphacks dou∣ble dealing.
• * 4.448

  The Soldans sudden on-set.
• * 4.449

  He dealeth po∣litikely.
• * 4.450

  He ouer-com∣meth.
• * 4.451

  Caneto.
• * 4.452

  Gazara.
• * 4.453

  Beduines are wilde Arabs.
• * 4.454

  A••••••n yeelded. Ayton present at these and the other Ex∣peditions, from Haloon till this time.
• * 4.455

  Casans dwarfish stature and ill-fauoured fea∣ture.
• * 4.456

  1307.
• * 4.457

  Cotolusa.
• * 4.458

  Calfachs trea∣son. Gaur.
• * 4.459

  Tyron.
• * 4.460

  Casan renew∣eth the warre of Syria.
• * 4.461

  The Saracens burne and waste their owne Coun∣trey.
• * 4.462

  Caccabe, Sir.
• * 4.463

  Baydo 〈◊〉〈◊〉 againe.
• * 4.464

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 4.465

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 t••ken.
• * 4.466

  Damascus be∣sieged.
• * 4.467

  The obstina••ie of Cotulossa.
• * 4.468

  The Soldan a wary Warrior.
• * 4.469

  Cotulossa his fruitlesse at∣tempt.
• * 4.470

  The Tartars in∣dangered by the waters.
• * 4.471

  He aydeth him with men and money.
• * 4.472

  Carbanda his Successor.
• * 4.473

  The Soldan maketh roades into Armenia.
• * 4.474

  The King of Armenia ouer∣throweth his Enemies.
• * 4.475

  The Victorie brings peace.
• * 4.476

  The Author of himselfe.
• * 4.477

  He taketh the Habit of a Pre∣monstratensis. An. Do••. 1305.
• * 4.478

  The credit of this Historie.
• * 4.479

  Tamar Can.
• * 4.480

  Iong, or Ions, see sup. 19. §. 1.
• * 4.481

  Three inferior Kings of the Tartars.
• * 4.482

  Chapar. Hoctai. Carbanda. Chapar.
• * 4.483

  Hoctay, of whō came the Za∣gatay Tartars, and Tamerlane.
• * 4.484

  That is the Huns of whom the Hungarians had originall. Carbanda.
• * 4.485

  The diuision of Asia.
• * 4.486

  The Derbent. The Citie cal∣led the Iron Gate.
• * 4.487

  The Birds cal∣led Seyserach.
• * 4.488

  Barca in the Latine Copie is called Abcas.
• * 4.489

  The Religion of the Cataians, or Tartarians of those parts. Impunitie of Manslaughter.
• * 4.490

  Polygamie.
• * 4.491

  Warfare.
• * 4.492

  Eating of Horse-flesh.
• * 4.493

  Their Hospi∣talitie.
• * 4.494

  Delight in lying.
• * 4.495

  Ogerus a Dane, of whom they write that hee conquered In∣dia &c.
• * 4.496

  Odericus in M. Hak. publish••d.
• * 4.497

  Epitaphium.
• * 4.498

  Epistola.
• * 4.499

  Pars prima, continens ca∣pita 23.
• * 4.500

  Cap. 1. Commendatio breuis terrae Hierosolymi∣tanae.
• * 4.501

  Ioannis Mand••∣villi peregri∣nati••, per tres & triginta an∣nos continua∣••a.
• * 4.502

  Cap. 2. Iter ab Anglia tam per terras quam per a∣quas vique in Constantino∣polim.

  Regis Hunga∣riae olim po∣tentia.
• * 4.503

  Mons Aetna.
• * 4.504

  Aeolides In∣sulae.
• * 4.505

  Temperies Siciliae Insulae.
• * 4.506

  Leuea Lom∣bardica. Quid sit dieta.
• * 4.507

  Cap. 3. De vrbe Con∣stantinopoli, & reliquijs ibi∣dem contentis
• * 4.508

  Ecclesia San∣ctae Sophiae.
• * 4.509

  Regina Helena Britanna.
• * 4.510

  Imago Iusti∣niani.

  Aristotelis tum∣ba & festum.
• * 4.511

  Cap. 10. De conductu Soldani, & via v••que in Sinai.
• * 4.512

  Literae Solda∣ni in gratiam Mandevilli concessae.
• * 4.513

  Cap. 11. De Monaste∣rio Sinay, & reliquijs bea∣rae Catherina. Omittuntur seqq. vid. supr. l. 8. c. 13.
• * 4.514

  Cap. 14. De Ecclesia gloriosi Sepul∣chri Domini in vrbe Ieru∣salem.
• * 4.515

  Templum Se∣pulchri.
• * 4.516

  Melech Mandy∣bron Soldanus.
• * 4.517

  Mandevillus de hoc dubitat. vid. sup. l. 3. c. 2.
• * 4.518

  Tumba Gode∣fridi de Bollion.
• * 4.519

  Cap. 15. De tribus alijs Ecclesijs, & specialiter de Templo Do∣mini.
• * 4.520

  Literae Soldani traditae Mandi∣uillo.
• * 4.521

  Cap. 16. De pluribus lo∣cis sacris iuxta vrbem.
• * 4.522

  Colloquium Soldani cum Mandeuillo. Reprehensio Sacerdotum.
• * 4.523

  Reprehensio vulgi iust••ssima
• * 4.524

  Vestimento∣rum varietas reprehensa.
• * 4.525

  Secunda pars.
• * 4.526

  Cap. 26. De Aethiopia, & Diamanti∣bus▪ & de infi∣ma India. India triplex.
• * 4.527

  Cap. 28. De Ecclesia & corpore sanctae Thomae Apo∣stoli.

  Regio Mabron vel Malaber. Calami••, vel Calumè. Idolum in Templo sancti Apostoli ere∣ctum.
• * 4.528

  Occidunt se in honorem Idoli
• * 4.529

  Cap. 29. De Iaua, & quibu••dam a∣lijs meridiona∣libus Insulis.
• * 4.530

  Mandeuil••us v∣sus ast••olabio. Iaua Insula, grandis.

  Multa Aroma∣ta in Iaua.
• * 4.531

  Vel Tholo∣maffi.
• * 4.532

  Vel Paten.
• * 4.533

  Farina ex ar∣bore.
• * 4.534

  Taddie.
• * 4.535

  Calanoch.
• * 4.536

  Testitudines grandissimae.
• * 4.537

  Australis lati∣tudo 33. grad. 16. minut.
• * 4.538

  Haec erat Era∣tosthenis com∣putatio.
• * 4.539

  Cap. 32. De bona Re∣gione Man∣chus (forte Mangi.)
• * 4.540

  Christiani.
• * 4.541

  Sunt huiusmo∣di etiam cane•• in India occi∣dental••, teste Petro Martyre, in Decadibus. Cansay, vel Quinsay, & eius descriptio
• * 4.542

  E••dem narrat Odericus.
• * 4.543

  Cap. 33.
• * 4.544

  Iamchan.
• * 4.545

  Cuman.
• * 4.546

  Ciuitas Meke. Ma••imae na∣ues, quales ho∣die ostentat China.
• a 4.547

  Siue Lante∣rin.
• b 4.548

  Vel Care∣moron. Cathay Calay.
• c 4.549

  Engarmago. Vilitas serici. Vel Camba∣leck.
• * 4.550

  Caydo Ciui∣tas.
• * 4.551

  Cap. 34. De Palatio Imperatoris Grand Can.
• * 4.552

  Mandeuillus suis pedibus mensurauit aulum Impe∣ratoris.
• * 4.553

  Haitonus me∣minit long.
• * 4.554

  Cap. 35. De quatuor solennitati∣bus, quas Mag∣nus Can cele∣brat in anno.
• * 4.555

  Vixit in Cam∣balu tribus annis.
• * 4.556

  Sex cuman fae∣mulorum. Quinque Cu∣man equitum. Decem Cu∣man pèditum. Medici Chri∣stiani, 200. in aula Grand Can. Vnus Cuman continet de∣cem millia, vt in cap. 33. Moneta de co∣rio vel papyro.
• * 4.557

  Quatuor festa.
• * 4.558

  Circumcisio quaedam.
• * 4.559

  Cap. 36. De ludis & praestigijs in suo ••esto, & de suo comitatu. Semel in die comedunt. Magi insignes.
• * 4.560

  Insignis sen∣tentia. 1. Sam. 11.2.
• * 4.561

  Cap. 37. Qua de causa dicitur Grand Can.

  Vera ratio hu∣ius nominis Can.

  Guis Can. Vel Belgiam. Cur albi equi, & nouenarius numerus Tar∣taris sint in pretio.
• * 4.562

  Grand Can.
• * 4.563

  Ochoto Can. Gui Can. Mango Can.
• * 4.564

  Cobila Can.
• * 4.565

  Echiant Can, Imperator Tartarorum tempore Man∣deuilli.

  Serochan vxor Grand Can.
• * 4.566

  Yroga, Deus Naturae.
• * 4.567

  Cap. 38. De Territorio Cathay & mo∣ribus Tartaro∣rum.

  12. Prouinciae Chinae. Cathay.

  Asia triplex. Vestitus Tar∣tarorum.
• * 4.568

  Porcus & pa∣nis rariss.
• * 4.569

  Formae domo∣rum.
• * 4.570

  Tartari Ha∣maxouij, 1. in plaust••is vi∣uentes.

  Nouilunium in precio. Ceremoniae Tartarorum, & peccara.
• * 4.571

  Arma Tarta∣rorum.
• * 4.572

  Tartari retr•• sagittantes.
• * 4.573

  Tartari habent par••os oculos & raram bar∣bam.

  Mos sepultu∣rae.
• * 4.574

  Cap. 39. De sepultura Imperatoris Grand Can, & creatione suc∣cessoris.
• * 4.575

  Cap. 40. De multis re∣gionibus Im∣perio Tartariae subiectis. Turquestan. Octopar. Corasine. Regnum Com∣manorum. Bocura, vel Bohare. Samarkand. Seu Nessabon & Spahan Sarmasane. Tertia Pars.
• * 4.576

  Cap. 41. De magnifi∣centia Impera∣toris Indiae & preciositate Palatij. S••u Pentoxo∣ria.

  Ciuitas Nyse Fabula de re∣bus gestis Oge∣ri Ducis D••∣niae, quales de Orlando▪ Gui∣done 〈◊〉〈◊〉 &c. Vnde Presbyte•• Ioannes sit di∣ctus.
• * 4.577

  4000. ••nsulae.
• * 4.578

  This is taken out of Ramu∣sios discourse of this voyage.
• * 4.579

  Desart-deuills.
• * 4.580

  Baldac.
• * 4.581

  Ormus. Calatia.
• * 4.582

  Bisnagar.
• * 4.583

  Pelagonga.
• * 4.584

  Nestorians di∣spersed thorow India. Malabar. Cinamon.
• * 4.585

  Aua.
• * 4.586

  This Bell or Ball fashion is there still in v••e.
• * 4.587

  Either this sto∣ry is not true, or this Mangi is not China but Polos Mi••n, or some other place.
• * 4.588

  Cataio.
• * 4.589

  Note.
• * 4.590

  Zaiton. Pauconia, per∣haps Paquin.
• * 4.591

  No compasse; which yet in the next age was there in vse.
• * 4.592

  Aen. Syl. de 2. Asiae parte c. 10.
• * 4.593

  Macinum: here∣by appeares his Macin is about Siam or Pegu, &c.
• * 4.594

  And yet how many things more incredi∣ble are now found true?
• * 4.595

  The History of Tamerlan fa∣mous amongst the Turkes and Arabians.
• * 4.596

  Alhacen.
• * 4.597

  The Franke Tongue a∣mongst the Turkes.

  Yee often haue reade that Franke in the East, euer since the Frankes ta∣king Ierusalem signifies all the W••st of Europe. Tamerlan his learning.

  The Tartarians strange kinde of Astrologie.
• * 4.598

  The off-spring and stocke of Tamerlan.
• * 4.599

  The flockes of the Tartarian Kings are thei•• stockes▪ and the Tart••rs beasts are the•••• best wealth.
• * 4.600

  This name seems deriued from Sochtai, mentioned be∣fore in Haiton: of whom these Tartars are still called Zagetai. Tamerlans name: some make it to sig∣nifie Lame-leg by reason of that accident, falling from his Horse, Michou.

  Tamerlan his studies and learning. Maiestie in his eyes. The like is reported of Augustus.

  The custome of the Tarta∣rians.

  Tamerlan wore long haire, and why.

  The descrip∣tion of Tamer∣lan.

  Our Authors tell vs he was lame, and that he was there∣fore so called. Tamerlan his first warre a∣gainst the Mos∣couite.

  The Armie of the Moscouite. The Armie of Tamerlan.
• * 4.601

  The order of Tamerlans Battell.
• * 4.602

  Quauicay, if not Quinsay.
• * 4.603

  The Tartarian Exercises.
• * 4.604

  Tamerlan his Marriage with the great Chās Daughter.
• * 4.605

  The scituation of the Citie of Samercand.
• * 4.606

  This may bee praysed in a Pagan and In∣fidell, but not in a Christ••••n Prince.

  Qui vb que est nusquam est. He which is of all Religions, is of none.

  Hordas, are the moueable po∣pulations of the Tartars. A wall builded by the King of China.
• * 4.607

  This was as the Chinois re∣port built be∣fore, and per∣haps now by age ruined, (which may be a c••use Pole mentions them not) and by this King repayred 100. yeares after Polos time. In which space also the Chinois, if this story be true, had r••co∣uered part of their Empire conqu••red be∣fore by Cublai. A kind parting betweene the Father and the Sonne.
• * 4.608

  Samay made Gouernour of Sachetay in Ta∣merlans ab∣sence.

  Tamerlan his Armie mar∣ching against the King of China.
• * 4.609

  The conspira∣cie of Calix a∣gainst Tamer∣lan in his ab∣sence.
• * 4.610

  Good directi∣ons from Ta∣merlan.
• * 4.611

  Brore.
• * 4.612

  Axalla.
• * 4.613

  Many Chri∣stians.
• * 4.614

  Calix taken prisoner by Axalla.

  Calix behea∣ded.
• * 4.615

  The ordinarie Garrison at Cambalu of 30000. Soul∣diers.
• * 4.616

  Tamerlan wel∣commed vnto his Armie, with new and strange accla∣mation.
• * 4.617

  Tamerlan his Otation vnto his Souldiers vpon his going forward a∣gainst the King of China.
• * 4.618

  The crie of the Souldiers vp∣on the Empe∣rours Oration.
• * 4.619

  A wall builded by the King of China fortie leagues long. Perhaps this was not the ancient wall, of which the Chinois write, but some o∣ther betwixt Cathay and those parts of Mangi, which the Tartars ha∣uing gotten in P••los dayes, might soone after lose, and the Chinois re∣cou••r; the Tar∣tarians stil hol∣ding Quinsay & some other parts of Mangi or China, as this storie (i•• wholly tru••) seemes to im∣port.

  The Prince of Thanais gay∣neth a Lord of the Mountains to doe the Em∣peror seruice. Vauchefu.
• * 4.620

  The speech of the Mountaine Lord vnto Ta∣merlan.
• * 4.621

  Calibes Orati∣on vnto Prince Tamerlan.
• * 4.622

  The Lake Hogeen.
• * 4.623

  Quaguifou.
• * 4.624

  Fiftie thousand men sent into China by a se∣cret passage, vnder the lea∣ding of the Prince of Tha∣nais and Axalla.
• * 4.625

  A secret way found into Chi∣na, by the con∣duct of the mountaine Lord.
• * 4.626

  Axalla ouer∣threw the Chi∣nois that kept the wall of partition.
• * 4.627

  Quantiou.
• * 4.628

  The custome of the Chinois in religion.
• * 4.629

  The Emperour wonne the wals of China.
• * 4.630

  The mountain Lord rewarded with great gouernment.
• * 4.631

  A good aduer∣ti••••ment for General••.
• * 4.632

  Axalla made Captaine ge∣nerall of all the foot-men.
• * 4.633

  Paguinfou be∣sieged.
• * 4.634

  Note these changes of state betwixt the Tartars and Chinois.
• * 4.635

  A great Sub∣urbe wonne by Axalla in the night.
• * 4.636

  The situation of the Citie of Paguinfou.
• * 4.637

  The siege of Paguinfou.
• * 4.638

  The Citie of Paguinfou yeel∣ded vnto Ta∣merlan vpon the death of their Gouer∣nour.

  Axallas choise.
• * 4.639

  Tamerlan his kind of godli∣nesse.
• * 4.640

  The King of China his mag∣nificence.
• * 4.641

  The custome of the Chinois.
• * 4.642

  Tunicheuoy.
• * 4.643

  Pannihu.
• * 4.644

  Tiaucheuoy.
• * 4.645

  The order of the Princes battaile a∣gainst the King of China.
• * 4.646

  The beautie and richnesse of the King of Chinas Armie.
• * 4.647

  Tamerlan his speech of the King of China.
• * 4.648

  The battaile betweene the King of China and Tamerlan.
• * 4.649

  The King of China wounded and taken Pri∣soner.

  Tamerlans vi∣ctory ouer the King of China.
• * 4.650

  Pannihu.
• * 4.651

  Tam. dranke no Wine. The comming of the King of China prisoner vnto the Em∣perour Tamer∣lan.
• * 4.652

  200. Cities. A description of China. Rhubarbe.
• * 4.653

  Tame, or Tamin and Tamegius.
• * 4.654

  Quantou.
• * 4.655

  Burda.
• * 4.656

  Porchio.
• * 4.657

  Odmar set vp∣on the Kings Brother at the passing of a Ri∣uer, and slue fifty thousand of his men. A stratagem.
• * 4.658

  An Embassage from the King of Chinas Bro∣ther vnto Ta∣merlan, to treat for peace, and the Kings de∣liuerance.
• * 4.659

  Conditions a∣greed vpon betweene Ta∣merlan and the Chinois.
• * 4.660

  Odmar lef•• Go∣uernour of China for Ta∣merlan.
• * 4.661

  Tamerlan tur∣ned his fauou•• vnto Axalla.
• * 4.662

  200000. crowne of yeerley tent giuen vnto A∣xalla by Tamer∣lan.
• * 4.663

  The meeting betweene the great Cam and Tamerlan at the Citie of Cam∣balu in Cataio.
• * 4.664

  Axalla rewar∣ded, by the great Cam for his good ser∣uice and faith∣fulnesse.
• * 4.665

  A message sent by Tamerlan vnto Baiazet.
• * 4.666

  The proud an∣swer of Baiazet.
• * 4.667

  Heauy parting▪
• * 4.668

  A notable say∣ing of Tamer∣lan.
• * 4.669

  Tamerlan his dreame.
• * 4.670

  Tamerlan iour∣ney against the Turke.
• * 4.671

  Tamerlan re∣turneth from the conquest of China vnto Samercand.
• * 4.672

  Consultation about the way the Armie should take to the Turkes Em∣pire.
• * 4.673

  Tamerlan his chiefest trust.
• * 4.674

  Bachu.
• * 4.675

  Tamerlan hun∣ted by the way towards the Turke.
• * 4.676

  Baiazet mar∣ched vnto the siege of Con∣stantinople.
• * 4.677

  The gouern∣m••nt Axalla did chu••e.
• * 4.678

  Notable iu∣stice amongst the Tartarians.
• * 4.679

  The causes of Tamerlans warre against the Turkes.
• * 4.680

  A stratagem▪
• * 4.681

  How Tamerlans Armie passed the night be∣fore the battell fought against the Turke.
• * 4.682

  Tamerlan his custome be∣fore a battell.
• * 4.683

  The manner of the march of the Turkish Foot-men.
• * 4.684

  The order of Tamerlan his battell.
• * 4.685

  What the Turks Ianiza∣ries be.
• * 4.686

  Mamalukes.
• * 4.687

  Tamerlan his principall ma∣xime of warre.
• * 4.688

  The battaile betweene Ta∣merlan and Ba∣iazet.
• * 4.689

  Tamerlan his notable victo∣rie obtayned against Baiazet wherein hee was taken pri∣soner.

  Tamerlan his wisedome the cause of the victorie, and wherein per∣formed.
• * 4.690

  Baiazet brought before Tamarlan, with his pride.
• * 4.691

  Tamerlan his saying of Ba∣iazet.
• * 4.692

  The despair•• of Baiazet af∣ter he was ta∣ken prisoner.
• * 4.693

  Baiazet Tamar∣lans foot-stoole to mount on hor••eback.
• * 4.694

  Tamarlan his pollicie for ••o encrease his Citie Samar∣cand.
• * 4.695

  Axalla cruell against the Ot∣tomans for the deliuery of Greece.
• * 4.696

  Presents sent by Tamerlan vnto the great Cham his Vncle.
• * 4.697

  Tamerlan his vow vnto God
• * 4.698

  Articles of a new agreemen•• betweene Ta∣merlan and the King of China.
• * 4.699

  The magnifi∣cent Funerall of the great Cham of Tar∣taria.
• * 4.700

  Tamerlan his vertuous and chaste loue vn∣to his good Wife.
• * 4.701

  The young Prince made Couernour of Quinzai and ouer all the Countrey; which seemeth to bee the North parts of China, and per∣haps in these times, Nan∣quin was the Seat of the K. of China and Quinzai, of the Tartar Can.
• * 4.702

  Axalla appoin∣ted the young Princes Go∣uernour, and authorised o∣uer all the Kingdomes of Tamerlan, as Gouernour generall. The King of China came vn∣to the Empe∣rour Tamerlans Court, and did sweare vn∣to him once a∣gaine obedi∣ence.

  The meane ap∣parell of Ta∣merlan.
• * 4.703

  This battell. for breuitie is omitted, as is also the most part of the Booke.
• * 4.704

  The descripti∣on of the Citie of Quinzay, with the won∣derfull situa∣tion thereof. Tamerlan re∣ceiued with great magni∣ficence into Quinsay, with rich and rare presents.

  The order hee tooke for his sonnes educa∣tion.
• * 4.705

  Tamerlan his notable saying of succession in his Empire
• * 4.706

  The Empresse deliuered of an other sonne at Samarcand in Parthia.
• * 4.707

  Tamerlan his recreations, and notable saying thereof.
• * 4.708

  The admira∣tion and ex∣ceeding loue the people of Quinzay did beare vnto their Emperor. The nature of the people of Quinzay to∣ward their Emperour.
• * 4.709

  Prince Axalla sent into China for to establish a peace there.
• * 4.710

  The meeting of Prince A∣xalla with the King of China at Pochio.
• * 4.711

  The resolution of the meeting betweene A∣xalla and King of China.
• * 4.712

  King of China•• brother suc∣ceeds.
• * 4.713

  The iustice of Tamerlan. Tamerlan his great libera∣litie.
• * 4.714

  Tamerlan his core of his reuenue.
• * 4.715

  The death of the Emperour Tamerlan.

  Prince Sauto∣chie proclay∣med Emperor and signed di∣spatches.
• * 4.716

  Prince Sauto∣chio nineteene yeeres old when he came vnto his Em∣pire.
• * 4.717

  or Gilam.
• * 4.718

  Succuir and Campion men∣tioned by M. Polo.
• * 4.719

  No passing in∣to the Coun∣trey.

  Succuir descri∣bed.
• * 4.720

  Rhubarbe de∣scribed.
• * 4.721

  The Root and Iuyce and pre∣paring.
• * 4.722

  A cold climate.
• * 4.723

  Six Saggi make an ounce.
• * 4.724

  Mambroni Cini▪
• * 4.725

  The way of the Carauan betwixt Tauris and Campion in Catai.
• * 4.726

  Campion de∣scribed.
• * 4.727

  Apparell.
• * 4.728

  Bea••ded men
• * 4.729

  Houses.
• * 4.730

  Pageants.
• * 4.731

  Temples and Idols.
• * 4.732

  Huge carri∣ages.
• * 4.733

  Anchorets.
• * 4.734

  Friars. White mour∣ners.
• * 4.735

  Printing.
• * 4.736

  ••ortification.
• * 4.737

  〈…〉〈…〉 of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Oxen.
• * 4.738

  The Ieselbas or Green-head Tartars.
• * 4.739

  Chimia, Simia, Limia.
• * 4.740

  Prating moun∣tebanks and Iuggling knaues.
• * 4.741

  Camboia. Siam. Champa.
• * 4.742

  King of Cam∣boia a Bramene.
• * 4.743

  Probar missur.
• * 4.744

  Pralocussur.
• * 4.745

  Praput prasar mitri.
• * 4.746

  Men aliue worshipped.
• * 4.747

  Twenty seuen Heauens.
• * 4.748

  Thirteene Hels.
• * 4.749

  Massanchraches. Nassendeches. Mitires.
• * 4.750

  As this word Tame in English
• * 4.751

  The Tartars ra∣ther set forth fleets from Chi∣na to these Ex∣ploits as in Po∣lo you reade.
• * 4.752

  Liquos an Iland
• * 4.753

  Cauchin china. Daman an Iland.
• * 4.754

  Laos, or Siones Maons.
• * 4.755

  1559.
• * 4.756

  Muske what it is.
• * 4.757

  Riuer of the Laos.

  Merus are a kind of wild Asses.

  Badas are the Rhinocerores: by the fore∣head vnder∣stand the face; for the horne is lower then the fore-head. Chudurmuch.
• * 4.758

  Loe••h.
• * 4.759

  Sistor.
• * 4.760

  Strange ouer∣uer-flow, a fresh Riuer running vp without Sea-force.
• * 4.761

  The Brames.
• * 4.762

  The Patanes.
• * 4.763

  Wall of China.
• * 4.764

  Tartarian rodes into China.
• * 4.765

  See Pinto.
• * 4.766

  Here fol∣lowed the diui∣sion of the Countrey into shires or King∣domes, with their Cities, &c. which wee referre to later and better In∣telligence.
• * 4.767

  The wals of Cantan.
• * 4.768

  The Riuer and Town-ditch.
• * 4.769

  The Gates.
• * 4.770

  Draw-bridges.
• * 4.771

  Gate-courts▪
• * 4.772

  Strait streets and paued.
• * 4.773

  Houses of Ma∣gistrates.
• * 4.774

  Or little Court.
• * 4.775

  Sanctitie of Courts, and re∣uerence of high Magi∣strates.
• * 4.776

  Great Prisons.
• * 4.777

  Priuate houses.
• * 4.778

  Temple and Mesquit. Suburbes.
• * 4.779

  Store of peo∣ple.
• * 4.780

  Victuals.
• * 4.781

  Suburbes.
• * 4.782

  Suburb-gates.
• * 4.783

  Watche••.
• * 4.784

  Here followed much of other Cities: but be∣cause the Au∣thor saw them not, but recei∣ued his intelli∣gence from Pe∣rera I, referre you to him. Other China Cities.

  High-wayes.
• * 4.785

  Galiote Perera.
• * 4.786

  Which is therefore here omitted.
• * 4.787

  Store of ship∣ping.
• * 4.788

  Riches of Chi∣na in it selfe.
• * 4.789

  Prouerb.
• * 4.790

  Iunkes for war and for trade▪ Ship-fights, No Ordnance.
• * 4.791

  Sudibusve prae∣ustis.
• * 4.792

  They vse Oares.
• * 4.793

  Small ships.
• * 4.794

  A kinde of Gallies.
• * 4.795

  Dwelling in ships.
• * 4.796

  The hus∣b••nds mer∣ch••ndise, and the wiues hus∣w••••••ry.
• * 4.797

  Duck-weeders
• * 4.798

  Artificiall broods.
• * 4.799

  See an exam∣ple in Pan••oia, o•• this mag∣nificence.
• * 4.800

  Ships for guard.
• * 4.801

  Fleet••.
• * 4.802

  Industry cause of plentie.
• * 4.803

  Idlenesse ha∣ted.
• * 4.804

  Almes deri∣ded.
• * 4.805

  Idle Idoll-Priests punish∣ed with vniust iustice of pro∣fane busie Ru∣lers, which made their soules the least and worst part of themselues, and a God of their goods.
• * 4.806

  that is 9d. Tyrannie growes poore by seeking to grow rich.
• * 4.807

  Thriftie hus∣bandrie.
• * 4.808

  Nothing lost.
• * 4.809

  Paper of diuers matters.
• * 4.810

  Neat filth.
• * 4.811

  Pomps which goe by the feet.
• * 4.812

  Puppet playes.
• * 4.813

  Prouision for impotent per∣sons. See of th••se things Pinto.
• * 4.814

  Shoomakers.
• * 4.815

  Almes not almes the fruit of v••in glorie not of mercy.
• * 4.816

  Chaires.
• * 4.817

  Silkes.
• * 4.818

  Porcelane.
• * 4.819

  Fables of it.
• * 4.820

  How it is made
• * 4.821

  Merchants Tables. Rhubarbe. Kings Cu∣stomes.
• x 4.822

  Or Quarters.
• y 4.823

  Whi••h a∣mounteth to 400000. pound weight of Sil∣uer.
• * 4.824

  Which is 40000. pound weight of Sil∣uer.
• * 4.825

  Very Mer∣chants. Victuals.
• * 4.826

  Porke store.
• * 4.827

  Frogs.
• * 4.828

  Markets.
• * 4.829

  Herbs.
• * 4.830

  Fruits.
• * 4.831

  Lechias.
• * 4.832

  Victualling houses.
• * 4.833

  Encere••••do.
• * 4.834

  Dogs flesh.
• * 4.835

  Fishing with Cormorants.
• * 4.836

  Their persons.
• * 4.837

  The Attire of the men.
• * 4.838

  Long haire.
• * 4.839

  Courtesie.
• * 4.840

  Cha drinke.
• * 4.841

  Great eaters.
• * 4.842

  Feasts.
• * 4.843

  Birth-dayes.
• * 4.844

  Night feasts
• * 4.845

  New yeeres day.
• * 4.846

  Comedies.
• * 4.847

  Inst••uments▪
• * 4.848

  Armes and quarrels.
• * 4.849

  Funerall rites▪
• * 4.850

  Mourning.
• * 4.851

  China womens customes and cloathes. I haue many China Pictures which repre∣sent the wo∣men either with their feet wrapped vp, or else very small; their eyes also and no••es lit∣tle, &c. of the rest, as in the Map is seene.
• * 4.852

  Womens reti∣rednesse.
• * 4.853

  Marriage.
• * 4.854

  Adulterie.
• * 4.855

  Witaldrie.
• * 4.856

  Harlots.
• * 4.857

  The bondage or slauerie of some in China.
• * 4.858

  Sir, Master, or Lord.
• * 4.859

  Louthias of the Court Eu∣nuchs.
• * 4.860

  The Tutom; Lieutenant, Deputie or Vice-roy.
• * 4.861

  The Ponchassi or Treasurer.
• * 4.862

  The Anchasi or chiefe Iustice.
• * 4.863

  The Aitao or chiefe Cap∣taine.
• * 4.864

  His Lieute∣nan••, the Lu∣thissi.

  Each haue ten Assistants.
• * 4.865

  Ensignes of dignitie, girdle and canopie.
• * 4.866

  The Taissu or Sheriffe.
• * 4.867

  The Chaen or Iudge of the Circuit, or Visitor.
• * 4.868

  The Quinchais, Commissio∣ners extraor∣dinarie.
• * 4.869

  The third yeeres Vi∣sitor.
• * 4.870

  Commence∣ment or Act. Of this see more in the following Re∣lations of the Iesuits.
• * 4.871

  Other sorts of Louthias.
• * 4.872

  Their Priui∣ledges.
• * 4.873

  Publike Offi∣cers wholly maintayned of the publike.
• * 4.874

  Houses for Officers.
• * 4.875

  Publike Innes.
• * 4.876

  Inferiour Offi∣cers.
• * 4.877

  Rest in age with dignitie.
• * 4.878

  Reuerence.
• * 4.879

  Nimia seueritas parit contentum.
• * 4.880

  Taa.
• * 4.881

  Manner of their pomp•• in the street.
• * 4.882

  Pompe of the greater Offi∣cers.
• * 4.883

  Chaen and Quinchays splendour.
• * 4.884

  Noyse and si∣lence.
• * 4.885

  Manner of inquisition.
• * 4.886

  No Oathes.
• * 4.887

  Bribe-trickes.
• * 4.888

  Cane-whip∣ping. Much is here written of Prisons, and Executions, which I haue omitted.
• * 4.889

  Huge Reeds, or Canes.
• * 4.890

  Miserable eua∣sion of misery.
• * 4.891

  Store of free-people, and therefore store of bond, by ab∣used libertie and store.
• * 4.892

  The King his wiues, chil∣dren and ser∣uants.
• * 4.893

  Embassadours priuiledges.
• * 4.894

  Lopo Soarez was sent Vice-roy, An. 1515. and sent this Perez with a fleet to China, and therein Thomas Perez Embassadour, who were well entertayned there. But some Portugals vsurping Ta∣mus, a China-Iland, and ex∣ercising all outrages, cau∣sed T. Perez af∣ter 4. moneths trauell from Cantan to the Court to bee taken for a Spie, and sent backe to Can∣tan, where hee died in Prison among male-factors. See Maffaeus l. 5 & 6 who seemeth to disagree: or else his peo∣ples act was a••cribed vnto him. For hee had left 6. ships there, when he went to Canton.
• * 4.895

  Disguised In∣telligencers.
• * 4.896

  Portugals cal∣led Fancui, and hated.

  Name-policy.
• * 4.897

  Lawes of Na∣uigation.
• * 4.898

  Couetise law∣lesse.
• * 4.899

  China Pirats.
• * 4.900

  Liampo.
• * 4.901

  Chincheo.
• * 4.902

  Namqui, or Nanquin.
• * 4.903

  Disorders of outragious Chinois, and in∣solent Portu∣gals.
• * 4.904

  Briberie.
• * 4.905

  Mountayne Mouse-birth.
• * 4.906

  Spectatum ad∣miss risum te∣neatis amici?
• * 4.907

  Pillory Coops.
• * 4.908

  Damnable va∣nitie.
• * 4.909

  The Kings Iustice.
• * 4.910

  Manner of ex∣amination.
• * 4.911

  When theeues fall out—
• * 4.912

  The Quinchays magnificent ostentation.
• * 4.913

  Cautelous in∣dustrie.
• * 4.914

  It is here abridged. The Kings Sentence.
• * 4.915

  In China and Siam they pay Custome by measuring the ship f••om poop to prow how many cubits it is o••.
• * 4.916

  Pontoos are Sea-watches.
• * 4.917

  Butcherly in∣solence.
• * 4.918

  Said in his heart, or con••ceited himself.
• * 4.919

  Senfu and o∣thers rewar∣ded.
• x 4.920

  Red Caps are the ensigne of men con∣demned to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the King in his frontiers against the E∣nemie.
• * 4.921

  The Tutan by hanging him∣selfe preuents the Hangman, or proued the Hangman ra∣ther.
• * 4.922

  What became of the Portu∣gals.
• * 4.923

  Heauen first both God and Character.
• * 4.924

  Omittoffois and their offerings.
• * 4.925

  A Perfume so called.
• * 4.926

  Lots.
• * 4.927

  Cruell men to their foolish Gods.
• * 4.928

  Offerings.
• * 4.929

  The Deuill worshipped.
• * 4.930

  Paper Offe∣rings.
• * 4.931

  Two sorts of Pri••sts. Monkes.
• * 4.932

  Seculars.
• * 4.933

  Feasts.
• * 4.934

  Traditionall Fables.
• * 4.935

  No noueltie.
• * 4.936

  Prouisions a∣gainst stay of Strangers.
• * 4.937

  Notes
• * 4.938

  Chinois Sodo∣mites.
• * 4.939

  Plagues hap∣ning in China
• * 4.940

  Tuson a terri∣ble tempest.
• * 4.941

  Vinyanfu, swal∣lowed vp.
• * 4.942

  Another Citie qui••e perished. Leuchimen. Hien.
• * 4.943

  Puchio.
• * 4.944

  Cochue.
• * 4.945

  Enchinoen.
• * 4.946

  Inchumen.
• * 4.947

  Sanxi.
• * 4.948

  Bloudie show∣er.
• * 4.949

  You shal haue a more full de∣scription of the Country by la∣ter Authors: who yet could not so well as this, tell their iudiciall pro∣ceedings, seue∣ritie, prisons, executions, &c. these 13. are to be vn∣derstood be∣sides the two royall Prouin∣ces.

  Pachin Pochang, or Paquin, or Pequim.
• * 4.950

  Cambalu sig∣nifieth the same, and so the Mogolls call this Citie. Poste Horses. Their months. Excellent wals and an admi∣rable bridge.
• * 4.951

  Magnificent stones.
• * 4.952

  Wayes paued, bricked, or pitched.
• * 4.953

  Culture and husbandry.
• * 4.954

  Building of the Cities.
• * 4.955

  No Artillerie. Large streets.
• * 4.956

  Archers.
• * 4.957

  Loutea.
• * 4.958

  Chian, al. Chaen.
• * 4.959

  Ponchiassi.
• * 4.960

  Anchiassi. al. Hexasi. Tuzi.
• * 4.961

  Taissu.
• * 4.962

  Prisons and sentencing offenders.
• * 4.963

  Louteas Com∣mencement or Act.
• * 4.964

  Their Maiesty.
• * 4.965

  Manner of eating.
• * 4.966

  We, that is, the Italians and Spaniards.
• * 4.967

  Shooting.
• * 4.968

  Idolatry.
• * 4.969

  Deuill mos•• respected.
• * 4.970

  So did the Ro∣man Auguries. Sodomie fre∣quent.

  New and full Moones.
• * 4.971

  Birth-dayes.
• * 4.972

  New yeares day.
• * 4.973

  Iusti••e.
• * 4.974

  The Italians call it the stra∣pado.

  Hard Prisons. Beating with Canes.
• * 4.975

  Examinations.
• * 4.976

  Oathes.
• * 4.977

  Patient hea∣ring.
• * 4.978

  Seuere Iustice▪
• * 4.979

  Lawes.
• * 4.980

  A Pillorie board.
• * 4.981

  Execution▪
• * 4.982

  Strength of the Prisons.
• * 4.983

  Store of Priso∣ners.
• * 4.984

  Course for Debters.
• * 4.985

  Fuquico.
• * 4.986

  Parai.
• * 4.987

  Another Venice.
• * 4.988

  Tower st••n∣d••ng on ••or••ie Pill••rs, each of one stone.
• * 4.989

  Name of China
• * 4.990

  Tamen the pro∣per name of China Ta sig∣nifies Great, Magines is neere Polos name of Man∣gi; Great Man∣gines.
• * 4.991

  Tables reue∣renced.
• * 4.992

  Their enemies
• * 4.993

  Store of riuers
• * 4.994

  Plentie of fish; and their kee∣ping of them.
• * 4.995

  He speaketh of Fuqien-shire. Quianci where Porcelane is made.
• * 4.996

  Alijs Chenchi. Great Riuer and store of Boates.
• * 4.997

  Bridge ••f 112. Barges.
• * 4.998

  3000. Barges.
• * 4.999

  Parai, Barges with faire roomes.
• * 4.1000

  Moores.
• * 4.1001

  That is their Temples.
• * 4.1002

  It seemeth they came vp the riuer from the Caspian sea▪
• * 4.1003

  Ali. Auoin•• Tartars.
• * 4.1004

  Monte Vsont.
• * 4.1005

  Mogor••••▪
• * 4.1006

  Bremes.
• * 4.1007

  Southward from Chenchi to the Sea.
• * 4.1008

  Anoins.
• * 4.1009

  Chenchi.
• * 4.1010

  No Lords but of the bloud royall.
• * 4.1011

  Fishing with Cormorants, they tye their gorges, that they swallow not their prey. One hath pra∣ctised this in London.