Purchas his pilgrimes. part 3 In fiue bookes. The first, contayning the voyages and peregrinations made by ancient kings, patriarkes, apostles, philosophers, and others, to and thorow the remoter parts of the knowne world: enquiries also of languages and religions, especially of the moderne diuersified professions of Christianitie. The second, a description of all the circum-nauigations of the globe. The third, nauigations and voyages of English-men, alongst the coasts of Africa ... The fourth, English voyages beyond the East Indies, to the ilands of Iapan, China, Cauchinchina, the Philippinæ with others ... The fifth, nauigations, voyages, traffiques, discoueries, of the English nation in the easterne parts of the world ... The first part.

CHAP. I. [ 30] The Iournall of Frier WILLIAM DE RVBRVQVIS, a French-man, of the Order of the Minorite Friers, vn∣to the East parts of the World, Anno Dom. 1253.

TO the most Excellent and most Christian Lord, Lewis, by Gods grace the Renowmed King of France, Frier [ 40] William de Rubruk, * 1.1 the meanest of the Minorites Order, wisheth health and continuall Triumph in Christ.

It is written in the Booke of Ecclesiasticus, concer∣ning the Wiseman: He shall trauell into forreine Coun∣tries, and good and euill shall hee try in all things. The very same Action (my Lord and King) haue I atchie∣ued: howbeit, I wish, that I haue done it like a wise man, and not like a Foole. For many there bee, that performe the same Action which a wise man doth, not wisely but more vndiscreetly: of which number I feare [ 50] my selfe to bee one. Notwithstanding, howsoeuer I haue done it, because you commanded mee, when I de∣parted from your Highnesse, to write all things vnto you, which I should see among the Tar∣tars, and you wished me also that I should not feare to write long Letters, I haue done as your Maiestie enioyned me: yet with feare and reuerence, because I want words and Eloquence suf∣ficient to write vnto so great a Maiestie. Bee it knowne therefore vnto your Sacred Maiestie, that in the yeare of our Lord 1253. about the Nones of May, wee entred into the Sea of Pon∣tus, which the Bulgarians call the great Sea. It contayneth in length (as I learned of certayne Merchants) one thousand and eight miles, and is in a manner, diuided into two parts. About the midst thereof are two Prouinces, one towards the North, and another towards the South. [ 60] The South Prouince is called Synopolis, and it is the Castle and Port of the Soldan of Turkie: but the North Prouince is called of the Latines, Gasaria: of the Greekes, which inhabit vpon the Sea shoare thereof, it is called Cassaria, that is to say, Caesaria. And there are certayne head∣lands stretching forth into the Sea towards Synopolis, Also, there are three hundred miles of di∣stance

betweene Synopolis and Cassaria. Insomuch that the distance from those points or places to Constantinople, in length and breadth is about seuen hundred miles: and seuen hundred miles also from thence to the East, namely, to the Countrey of Hiberia, which is a Prouince of Georgia.* 1.2 At the Prouince of Gasaria or Cassaria, wee arriued, which Prouince is, in a man∣ner, three square, hauing a Citie on the West part thereof called Kersoua, wherein Saint Cle∣ment suffered Martyrdome. And sayling before the said Citie, wee saw an Iland, in which a Church is said to be built by the hands of Angels. But about the midst of the said Prouince to∣ward the South,* 1.3 as it were, vpon a sharpe Angle or Point, standeth a Citie called Soldaia, direct∣ly against Synopolis. And there doe all the Turkie Merchants, which Traffique into the North Countries, in their Iourney outward, arriue, and as they returne home-ward also from Russia, and the said Northerne Regions, into Turkie. The foresaid Merchants transport thither Er∣mines [ 10] and gray Furres, with other rich and costly Skinnes. Others carrie Clothes made of Cot∣ton or Bombast,* 1.4 and Silke, and diuers kinds of Spices. But vpon the East part of the said Prouince standeth a Citie called Matriga, where the Riuer Tanais dischargeth his streames into the Sea of Pontus, the mouth whereof is twelue miles in breadth. For this Riuer, before it entreth in∣to the Sea of Pontus, maketh a little Sea, which hath in breadth and length seuen hundred miles, and it it is in no place thereof aboue sixe paces deepe, whereupon great Vessels cannot saile ouer it. Howbeit the Merchants of Constantinople, arriuing at the foresaid Citie of * 1.5 Mater∣ta, send their Barkes vnto the Riuer of Tanais to buy dryed fishes, Sturgeons, Thosses, Barbils, and an infinite number of other fishes. The foresaid Prouince of Cassaria, is compassed in with the Sea on three sides thereof: namely, on the West-side, where Kersoua, the Citie of Saint [ 20] Clement is situate: on the South-side the Citie of Soldaia, whereat we arriued: on the East-side Maricandis, and there stands the Citie of Matriga, vpon the mouth of the Riuer Tanais. Be∣yond the said mouth standeth Zikia,* 1.6 which is not in subiection vnto the Tartars: also the peo∣ple called Sueui and Hiberi, towards the East, who likewise are not vnder the Tartars Domini∣on. Moreouer, towards the South, standeth the Citie of Trapesunda, which hath a Gouernour proper to it selfe, named Guydo, being of the Linage of the Emperours of Constantinople, and is subiect vnto the Tartars. Next vnto that is Synopolis, the Citie of the Soldan of Turkie, who likewise is in subiection vnto them. Next vnto these lyeth the Countrey of Vastacius, whose Sonne is called Astar, of his Grand-father by the Mothers side, who is not in subiection. All the [ 30] Land from the mouth of Tanais West-ward as farre as Danubius is vnder their Iurisdiction. Yea, beyond Danubius also, towards Constantinople, Valakia, which is the Land of Assanus, and Bulga∣ria minor, as farre as Solonia, doe all pay Tribute vnto them. And besides the Tribute imposed, they haue also, of late yeares, exacted of euery houshold an Axe, and all such Corne as they found lying on heapes. We arriued therefore at Soldaia, the twelfth of the Kalends of Iune. And diuers Merchants of Constantinople, which were arriued there before vs, reported that certayne Messengers were comming thither from the Holy Land, who were desirous to trauell vnto Sar∣tach. Notwithstanding, I my selfe had publikely giuen out vpon Palme Sunday within the Church of Sancta Sophia, that I was not your nor any other mans Messenger, but that I trauelled vnto those Infidels according to the Rule of our Order. And being arriued, the said Merchants [ 40] admonished me to take diligent heed what I spake: because they hauing reported mee to bee a Messenger, if I should say the contrary, that I were no Messenger, I could not haue free passage granted vnto me. Then I spake after this manner vnto the Gouernours of the Citie, or rather vnto their Lieutenants, because the Gouernours themselues were gone to pay Tribute vnto Baa∣tu, and were not as yet returned. We heard of your Lord Sartach (quoth I) in the Holy Land, that he was become a Christian: and the Christians were exceeding glad thereof, and especial∣ly the most Christian King of France, who is there now in Pilgrimage, and fighteth against the Saracens, to redeeme the holy places out of their hands: wherefore I am determined to goe vnto Sartach, and to deliuer vnto him the Letters of my Lord the King, wherein hee admonisheth him concerning the good and commoditie of all Christendome: And they receiued vs with [ 50] gladnesse, and gaue vs entertaynment in the Cathedrall Church. The Bishop of which Church was with Sartach, who told me many good things concerning the said Sartach, which after∣ward I found to be nothing so. Then put they vs to our choice, whether wee would haue Carts and Oxen, or packe-horses to transport our Carriages. And the Merchants of Constantinople ad∣uised me, not to take Carts of the Citizens of Soldaia, but to buy couered Carts of mine owne, (such as the Russians carry their Skinnes in) and to put all our Carriages, which I would daily take out, into them: because, if I should vse Horses, I must be constrayned at euery baite to take downe my Carriages, and to lift them vp againe on sundry Horses backes: and besides, that I should ride a more gentle pace by the Oxen drawing the Carts. Wherefore, contenting my selfe with their euill counsell, I was trauelling vnto Sartach two monethes, which I could haue done [ 60] in one, if I had gone by Horse. I brought with me from Constantinople (being by the Merchants aduised so to doe) pleasant Fruits, Muskadell Wine, and delicate Bisket bread to present vnto the Gouernours of Soldaia, to the end I might obtayne free passage: because they looke fauou∣rably vpon no man which commeth with an empty hand. All which things I bestowed in one

of my Carts (not finding the Gouernours of the Citie at home) for they told me, if I could carry them to Sartach, that they would be most acceptable vnto him. Wee tooke our Iourney there∣fore about the Kalends of Iune, with foure couered Carts of our owne, and with two other which we borrowed of them, wherein we carried our bedding to rest vpon in the night, and they allowed vs fiue Horses to ride vpon. For there were iust fiue persons in our company: namely,* 1.7 I my selfe and mine associate Frier Bartholomew of Cremona, and Goset the Bearer of these Pre∣sents, the man of God Turgemannus, and Nicolas my Seruant, whom I bought at Constantinople, with some part of the Almes bestowed vpon me. Moreouer, they allowed vs two men, which draue our Carts and gaue attendance vnto our Oxen and Horses. There bee high Promontories on the Sea shoare from Kersoua vnto the mouth of Tanais. Also there are fortie Castles betweene [ 10] Kersoua and Soldaia, euery one of which almost haue their proper Languages: amongst whom there were many Gothes, who spake the Dutch Tongue. Beyond the said Mountaynes towards the North, there is a most beautifull Wood growing on a Plaine full of Fountaynes and Freshets. And beyond the Wood there is a mightie plaine Champian,* 1.8 continuing fiue dayes Iourney vnto the very extreamitie and borders of the said Prouince North-ward, and there it is a narrow Isthmus or neck Land, hauing Sea on the East and West sides thereof, insomuch that there is a Ditch made from one Sea vnto the other. In the same Plaine (before the Tartars sprang vp) were the Comanians wont to inhabit, who compelled the fore-said Cities and Castles to pay Tribute vnto them. But when the Tartars came vpon them, the multitude of the Comanians entred into the fore-said Prouince, and fled all of them, euen vnto the Sea shoare, beeing in such [ 20] extreme Famine, that they which were aliue, were constrayned to eate vp those which were dead: and (as a Merchant reported vnto me who saw it with his owne eyes) that the li∣uing men deuoured and tore with their teeth, the raw flesh of the dead, as Dogges would gnaw vpon Carrion. Towardes the Borders of the said Prouince there bee many great Lakes: vpon the Bankes whereof are Salt-pits or Fountaynes, the water of which so soone as it entreth into the Lake, becommeth hard Salt like vnto Ice. And out of those Salt-pits Baatu and Sartach haue great Reuenues: for they repayre thither out of all Russia, for Salt: and for each Cart loade they giue two Webbes of Cotton, amounting to the value of halfe an Yperpera. There come by Sea also many Shippes for Salt, which pay Tribute euery one of them according to their burthen. The third day after wee were [ 30] departed out of the Precincts of Soldaia, wee found the Tartars. Amongst whom beeing entred, me thought I was come into a new World.* 1.9 Whose Life and manners I will descrbe vn∣to your Highnesse as well as I can.

THey haue in no place any setled Citie to abide in, neither know they of the Celestiall Citie to come. They haue diuided all Scythia among themselues,* 1.10 which stretcheth from the Ri∣uer Danubius euen vnto the rising of the Sunne. And euery of their Captaines, according to the great or small number of his people, knoweth the bounds of his Pastures, and where hee ought to feed his Cattell Winter and Summer, Spring and Autumne. For in the Winter they descend vnto the warme Regions South-ward. And in the Summer they ascend vnto the cold Regions [ 40] North-ward. In Winter when Snow lyeth vpon the ground, they feed their Cattell vpon Pa∣stures without water, because then they vse Snow in stead of water. Their houses wherein they sleepe, they ground vpon a round foundation of Wickers artificially wrought and compacted to∣gether: the Roofe whereof consisteth (in like sort) of Wickers, meeting aboue into one little Roundell, out of which Roundell ascendeth vpward a necke like vnto a Chimney, which they couer with white Felt, and oftentimes they lay Morter or white Earth vpon the said Felt, with the powder of bones, that it may shine white. And sometimes also they couer it with blacke Felt. The said Felt on the necke of their house, they doe garnish ouer with beautifull varietie of Pictures. Before the doore likewise they hang a Felt curiously painted ouer. For they spend all their coloured Felt, in painting Vines, Trees, Birds, and Beasts thereupon. The said [ 50] houses they make so large, that they contayne thirtie foot in breadth. For measuring once the breadth betweene the wheele-ruts of one of their Carts, I found it to bee twentie feet ouer: and when the house was vpon the Cart, it stretched ouer the wheeles on each side fiue feet at the least. I told two and twentie Oxen in one Teame, drawing an house vpon a Cart, eleuen in one order according to the breadth of the Cart, and eleuen more before them: the Axle-tree of the Cart was of an huge bignesse like vnto the Mast of a Ship. And a f••llow stood in the doore of the house, vpon the fore-stall of the Cart driuing forth the Oxen. Moreouer, they make certayne foure square Baskets of small slender Wickers as bigge as great Chests: and after∣ward, from one side to another, they frame an hollow lidde or couer of such like Wickers, [ 60] and make a doore in the fore-side thereof. And then they couer the said Chest or little House with black Felt, ubbed ouer with Tallow or Sheeps Milke to keep the rain from soking through, which they deck likewise with painting or with feathers. And in such Chests they put their whole Houshold-stuffe and Treasure. Also the same Chests they doe strongly binde vpon other Carts, which are drawne with Camels, to the end they may wade through Riuers. Neither doe they at any time take downe the said Chests from off their Carts. When they

take downe their dwelling houses, they turne the doores alwayes to the South: and next of all they place the Carts laden with their Chests, here and there, within halfe a stones cast of the House: insomuch that the House standeth betweene two rankes of Carts, as it were, betweene two Walles. The Matrones make for themselues most beautifull Carts, which I am not able to describe vnto your Maiesty but by Pictures only:* 1.11 for I would right wil∣lingly haue painted all things for you, had my Skill beene ought in that Art. One rich Moal or Tartar hath two hundred, or one hundred such Carts with Chests. Duke Baatu hath sixteene Wiues, euery one of which hath one great house, besides other little houses, which they place behind the great one, being as it were Chambers for their Maidens to dwell in. And vnto euery of the said houses doe belong two hundred Carts. When they take their houses from off the [ 10] Carts, the principall Wife placeth her Court on the West Frontier, and so all the rest in their or∣der: so that the last Wife dwelleth vpon the East Frontier: and one of the said Ladies Courts is distant from another about a stones cast. Whereupon the Court of one rich Moal or Tartar will appeare like vnto a great Village, very few men abiding in the same. One woman will guide twenty or thirty Carts at once, for their Countries are very plaine, and they binde the Carts with Camels or Oxen, one behind another. And there sits a Wench in the fore-most Cart dri∣uing the Oxen, and all the residue follow on a like pace. When they chance to come at any bad passage, they let them loose, and guide them ouer one by one: for they goe a slow pace, as fast as a Lambe or an Oxe can walke.

[ 20]

* 1.12HAuing taken downe their houses from off their Carts, and turning the doores South-ward, they place the bed of the Master of the house, at the North part thereof. The womens place is alwayes on the East-side, namely, on the left hand of the good man of the house sitting vpon his bed with his face South-wards: but the mens place is vpon the West-side, namely, at the right hand of their Master. Men when they enter into the house, will not in any case hang their Q••iuers on the womens side. Ouer the Masters head there is alwayes an Image, like a Puppet, made of Fealt, which they call the Masters Brother: and another ouer the head of the good Wife or Mistris, which they call her Brother, being fastened to the wall: and aboue be∣tweene both of them, there is a little leane one, which is, as it were the keeper of the whole house. The good Wife or Mistris of the house placeth aloft at her beds feet, on the right hand, the [ 30] Skinne of a Kid stuffed with Wooll or some other matter, and neere vnto that a little Image or Puppet looking towards the Maidens and women. Next vnto the doore also on the womens side, there is another Image with a Cowes Vdder, for the women that milke the Kine. For it is the dutie of their women to milke Kine. On the other side of the doore next vnto the men, there is another Image with the Vdder of a Mare, for the men which milke Mares. And when they come together to drinke and make merrie, they sprinkle part of their Drinke vpon the I∣mage which is aboue the Masters head:* 1.13 afterward vpon other Images in order: then goeth a Seruant out of the house with a cup full of Drinke sprinkling it thrise towards the South, and bowing his knee at euery time: and this is done for the honour of the Fire. Then performeth he the like Superstitious Idolatry towards the East, for the honour of the Ayre: and then to the [ 40] West for the honour of the water: and lastly, to the North in the behalfe of the Dead. When the Master holdeth a cup in his hand to drinke, before hee tasteth thereof, hee powreth his part vpon the ground. If he drinketh sitting on Horse-backe, he powreth out part thereof vpon the necke or mane of his Horse before he himselfe drinketh. After the Seruant aforesaid hath so dis∣charged his cups to the foure quarters of the World, hee returneth into the house: and two o∣ther Seruants stand ready with two cups, and two basons, to carrie Drinke vnto their Master and his Wife, sitting together vpon a bed. And if hee hath more Wiues then one, shee with whom he slept the night before, sitteth by his side the day following: and all his other Wiues must that day resort vnto the same house to drinke: and there is the Court holden for that day: the gifts also which are presented that day, are layd vp in the Chests of the said Wife. And vpon [ 50] a bench stands a Vessell of Milke, or of other Drinke and drinking cups.

IN Winter time they make excellent drinke of Rice, of Mill, and of Honey, being well and high coloured like Wine.* 1.14 Also they haue Wine brought vnto them from farre Countries. In Summer time they care not for any drinke, but Cosmos. And it standeth alwayes within the entrance of his doore, and next vnto it stands a Minstrell with his Fiddle. I saw there no such Citernes and Vials as ours commonly bee, but many other Musicall Instruments which are not vsed among vs. And when the Master of the house begins to drinke, one of his seruants crieth out with a loude voyce, Ha, and the Minstrell playes vpon his Fiddle. And when they make any great solemne feast, they all of them clap their hands, and dance to the noyse of Musicke, [ 60] the men before their Master, and the women before their Mistris. And when the Master hath drunke,* 1.15 then cryes out his seruant as before, and the Minstrell stayeth his Musicke. Then drinke they all round both men and women,: and sometimes they carowse for the victorie very filthi∣ly and drunkenly. Also when they will prouoke any man, they pull him by the Eares to the drinke, and so lug and draw him strongly to stretch out his throat clapping their hands, and

dancing before him. Moreouer, when some of them will make great feasting and reioycing, one of the companie takes a full Cup, and two other stand, one on his right hand, and another on his left, and so they three come singing to the man who is to haue the Cup reached vnto him, still singing and dancing before him: and when he stretcheth forth his hand to receiue the Cup, they leape suddenly backe, returning againe as they did before, and so hauing deluded him thrice or foure times by drawing backe the Cup, vntill he be merrie, and hath gotten a good ap∣petite, then they giue him the Cup, singing and dancing, and stamping with their feet, vntill he hath done drinking.

COncerning their food and victuals, be it knowne vnto your Highnesse, that they doe,* 1.16 with∣out [ 10] all difference or conception, eate all their dead Carions. And amongst so many droues it cannot be, but some Cattell must needs die. Howbeit in Summer, so long as their Cosmos, that is, their Mares milke lasteth, they care not for any food. And if they chance to haue an Oxe or an Horse die, they drie and flesh thereof: for cutting it into thinne slices,* 1.17 and hanging it vp against the Sunne and the wind, it is presently dried without Salt, and also without stench or corruption. They make better Puddings of their Horses then of their Hogs, which they eate being new made: the rest of the flesh they reserue vntill Winter. They make of their Oxe skins great bladders or bags, which they doe wonderfully drie in the smoake. Of the hinder part of their Horsehides, they make very fine Sandals and Pantofles. They giue vnto fiftie of an hundred men, the flesh of one Ramme to eate. For they mince it in a bowle with Salt and [ 20] Water (other Sauce they haue none) and then with the poynt of a Knife, or a little Forke which they make for the same purpose (such as we vse to take roasted Peares and Apples out of Wine withall) they reach vnto euery one of the companie a morsell or twaine, according to the mul∣titude of Guests. The Master of the house, before the Rams flesh be distributed, first of all him∣selfe taketh thereof, what he pleaseth. Also, if he giueth vnto any of the companie a speciall part, the receiuer thereof must eate it alone, and must not impart ought thereof vnto any other. Not being able to eate it vp all, hee carries it with him, and deliuers it vnto his boy, if hee be present, to keepe it: if not, hee puts it vp into his Saptargat, that is to say, his foure square Budget, which they vse to carrie about with them, for the sauing of all such prouision, & where∣in they lay vp their bones, when they haue not time to gnaw them throughly, that they may [ 30] burnish them afterward, to the end that no whit of their food may come to nought.

THeir drinke, called Cosmos, which is Mares milke, is prepared after this manner. They fasten a long line vnto two posts standing firmly in the ground,* 1.18 and vnto the same line they tye the young Foales of those Mares, which they meane to milke. Then come the Dammes to stand by their Foales gently suffering themselues to be milked. And if any of them be too vnruly, then one takes her Foale, and puts it vnder her, letting it sucke a while, and presently carrying it away againe, there comes another man to milke the said Mare. And hauing gotten a good quantitie of this Milke together (being as sweet as Cowes milke) while it is new they powre into a great bladder or bag, and they beat the said bag with a piece of wood made for the [ 40] purpose, hauing a Club at the lower end like a mans head, which is hollow within: and so soone as they beat vpon it, it begins to boyle like new Wine, and to be sowre and sharpe of taste, and they beate it in that manner till Butter come thereof. Then taste they thereof, and being indifferently sharpe they drinke it: for it biteth a mans tongue like the Wine of Raspes, when it is drunke. After a man hath taken a draught thereof, it leaueth behind it a taste like the taste of Almond-milke, and goeth downe very pleasantly, intoxicating weake braynes: also it cau∣seth vrine to be auoyded in great measure. Likewise Caracosmos, that is to say, Blacke Cosmos,* 1.19 for great Lords to drinke, they make on this manner. First, they beat the said Milke so long till the thickest part thereof descend right downe to the bottome like the lees of white Wine, and that which is thinne and pure remayneth aboue, being like vnto Whay or white Must. The [ 50] said lees and dregs being very white, are giuen to seruants, and will cause them to sleepe excee∣dingly. That which is thinne and cleere their Masters drinke: and in very deede it is mar∣uellous sweet and wholsome liquor. Duke Baatu hath thirtie Cottages or Granges,* 1.20 within a dayes iourney of his abiding place: euery one of which serueth him daily with the Caracos∣mos of an hundred Mares milke,* 1.21 and so all of them together euery day with the Milke of three thousand Mares, besides white Milke which other of his Subiects bring. For euen as the Hus∣bandmen of Syria bestow the third part of their fruits, and carrie it vnto the Courts of their Lords, euen so doe they their Mares milke euery third day. Out of their Cowes milke they first churne Butter, boyling the which Butter vnto a perfect decoction, they put it into Rams skins, [ 60] which they reserue for the same purpose. Neither doe they salt their Butter: and yet by rea∣son of the long seething, it putrifieth not: and they keepe it in store for Winter. The churn∣milke which remayneth of the Butter, they let alone till it be as sowre as possibly it may be, then they boyle it, and in boyling it is turned all into Curds, which Curds they drie in the Sun, making them as hard as the drosse of Iron: and this kind of food also they store vp in Sachels

against Winter. In the Winter season when Milke fayleth them, they put the foresaid Curds (which they all Gry-vt) into a bladder, and powring hot water thereinto, they beat it lustily till they haue resolued it into the said Water, which is thereby made exceedingly sowre, and that they drinke in stead of Milke. They are very scrupulous, and take diligent heed that they drinke not faire Water by it selfe.

GReat Lords haue Cottages or Granges towards the South, from whence their Tenants bring them Millet and Meale against Winter.* 1.22 The poorer sort prouide themselues of such neces∣saries, for the exchange of Rams, and of other beasts skins. The Tartars slaues fill their bellies with thicke water, and are therewithall contented. They will neither eate Mise with long [ 10] tayles, nor any kind of Mise with short tayles. They haue also certaine little beasts, called by them, Sogur, which he in a Caue twentie or thirtie of them together, all the whole Winter sleeping there for the space of sixe moneths: and these they take in great abundance. There are also a kind of Conies hauing long tayles like vnto Cats: and on the outside of their tayles grow blacke and white haires. They haue many other small beasts good to eat, which they know and discerne right well. I saw no Deere there, and but a few Hares, but a great number of Roes. I saw wild Asses in great abundance, which be like vnto Mules. Also I saw another kind of beast, called Artak,* 1.23 hauing in all resemblance the bodie of a Ram, and crooked hornes, which are of such bignesse, that I could scarce lift vp a paire of them with one hand: and of these hornes they make great drinking cups. They haue Faulcons, Girfaulcons, and other Hawkes in great plentie: all which they carrie vpon their right hands: and they put alwaies about their Faulcons [ 20] neckes a string of Leather, which hangeth downe to the midst of their gorges, by the which string, when they cast them off the fist at the game, with their left hand they bow downe the heads and breasts of the said Hawkes, lest they should be tossed vp and downe, and beaten with the wind, or lest they should soare too high. Wherefore they get a great part of their victuals by hunting and hawking. Concerning their garments and attire, be it knowne vnto your Ma∣iestie, that out of Cataya, and other Regions of the East, out of Persia also, and other Countries of to South, there are brought vnto them Stuffes of silke, Cloth of gold, and Cotton cloth, which they weare in time of Summer. But out of Russia, Moxell, Bulgaria the greater, and Pascatir, that is, Hungaria the greater, and out of Kersis (all which are Northerne Regions, and [ 30] full of Woods) and also out of many other Countries of the North, which are subiect vnto them, the Inhabitants bring them rich and costly skins of diuers sorts (which I neuer saw in our Countries) wherewithall they are clad in Winter. And alwaies against Winter they make themselues two Gownes, one with the furre inward to their skinne, and another with the furre outward, to defend them from wind and snow, which for the most part are made of Wolues skins, or Foxe skins, or else of Papions. And when they sit within the house, they haue a finer Gowne to weare. The poorer sort make their vpper Gowne of Dogs or of Goats skins. When they goe to hunt for wild beasts, there meets a great companie of them together, and enuiro∣ning the place round about, where they are sure to find some game, by little and little they ap∣proach on all sides, till they haue gotten the wild beasts into the midst, as it were into a circle, [ 40] and then they discharge their Arrowes at them. Also they make themselues Breeches of skins. The rich Tartars sometimes furre their Gownes with pelluce or silke shag, which is exceeding soft, light, and warme. The poorer sort doe line their clothes with Cotton cloth, which is made of the finest wooll they can picke out, and of the courser part of the said wooll, they make Felt to couer their houses, and their chists, and for their bedding also. Of the same wooll, being mixed with one third part of Horse haire, they make all their cordage. They make also of the said Felt couerings for their stooles,* 1.24 and caps to defend their heads from the weather: for all which purposes they spend a great quantitie of their wooll. And thus much concerning the attire of the men.

[ 50]

THe men shaue a plot foure square vpon the crownes of their heads, and from the two for∣most corners they shaue,* 1.25 as it were, two seames downe to their temples: they shaue also their temples, and the hinder part of their head, euen vnto the nape of the necke: likewise they shaue the fore-part of their scalpe downe to their foreheads, and vpon their foreheads they leaue a locke of haire reaching downe vnto their eye-browes: vpon the two hindermost cor∣ners of their heads, they haue two lockes also, which they twine and braid into knots and so bind and knit them vnder each eare one. Moreouer, their womens garments differ not from their mens, sauing that they are somewhat longer. But on the morrow after one of their wo∣men is married, shee shaues her scalpe from the middest of her head downe to her forehead, and weares a wide garment like vnto the hood of a Nunne, yea larger and longer in all parts then a Nunnes hood, beeing open before, and girt vnto them vnder the right side. For heerein doe [ 60] the Tartars differ from the Turkes: because the Turkes fasten their garments to their bodies on the left side: but the Tartars alwaies on the right side. They haue also an ornament for their heads, which they call, Botta, beeing made of the barke of a Tree, or of some such other ligh∣ter

matter as they can finde, which by reason of the thicknesse and roundnesse thereof cannot be holden but in both hands together: and it hath a square sharpe spire rising from the top thereof, being more then a cubite in length, and fashioned like vnto a Pinacle. The said Botta they couer all ouer with a piece of rich Silke, and it is hollow within: and vpon the midst of the said spire or square top, they put a bunch of Q••ils, or of slender Canes a cubite long and more: and the said bunch on the top thereof, they beautifie with Peacockes Feathers, and round about all the length thereof, with the Feathers of a Malards taile, and with precious stones also. Great Ladies weare this kind of ornament vpon their heads, binding it strongly with a certaine Hat or Coyfe, which hath a hole in the crowne, fit for the spire to come through [ 10] it: and vnder the foresaid ornament they couer the haires of their heads, which they gather vp round together from the hinder part thereof to the crowne, and so lap them vp in a knot or bun∣dell within the said Botta, which afterward they bind strongly vnder their throats. Hereupon when a great company of such Gentlewomen ride together, and are beheld a farre off, they seeme to be Souldiers with Helmets on their heads, carrying their Lances vpright: for the said Botta appeareth like an Helmet with a Lance ouer it. All their Women sit on horse-backe, be∣striding their Horses like men: and they binde their hoods or gownes about their wastes with a sky-coloured Silke Skarfe, and with another Skarfe they gird it aboue their breasts: and they binde also a piece of white Silke like a Mufler or Maske vnder their eyes, reaching downe vnto their breasts. These Gentlewomen are exceeding fat, and the lesser their noses be, the fai∣rer they are esteemed: they dawbe ouer their sweet faces with grease too shamefully: and they [ 20] neuer lye in bed for their trauell of child-birth.

THe duties of Women are to driue Carts: to lay their houses vpon Carts,* 1.26 and to take them downe againe; to milke Kine, to make Butter and Gry-vt, to dresse skinnes, and to sew them, which they vsually sew with thread made of sinewes, for they diuide sinewes in slender threads, and then twine them into one long thread. They make Sandals and Socks, and other Garments. Howbeit they neuer wash any apparell: for they lay, that God is then angry, and that dreadfull thunder will ensue, if washed garments be hanged forth to dry; yea, they beate such as wash, and take their garments from them. They are wonderfully afraid of thunder: for [ 30] in the time of thunder they thrust all strangers out of their houses, and then wrapping them∣selues in blacke Felt, they lye hidden therein, till the thunder be ouer-past. They neuer wash their dishes or bowles: yea, when their flesh is sodden, they wash the platter wherein it must be put, with scalding hot broath out of the pot, and then powre the said broath into the pot a∣gaine. They make Felt also, and couer their houses therewith. The duties of the Men are, to make Bowes and Arrowes, Stirrops, Bridles and Saddles: to build Houses and Carts, to keepe Horses, to milke Mares, to churne Cosmos and Mares Milke, and to make bags wherein to put it: they keepe Camels also, and lay burthens vpon them. As for Sheepe and Goats, they tend and milke them, as well the Men as the Women. With Sheeps Milke thicked and salted, they dresse and tan their Hides. When they will wash their hands or their heads, they fill their [ 40] mouthes full of Water, and spowting it into their hands by little and little, they sprinkle their haire, and wash their heads therewith. As touching marriages, your Highnesse is to vnderstand, that no man can haue a Wife among them till he hath bought her: whereupon sometimes their Maids are very stale before they be married, for their Parents alwaies keepe them till they can sell them. They keepe the first and second degrees of Consanguinitie inuiolable, as wee doe: but they haue no regard of the degrees of Affinitie: for they will marrie together, or by successi∣on, two Sisters. Their Widowes marrie not at all, for this reason; because they beleeue, that all who haue serued them in this life, shall doe them seruice in the life to come also. Whereupon they are perswaded, that euery Widow after death shall returne vnto her owne Husband. And here-hence ariseth an abominable and filthy custome among them; namely, that the Sonne mar∣rieth sometimes all his Fathers Wiues except his owne Mother: For the Court or House of the [ 50] Father or Mother, falleth by inheritance alwaies to the younger Sonne. Whereupon he is to prouide for all his Fathers Wiues, because they are part of his Inheritance as well as his Fathers possessions. And then if he will, he vseth them for his owne Wiues: for he thinkes it no insu∣rie or disparagement vnto himselfe, although they returne vnto his Father after death. Therfore when any man hath bargained with another for a Maid, the Father of the said Damosell makes him a feast: in the meane while she fleeth vnto some of her Kinsfolkes to hide her selfe. Then saith her Father vnto the Bridegroome: Loe, my Daughter is yours, take her wheresoeuer you can finde her. Then he and his friends seeke for her till they can find her, and hauing found her, he must take her by force and carry her (as it were) violently vnto his owne house.

[ 60]

COncerning their Lawes, or their Execution of Iustice, your Maiestie is to bee aduertised,* 1.27 that when two men fight, no third man dare intrude himselfe to part them. Yea, the Fa∣ther dare not help his owne Sonne. But he that goes by the worst, must appeale vnto the Court of his Lord. And whosoeuer else offereth him any violence after appeale, is put to death. But

he must goe presently without all delay: and he that hath suffered the iniury, carrieth him (as it were) captiue. They punish no man with sentence of death, vnlesse he bee taken in the deed doing, or confesseth the same. But being accused by the multitude, they put him vnto extreame torture, to make him confesse the truth. They punish murther with death, and Carnall copula∣tion also with any other besides his owne. By his owne, I meane his Wife or his Maid Seruant, for he may vse his Slaue as hee listeth himselfe. Hainous theft also or felony they punish with death. For a light theft, as namely, for stealing of a Ram, the partie (not being apprehended in the deed doing, but otherwise detected) is cruelly beaten. And if the Executioner layes on an hundred strokes, hee must haue an hundred staues; namely, for such as are beaten vpon sen∣tence giuen in the Court. Also counterfeit Messengers, because they feine themselues to be Mes∣sengers, when as indeed they are none at all, they punish with death. Sacrilegious persons they [ 10] vse in like manner (of which kind of Malefactors your Maiestie shall vnderstand more fully hereafter) because they esteeme such to bee Witches. When any man dyeth, they lament and howle most pittifully for him: and the said Mourners are free from paying any tribute for one whole yeare after. Also, whosoeuer is present at the house where any one growne to mans estate lyeth dead, he must not enter into the Court of Mangu-Can, till one whole yeare be expired. If it were a child deceased, hee must not enter into the said Court till the next moneth after. Neere vnto the graue of the partie deceased, they alwaies leaue one Cottage. If any of their Nobles (being of the stocke of Chingis, who was their first Lord and Father) deceaseth, his Se∣pulchre is vnknowne. And alwaies about those places where they interre their Nobles, there is one house of men to keepe the Sepulchres. I could not learne that they vse to hide Treasures in [ 20] the graues of their dead.* 1.28 The Comanians build a great Toombe ouer their dead, and erect the Image of the dead partie thereupon, with his face towards the East, holding a drinking Cup in his hand before his Nauell. They erect also vpon the Monuments of rich men, Pyramides, that is to say; little sharpe houses or pinacles: and in some places I saw mightie Towers made of Bricke, in other places Pyramides made of stones, albeit there are no stones to be found there∣about. I saw one newly buried, in whose behalfe they hanged vp sixteene Horse-hides, vnto each quarter of the world foure, betweene certaine high posts: and they set besides his Graue Cosmos for him to drinke, and flesh to eate: and yet they said that he was baptized. I beheld o∣ther kinds of Sepulchres also towards the East: namely, large floores or pauements made of stone, some round, and some square, and then foure long stones pitched vpright, about the said [ 30] pauement towards the foure Regions of the world. When any man is sicke, he lyeth in his bed, and causeth a signe to be set vpon his house, to signifie that there lyeth a sicke person there, to the end that no man may enter into the said house: whereupon none at all visit any sicke partie but his seruant onely. Moreouer, when any one is sicke in their great Courts, they appoint Watch-men to stand round about the said Court, who will not suffer any person to enter with∣in the Precincts thereof. For they feare least euill spirits or winds should come together with the parties that enter in. They esteeme of Soothsayers, as of their Priests.

* 1.29ANd being come amongst those barbarous people, me thought (as I said before) that I was entred into a new world: for they came flocking about vs on horse-backe, after they had [ 40] made vs a long time to awaite for them sitting in the shadow, vnder their blacke carts. The first question which they demanded, was, whether we had euer beene with them heretofore, or no? And giuing them answere that we had not, they began impudently to beg our victuals from vs. And we gaue them some of our Bisket and Wine, which wee had brought with vs from the Towne of Soldaia. And hauing drunke off one Flagon of our Wine, they demanded another; saying, That a man goeth not into the house with one foote. Howbeit we gaue them no more, excusing our selues that we had but a little. Then they asked vs, whence we came, and whither we were bound? I answered them with the words aboue mentioned: that wee had heard con∣cerning Duke Sartach, that hee was become a Christian, and that vnto him our determination was to trauell,* 1.30 hauing your Maiesties Letters to deliuer vnto him. They were very inquisitiue [ 50] to know whether I came of mine owne accord, or whither I were sent? I answered, that no man compelled me to come, neither had I come, vnlesse I my selfe had beene willing: and that therefore I was come according to mine owne will, and to the will of my Superior. I tooke diligent heed neuer to say that I was your Maiesties Embassadour. Then they asked what I had in my Carts; whether it were Gold or Siluer, or rich Garments to carrie vnto Sartach? I an∣swered, that Sartach should see what we had brought, when we were once come vnto him, and that they had nothing to doe to aske such questions, but rather ought to conduct me vnto their Captaine, and that he, if he thought good, should cause me to be directed vnto Sartach: if not, that I would returne. For there was in the same Prouince one of Baatu his Kinsmen, called Sca∣cati [ 60] vnto whom my Lord the Emperour of Constantinople had written Letters of request, to suffer me to passe through his Territorie. With this answere of ours they were satisfied, giuing vs Horses and Oxen, and two men to conduct vs. Howbeit, before they would allow vs the foresaid necessaries for our iourney, they made vs to awaite a long while, begging our bread for

their young Brats, wondring at all things which they saw about our Seruants, as their Kniues, Gloues, Purses and Points, and desiring to haue them. I excused my selfe that wee had a long way to trauell, and that we must in no wise so soone depriue our selues of things necessary, to finish so long a iourney. Then they said, that I was a very varlet. True it is, that they tooke nothing by force from me: howbeit they will beg that which they see very importunatly and shamelesly. And if a man bestow ought vpon them, it is but cost lost, for they are thanklesse wretches. They esteeme themselues Lords, and thinke that nothing should be denyed them by any man. If a man giues them nought, and afterwards stands in need of their seruice, they will do right nought for him. They gaue vs of their Cowes Milke to drink, after the Butter was chur∣ned [ 10] out of it, being very sowre, which they call Apram. And so we departed from them. And in very deed it seemed to me that we were escaped out of the hands of Diuels. On the morrow we were come vnto the Captaine. From the time wherein we departed from Soldaia, till wee arriued at the Court of Sartach, which was the space of two moneths, we neuer lay in House or Tent, but alwaies vnder the starry Canopie, and in the open Aire, or vnder our Carts. Neither yet saw we any Village, nor any mention of building where a Village had beene, but the graues of the Comanians, in great abundance. The same euening our guide which had conducted vs, gaue vs some Cosmos. After I had drunke thereof, I sweat most extreamely for the noueltie and strangenesse, because I neuer dranke of it before. Notwithstanding, me thought it was very sa∣uory, as indeed it was.

[ 20]

ON the morrow after we met with the Carts of Scacatai laden with houses, and me thought that a mightie Citie came to meete me.* 1.31 I wondred also at the great multitude of huge Droues of Oxen, and Horses, and at the Flockes of Sheepe. I could see but a few men that gui∣ded all these matters: whereupon I inquired how many men hee had vnder him, and they told me that he had not aboue fiue hundred in all, the one halfe of which number we were come past, as they lay in another Lodging. Then the Seruant which was our Guide told mee, that I must present somewhat vnto Scacatai: and so he caused vs to stay, going himselfe before to giue no∣tice of our comming. By this time it was past three of the clocke, and they vnladed their hou∣ses neere vnto a certayne water: And there came vnto vs his Interpreter, who being aduertised [ 30] by vs that we were neuer there before, demanded some of our victuals, and wee yeelded vnto his request. Also hee required of vs some garment for a Reward, because hee was to interpret our Sayings vnto his Master. Howbeit, we excused our selues as well as we could. Then hee asked vs, what we would present vnto his Lord: And we tooke a flagon of Wine, and filled a Maund with Bisket, and a Platter with Apples and other Fruits. But he was not contented therewith, because we brought him not some rich garment. Notwithstanding, wee entred so into his pre∣sence with feare and bashfulnesse. Hee sate vpon his bed holding a Citron in his hand, and his Wife sate by him: who (as I verily thinke) had cut and pared her Nose betweene the Eyes, that she might seeme to be more flat and saddle-nosed: for she had left her selfe no Nose at all in that place, hauing anoynted the very same place with a blacke Oyntment, and her Eye-browes also: [ 40] which sight seemed most vgly in our Eyes. Then I rehearsed vnto him the same words, which I had spoken in other places before. For it stood vs in hand to vse one and the same speech in all places. For we were well fore-warned of this circumstance by some which had beene amongst the Tartars, that we should neuer vary in our Tale. Then I besought him,* 1.32 that he would vouch∣safe to accept that small gift at our hands, excusing my selfe that I was a Monke, and that it was against our profession to possesse Gold, or Siluer, or precious Garments, and therefore that I had not any such thing to giue him, howbeit he should receiue some part of our victuals in stead of a blessing. Hereupon he caused our Present to be receiued, and immediately distributed the same among his men, who were met together for the same purpose, to drinke and make merry. I deli∣uered also vnto him the Emperour of Constantinople his Letters (this was eight dayes after the [ 50] Feast of Ascension) who sent them forth-with to Soldaia, to haue them interpreted there: for they were written in Greeke, and he had none about him that was skilfull in the Greeke Tongue. He asked vs also whether we would drinke any Cosmos, that is to say, Mares Milke: (For those that are Christians among them, as namely, the Russians, Grecians, and Alanians,* 1.33 who keepe their owne Law very strictly, will in no case drinke thereof, yea, they account themselues no Christians after they haue once drunke of it, and their Priests reconcile them vnto the Church, as if they had renounced the Christian Faith.) I gaue him answere, that wee had as yet sufficient of our owne to drinke, and that when our drinke fayled vs, we must be constrayed to drinke such as should bee giuen vnto vs. Hee enquired also what was contayned in our Letters, which your Maiestie sent vnto Sartach? I answered: that they were sealed vp, and that there was nothing [ 60] contayned in them, but good and friendly words. And he asked what words wee would deliuer vnto Sartach? I answered: the words of Christian Faith. He asked againe what these words were? For he was very desirous to heare them. Then I expounded vnto him as well as I could, by mine Interpreter, (who had no wit nor any vtterance of speech) the Apostles Creed. Which after hee had heard, holding his peace, he shooke his head. Then hee assigned vnto vs two men,

who should giue attendance vpon our selues, vpon our Horses, and vpon our Oxen. And hee caused vs to ride in his company, till the Messenger whom he had sent for the Interpretation of the Emperours Letters, was returned. And so wee trauelled in his company till the morrow after Pentecost.

* 1.34VPon the Eeuen of Pentecost, there came vnto vs certayne Alanians, who are there called * 1.35 Acias, being Christians after the manner of the Grecians, vsing Greeke Bookes and Gre∣cian Priests: howbeit, they are not Schismatikes as the Grecians are, but without acception of persons, they honour all Christians. And they brought vnto vs sodden flesh, requesting vs to eat of their meate, and to pray for one of their company beeing dead. Then I said, because it was [ 10] the Eeuen of so great and so solemne a Feast Day, that wee would not eate any flesh for that time. And I expounded vnto them the Solemnitie of the said Feast, whereat they greatly re∣ioyced: for they were ignorant of all things appertayning to Christian Religion, except only the Name of Christ. They and many other Christians, both Russians, and Hungarians demanded of vs, whether they might be saued or no, because they were constrayned to drinke Cosmos, and to eate the dead carkasses of such things, as were slaine by the Saracens, and other Infidels? Which euen the Greeke and Russian Priests them selues also esteeme as things strangled or offered vnto Idols: because they were ignorant of the times of Fasting, neither could they haue obser∣ued them albeit they had knowne them. Then instructed I them aswell as I could and streng∣thened them in the Faith. As for the flesh which they had brought, wee reserued it vntill the [ 20] feast day. For there was nothing to be sold among the Tartars for Gold and Siluer, but onely for Cloath and Garments,* 1.36 of the which kind of Merchandize wee had none at all. When our Seruants offered them any Coyne, called Yperpera, they rubbed it with their fingers, and put it vnto their noses, to try by the smell whether it were Copper or no. Neither did they allow vs any food but Cowes Milke onely, which was very sowre and filthy. There was one thing most necessary greatly wanting vnto vs. For the water was so foule and muddy, by reason of their Horses, that it was not meete to be drunke. And but for certaine Bisket, which was by the good∣nesse of God remaining vnto vs, we had vndoubtedly perished.

* 1.37VPon the day of Pentecost there came vnto vs a certaine Saracen, vnto whom, as he talked with vs, we expounded the Christian Faith. Who (hearing of Gods benefits exhibited [ 30] vnto mankind, by the Incarnation of our Sauiour Christ, and the Resurrection of the dead, and the Iudgement to come, and that in Baptisme was a washing away of sinnes) said, that hee would be baptized. But when wee prepared our selues to the baptizing of him, hee suddenly mounted on horse-back, saying, that he would go home and consult with his wife what were best to be done. And on the morrow after he told vs, that he durst in no case receiue Baptisme, because then he should drinke no more Cosmos. For the Christians of that place affirme, that no true Christians ought to drinke thereof: and that without the said liquor hee could not liue in that Desart. From which opinion, I could not for my life remoue him. Wherefore be it knowne of a certaintie vnto your Highnesse, that they are much estranged from the Christian Faith, by [ 40] reason of that opinion which hath beene broached and confirmed among them by the Russians, of whom there is a great multitude in that place. The same day Scacatia the Captaine aforesaid gaue vs one man to conduct vs to Sartach, and two other to guide vs vnto the next Lodging, which was distant from that place fiue dayes Iourney for Oxen to trauell. They gaue vnto vs also a Goate for victuals, and a great many Bladders of Cowes Milke, and but a little Cosmos, because it is of so great estimation among them. And so taking our Iourney directly toward the North, mee thought that wee had passed through one of Hell gates. The Seruants which con∣ducted vs began to play the bold Theeues with vs, seeing vs take so little heed vnto our selues. At length hauing lost much by there Theeuery, harme taught vs wisdome. And then wee came vnto the extremitie of that Prouince, which is fortified with a Ditch from one Sea vnto ano∣ther: [ 50] without the bounds whereof their Lodging was situate. Into the which, so soone as wee had entred, all the Inhabitants there seemed vnto vs to be infected with Leprosie: for certayne base fellowes were placed there to receiue Tribute of all such as tooke Salt out of the Salt-pits aforesaid.* 1.38 From that place they told vs that we must trauell fifteene dayes Iourney, before we should find any other people. With them we dranke Cosmos, and gaue vnto them a basket full of Fruits and of Bisket. And they gaue vnto vs eight Oxen and one Goate, to sustayne vs in so great a Iourney, and I know not how many bladders of Milke. And so changing our Oxen, we tooke our Iourney which wee finished in tenne dayes, arriuing at another Lodging: neither found we any water all that way, but onely in certayne Ditches made in the Valleyes, except two Riuers. And from the time wherein wee departed out of the foresaid Prouince of Gasaria, [ 60] we trauelled directly East-ward, hauing a Sea on the South-side of vs, and a waste Desart on the North, which Desart, in some places, reacheth twentie dayes Iourney in breadth, and there is neither Tree, Mountayne, nor Stone therein. And it is most excellent Pasture. Here the Co∣manians, which were called Capthac, were wont to feed their Cattell. Howbeit by the Dutch∣men

they are called Valani, and the Prouince it selfe Valania.* 1.39 But Isidore calleth all that tract of Land stretching from the Riuer of Tanais to the Lake of M••otis, and so along as farre as Da∣nubius, the Countrey of Alania. And the same land continueth in length from Danubius vnto Tanais (which diuideth Asia from Europe) for the space of two moneths iourney, albeit a man should ride post as fast as the Tartars vse to ride: and it was all ouer inhabited by the Comanians, called Capthac: yea, and beyond Tanais, as farre as the Riuer of Edil, or Volga:* 1.40 the space betweene the two which Riuers is a great and long iourney to bee trauelled in ten daies. To the North of the same Prouince lyeth Russia, which is full of wood in all places, and stretcheth from Polonia and Hungaria, euen to the Riuer of Tanais: and it hath been•• wasted all ouer by the Tartars,* 1.41 and [ 10] as yet is daily wasted by them.

THey preferre the Saracens before the Russians, because they are Christians,* 1.42 and when they are able to giue them no more gold nor siluer, they driue them and their Children like flocks of Sheepe into the wildernesse, constraining them to keepe their Cattell there. Beyond Russia lyeth the Countrey of Prussia, which the Dutch Knights of the order of Saint Maries Hospitall of Ierusalem, haue of late wholly conquered and subdued. And in very deede, they might easi∣ly win Russia, if they would put to their helping hand. For if the Tartars should but once know that the great Priest, that is to say, the Pope did cause the Ensigne of the Crosse to be displaied against them, they would flie all into their Desart and solitarie places. Wee therefore went on [ 20] towards the East, seeing nothing but Heauen and Earth, and sometimes the Sea on our right hand, called the Sea of Tanais, and the Sepulchres of the Comanians, which appeared vnto vs two leagues off, in which places they were wont to burie their kindred altogether. So long as we were trauelling through the Desart, it went reasonably well with vs. For I cannot suffici∣ently expresse in words the irkesome and tedious troubles which I sustained, when I came at any of their places of abode. For our Guide would haue vs goe in vnto euery Captaine with a pre∣sent, and our expences would not extend so farre. For we were euery day eight persons of vs spending our wayfaring prouision,* 1.43 for the Tartars seruants would all of them eate of our victu∣als. We our selues were fiue in number, and the seruants our Guides were three, two to driue our Carts, and one to conduct vs vnto Sartach. The flesh which they gaue vs was not sufficient [ 30] for vs; neither could we find any thing to be bought for our money. And as we sate vnder our Carts in the coole shadow, by reason of the extreame and vehement heate which was there at that time, they did so importunately and shamelesly intrude themselues into our company, that they would euen tread vpon vs, to see whatsoeuer things we had. Hauing list at any time to ease themselues, the filthie Lozels had not the manners to withdraw themselues farther from vs, then a Beane can be cast. Yea, like vile slouens they would lay their tailes in our presence, while they were yet talking with vs: many other things they committed, which were most tedious and loathsome vnto vs. But aboue all things it grieued me to the very heart, that when I would vt∣ter ought vnto them, which might tend to their edification, my foolish interpreter would say: you should not make me become a Preacher now; I tell you, I cannot nor I will not rehearse [ 40] any such words. And true it was which he said, for I perceiued afterward, when I began to haue a little smattering in the language, that when I spake one thing, hee would say quite another, whatsoeuer came next vnto his witlesse tongues end. Then seeing the danger I might incurre in speaking by such an Interpreter, I resolued much rather to hold my peace, and thus we trauelled with great toile from lodging to lodging, till at the length, a few daies before the Feast of Saint Marie Magdalene, we arriued at the banke of the mightie Riuer Tanais, which diuideth Asia from Europa, euen as the Riuer Nilus of Aegypt disioyneth Asia from Africa.* 1.44 At the same place where we arriued, Baatu and Sartach did cause a certaine Cottage to be built vpon the Easterne banke of the Riuer, for a companie of Russians to dwell in, to the end, they might transport Ambassadours and Merchants in Ferrie-boates ouer that part of the Riuer. First, they ferried vs ouer, and then our Carts, putting one wheele into one Liter, and the other wheele into another [ 50] Liter, hauing bound both the Liters together, and so they rowed them ouer. In this place our Guide played the foole most extreamely. For he imagining that the said Russians, dwelling in the Cottage, should haue prouided vs Horses, sent home the Beasts which wee brought with vs, in another Cart, that they might returne vnto their owne Masters. And when we demanded to haue some beasts of them, they answered, that they had a priuiledge from Baatu, whereby they were bound to none other seruice, but onely to ferrie ouer Goers and Commers: and that they receiued great tribute of Merchants in regard thereof. Wee staied therefore by the said Riuers side three daies. The first day they gaue vnto vs a great fresh Turbut: the second day they be∣stowed Rye bread, and a little flesh vpon vs, which the Purueyer of the Village had taken vp at euery house for vs: and the third day dryed Fishes, which they haue there in great aboundance. [ 60] The said Riuer was euen as broade in that place, as the Riuer of Sein is at Paris. And before wee came there, wee passed ouer many goodly waters, and full of Fish:* 1.45 howbeit the barbarous and rude Tartars know not how to take them: neither doe they make any reckoning of any Fish, except it bee so great, that they may prey vpon the flesh thereof, as vpon the flesh of a Ram.

This Riuer is the limit of the East part of Russia, and it springeth out of the F••nnes of Maeotis, which Fennes stretch vnto the North Ocean.* 1.46 And it runneth Southward into a certaine great Sea seuen hundred miles about, before it falleth into the Sea called Pontus Euxinus. And all the Riuers which we passed ouer, ran with full streame into those quarters. The foresaid Riuer hath great store of wood also growing vpon the West side thereof. Beyond this place the Tartars ascend no farther vnto the North:* 1.47 for at that season of the yeere, about the first of August, they begin to returne backe vnto the South. And therefore there is another Cottage somewhat lower where Passengers are ferried ouer in Winter time, and in this place we were driuen to great ex∣tremitie, by reason that we could get neither Horses, nor Oxen for any money. At length, af∣ter I had declared vnto them, that my comming was to labour for the common good of all [ 10] Christians, they sent vs Oxen and Men; howbeit wee our selues were faine to trauell on foot. At this time they were reaping their Rye. Wheate prospereth not well in that soile. They haue the seed of Millium in great abundance. The Russian women attire their heads like vnto our women. They embroider their Safegards or Gownes on the outside, from their feet vnto their knees with partie-coloured or grey stuffe. The Russian men weare Caps like vnto the Dutch men. Also they weare vpon their heads certaine sharpe and high-crowned Hats made of Felt, much like vnto a Sugar-loafe. Then trauailed we three daies together, not finding any people. And when our selues and our Oxen were exceeding wearie and faint, not knowing how farre off we should find any Tartars, on the sudden there came two Horses running towards vs, which we tooke with great ioy, and our Guide and Interpreter mounted vpon their backs, to see how farre off they could descrie any people. At length, vpon the fourth day of our iourney, hauing [ 20] found some Inhabitants, we reioyced like Sea faring men, which had escaped out of a dangerous Tempest, and had newly recouered the Hauen. Then hauing taken fresh Horses, and Oxen, we passed on from lodging to lodging, till at the last, vpon the second of the Kalends of August, we arriued at the habitation of Duke Sartach himselfe.

THe Region lying beyond Tanais, is a very goodly Countrey, hauing store of Riuers and Woods toward the North part thereof.* 1.48 There are mightie huge Woods which two sorts of people doe inhabit. One of them is called Moxel, being meere Pagans, and without Law. They haue neither Townes nor Cities, but onely Cottages in the Woods. Their Lord and a great part [ 30] of themselues were put to the Sword in high Germanie. Whereupon they highly commend the braue courage of the Almans, hoping as yet to be deliuered out of the bondage of the Tartars, by their meanes. If any Merchant come vnto them, hee must prouide things necessary for him, with whom hee is first of all entertained, all the time of his abode among them. If any lyeth with another mans wife, her husband, vnlesse he be an eye-witnesse thereof, regardeth it not: for they are not iealous ouer their wiues. They haue abundance of Hogs, and great store of Ho∣nie and Waxe, and diuers sorts of rich and costly Skins, and plentie of Faulcons. Next vnto them are other people called Merclas,* 1.49 which the Latines call Merdui, and they are Saracens. Beyond them is the Riuer of Etilia, or Volga, which is the mightiest Riuer that euer I saw. And it issu∣eth from the North part of Bulgaria the greater, and so trending along Southward, disimboqueth [ 40] into a certaine Lake, containing in circuit the space of foure moneths trauell, whereof I will speake hereafter.* 1.50 The two foresaid Riuers, namely, Tanais and Etilia, otherwise called Volga, towards the Northerne Regions, through the which we trauailed, are not distant asunder aboue ten daies iourney, but Southward they are diuided a great space one from another. For Tanais descendeth into the Sea of Pontus: Etilia maketh the foresaid Sea or Lake, with the helpe of many other Riuers, which fall there into out of Persia. And wee had to the South of vs huge high Mountaines, vpon the sides thereof towards the said Desart, doe the people called Cergi••, and the Alani or Acas inhabit,* 1.51 who are as yet Christians, and wage warre against the Tartars. Beyond them, next vnto the Sea or Lake of Etilia, there are certaine Saracens called Lesgi, who are in subiection vnto the Tartars.* 1.52 Beyond these is Porta ferrea, or the Iron gate, now called Derbent, which Alexander built to exclude the barbarous Nations out of Persia. Concerning the [ 50] situation whereof, your Maiestie shall vnderstand more about the end of this Treatise: for I tra∣uailed in my returne by the very same place.* 1.53 Betweene the two foresaid Riuers, in the Regions through the which we passed, did the Comanians of old time inhabit, before they were ouer∣run by the Tartars.

* 1.54ANd wee found Sartach lying within three daies iourney of the Riuer Et••lia: whose Court seemed vnto vs to be very great. For he himselfe had six wiues, and his eldest sonne also had three wiues: euery one of which women hath a great house▪ and they haue each one of them about two hundred Carts. Our guide went vnto a certaine Nestorian named Coiat, who is a man of great authoritie in Sartachs Court. He made vs to goe very farre vnto the Lords gate. For so [ 60] they call him who hath the Office of entertayning Ambassadours. In the euening, Coiat com∣manded vs to come vnto him. Then our Guide began to enquire what wee would present him withall, and was exceedingly offended, when hee saw that wee had nothing ready to present.

We stood before him, and he sate maiestically, hauing musick and dancing in his presence. Then I spake vnto him in the words before recited, telling him for what purpose I was come vnto his Lord, and requesting so much fauour at his hands, as to bring our Letters vnto the sight of his Lord, I excused my selfe also, that I was a Monke, not hauing, nor receiuing, nor vsing any gold, or siluer, or any other precious thing, saue onely our Bookes, and the Vestments wherein wee serued God: and that this was the cause why I brought no present vnto him, nor vnto his Lord. For I that had abandoned mine owne goods, could not be a transporter of things for other men. Then he answered very courteously, that being a Monke, and so doing, I did well; for so I should o••serue my vow: neither did himselfe stand in need of ought that we had, but rather was ready [ 10] to bestow vpon vs such things as we our selues stood in need of: and hee caused vs to sit downe, and to drinke of his Milke. And presently after, hee requested vs to say our deuotions for him: and wee did so. Hee enquired also who was the greatest Prince among the Francks? And I said, the Emperour, if he could enioy his owne Dominions in quiet. No (quoth hee) but the King of France. For hee had heard of your Hignesse by Lord Baldwine of Henault. I found there also one of the Knights of the Temple who had beene in Cyprus, and had made report of all things which he saw there. Then returned we vnto our Lodging. And on the morrow we sent him a flaggon of Muscadell Wine (which had lasted verie well in so long a Iourney) and a boxe full of Bisket, which was most acceptable vnto him. And hee kept our Seruants with him for that Euening. The next morning hee commanded mee to come vnto the Court, and to bring [ 20] the Kings Letters and my Vestments, and Bookes with mee: because his Lord was desirous to see them. Which we did accordingly, lading one Cart with our Bookes and Vestments, and another with Bisket, Wine, and Fruits. Then hee caused all our Bookes and Vestments to bee layd forth. And there stood round about vs many Tartars, Christians, and Saracens on Horse-backe. At the sight whereof, hee demanded whether I would bestow all those things vpon his Lord or no? Which saying made mee to tremble, and grieued mee full sore. Howbeit, dissem∣bling our griefe as well as we could, we shaped him this Answere: Sir, our humble request is, that our Lord your Master would vouchsafe to accept our Bread, Wine, and Fruits, not as a Present, because it is too meane, but as a Benediction, least we should come with an emptie hand before him. And hee shall see the Letters of my Souereigne Lord the King, and by them hee shall vn∣derstand [ 30] for what cause we are come vnto him, and then both our selues, and all that wee haue, shall stand to his courtesie: for our Vestments bee holy, and it is vnlawfull for any but Priests to touch them. Then he commanded vs to inuest our selues in the said Garments, that we might goe before his Lord: and we did so. Then I my selfe putting on our most precious Ornaments, tooke in mine armes a very faire Cushion, and the Bible which your Maiestie gaue mee, and a most beautifull Psalter, which the Queenes Grace bestowed vpon mee, wherein there were goodly Pictures. Mine Associate tooke a Missall and a Crosse: and the Clerke hauing put on his Surplice, tooke a Censer in his hand. And so we came vnto the presence of his Lord: and they lifted vp the Felt hanging before his doore, that hee might behold vs. Then they caused the Clerke and the Interpreter thrice to bow the knee: but of vs they required no such sub∣mission. [ 40] And they diligently admonished vs to take heed, that in going in, and in comming out, wee touched not the threshold of the house, and requested vs to sing a Benediction for him. Then we entred in, singing Salue Regina. And within the entrance of the doore stood a bench with Cosmos, and drinking cups thereupon. And all his Wiues were there assembled. Also the Moals or rich Tartars thrusting in with vs pressed vs sore. Then Coiat carryed vnto his Lord the Censer with Incense, which hee beheld very diligently, holding it in his hand. Afterward he carryed the Psalter vnto him, which he looked earnestly vpon, and his Wife also that sate beside him. After that he carryed the Bible: then Sartach asked if the Gospell were contayned therein? Yea (said I) and all the holy Scriptures besides. He tooke the Crosse also in his hand, and demanded concerning the Image, whether it were the Image of Christ or no? I said it was. The Nestorians and the Armenians doe neuer make the figure of Christ vpon their Crosses.* 1.55 [ 50] Wherefore either they seeme not to thinke well of his Passion, or else they are ashamed of it. Then hee caused them that stood about vs, to stand aside, that hee might more fully behold our Ornaments. Afterward I deliuered vnto him your Maiesties Letters, with the Translation thereof into the Arabicke and Syriacke Languages. For I caused them to bee translated at Acon, into the Character and Dialect of both the said Tongues. And there were certayne Armenian Priests, which had skill in the Turkish and Arabian Languages. The aforesaid Knight also of the Order of the Temple had knowledge in the Syriake, Turkish, and Arabian Tongues. Then wee departed forth, and put off our Vestments, and there came vnto vs certayne Scribes together with the foresaid Coiat, and caused our Letters to bee interpreted. Which Letters be∣ing heard, hee caused our Bread, Wine and Fruits to bee receiued. And hee permitted vs also to [ 60] carrie our Vestments and Bookes vnto our owne Lodging. This was done vpon the Feast of S. Peter ad vincula.

* 1.56THe next morning betimes came vnto vs a certayne Priest, who was brother vnto Coiat, requesting to haue our boxe of Chrisme, because Sartach (as he said) was desirous to see it: and so we gaue it him. About Euenty de Coiat sent for vs, saying: My Lord your King wrote good words vnto my Lord and Master Sartach. Howbeit there are certayne matters of difficultie in them, concerning which he dare not determine ought, without the aduice and counsell of his Father. And therefore of necessitie you must depart vnto his Father, leauing behind you the two Carts, which you brought hither yesterday with Vestments and Bookes, in my custodie: be∣cause my Lord is desirous to take more diligent view thereof. I presently suspecting what mis∣chiefe might ensue by his couetousnesse, said vnto him: Sir, we will not onely leaue those with you, but the two other Carts also, which we haue in our possession, will wee commit vnto your custodie. You shall not (quoth he) leaue those behind you, but for the other two Carts first na∣med, [ 10] wee will satisfie your request. I said that this could not conueniently bee done: but needs we must leaue all with him. Then he asked, whether we meant to tarrie in the Land▪ I answe∣red: If you throughly vnderstand the Letters of my Lord the King▪ you know that we are euen so determined. Then he replyed, that we ought to bee patient and lowly: and so wee departed from him that Euening. On the morrow after he sent a Nestorian Priest for the Carts, and wee caused all the foure Carts to be deliuered. Then came the foresaid brother of Coiat to meet vs, and separated all those things, which we had brought the day before vnto the Court, from the rest, namely, the Bookes and Vestments, and tooke them away with him. Howbeit Coiat had commanded, that we should carrie those Vestments with vs, which we wore in the presence of [ 20] Sartach, that we might put them on before Baatu, if need should require: but the said Priest tooke them from vs by violence, saying: thou hast brought them vnto Sartach, and wouldest thou carrie them vnto Baatu? And when I would haue rendred a reason, hee answered: bee not too talkatiue, but goe your wayes. Then I saw that there was no remedie but patience: for wee could haue no accesse vnto Sartach himselfe, neither was there any other, that would doe vs Iustice. I was afraid also in regard of the Interpreter, least he had spoken other things then I said vnto him: for his will was good, that wee should haue giuen away all that we had. There was yet one comfort remayning vnto mee: for when I once perceiued their couetous intent, I conueyed from among our Bookes the Bible, and the Sentences, and certayne other Bookes which I made speciall account of. Howbeit, I durst not take away the Psalter of my Souereigne [ 30] Ladie the Queene, because it was too well knowne, by reason of the Golden Pictures therein. And so we returned with the two other Carts vnto our Lodging. Then came hee that was ap∣pointed to be our Guide vnto the Court of Baatu, willing vs to take our Iourney in all poste∣haste: vnto whom I said, that I would in no case haue the Carts to goe with me. Which thing he declared vnto Coiat. Then Coiat commanded, that wee should leaue them and our Seruant with him: And we did as he commandeed. And so trauelling directly East-ward towards Baa∣tu,* 1.57 the third day we came to Etilia or Volga: the streames whereof when I beheld, I wondred from what Regions of the North such huge and mightie waters should descend. Before we were departed from Sartach, the foresaid Coiat, with many other Scribes of the Court said vnto vs: doe not make report that our Lord is a Christian, but a Moal. Because the name of a Christian [ 40] seemeth vnto them to be the name of some Nation.* 1.58 So great is their pride, that albeit they be∣leeue perhaps some things concerning Christ, yet will they not be called Christians, being desi∣rous that their owne name, that is to say, Moal should be exalted aboue all other names. Nei∣ther will they be called by the name of Tartars. For the Tartars were another Nation, as I was informed by them.

* 1.59AT the same time when the Frenchmen tooke Antioch, a certayne man named Con Can, had Dominion ouer the Northerne Regions, lying thereabouts. Con is a proper name: Can is a name of authoritie or dignitie, which signifieth a Diuiner or Sooth-sayer. All Diuiners are called Can amongst them. Whereupon their Princes are called Can, because that vnto them be∣longeth [ 50] the gouernment of the people by Diuination. We doe read also in the Historie of An∣tiochia, that the Turkes sent for ayde against the Frenchmen, vnto the Kingdome of Con Can. For out of those parts the whole Nation of the Turkes first came. The said Con was of the Na∣tion of Kara-Catay. Kara signifieth blacke, and Catay is the name of a Countrey. So that Kara-Catay signifieth the blacke Catay. This name was giuen to make a difference betweene the foresaid people, and the people of Catay inhabiting East-ward ouer against the Ocean Sea: concerning whom your Maiestie shall vnderstand more hereafter. These Catayans dwelt vpon certayne Alpes, by the which I trauelled. And in a certaine plaine Countrey within those Alpes, there inhabited a Nestorian shepheard, being a mightie Gouernour ouer the people called Yay∣man, which were Christians, following the Sect of Nestorius. After the death of Con Can, [ 60] the said Nestorian exalted himselfe to the Kingdome, and they called him King Iohn, reporting ten times more of him then was true. For so the Nestorians which come out of those parts, vse to doe. For they blaze abroad great rumours, and reports vpon iust nothing. Whereupon they gaue out concerning Sartach, that he was become a Christian, and the like also they repor∣ted

concerning Mangu Can, and Ken Can: namely, because these Tartars make more account of Christians, then they doe of other people, and yet in very deed, themselues are no Christi∣ans. So likewise there went forth a great report concerning the said King Iohn. Howbeit, when I trauelled along by his Territories, there was no man that knew any thing of him, but onely a few Nestorians. In his Pastures or Territories dwelleth Ken Can,* 1.60 at whose Court Frier Andrew was. And I my selfe passed by it at my returne. This Iohn had a Brother, being a mightie man also, and a Shepheard like himselfe, called Vut, and he inhabited beyond the Alpes of Cara Catay, being distant from his Brother Iohn, the space of three weekes iourney. He was Lord ouer a certaine Village, called Cara Carum, hauing people also for his Subiects, [ 10] named Crit, or Merkit, who were Christians of the Sect of Nestorius. But their Lord abando∣ning the worship of Christ, following after Idols; retaining with him Priests of the said Idols▪ who all of them are Worshippers of Deuils and Sorcerers. Beyond his Pastures, some tenne or fifteene dayes iourney, were the Pastures of Moal, who were a poore and beggerly Nation, without Gouernor, and without Law, except their Sooth-sayings, and their Diuinations,* 1.61 vnto the which detestable studies, all in those parts doe apply their minds. Neere vnto Moal were other poore people, called Tartars. The foresaid King Iohn dyed without Issue Male, and thereupon his Brother Vut was greatly inriched, and caused himselfe to be named Can: and his Droues and Flockes raunged euen vnto the Borders of Moal. About the same time there was one Cyngis, a Blacke-Smith, among the people of Moal.* 1.62 This Cyngis stole as many Cattell from [ 20] Vut Can, as he could possibly get: insomuch, that the Shepheards of Vut complained vnto their Lord. Then prouided he an Armie, and marched vp into the Countrey of Moal, to seeke for the said Cyngis. But Cyngis fled among the Tartars, and hid himselfe amongst them. And Vut hauing taken some spoiles both from Moal, and also from the Tartars, returned home. Then spake Cyngis vnto the Tartars, and vnto the people of Moal, saying: Sirs, because we are disti∣tute of a Gouernor and Captaine, you see how our Neighbours doe oppresse vs. And the Tartars and Moals appointed him to be their Chieftaine. Then hauing secretly gathered together an Armie, hee brake in suddenly vpon Vut, and ouercame him, and Vut fled into Cataya. At the same time was the Daughter of Vut taken, which Cyngis married vnto one of his Sonnes, by whom she conceiued, and brought forth the great Can, which now reigneth, called Mangu-Can. [ 30] Then Cyngis sent the Tartars before him in all places where he came:* 1.63 and thereupon was their name published and spread abroad: for in all places the people would cry out: Lo••, the Tartars come, the Tartars come. Howbeit, through continuall warres, they are now, all of them in a manner, consumed and brought to nought. Whereupon the Moals indeuour what they can, to extinguish the name of the Tartars, that they may exalt their owne name. The Countrey wherein they first inhabited, and where the Court of Cyngis Can as yet remaineth, is called Mancherule. But because Tartaria is the Region, about which they haue obtained their Con∣quests, they esteeme that as their royall and chiefe Citie,* 1.64 and there for the most part doe they elect their great Can.

[ 40] NOw, as concerning Sartach, whether hee beleeues in Christ or no, I know not. This I am sure of, that he will not be called a Christian. Yea,* 1.65 rather he seemeth vnto mee to deride and skoffe at Christians. He lyeth in the way of the Christians, as namely, of the Rus∣sians, the Valachians, the Bulgarians of Bulgaria the lesse, the Soldaianes, the Kerkis, and the Ala∣nians: who all of them passe by him, as they are going to the Court of his Father Baatu, to carrie gifts: whereupon he is more in league with them. Howbeit, if the Saracens come, and bring greater gifts then they, they are dispatched sooner. He hath about him certaine Nesto∣rian Priests, who pray vpon their Beades, and sing their deuotions. Also, there is another vn∣der Baatu, called Berta, who feedeth his Cattell toward Porta Ferr••a, or Derbent, where lyeth the passage of all those Saracens which come out of Persia,* 1.66 and out of Turkie to goe vnto Baa∣tu, [ 50] and passing by, they giue rewards vnto him. And he professeth himselfe to be a Saracen, and will not permit Swines flesh to be eaten in his Dominions. Howbeit, at the time of our returne, Baatu commanded him to remooue himselfe from that place, and to inhabite vpon the East side of Volga: for he was vnwilling that the Saracens Messengers should passe by the said Berta, because he saw it was not for his profit. For the space of foure daies while wee remained in the Court of Sartach, wee had not any victuals at all allowed vs, but once onely a little Cosmos. And in our iourney betweene him and his Father, wee trauelled in great feare. For certaine Russians, Hungarians, and Alanians, being Seruants vnto the Tartars, (of whom they haue great multitudes among them) assemble themselues twentie or thirtie in a compa∣ny, and so secretly in the night conueying themselues from home, they take Bowes and Ar∣rowes [ 60] with them, and whomsoeuer they finde in the night season, they put him to death, hi∣ding themselues in the day time. And hauing tyred their Horses, they goe in the night vnto a company of other Horses feeding in some Pasture, and change them for new, taking with them also one or two Horses besides, to eate them when they stand in neede. Our guide there∣fore was sore afraid, least we should haue met with such companions.

In this Iourney we had dyed for Famine, had wee not carryed some of our Bisket with vs. At length we came vnto the mightie Riuer of E••••lia, or Volga. For it is foure times greater, then the Riuer of Sein, and of a wonderfull depth: and issuing forth of Bulgaria the greater, it run∣neth into a certayne Lake or Sea, which of late they call the Hircan Sea, according to the name of a certaine Citie in Persia, standing vpon the shoare thereof. Howbeit Isidore calleth it the Ca∣spian Sea. For it hath the Caspian Mountaynes and the Land of Persia situate on the South-side thereof: and the Mountaynes of Musi••et, that is to say, of the people called Assassini to∣wards the East, which Mountaynes are conioyned vnto the Caspian Mountaynes: but on the North-side thereof lyeth the same Desart, wherein the Tartars doe now inhabit. Howbeit here∣tofore there dwelt certayne people called Changlae. And on that side it receiueth the streames [ 10] of Etilia,* 1.67 which Riuer increaseth in Summer time, like vnto the Riuer Nilus in Egypt. Vpon the West part thereof, it hath the Mountaynes of Alani, and Lesgi, and Porta ferrea, or Derbent, and the Mountaynes of Georgia. This Sea therefore is compassed in on three sides with the Mountaynes,* 1.68 but on the North-side with plaine ground. Frier Andrew in his Iourney trauelled round about two sides thereof, namely, the South and the East-sides: and I my selfe about other two, that is to say, the North-side in going from Baatu to Mangu-Can, and in returning like∣wise▪ and the West-side in comming home from Baatu into Syria. A man may trauell round a∣bout it in foure moneths. And it is not true which Isidore reporteth, namely, that this Sea is a Bay or Gulfe comming forth of the Ocean: for it doth, in no part thereof, ioyne with the O∣cean, but is enuironed on all sides with Land. [ 20]

AL the Region extending from the West shoare of the foresaid Sea, where Alexanders Iron gate,* 1.69 otherwise called the Citie of Derbent, is situate, and from the Mountaynes of Alania, all along by the Fennes of Maotis, whereinto the Riuer of Tanais falleth, and so forth, to the North Ocean, was wont to be called Albania. Of which Countrey Isidore reporteth, that there bee Dogges of such an huge stature, and so fierce, that they are able in fight to match Buls, and to master Lions. Which is true, as I vnderstand by diuers, who told me, that there towards the North Ocean, they make their Dogges to draw in Carts like Oxen, by reason of their bignesse and strength. Moreouer, vpon that part of Etilia where we arriued, there is a new Cottage built, wherein they haue placed Tartars and Russians both together, to ferrie ouer, and transport Messengers going and comming, to and fro the Court of Baatu. For Baatu remayneth [ 30] vpon the farther side towards the East. Neither ascendeth hee in Summer time more North-ward then the foresaid place where we arriued, but was euen then descending to the South. From Ianuary vntill August, both he and all other Tartars ascend by the banks of Riuers, towards cold and Northerly Regions,* 1.70 and in August they begin to returne backe againe. Wee passed downe the streame therefore in a Barke, from the foresaid Cottage vnto his Court. From the same place vnto the Villages of Bulgaria the greater, standing toward the North, it is fiue dayes Iourney. I wonder what Deuill carried the Religion of Mahomet thither. For, from Derbent, which is vpon the extreme borders of Persia, it is aboue thirtie dayes Iourney to passe ouerthwart the Desart, and so to ascend by the banke of Etilia, into the foresaid Countrey of Bulgaria. All [ 40] which way there is no Citie,* 1.71 but onely certayne Cottages neere vnto that place where Etilia fal∣leth into the Sea. Those Bulgarians are most wicked Saracens, more earnestly professing the dam∣nable Religion of Mahomet,* 1.72 then any other Nation whatsoeuer. Moreouer, when I first beheld the Court of Baatu, I was astonied at the sight thereof: for his Houses or Tents seemed as though they had beene some huge and mightie Citie, stretching out a great way in length, the people ranging vp and downe about it for the space of some three or foure leagues. And euen as the peo∣ple of Israel knew euery man, on which side of the Tabernacle to pitch his Tent: euen so euery one of them knoweth right well, towards what side of the Court hee ought to place his house when he takes it from off the Cart.* 1.73 Whereupon the Court is called in their Language Horda, which signifieth, the midst: because the Gouernour or Chieftaine among them dwels alwayes [ 50] in the middest of his people: except onely that directly towards the South no subiect or inferi∣our person placeth himselfe, because towards that Region the Court gates are set open: but vn∣to the right hand, and the left hand they extend themselues as farre as they will, according to the conueniencie of places, so that they place not their houses directly opposite against the Court. At our arriuall wee were conducted vnto a Saracen, who prouided not for vs any victuals at all. The day following, we were brought vnto the Court: and Baatu had caused a large Tent to bee erected, because his house or ordinary Tent could not contayne so many men and women as were assembled. Our Guide admonished vs not to speake, till Baatu had giuen vs commandement so to doe, and that then we should speake our minds briefly. Then Baatu demanded whether your Maiestie had sent Ambassadors vnto him or no? I answered, that your Maiestie had sent Messen∣gers [ 60] to Ken-Can: and that you would not haue sent Messengers vnto him, or Letters vnto Sar∣tach, had not your Highnesse beene perswaded that they were become Christians: because you sent not vnto them for any feare, but onely for congratulation, and courtesies sake, in regard that you heard they were conuerted to Christianitie. Then led he vs vnto his Pauilion: and we were

charged not to touch the cords of the Tent, which they account in stead of the threshold of the house. There we stood in our habit bare-footed, and bare-headed, and were a great and strange spectacle in their eyes. For indeed Frier Iohn de Plano Carpini,* 1.74 had beene there before my com∣ming: howbeit, because he was the Popes Messenger, he changed his habit that hee might not be contemned. Then wee were brought into the very midst of the Tent, neither required they of vs to doe any reuerence by bowing our knees, as they vse to doe of other Messengers. Wee stood therefore before him for the space wherein a man might haue rehearsed the Psalme, Mise∣rere mei Deus: and there was great silence kept of all men. Baatu himselfe sate vpon a seat long and broad like vnto a Bed, gilt all ouer, with three staires to ascend thereunto, and one of his [ 10] Ladies sate beside him. The men there assembled, sate downe scattering, some on the right hand of the said Lady, and some on the left. Those places on the one side which the women filled not vp (for there were only the Wiues of Baatu) were supplyed by the men. Also, at the very entrance of the Tent, stood a bench furnished with Cosmos, and with stately great cups of Sil∣uer and Gold, being richly set with Precious Stones. Baatu beheld vs earnestly, and wee him: and he seemed to me to resemble in personage, Monsieur Iohn de Beaumont, whose soule resteth in peace. And he had a fresh ruddie colour in his countenance. At length hee commanded vs to speake. Then our Guide gaue vs direction, that we should bow our knees and speake. Where∣vpon I bowed one knee as vnto a man: then he signified that I should kneele vpon both knees: and I did so, being loth to contend about such circumstances. And againe, hee commanded me to [ 20] speake. Then I thinking of Prayer vnto God, because I kneeled on both my knees, beganne to pray on this wise: Sir, we beseech the Lord, from whom all good things doe proceed, and who hath giuen you these earthly benefits, that it would please him hereafter to make you partaker of his heauenly blessings: because the former without these are but vaine and improfitable. And I added further. Be it knowne vnto you of a certaintie, that you shall not obtayne the ioyes of Heauen, vnlesse you become a Christian: for God saith, Whosoeuer beleeueth and is baptized, shalbe saued: but he that beleeueth not, shalbe condemned. At this word he modestly smiled: but the other Moals began to clap their hands, and to deride vs. And of my silly Interpreter, of whom espe∣cially I should haue receiued comfort in time of need, was himselfe abashed and vtterly dasht out of countenance. Then, after silence made, I said vnto him, I came vnto your Sonne, because we [ 30] heard that he was become a Christian: and I brought vnto him Letters on the behalfe of my Souereigne Lord the King of France: and your Sonne sent me hither vnto you. The cause of my comming therefore is best knowne vnto your selfe. Then he caused me to rise vp.* 1.75 And he en∣quired your Maiesties Name, and my name, and the name of mine Associate and Interpreter, and caused them all to be put downe in writing. He demanded likewise (because hee had beene informed, that you were departed out of your owne Countries with an Armie) against whom you waged warre? I answered: against the Saracens, who had defiled the House of God at Ie∣rusalem. He asked also, whether your Highnesse had euer before that time sent any Messengers vnto him, or no? To you Sir? (said I) neuer. Then caused he vs to sit downe, and gaue vs of his Milke to drinke, which they account to be a great fauour, especially when any man is admitted [ 40] to drinke Cosmos with him in his owne house. And as I sate looking downe vpon the ground, he commanded me to lift vp my countenance, being desirous as yet to take more diligent view of vs, or else perhaps for a kind of Superstitious obseruation. For they▪ esteeme it a signe of ill lucke, or a prognostication of euill vnto them, when any man sits in their presence, holding downe his head, as if he were sad: especially, when hee leanes his cheeke or chin vpon his hand. Then we departed forth, and immediately after came our Guide vnto vs, and conducting vs vnto our Lodging, said vnto mee: Your Master the King requesteth that you may remayne in this Land, which request Baatu cannot satisfie without the knowledge and consent of Mangu-Can. Wherefore you, and your Interpreter must of necessitie goe vnto Mangu-Can. Howbeit your as∣sociate, and the other man shall returne vnto the Court of Sartach, staying there for you, till you [ 50] come backe. Then began the man of God mine Interpreter to lament, esteeming himselfe but a dead man. Mine Associate also protested, that they should sooner chop off his head, then with∣draw him out of my company. Moreouer, I my selfe said, that without mine Associate I could not goe: and that we stood in need of two Seruants at the least, to attend vpon vs, because, if one should chance to fall sick, we could not be without another. Then returning vnto the Court, he told these Sayings vnto Baatu. And Baatu commanded, saying: let the two Priests and the Interpreter goe together, but let the Clerke returne vnto Sartach. And comming againe vnto vs, hee told vs euen so. And when I would haue spoken for the Clerke to haue had him with vs, he said: No more words: for Baatu hath resolued, that so it shall bee, and therefore I dare not goe vnto the Court any more. Goset the Clerke had remayning of the Almes money be∣stowed [ 60] vpon him, twentie sixe Yperperas, and no more; ten whereof he kept for himselfe and for the Lad, and sixteene hee gaue vnto the man of God for vs. And thus were we parted asunder with teares: he returning vnto the Court of Sartach, and our selues remayning still in the same place.

* 1.76VPon Assumption Euen our Clerke arriued at the Court of Sartach. And on the morrow af∣ter, the Nestorian Priests were adorned with our Vestments in the presence of the said Sartach. Then wee our selues were conducted vnto another Host, who was appointed to pro∣uide vs house-roome, victuals, and Horses. But because wee had not ought to bestow vpon him, hee did all things vntowardly for vs. Then wee rode on forward with Baatu, des∣cending along by the bancke of Etilia, for the space of fiue weekes together: Some∣times mine Associate was so extreamly hungry,* 1.77 that hee would tell mee in a manner wee∣ping, that it fared with him as though hee had neuer eaten any thing in all his life before. There is a Faire or Market following the Court of Baatu at all times: but it was so farre di∣stant from vs, that wee could not haue recourse thereunto. For wee were constrained to walke on foote for want of Horses. At length certaine Hungarians (who had sometime beene [ 10] after a sort Clergie men) found vs out:* 1.78 and one of them could as yet sing many Songs without booke, and was accounted of other Hungarians as a Priest, and was sent for vnto the Funerals of his deceased Countrey-men. There was another of them also pretily well instructed in his Grammar: for he could vnderstand the meaning of any thing that we spake, but could not an∣swere vs. These Hungarians were a great comfort vnto vs, bringing vs Cosmos to drinke, yea, and sometimes flesh for to eate also: who, when they requested to haue some Bookes of vs, and I had not any to giue them (for indeed we had none but onely a Bible, and a Breuiary) it grie∣ued me exceedingly. And I said vnto them: Bring me some Inke and Paper, and I will write for you so long as we shall remaine here: and they did so. And I copied out for them Horas bea∣tae Virginis,* 1.79 and Officium defunctorum. Moreouer, vpon a certaine day, there was a Comanian [ 20] that accompanied vs, saluting vs in Latine, and saying: Saluete Domini. Wondering thereat, and saluting him againe, I demanded of him, who had taught him that kind of salutation? He said, that he was baptized in Hungaria by our Friers, and that of them he learned it. Hee said moreouer, that Baatu had enquired many things of him concerning vs, and that he told him the estate of our Order. Afterward I saw Baatu riding with his company, and all his Subiects that were housholders or Masters of families riding with him, and (in mine estimation) they were not fiue hundred persons in all. At length about the end of Holy-rood, there came a certaine rich Moal vnto vs (whose Father was a Millenary, which is a great Office among them) say∣ing,* 1.80 I am the man that must conduct you vnto Mangu-Can, and we haue thither a iourney of [ 30] foure moneths long to trauell, and there is such extreame cold in those parts, that stones and trees doe euen riue asunder in regard thereof. Therefore I would wish you throughly to aduise your selues, whether you be able to indure it or no. Vnto whom I answered: I hope by Gods helpe, that we shall be able to brooke that which other men can indure. Then hee said: if you cannot indure it, I will forsake you by the way. And I answered him: it were not iust dealing for you so to do, for we go not thither vpon any businesse of our owne, but by reason that we are sent by our Lord. Wherefore, sithence we are committed vnto your charge, you ought in no wise to forsake vs. Then he said; all shall be well. Afterward he caused vs to shew him all our garments: and whatsoeuer he deemed to bee lesse needfull for vs, he willed vs to leaue it behind in the custodie of our Host. On the morrow they brought vnto each of vs a furred Gowne, made all of Rams skinnes, with the Wooll still vpon them, and breeches of the same, and boots [ 40] also or buskins according to their fashion, and shooes made of felt, and hoods also made of skins after their manner. The second day after Holy-rood, we began to set forward on our iourney, hauing three guides to direct vs:* 1.81 and we rode continually East-ward, till the feast of All-Saints. Throughout all that Region, and beyond also did the people of Changle inhabite, who were by parentage discended from the Romans.* 1.82 Vpon the North side of vs wee had Bulgaria the greater, and on the South, the foresaid Caspian Sea.

HAuing trauelled twelue daies iourney from Etilia, we found a mightie Riuer called Iagac: which Riuer issuing out of the North,* 1.83 from the land of Pascatir, descended into the fore∣said Sea. The language of Pascatir, and of the Hungarians is all one, and they are all of them [ 50] Shepheards, not hauing any Cities. And their Countrey bordereth vpon Bulgaria the greater, on the West frontier. From the North-East part of the said Countrey, there is no Citie at all. Out of the said fore-named Region of Pascatir, proceeded the Hunnes of old time, who after∣ward were called Hungarians. Next vnto it is Bulgaria the greater. Isidore reporteth, concer∣ning the people of this Nation, that with swift Horses they trauersed the impregnable walls and bounds of Alexander, (which, together with the Rockes of Caucasus, serued to restraine those barbarous and blood-thirstie people from inuading the Regions of the South) insomuch that they had tribute paid vnto them, as farre as Aegypt. Likewise they wasted all Countries euen vnto France. Whereupon they were more mightie then the Tartars as yet are. And vnto [ 60] them the Blacians, the Bulgarians, and the Vandals ioyned themselues. For out of Bulgaria the greater, came those Bulgarians. Moreouer, they which inhabite beyond Danubius, neere vnto Constantinople,* 1.84 and not farre from Pascatir, are called Ilac, which (sauing the pronunciation) is all one with Blac, (for the Tartars cannot pronounce the Letter B) from whom also discended

the people which inhabite the Land of Assani. For they are both of them called Ilac, (both these and the other) in the languages of the Russians, the Polonians, and the Bohemians. The Sclauonians speake all one language with the Vandals, all which banded themselues with the Hunnes: and now for the most part, they vnite themselues vnto the Tartars: whom God hath raised vp frō the vtmost parts of the earth, according to that which the Lord saith:* 1.85 I will prouoke them to enuy (namely such as keepe not his Law) by a people, which is no people, and by a foolish Na∣tion will I anger them. This prophecy is fulfilled, according to the literall sense thereof, vpon all Nation•• which obserue not the Law of God. All this which I haue written concerning the Land of Pascatir, was told me by certaine Friers Pradicants, which trauelled thither before e∣uer [ 10] the Tartars came abroad. And from that time they were subdued vnto their neighbours the Bulgarians being Saracens, whereupon many of them proued Saracens also. Other matters con∣cerning this people, may be knowne out of Chronicles. For it is manifest, that those Prouinces beyond Constantinople, which are now called Bulgaria, Valachia, and Sclauonia, were of old time Prouinces belonging to the Greekes. Also Hungaria was heretofore called Pannonia. And wee were riding ouer the Land of Cangle, from the feast of Holy-rood, vntill the feast of All-Saints:* 1.86 trauelling almost euery day (according to mine estimation) as farre, as from Paris to Orleans, and somtimes farther, as we were prouided of Post-horses: for some daies we had change of hor∣ses twice or thrice in a day. Sometimes we trauelled two or three daies together, not finding any people, and then we were constrained not to ride so fast. Of twentie or thirtie Horses we [ 20] had alwaies the worst, because we were Strangers. For euery one tooke their choice of the best Horses before vs. They prouided me alwaies of a strong Horse, because I was very corpulent and heauy: but whether he ambled a gentle pase or no, I durst not make any question. Neither yet durst I complaine, although he trotted full sore. But euery man must bee contented with his lot as it fell. Whereupon we were exceedingly troubled; for oftentimes our Horses were tyred before we could come at any people. And then we were constrained to beate and whip on our Horses, and to lay our Garments vpon other emptie Horses: yea, and sometimes two of vs to ride vpon one Horse.

OF hunger and thirst, cold and wearinesse, there was no end. For they gaue vs no victuals, [ 30] but onely in the euening. In the morning they vsed to giue vs a little drinke,* 1.87 or some sod∣den Millet to sup off. In the euening they bestowed flesh vpon vs, as namely, a shoulder and breast of R••ms Mutton, and euery man a measured quantitie of broath to drinke. When wee had sufficient of the flesh-broath, we were maruellously well refreshed. And it seemed to mee most pleasant, and most nourishing drinke. Euery Saturday I remained fasting vntill night, without eating or drinking of ought. And when night came, I was constrained, to my great griefe and sorrow, to eate flesh. Sometimes we were faine to eate flesh halfe sodden, or almost raw, and all for want of Fewell to seethe it withall; especially, when we lay in the fields, or were benighted before we came at our iourneys end: because we could not then conueniently gather together the dung of Horses or Oxen: for other fewell we found but seldome, except [ 40] perhaps a few thornes in some places. Likewise vpon the banckes of some Riuers, there are woods growing here and there. Howbeit they are very rare. In the beginning our guide high∣ly disdained vs, and it was tedious vnto him to conduct such base fellowes. Afterward,* 1.88 when he began to know vs somewhat better, he directed vs on our way by the Courts of rich Moals, and we were requested to pray for them. Wherefore, had I carried a good Interpreter with me, I should haue had opportunitie to haue done much good. The foresaid Chingis, who was the first great Can or Emperour of the Tartars, had foure Sonnes, of whom proceeded by naturall dis∣cent many children, euery one of which doeth at this day enioy great possessions: and they are daily multiplyed and dispersed ouer that huge and vast Desart, which is in dimensions, like vnto the Ocean Sea. Our guide therefore directed vs, as we were going on our iourney, vnto [ 50] many of their habitations. And they maruelled exceedingly, that wee would receiue neither Gold nor Siluer, nor precious and costly garments at their hands. They inquired also, concer∣ning the great Pope, whether he was of so lasting an age as they had heard? For there had gone a report among them, that hee was fiue hundred yeares old. They inquired likewise of our Countries, whether there were abundance of Sheepe, Oxen, and Horses, or no? Concerning the Ocean Sea, they could not conceiue of it, because it was without limits or bankes. Vpon the Euen of the feast of All-Saints, wee forsooke the way leading towards the East,* 1.89 (because the people were now descended very much South) and wee went on our iourney by certaine Alpes, or Mountaines directly South-ward, for the space of eight daies together. In the fore∣said Desart I saw many As••es (which they call Colan) being rather like vnto Mules: these did [ 60] our guide and his companions chase very eagerly: howbeit, they did but lose their labour, for the beasts were two swift for them. Vpon the seuenth day there appeared to the South of vs huge high Mountaynes, and we entred into a place which was well watered, and fresh as a Gar∣den, and found Land tilled and manured. The eight day, after the feast of All-Saints, wee arri∣ued at a certaine Towne of the Saracens, named Kenchat, the Gouernour whereof met our Guide

at the Townes end with Ale and Cups. For it is their manner at all Townes and Villages, sub∣iect vnto them, to meete the messengers of Baatu and Mangu-Can with meate and drinke. At the same time of the yeere, they went vpon the Ice in that Countrey. And before the feast of Saint Michael,* 1.90 we had frost in the Desart. I enquired the name of that Prouince: but being now in a strange Territorie, they could not tell mee the name thereof, but onely the name of a very small Citie in the same Prouince. And there descended a great Riuer downe from the Moun∣taynes, which watered the whole Region, acccording as the Inhabitants would giue it passage, by making diuers Chanels and Sluces: neither did this Riuer exonerate it selfe into any Sea, but was swallowed vp by an hideous Gulfe into the bowels of the earth, and it caused many Fennes or Lakes.* 1.91 Also I saw many Vines, and dranke of the Wine thereof.

[ 10]

* 1.92THe day following, we came vnto another Cottage neere vnto the Mountaynes. And I en∣quired what Mountaynes they were, which I vnderstood to bee the Mountaines of Cauca∣sus, which are stretched forth, and continued on both parts to the Sea, from the West vnto the East: and on the West part they are conioyned vnto the foresaid Caspian Sea, where into the Riuer of Volga dischargeth his streames. I enquired also of the Citie of Talas, wherein were certaine Dutch men, seruants vnto one Buri, of whom Frier Andrew made mention. Concer∣ning whom also I enquired very diligently in the Courts of Sartach and Baatu. Howbeit I could haue no intelligence of them, but onely that their Lord and Master Ban was put to death vpon the occasion following: This Ban was not placed in good and fertile Pastures. And vpon a cer∣taine day being drunken, hee spake on this wise vnto his men. Am not I of the stocke and kin∣dred [ 20] of Chingis Can, as well as Baatu? (for in very deede he was brother or Nephew vnto Baa∣tu.) Why then doe I not passe and repasse vpon the banke of Etilia, to feede my Cattell there, as freely as Baatu himselfe doth? Which speeches of his were reported vnto Baatu. Whereup∣on Baatu wrote vnto his seruants to bring their Lord bound vnto him. And they did so. Then Baatu demanded of him whether he had spoken any such words? And he confessed that he had. Howbeit (because it is the Tartars manner to pardon drunken men) he excused himselfe that he was drunken at the same time. How durst thou (quoth Baatu) once name mee in thy drunken∣nesse? And with that hee caused his head to be chopt off. Concerning the foresaid Dutch men, I could not vnderstand ought, till I was come vnto the Court of Mangu-Can. And there I was [ 30] informed that Mangu-Can had remoued them out of the iurisdiction of Baatu, for the space of a moneths iourney from Talas Eastward, vnto a certaine Village, called Bolac: where they are set to dig gold,* 1.93 and to make armour. Whereupon I could neither goe nor come by them. I passed very neere the said Citie in going forth, as namely, within three daies iourney thereof: but I was ignorant that I did so: neither could I haue turned out of my way, albeit I had knowne so much. From the foresaid Cottage we went directly Eastward, by the Mountaines aforesaid. And from that time we trauailed among the people of Mangu-Can, who in all places sang and danced before our Guide, because he was the messenger of Baatu. For this curtesie they doe af∣ford each to other: namely, the people of Mangu-Can receiuing the messengers of Baatu in manner aforesaid:* 1.94 and so likewise the people of Baatu entertaining the messengers of Mangu-Can. [ 40] Notwithstanding, the people of Baatu are more surly and stout, and shew not so much curtesie vnto the subiects of Mangu-Can, as they doe vnto them. A few daies after we entered vpon those Alpes where the Cara Catayans were wont to inhabit. And there we found a migh∣tie Riuer: insomuch that we were constrained to imbarke our selues, and to saile ouer it. After∣ward we came into a certaine Valley, where I saw a Castle destroyed, the walls whereof were onely of mudde: and in that place the ground was tilled also. And there wee found a certaine Village, named Equius, wherein were Saracens, speaking the Persian language: howbeit they dwelt an huge distance from Persia. The day following, hauing passed ouer the foresaid Alpes, which descended from the great Mountaynes Southward, wee entred into a most beautifull Plaine, hauing high Mountaynes on our right hand, and on the left hand of vs a certaine Sea or [ 50] Lake,* 1.95 which containeth fifteene daies iourney in circuit. All the foresaid Plaine is most com∣modiously watered with certaine Freshets, distilling from the said Mountaynes, all which doe fall into the Lake. In Summer time we returned by the North shoare of the said Lake, and there were great Mountaines on that side also. Vpon the fore-named Plaine there were wont to bee great store of Villages: but for the most part they were all wasted, in regard of the fertile Pa∣stures, that the Tartars might feede their Cattell there. We found one great Citie there, named Coila••, wherein was a Mart, and great store of Merchants frequenting it. In this Citie wee re∣mained fifteene daies,* 1.96 staying for a certaine Scribe or Secretarie of Baatu, who ought to haue accompanied our Guide for the dispatching of certaine affaires in the Court of Mangu. All this Countrey was wont to bee called Organum: and the people thereof had their proper language, [ 60] and their peculiar kind of writing. But it was altogether inhabited of the people, called Conto∣manni.* 1.97 The Nestorians likewise in those parts vse the very same kind of language and writing. They are called Organa, because they were wont to bee most skilfull in playing vpon the Or∣gans or Citherne, as it was reported vnto mee. Here first did I see worshippers of Idols, con∣cerning

whom, bee it knowne vnto your Maiestie, that there bee many sects of them in the East Countries.

THe first sort of these Idolaters are called Iugures: whose Land bordereth vpon the foresaid Land of Organum, within the said Mountaines Eastward:* 1.98 and in all their Cities Nestorians doe inhabit together, and they are dispersed likewise towards Persia, in the Cities of the Sara∣cens. The Citizens of the foresaid Citie of Cailac had three Idol-temples; and I entred into two of them, to behold their foolish superstitions. In the first of which, I found a man hauing a Crosse painted with Inke vpon his hand, whereupon I supposed him to be a Christian: for he an∣swered like a Christian vnto all questions which I demanded of him. And I asked him, Why [ 10] therefore haue you not the Crosse with the Image of Iesu Christ thereupon? And he answered, We haue no such custome. Whereupon I coniectured that they were indeed Christians: but, that for lacke of instruction they omitted the foresaid ceremonie. For I saw there behind a certaine Chest (which was vnto them in stead of an Altar, whereupon they set Candles and Oblation••) an Image hauing wings, like vnto the Image of Saint Michael, and other Images also, holding their fingers, as if they would blesse some body. That euening I could not find any thing else. For the Saracens doe onely inuite men thither, but they will not haue them speake of their Re∣ligion. And therefore, when I enquired of the Saracens concerning such Ceremonies, they were offended thereat. On the morrow after were the Kalends, and the Saracens feast of Passeo∣uer. [ 20] And changing mine Inne or lodging the same day, I tooke vp mine aboade neere vnto ano∣ther Idol-Temple. For the Citizens of the said Citie of Cailac doe curteously inuite, and lo∣uingly entertaine all messengers, euery man of them according to his abilitie and portion. And entring into the foresaid Idol-temple, I found the Priests of the said Idols there. For alwaies at the Kalends they set open their Temples, and the Priests adorne themselues, and offer vp the peoples Oblations of Bread and Fruits. First therefore, I will describe vnto you those rites and ceremonies which are common vnto all their Idol-temples: and then the superstitions of the foresaid Iugures, which be, as it were, a sect distinguished from the rest. They doe all of them worship towards the North, clapping their hands together, and prostrating themselues on their knees vpon the earth, holding also their foreheads in their hands. Whereupon the Nestorians of those parts will in no case ioyne their hands together in time of prayer: but they pray display∣ing [ 30] their hands before their breasts. They extend their Temples in length East and West; and vpon the North side they build a Chamber, in manner of a Vestrie, for them selues to goe forth into. Or sometimes it is otherwise. If it be a foure square Temple, in the midst of the Temple towards the North side thereof, they take in one Chamber in that place where the Quire should stand. And within the said Chamber, they place a Chest long and broade like vnto a Table, and behind the said Chest towards the South, stands their principall Idoll: which I saw at Caraca∣rum, and it was as big as the Idoll of Saint Christopher. Also a certaine Nestorian Priest,* 1.99 which had beene in Catay, said that in that Countrey there is an Idoll of so huge a bignesse, that it may be seene two daies iourney before a man come at it. And so they place other Idols round about [ 40] the foresaid principall Idoll, being all of them finely gilt ouer with pure gold: and vpon the said Chest, which is in manner of a Table, they set Candles and Oblations. The doores of their Tem∣ples are alwaies open towards the South, contrary to the customes of the Saracens. They haue also great Bels like vnto vs. And that is the cause (as I thinke) why the Christians of the East will in no case vse great Bells. Notwithstanding, they are common among the Russians, and Graeci∣ans of Gasaria.

ALl their Priests had their heads and beards shauen quite ouer:* 1.100 and they are clad in Saffron coloured garments: and being once shauen, they leade an vnmarried life from that time forward: and they liue an hundred or two hundred of them together in one Cloister or Couent. [ 50] Vpon those daies when they enter into their Temples, they place two long Formes therein: and so sitting vpon the said Formes like Singing-men in a Quire, namely, the one halfe of them directly ouer against the other, they haue certaine bookes in their hands, which sometimes they lay downe by them vpon the Formes: and their heads are bare so long as they remaine in the Temple. And there they reade softly vnto themselues, not vttering any voice at all. Whereup∣on comming in amongst them, at the time of their superstitious deuotions, and finding them all sitting mute, in manner aforesaid, I attempted diuers waies to prouoke them vnto speech, and yet could not by any meanes possible. They haue with them also whithersoeuer they goe, a cer∣taine string, with an hundred or two hundred Nut-shels thereupon, much like to our bead-roll which wee carrie about with vs. And they doe alwaies vtter these words: Ou mam Hactani; [ 60] God thou knowest: as one of them expounded it vnto me. And so often doe they expect a re∣ward at Gods hands, as they pronounce these words in remembrance of God. Round about their Temple they doe alwaies make a faire Court, like vnto a Church-yard, which they enuiron with a good wall: and vpon the South part thereof, they build a great Portall, wherein they sit and conferre together. And vpon the top of the said Portall, they pitch a long Pole right vp, exal∣ting

it, if they can, aboue all the whole Towne besides. And by the same Pole all men may know that there stands the Temple of their Idols. These rites and ceremonies aforesaid, be common vnto all Idolaters in those parts. Going vpon a time towards the foresaid Idoll-temple, I found certaine Priests sitting in the outward Portall. And those which I saw, seemed vnto mee, by their shauen beards, as if they had beene French men. They wore certaine ornaments vpon their heads, made of Paper. The Priests of the foresaid Iugures doe vse such attire whithersoeuer they goe. They are alwaies in their Saffron coloured Iackets, which bee very straight, being laced or buttened from the bosome right downe, after the French fashion▪ and they haue a Cloake vpon their left shoulder, descending before and behind vnder their right arme, like vnto a Deacon car∣rying the houssel-box in time of Lent. Their letters or kind of writing the Tartars did receiue. [ 10] They begin to write at the top of their paper,* 1.101 drawing their lines right downe: and so they reade and multiply their lines from the left hand to the right. They doe vse certaine papers and characters in their Magicall practices. Whereupon their Temples are full of such short scrolls hanged round about them. Also Mangu-Can hath sent letters vnto your Maiestie, written in the language of the Moals or Tartars, and in the foresaid hand or letter of the Iugures. They burne their dead according to the ancient custome, and lay vp the ashes in the top of a Pyramis. Now, after I had sate a while by the foresaid Priests, and entred into their Temple, and seene many of their Images, both great and small, I demanded of them what they beleeued concerning God? And they answered: Wee beleeue that the••e is onely one God. And I demanded farther: Whether doe you beleeue that he is a Spirit, or some bodily substance? They said: Wee beleeue that hee is a [ 20] Spirit. Then said I: Doe you beleeue that God euer tooke mans nature vpon him: Then they answered; No. And againe I said: Sithence yee beleeue that hee is a Spirit, to what end doe you make so many bodily Images to represent him: Sithence also you beleeue not that hee was made man: why doe you resemble him rather vnto the Image of a man then of any other crea∣ture? Then they answered, saying: we frame not those Images whereby to represent God. But when any rich man amongst vs, or his sonne, or his wife, or any of his friends deceaseth, he cau∣seth the Image of the dead partie to be made, and to be placed here: and we in remembrance of him doe reuerence thereunto. Then I replyed. You doe these things onely for the friendship and flatterie of men. No (said they) but for their memorie. Then they demanded of mee, as it were in scoffing wise: Where is God? To whom I answered: Where is your soule? they said, In [ 30] our bodies. Then said I, Is it not in euery part of your bodie, ruling and guiding the whole bo∣die, and yet notwithstanding is not seene or perceiued? Euen so God is euery where, and ruleth all things, and yet is he inuisible, being vnderstanding and wisedome it selfe. Then being desi∣rous to haue had some more conference with them, by reason that mine Interpreter was wearie, and not able to expresse my meaning, I was constrained to keepe silence. The Moals or Tartars are in this regard of their sect: namely, they beleeue that there is but one God: howbeit, they make Images of felt, in remembrance of their deceased friends, couering them with fiue most rich and costly garments, and putting them into one or two Carts, which Carts no man dare once touch: and they are in the custodie of their Sooth-sayers, who are their Priests, concerning whom, I will giue your Highnesse more at large to vnderstand hereafter. These Sooth-sayers or [ 40] Diuiners, doe alwaies attend vpon the Court of Mangu, and of other great personages. As for the poorer or meaner sort, they haue them not, but such onely as are of the stocke and kindred of Chingis. And when they are to remoue or to take any iourney, the said Diuiners goe before them, euen as the cloudie Pillar went before the Children of Israel. And they appoint ground where the Tents must be pitched, and first of all they take downe their owne houses: and after them the whole Court doth the like. Also vpon their festiuall daies or Kalends, they take forth the foresaid Images, and place them in order, round or circle wise within the house. Then come the Moals or Tartars, and enter into the same house, bowing themselues before the said Images and worship them. Moreouer, it is not lawfull for any stranger to enter into that house. For vpon a certaine time I my selfe would haue gone in, but I was chidden full well for my labour. [ 50]

BVt the foresaid Iugures (who liue among the Christians and Saracens) by their sundry dispu∣tations,* 1.102 as I suppose, haue beene brought vnto this, to beleeue that there is but one onely God. And they dwelt in certaine Cities, which afterward were brought in subiection vnto Chingis Can: whereupon hee gaue his daughter in marriage vnto their King. Also the Citie of Cara••arum it selfe, is in a manner within their Territorie, and the whole Country of King or Presbyter Iohn, and of his brother Vut, lyeth neere vnto their Dominions: sauing that they in∣habit in certaine Pastures Northward, and the said Iugures betweene the Mountaynes towards the South. Whereupon it came to passe, that the Moals receiued letters from them. And they are the Tartars principall Scribes; and all the Nestorians almost can skill of their Letters. Next [ 60] vnto them, betweene the foresaid Mountaynes Eastward, inhabiteth the Nation of Tangut, who are a most valiant people, and tooke Chingis in battell. But after the conclusion of a league, he was set at libertie by them, and afterward subdued them. These people of Tangut haue Ox∣en of great strength,* 1.103 with tailes like vnto Horses, and with long shag haire vpon their backs

and bellies. They haue legs greater then other Oxen haue, and they are exceeding fier••e. These Oxen draw the great houses of the Moals: and their hornes are slender, long, streight, and most sharpe pointed: insomuch that their owners are faine to cut off the ends of them. A Cow will not suffer her selfe to be coupled vnto one of them, vnlesse they whistle or sing vnto her. They haue also the qualities of a Buffe: for if they see a man cloathed in red, they runne vpon him immediately to kill him. Next vnto them are the people of Tebet,* 1.104 men which were wont to eate the carkasses of their deceased parents: that for pities sake, they might make no other Se∣pulchre for them, then their owne bowels. Howbeit of late they haue left off this custome, be∣cause that thereby they became abominable and odious vnto all other Nations. Notwithstan∣ding, [ 10] vnto this day they make fine Cups of the Skulls of their parents, to the end, that when they drinke out of them▪ they may amidst all their iollities and delights, call their dead parents to remembrance. This was told mee by one that saw it.* 1.105 The said people of Tebet haue great plentie of gold in their Land. Whosoeuer therefore wanteth gold, diggeth til he hath found some quantitie, and then taking so much thereof as will serue his turne, hee layeth vp the residue within the earth: because, if he should put it into his Chest or Store-house, he is of opinion that God would withhold from him all other gold within the earth. I saw some of those people, being very deformed creatures. In Tangut I saw lusty tall men, but browne and swart in colour.* 1.106 The Iugures are of a middle stature, like vnto our French men. Among the Iugures is the originall and roote of the Turkish, and Comanian Languages. Next vnto Tebet are the people of Langa [ 20] and Solanga, whose messengers I saw in the Tartars Cour••. And they had brought more then ten great Carts with them, euery one of which was drawne with six Oxen. They bee little browne men like vnto Spaniards. Also they haue Iackets, like vnto the vpper Vestment of a Deacon, sauing that the sleeues are somewhat streighter. And they haue Miters vpon their heads like Bishops. But the fore-part of their Miter is not so hollow within as the hinder part: neither is it sharpe pointed or cornered at the top: but there hang downe certaine square flaps compa∣cted of a kind of Straw, which is made rough and rugged with extreame heate, and is so trim∣med, that it glittereth in the Sunne-beames, like vnto a Glasse, or an Helmet well burnished. And about their Temples they haue long bands of the foresaid matter, fastened vnto their Mi∣ters, which houer in the winde, as if two long hornes grew out of their heads. And when the [ 30] wind tossed them vp and downe too much, they tie them ouer the middest of their Miter, from one Temple to another: and so they lie circle wise ouerthwart their heads. Moreouer, their prin∣cipall messenger comming vnto the Tartars Court, had a table of Elephants tooth about him, of a cubit in length, and a handfull in breadth, being very smoothe. And whensoeuer he spake vnto the Emperor himselfe, or vnto any other great personage, he alwaies beheld that table,* 1.107 as if hee had found therein those things which hee spake: neither did hee cast his eyes to the right hand, nor to the left, nor vpon his face with whom he talked. Yea, going too and fro before his Lord, hee looketh no where but onely vpon his table. Beyond them (as I vnderstand of a certaintie) there are other people called Muc, hauing Villages,* 1.108 but no one particular man of them appro∣priating any Cattell vnto himselfe. Notwithstanding, there are many flocks and droues of Cat∣tell [ 40] in their Countrey, and no man appointed to keepe them. But when any one of th•••• stan∣deth in neede of any beast, hee ascendeth vp vnto a hill, and there maketh a shoute, and all the Cattell which are within hearing of the noyse, come flocking about him, and suffer themselues to be handled and taken, as if they were ••ame. And when any messenger or stranger commeth into their Countrey, they shut him vp into an house, ministring there things necessary vnto him, vntill his businesse be dispatched. For if any stranger should trauell through that Countrey, the Catttell would flie away at the very sent of him, and so would become wilde.* 1.109 Beyond Muc is great Cataya, the Inhabitants whereof (as I suppose) were of old time, called Seres. For from them are brought most excellent stuffes of silke. And this people is called Seres, of a certaine Towne in the same Countrey. I was credibly informed, that in the said Countrey, there is one Towne hauing Walls of siluer, and Bulwarkes or Towers of gold. There bee many Prouinces [ 50] in that Land, the greater part whereof are not as yet subdued vnto the Tartars. And the * 1.110 Sea lyeth betweene them and India. These Catayans are men of a little stature, speaking much through the nose. And this is generall, that all they of the East haue small eyes. They are ex∣cellent workemen in euery Art: and their Physicians are well skilled in the Vertues of Herbs, and iudge exactly of the Pulse; But vse no Vrinals, nor know any thing concerning Vrine. This I saw, for there are many of them at Caracarum. And they are alwaies wont to bring vp all their children in the same trade whereof the father is. And therefore they pay so much tri∣bute; for they giue the Moaellians euery day one thousand and fiue hundred Cessines or Iascots: (Iascot is a piece of siluer weighing ten Markes) that is to say, euery day fifteene thousand Markes, beside silkes and certaine victuals, which they receiue from thence, and other [ 60] seruices which they doe them. All these Nations are betweene the Mountaynes of Caucasus,

on the North side of those Mountaines to the East Sea, on the South part of Scythia, which the Shepheards of Moal doe inhabit:* 1.111 All which are tributarie vnto them, and all giuen to Idolatry, and report many fables of a multitude of gods, and certaine Deified men, and make a pedigree of the gods as our Poets doe.

* 1.112The Nestorians are mingled among them as Strangers; so are the Saracens as farre as Cathay. The Nestorians inhabit fifteene Cities of Cathay, and haue a Bishopricke there, in a Citie called Segin.* 1.113 But further, they are meere Idolaters. The Priests of the Idols of the said Nations, haue all broad yellow hoods. There are also among them (as I vnderstood) certaine Hermits liuing in the Woods and Mountaines, of an austere and strange life. The Nestorians there know nothing, for they say their Seruice, and haue holy Bookes in the Syrian tongue, which they know not. [ 10] So that they sing as our Monkes doe, who are ignorant of Grammar; and hence it commeth, that they are wholly corrupted. They are great Vsurers and Drunkards, and some of them al∣so who liue among the Tartars, haue many Wiues, as the Tartars haue. When they enter into the Church, they wash their lower parts, as the Saracens doe. They eate flesh on Friday of the weeke, and hold their Feasts that day, after the manner of the Saracens. The Bishop comes seldome into those Countries, perchance, scarse once in fiftie yeares. Then they cause all their little Children (which are Males) to be made Priests, euen in the Cradell; so that all their men almost are Priests: and after this they marrie Wiues, which is directly against the decrees * 1.114 of the Fathers: they are also Bigami, for the Priests themselues, their first Wife being dead, marrie another. They are all Simonists, for they giue no holy thing freely. They are very carefull for their Wiues and Children, whereby they apply themselues to gaine, and not to the sprea∣ding [ 20] of the Faith. Whence it commeth to passe, while some of them bring vp some of the No∣bilities children of Moal (although they teach them the Gospell, and the Articles of the Faith) yet by their euill life and couetousnesse, they driue them further from Christianitie: Because the life of the Moallians, and Tuinians (who are Idolaters) is more harmelesse then theirs.

[ 30]

* 1.115WE departed from the foresaid Citie of Cailac on Saint Andrewes day. And there wee found almost within three leagues, a whole Castle or Village of Nestorians. Entring into their Church, we sang, Salue Regina, &c. with ioy, as loud as we could, because it was long since we had seene a Church. Departing thence, in three daies we came to the entrance of that Prouince, in the head of the foresaid Sea, which seemed to vs as tempestuous as the Ocean, and we saw a great Iland therein. My Companions drew neere the shoare, and wet a Linnen cloath therein, to taste the Water, which was somewhat salt, but might bee drunke. There went a certaine Valley ouer against it, from betweene the great Mountaines, betweene South and East: and betweene the hils, was another certaine great Sea; and there ranne a Riuer through that [ 40] Valley, from the other Sea into this. Where came such a continuall winde through the Valley, that men passe with great danger, least the wind carrie them into the Sea. Therefore wee left the Valley and went towards the North, to the great hilly Countries, couered with deepe Snow,* 1.116 which then lay vpon the Earth: so that vpon Saint Nicholas day we beganne now to hasten our iourny much, and (because we found no people, but the Iani themselues (to wit) men appointed from daies iourney to daies iourney together, the Messengers together. Because in many places in the hilly Countries) the way is narrow, and there are but few fields, so that be∣tweene day and night we met with two Iani, whereupon of two daies iourneys we made one, and trauelled more by night then by day. It was extreame cold there, so that they lent vs their Goats skins,* 1.117 turning the haire outward. [ 50]

* 1.118The second Sunday of Aduent in the euening, we passed by a certaine place betweene very terrible Rockes: and our Guide sent vnto me, intreating me to speake some good words, where∣with the Deuils might be driuen away;* 1.119 because in that passage, the Deuils themselues were wont suddenly to carrie men away, so that it was not knowne what became of them. Some∣times they violently snatched a Horse and left the man: sometimes they drew out a mans bo∣wels, and left the emptie carkasse vpon the Horse. And many such things did often fall out there. Then we sang with a loud voyce, Credo in Deum, &c. And by the Grace of God, wee passed through (with all our company) vnhurt. After that, they beganne to intreat me, that I would write them Papers to carrie on their heads: and I told them, I would teach them a word which they should carrie in their hearts, whereby their soules and bodies should be saued euer∣lastingly. [ 60] But alwaies when I would teach them, I wanted an Interpreter: Yet I wrote them the Creede and the Lords Prayer; saying, Heere it is written whatsoeuer a man ought to be∣leeue concerning God. Here also is that prayer, wherein we begge of God whatsoeuer is need∣full for a man▪ Whereupon beleeue firmely that which is written here, although you cannot

vnderstand it, and aske of God that he do that for you which is contained in this written Pray∣er: because with his owne mouth he taught it his friends, and I hope he will saue you. I could not doe any thing else, because it was very dangerous to speake the words of doctrine by such an Interpreter, nay almost impossible, because he was ignorant.

AFter this, wee entred into that plaine where the Court of Ken-Cham was,* 1.120 which was wont to be the Countrey of the Naymans, who were the peculiar Subiects of Presbyter Iohn: but at that time I saw not that Court▪ but in my returne. Yet heere I declare vnto you what befell his Ancestry, his Soone and Wiues. Ken-Cham being dead, Baatu desired that Man∣gu [ 10] should be Chan. But I could vnderstand in certaintie of the death of Ken. Frier Andrew said, that he dyed by a certaine medicine giuen him: and it was suspected that Baatu caused it to be made. Yet I heard otherwise, for he summoned Baatu, to come and doe him homage. And Baatu tooke his iourney speedily with great preparation; but he and his Seruants were much a∣fraid, and sent one of his Brothers before, called Stichin: who when he came to Ken,* 1.121 and should waite vpon his Cup, contention arising betweene them, they slue one another. The Widow of Stichin kept vs a whole day, to goe into her house and blesse her, that is, pray for her. There∣fore Ken being dead, Mangu was chosen by the consent of Baatu. And was then chosen when Frier Andrew was there. Ken had a certaine Brother, called Siremon, who by the counsell of Kens Wife and her Vassals, went with great preparation towards Mangu, as if he meant to doe [ 20] him homage, and yet in truth he purposed to kill him, and destroy his whole Court. And when he was neere Mangu, within one or two daies iourney, one of his Wagons remained broken in the way. While the Wagoner laboured to mend it, in the meane space came one of the Ser∣uants of Mangu, who helped him: he was so inquisitiue of their iourney, that the Wagoner re∣uealed vnto him what Siremon purposed to doe. Then turning out of the way, as if hee little regarding it, went vnto the herd of Horses, and tooke the best Horse hee could choose, and po∣sting night and day, came speedily to the Court of Mangu, reporting vnto him what he had heard. Then Mangu quickly assembling all his subiects, caused foure rings of Armed men to compasse his Court, that none might goe in or out: the rest he sent against Siremon, who tooke him, (not suspecting his purpose had beene discouered) and brought him to the Court with [ 30] all his followers. Who when Mangu lay the matter to his charge, strait-way confessed it. Then he and his eldest Sonne Ken Chan were slaine, and three hundred of the Nobilitie of the Tartars with them. The Noble Women also were sent for, who were all beaten with burning fire-brands to make them confesse: and hauing confessed, were put to death. His youngest sonne Ken, who could not be capable or guiltie of the conspiracy, was left aliue: And his Fathers Pa∣lace was left vnto him, with all belonging vnto it, as well Men as Chattels: and we passed by it in our returne. Nor durst my Guides turne in vnto it, neither going nor comming. For the La∣dy of the Nations sate there in heauinesse, and there was none to comfort her.

THen went wee vp againe into the high Countries, going alwaies towards the North. At [ 40] length on Saint Stephens day we entred into a great Plaine like the Sea,* 1.122 where there was not so much as a Mole-hill. And the next day, on the feast of S. Iohn the Euangelist, we came vnto the Palace of that great Lord. But when we were neere it, within fiue daies iourney, our Host where we lay, would haue directed vs a way farre about, so that wee should yet trauaile more then fifteene daies. And this was the reason (as I vnderstood) that wee might goe by Onam Kerule their proper Countrey, where the Court of Chingis-Chan is. Others said,* 1.123 that he did it for this purpose, that he might make the way longer, and might shew his power the more. For so they are wont to deale with men comming from Countries not subiect to them. And our Guide obtained with great difficultie, that we might go the right way. For they held vs vpon this from the morning till three of the clocke. In that way also, the Secretarie (whom we expe∣cted [ 50] at Cailac) told me, that it was contained in the Letters which Baatu sent to Mangu-Chan, that wee required an Army and ayde of Sartach against the Saracens. Then I began to wonder much, and to be greatly troubled: for I knew the Tenor of the Letters, and that no mention therof was made therein: saue that yee aduised him to be a friend to all Christians, and should exalt the Crosse, and be an enemy to all the enemies of the Crosse: and because also the Interpreters were Armenians, of the greater Armenia, who greatly hated the Saracens; lest perhaps they had in∣terpreted any thing in euill part to make the Saracens more odious and hatefull at their pleasure, I therefore held my peace, not speaking a word with them, or against them; for I feared to gainsay the words of Baatu, least I should incurre some false accusation without reasonable cause. We came therefore the foresaid day vnto the said Court. Our Guide had a great house appointed [ 60] him, and we three a little Cottage, wherein wee could scarse lay our stuffe, make our beds, and haue a little fire. Many came to visit our Guide, and brought him drinke made of Rice, in long strait mouthed bottles, in the which I could discerne no difference from the best Antissiodorensi∣an Wine, saue that it had not the sent of Wine. We were called, and straightly examined vpon what businesse we came. I answered, that we heard of Sartach that he was a Christian: we came

therefore vnto him; the French King sent him a Packet by vs, he sent vs to Baatu his Father: & his Father hath sent vs hither, hee should haue written the cause, wherevpon they demanded whether we would make peace with them? I answered, he hath sent Letters vnto Sar••ach as a Christian: and if he had knowne, he were not a Christian, hee would neuer haue sent him Let∣ters, to treate of peace: I say, he hath done you no wrong: if he had done any, why should you warre vpon him, or his people? he, willingly (as a iust man) would reforme himselfe, and desire peace. If yee without cause will make warre with him, or his Nation, we hope that God (who is iust) will helpe them.* 1.124 And they wondred, alwayes repeating, why came yee, seeing yee came not to make peace? For they are now so puffed vp with pride, that they thinke the whole World should desire to make peace with them. And truly, if I might bee suffered, I would preach [ 10] Warre against them to the vttermost of my power) throughout the whole World. But I would not plainly deliuer the cause of my comming, lest I should speake any thing against that which Baatu commanded. I told them therefore the whole cause of my comming thither, was because he sent me.

* 1.125The day following we were brought vnto the Court, and I thought I could goe bare-foot, as I did in our Countrey: whereupon, I layd aside my shooes. But such as come to the Court, alight farre from the house where the Great Chan is, as it were a Bow-shot off: where the Horses a∣bide, and a Boy to keepe them. Whereupon, when wee alighted there, and our Guide went with vs to the house of the Great Chan, a Hungarian Boy was present there, who knew vs (to wit) our Order. And when the men came about vs, and beheld vs as Monsters, especially be∣cause [ 20] we were bare-footed, and demanded whether we did not lacke our feet, because they sup∣posed we should strait-way haue lost them, that Hungarian told them the reason, shewing them the condition of our Order. Then the chiefe Secretary (who was a Nestorian and a Christian, by whose counsell and aduice almost all is done) came vnto vs, to see vs, and looked earnestly vpon vs, and called the Hungarian vnto him, of whom he demanded many Questions. Then we were willed to returne vnto our Lodging.

* 1.126ANd when we returned, at the end of the Court towards the East, farre from the Court, as much as a Crosse-bow could shoot at twice, I saw a house, vpon the which there was a lit∣tle Crosse, then I reioyced much, supposing there was some Christianitie there. I went in boldly and found an Altar very well furnished, for there in a Golden cloth were the Images of Christ [ 30] and the blessed Virgin, and Saint Iohn Baptist, and two Angels, the lineaments of their bodies and garments distinguished with Pearle, and a great siluer Crosse hauing precious stones in the cor∣ners, and the middle thereof, and many other Embroyderings: and a Candle burning with Oyle before the Altar, hauing eight Lights. And there sate an Armenian Monke, some-what blacke and leane, clad with a rough hairen Coate to the middle legge, hauing vpon it a blacke Cloke of bristles, furred with spotted Skinnes, girt with Iron vnder his haire-cloth. Presently after wee entred in, before we saluted the Monke, falling flat vpon the ground, we sang, Aue Regina Coe∣lorum, &c. and he rising, prayed with vs. Then saluting him, we sate by him hauing a little fire before him in a Pan.* 1.127 Therefore we told him the cause of our comming. And he began to comfort [ 40] vs much, saying, that we should boldly speake, because we were the Messengers of God, who is greater then all men. Afterwards he told vs of his comming, saying, he came thither a moneth before vs, and that he was a Heremite of the Territorie of Hierusalem, and that the Lord appea∣red to him three times,* 1.128 commanding him to goe to the Prince of the Tartars: And when he de∣ferred to goe, the third time God threatned him, and ouerthrew him vpon the ground, saying, he should dye, vnlesse he went; and that he told Mangu Chan, that if he would become a Chri∣stian, the whole World should be obedient vnto him; and the French and the Great Pope should obay him: and he aduised me to say the like vnto him. Then I answered, brother, I will wil∣lingly perswade him to become a Christian: (For I came for this purpose, to preach thus vnto all) I will promise him also, that the French, and the Pope will much reioyce thereat, and account [ 50] him for a brother and a friend: but I will neuer promise, that they shall become his Seruants, and pay him Tribute, as these other Nations; because in so doing I should speake against my consci∣ence, then he held his peace. We went therefore together to our Lodging, which I found a cold Harbour: and we had eaten nothing that day, so we boyled a little flesh and Millet in the broth of flesh to sup. Our Guide and his companions were drunken at the Court: and little care was had of vs. At that time the Messengers of Vastace were there hard by vs, which wee knew not: And the men of the Court made vs rise in great haste, at the dawning of the day. And I went bare-foot with them a little way, vnto the house of the said Messengers. And they demanded of them, whether they knew vs. Then that Grecian Souldier calling our Order and my companion to remembrance,* 1.129 because he had seene him in the Court of Vastace, with Frier Thomas, our Mi∣nister, [ 60] and all his fellowes, gaue great testimony of vs. Then they demanded whether wee had peace or war with Vastace? we haue (said I) nor war nor peace. And they demanded, how that might be? Because (said I) their Countries are far remoued one from the other••, and meddle not together. Then the Messenger of Vastace said wee had peace, giuing mee a caueat: so I held my tongue. That morning, my toes ends were frozen, so that I could no longer goe bare-foot: for

in those Countreyes the cold is extreame sharpe: and from the time when it beginneth to freeze it neuer ceaseth vntill May: nay, in the moneth of May it freezed euery morning;* 1.130 but in the day time it thawed through the heate of the Sunne: but in the Winter it neuer thawes, but the Ice continues with euery winde. And if there were any winde there in the Winter, as it is with vs, nothing could liue there, but it is alwaies milde weather vntill Aprill, and then the winds arise, and at that time when wee were there (about Easter) the cold arising with the winde killed infinite creatures. In the Winter little snow fell there: but about Easter, which was in the latter end of Aprill, there fell so great a snow,* 1.131 that all the streets of Caracarum were full; that they were fayne to carrie it out with their [ 10] Carts. Then they first brought vs (from the Court) Ramskin Coats, and Breeches of the same, and Shooes, which my Companion and Interpreter receiued. But I thought I had no need of them, because I supposed my Pelt-garment (which I brought from Baatu) was sufficient for me.

Then the fift of Ianuarie we were brought vnto the Court: and there came Nestorian Priests vnto me, (I not knowing they were Christians) demanding which way we worshipped? I said, vnto the East.* 1.132 And this they demanded because wee had shauen our beards by the aduice of our Guide, that wee might appeare before Chan according to the fashion of our Countrey: whereupon, they thought wee had beene Tuinians (to wit) Idolaters. They made vs also ex∣pound out of the Bible. Then they demanded what reuerence wee would doe to Chan, whe∣ther after our owne fashion, or theirs? To whom I made answere. Wee are Priests,* 1.133 giuen to the seruice of God; Noblemen in our Countrey will not suffer Priests to bow their knees before [ 20] them, for the honour of God; neuerthelesse, wee will humble our selues to all men, for the Lords sake. Wee came from a farre Countrey. If yee please, wee will first sing prayses vnto God, who hath brought vs safe hither from afarre; and after, wee will doe whatsoeuer pleaseth the Lord; with this exception, that he command vs nothing which may bee against the wor∣ship and honour of God. Then they entring into the house, deliuered what wee had said. So their Lord was contented. And they set vs before the gate of the house, lifting vp the Felt which hung before the gate. And because it was Christmas wee began to sing,

A Solis ortus cardine, Et vsque Terrae limitem, Christum canamus Principem, [ 30] Natum Maria Virgine.

From the first Easterne Land, To fur••hest Westerne Strand, Let vs Christ laud and sing Blest Virgins Sonne, our King.

ANd when wee had sung this Hymne, they searched our legs, and our bosoms, and our armes,* 1.134 whether wee had Kniues about vs. They made our Interpreter vngird himselfe, and leaue his Girdle and his Knife, without in the custodie of a Doore-keeper.

Then we came in. And in the entrance there stood a Bench with Cosmos, by the which they make our Interpreter stand; and caused vs to sit vpon a Forme before the Ladies. The whole house within was hanged with Cloth of Gold: and on a certaine Hearth in the middle of the house, there was a fire made of thornes and Wormewood roots (which grow there very bigge) and Oxe dung. But he sate vpon a Bed clothed with a spotted skin or Furre, bright, and shi∣ning [ 40] like a Seales skin. Hee was a flat-nosed man, of a middle stature, about the age of fiue and fortie yeeres: and a little pretie young woman (which was his wife) sate by him, and one of his daughters, Cirina by name, (a hard-fauoured woman) marriageable, with other little ones, sate next vnto them vpon a Bed. For that was the house of a certaine Christian Ladie, whom he dearely loued, by whom he had the foresaid daughter: and hee married that young wife be∣side: but yet the daughter was Mistresse of all that Court, which was her Mothers. Then he made them aske vs, what we would drinke, whether Wine, or Ceracina, that is, drinke made of Rice, or Caracosus, that is, cleere Cowes milke, or Ball, that is, Mede made of Honey: for they vse these foure kinds of Drinkes in the Winter. Then I answered, Sir, wee are not men who take pleasure in drinke. What pleaseth you shall content vs. Then he commanded drinke or Rice to be giuen vs, cleere and sauoury, as white Wine:* 1.135 whereof I tasted a little for reue∣rence [ 50] of him. And our Interpreter (to our misfortune) stood by the Butlers: who gaue him much drinke, and hee was quickly drunke. Then Chan caused Falcons, and other birds to bee brought vnto him, which he tooke vpon his fist, and lookes vpon them: and after a long time he commanded vs to speake. Then we were to bow the knees. And hee had his Interpreter, a certaine Nestorian, whom I knew not to bee a Christian; and wee had our Interpreter, such an one as he was, who now also was drunke. Then I said, Wee first giue thankes and praise to God,* 1.136 who hath brought vs from so remoued parts of the World, to see Mangu Chan to whom God hath gi∣uen so great power vpon Earth: and wee beseech our Lord, by whose command wee liue and die, that he would grant him a long and a prosperous life. (For this they desire, that men pray for their liues.) Then I told him: Sir, Wee haue heard of Sartach that he was a Christian;* 1.137 and the Christians who [ 60] heard it, but specially the French King, reioyced: wherefore wee came vnto him, and our Lord and King hath sent him Letters by vs wherein were words of peace: and amongst other things, hee testifieth of vs, whose seruants wee are, and intreated him to suffer vs to abide in his Countrey. For it is our office to teach men to liue according to the Law of God. And hee sent vs to Baatu his father: and

Baatu hath sent vs hither vnto you. You are they to whom God hath giuen great Dominion vpon earth; We therefore intreat your Highnesse, to giue vs leaue to continue in your Countrey to doe the seruice of God for you, your Wiues and Children. Wee haue neither Gold nor Siluer, nor precious stones to present vnto you, but our selues, whom we present to serue, and pray vnto God for you. At the least, giue vs leaue to continue while the cold be past. My Companion is so weake, that hee can∣not by any meanes trauaile on Horse-backe without hazzard of his life. For my Companion willed me, and adiured me, to craue leaue to stay. For we supposed we must returne to Baatu, vnlesse of his speciall Grace he gaue vs leaue to stay.* 1.138 Then he began so answer: Euen as the Sunne spreads his beames euery where, so our power and Baatues spreads it selfe euery where: so that wee haue no neede of your Siluer and Gold. Hitherto I vnderstood my Interpreter: but further, I could not perceiue any perfect sentence. Whereby I easily found hee was drunke, and Mangu Chan [ 10] himselfe was drunke also, as I thought. Yet with this, (as it seemed to mee, hee ended his speach) that he was displeased that we came first to Sartach, before wee came to him. Then seeing the defect of my Interpreter, I held my peace, this onely excepted, that I intreated his Highnesse hee would not be displeased, for that which I spoke of Gold and Siluer; because I spoke it not that he had need of such things, or desired them, but because we would willingly honour him with temporall and spirituall things.

Then he made vs rise, and sit downe againe; and after some few words, doing our dutie to him, we went out, and his Secretaries, and that Interpreter of his (who had the bringing vp of one of his Daughters) went together with vs. And they began to bee very inquisitiue of the [ 20] Kingdome of France, whether there were many Rams, Oxen and Horses there, as if presently they should enter and take all. And oftentimes I was faine to bridle my selfe much, in dissem∣bling anger and indignation. And I answered, There are many good things there which yee shall see, if yee happen to come thither. Then they appointed vs one, who should haue care of vs. And we went vnto the Monke: and when we came out againe, ready to goe to our lodging, the foresaid Interpreter came vnto vs; saying, Mangu Chan hath compassion on you, and giues you two moneths time to stay. Then the extreame cold will be past, and he sends to you: Here within ten daies iourney there is a good Citie,* 1.139 called Caracarum, if yee will go thither, he will cause necessarie things to be giuen you: but if yee will abide heere, yee may, and yee shall haue necessaries: yet it will be a troublesome thing for you to follow the Court. And I answered: [ 30] The Lord preserue Mangu Chan, and grant him a good and long life. We haue found this Monk heere, whom we thinke to be an holy man, and that by the good pleasure of God he came into these parts, wherefore we would willingly stay with him, because wee are Monkes, and wee would pray together for the life of Chan. Then he held his peace and departed. And we went vnto our house, which we found very cold, and without any Fuell, as yet fasting, and it was night. Then he, to whom we were recommended, prouided vs Fuell, and a little meate. Our Guide was now to returne to Baatu, who desired a Carpet of vs, which (by his Commande∣ment) we left in the Court of Baatu: which we gaue him, and he peaceably departed so, kissing our right hand, and confessing his fault, if he suffered vs to indure hunger and thirst vpon the way. We pardoned him, crauing pardon of him and his whole Family, if we had giuen them [ 40] any euill example.

A Certaine Woman of Mentz in Lotharingia, called Pascha, found vs, who made vs great cheere,* 1.140 according to her power, who belong to the Court of that Lady, which was a Chri∣stian, of whom I spoke before: who told vs of her strange pouertie which she indured before she came to the Court; but now she was well to liue, for she had a young Husband, a Rutenian, (by whom she had three very faire Children) who was skilfull in building, which amongst them is an excellent Art. Moreouer, she told vs, that at Caracarum, there was a certaine Gold∣smith, called William, borne at Paris; whose surname was Bouchier, and his Fathers name Law∣rence Bouchier, and she thinketh he hath a Brother yet vpon the Great Bridge, called Roger Bou∣chier. [ 50] And she told me, that he had a certaine young man which he brought vp, whom hee ac∣counted as his Son, who was an excellent Interpreter. But Mangu Chan deliuered to the fore∣said Gold-smith, three hundred Iascots, that is, three thousand Markes, and fiftie Worke-men to make a piece of worke, so that she feared he could not send his Sonne vnto me. For she heard some say vnto her in the Court, The men which came from your Countrey are good men, and Mangu Chan would willingly speak vnto them, but their Interpreter is nothing worth: there∣fore she was carefull for an Interpreter. Then I writ vnto the foresaid Gold-smith, certifying him of my comming hither, and requesting him, that if he could, he would send me his sonne. And he wrote me answere,* 1.141 that he could not that Moone, but the next, his worke should bee perfected, and then he would send him vnto me. We stayed therefore with other Messengers. [ 60] And it is otherwise with Messengers in Baatu's Court, then in the Court of Mangu Chan. For in the Court of Baatu, there is one Iani on the East side, who receiueth all such as come from the West, and so of other Countries of the world: But in the Court of Mangu, they are all toge∣ther vnder one Iani, and they may see and visit one another. In Baatu's Court they know not

one another, and know not one of another, whether hee be a Messenger or no; because they know not one anothers lodging, nor see one another but in the Court: and when one is called,* 1.142 perchance another is not called. For they goe not to the Court, vnlesse they bee sent for. Wee found there a certaine Christian of Damascus, who said he came in behalfe of the Soldan of Mons Regatis, and of Crac; who desired to become friend and tributarie to the Tartars.

THE yeare also before I came thither, there was a certaine Clerke of Acon, who called him∣selfe Raimund, but in truth his name was Theodolus;* 1.143 and he tooke his iourney from Cyprus with Frier Andrew, and went with him into Persia, and got him certaine Instruments of Amo∣ricus there in Persia, who abode there after Frier Andrew. Frier Andrew returning, hee went [ 10] forward with his Instruments, and came to Mangu Chan: who being demanded wherefore he came, said, That he was with a certaine holy Bishop, to whom the Lord sent Letters from hea∣uen, written in golden Characters, and commande•• him to send them to the Emperour of the Tartars, because he should bee Lord of the whole Earth, and that he should perswade men to make peace with him. Then Mangu said vnto him; If thou hadst brough•• those Letters which came from heauen, and the Letters of thy Lord, then hadst beene welcome. Then he answe∣red That he brought Letters, but they were with other things of his, vpon a certaine wilde and pampered Gelding, which escaping fled from him through the Woods and Mountaines, so that he had lost all. And it is very true, that many such chances often happen: wherefore a man [ 20] must very warily hold his Horse when he alighteth for necessitie. Then Mangu demanded the name of the Bishop. He said, he was called Odo. Whereupon he told him of Damascus, and Master William, who was Clerke of the Lord Legat. Then Chan demanded in whose Kingdome it was? To whom he made answer, That it was vnder a certaine King of the Frankes, called Moles: (for he had heard of that which happened at Mallora; and he would haue said, that they were of your Seruants) moreouer, hee told Chan that the Saracens were betweene the Frankes and him, who hindred his way. But if the way had beene open, he would haue sent Messengers, and willingly haue made peace with him. Then Mangu Chan asked him, If hee would bring his Messengers to that King, and that Bishop? He told him he would, and also to the Pope. Then Mangu caused an exceeding strong Bow to bee made, which two men could scarse bend, and two Arrowes, whose heads were of Siluer, full of holes▪ which sing when they [ 30] are shot like a whistle. And he inioyned Moal whom hee should send with the said Theodolus▪ Thou shalt goe to that King of the Frankes, to whom this man shall bring thee, and thou shalt present him with these in my behalfe, And if he will haue peace with vs, we will win••e the Countrey vpon the Saracens, euen home to him, and will grant him the rest of the Countrey vnto the West: If otherwise, bring backe the Bow and Arrowes vnto vs, and tell him we shoot farre, and smite strongly with such Bowes. Then he caused Theodolus to goe forth, whose In∣terpreter Master Williams Sonne was, and in his hea••••••ing, he said vnto Moal. Thou shalt go with this man, marke well the Waies, the Countries, and their Castles, Men and Munition. Then the young man blamed Theodolus, saying, He had done ill, in conducting the Messengers of the [ 40] Tartars with him, for they went for no other cause, but to spy. Then hee answered, That he would set them on the Sea, that they should not know whence they came, or which way to re∣turne. Mangu gaue also vnto Moal his golden B••ll, or Tablet, to wit,* 1.144 a plate of Gold of an hand-breadth, and halfe a cubit long, wherein his commandement is ingrauen: Who so carrieth that▪ may command what he will, and it is done without delay. So then Theodolus came to Vastacius, determining to passe ouer to the Pope, that he might decei••e the Pope, as he had deceiued Mangu Chan. Then Vastacius demanded of him, whether he had Letters to the Popey, because he was a Messenger, and should conduct the Messengers of the Tartars? But, not being able to shew the Letters, he tooke him and spoiled him of all that hee ha•• gotten, and cast him in prison. And Moal fell sicke and dyed there. But Vastacius sent backe the golden Tablet to Mangu Chan,* 1.145 by [ 50] the seruants of Moal: whom I met at Assaron in the entrance into Turkie, who told mee what happened to Theodolus. Such Cosners runne through the world,* 1.146 whom the Moallians kill when they can take them. Now the Epiphany was at hand, and that Armenian Monke, Sergius by name, told me, That he should baptize Mangu Can vpon the Holy-day. I ••ntreated him to la∣bour by all meanes that I might be present, that I might beare witnesse that I saw it: and hee promised he would.

THE feastiuall day came, and the Monke called me not,* 1.147 but at sixe of the clocke I was sent for to the Court, and I saw the Monke with the Priests returning from the Court with his Crosse, and the Priests with the Censer and the Gospell. For that day Mangu Chan made a [ 60] feast. And his custome is, that vpon such daies as his Sooth-sayers doe appoint vnto him fea∣stiuall, or with the Nestorian Priests sometimes make Holy-daies, that then he holds his Court: And vpon such daies the Christians come first with their furniture, and pray for him and blesse his Cup. They then departing, the Saracen Priests come and doe the like. Next after them, come the Idolatrous Priests and doe the same. And the Monke told me, that he onely beleeues

the Christians, yet will haue all to pray for him; but he lyed, for he beleeueth none, as you shall hereafter heare, yet all follow his Court, as flyes doe Honey. And he giueth vnto all, and all men thinke they are his Familiars; and all prophesie prosperitie vnto him. Then wee sate before the Court a long space, and they brought vs flesh to eate. To whom I made answere, that we would not eate there, but if they would prouide vs meate, they should prouide it for vs at our house. Then they said, get yee home to your house; because you were inuited for no other cause but to eate. Therefore we returned by the Monkes, who blushed at the Lye hee told me, wherefore I would not speake a word of that matter. Yet some of the Nestorians would affirme vnto mee, that he was baptized: to whom I said, that I would neuer beleeue it, nor report it to others, see∣ing I saw it not. [ 10]

We came to our cold and emptie house, they prouided vs bedding and Couerlets, they brought vs also fuell, and gaue vs three the carkasse of one little leane Ramme, meate for sixe dayes; and euery day a little Platter full of Millet, and lent vs a Caldron and a Triuet to boyle our flesh: which being sodden, we sod our Millet in the broath of the flesh. This was our meate, and it had well sufficed vs, if they had suffered vs to eate in peace. But there are so many hunger-starued, who are not prouided of meate: that, as soone as they saw vs dresse meate, they thrust in vpon vs,* 1.148 and must eate with vs. There I found by experience, how great a Martyrdome liberalitie is in pouertie. Then the cold began much to preuaile: and Mangu Chan sent vs three Pelt-coates of the Skinnes of Papions (Papionum) whose haire they turne outward; which we thankfully re∣ceiued. They demanded also, how we were prouided of necessary food? To whom I answered, [ 20] that little meate sufficed vs, but we haue not an house wherein to pray for Mangu Chan. For our Cottage was so little, that we could scarce stand vpright in it, nor open our Bookes, as soone as wee made fire. Then they brought him word: and hee sent vnto the Monke to know, if hee would haue our company? who gladly answered, that hee would. From that time wee were prouided of a better house: and we went downe with the Monke before the Court, where none lodged but we, and their Sooth-sayers: but they lodged neerer, before the Palace of the greatest Lady: and wee in the furthest end towards the East, before the Palace of the last Lady. And that was done the day before Octabis Epiphaniae.* 1.149 On the morrow (to wit) in Octauis Epiphani••, all the Nestorian Priests came together before day at the Chappell, and smote vpon a board, and sang Matines solemnely, and put on their Ornaments, preparing the Censer and the [ 30] Incense.

* 1.150And while they stayed wayting thus, behold, in the morning, the principall Wife Cotota Caten by name, (Caten is as much as Ladie, and Cotota her proper name) came into the Chappell with many other Ladies, and with her eldest Sonne, called Baltu, and other little ones of hers: And they cast themselues downe vpon the Earth, ducking after the manner of the Nestorians, and after this, they touched all the Images with their right hands, alwayes kissing their hands after they had touched, and after that, they gaue their right hands to all that stood about them in the Church. For this is the custome of the Nestorians when they come into the Church. Then the Priests sang many things, giuing the Lady Incense in her hand, and she put it vpon the fire: then they perfumed her. After this, when the day was cleere, shee began to put off the Orna∣ment [ 40] of her head, which is called Baccha: and I saw her bare scull, then shee commanded vs to goe forth, and as I went out, I saw a siluer Bason brought: whether they baptized her or no, I know not: but I know, they celebrate not Masse in a Tent, but in a standing Church. And in the Easter I saw them baptize, and hallow Fount with great Solemnitie, which now they did not.

And while we went into our house, Mangu Chan himselfe came, and went into the Church, or Oratory, and a Golden Bed was brought, on which hee sate by his Queene, ouer against the Altar. Then were we sent for, not knowing that Mangu was come. And the Doore-keepers searched vs, lest we should haue Kniues about vs. But comming into the Oratory, hauing a Bi∣ble, and a Breuiary in my bosome, I first bowed downe vnto the Altar, and after to Mangu Chan: [ 50] and so passing by, we stood betweene the Monke and the Altar. Then they made vs sing a Psalme after our manner, and chaunt it. But we sang of that prose, Veni Sancte Spiritus, &c. And Cham caused our Bookes to be brought vnto him, the Bible, and the Breuiarie: and diligently inquired concerning the Images, what they signified. The Nestorians answered him at their pleasure, be∣cause our Interpreter came not in with vs. And when I was first before him, I had the Bible in my bosome, which he commanded to be brought vnto him, who looked earnestly vpon it. Then he departed, and his Ladie remayned there, and distributed gifts to all the Christians there, shee gaue the Monke a Iascot, and to the Archdeacon of the Priests another: she caused a Nassic to be spread before vs (to wit) a piece of Cloth, as broad as a Couerlet of a Bed, very large, and a * 1.151 Buckeram, which when I would not receiue, they sent them to my Interpreter, who had them [ 60] to himselfe. He brought the Nassic to Cyprus, which he sold for eightie Sultanines of Cyprus; but it was much the worse for the carriage. Then drinke was brought (to wit) drinke made of Rice and red Wine, like Wine of Rochell, and Cosmos. * 1.152 Then the Ladie holding the cup full in her hand, desired blessing vpon her knees, and all the Priests sing with a loud voyce, and shee drunke

it vp: and I and my companion must sing. Another time, when all of them were almost drunke, then meate was brought (to wit) the carkasse of one Ramme which was presently deuoured: and after that, great fishes, which are called Carpes, without Salt; or Bread: whereof I eate a little, so they passed the day, vntill the Euening. And when the Lady her selfe was drunke, she tooke her Chariot (the Priests singing) and went her way. The next Sunday,* 1.153 when (There was a Marriage in Cana of Galily) is read for the Gospell; Chans Sonne came (whose Mother was a Christian) and did the like, but not with so great Solemnitie. For he gaue no gifts, but made the Priests drinke, till they were drunke, and gaue them parched Millet to eate.

Before the first Sunday in Lent, the Nestorians fast three dayes,* 1.154 which they call the Fast of Io∣nas, [ 10] which he preached to the Niniuites. And the Armenians fast fiue dayes, which they call the Fast of Saint Sorkis, which is the greatest Saint amongst them.

The Nestorians beginne their Fast vpon Tuesday, and end it vpon Thursday; so that vpon Friday they eate flesh. And all that time I saw the Chancelor (to wit, the great Secretarie of State called Bulgai) make them a pittance of flesh vpon the Friday; and they blessed the flesh with great Solemnitie, as the Paschall Lambe is blessed: but he eate none with them▪ and this I learned of Willielmus Parisiensis, who was his very familiar friend. The Monke sent to Man∣gu to fast that weeke, which (as I heard) hee did: so that on the Sabbath of Septuagesima (at which time it is as it were Easter to the Armenians) wee went on Procession to the house of Mangu: and the Monke, and we two (being first searched whether wee had Kniues) went in [ 20] with the Priests, before him. And while we went in, one of the Seruants went forth, carrying out the shoulder bones of Rammes, burnt to the blacknesse of Coales. Whereupon I maruelled greatly, what it should meane, whereof after I had inquired, I vnderstood, that hee neuer doth any thing, before he haue consulted with those bones. Whereupon hee doth not so much as suf∣fer a man to enter his house, but first consulteth with that bone, which kind of Diuination, is thus done.

When he purposeth to doe any thing,* 1.155 he causeth three of those bones to be brought vnto him vnburnt; and holding them he thinketh of the thing, whereof he will consult, whether he may doe it or not: and then deliuereth the bones to bee burnt, and there are alwayes two little Roomes, hard by the house where he lyes, where those bones are burnt; which are diligently [ 30] sought for euery day thorow all the Leskar or Tent-dwelling. When they are burnt blacke, they bring them vnto him, then hee lookes vpon them, whether the bones (by the heate of the fire) be cleft right length-wayes: then the way is open, that he may do it. But if the bones be crac∣ked athwart, or round pieces flye out of them, then he doth it not; for the bone is alwayes cleft in the fire, or the thinne skin which ouer-spreadeth it. And if one of the three be cleft forth right, yet he doth it. When therefore wee went in before him (aduised before, that wee should not touch the threshold) the Nestorian Priests brought him Incenses, and he put it vpon the Censor,* 1.156 and they censed him. Then they sung, blessing his cup, and after them the Monke pronounced his blessing, and we must blesse last. And when he saw vs holding the Bible before our brest, he caused it to be brought vnto him, that he might see it, which hee diligently looked vpon. Then [ 40] after he had drunke, and the chiefe Priest had wayted on his Cup, they gaue the Priests drinke: After that, we went forth, and my companion stayed last. And when wee were without, my companion (when hee should haue gone out after vs) turned his face to Chan, bowing himselfe vnto him: and then, hastily following vs, he stumbled at the threshold of the house.

And when we went in haste toward the house of Baltu his eldest Sonne, they that obserued the threshold, layd hands on my companion, and made him stay, that hee should not follow vs, calling one, and commanding him to carrie him to Bulgai, who is the great Secretary of the Court, and iudgeth those that are arraigned of life and death. But I knew it not, yet when I loo∣ked backe, and saw him not comming, I thought they detayned him, to giue him some lighter garments: For he was weake, and so laden with Pelt-garments that he could scarce goe. Then [ 50] they called our Interpreter, and made him sit with him:* 1.157 but wee went to Chans eldest Sonnes house, who had two Wiues, and was lodged at the right side of his Fathers Court: who as soone as he saw vs comming, leaping from his bed whereon he sate, cast himselfe vpon the earth, smiting his fore-head against the ground, worshipping the Crosse, and arising, caused it to be set vpon a new cloth, in an high place by him, very honourably. He hath a Schoolemaster, a Nesto∣rian Priest called Dauid, a very Drunkard, who teacheth him. Then he made vs sit, and giue the Priests drinke, and hee also dranke, receiuing the blessing from them. Then wee went vnto the Court of the second Lady, which was called Cota, who followed Idolaters: whom wee found lying sicke a bed. Then the Monke made her rise out of her bed, and worship the Crosse, bow∣ing her knees thrice, and ducking toward the ground: he standing with the Crosse at the West-side [ 60] of the house, and she on the East: this being done, they changed places, and the Monke went with the Crosse vnto the East, and shee vnto the West. And hee boldly commanded her (although she were so weake, that she could scarce stand vpon her feet) that shee should cast her∣selfe downe thrice againe, and worship the Crosse, toward the East after the manner of the Christians: which she did, and he taught her to make the signe of the Crosse vpon her forehead.

After she lay downe vpon her bed, and praying for her, we went vnto the third house, where a Christian Lady vsed to be: who being dead, a young woman succeeded her, who together with the Daughter of her Lord, ioyfully receiued vs: and all that whole house reuerently worship∣ped the Crosse. And she set it vpon a Veluet cloth in an high place, and shee caused meate to bee brought (to wit) the carkasse of one Ramme, which being set before the Ladie, shee caused it to be distributed to the Priests. But I and the Monke were very warie of the meate and drinke, for the meate being eaten, and much drinke drunke, wee were to goe to the Damosell Cerina, who lodged behind that great house, which was her Mothers: who at the comming in of the Crosse, cast her selfe vpon the Earth, and worshipped it very deuoutly, because shee had beene well taught so to doe, and shee set it in a high place, vpon a piece of silke. And all those clothes [ 10] whereon the Crosse was set, were the Monkes.

A certaine Armenian brought this Crosse who came with the Monk (as he said) from Hieru∣salem; and it was of siluer, weighing about some foure markes; and it had foure Precious Stones in the corners, and one in the middle. It had not the Image of our Sauiour (because the Armeni∣ans and the Nestorians are ashamed,* 1.158 that Christ should appeare nayled to the Crosse) and hee had presented it (by the Monke) to Mangu Chan. And Mangu demanded of him what hee desired? to whom he answered, That he was the Sonne of an Armenian Priest, whose Church the Sa∣racens had destroyed, and craued his helpe for the building againe of that Church. Then hee as∣ked him, for how much it might be built againe: he answered, for two hundred Iascots (that is) for two thousand markes: and he commanded Letters to be giuen him, to him who receiued the [ 20] Tribute in Persia, and Armenia the greater, that they should pay him the said summe of siluer. This Crosse the Monke carried with him euery where. And the Priests seeing the gaine thereof, began to enuie him. Wee were therefore in the house of the said Damosell, and shee gaue the Priests much drinke. From hence wee went vnto the fourth house, which was the last in num∣ber and honour. For he vsed not to come often to that Ladie, and her house was very old, and her selfe nothing gracious. But after Easter Chan made her a new house, and new Chariots. She likewise as the second knew little or nothing of Christianitie, but followed Soothsayers, and I∣dolaters. Yet at our comming in, shee worshipped the Crosse, as the Monke and the Priests taught her. There also the Priests dranke againe. And from that place wee returned to our Oratorie, which was neere thereabouts: the Priests accompanying vs with great howling and out-cryes in their drunkennesse, which there is reprehensible neither in man nor woman. [ 30] Then my fellow was brought home, and the Monke sharply rebuked him because he touched the threshold.* 1.159 On the morrow Bulgai came (who was a Iustice) and diligently inquired, whe∣ther any had warned vs to take heed of touching the threshold. And I answered, Sir, wee had not our Interpreter with vs: how could we vnderstand? Then hee pardoned him. But would neuer after suffer him to come into any of the houses of Mangu Chan.

IT happened afterwards, that the same Ladie Cota, which was sicke about Septuagesima, was sicke almost vnto death:* 1.160 and diuination by Lots of the Idolaters could profit her nothing. Then Mangu sent vnto the Monke, demanding of him, what might bee done for her. And the [ 40] Monke indiscreetly answered, that if shee were not cured, hee should cut off his head, hauing made that answere, the Monke called vs, declaring the matter vnto vs with teares, intreating to watch with him that night in Prayer: which we did. And he had a certayne Roote which is called Rubarbe; and hee cut it almost to powder, and put it in water, with a little Crucifixe which he had, wherein the Image of our Sauiour was aduanced: whereof he reported, that by it he knew, when the sicke should recouer or dye. For if they should escape, it stucke to the brest of the sicke, as if it were glued, if otherwise it st••cke not at all. And I still thought that Rubarbe had beene some holy Relike,* 1.161 which he had brought from the Holy Land of Hierusalem. And he gaue all sicke persons of that water •• drinke: so that it could not bee, but their bowels should be griped with so bitter a Potion: which alteration in their bodies they accounted a Mi∣racle. [ 50] Then I told him (when he was about to make such a water) that hee should prepare some of that Holy water, which is made in the Church of Rome, which hath great vertue to expell Deuils: because I vnderstood shee was vexed of a Deuill. And at his intreatie, wee made him some Holy water, and he mingled Rubarbe, and put his Crucifixe all the whole night in the wa∣ter to temper it. I said moreouer, that if hee were a Priest, that the Order of Priest-hood hath great power to expell Deuils. And he said it was very true, and yet hee lyed, because hee had no order, nor knew any one Letter: but was a Weauer, as I vnderstood after, in his Countrey, when I returned.* 1.162 On the morrow therefore I, and the Monke, and two Nestorian Priests went vnto the foresaid Ladie. And shee was in a little house, behind her greater house. When wee came in, shee sate in her bed, and worshipped the Crosse, and set it honourably by her vpon a [ 60] cloth of Silke, and drunke of the blessed water with Rubarbe, and washed her brest. And the Monke requested me to reade a Gospell ouer her, so I read the Passion of our Lord according vnto Iohn. At length she was cheered, and felt her selfe better: and shee caused foure Iascots to bee brought, which she first layd at the feet of the Crosse, and after gaue me to the Monke, and rea∣ched

me one, which I would not receiue. Then the Monke stretching forth his hand, tooke it, and gaue either of the Priests one: so that, at that time shee gaue fortie Markes. Then shee caused Wine to be brought, and gaue it the Priests to drinke; and I must drinke thrice from her hand, in honour of the Trinitie. Shee began also to teach mee the Language, jesting with mee, because I was dumbe, not hauing any Interpreter.

On the morrow we returned to her againe. And Mangu Chan hearing that we came that way, made vs come in vnto him, because hee vnderstood that the Lady was somewhat better, and we found him with a few seruants, supping liquid Tam, to wit, meat made of paste, for comfor∣ting the head: and the burnt shoulder-blades of a Ram lay before him: and he tooke the Crosse [ 10] in his hand, but that hee kissed or worshipped it, I saw not: but looked vpon it, and asked some questions, I know not what. Then the Monke craued leaue to carry the Crosse aloft vpon a Lance; because I had spoken to the Monke before concerning this. And Mangu answered, Car∣ry it as you thinke best to doe it. Then doing our duty to him, wee went to the foresaid Ladie, and we found her lustie and cheerfull; and she still drunke of the blessed Water, and wee read the Passion ouer her. And those miserable Priests neuer taught her the Faith, nor aduised her to bee baptised. But I sate there mute, not able to speake any thing, but shee still taught me the Lan∣guage: and the Priests neuer find fault with any kind of Sorcerie.* 1.163 For there I saw foure swords halfe drawne out of the sheath, one at the head of the Ladies bed, another at the feet, and two other, on either side of the doore one. I saw also there one siluer Chalice, of our Chalices, which [ 20] peraduenture was taken or stolne out of some Church of Hungary; and it hung against the walls full of ashes, and vpon those ashes there was a blacke stone. And concerning such things, the Priests neuer teach them that they are euill: Nay, they themselues doe, and teach such things. We visited her three daies, so that shee was restored to perfect health. After that, the Monke made a Banner full of Crosses, and got a Cane as long as a Lance, and we carried the Crosse aloft. I honored him as my Bishop, because hee could speake the Language;* 1.164 yet hee did many things which pleased me not: for he caused a Chaire which may be folded to bee made for him, such as Bishops vse to haue, and Gloues, and a Cap of Peacocks feathers, and vpon it a little Crosse of gold: I was well pleased with the Crosse. Hee had scabbed feete, which hee laboured to grace with ointments, and was very presumptuous in speech. The Nestorians also repeated certaine [ 30] Verses of the Psalter (as they said) vpon two rods, which were ioyned together, being held of two men. The Monke was present at such things. And many other vanities appeared in him, which displeased me. Yet wee ioyned our selues to his societie for the honor of the Crosse. For we carried the Crosse aduanced through all the Tents singing: Vexilla Regis prodeunt, &c. Where∣vpon the Saracens were much dismaied.

SInce we came to the Court of Mangu Chan, he rode but twice towards the South: and from that time he beganne to returne towards the North, which was toward Caracarum.* 1.165 Where∣vpon I noted all the way, a thing of which Master Baldwin of Hannonia had spoken to mee at Constantinople (who was there) that he had seene this onely wonderfull, that he alwaies ascen∣ded [ 40] in going, and neuer descended. For all Riuers came from the East into the West, either di∣rectly or indirectly (that is to say) bending towards the South or North. And I enquired of the Priests which came from Cataya, who testified this same. From that place where I found Mangu Chan, vnto Cataya, were twentie daies iourney, going towards the South and East. To Onan Kerule, which is the proper Countrey of Moall, where the Court of Chingis is, were ten daies iourney right East.* 1.166 And in those parts of the East there was no Citie: yet there were people which are called Su-Moall, that is to say, Moall of the Waters: for Su is as much to say as Water. These people liue vpon Fish,* 1.167 and hun∣ting, hauing neither Flocks nor Heards. Towards the North likewise, there is no Citie, but a poore people feeding Cattell, who are called Kerkis. The Orangei are also there, who binde smoothe filed bones vn∣der their feete, and thrust themselues forward vpon the congealed Snow and Ice, with such swiftnesse, that they take Birds and Beasts. And many other poore people there are on the North side, so farre as [ 50] they may spread themselues for the cold. And they ioyne on the West, with the Countrey of Pascatir,* 1.168 which is Hungaria the Greater, whereof I haue spoken before.* 1.169 The bound or limit of the North corner is not knowne, for the extremitie of the cold: for in that place there are continull spires or heapes of Snow. I was inquisitiue of the Monsters or monstrous men, whereof Isidorus and Solinus make report. They told me they neuer saw any such, whereof we much wonder, whether it bee true or no. All the Nations aforesaid (although but poore) yet they must serue in some trade: for it was the commandement of Chingis, that none should bee free from seruice, till hee were so old, that he could labour no longer, by any meanes. Vpon a time a certaine Priest of Cataya sate with mee, clothed with a red coloured cloth; and I demanded of him whence hee had such a colour.* 1.170 [ 60] And he told me, that in the East parts of Cataya there were high craggie Rock••,* 1.171 wherein certaine Creatures dwell, hauing in all parts the shape of men, but that they bow not the knees, but walke (I know not how) leaping: which are not aboue one cubit long, and their whole body is couered with * 1.172 haire; who haue their abode in Caues which no man can come vnto. And they

that hunt them goe vnto them, and carry strong drinke with them, as strong as they can make, and make pits in the Rocks like Cups, filling them with that strong drinke. For Cataia as yet hath no Wine (but now they beginne to plant Vineyards) for they make drinke of Rice. The Hunters therefore hide themselues, then the foresaid Creatures come out of their holes, and taste the said drinke, and crie Chin-chin. Then they come together in great multitudes and drinke the said drinke, and are made drunke, so that they sleepe there. Then the Hunters come, and bind them hand and feete while they are sleeping; and after, they open the Veine in their necke, and draw forth three or foure drops of bloud from euery one, and let them goe free. And that bloud (as he told me) is most precious to die purple.* 1.173

He told it also for truth (which neuerthelesse I doe not beleeue) that there is a Prouince beyond [ 10] Cataia, into the which, at whatsoeuer age a man enters, he continueth in the same age wherein he entred, Cataia is vpon the Ocean. And Master Willielmus Parisiensis told me, that the same Messengers of certaine people which are called Taute and Manse, who inhabit Ilands, whose Sea is frozen in the winter, so that the Tartars may inuade them; who offered two thousand Tumen or Iascots yeerely, so they would let them liue in peace. Tumen is a piece of money contay∣ning ten Markes. The common money of Cataia is Paper made of Bombaste, the breadth and length of an hand, vpon the which they imprint lines, like the Seale of Mangu. They write with a Pensill wherewith Painters paint; and in one figure they make many letters comprehen∣ding one word. The people of Thebet write as wee doe, and they haue Characters very like ours. They of Tangut write from the right hand vnto the left, as the Arabians, and multiply the lines ascending vpward. Iugur, as aforesaid, from aboue downeward. The common mony of [ 20] the Rutenians are little spotted and grisel'd skins. When we came with the Monke, hee charita∣bly admonished vs to abstaine from flesh, and that our seruants should eate flesh with his ser∣uants; but he would promise vs Meale, and Oyle or Butter. Which wee did, though it much grieued my Companion, by reason of his weakenesse: wherefore our foode was Millet and But∣ter, or Paste sodden in water with Butter, or sowre Milke, and vnleauened bread baked in Oxe-dung, of Horse-dung.

* 1.174NOw Quinquagesima came, which is the Lent-time to all the people of the East. And the greatest Ladie Cotota with all her company, fasted that weeke, who came euery day to our [ 30] Oratorie, and gaue meate vnto the Priests, and other Christians, whereof a great multitude flocked thither the first weeke, to heare their dutie. And she gaue to me and my Companion, to each a Coate and Breeches of gray Samit (Samito) furred with course haire (Stuppa setae) be∣cause my companion complained much of the weight of his Skinnes, which I receiued for my fellowes comfort, excusing my selfe neuerthelesse, that I would not weare such clothes. I gaue to my Interpreter what belonged to me. Then the Porters of the Court seeing that so great a multitude came daily to the Church, which was within the bounds of the keepers of the Court, they sent one of their fellowes vnto the Monke, declaring vnto him, that they would not haue so great a multitude come together within the precincts of the Court. then the Monke roughly answered, that he would know whether they commanded this from Mangu Chan? hee added [ 40] moreouer certaine threatning speeches, as if he would accuse them to Mangu Chan. Then they preuenting him, accused him before Mangu; That he was too full of words, and that he gathe∣red together too great a multitude to heare him speake. Afterward, the first Sunday in Lent, be∣ing called to the Court (and the Monke being shamefully demanded whether hee had a Knife, insomuch that he put off his shooes) wee came in before Chan himselfe, who hauing the burnt shoulder-blade of a Ramme in his hand, looked vpon it, and (as it were) reading in it, began to reproue the Monke, demanding, that seeing he was a man that should pray vnto God, why hee spoke so much with men? but I stood behind with my head bare: and Chan saying vnto him, Why dost thou not put off thy Cap, when thou commest before me, as that Francke doth? and commanded me to be called neerer. Then the Monke being much abashed, put off his Cap, con∣trary [ 50] to the custome of the Greekes and Armenians. And when Chan himselfe had spoken ma∣ny things sharply vnto him, wee went out. Then the Monke deliuered me the Crosse to beare to the Oratorie, because he could not carry it for shame.

After a few daies he was reconciled vnto him, promising that he would goe to the Pope, and that he would bring all the Nations of the West to his obedience. Whereupon, he returning to the Oratorie after that conference had with Chan, began to enquire of mee touching the Pope, if I beleeued he would see him if he came vnto him in the behalfe of Mangu, and if hee would furnish him with Horses vnto Saint Iames? He demanded also of you, if I thought you would send your sonne vnto Mangu? Then I counsailed him, that he should take heede that hee did not promise lyes to Mangu, because the last errour should bee worse then the first; and that God [ 60] needeth not our lyes, that we should speake deceitfully for him.

At that time there arose a certaine question betweene the Monke and a Priest called Ionas, a Learned man, whose father was an Archdeacon, and the other Priests accounted him for a Ma∣ster and an Archdeacon. For the Monke said, That man was created before Paradise, and that

the Scripture said so. Then was I called to bee an arbitrator of that question. But I being igno∣rant that they contended about this, answered, that Paradise was made vpon Tuesday, when the other Trees were made, and that Man was made the sixt day. Then the Monke began to say, Did not the Deuill bring earth the first day from the foure parts of the world,* 1.175 and making clay made the bodie of man therewith, and God inspired his soule? Then hearing this Haeresie of the Monke, and that he so publikely and shamelesly recited it, I reproued him sharply, saying, he should put his finger vpon his mouth, because he knew not the Scriptures, and that he should take heed, that he said it not, whereby he might be faulty: And he began to mocke me, because I was ignorant of the Language. I departed therefore from him, going to our house. It fell out afterwards, that he and the Priests went on Procession to the Court, without calling mee; be∣cause [ 10] the Monke spake not to me for the foresaid reproofe, nor would he carrie me with him, as he was wont. When therefore they came before Mangu, (I being not seene among them) hee earnestly demanded where I was, and why I came not with them? The Priests fearing, excu∣sed themselues. But returning, they told me the words of Mangu, and murmured at the Monke. After this, the Monke was reconciled to me, and I to him, intreating him, that he would helpe me with his Language, and I would helpe him in the holy Scripture. For a brother that is ••ol∣pen of a brother, is as a strong Citie. After the first weeke of fasting, the Ladie ceased to come vn∣to the Oratorie, and to giue meat, and drinke, which wee were wont to haue, for the Monke suffered it not to be brought, saying, that Mutton fat or Suet was put in the confection thereof: and shee gaue no Oyle, but very seldome: so that we had nothing but browne Bread, and past [ 20] boyling in water, that we might suppe broath; because we had no water, but of dissolued Snow,* 1.176 or of Ice, which was exceeding nought. Then my Companion began to be much grieued: so I acquainted Dauid (the Schoole-master of Chans eldest sonne) with our necessities, who made report thereof to Chan: and he commanded to giue vs Wine, Flowre, and Oyle. Neither the Nestorians, nor the Armenians, eate fish, by any meanes, in the Lent. Then they gaue vs a bottle of Wine. The Monke said he would not eate but on the Sunday: and then the Ladie her selfe sent meat of boyled paste with vinegar to suppe. But he had a Christ by him vnder the Altar,* 1.177 with Almonds and Raisins, and dried Prunes, and many other fruits, which hee ate all the day, whensoeuer hee was alone. Wee ate once a day, and that in great affliction: for as soone as they knew, that Mangu Chan had giuen vs Wine, most impudently they came in vpon vs like [ 30] Dogs, both the Nestorian Priests, who were drunke all the day in the Court, and the Moal∣lians also, and the seruants of the Monke. The Monke also, when any came vnto him, to whom he would giue drinke▪ he sent to vs for Wine. So that, the Wine caused our greater affliction then comfort; because wee could not denie it without offence. If wee gaue, wee wanted our selues, nor durst we, that being spent, desire any more from the Court.

ABout mid-lent Master Williams sonne came, bringing with him a faire siluer Crosse,* 1.178 made after the French fashion, hauing the Image of Christ all of siluer fastened vpon it at the top: which the Monkes and Priests seeing, put it away: this Crosse hee was to present in the behalfe of his Master to Bulgai, who was the chiefe Secretarie of the Court: which when I [ 40] heard, I was offended. The same young man also declared to Mangu Chan, that the worke which he commanded to be made, was finished, which worke I described vnto you. Mangu hath at Caracarum a great Court, hard by the walls of the Citie, enclosed with a bricke-wall; as the Priories of Monkes are enclosed with vs. In that place, there is a great Palace, wherein he holdeth his drinkings twice a yeere: once in Easter, when hee passeth that way, and once in Summer, when he returneth. And this latter is the greater: because then all the Nobles (who dwell farre some two moneths iourney off in any place) meet together at his Court.* 1.179 And then hee giues vnto them gifts and garments, and shewes his great glorie. There are many other houses there, as large as Granges, wherein his victuals, and treasures are stored. In the entrance of that great Palace (because it was vnseemely to bring in bottles of Milke, and other drinkes) [ 50] Master William Parisiensis made him a great siluer Tree,* 1.180 at the root whereof were foure siluer Lions, hauing one Pipe sending forth pure Cowes milke, and the foure Pipes were conuayed within the Tree, vnto the top thereof: whose tops spread backe againe downward: and vpon euery one of them was a golden Serpent, whose tayles twine about the bodie of the Tree. And one of those Pipes runs with Wine, another with Caracosmos, that is, clarified Whay; another with Ball, that is, drinke made of Honey, another with drinke made of Rice, called Teracina. And euery drinke hath his vessell prepared of siluer, at the foot of the Tree, to receiue it. Be∣tweene those foure Pipes in the top, he made an Angell holding a Trumpet; and vnder the Tree, he made an hollow vault, wherein a man might be hid; and a Pipe ascendeth through the heart [ 60] of the Tree vnto the Angell. Hee first made Bellowes, but they gaue not wind enough. With∣out the Palace there is a Chamber, wherein the drinkes are layd, and there are seruants readie there to powre it out, when they heare the Angell sounding the Trumpet. And the boughes of the Tree are of siluer, and the leaues and Peares. When therefore they want drinke, the Ma∣ster Butler cryeth to the Angell, that he sound the Trumpet. Then he hearing (who is hid in

the Vault) blowes the Pipe strongly, which goeth to the Angell. And the Angell sets his Trum∣pet to his mouth, and the Trumpet soundeth very shrill. Then the Seruants hearing, which are in the chamber, euery of them powre forth their drink into their proper Pipe, and the Pipes powre it forth from aboue, and they are receiued below in Vessels prepared for that purpose: Then the Butlers draw them, and carry them through the Palace, to men and women.

* 1.181And the Palace is like a Church, hauing the middle Ile, and the two sides beyond the two rewes of Pillars, and three gates on the South. And within before the middle gate stands the tree. And Chan himselfe sitteth in the North front, in an high place, that hee may bee seene of all. And there are two degrees of steps ascending vnto him, by the one, he that carryeth his cup commeth vp vnto him, and by the other he descendeth. That space which is in the middle, be∣tweene [ 10] the tree and the steps whereby they ascend vnto him, is voyde. For there standeth hee that wayteth on his Cup, and the Messengers, which bring Presents. And hee sitteth there a∣boue like a God. On the right side (to wit) toward the West are the men: on the left women. For the Palace stretcheth it selfe out in length from North to South by the Pillars. On the right side are places full of seates lifted vp, like the Sellar of an house; whereon his Sonnes and Brethren sit. On the left side is the like, where his Wiues and Daughters sit. One only woman sitteth there aboue by him, but not so high as hee. When therefore hee had heard, that the Worke was finished, hee commanded the chiefe Workeman to set it in his place, and make it fit.

* 1.182And about Passion Sunday, hee went before with small houses, leauing his greater houses be∣hind: And the Monke and we followed him; and he sent vs another Bottle of Wine. And hee [ 20] passed betweene the hilly Countries, where there was great wind, and an extreame cold, and there fell a great Snow. Whereupon hee sent about mid-night to the Monke and vs, intrea∣ting vs to pray vnto God, that hee would mitigate that wind and cold, because all the beasts which were in the trayne were in ieopardie, especially because all that time they were with young and readie to bring forth. Then the Monke sent him Incense, requiring him to put it on the coales and offer it to God: which, whether he did, I know not. But the Tempest ceased,* 1.183 which had now continued two dayes, and now the third day drew neere. On Palme Sunday we were neere Caracarum: In the dawning of the day we blessed the Willow boughes, whereon as yet there appeared no bud, and about nine of the clocke we entred the Citie, carry∣ing the Crosse aloft with the Banner, passing through the middle of the street of the Saracens, [ 30] where the Market and Faires are vnto the Church: and the Nestorians met vs on Procession. And entring into the Church, we found them prepared to celebrate the Masse: which beeing celebrated, they all communicated, and they asked mee, whether I would communicate?. I an∣swered that I had drunke before, and the Sacrament should not be receiued but fasting. Masse be∣ing said, it was now Euening. Master William brought vs with great ioy to his Inne to sup with him: who had a Wife, the Daughter of a Lotharingian, borne in Hungarie, who could speake the French and the Language of Comania. We found also there a certayne other man called Basilius, the Sonne of an Englishman, borne in Hungarie, who also was skilfull in the foresaid Langua∣ges. Supper being ended, they brought vs to our Cottage, which the Tartars had appointed vs, in a certayne plat of ground neere the Church, with the Oratory of the Monke. On the [ 40] morrow Chan himselfe entred into his Palace. And the Monke and I, and the Priests went vn∣to him. They suffered not my companion to goe, because he stumbled at the threshold. I much deliberated with my selfe what I should doe, whether I should goe or no. And fearing offence, if I should depart from other Christians, and because it pleased him: and fearing lest that good might be hindred, which I hoped to obtaine, I chose rather to go, although I saw their actions ful of Sorcery and Idolatrie: nor did I any other thing there, but pray for the whole Church with a loud voyce, and also for Chan himselfe, that God would direct him to the way of eternall sal∣uation. We therefore went into the Court which was sufficiently ordered. And in the Summer Riuers are conueyed into euery place, whereby it is watered. After this we entred into the Pa∣lace, full of men and women, and stood before Chan, hauing the foresaid Tree at our backs, which [ 50] with the Vessels thereof tooke vp a great part of the Palace. The Priests brought two little Loaues, and fruit in a Platter, which they presented vnto him, blessing them. And the Butler brought them vnto him sitting aloft in a very high place, much raised. And hee presently began to eate one of the Loaues, and sent another to his Sonne, and to a certayne yonger Brother of his, who was brought vp by a certayne Nestorian, and knew the Gospell, who also sent for my Bi∣ble, that he might see it. After the Priests the Monke said his Prayer, and I, after the Monke. Then he promised,* 1.184 that the next day he would come vnto the Church, which is great enough, and faire, and▪ all the ••eeling aboue was couered with silke wrought with Gold. The next day he went his way, willing the Priests to excuse him, that he durst not come to the Church, be∣cause he vnderstood the dead were carried thither. But we, and the Monke remayned at Cara∣carum, [ 60] and other Priests of the Court, that they might celebrate Easter there.

MAundie Thursday drew neere, and Easter, and I had not our Vestments, and I considered the manner how the Nestorians made the Sacramentall Bread, and I was much troubled,* 1.185 what I should doe; whether I should receiue the Sacrament of them, or should celebrate it in their Vestments, and Chalice, and vpon their Altar, or should altogether abstayne from the Sacrament. Then there were a great multitude of Christians, Hungarians, Alanians, Rutenians, Georgians, and Armenians; all which had not seene the Sacrament since they were taken: because the Nesto∣rians would not admit them to their Church, vnlesse they were baptized of them, as they said, yet they made no mention of this to vs. And they offered their Sacrament freely to vs, and made me stand in the doore of the Quire, that I might see their manner of Consecration. And also on [ 10] the Vigill or Eeuen before Easter, by the Font, that I might see their manner of baptizing. They say, they haue of that Oyntment, wherewith Mary Magdalene anoynted the feet of our Lord, and they power in as much of that Oyle, with that which they lay aside, and kneade their bread therewith. For all those people of the East put fat in their bread, in stead of Leuen or Butter, or Suet of a sheepes tayle, or Oyle.

They say also that they haue of the flowre, whereof the bread was made, which the Lord con∣secrated: and alwayes powre out so much Oyle with it, as the flowre they lay aside. And they haue a Chamber hard by their Quire, and an Ouen, where they bake the bread, which they must consecrate with great reuerence. They therefore make one Loafe of an hand breadth, with the foresaid Oyle, which they first breake into twelue pieces, according to the number of the Apo∣stles: [ 20] and after diuide those pieces, according to the multitude of the people: and the Priest giues the bodie of Christ to euery one in his hand. And then euery man taketh it out of the Palme of his hand with reuerence, and stretcheth his hand to the top of his head.

The foresaid Christians, and the Monke himselfe were very earnest,* 1.186 intreating vs for Gods sake, that wee would celebrate. Then I made them bee confessed, by an Interpreter, as I could, reckoning vp the tenne Commandements, and the seuen deadly Sinnes, and other things, for the which a man ought to bee grieued, and confessed. All of them publikely ex∣cused themselues concerning Theft, saying, that without Theft they could not liue, because their Masters prouided them neither food nor rayment. Then considering, that they had taken away the persons and their substance without iust cause, I said vnto them, that they [ 30] might lawfully take necessaries, of the goods of their Masters, and I was readie to main∣tayne it to the face of Mangu Chan.

Some of them also were Souldiers, who excused themselues, that they must needs goe to the Warres, or else they should bee slaine; I firmely forbad them to goe against the Chri∣stians, and that they should not hurt them, they should rather suffer themselues to bee slaine, for so they should become Martyrs. And I said, that if any would accuse mee of this Doctrine before Mangu Chan, I would bee readie to preach the same in his hearing. For the Nestorians themselues of the Court were present, when I taught this; of whom I was suspitious, least they should report ill of vs. Then Master William caused an Iron to bee made [ 40] for vs,, to make Hosts, and hee had certayne Vestments which hee had made for himselfe: for he had some knowledge in Learning, and behaued himselfe as a Clerke. Hee caused the Image of the blessed Virgin Marie to bee grauen after the French fashion, and ingraued the History of the Gospell (in the Casements) very faire, and made a certayne siluer Boxe, to lay vp the bodie of Christ therein, and the Relikes, in certayne little holes cunningly made in the sides of the Boxe.

Hee made also a certayne Oratorie vpon a Chariot, very fairely painted with holy Histo∣ries. I therefore tooke his Vestments and blessed them, and wee made Hosts, after our manner, very faire; and the Nestorians assigned mee their Font for Baptisme, wherein there was an Altar. And their Patriarch sent them from Baldach,* 1.187 a square Hide like a por∣table Altar, made with Chrisme, which they vse in stead of consecrated Stone. There∣fore [ 50] I celebrated on the Day of the Lords Supper, in their siluer Chalice and Dish, which were very great Vessels; I did the like also on Easter day. And wee communicated the peo∣ple with the blessing of God, as I hope. But they baptized in the Vigill of Easter more then threescore persons very orderly. There was great ioy generally among all Christians.

THen it hapned that Master William was grieuously sicke,* 1.188 and when hee was vpon reco∣uerie, the Monke visiting him, gaue him Rubarbe to drinke, so that hee had almost killed him. Then visiting him, when I found him so ill at ease, I asked him, what hee had eaten or drunke? And hee told mee, the Monke had giuen him the foresaid Potion, and hee drunke two little Dishes full, thinking it had beene Holy Water. Then I went to the Monke, and said vnto him, Either goe as an Apostle doing Miracles indeed, by vertue of Prayer, and [ 60] the Holy Ghost, or doe as a Physician according to the arte of Medicine. You giue a strong

Potion of Physicke to drinke, to men not prepared, as if it were a certayne hollow thing, for the which you will incurre a foule scandall, if it come to the knowledge of men. From that time he began to feare and to beware of him.

* 1.189It hapneth at that time, that that Priest was sicke, who was, as it were, the Archdeacon of the rest: and his friends sent for a certayne Saracen, which was a Sooth-sayer. Who said vnto them, A certayne leane man, who neyther eateth, nor drinketh, nor sleepes in a Bed, is angry with him: if hee can obtayne his blessing hee may recouer. Then they vnderstood it was the Monke. And a∣bout mid-night, the Priests Wife, his Sister, and his Sonne came, intreating that hee would come, and blesse him. They also raised vs vp, to intreate the Monke. Then he said vnto vs, in∣treating him: Let him alone, because hee with three others, who likewise tooke euill courses, consulted to goe vnto the Court, to procure Mangu Chan, that I and you should bee expelled [ 10] from these parts.

For there arose a contention among them, because Mangu and his Wiues sent foure Ias∣cots and certayne Silkes vpon Easter Eeuen to the Monke and Priests, to distribute among them. And the Monke had kept vnto himselfe one Iascot for his part, and of the other three, one was counterfeit, for it was Copper. Whereupon it seemed to the Priests, that the Monke had kept too great a portion to himselfe. Whence (it might bee) that they had some words among themselues, which were reported to the Monke. When day came I went vnto the Priest, hauing an extreme griefe in his side, and spitting bloud: whereupon I thought it was an Impostume. Then I counselled him (if he had any thing that was an others) to restore it.* 1.190 He said, hee had nothing. I spoke vnto him also of the Sacrament of Extreme Vnction. [ 20] Who answered, we haue no such custome, neither doe our Priests know how to doe it: I intreat you, that you would doe it for mee, as you know best to bee done. I aduised him also concerning Confession, which they frequent not, hee spake shortly in the Eare of a certayne Priest, one of his fellowes.

After this hee beganne to bee better, and hee intreated mee to goe for the Monke. So I went, but the Monke would not come at the first: yet when hee heard hee was some-what better, hee went with his Crosse. And I also went, and carryed (in a Boxe of Master Wil∣liams) the bodie of Christ, which I had reserued vpon Easter Day, at the intreatie of Ma∣ster William. Then the Monke beganne to kicke him with his feet, and hee most humbly im∣braced his feet. [ 30]

Then I said vnto him; It is the custome of the Church of Rome, that the sicke should receiue the Bodie of Christ, as it were prouision for their iourney, and a defence against all the De∣ceits of the Enemie. Behold, the Bodie of Christ, which I consecrated on Easter Day. You must bee confessed, and desire it. Then said hee with a great Faith, I desire it with all my heart. Which, when I had discouered, hee, with great affection said, I beleeue, that this is my Creatour and my Sauiour, who gaue mee life, and will restore it againe vnto mee after death in the generall Resurrection: and so tooke the Bodie of Christ (from my hand) made af∣ter the manner of the Church of Rome. Then the Monke abode with him, and gaue him (in my absence) I know not what Potions. On the morrow hee beganne to haue the pangs of death vpon him. Then taking their Oyle, which they said, was holy, I anointed him accor∣ding [ 40] to the manner of the Church of Rome, as they intreated mee. I had none of our Oyle, be∣cause the Priests of Sartach kept all.

And when wee should sing a Dirge, and I would haue beene present at his end, the Monke sent vnto mee, willing me to depart, because if I should bee present, I could not come into the house of Mangu Chan,* 1.191 for one whole yeare. Which, when I had told his friends, they said, it was true: and requested me to depart, lest I might be hindered in that good, which I might pro∣mote. Assoone as hee was dead, the Monke said vnto mee, care not: I haue killed him with my Prayers. This fellow only was Learned, and opposed himselfe against vs: the rest know no∣thing. Henceforth Mangu Chan himselfe, and they all will crouch at our feete. Then hee de∣clared [ 50] vnto me the foresaid Answere of the Sooth-sayer. Which (not beleeuing it) I inquired of the Priests who were friends of the dead, whether it were true or no. Who said it was. But whether he were pre-instructed or not, that they knew not. Afterwards I found, that the Monke called the foresaid Sooth-sayer and his Wife into his Chappell, and caused dust to bee sifted, and to diuine vnto him. For hee had a certayne Rutenian Deacon, who diuined to him. Which, when I vnderstood, I was astonied at his foolishnesse, and said vnto him, Bro∣ther, a man full of the Holy Ghost which teacheth all things, should not demand Answeres or Counsell from Sooth-sayers: seeing all such things are forbidden, and they excommunica∣ted, who follow such things. Then hee beganne to excuse himselfe that it was not true, that hee sought after such things. But I could not depart from him, because I was placed there by [ 60] the commandement of Chan himselfe, nor could I remooue my selfe without his speciall command.

COncerning the Citie of Caracarum, know this, that excluding the Palace of Chan him∣selfe, it is not so good, as the Castle of Saint Denis:* 1.192 and the Monasterie of Saint De∣nis is tenne times more worth then that Palace, and more too. There are two streets there: one of the Saracens, where the Faires are kept: and many Merchants haue recourse thither, by reason of the Court, which is alwayes neere, and for the multitude of Messengers. There is another street of the Cataians, who are all Artificers. Without those streets there are great Palaces, which are the Courts of the Secretaries. There are there twelue kindes of Idolatries of diuers Nations. Two Churches of Mahomet, where the Law of Mahomet is proclaimed: one Church of the Christians at the end of the Towne. The Towne is inclosed with a mudde [ 10] Wall, and hath foure Gates. On the East part Millet and other Graine is sold, which yet is seldome brought thither. On the West, Sheepe and Goates. On the South, Oxen and Wag∣gons are sold. At the North, Horses are sold. Following the Court, before the Ascension, wee came thither the Sunday before the Ascension. The next day after, we were called before Bul∣gai, who is a Iustice, and chiefe Secretarie, both the Monke and all his Family, and wee, and all the Messengers and Strangers, which frequented the house of the Monke. And wee were called before Bulgai seuerally, first the Monke, and after wee, and they beganne diligently to inquire whence wee were, and for what purpose wee came, and what our errand was? And this inquirie was made, because it was told Mangu Chan, that foure hundred Hassasines, or secret Murtherers were gone forth in diuers Habits to kill him. About that time the foresaid [ 20] Ladie was restored to health, and shee sent for the Monke; and hee not willing to goe, answe∣red: shee hath sent for Idolaters about her, let them cure her, if they can. I will goe no more. Vpon Ascension Eeuen, wee were in all the houses of Mangu Chan: and I saw when hee should drinke, how they cast Cosmos to their Idols of Felt. Then I said to the Monke, What fellowshippe hath Christ with Beliall. What part hath our Crosse with these Idols?

Moreouer, Mangu Chan hath eight Brethren, three by the Mother, and fiue by the Fa∣ther. One of them of his Mothers side, hee sent into the Countrey of the Hassasines, who are called by them Mulibet: and hee commanded to kill them all.* 1.193 Another went towards Persia, and is now entred therein, to goe (as is thought) into Turkie, from thence to send [ 30] Armies against Baldach, and Vastacius. One of the other, he sent into Cataia, against some that rebelled. His youngest Brother of the same venter, hee kept nigh himselfe, whose name was Arabucha, who holdeth his Mothers Court which was a Christian, whose Seruant Master William is: for one of his Brothers, on the Fathers side, tooke him in Hungarie in a certayne Ci∣tie, called Belgrade, where there was a Norman Bishoppe, of Belle-Ville neere Roan, with a certayne Nephew of the Bishoppes, whom I saw there at Caracarum. And hee gaue Master William to Mangues Mother, because shee was very earnest to haue him. When she was dead, Master William came backe againe to Arabucha, with all things else pertayning to the Court of his Mother: and from him hee came to the knowledge of Mangu Chan. Who after the fi∣nishing of the foresaid Worke, gaue vnto Master William an hundred Iascots, that is, a thou∣sand [ 40] Markes.

On the Eeuen therefore of the Ascension, Mangu Chan said, hee would goe to his Mothers Court, and visit her, for it was neere. And the Monke said, hee would goe with him, and giue his blessing to his Mothers soule. Chan was well contented. In the Euening, the day of the Ascension, the foresaid Ladie was very much pained.* 1.194 And the chiefe of the Sooth-sayers sent to the Monke, commanding him that the Table should not be smitten. On the morrow, when the whole Court remooued, the Court of the foresaid Ladie remayned still. And when wee came to the place where the Court should stay, the Monke was commanded to depart fur∣ther from the Court, then hee was wont: which hee did.* 1.195 Then Arabucha met his brother Chan. So the Monke, and wee, seeing that hee was to passe by vs, met him with the Crosse. And hee calling vs to minde, because sometimes he had beene at our Oratorie, stretching forth [ 50] his hand, made a Crosse vnto vs, like a Bishop. Then the Monke taking Horse, followed him, bearing certayne Fruits. But hee alighted, before his brothers Court, wayting, while hee came from hunting. Then the Monke alighted there, and offered him the Fruit, which hee receiued. And hard by him sate two Saracens, of the Nobilitie of the Court of Chan. But A∣rabucha vnderstanding of the contention betweene the Christians and the Saracens, enquired of the Monke if hee knew the said Saracens; and hee answered, I know they are Dogges:* 1.196 why haue you them so neere you? but they replyed; why, say they, doe you wrong vs, when wee doe none to you? To whom the Monke said, I speake the truth: and yee, and your Mahomet are vile Dogges. Then they beganne to answere blasphemously against Christ; and Arabucha forbad them, saying, speake not so blasphemously, for wee know, that the [ 60] Messias is God. That very houre there arose so great a winde ouer all the street, that the Deuils seemed to runne through them. And after awhile, there came Rumours, that the La∣die was dead.

The next morning, Chan returning towards his Court another way. For this is their Sor∣cerie, that they neuer returne the same way they came. Moreouer, while the Court abode heere, after the remooue thereof, none dare passe that way (neither Horseman nor Footman) where the Court stayed, so long as any shew of the fire made there, remayneth. That day cer∣tayne Saracens kept company with the Monke vpon the way, prouoking him, and disputing with him. And when hee could not defend himselfe with Argument, and they mocked him, hee would haue lashed them with the Whip which hee held in his hand; and hee went so farre, that the foresaid words were reported at the Court. And wee were commanded to depart with other Messengers, and not abide before the Court, where wee were wont. And I alwayes hoped, the King of Armenia would come. There came some about Easter from Bo∣lac, [ 10] where those Dutchmen are, for whose sake chiefly I went thither, who told mee, that the Dutch Priest should come to the Court. Therefore I mooued no Question to Mangu, concer∣ning our stay, or departure. And in the beginning hee gaue vs leaue to stay but two monethes: and now fiue monethes are past. This was done about the end of May. And wee had conti∣nued there all Ianuary, February, March, Aprill, and May. But hearing no newes of the King, or the said Priest, and fearing lest wee should returne in the Winter, whose sharpnesse wee had prooued, I caused to bee demanded of Mangu Chan, what his pleasure was concerning vs, because willingly wee would euer stay there, if so hee pleased. But if wee must returne, it were easier for vs to returne in Summer, then in the Winter. Hee presently sent vnto mee, commanding, that I should not goe farre off, because his pleasure was to speake [ 20] with mee the next day. But I told him, that if hee would speake with mee, hee should send for Master Williams Sonne, for my Interpreter was not sufficient. And hee, that spake with mee, was a Saracen, who had beene a Messenger to Vastacius: and (blinded with Rewards) counselled Vastacius to send Ambassadours to Mangu Chan, and the meane while the time passed: for Vastacius thought, hee would presently enter his Coun∣trey. So hee sent, and after hee knew them, hee little regarded them, nor made peace with them, neither did they yet enter his Countrey: nor shall they bee able, so long as they dare defend themselues,* 1.197 nor did they euer take any Countrey by Force, but by Deceit. And because men make peace with them, vnder colour of that peace they o∣uerthrow them.

Then hee beganne to bee very Inquisitiue of the Pope, and of the King of the Franckes, [ 30] and of the way to goe to them. But the Monke hearing this, aduised mee secretly not to answere him, because he would procure, that an Ambassadour should be sent. Whereupon I held my peace, not willing to answere him. And hee spake vnto mee I know not what iniurious words; for the which the Nestorian Priests would haue accused him: so that hee had either beene slaine, or beaten all to clouts, but I would not.

* 1.198ON the morrow, (to wit) the Sunday before Pentecost, they brought mee to the Court: and the chiefe Secretaries of the Court came vnto mee: one of Moal, who wayteth vpon Chans cup, and the rest, Saracens, inquiring on the behalfe of Chan, wherefore I came? Then I [ 40] told them the foresaid words, how I came to Sartach, and from Sartach to Baatu, and how Baatu sent me thither. Whereupon, I said vnto him, I haue nothing to speake on the behalfe of any man, vnlesse I should speake the words of God vnto him, if he would heare them; for he should best know what Baatu hath written to him. They stucke vpon this word, demanding, what words of God I would speake vnto him? thinking I would prophesie vnto him some prosperous thing, as many vse to doe. To whom I answered: if yee will that I speake the words of God vnto him, get me an Interpreter. Who said, we haue sent for him, yet speake by this Interpre∣ter, as you may: wee shall vnderstand you well. And they vrged mee much to speake. Then I said: This is the word of God: To whom more is committed, more is required at his hands, ano∣ther also: to whom more is forgiuen, hee ought to loue more out of these true words of God, I said, to [ 50] Mangu himselfe, that God hath giuen him much. For the power and riches which hee hath, the Idols of the Tuinians haue not giuen him, but the Omnipotent God, who hath made Heauen and Earth, in whose hands all Kingdomes are, and hee translateth them from Nation to Nation for the sinnes of men. Wherefore if he loue him, it shall goe well with him: if otherwise, let him know, that God will require all these things at his hands, euen to the vttermost farthing. Then said one of the Saracens, Is there a∣ny man that loueth not God? I answered, God saith, if any man loue me, he will keepe my Com∣mandements: and he that loueth me not, keepeth not my Commandements. Therefore, hee that keepeth not the Commandements of God, loueth not God. Then said hee, haue yee bin in Heauen, that yee might know the Commandements of God? No said I, but he hath giuen them from Heauen to holy men: and at the last himselfe descended from Heauen, teaching vs: and wee haue those things in the [ 60] Scriptures, and we see by the workes of men, whether they keepe them or no. Whereto hee replyed, will yee then say that Mangu Chan keepes not the Commandements of God? To whom I said, Your Interpreter wil come, as yee say, then before Mangu Chan (if it please him) I wil recite the

Commandements of God, and he shall be his owne Iudge, whether hee keepe them or not. So they departed, and told him, that I said, hee was an Idolater or a Tuine, and kept not the Com∣mandements of God. The next day, he sent his Secretaries vnto mee, saying: Our Lord sends vs vnto you, saying. Yee are heere Christians, Saracens, and Tuines: and euery of you saith,* 1.199 his Law is better, and his Letters (to wit) Bookes, are truer. Wherefore hee would, that yee all come together, and make comparison, that euery one write his words, that he might know the truth. Then I said, Blessed be God, who hath put this in the heart of Chan, but our Scriptures said, the Seruant of God must not bee contentious, but meeke vnto all: wherefore I am readie without strife and contention, to render an account of the faith and hope of Christians, to euery one that shall require it. [ 10] Then they wrote my words, and brought them to him. Then the Nestorians were comman∣ded, to prouide themselues, and write what they would speake, and the Saracens likewise, and the Tuinians also.

On the morrow hee sent the Secretaries againe, sayng: Mangu Chan would know, wherefore yee came to these parts, to whom I said: That hee shall know by the Letters of Baatu. Then said they, Baatues Letters are lost, and hee hath forgotten, what Baatu wrote vnto him, wherefore he would know of you. Then somewhat imboldned, I said vnto them. The dutie or office of our Religion is to preach the Gospell to all: whereupon,* 1.200 when I heard of the fame of the people of Moal, I had a desire to come vnto them: and while I was thus purposed, we heard of Sartach, that he was a Christian. Then I directed my Iourney vnto him: And my Souereigne Lord the King of the Frankes sent him Letters, contayning good words: and other words besides, testifie of vs vnto him, [ 20] what men wee are when hee made request, that hee would suffer vs to continue with the people of Moal. Then he sent vs to Baatu, and Baatu to Mangu Chan. Whereupon we intreated, and yet intreat him to suffer vs to stay. But they wrote all, and made relation thereof vnto him. On the morrow, he sent to me againe, saying: Chan knowes well enough that yee haue no message vnto him, but yee came to pray for him as many other Priests doe: But hee demandeth, whether euer any of your Embassadours were with him, or ours with you? Then I declared all vnto them concerning Dauid and Frier Andrew, so they putting all in writ••ng, reported the same vnto him. Then he sent againe vnto me, saying: Our Lord Chan sai••h, yee haue stayed long here, his pleasure is, that yee returne vnto your Countrey: withall,* 1.201 hee demandeth whether yee would conduct his [ 30] Embassadours with you. To whom I made answere, that I durst not carrie his Embassadours beyond his owne Countrey: because there is a Warlike Nation betweene vs and you, and the Sea and Mountaynes, and I am a poore Monke: and therefore dare not take vpon mee to bee his Guide. So they hauing set downe all in writing, returned.

Whitson Eeuen came;* 1.202 The Nestorians writ Chronicles from the Creation of the World to the Passion of Christ: and passing ouer the Passion, they spake of the Resurrection of the dead, and of the Ascension, and of the comming to Iudgement. Wherein somewhat was to be reprehen∣ded which I told them, and wee likewise wrote the Symbole of the Masse, Credo in vnum Deum. Then I demanded of them, how they would proceed. They said, they would first dispute with the Saracens. I shewed them, this was no good course: for the Saracens in this agree with vs, [ 40] who affirme, there is but one God. Wherefore, yee shall haue them to helpe you against the Tuines: so they were contented. Then I asked t••em, if they knew how Idolatry had his first originall in the World, and they could not tell. Then I told them and they said;* 1.203 yee shall de∣clare these things vnto them: and then let vs speake; for it is hard to speake by an Interpreter. To whom I said: make tryall, how yee will behaue your selues against them: I will take the Tuinians part, and yee the Christians. Suppose I am of that Sect, that say, there is no God. Proue yee there is a God. For there is a certayne Sect there, which saith, That euery soule, and euery vertue in what thing soeuer, is the God thereof, and that otherwise there is no God. Then the Nestorians knew not how to prooue any thing, but only that which their Writing decla∣reth. I said, they beleeue not the Scriptures: if yee shew one, they will shew another. Then I counselled them, to let me first talke with them: because if I should be ouercome, they might yet [ 50] haue libertie of speech: if they should be ouerthrowne, I should haue no hearing. They agrred vnto it.

Wee were therefore gathered together on Whidson Euen at our Oratorie, and Mangu Chan sent three Writers, who should be Iudges: one Christian, one Saracen, and one Tuine: And it was proclaimed before. This is the Commandement of Mangu Chan:* 1.204 And none dare say that the Commandement of God is otherwise: He commandeth that none speake contentious or iniurious words to other, nor make any tumult, whereby this businesse might be hindered, vpon paine of his head. Then all were silent: And there was a great assembly there: for euery partie inuited the wisest of their Nation, and many others came flocking thither. Then the Christians set me in the mid∣dle of them, willing the Tuinians to speake with mee. Then they (who are many in number) [ 60] began to murmure against Mangu Chan, because neuer any Chan attempted thus much,* 1.205 to search into their secrets. Then they opposed one vnto mee, who came from Cataia, hauing his Inter∣preter: and I had Master Williams Sonne. And he first said vnto me: Friend, if you bee brought to

a non plus, you must seeke a wiser then your selfe. But I held my peace. Then hee demanded whereof I would first dispute?* 1.206 either how the world was made? or what becomes of the soules after death? To whom I answered: Friend, this should not be the beginning of our speech. All things are of God, and he is the Fountayne and head of all. Wherefore we ought to speake first of God: of whom yee thinke otherwise then we doe. And Mangu desires to know who be∣leeues better. Then the Arbitrators iudged this to bee reasonable. They would haue begunne with the foresaid questions, because they hold them for the strongest; for they are all of the He∣resie of the Manichees: beleeuing, that the one halfe of things is bad, and the other good: and that at the least there are two Principia. And concerning the soules they all thinke they passe from body to body. Insomuch as one of the wisest of the Nestorian Priests demanded of mee, con∣cerning [ 10] the soules of bruite Beasts, whether they could fly any whither where they should not be compelled to labour after death? for confirmation also thereof (as Master William told mee) a certaine child was brought from Cataia, who (according to the quantitie of his body) was not three yeeres old, yet notwithstanding was capable of any reason; who affirmed of himselfe, that he had beene three times incorporated, and knew letters, and how to write. I said to the foresaid Tuinian, Wee firmely beleeue with the heart, and confesse with the mouth, that there is a God, and there is but one God, and one in perfect vnitie. What beleeue you? Hee said: Fooles say there is but one God, but Wise men say there are many. Are there not great Lords in your Country, and here is a greater Lord, Mangu Chan? So is it of the gods: because in diuers Countries there are diuers. To whom I said: You make an ill example or comparison of men with God; for so euery migh∣tie [ 20] man in his countrey may be called a god. And when I would haue dissolued the similitude, hee preuented me, inquiring; What manner of God is yours, whereof you speake, that hee is but one?* 1.207 I answered: Our God, beside whom there is no other, is Omnipotent, and therefore needeth not the helpe of another: nay, all we haue neede of his helpe, it is not so with men. No man can doe all things. And therefore there must be many Lords in the earth, because no one can support all. Againe, he knowes all things,* 1.208 therefore he needes not a Counseller: nay, all wisedome is from him. Moreouer, he is perfect∣ly good, and needeth not our good: nay, in him we liue, moue, and haue our being. Such is our God, and therefore you must not hold there is any other. It is not so, saith he. Nay, there is one highest in the Heauens, whose Generation we know not yet, and ten are vnder him, and vnder them there is one Inferiour. And in the Earth there are infinite. Then hee would haue added other fables. [ 30] So I asked him of that highest God, whether he thought he were Omnipotent? or of any other God? and fearing to answer, hee demanded, if your God bee such as you say, Why made hee the halfe of things euill? It is false said I. Whoso maketh any euill is no God, and all things whatsoeuer are good. At this word all the Tuinians maruelled, and set it downe in writing, as false, or impossible. Then he began to aske, Whence therefore commeth euill? You aske amisse, said I; For first you should demand, what euill is, before you aske whence it is. But returne vnto the first question, whether you beleeue that any God is Omnipotent, and after I will answer you to all whatsoeuer you will demand. Then hee sate a long time and would not answer; Insomuch, as the Writers on the behalfe of Chan, were faine to command him to answer. At length hee answered: That no God was Om∣nipotent. Then all the Saracens brake out into great laughter: Silence being made, I said, There∣fore [ 40] none of your gods can saue you in all dangers, because such a chance may happen, wherein he hath no power. Againe, no man can serue two Masters. How then can you serue so many Lords in Heauen and in earth. The Auditorie willed him to answer. But he held his peace. Then when I was about to alleadge reasons to proue the truth of the diuine Essence, and the Trinitie, in euery mans hea∣ring, the Nestorians of the Countrey said vnto me, that it was enough, because they meant to speake. So I gaue them place: And when they would haue disputed with the Saracens; they answered: We grant that your Law is true, and whatsoeuer is in the Gospell is true: Wherefore wee will not dispute with you in any thing:* 1.209 and they confessed, that they beg at the hands of God in their prayers, that they may die the death of the Christians. There was there a certaine old Priest, of the Sect of Iugurs, who confesse one God, yet they make Idols, with whom they talked much, [ 50] shewing all till the comming of Christ to iudgement, declaring the Trinitie to him and the Sa∣racens by similitudes. All of them harkened without any contradiction; yet none of them said, I beleeue, and will become a Christian. The conference ended, the Nestorians and the Sa∣racens sang together with a loud voice, the Tuinians holding their peace: and after that, they all drunke abundantly.

VPon Whitsonday Mangu Chan called mee before him, and the Tuinian with whom I di∣sputed,* 1.210 and before I went in, Master Williams sonne my Interpreter, said vnto me, that we must returne vnto our Countrey; and that I should speake nothing against it, because he vnder∣stood it for a certaine. When I came before him, I must kneele, and the Tuinian by mee, with [ 60] his Interpreter. Then he said vnto me: Tell me the truth, whether you said (when I sent my Writers vnto you) that I was a Tuinian? Then I answered. My Lord, I said not so, but (if it pleased your Highnesse) I will tell you the words I spake. Then I recited what I had spoken: and he answered; I thought well, you said not so, for it was a word which you should not speake,

but your Interpreter hath ill interpreted it; so hee reacheth foorth his staffe towards mee, whereon he leaned, saying: Feare not. I smiling said softly, If I feared, I had not come hither.* 1.211 Then he demanded of the Interpreter what I had said? So he repeated my words vnto him. Af∣terward he beganne to confesse his Faith vnto me. Wee Moallians (saith he) beleeue,* 1.212 that there is but one God, through whom we liue and dye; and we haue an vpright heart towards him. Then (said I) God grant you this, for without this gift it cannot be. And he demanded what I said: so the Interpreter told him; then he added further. That as God hath giuen vnto the hand diuers fingers, so he hath giuen many waies to men. God hath giuen the Scriptures to you, and ye Christians keep them not. Ye finde it not in the Scriptures, that one of you shall dispraise another? Doe you finde it, said he? [ 10] No, said I, but I signified vnto you from the beginning, that I would not contend with any. I speake it not, saith he, touching you. In like manner, yee finde it not, that for Money a man ought to ••••cline from Iustice. No Sir, said I, and truly, neither came I into these parts to get Money; nay, I refused that which was giuen me. And there was a Writer present there, who gaue testimo∣ny that I had refused a Iascot, and certaine pieces of Silke: I speake it not (said he) for that. God hath giuen you the Scriptures, and yee keepe them not: But he hath giuen vs Sooth-sayers, and we doe that which they bid vs, and we liue in peace. He dranke foure times as I thinke, before hee dis∣closed these things. And while I hearkned attentiuely whether hee would confesse any thing else concerning this Faith, he beganne to speake of my returne, saying: You haue stayed a long time heere, my pleasure is therefore, that you returne. You said,* 1.213 you durst not carrie my Em∣bassadours [ 20] with you. Will you carrie my message or my Letters? And from that time I could neither haue place nor time to shew him the Catholike Faith. For a man cannot speake before him, saue what he pleaseth, vnlesse he were an Embassadour. But an Embassadour may speake what he will: And they alwaies demand, whether he haue any thing else to say. But he suffe∣red me to speake no more: but I must heare him, and answere Interrogatories. Then I answe∣red, That if he could make me vnderstand his words, and that they were set downe in writing, I would willingly carrie them to my power. Then he asked me, if I would haue Gold or Sil∣uer, or costly garments? I said, we receiue no such things: but we haue not expenses, and with∣out your helpe, we cannot get out of your Countrey. Then said he, I will prouide you all neces∣saries throughout my Countrey, will you any more? I answered, it sufficeth me: Then he de∣manded, [ 30] how farre will you be brought? I said, Let our Passe bring vs into the King of Arme∣niaes Countrey: if I were there, it were enough. He answered: I will cause you to be conuey∣ed thither, and after looke to your selfe. And hee added: there are two eyes in one head; and though they bee two, yet there is one aspect of both, and whither the one directeth the sight the other doth. You came from Baatu, and therefore you must returne by him: when hee had thus said, I craued licence to speake. Speake on, saith hee. Then said I; Sir,* 1.214 wee are not men of warre: wee desire that they haue dominion of the world, who would more iustly gouerne it, accor∣ding to the will of God. Our office is to teach men to liue according to the will of God:* 1.215 for this purpose came we into these parts, and would willingly haue remained heere, if it had pleased you: but seeing it is your pleasure that we returne, it must bee so. I will returne and carrie your Letters [ 40] according to my power, as yee haue commanded. I would request your magnificence, that when I haue carried your Letters, it might bee lawfull for me to returne vnto you with your good liking, chiefely, because yee haue poore Seruants of yours at Bolac, who are of our language; and they want a Priest, to teach them and their children their Law, and I would willingly stay with them. Then answered he: Know you whether your Lords would send you backe to me? Then said I; Sir, I know not the purpose of my Lords: but I haue licence from them to goe whether I will, where it were needfull to preach the word of God: and it seemeth to mee, that it were very necessarie in these parts: whereupon, whether they send Embassadours backe or no, if it pleased you, I would returne. Then hee held his peace, and sate a long space as it were in a Muse. And my Interpreter willed me,* 1.216 to speake no more, and I carefully expected what he would answere. At length he said: You haue [ 50] a long way to goe, make your selfe strong with food, that you may come lusty into your Coun∣trey. And he caused them to giue me drinke. Then I departed from his presence, and returned not againe. If I had had power to doe wonders as Moses did, peraduenture hee had humbled himselfe.

SOoth-sayers therefore, as hee confessed, are their Priests:* 1.217 and whatsoeuer they command to bee done, is performed without delay. Whose office I describe vnto you, as I could learne of Master William, and others, who reported vnto me things likely to be true. They are many; and they haue alwaies one Captaine or chiefe Priest: who alwaies placeth his house before the great house of Mangu Chan, neere, within a stones cast. Vnder his custodie (as I said before) are the [ 60] Chariots which beare their Idols. The others are behind the Court, in places appointed for them. And they who haue any confidence in that Art, come vnto them from diuers parts of the World. Some of them are skilfull in Astronomie, specially the chiefe of them. And they fore-tell to them the Eclipse of the Sunne and the Moone, and when it shall come to passe. All the people prepare them food, so that they need not goe forth of the doore of their house. And

when there is an Eclipse, they play vpon their Timbrels and Organs, and make a great noise, and a loude crye, when the Eclipse is past, they giue themselues to feasting, and drinking, and make great ioy.* 1.218 They foretell fortunate and vnlucky dayes for all businesse or affaires. Whereupon they neuer leuie an Armie, nor vndertake Warre without their direction. And they had long since returned into Hungarie: but their Sooth-sayers doe not suffer them. They make all things which are sent to the Court passe betweene fires, and they haue a due portion thereof. They also purge all the houshold-stuffe of the Dead, drawing them betweene the fires. For when any one dieth, all things whatsoeuer appertayne to him, are separated, and not mingled with other things of the Court, till all be purged by the Fire. So did I see it done to the Court of that Ladie, which died, while wee were there. Whereupon, there was a double reason why [ 10] Friar Andrew, and his fellowes should goe betweene the fires, both because he brought presents, as also for that they belonged to him, who was dead, (to wit) Ken Chan. No such thing was required of me, because I brought nothing. If any liuing creature, or any thing else, fall to the ground, while they thus make them passe betweene the fires, that is theirs. They also the ninth day of the Moone of May,* 1.219 gather together all the white Mares of the Herd, and conse∣crate them. The Christian Priests also must come together thither with their Censers. Then they cast ••ew Cosmos vpon the ground, and make a great Feast that day; because then they thinke they drinke Cosmos first, as it is the fashion somewhere with vs, touching Wine, in the Feast of Saint Bartholmew, or Sixtus, and of fruits, in the Feast of Saint Iames and Christopher. They also are inuited,* 1.220 when any child is borne, to foretell his destinie. They are sent for also when any is sicke, to vse their Charmes: and they tell whether it bee a naturall infirmitie, or [ 20] by Sorcerie. Whereupon that woman of Mentz, whereof I spake before, told mee a won∣derfull thing.

On a certaine time, very costly Furres were presented, which were layd downe at the Court of her Ladie, who was a Christian, as I said before. And the Sooth-sayers drew them through betweene the fires, and tooke more of them then was their due. And a certaine woman, vnder whose custodie the treasure of her Ladie was, accused them thereof vnto her Ladie: where∣vpon the Ladie her selfe reproued them. It fell out after this, that the Ladie her selfe began to be sicke, and to suffer certaine sudden passions in diuers parts of her bodie. The Sooth-sayers were called: and they sitting farre off, commanded one of those Maidens, to put her hand vpon [ 30] the place where the griefe was, and if shee found any thing, shee should snatch it away. Then shee arising did so. And she found a piece of Felt in her hand, or of some other thing. Then they commanded her to put it vpon the ground; which being layd downe, it began to creepe, as if it had beene some liuing Creature. Then they put it into the water, and it was turned, as it were, into a Horse-leach: and he said, some Witch hath hurt you thus with her Sorceries: and they accused her that had accused them of the Furres,* 1.221 who was brought without the Tents into the fields, and receiued the bastinado seuen dayes together there, and was thus tormented with other punishments, to make her confesse; and in the meane space her La∣die died. Which shee vnderstanding, said vnto them, I know my Ladie is dead, kill mee, that I may goe after her, for I neuer did her hurt. And when shee confessed nothing, Mangu Chan [ 40] commanded to suffer her to liue. Then the Sorcerers accused the Ladies daughters Nurse, of whom I spake before: who was a Christian, and her husband was the chiefe among all the Ne∣storian Priests, so shee was brought to punishment, with a certaine Maide of hers, to make her confesse. And the Maide confessed, that her Mistresse sent her to speake with a certaine Horse, to demand answeres. The woman also her selfe, confessed some things which shee did to bee be∣loued of her Ladie, that she might doe her good, but shee did nothing that might hurt her. Shee was demanded also, whether her husband were priuie to it: shee excused him, for that he had burnt the Characters and Letters which she had made. Then shee was put to death, and Mangu Chan sent the Priest her husband to the Bishop which was in Cataia,* 1.222 to be iudged, although he were not found culpable. [ 50]

In the meane time it fell out, that the principall wife of Mangu Chan, brought forth a sonne, and the Sooth-sayers were called, to fore-tell the Destinie of the child, who all prophecied pro∣speritie, and said, he should liue long, and be a great Lord: after a few dayes, it happened, the child died. Then, the mother enraged, called the Sooth-sayers, saying, you said my sonne should liue, and loe hee is dead. Then they said, Madam, behold wee see that Sorceresse, the Nurse of Chirina, who the other day was put to death, shee hath killed your sonne; and behold wee see, shee carries him away. Now there remayned one sonne and a daughter of that woman growne to full age in the Tents:* 1.223 and the Ladie sent presently for them in a rage, and caused the young man to be slayne of a man, and the maide of a woman, in reuenge of her sonne, whom the Sooth-sayers affirmed to be killed of their mother not long after, Mangu Chan dreamed of those chil∣dren, and demanded in the morning, what was become of them. His seruants were afraid to [ 60] tell him: and he being troubled the more, demanded where they were, because they had ap∣peared vnto him in a Vision by night. Then they told him. So hee presently sending for his wife, demanded whence shee learned, that a woman should giue sentence of death, without the

priuitie of her Husband? And he caused her to be shut vp seauen dayes,* 1.224 commanding to giue her no meat. But the man who (who slew the young man) he caused to be beheaded; and the head to be hung about the womans necke, who had kild the Mayde; and made her to be cudgelled with burning Fire-brands through all the Tents, and after to be put to Death. Hee had also put his Wife to death, but for the Children he had by her: And he went out of his Court, and retur∣ned not till after one Moone.

The Sorcerers also trouble the Ayre with their charmes: and when the Cold is so great na∣turally, that they cannot apply any remedy, then they search out some in the Campe,* 1.225 whom they accuse, that the cold comes through their meanes, so they are put to Death without any delay. A little before I departed thence, one of the Concubines was sicke, and languished long, [ 10] and they mumbled their Charmes ouer a certaine Dutch Slaue of hers, who slept three dayes. Who, when she came to her selfe, they demanded, what she had seene? And she had seene many persons, of all which, shee iudged they should all shortly dye: And because she saw not her Mi∣stres there, they iudged she should not dye of that sicknes. I saw the Maydes head yet aking by reason of that sleepe. Some of them also call vpon Deuils,* 1.226 and gather them together (who will haue answers from the Deuill) in the night vnto their house, and they put sodden flesh in the middest of the house, and that Chan who inuoketh, beginneth to say his Charmes, and hauing a Tymbrell, smites it strongly against the ground; at length he begins to raue, and causeth himselfe to be bound. Then the Deuill comes in the darke, and giues him flesh to eate, and makes him an∣swer. [ 20] On a certaine time, (as Master William told me) a certaine Hungarian hid himselfe with them, and the Deuill being vpon the house, cryed, that hee could not come in, because a certaine Christian was with them. He hearing this, fled with haste, because they began to search for him. These things and many other doe they, which were too long to report.

AFter the Feast of Penticost they began to make ready their Letters,* 1.227 which they meant to send vnto you. In the meane while, he returned to Caracarum, and held a great Solemnity, iust about the fifteenth of Iune: and hee desired, that all the Embassadours should be present. The last day also he sent for vs, but I went to the Church to Baptise three Children of a cer∣taine poore Dutch-man, whom we found there. Master William was chiefe Butler at that Feast, because he made the Tree which powred foorth drinke. And all the Poore and Rich sung and [ 30] daunced, and clapped their hands before Chan. Then he began to make an Oration vnto them, saying; I haue sent my Brethren farre off, and haue sent them into danger, into forraigne Nations: Now it shall appeare what yee will doe, when I shall send you, that our Common-wealth may be inlarged. Euery day in those foure dayes, hee changed garments, which hee gaue them all of one colour, e∣uery day, from the shooes euen to the tyre of the head. At that time I saw the Embassadour of the Calipha of Baldach, who caused himselfe to bee carried vpon a Horse-litter, betweene two Mules, to the Court: of whom some said, that he made peace with them: so that they should giue him ten thousand Horse for his Army. Others said, that Mangu said, hee would not make Peace, vnlesse they would destroy all their Munition. And the Embassadour answered; when you will plucke off your Horse hoofes, we will destroy our Munition. I saw also there, the Em∣bassadours [ 40] of a certaine Soldan of India, who brought with him eight Leopards, and ten Hare∣hounds taught to sit vpon the Horse buttockes, as Leopards doe. When I inquired of India,* 1.228 which way it lay from that place, they shewed me towards the West. And those Embassadours retur∣ned with me, almost for three Weekes together, alwayes westward? I saw also the Embassadors of the Soldan of Turkie, who brought him rich presents: And hee answered (as I heard) he nee∣ded neither Gold nor Siluer, but men: wherefore he required them to prouide him an Army. In the feast of Saint Iohn he held a great Drinking, and I caused one hundred and fiue Carts, and ninety Horses to be numbred, all laden with Cowes milke: And in the feast of the Apostles S. Pe∣ter and S. Paul, in like manner. At length the Letters being dispatched, which he sendeth to you, [ 50] they called me, and interpreted them, the tenor whereof I writ, as I could vnderstand them by my Interpreter, which is this. The commandement of the eternall God is this: There is but one Eternall God in Heauen: vpon Earth let there be but one Lord Chingis Chan, Temingu Tingij, That is to say the sound of Yron: (They call Chingis, the sound of Yron, because hee was a Smith: and puffed vp with pride, they call him now the Sonne of God.) This is the word which is spoken to you. Whatsoeuer Moals wee are, whatsoeuer Naymans, whatsoeuer Merkets, whatsoeuer Musul∣man, wheresoeuer eares may heare, whethersoeuer Horse may goe, there, cause it to bee heard,* 1.229 and vn∣derstood, since they haue heard my commandement, and would not beleeue it, and would leuy an Army against vs, yee shall heare and see, that they shall be as hauing Eyes, and not seeing, and when they would hold any thing, they shall be without hands, and when they would walke, they shall be without feet. This is the [ 60] commandement of the Eternall God, by the vertue of the Eternall God: by the great world of the Moall. The cōmandement of Mangu Chan is giuen to the French King, King Lodouick, and all other Lords, and Priests and to the great world of the Frankes, that they vnderstand my wordes, and the commaun∣dement of the Eternall God, made to Chingis Chan. Nor from Chingis Chan, nor others after him, came this commandement vnto you. A certaine man called Dauid came vnto you, as an Embassadour

of the Moalls, but he was a lyar, and with him you sent your Embassadours to Chen-chan. After Chen-chan was dead,* 1.230 your Embassadours came to his Court. Charmis his wife sent you Cloth, called Nasic. But to know matters appertayning to Warre and Peace, and to settle the great World in quiet, and to see to doe good, That wicked woman, more vile then a Dog, how could shee know how to doe it? Those two Monkes which came from you vnto Sartach, Sartach sent them to Baatu: but Baatu, be∣cause Mangu Chan is the greatest ouer the World of the Moalls, sent them vnto vs. But now, that the great World and the Priests, and the Monkes might liue in peace, and enioy their goods, that the commandement of God might be heard among you, wee would haue sent our Embassadours of Moall, with your Priests: but they answered, that betweene vs and you there was a warlike Nation, and many bad men, and troublesome wayes; so as they feared they could not bring our Embassadours safe vnto you, but if we would deliuer them our Letters, contayning our commandement to King Lodowick, they [ 10] would carrie them. For this cause wee sent not our Embassadours with them▪ But wee haue sent the commandement of the eternall God by your said Priests. It is the commandement of the eternall God, which wee haue giuen you to vnderstand. And when you shall heare and beleeue it, if yee will obey vs, send your Embassadours vnto vs, so shall wee be certified, whether yee will haue peace with vs, or warre. When by the power of the eternall God, the whole World shall be in vnitie, ioy, and peace, from the rising of the Sunne, to the going downe of the same, then shall it appeare what wee will doe. When yee shall heare and vnderstand the commandement of the eternall God, and will not hearken to it, nor beleeue it, saying, our Countrey is farre off, our Hills are strong, our Sea is great, and in this confidence, shall leuie an Ar∣mie against vs, to know what wee can doe, Hee which made that which was hard, easie; and that which was farre off, neere; the eternall God himselfe knowes it. [ 20]

And they called vs your Embassadors in the Letters. Then I said vnto them, call vs not Em∣bassadors, for I said well to Chan, that wee are not the Embassadors of King Lodowicke. Then they went vnto him and told him. But when they returned, they said vnto me: that he held it much for our good, and that he commanded them to write as I should direct them. Then I told them, they should leaue out the name of Embassadour, and call vs Monkes and Priests. In the meane time, while these things were doing, my Companion hearing that wee must returne by the Wildernesse to Baatu, and that a man of Moall should be our Guide, he ranne (without my priuitie) to Bulgai the chiefe Scribe, signifying to him by signes that he should die, if he went that way. And when the day came, wherein we should haue our Passe (to wit) a fortnight af∣ter [ 30] the Feast of Saint Iohn;* 1.231 when we were called to the Court, the Scribes said vnto my Com∣panion, Behold Mangus pleasure is, that your Companion returne by Baatu, and you say, you are sicke, and it appeareth so: Mangu sayth thus, If you will goe with your Companion, goe: but let it be your owne fault; because peraduenture you may remayne with some Iani, that will not prouide for you, and it will bee an hinderance to your Companion. But if you will stay heere, he shall prouide necessaries for you, till some Embassadours come, with whom you may returne more easily,* 1.232 and by a way where there are Villages. The Friar answered, God grant Chan a prosperous life; I will stay. Then I said vnto the Friar; Brother, bee aduised what you doe, I will not leaue you. You leaue not me (sayth he) but I leaue you: because, if I goe with you, I see the death of my bodie and soule, because I haue not patience in intolerable labour. [ 40] Then they held three Garments or Coats, and said vnto vs, Yee will not receiue Gold, or Sil∣uer,* 1.233 and yee haue stayed long here, and prayed for Chan: hee entreats you, that at the least eue∣ry one of you would receiue a single Garment; that yee depart not emptie from him. Then we must receiue them, for reuerence of him: for they account it a very euill thing, when their gifts are contemned. First, he caused vs to bee often asked, what we would haue? And wee alwaies answered the same thing: so that the Christians insulted ouer the Idolaters, who seeke nothing but gifts. And they answered, that wee were fooles: because if hee would giue them his whole Court, they would willingly take it and should doe wisely to. Receiuing therefore the Garments, they be sought vs to make our prayers for Chan; which we did. So, taking our leaue,* 1.234 we went to Caracarum. But it happened vpon a certaine day, while wee were with the [ 50] Monke, farre from the Court, with other Embassadours; that the Monke caused the Table to be strucken so hard, that Mangu Chan heard it, and demanded what it was? Then they told him. So he asked, why he was remoued so farre from the Court. They told him, because it was trou∣blesome to bring him Horses and Oxen euery day vnto the Court: and said further, that it were better, that he should stay at Caracarum. Then Chan sent vnto him, saying, if hee would goe to Caracarum, and stay there, neere about the Church, he would giue him all things necessarie. But the Monke answered, I came from the holy Land of Ierusalem hither, by the commande∣ment of God, and left that Citie, wherein there are a thousand better Churches then that of Caracarum. If he please that I stay here and pray for him, as God commanded me, I will stay: if not, I will returne to the place from whence I came. So that euery euening Oxen were [ 60] brought him yoaked to the Carts, and in the morning he was brought vnto the place where hee vsed to be before the Court. And a little before wee departed thence, a certaine Nestorian came, who seemed to bee a wise man: Bulgai the chiefe Secretarie placed him before his Court; to whom Chan sent his children, that he should blesse them.

WEe came therefore to Caracarum. And while wee were in Master Williams house,* 1.235 my Guide came vnto me, and brought me ten Iascots▪ whereof he left fiue in Master Wil∣liams hand, willing him to spend them in the behalfe of Chan, for the Friars necessities, which remayned there: other fiue he left in the hand of the Man of God, my Interpreter, comman∣ding to spend them vpon the way, for my necessities. For Master William had giuen them such instructions, without our knowledge. I presently changed one into money, and distributed it to the poore Christians, which were there: for all their eyes were fixed vpon vs. Wee spent another in buying necessarie things for vs, as garments, and other things, which wee wanted. With the third, the Man of God himselfe, bought some things, wherein hee gayned somewhat which was profitable vnto him: we spent the rest, and that to; because since wee came into [ 10] Persia, sufficient necessaries were no where giuen vs: nor yet any where among the Tartars:* 1.236 but we seldome found any thing to be sold there. Master William, sometimes your Citizen, sends you a certaine Girdle set wi••h a certaine precious-stone,* 1.237 which they vse to weare against thun∣der and lightning, and infinitely salutes you, alwaies commending you to God in his prayers: for whom, I shall neuer bee able to render sufficient thankes to God and you. Wee baptized there in all sixe soules. Wee therefore departed one from the other with teares: my Compa∣nion remayning with Master William; and I returning alone, with my Interpreter, my Guide, and one seruant; who had commandement to take one Mutton in foure dayes, for vs foure. Wee came therefore in two moneths and ten dayes from Caracarum to Baatu, and neuer saw Towne,* 1.238 nor token of any house, but Graues, except one Village, where in we eate no Bread. Nor did we [ 20] euer rest, in those two moneths, and ten dayes; saue one day, because wee could not get Horses. Wee returned for the most part by the same kind of people, and yet through other Countries altogether: for we went in the Winter, and returned in the Summer, and by the higher parts of the North by farre; except, that fifteene dayes iourney wee must goe and returne alwaies hard by a certaine Riuer, betweene the Mountaines, where there is no lodging,* 1.239 but by the Ri∣uer side. We went two dayes, and sometimes three dayes, taking no food but Cosmos. Once wee were in great danger, not being able to finde any people, our prouision fayling vs, and our Horses tyred. When I had trauelled twentie dayes, I heard newes of the King of Armenia, that he had passed by.

In the end of August I met with Sartach himselfe, who went to Mangu Chan with Flockes [ 30] and Herds, and with his Wiues and Children:* 1.240 yet his great Families remayned betweene Ta∣nais and Etilia. And I did my dutie to him, saying, I would willingly stay in his Countrey; but Mangu Chan would not haue mee returne, and carrie his Letters. Hee answered, that I must performe the will of Mangu Chan. Then I asked Coiac for your children. Hee answered, they were in the Court of Baatu carefully recommended. I also required to haue our Clothes, and Bookes againe: who answered, Did yee not bring them to Sartach? I said, I brought them to Sartach, but I gaue them not vnto him, as yee know: and I replied to him, what answere I made, when he demanded whether I would giue them to Sartach. Then hee answered, you say true, and none can resist the truth. I left your goods with my father, who remayneth neere Sa∣rai; which is a new Towne Baatu hath made vpon Etilia, on the East shoare:* 1.241 but our Priests [ 40] haue some of the vestments. If any thing like you (said I) keepe it, so my Bookes be restored. Then he told me, he would report my words to Sartach. I must haue Letters (said I) to your Father, to restore mee all. But he was readie to bee gone, and said vnto mee, The traine of the Ladies followeth vs neere at hand. Yee shall alight there, and I will send you Sartachs answere by this man. I was very carefull he should not deceiue me; yet I could not contend with him. Late in the euening the man came vnto me, whom he shewed me, and brought two Coats with him, which I thought had beene all of Silke, vncut: and he said vnto me, Behold two gar∣ments: the one, Sartach hath sent to you; and the other, if it seeme good to you, you shall pre∣sent to the King, on his behalfe. To whom I answered, I weare no such garments, I will pre∣sent them both vnto my King, in honour of your Lord. Then said hee, doe wi••h them what [ 50] you please; but it pleased me to send them both vnto you, and I send them to you by the bearer of these presents. He deliuered him Letters also to the Father of Coiac, to restore mee all which appertayned vnto me, because he had no need of any thing which was mine.* 1.242 So wee came to the Court of Baatu the same day I departed thence, the yeere past; the second day after the Exaltation of the blessed Crosse. And I found our young men in health, yet much afflicted with penurie, as Gosset told me. And if the King of Armenia had not comforted them, and recom∣mended them to Sartach, they had perished: for they thought I had beene dead. The Tartars also demanded of them, if they could keepe Oxen, or milke Mares. For, if I had not returned, they had beene brought into their seruitude.

[ 60] After this, Baatu caused me to come vnto him, and made the Letters (which Mangu Chan sends vnto you) to be interpreted vnto me. For so Mangu wrote vnto him, that if it pleased him to adde any thing, or leaue out, or change, hee should doe it. Then said hee, yee shall carrie these Letters, and cause them to bee vnderstood. Hee demanded also what way I would goe, whether by Sea, or Land? I said, the Sea was shut, because it was Winter,* 1.243 and I must goe by

Land.* 1.244 For I thought you had beene yet in Syria, so I directed my iourney towards Persia. For if I had thought you had passed into France, I would haue gone into Hungarie: so I should soo∣ner haue come into France, and by a more easie way then into Syria. Then wee trauelled * 1.245 a moneth with him, before wee could haue a Guide. At length, they appointed mee a certaine Iugur, who vnderstanding I would giue him nothing, and that I would goe forth-right into Ar∣menia, caused Letters to be made, to conduct me to the Soldan of Turkie, hoping he should receiue gifts of the Soldan, and that he should gayne more that way. Then we tooke our iourney spee∣dily (fifteene dayes before the Feast of Al-Saints) towards Sarai, going forth right Southward, descending neere to Etilia, which is diuided into three Armes there below: euery one where∣of is almost twice as big as the Riuer of Damiata. It maketh foure other lesser Armes; so that [ 10] we passed that Riuer in seuen places by Boat. Vpon the middle Arme is the Village, called Su∣merkent, without a wall: but when the Riuer ouerflowes, it is compassed with water. The Tartars were eight yeeres about it before they could take it: and the Alani, and the Saracens were in it. There we found one Dutch-man, with his wife, a very good man, with whom Gosset stayed in the Winter: for Sartach sent him thither to ease his Court. About those parts was Baatu on the one side of the Riuer, and Sartach on the other, about Christmas, and they goe no further downe. And it falleth out, that all the Riuer is frozen, so they passe ouer. Here is great store of grasse, and there among the Caues theeues hid themselues, till the Ice melt. Coiacks fa∣ther, receiuing Sartachs Letters, restored my vestments vnto mee, except three Albes and an Amice trimmed with fine Silke, and a Stole, and a Girdle, and a Tualia adorned with golden embroyderie, and a Surplice. He restored also vnto me the siluer Plate, except the Censer, and [ 20] the little Boxe where the Chrisme was. All which, the Priests which were with Sartach had. Hee restored my Bookes, except our Ladies Psalter, which hee kept with my leaue, because I could not denie it him: for he said, Sartach tooke much delight in it. Hee also requested me, that if it happened, that I returned vnto those parts againe, I would bring them a man that knew how to make Parchment: for he made a great Church (by the Commandement of Sar∣tach) vpon the West side of the Riuer, as he said, and a new Towne. Yet I know that Sartach meaneth no such matter. Sarai and the Palace of Baatu, are vpon the Easterne side of the Riuer. And the Valley through which the Armes of the Riuer are spread abroad, contayneth more then seuen leagues in bredth. And there is great store of fish there. A Bible also in verse, and a cer∣taine [ 30] Booke in the Arabian, worth thirtie Sultanies, and many other things I neuer recouered.

SO departing from him on the Feast of All-Saints, alwaies going toward the South, in the Feast of Saint Martin,* 1.246 we came to the Mountaines of the Alani. Betweene Baatu and Sa∣rai in fifteene dayes we found no people, but one of his sonnes, who went before him, with Falcons, and his Falconers, who were many, and one litle Village. From the Feast of All-Saints, for fiue dayes, we found not a man: and wee were almost in great danger by reason of thirst, one whole day and a night finding no water, till about three of the Clocke the next day, the Alani in those Mountaines yet hold out, so that, of ten of the Subiects of Sartach, two must come, to guard the straight and narrow passages of the Hills, left they come forth of the Moun∣taines, [ 40] and steale their Cattell in the Playne. Betweene the Alani, and Porta Ferrea, which is two dayes iourney thence, where the Playne of Arcacci beginneth, betweene the Caspian Sea and the Mountaines, there are certaine Saracens called, Lesgi, betweene the Mountaines, who likewise resist: so that those Tartars, who dwell at the foot of the Mountaines of the Alani, were faine to giue vs twentie men, to bring vs beyond the Iron gate, or Porta Ferrea. And I was glad, because I hoped to see them armed. For I could neuer see their Armour, though I had beene very desirous. And when we came to the dangerous Passage, of twentie there were two which had Habergions. And I demanded, whence they had them? They said, they had gotten them of the Alani aforesaid, who are good Worke-men for such things, and excellent Smiths. Whereupon, I thinke, they haue small store of Armour, but Quiuers, and Bowes, and Leather [ 50] Iackes. I saw them presented with Iron Plates, and Iron Sculls (capillos) out of Persia. And saw two also, who presented themselues to Mangu, armed with Coats made of Hogs skins bent inward, of rough Leather, which were very vnfit, and vnwildy. Before we came to Porta fer∣rea,* 1.247 we found one Castle of the Alani, which was Mangu Chans: for hee had subdued that Countrey. There we first found Vineyards, and drunke Wine. The day following, wee came to Porta ferrea,* 1.248 which Alexander the Macedonian King made. And it is a Citie whose East end is vpon the Sea shoare, and there is a little Plaine betweene the Sea and the Mountaines, through which the Citie is stretched forth in length vnto the top of the Mountaine which bordereth vp∣on it on the West: so that there is no way aboue, for the roughnesse of the Mountaines, nor be∣low for the Sea, but forth-right through the middest of the Citie ouerthwart, where there is [ 60] an Iron gate, from whence the Citie hath the name. And the Citie is more then a mile long, and in the top of the Hill a strong Castle: and it is as much in bredth, as a great stones cast: it hath very strong walls without Trenches, and Turrets of great polished stones. But the Tar∣tars haue destroyed the tops of the Turrets, and the Bulwarkes of the Walls, laying the Tur∣rets

euen with the Wall. Beneath that Citie, the Countrey was wont to bee like a Paradise.

Two dayes iourney hence, we found another Citie called Samaron,* 1.249 wherein there were many Iewes. And when we past it, we saw walles descending from the Mountaines to the Sea. And leauing the way by the Sea by those walles, because it bent towards the East, wee went vp into the high Countries towards the South. On the morrow, wee passed through a certaine Valley,* 1.250 wherein the foundations of walles appeared, from one mountaine to another, and there was no way through the tops of the Mountaines. These were sometimes the Inclosures or walles of Alexander, restraining the fierce Nations, (to wit) the Shepheards of the Wildernes, that they could not inuade the inhabited Countries and Cities. There are other walles or Inclosures where [ 10] Iewes are. The next day we came vnto a certaine great Citie, called Samag. And after this, we entred into a great Plaine, called Moan, through which the Riuer Cur floweth, of the which the Curgi haue their name, whom we call Georgians. And it runneth through the middle of Ti∣flis, which is the Metropolis of the Curgines, and in comes directly from the West running to the East, to the foresaid Caspian Sea, and it hath excellent Salmons. In that plaine wee ••ound Tar∣tars againe. Also by that plaine comes the Riuer Araxes, which commeth from the greater Ar∣menia, from betwixt the South and West: of which it is called the Land Araxat, which is Ar∣menia it selfe. Whereupon in the booke of the Kings it is said of the Sonnes of Sennacherib* 1.251, that hauing slaine their Father they fled into the Land of the Armenians. And in Esay it is said, that they fled into the Land of Ararat. To the West then of that most beautifull Plaine is Curgia. In [ 20] that Plaine the Crosmini were wont to be. And there is a great Citie in the entrance of the Mountaines, called Ganges, which was their Metropolis, stopping the Georgians that they could not come downe into the Plaine. Then wee came to the Bridge of Ships, which were fastened together with a great Yron chaine, stretched forth crosse the Riuer, where Cur, and Araxes meet together. But Cur loseth his name there.

AFter that, wee went alwayes vpward by Araxes, whereof it is said;* 1.252 Pontem dedignatur A∣raxis, Araxes disdaines a Bridge; Leauing Persia, and the Caspian mountaines on the left hand, towards the South: on the right hand, Curgia, and the great Sea toward the West: going Southwest, betweene the South and the West. We passed through the meadows of Bacchu, who [ 30] is Generall of that Armie, which is there within Araxis: And hee hath made the Curgi, and Turkes, and Persians subiect to him. There is another Gouernour (in Persia at Taurinum, ouer the Tribute) called Argon. Both which, Mangu Chan hath called home to giue place to his Brother comming into those Countries. That Countrey which I haue described to you, is not properly Persia, but was sometimes called Hyrcania. I was in Bacchues house, and hee gaue vs Wine to drinke, and he himselfe dranke Cosmos, which I would willingly haue drunke, if he had giuen it me: yet it was the best new Wine: but Cosmos is more wholsome for an hunger-staruen man. Wee went vp therefore by the Riuer Araxes, from the Feast of Saint Clement, vnto the second Sunday in Lent, till we came to the head of the Riuer. And beyond that Mountaine where it ri∣seth, there is a goodly Citie, called Arserum, which belongeth to the Soldan of Turkie.* 1.253 And [ 40] neare thereabout Euphrates ariseth towards the North, at the foot of the Mountaines of Curgia: to whose Spring I had gone, but the Snow was so great, that no man could goe out of the trodden path: on the other side of the Mountaines of Caucasus, towards the South ariseth Tigris.

When we departed from Bacchu, my Guide went to Taurinum to speake with Argon, carry∣ing my Interpreter with him. But Bacchu caused me to bee brought to a certaine Citie, called Naxnan, which sometimes was the head of a certaine great Kingdome, and the greatest and fai∣rest Citie; but the Tartars haue made it a Wildernes. And there were sometimes Eight hun∣dred Churches of the Armenians there: now there are but two little ones: for the Saracens haue destroyed them: In one of the which, I held the feast of Christmas as I could with our Clerke. And the next day following, the Priest of that Church dyed: to whose buriall came a certaine Bishop, with twelue Monkes of the high Countries. For all the Bishops of the Arme∣nians [ 50] are Monkes, and of the Greekes likewise, for the greater part. That Bishop told me, that there was a Church neere that, where Saint Bartholmew, and likewise Saint Iudas Thaddaeus were martyred: but there was no way open for Snow. He told me also, that they haue two Pro∣phets: The first or chiefe is Methodius the Martyr, who was of their Country, and plainely Pro∣phesied of the Ismaelites. Which Prophesie is fulfilled in the Saracens. The other Prophet is called Acacron, who when hee dyed, Prophesied of a Nation of Archers, that should come from the North, saying; That they should Conquer all the Countries of the East: and should spare the Kingdome of the East, that he might giue them the Kingdome of the West. But he saith, our Friers the Frankes being Catholikes, beleeue them not: And they shall possesse the Countries from North to South: and shall come vnto Constantinople, and shall take the Port of Constanti∣nople. [ 60] And one of them, who shall be called a Wise man, shall enter the Citie: and seeing the Churches and rites of the Frankes, shall cause himselfe to be Baptized, and shall counsell the Frankes, how they may kill the Emperour of the Tartars; and there they shall be confounded. Hearing this, the Frankes which shall be in the middle of the Land, (to wit) Hierusalem, shall set

vpon the Tartars, who shall border vpon them, and with the helpe of our Nation (that is) the Armenians, shall pursue them: so that the French King shall place his Roy••ll Throne at Taurinum in Persia. And then all East Countries, and all the vnbeleeuing Nations shall be conuerted to the Faith of Christ. And there shall be so great Peace in the world, that the Liuing shall say to the Dead, Woe be vnto you wretches, that liued not vntill these times. I read this Prophesie brought to Constantinople by the Armenians, which remaine there, but I made light of it. Yet, when I spake with the said Bishop, calling it to minde, I regarded it the more. And throughout all that Armenia, they as firmely beleeue this Prophesie as the Gospell. Hee said vnto vs also: Euen as the Soules in Limbo expected the comming of Christ for their deliuery; so doe we looke for your comming, that we might be freed from this slauery, wherein wee haue so long liued. Neere the [ 10] City (Vaxnan) aforesaid,* 1.254 there are Mountaines, on the which (they say) the Arke of Noah rested. And there are two, one greater then the other, and Araxes runneth at the foote of them. And there is a little Towne there, called Cemainum, which is by Interpretation, Eight: for (they say) it was so called of the Eight persons, which came foorth of the Arke, and built it. Many haue as∣sayed to climbe the greater Hill, and could not. And that Bishop told me, that a certaine Monke was very much troubled, and an Angell appeared vnto him, and brought him a piece of the wood of the Arke, willing him to trouble himselfe no more. That piece of Wood they had in their Church, as he told me. Neither is the Hill so high in appearance, but that men might well get vp vnto it. A certaine Old man shewed me a sufficient reason, why none should climbe it. They call that Mountaine Massis:* 1.255 and it is of the Feminine gender in their Tongue. No man (saith [ 20] he) must climbe vp Massis, because it is the Mother of the world.

In that Citie (of Vaxnan) Frier Bernard Cathalane, of the Order of the Preaching Friers found me; who abode in Georgie, with a certaine Prior of the Sepulcher, who possesseth great lands there. And he had learned somewhat of the Tartars language. Who went with a certaine Hun∣garian Frier to Taurinum, to desire Argons Passe to Sartach. When they came there, they could not haue accesse:* 1.256 and the Hungarian Frier returned by me to Tephelis with one Seruant: but Fri∣er Bernard remained at Taurinum with a certaine Lay-Frier, whose language he vnderstood not. We went out of the Citie of Vaxnan in octauis of the Epiphanie:* 1.257 for we had stayd long there by reason of the Snow. We came therefore in foure dayes to the Countrey of Sahensa, a certain Cur∣gine, sometimes mighty, but now tributary to the Tartars, who destroyed all his Munition: whose Father Zacharias got that Countrey of the Armenians, hauing deliuered them from the [ 30] hands of the Saracens. And there are many faire Villages of true Christians, hauing Churches right like the Frankes. And euery Armenian hath in his house, in an honourable place, a wooden hand holding a Crosse, and he sets a burning Lampe before it: And that which we doe with holy Water, sprinkling it to driue away wicked Spirits, they doe the same with Frankinsence. For e∣uery euening they burn Frankinsence, carrying it through all the corners of the house, to rid them of all kinde of Enemies. I ate with the foresaid Sahensa, and he did me great reuerence, both he and his Wife, and his sonne Zachary was a very faire and wise young man. Who demanded of me, that if he should come vnto you, whether yee would entertaine him? for he so hardly broo∣keth the Dominion of the Tartars, that, though he haue plenty of all things, he had rather tra∣uaile into a strange Country, then indure their Lord-like Dominion. They said further, that they [ 40] were sonnes of the Church of Rome: and if the Lord Pope would send them any ayde, they would bring all the bordering Nations vnto the subiection of the Church.

From that Towne of his, in fifteene dayes, we entred the Countrey of the Soldan of Turkie, vp∣on the first Sunday in Lent.* 1.258 And the first Castle we found, is called Marsengen. All in the Ca∣stle were Christians, Armenians, Curgines, and Greekes: The Saracens onely haue the Dominion. There, the Captaine of the Castle said, he had receiued commandement, that no victuals should be giuen to any Franke, or to the Ambassadours of the King of Armenia, or of Vastacius. So that from the place where wee were the first Sunday in Lent, vnto Cyprus, (whether I came eight dayes before the Feast of Saint Iohn Baptist) we must buy our prouision. He, who was my guide [ 50] procured me Horses, and tooke money for the victuals, and put it in his purse. When he came in∣to the Fields, seeing a flocke any where, hee violently tooke one Sheepe, and gaue it to his family to eate, and maruailed I would not eate of his robbery. In the Purification I was in a certaine Ci∣tie called Aini, which was Sahensas, whose situation is most strong: and there are there a thou∣sand Armenian Churches,* 1.259 and two Synagogues of the Saracens. The Tartars place a Baily there. There fiue Preaching Friers met me, whereof foure came from Prouince in France, and the fift ioyned himselfe to them in Syria, and they had but one sicke Boy, who could speake Turkish, and a little French:* 1.260 And they had the Popes letters to Sartach, and to Mangu Chan, and to Buri; such as your Highnes gaue me, Letters of request, that they would suffer them to continue in their Countrey, and Preach the Word of God, &c. But when I told them what I had seene, and how [ 60] they sent me backe againe, they directed their iourney to Tephelis, where there are Friers of their Order, to consult what they should doe. I said vnto them they might well passe, by those Let∣ters, if they would: but they should bee well assured to indure much labour, and render an ac∣count of their comming: for seeing they had no other message, but the office of Preaching, they

would care but a little for them, and chiefly, because they had no Interpreter. What they did af∣ter, I know not.

THe second Sunday in Lent, we came to the head of Araxis, and passing beyond the top of the Mountaine, we came to Euphrates; by the which wee descended eight dayes,* 1.261 alwayes going to the West, vnto a certaine Castle, called Camath. There Euphrates bendeth to the South towards Halapia. But we passing the Riuer went through very high hilly Countries, and through the deepe Snow to the West. There was so great an Earthquake there that yeare, that in one Citie called Arsengan, tenne thousand persons noted by name, perished, beside poore men of [ 10] whom there was no notice taken. Riding three dayes together, we saw the gaping of the Earth, as it was cleft by the Earthquake, and the heapes of Earth which came from the Mountaines, and filled the valleyes: so that if but a little more of the Earth had beene moued, that which Esay speaketh had beene literally fulfilled. Euery valley shall be filled, and euery Mountaine, and little hill shall be humbled. We passed through the Valley where the Soldan of Turkie was vanquished of the Tartars. It were too long to write how he was ouercome. But a certaine seruant of my guides who was with the Tartars, said; That the Tartars were not aboue tenne thousand in the whole, and a certaine Curgine, a seruant of the Soldans, said; That there were two hundred thousand with the Soldan, all Horsemen, In that plaine where the Battaile was, nay that flight, there brake out a great Lake, at the time of the Earthquake. And my heart told me; that all the Earth ope∣ned her mouth to receiue yet more blood of the Saracens. We were in Sebaste of the lesser Ar∣menia [ 20] in Easter weeke. There we visited the Tombes of forty Martyrs. There the Church of Saint Blase standeth: but I could not goe thither, because it was aboue in the Castle. On Low-Sunday we came to Cesaria of Cappadocia; where there is a Church of Saint Basill the great. A∣bout fifteene dayes after we came to Iconium, making small iournies, and resting in many places: because we could not so readily procure Horses. And my guide did this of purpose; taking vpon him to sollicite his owne busines three dayes, in euery Towne: whereupon, I was much grieued, but durst not speake, because he might haue sold, or slaine me and our seruants, and there was none to gaine-say it. I found many Frankes at Iconium, and a certaine Ianuensian Marchant, cal∣led Nicholas de Sancto Syrio. Who with a certaine companion of his a Venetian, called Boniface de Molendino, carried all the Allum out of Turkie, so that the Soldan could not sell any,* 1.262 but to those [ 30] two: and they made it so deare, that what was wont to be sold for fifteene Bizantians, is now sold for fifty. My guide presented me to the Soldan; The Soldan said, he would willingly cause me to be conuayed to the Sea to Armenia, or Cilicia. Then the foresaid Marchant knowing that the Saracens made little accompt of me, and that I was much burthened with the company of my guide (who troubled me euery day to giue him gifts) caused me to be conueyed to Curcum,* 1.263 a Hauen of the King of Armenia. I came thither the day before the Ascension, and stayed till the day after Penticost. Then I heard, that Ambassadours came from the King to his Father. Then I went speedily to the Kings father, to demand, whether hee had heard any newes of his Sonne: And I found him set with all his Sonnes one excepted, called Barum Vsin: Who made a certaine [ 40] Castle. And he receiued newes from his Sonne, that hee was returned: And that Mangu Chan had much eased his Tribute, and had giuen him a Priuiledge,* 1.264 that no Ambassadour should come into his Countrey. Whereupon the old man himselfe, with all his Sonnes made a great Banquet. And he caused me to be conueyed to the Sea, to the Hauen called Aijax: and thence I passed o∣uer into Cyprus. And at Nicosia I found our Prouinciall, who the same day carried me with him to Antiochia, which is in very weake state. Wee were there on the Feast of Saint Peter and Paul. From thence we came to Tripolis, where our Chapter was, in the Assumption of the Bles∣sed Virgin.

ANd our Prouinciall determined, that I should leaue Acon, not suffering me to come vnto you:* 1.265 commanding, to write vnto you, what I would by the bearer of these Presents. And not [ 50] daring to resist contrarie to my obedience, I did according to my power, and vnderstanding: cra∣uing pardon of your inuincible Clemencie for my superfluities, or wants, or for any thing that shall be vndiscreetly, nay foolishly spoken, as from a man of little vnderstanding, not accusto∣med to indite long Histories. The Peace of God which passeth all vnder standing preserue your heart and vnderstanding.

I would willingly see your Highnesse, and certayne spirituall friends, which I haue in your Kingdome. Wherefore, if it should not bee contrarie to your Maiesties liking, I would beseech you to write to our Prouinciall, that he would let me come vnto you, and returne shortly againe into the Holy Land.

Concerning Turkie, your Maiestie shall vnderstand, that the tenth man there, is not a Sara∣cen: [ 60] nay, they are all Armenians, and Greekes, and Children rule ouer them.* 1.266 For the Soldan who was conquered of the Tartars, had a lawfull Wife of Hiberia, by whom he had one feeble Sonne, concerning whom he charged, that he should be the Soldan. He had another of a Greeke Concu∣bine, whom he gaue to a certayne great Admirall. The third, hee had of a Turke. To whom

many Turks and Turcomans being gathered together, they purposed to haue slaine the Sonnes of the Christians. They ordayned also (as I vnderstood) that after they had gotten the Victorie, they would destroy all the Churches, and kill as many as would not become Saracens. But hee was ouercome, and many of his men slaine. Hee renued his Armie the second time, and then was taken,* 1.267 and is yet in Prison. Pacaster the Sonne of the Greeke Concubine procured of Filia∣ster, that he might be Soldan, because the other was weake, whom they sent to the Tartars. Whereupon, his Kindred on the Mothers side (to wit) the Hiberi, and the Curgi were angry. So that a child ruleth in Turkie, hauing no Treasure, few Warriours, and many Enemies. The Son of Vastacius is weake,* 1.268 and hath warre with the Sonne of Assau, who likewise is a child, and worne out with the seruitude of the Tartars. Wherefore, if an Armie of the Church should [ 10] come to the Holy Land, it were a very easie thing to subdue all these Countries, or to passe through them.

* 1.269The King of Hungarie hath not aboue thirtie thousand Souldiers. From Cullin to Constanti∣nople are not aboue threescore dayes iourney by Waggons. From Constantinople are not so many dayes iourney to the Countrey of the King of Armenia. In old time, valiant men passed through these Countries, and prospered, yet they had most valiant Resisters; whom God hath now de∣stroyed out of the Earth. And wee need not be in danger of the Sea, nor in the mercie of Say∣lers. And the price which wee should giue for fraight, were sufficient for expenses by Land. I speake it confidently,* 1.270 if your Countrimen (I say not Kings and Souldiers) would goe, as the Kings of the Tartars goe, and bee contented with such victuals, they might winne the whole [ 20] World. It seemeth not expedient (as I thinke) that any Frier goe vnto the Tartars any more, as I did, or as the Preaching Friers doe. But if our Souereigne Lord the Pope would honourably send a Bishop,* 1.271 and answere their follies: which they haue thrife written to the Frankes: once to Pope Innocent the Fourth of Sacred Memorie, and twice to your Maiestie, once by Dauid, who deceiued you, and now by me, he might speake vnto them what he would, and also cause them to put those things in writing. For they heare whatsoeuer an Ambassadour will speake, and alwayes demand, if he will say any more. But he must haue a good Interpreter; nay, many Interpreters, and large Expenses.

FOr the Readers better satisfaction touching the former Authour, and knowledge of the North [ 30] parts of Asia and Europe and for His owne sake also, I haue added this Transcript of our famous Countriman Frier Bacon, which I haue not Englished, both to preuent tediousnesse in this Worke, other∣wise more then enough voluminous▪ and because he was an Historian, no Traueller; and the vse thereof is principally to such as can reade his owne Idiome; a good part also being the same with that which our former Frier hath deliuered.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Master Hak. had published part of this Author, but the whole worke being found in Benet Colledge Li∣brary in Cam∣bridg, I thought fit to commu∣nicate it to the World; it being neuer publi∣shed, as I thinke, in any Language▪ I begin with the Tartars, as be∣ing ••••owne to thes•• parts be∣fore the Chi∣nois: yea, China or Mang•• be∣came knowne by them. Ecclus 39. v. 3. Cassaria, or Gasaria.
• * 1.2

  Gasaria▪
• * 1.3

  Soldaia.
• * 1.4

  The Citie of Matriga.
• * 1.5

  Matriga.
• * 1.6

  Zikia.
• * 1.7

  Frier Bartholo∣mew de Cremo∣na.
• * 1.8

  The necke of Tanrica Cher∣sones••••.
• * 1.9

  The Tartars.
• * 1.10

  Chap. 2. Of the Tartars, and of their houses.
• * 1.11

  The benefit of a Painter in strange Coun∣tries.
• * 1.12

  Chap. 3. Of their Bed••, Puppets, Ima∣ges and drin∣king Pots.
• * 1.13

  Idols.
• * 1.14

  Chap. 4. Of their drinkes, and how they pro∣uoke one ano∣ther to drin∣king.
• * 1.15

  They vse the like custome in Florida.
• * 1.16

  Chap. 5. Of their ••ood and victuals.
• * 1.17

  Drying of flesh in the wind.
• * 1.18

  Chap. 6. How they make their drinke, called Cosmos.
• * 1.19

  Caracosmos▪
• * 1.20

  Duke Baatu.
• * 1.21

  Store of Mares, and Mares milke.
• * 1.22

  Chap. 7. Of ••he beasts which they eat of their gar∣men••s, and of their manner of hunting.
• * 1.23

  Our Falconers vse the left fist. Another strange cu∣stome, which I leaue to bee scanned by Falconers themselues.
• * 1.24

  Great expense of Wooll.
• * 1.25

  Chap. 8. Of the fashion which the Tar∣tars vse in cut∣ting their haire, and of the attire of their women.
• * 1.26

  Chap. 9. Of the duties inioyned vnto the Tartarian Women, and of their labors, and also of their marri∣ages.
• * 1.27

  Chap. 10. Of their exe∣cution of Iu∣stice and Iudg∣ment: and of their deaths and burials.
• * 1.28

  Sepulchres.
• * 1.29

  Chap. 11. Of our first entrance a∣mong the Tar∣tars, and of their ingrati∣tude.
• * 1.30

  Duke Sartach.
• * 1.31

  Chap. 12. Of the Court of Scacatai▪ & how the Chri∣stians drinke no Cosmos.
• * 1.32

  A caue at right worthy the no∣ting.
• * 1.33

  Superstition, the Kingdom •• of God is not meate and drinke.
• * 1.34

  Chap. 13. How the Ala∣nians came vn∣to vs on Pen∣tecost or Whit∣son E••••e.
• * 1.35

  Or, Akas.
• * 1.36

  Cloth is the chiefe Mer∣chandise in Tartarie.
• * 1.37

  Chap. 14. Of a Saracen which said that he would be baptized: and of certaine men which see∣med to bee L••∣pers.
• * 1.38

  Salt-pits. Ten dayes Iourney.
• * 1.39

  Valani.
• * 1.40

  The length of Comania.
• * 1.41

  Russia.
• * 1.42

  Chap. 15. Of our afflicti∣ons which wee sustained ▪ and of the Comani∣ans manner of buriall. Prussia.
• * 1.43

  Extreame heate in Sum∣mer.
• * 1.44

  Tanai••.
• * 1.45

  The breadth of Tanais.
• * 1.46

  He is much de∣ceiued.
• * 1.47

  About the be∣ginning of Au∣gust, the Tar∣tars returne Southward.
• * 1.48

  Chap. 16. Of the Domi∣nion of Sar∣tach, and of his Subiects.

  The people of Moxel are Pa∣gans.
• * 1.49

  The people called Merdui being Saracens.
• * 1.50

  The circuit of the Caspian Sea.
• * 1.51

  Kergis or Aas.
• * 1.52

  The Saracens called Lesgi.
• * 1.53

  He returneth by Derbent.
• * 1.54

  Chap. 17. Of the Court of Sartach, and of the magni∣ficence there∣of.

  Coiat, the Nesto∣rian.
• * 1.55

  No good con∣sequence.
• * 1.56

  Chap. 18. How they were giuen in charge to goe vnto Baatu the Father of Sar∣tach.
• * 1.57

  They are come as farre as Volga.
• * 1.58

  The Tartars will be called Moal.
• * 1.59

  Chap. 19. How Sartach, and Mangu-Can, and Ken-Can doe reue∣rence vnto Christians. This Historie of Presbyter Iohn in the North-east, is alleaged at large by Gerar∣dus Mercator in his generall M••p.

  From whence▪ the Turkes first sprang.

  An Ocean Sea. Nayman. Presbyter Iohn.
• * 1.60

  The place of Ken Kan his aboad.

  Vut Can, or Vuc Can.

  The Village of Cara Carum. Crit & Merkit.
• * 1.61

  Moal in old time a begger∣ly people. The place of the Tartars.
• * 1.62

  Cyngis.
• * 1.63

  Mangu-Can.
• * 1.64

  Mancherule.
• * 1.65

  Chap. 20. Of the Rus∣sians, Hungari∣ans, and Alani∣an•••• and of the Caspian Sea.
• * 1.66

  O••, Ber••a.
• * 1.67

  Changl••.
• * 1.68

  Frier Andrew.
• * 1.69

  Chap. 21. Of the Court of Baatu: and how we were entertayned by him.

  The North Ocean.
• * 1.70

  He descendeth downe the Ri∣uer Volga in a Barke.
• * 1.71

  A••••racan.
• * 1.72

  The descripti∣on of Baatu his Court.
• * 1.73

  Horda signi∣fieth the midst.
• * 1.74

  Iohn de Plano Carpini.
• * 1.75

  The Letters of the French King.
• * 1.76

  Chap. 22. Of our iour∣ney towards the Court of Mangu-Can.
• * 1.77

  They trauell fiue weekes by the banke of Etilia.
• * 1.78

  Hungarians.
• * 1.79

  A Comonian.
• * 1.80

  A iourney of foure moneths from Volga.
• * 1.81

  The sixteenth, of September.
• * 1.82

  Forty six daies Or, Kangittae.
• * 1.83

  Chap. 23. Of the Riuer of Iagac: Or, Iaic, and of diuers Re∣gions or Nati∣ons.

  Iaic, twelue daies iourney from Volga. Pascatir.

  The Hungari∣ans descended from the Bas∣cirdes.
• * 1.84

  Valachians.
• * 1.85

  Deut. 32. v. 21. Rom. 10. v. 19.
• * 1.86

  Cangle an huge plaine Coun∣trey.
• * 1.87

  Chap. 24. Of the hunger and thirst, and other miseries, which we su∣stained in our iourned.
• * 1.88

  Certaine Ri∣uers.
• * 1.89

  Eight daies iourny South-ward.

  Asses swift of foot▪

  High Moun∣taines. Manured grounds. Kenchat, a Vil∣lage of the Sa∣racens.
• * 1.90

  The seuenth day of No∣uember.

  A great Riuer.
• * 1.91

  Many Lakes. Vines.
• * 1.92

  Chap. 25. How Ban was put to death: and concer∣ning the habi∣tation of the Dutch men. A Cottage. The Moun∣taynes of Cau∣casus are exten∣ded vnto the Easterne Sea. The Citie of Talas, or Chin∣citalas. Frier Andrew.
• * 1.93

  The Village of Bolac.
• * 1.94

  He entreth in∣to the Territo∣ries of Mangu-Can.

  Certaine Alpes wherein the Cara Catayans inhabited. A mightie Ri∣uer.

  Ground tilled. Equius.
• * 1.95

  A Lake of fif∣teene daies iourney in compasse.
• * 1.96

  Coila•• a great Citie and full of Merchants.
• * 1.97

  Contomanni.
• * 1.98

  Chap. 26. How the Nesto∣rians, S••racens, and Idolaters are ioyned to∣gether.

  The people called Iugure•• Idolaters.
• * 1.99

  Frier William was at Caraca∣rum.
• * 1.100

  Chap. 27. Of their Tem∣ples and Idols, and how they behaue them∣selues in wor∣shipping their false gods▪ Bookes.
• * 1.101

  Paper. So doe the people of Chi∣na vse to write, drawing their lines perpendi∣cularly downe∣ward, and not as we doe, from the right hand to the left.
• * 1.102

  Chap. 28. Of diuers and sundry Nati∣ons: and of certaine peo∣ple which were wont to eate their owne parents. The Countrey of Presbyter Iohn. Tangut▪
• * 1.103

  Strange Oxen.
• * 1.104

  The people of Tebet.
• * 1.105

  Abundance of gold.
• * 1.106

  The s••ature of the people of Tangut, and of the Iugures. Langa and So∣langa.

  The people of Solanga resem∣ble Spaniards
• * 1.107

  A table of Ele∣phants tooth.
• * 1.108

  The people called Muc.
• * 1.109

  Great Cataya.
• * 1.110

  From hence is supplyed by Master Haclu∣its industrie (as he told me) out of a Manu∣script in Bennet Colledge in Cambridge: the other part hee had out of an imper∣fect Copie of my Lord Lum∣lies. The Chap∣ters disagree, as being (I thinke) rather some Transcribers diuision then the Authors. Yet haue I followed the numbers I found, euen where they are obscurest. The Friers Latin for some barbarous words and phrases, hath beene troublesome to 〈◊〉〈◊〉. The worke I hold a Iewell of Antiquitie, now first entirely publike.
• * 1.111

  Idolatry.
• * 1.112

  Nestorians.
• * 1.113

  Segni a Citie of Cathay.

  They are so at this day. The euill qua∣lities of the Nestorians. Hence by cor∣ruption of manners and ignorance of faith, seemeth the Apostacy of the greatest part of Asia to haue happe∣ned, furthered by Tartarian inuasions and Saracenicall. All Priests.
• * 1.114

  Consider our Author a Frier, whose trauels we rather em∣brace, then (in such passages) his diuinitie. They were later Fathers which made such Decrees, contrary to the Father of truth which ordained marriage in Leuies Priest-hood, and chose married men to the Apostleship: and forewarned of another Father, who with Doctrines of Deuils should prohibite meate and marriage, vnder colour of Priests chastitie, making the Temple stewes to carnall and spirituall whoredome.
• * 1.115

  Chap. 26. Of such things as befell them, departing from Cailac, to the Country of the Naymannes. Nouemb. 30.
• * 1.116

  Decemb. 6.
• * 1.117

  Extreme cold.
• * 1.118

  Decemb. 7.
• * 1.119

  A dangerous passage.
• * 1.120

  Chap. 27. Of the Coun∣try of the Nay∣mans, and what befell the stock of Ken-Chan his sonne & wiues. B••atu.
• * 1.121

  Stichin and Ken kill one ano∣ther.
• * 1.122

  Chap. 28. Of their com∣ming to the Court of Man∣gu Chan.
• * 1.123

  Onam Kerule the proper Country of the Tartars. Chap. 15.
• * 1.124

  Tartars pride.
• * 1.125

  Decemb. 28.
• * 1.126

  Chap. 29. Of a Christian chappell, and of the confe∣rence with Ser∣gius the coun∣terfeit Armeni∣an Monke, and of the sharpnes and continu∣ance of the Winter.

  An Armenian Monke.
• * 1.127

  Their confe∣rence with the Armenian Monke.
• * 1.128

  Monkish Re∣(ue)lation.
• * 1.129

  Toes frozen. S. Francis Or∣der not Ca∣tholike; Vni∣uersally fitting all places and seasons.
• * 1.130

  Frost vntill the moneth of May.
• * 1.131

  Easter in the end of the end of Aprill. And great Snow in the end of Aprill.
• * 1.132

  Shauing.
• * 1.133

  Respect of Priests.
• * 1.134

  Chap. 30. Of the Admit∣ting of the Friars to Man∣gu Chan, and his description, and their con∣ference with him.

  The descrip∣tion of Mangu Chan.
• * 1.135

  Drinke of Rice is cleere and sauoury, and like to white Wine. The Indians call it Racke.
• * 1.136

  The Oration of Frier Willi∣am to Mangu Chan.
• * 1.137

  The like Let∣ters you haue of King Edw. 2. before l. 8. c. 7. for another Friar.
• * 1.138

  The answer of Mangu Chan, not wel vnder∣stood and deli∣uered by a drunken Inter∣preter.
• * 1.139

  Caracarum ten daies iourney from the Court of Mangu Chan, toward the North, as ap∣peareth, Ch. 36.
• * 1.140

  Chap. 31. Of Pascha, of Mentz in Lo∣tharingia, and William Bou∣chier the Gold∣smith, a Parisi∣an.

  Building in request.
• * 1.141

  They also rec∣kon by Moones in East India.
• * 1.142

  Crac is a strong fortresse of the Templ•• is in the holy Land.
• * 1.143

  Chap. 32. Of Theodolus the Clerke of Acon, how hee deceiued Man∣gu Chan, and was impriso∣ned of 〈◊〉〈◊〉.

  Frier Andrew went from Cy∣prus by Persia. Blasphemous flattery.
• * 1.144

  The Golden Tablet of the Emperor of the Tartars. Vastacius King of Pontus.
• * 1.145

  Or, Erserum▪
• * 1.146

  Sergius an Ar∣menian Monke.
• * 1.147

  Chap. 33. O•• Mangu Chans holyday, and how his principall wi••e and his eldest sonne came to the Diuine ce∣remonies of the Nestorians, and o•• their filthy ••••wsing••
• * 1.148

  The cold much preuayleth.
• * 1.149

  The 13. of Ian.
• * 1.150

  Cotota Caten the principall Wife of Mangu Chan.

  Baltu the Son of Mangu Chan.
• * 1.151

  Vnum buc••e∣ranum.
• * 1.152

  Cosmos of Mares Milke, Vid. sup.
• * 1.153

  Ianuary 20▪
• * 1.154

  Of the Fast of the Nestorians, and Armenians, and of their Processions vnto the Court of Mangu Chan his eldest Son, and Wiues. Saint S••rkis. Lent.

  Mangu Chans Court visited with Processi∣ons.
• * 1.155

  How they di∣uine by the sholder blades of Rommes burnt blacke. In M. Ienkin∣sons Voyage a∣mong the Tar∣tars, ye may reade of such a Diuination.
• * 1.156

  Threshold-Su∣perstition. They doe the like in Florida.
• * 1.157

  Baltues Court who was eldest Son of Mangu Chan.
• * 1.158

  The Court of the third Lady. The Armenians and Nestorians are ashamed to shew Christ fastned to the Crosse.

  Mangu built a Church.

  The Court of the fourth Lady.
• * 1.159

  Drunkennesse not reprouea∣ble among the Tartars.
• * 1.160

  Chap. 35. How Lady Cota was cured of Sergius the counterfeit Monke. Li••ence is granted him to carrie the Crosse aloft.
• * 1.161

  Rubarbe and the Crosse Mi∣racle-workers with credulous Superstition. Holy water not knowne in the East.
• * 1.162

  Sergius the Ar∣menians Lye.
• * 1.163

  Sorcerie of foure swords.
• * 1.164

  The Crosse carried aloft.
• * 1.165

  Chap. 36. A description of the Coun∣tries about the Court of Man∣gu Chan, and of their manner of writing, and their money.
• * 1.166

  Chap. 3.
• * 1.167

  Al Riuers ben∣ding towards the South and North runne towards the West.
• * 1.168

  Chap. 15.
• * 1.169

  Su-Moal, the Water Tartars to the East, li∣uing vpon fish. Kerkis. Orangai.

  Pascatir on the West.
• * 1.170

  Chap. 19.
• * 1.171

  Mutezuma commanded the like in No∣ua Hispania.
• * 1.172

  A description of Apes, or else an embleme or Apish fable, and perhaps by the Chinois inuented, to sell their wares the dearer.
• * 1.173

  Most precious Purple.

  Cataia vpon the Ocean. Taute and Man∣se, who dwell in Ilands, whose Sea freezeth in the Winter. Cataia paper money.

  The manner of writing in Ca∣taia like that of China.

  The people of Thebet·

  Their manner of writing in Tangut and Iu∣gur.

  The money of the Rutenians.
• * 1.174

  Chap. 37. Of the second fast of the peo∣ple of the East, in Lent. The Monke is re∣proued for the multitude of those that came vnto him.
• * 1.175

  Monkes Ma∣nichaean blas∣phemie of the Creation.
• * 1.176

  Snow-water, or water of Ice, exceeding naught.

  No fish eaten in Lent.
• * 1.177

  Hypocriticall feast-fast.
• * 1.178

  Chap. 38. A Description of the worke of William Bou∣chier, and of the Palace of Mangu Chan at Caraca••um, into which Citie they entred on Palm-sunday.
• * 1.179

  Two moneths iourney.
• * 1.180

  The Descrip∣tion of a most artificiall siuer Tree.
• * 1.181

  The descripti∣on of the Pa∣lace.
• * 1.182

  The Sunday in the Passion he goeth towards Caracarum.
• * 1.183

  They enter Ca∣racarum on Palme Sunday
• * 1.184

  Mangu Chan departeth from Caraca∣rum.
• * 1.185

  Chap. 39. The manner how the Nesto∣rians make the Sacramentall Bread. The Christians confesse them∣selues, and re∣ceiue the Sa∣crament of Frier William in the dayes of the Lords Sup∣per, and Easter
• * 1.186

  The Christians desire the Sa∣crament. Confession. Theft exclu∣ded the ten Commande∣ments: per∣haps these fel∣lowes were of those Borde∣rers minde, which thought K. Henry had put it in the Decalogue.
• * 1.187

  The Patriarch of the Nestori∣ans remayneth at Baldach.
• * 1.188

  Chap. 40. William Bou∣chier is sicke, the Monke gi∣ueth him Ru∣barbe; the Priest Ionas is sicke: Frier William admi∣nistreth the Lords Supper vnto him, and anionteth him beeing readie to dye. Hee reproueth the Monke for his Sorceries.
• * 1.189

  The Priest Io∣nas is sicke and dye••h.
• * 1.190

  The Nestorians know not Ex∣treme Vnction, nor Confessi∣on.
• * 1.191

  He that is pre∣sen•• with one that dyeth, cannot come into the pre∣sence of the Prince, for the space of an whol•• yeare. Bold blindnes. The Monke v∣seth Diuinati∣ons.
• * 1.192

  Chap. 41. The descripti∣on of the Ci∣tie of Caraca∣rum, they are examined: Mangu Chan sendeth h••s brethren a∣gainst diuers Kingdomes, the Monke biddeth the Saracens fare∣well. The Wife of Mangu Chan dyeth.
• * 1.193

  The Countrey of the Hassa∣sines, or Muli∣bet.

  Chap. 16. Some of Ca∣taia rebell.
• * 1.194

  Ascension day.
• * 1.195

  Arabucha the yonger bro∣ther of Mangu Chan.
• * 1.196

  Ignorant zeale a betrayer of the Faith, a cause perhaps of Tartarian Saracenisme. One of the Wiues of Chan dyeth.
• * 1.197

  The Tartars do more by deceit then by force.
• * 1.198

  Chap. 42. They are often examined wherfore they came, Man∣gu desireth to make com∣parison of Di∣uine things. The most lear∣ned speech of Frier William with the Idola∣ters. The Sa∣racens acknow∣ledge the truth of the Gospel. The godly conference of Frier William, with the Ser∣uants of Man∣gu Chan.
• * 1.199

  Mangu Chan desireth to haue a compa∣rison made concerning di∣uine things, betweene the Christians, Sara∣cens, and Idola∣ter••.
• * 1.200

  His Answere.
• * 1.201

  Mangu Chan wil haue them returne.
• * 1.202

  Whitsunday Eeuen.
• * 1.203

  How Idolatry began first in the World.
• * 1.204

  The Proclama∣tion of Mangu Chan.
• * 1.205

  The murmu∣ring of the I∣dol••ters a∣g••inst Mangu Chan·
• * 1.206

  The beginning of the disputa∣tion concer∣ning the Chri∣stian Religion, with an Idola∣ter.

  We ought first to speake of God.

  The heresie of the Manichees in Cataia, as a sprout from the Magi, infe∣cting all the Easterne Phi∣losophie and Religions. A Pythagorean child.
• * 1.207

  God is Omni∣potent.
• * 1.208

  God knowes all things. God perfectly good.
• * 1.209

  The Saracens answer, that the Gospell is true.

  The Sect of the Iugurs.
• * 1.210

  Chap 43. The day of Pentecost he is called be∣fore Mangu Chan, who con∣fesseth the faith of the Tartars he speaketh of his returne by Baatu, he craueth leaue to stay there, whi••h is not graunted.
• * 1.211

  A token of fa∣uour.
• * 1.212

  The faith of the Tartars.
• * 1.213

  He spe••keth of the Fryers re∣turne.
• * 1.214

  Baatus great∣nesse.
• * 1.215

  Hee craueth leaue againe to stay in the Tar∣tars Countrey, but it is not granted.
• * 1.216

  He departeth from the pre∣sence of Man∣gu Can.
• * 1.217

  Chap. 44. A description of the Tartari∣an Sorcerers, and of their diuers and vn∣lawfull behaui∣our.

  Chiefe Priest of the Tartars. Some of them know Astrono∣my.

  Eclipses.
• * 1.218

  They fore-tell lucky and vn∣fortunat dai••s for the perfor∣mance of all bu••inesse what∣soeuer.

  They cause all things sen•• to the Court▪ passe betweene fires. Friar Andrew, and his fellows
• * 1.219

  The ninth day of the Moone of May▪ so∣lemnly kept e∣uery ye••re.
• * 1.220

  They are cal∣led to the birth of children▪ and fore-tell their destinies, and are also ••ent for when any are sicke.
• * 1.221

  The false ac∣cusations of the Sorcerers.
• * 1.222

  The Bishop of the Nestorians in Cataia.
• * 1.223

  A lyer and a murtherer from the be∣ginning.
• * 1.224

  The Reuenge of Mangu Chan, vpon his Wife being a mur∣therer.
• * 1.225

  The Sorcerers trouble the Ayre with their Charmes.
• * 1.226

  The Sorcerers raise vp deuils.
• * 1.227

  Chap. 45. Great Solem∣nity. Mangu Chans Letters to Lodowicke King of France: the Friers companion stayeth with the Tartars: they returne to Caracarum. This is also the manner of the Americanes in Florida.

  The Embassa∣dour of the Ca∣lipha of Baldach
• * 1.228

  The Embassa∣dours of a cer∣taine Soldan of India.

  India is more to the West then Caracarum by three weeks iourney.

  The Feast of Saint, Iohn, Iune 24.

  The Letters of Mangu Chan, to Lodowicke the French King.
• * 1.229

  Moall. Nayman, Merket. Musulman.
• * 1.230

  Chen-chan, is called Cume∣can, of Iohn de Plano Carpini.
• * 1.231

  He departeth the 9. of Iuly.
• * 1.232

  Note.
• * 1.233

  They stayed there from the 27. of Decem∣ber to the 9. of Iuly.
• * 1.234

  They depart from the Court to Ca∣racarum.
• * 1.235

  Chap. 46. They come to Caracarum. Re∣turning he ac∣companieth Baatu a whole moneth; de∣parting, he go∣eth toward the South to the Towne Sa••ai.
• * 1.236

  He returned by Persia.
• * 1.237

  A precious stone good a∣gainst thunder and lightning.
• * 1.238

  From Caraca∣rum to the Ri∣uer of Volga, is two moneths, and ten dayes iourney.
• * 1.239

  A Riuer be∣tweene the Mountaines of fifteene dayes iourney.
• * 1.240

  The end of August he met Sartach in his returne going to Mangu. Coiac the Priest of Sartach.
• * 1.241

  Sarai is a new Towne, built vpon Etilia, or Volga.
• * 1.242

  They come to the Court of Baatu, Sep∣tem. 16. 1254. cap. 18.

  The King of Armenia com∣forted them.
• * 1.243

  The sea frozen in the Winter.
• * 1.244

  A short way by Hungarie.
• * 1.245

  Bigauimus wane-trauel∣ling with Baa∣tu a whole mo∣neth.

  His Guide was a Iugur.

  They depart from Baatu, 17. of October, going right South.

  The seuen mouthes of the Riuer of Volga.

  The Village Sumerkent, or Astracan is in the latitude of 46. degrees. They goe no further downe, then Sumerkent of Astracan. The Riuer of Volga frozen ouer.

  He commeth to Sarai.

  Sarai is vpon the East side of Etilia. This place is now called Vchoog, from Astracan 60. Vers••ae.
• * 1.246

  Chap. 47. From Sarai they passe by the Mountains of the Alani, and by the Saracens called Lesgi, and by Derbent, by the Citie Samar••n. by Alexanders Inclosures or Walls, by the Citie Shama∣ghi, by the gr••••t Plaine Moan, and the Bridge made of ships, where Cur and Araxes meet together. The Tartars haue little store of Armor
• * 1.247

  A Castle of the Alani.
• * 1.248

  A description of Porta ferrea, or Derbent.
• * 1.249

  Sama••en a Ci∣tie of Iewes.
• * 1.250

  The inclosures or walles of A∣lexander.

  Other inclo∣sures where the Iewes are. Or Sam••gi. Moan a great Plaine.

  Cur, or the Ri∣uer Cyrus.

  The Georgians. The Citie Ti∣phlis.
• * 1.251

  R••g. 19.45.37. Note that the Hebrew text hath Ararat in both places, Gonges, a great Citie.

  A bridge of Ships.
• * 1.252

  Chap. 48. They alwaies goe vp the Ri∣uer of Araxis, by the Citie Vaxnan, by the Countrey of Sabensa, by the Castle Marse••∣gen, by Aini, a Citie of Saben∣sa; they came to the Head of Araxis.
• * 1.253

  Bacchu a Prince of the Tartars: of whom per∣haps the Citie Bacchu on the Caspian Sea (of which it is now called the Sea of Bacchu or Bacou) hath her name.

  The head of Tigris.

  Or Vaxnan sometimes the greatest Citie of Armenia. Bartholmew and Thaddaeus Mar∣tyrs.

  The Prophesie of Methodius. Or Acatron, his Prophesie.
• * 1.254

  Mountaines on the which Noahs Arke re∣sted.

  Or Cemanium a Towne or a Citie.

  Armenian fa∣bles.
• * 1.255

  The Mountain Massis.
• * 1.256

  Tephelis.
• * 1.257

  Ianuary 14. Snow. Ianuary 18. The Countrey of Sahensa.
• * 1.258

  A Towne of Sahensa.

  The Countrey of the Soldans of Turkie. Marsengen. The first Sun∣day in Lent.
• * 1.259

  February the 2. The Citie Aini, belonged to Sahensa.
• * 1.260

  The Popes letters to Sar∣tach, and Man∣gu Chan.
• * 1.261

  Chap. 49. They come to Euphrates, to the Castle Ca∣math, they passe into Cyprus, af∣terward to An∣tiochia, and thence to Tri∣polis.

  The Citie Ar∣sengen mightily shaken with an Earthquake. The gaping of the earth clo∣uen.

  The Valley where the Sol∣dan of Turkie was vanquish∣ed of the Tar∣tars.

  Sebaste of the lesser Aomenia. Maior Hipdo∣mada.

  Cesaria of Cap∣padocia. Iconi••m.
• * 1.262

  Allum in Tur∣kie.

  The Soldan of Iconium.
• * 1.263

  Curcum a ha∣uen of Cilicia, ouer against the East part of the Iland of Cy∣prus. Barum Vsin.
• * 1.264

  Aijax or Giazzo Iune the 16. he came to Cypru••. Antiochia. Iune 29. Tripolis. August. 15.
• * 1.265

  Chap. 50. He writeth from Tripoli to King Lodowick, and giueth his aduise, for sen∣ding of a fit Ambassage to the Tartars.
• * 1.266

  The weake e∣state of Turkie.
• * 1.267

  The Bastard Pacaster getteth the Kingdome.
• * 1.268

  The weake estate of Va∣stac••us and As∣sau.
• * 1.269

  The state of the King of Hung••ria. Godfrey of Bul∣lin and many other Princes.
• * 1.270

  Tartars thriftie in food and rayment.
• * 1.271

  What Message or Ambassage should be sent to the Tartars.