Purchas his pilgrimes. part 3 In fiue bookes. The first, contayning the voyages and peregrinations made by ancient kings, patriarkes, apostles, philosophers, and others, to and thorow the remoter parts of the knowne world: enquiries also of languages and religions, especially of the moderne diuersified professions of Christianitie. The second, a description of all the circum-nauigations of the globe. The third, nauigations and voyages of English-men, alongst the coasts of Africa ... The fourth, English voyages beyond the East Indies, to the ilands of Iapan, China, Cauchinchina, the Philippinæ with others ... The fifth, nauigations, voyages, traffiques, discoueries, of the English nation in the easterne parts of the world ... The first part.

[ 10]

VOYAGES AND DIS∣COVERIES OF THE NORTH PARTS OF THE WORLD, BY LAND AND SEA, IN ASIA, EVROPE, THE PO∣LARE [ 20] REGIONS, AND IN THE NORTH-WEST OF AMERICA. THE THIRD BOOKE. (Book 3)

[ 30]

CHAP. I. A Treatise of Russia and the adioyning Regions, written by Doctor GILES FL••TCHER * 1.1 Lord Ambassadour from the late Queene, Euer∣glorious ELIZABETH, to THEODORE then Emperour of Russia A. D. 1588.

[ 40] THe Countrey of Russia was sometimes called Sarmatia. It chan∣ged the Name (as some doe suppose) for that it was parted ••n∣to diuers small, and yet absolute Gouernments, not depending, nor being subject the one to the other. For Russ•• in that tongue doth signifie, as much as to Part, or Diuide. The Russe repor∣teth that foure Brethren, Trubor, Rurico, Sinees, and Vari••••s,* 1.2 diuided among them the North parts of the Countrey. Like∣wise that the South parts were possessed by foure other, Kia, Sci••k••▪ Choranus, their and sister Libeda: each calling his Territo∣rie after his owne Name. Of this partition it was called Russia, about the yeere from Christ 860. As for the conjecture which [ 50] I finde in some Cosmographers, that the Russe Nation borrow∣ed the name of the people called Roxellani▪ and were the very same Nation with them, it is without all good probabilitie, both in respect of the Etymologie of the word (which is very farre fetcht) and especially for the seate and dwelling of that people,* 1.3 which was betwixt the two Riuers of Tanaia and Boristhones, as Strabo reporteth, quite another way from the Coun∣trey of Russia.

When it bare the name of Sarmatia, it was diuided into two chiefe parts: the White, and the Blacke. The White Sarmatia, was all that part that lyeth towards the North, and on the side of Liefland: as the Prouinces now called Duyna, Vagha, Vstik, Vologda, Cargapolia, Nouograd••a, &c. [ 60] whereof Nouogrod velica was the Metropolite, or chiefe Citie. Blacke Sarmatia was all that Country that lyeth Southward, towards the Euxin or Black Sea: as the Dukedome of Volodemer, of Mosko, Rezan, &c. Some haue thought that the name of Sarmatia was first taken from one Sarmates, whom Moses and Iosephus call Asarmathes, Sonne to Ioktan, and nephew to Heber,* 1.4 of the posteritie of Sem. But this seemeth to bee nothing but a conjecture taken out of the likenesse

of the name Asarmathes. For the dwelling of all Ioktans posteritie is described by Moses, to haue beene betwixt Mescha or Masius, (an Hill of ••he Amonites) and Sephace, neare to the Riuer Euphrates. Which maketh it very vnlikely, that Asarmathes should plant any Colonies so farre off, int the North and North-west Countries. It is bounded Northward by the Lappes, and the North Ocean.* 1.5 On the South-side by the Tartars, called Chrims. Eastward they haue the N••igai∣an Tartar, that possesseth all the Countrey on the East side of Volgha, towards the Caspian Sea. On the West and South-west border, lie Lituania, Liuonia and Polonia.

The whole Countrey being now reduced vnder the Gouernment of one, contayneth these chiefe Prouinces or Shires.* 1.6 Volodemer (which beareth the first place in the Emperours stile, be∣cause their House came of the Dukes of that Countrey,) Mosko, Nisnouogrod, Plesko, Smolens∣ko, Nouogrod velica (or Nouogrod of the low Countrey) Rostoue, Yaruslaue, Bealoz••ra, Bezan, [ 10] D••yna, Corgapolia, Mes••hora, Vagha, Vstugha, Ghaletsa. These are the naturall Shires per••••y∣ning to Russia, but farre greater and larger then the Shires of England, though not so well peopled. The other Countries or Prouinces, which the Russe Emperours haue gotten perforc•• added of late to their other Dominion,* 1.7 are these which follow, Twerra, Youghoria, Pe••mia, Va••••k••a, Bo••l∣ghoria, Chernigo, Oudoria, Obdoria, Condora, with a great part of Siberia: where the people though they bee not naturall Russes, yet obey the Emperour of Russia, and are ruled by the Lawes of his Countrey, paying customes and taxes, as his owne people doe. Besides these hee hath vn∣der him the Kingdomes of Cazan and Astracan, gotten by Conquest not long since. As for all his possessions in Lituania (to the number of thirtie great Townes and more,) with Narue and Dorp in Liuonia, they are quite gone, being surprised of late yeeres by the Kings of Poland and [ 20] Sweden. These Shires and Prouinces are reduced all into foure Iurisdictions, which they call Chetfyrds (that is) Tetrarchies, or Fourth-parts. Whereof wee are to speake in the Title or Chap∣ter, concerning the Prouinces, and their manner of Gouernment.

* 1.8The whole Countrey is of great length and breadth. From the North to the South (if you measure from Cola to Astraca•• which bendeth somewhat Eastward) it reacheth in length a∣bout foure thousand two hundred and sixtie verst, or myles. Notwithstanding, the Emperour of Russia hath more territorie Northward, farre beyond Cola vnto the Riuer of Tromschua, that runneth a thousand verst, well nigh beyond Pechinga, neere to Wardhouse, but not intire nor clearely limitted, by reason of the Kings of Swed••n and Denmarke, that haue diuers Townes there, as well as the Russe, plotted together the one with the other: euery one of them clayming the [ 30] whole of those North parts, as his owne right. The breadth (if you goe from that part of his Territorie that lyeth farthest Westward on the Naru•• side, to the parts of Siberia Eastward, where the Emperour hath his Garrisons) is foure thousand and foure hundred verst, or therea∣bouts. A Verst (by their reckoning) is one thousand paces, yet lesse by one quarter then an Eng∣lish myle. If the whole dominion 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Russe▪ Emperour were all habitable, and peopled in all places, as it is in some, hee would either hardly hold it all within one Regiment, or bee ouer mightie for all his neighbour Princes,

* 1.9THe Soyle of the Countrey for the most part is of a sleight sandie mold, yet very much diffe∣rent [ 40] one place from another, for they yeeld of such things as 〈◊〉〈◊〉 out of the earth. The Country Northwards,* 1.10 towards the parts of Saint Nicholas & Cola, and North-east towards Sib••∣ria, is all very barren, and full of desart Woods by reason of the Clymate, and extremitie of the cold in Winter time. So likewise along the Riuer Volgha, betwixt the Countries of Cazan, and Astracan; where (notwithstanding the Soyle is very fruitfull) it is all ••nhabi••ed, sauing that vp∣on the Riuer Volgha on the West side, the Emperour hath some few Castles with Garrisons in them. This hapneth by meanes of the Chrim Tartar, that will neither him selfe plant▪ Townes to dwell there, (liuing a wilde and vagrant life) nor suffer the Russe (that is farre off with the strength of his Countrey) to people those parts. From Vologda (which lyeth almost one thou∣sand seuen hundred verst from the Port of Saint Nicholas) downe towards Mosko, and so to∣wards [ 50] the South part that bordereth vpon the Chrim, (which contayneth the like space of one thousand seuen hundred verst, or thereabouts) is a very fruitfull and pleasant Countrey, yeelding Pasture, and Corne, with Woods and water in very great plentie. The like is betwixt Rezan (that lyeth South-east from Mosko) to Nouograd and Vobsko, that reach farthest towards the North-west. So betwixt Mosko, and Smolensko (that lyeth South-west towards Lituania) is a very fruitfull and pleasant soyle. The whole Countrey differeth very much from it selfe, by rea∣son of the yeere:* 1.11 so that a man would maruaile to see the great alteration and difference betwixt the Winter and the Summer in Russia. The whole Countrey in the Winter lyeth vnder Snow, which falleth continually, and is sometime of a yard or two thicke, but greater towards the North. The Riuers and other waters are all frozen vp, a yard or more thicke, how swift or [ 60] broad soeuer they bee: and this continueth commonly fiue Moneths, viz. from the beginning of Nouember, till towards the end of March, what time the Snow beginneth to melt. So that it would breed a frost in a man to looke abroad at that time,* 1.12 and see the winter face of that Coun∣trey. The sharpenesse of the ayre you may judge of by this: for that water dropped downe or

cast vp into the ayre, congealeth into Ice before it come to the ground. In the extremitie of Winter, if you hold a Pewter dish or pot in your hand,* 1.13 or any other metall (except in some chamber where their warme Stoues bee) your fingers will freeze fast vnto it, and draw of the skinne at the parting. When you passe out of a warme roome into a cold, you shall sensibly feele your breath to waxe starke, and euen stifeling with the cold, as you draw it in and out. Diuers not onely that trauell abroad, but in the very Markets, and streets of their Townes, are mortally pinched and killed withall: so that you shall see many drop downe in the Streets, many Trauel∣lers brought into the Townes sitting dead and stiffe in their Sleds. Diuers lose their Noses, the tippes of their Eares, and the balls of their Cheekes, their Toes, Feete, &c. Many times when (the winter is very hard and extreame) the Beares and Wolues issue by troupes out of the woods [ 10] driuen by hunger, and enter the Villages, tearing and rauening all they can finde: so that the In∣habitants are faine to flee for safegard of their liues. And yet in the Summer time you shall see such a new hew and face of a Countrey, the Woods (for the most part which are all of Firre and Birch) so fresh and so sweet, the Pastures and Meadowes so greene and well growne, (and that vpon the sudden) such varietie of Flowers, such noyse of Birds, (specially of Nightingales, that seeme to be more loud and of a more variable note then in other Countries) that a man shall not lightly trauell in a more pleasant Countrey.

And this fresh and speedy growth of the Spring there, seemeth to proceed from the benefit of the Snow: which all the Winter time being spred ouer the whole Countrey as a white robe, and keeping it warme from the rigour of the Frost, in the Spring time (when the Sunne waxeth [ 20] warme, and dissolueth it into water) doth so throughly drench and soake the ground, that is somewhat of a sleight and sandie mold, and then shineth so hotly vpon it againe, that it draw∣eth the Hearbs and Plants forth in great plentie and varietie, in a very short time. As the Win∣ter exceedeth in cold, so the Summer inclineth to ouermuch heate, specially in the moneths of Iune, Iuly, and August, being much warmer then the summer ayre in England.

The Countrey throughout, is very well watred with Springs, Riuers, and Ozeraes or Lakes.* 1.14 Wherein the prouidence of God is to bee noted, for that much of the Countrey being so farre in∣land, as that some part lyeth a thousand myles and more euery way from any Sea, yet it is ser∣ued with faire Riuers, and that in very great number, that emptying themselues one into ano∣ther, runne all into the Sea. Their Lakes are many and large, some of sixtie, eightie, a hundred, [ 30] and two hundred myles long, with breadth proportionate.

The chiefe Riuers are these, 1. Volgha,* 1.15 that hath his head or spring at the roote of an Alder∣tree, about two hundred verst aboue Yaruslaue, and groweth so bigge by the increase of other Ri∣uers by that time it commeth thither, that it is broad an English myle and more, and so runneth into the Caspian Sea, about two thousand and eight hundred verst or myles of length.

The next is B••risthenes (now called Neper) that diuideth the Countrey from Lituania, and falleth into the Euxi•• Sea.

The third Tanais or 〈◊〉〈◊〉, (the ancient bounder betwixt Europe and Asia) that taketh his head out of Rezan Ozara, and so running through the Countrey of the Chrim Tartars, falleth into the great Sea lake, or meare, (called M••••tis) by the Citie of A••ou. By this Riuer (as the Russe re∣porteth) [ 40] you may passe from their Citie Mosko to Constantinople, and so into all those parts of the world by water, drawing your Boate (as their manner is) ouer a little Is••hmus or narrow slippe of land, a few versts ouerthwart. Which was prooued not long since by an Ambassadour sent to Constantinople, who passed the Riuer of Moskua, and so into another called Ocka, whence he drew his Boate ouer into Tanais, and thence passed the whole way by water.

The fourth is called Duyna, many hundred myles long, that falleth Northward into the Bay of Saint Nicholas, and hath great Alabaster rockes on the bankes towards the Sea side.

The fifth Duna, that emptyeth into the Baltick Sea by the Towne Riga.

The sixt Omega, that falleth into the Bay at Solouetsko ninety Verst from the Port of S. Nicho∣las. This Riuer below the Towne Cargapolia meeteth with the Riuer Volock, that falleth into [ 50] the Finland Sea by the Towne Ya••a. So that from the Port of S. Nicholas into the Finland Sea, and so into the Sound, you may passe all by water, as hath beene tryed by the Russes.

The seuenth Suchana, that floweth into Duyna, and so into the North-sea.

The eighth Ocka, that fetcheth his Head from the Borders of the Chrim, and streameth into Volgha.

The ninth Moskua, that runneth thorow the Citie Mosko, and giueth it the name.

There is Wichida also a very large and long Riuer that riseth out of Permia, and falleth into Volgha. All these are Riuers of very large streames, the least to bee compared to the Thames in bignesse, and in length far more, besides diuers other. The Pole at Mosko, is fiftie fiue degrees ten [ 60] minutes. At the Port of Saint Nicholas towards the North sixty three degrees and fifty minutes.

FOr kinds of fruits, they haue Apples, Peares, Plummes, Cheries, Red and Blacke,* 1.16 (but the Black wild) a Deene like a Muske Milian, but more sweet & pleasant, Cucumbers and Goords (which they call Arbouse) Raspes, Strawberries, and H••rtilberries, with many other Berries in

great quantitie in euery Wood and Hedge. Their kinds of Graine are Wheate, R••e, Barley, Oates, Pease, Buckway, Psnytha, that in taste is somewhat like to Rice. Of all these Graines the Countrey yeeldeth very sufficient with an ouer-plus quantitie, so that Wheate is sold sometime for two Alteens or tenne pence sterling the Chetsird which maketh almost three Eng∣lish Bushels.

Their Rye is sowed before the Winter, all their other Graine in the Spring-time and for the most part in May.* 1.17 The Permians and some other that dwell farre North, and in Desart places, are serued from the parts that lye more South-ward, and are forced to make Bread sometimes of a kind of Roote called Vaghnoy) and of the middle rine of the Firre-tree. If there bee any Dearth (as they accounted this last yeere, Anno 1588. Wheat and Rye being at thirteene Alteens, or fiue shillings fiue pence sterling the Chetfird) the fault is rather in the practice of their Nobi∣litie [ 10] that vse to engrosse it,* 1.18 then in the Countrey it selfe. The Natiue Commodities of the Coun∣trey (wherewith they serue both their owne turnes, and send much abroad to the great enrich∣ing of the Emperour, and his people) are many and substantiall. First, Furres of all sorts. Where in the prouidence of God is to bee noted,* 1.19 that prouideth a naturall remedy for them, to helpe the naturall inconuenience of their Countrey by the cold of the Climate. Their chiefe Furs are these, Blacke Fox, Sables, Lusernes, Dunne Fox, Martrones, Gurnestalles or Atmins, Lasets or Miniuer, Beuer, Wuluerins, the Skin of a great Water Rat that smelleth naturally like Muske, Calaber or Gray Squirrell, Red Squirrell, Red and White Foxe. Besides the great quantitie spent within the Countrey (the people being clad all in Furs the whole Winter) there are tran∣sported out of the Countrey some yeares by the Merchants of Turkie, Persia, Bougharia, Georgia, [ 20] Armenia, and some other of Christendome to the value of foure or fiue hundred thousand Rub∣bels, as I haue heard of the Merchants. The best Sable Furre groweth in the Countrey of Pecho∣ra, Momgosorskoy and Obdorskoy, the worser sort in Siberia, Perm, and other places. The Blacke Fox and Red come out of Siberia, White and Dunne from Pechora, whence also come the white Wolfe, and white Beare Skin. The best Wuluerin also thence and from Perm. The best Martrons are from Siberia, Cadam, Morum, Perm, and Cazan. Lyserns, Mineuer, and Armins, the best are out of Gallets, and Ouglites, many from Nouogrod, and Perm. The Beauer of the best sort bree∣deth in Murmonskey by Cola. Other common Furres, and most of these kinds grow in many, and some in all parts of the Countrey. [ 30]

* 1.20The second Commoditie is of Waxe, whereof hath beene shipped in forraine Coun∣treyes (as I haue heard it reported by those that best know it) the summe of fiftie thousand Pood yearely, euery Pood contayning fortie pound, but now about tenne thousand Pood a yeare.

* 1.21The third is their Honey, whereof besides an exceeding great quantitie spent in their ordinary Drinkes (which is Mead of all sorts) and their other vses, some good quantitie is carried out of the Countrey. The chiefe increase of Honey is in Mordua and Cadam neere to the Chere∣missen Tartar: much out of Seuerskoy, Bezan, Morum, Cazan, Dorogobos••, and Vasma.

* 1.22Fourthly, of Tallow they afoord a great weight for transportation: not only for that their Countrey hath very much good ground apt for Pasturage of cattell, but also by reason of their many Lents and other Fasts: and partly, because their greater men vse much Waxe for their [ 40] Lights, the poorer and meaner sort Birch dryed in their Stoues, and cut into long shiuers, which they call Luchineos. Of Tallow there hath beene shipped out of the Realme a few yeares since about one hundred thousand Pood yeerely, now not past thirty thousand or thereabouts. The best yeeld of Tallow is in the parts and Territories of S••••lensko, Yarus••a••e, Ouglus, Nouogrod, and Vologda, O••fer, and Gorodetskey.

* 1.23Another principall Commoditie is their Losh and Cow-hide. Their Losh or Buffe-hide is ve∣ry faire and large. Their Bull and Cow-hide (for Oxen they make none, neither yet Weather) is of a small size. There hath beene transported by Merchants strangers some yeeres, one hundred thousand Hides. Now it is decreased to thirty thousand or thereabouts. Besides great store [ 50] of Goats Skins, whereof great numbers are shipped out of the Countrey. The largest kind of Losh or Buffe breedeth about Rostoue, Wichida, Nouogrod, Morum, and Perm. The lesser sort within the Kingdome of Cazan.

* 1.24An other very great and principall Commoditie is their Trane-oyle, drawne out of the Seal-fish. Where it will not be impertinent to shew the manner of their hunting the Seale, which they make this Oyle of: which is in this sort. Towards the end of Summer (before the Frost beginne) they goe downe with their Boats into the Bay of Saint Nicholas, to a Cape called Cus∣conesse or Foxnose, where they leaue their Boats till the next Spring-tyde. When the Sunne waxeth warme toward the Spring, and yet the Ice not melted within the Bay, they returne thither againe. Then drawing their Boats ouer the Sea Ice, they vse them for Houses to rest and [ 60] lodge in. There are commonly about seuenteene or eighteene Fleete of them, of great large Boats, which diuide themselues into diuers companies, fiue or sixe Boats in a consort.

They that first find the haunt, fire a Beacon, which they carrie with them for the nonee. Which being espied by the other companies, by such among them as are appointed of purpose,

they come all together and compasse the Seales round about in a Ring, that lye Sunning them∣selues together vpon the Ice, commonly foure or fiue thousand in a shoale, and so they inuade them euery man with his Club in his hand. If they hit them on the Nose, they are soone killed. If on the sides or backe they beare out the blow, and many times so catch and hold downe the Club with their Teeth by mayne force, that the partie is forced to call for helpe to his fellowes.

The manner of the Seales is, when they see themselues beset, to gather all close together in a throng or plumbe, to sway downe the Ice, and to breake it (if they can) which so bendeth the Ice, that many times it taketh the Sea-water vpon it, and maketh the Hunters to wade a foot or [ 10] more deepe. After the slaughter, when they haue killed what they can they fall to sharing e∣uery Boat his part in equall portions: and so they slay them, taking from the body the Skin, and the Lard or Fat with all that cleaueth to the Skin. This they take with them, leauing the bo∣dies behind, and so goe to shoare. Where they digge Pits in the ground of a fathome and an halfe deepe, or there about, and so taking the Fat or Lard off from the Skin, they throw it into the Pit, and cast in among it hot burning stones to melt it withall. The vppermost and purest is sold and vsed to oyle Wooll for Cloth, the grosser (that is of a red colour) they sell to make Sope.

Likewise Ickary or Cauery, a great quantity is made vpon the Riuer of Volgha,* 1.25 out of the fish called Bellougina, the Sturgeon, the Seueriga and the Sterledey: Whereof the most part is shipped by French and Netherlandish Merchants for Italy and Spaine, some by English Mer∣chants.

[ 20]

The next is of Flaxe and Hempe,* 1.26 whereof there hath beene shipped (as I haue heard Mer∣chants say) at the Port of Narue a great part of one hundred ships small and great yeerely. Now not past fiue. The reason of this abating and decrease of this and other Commodities, that were wont to bee transported in a greater quantitie, is the shutting vp of the Port of the Narue to∣wards the Finland Sea, which now is in the hands and possession of the Sweaden. Likewise the stopping of the passage ouer-land by the way of Smolensko, and Plotsko, by reason of their Warres with the Polonian, which causeth the people to bee lesse prouident in mayntayning and gathe∣ring these and the like Commodities, for that they lacke Sales. Partly also for that the Merchants and Mousicks (for so they call the common sort of people) are very much discouraged by many [ 30] heauy and intollerable exactions, that of late time haue beene imposed vpon them: no man ac∣counting that which he hath to be sure his owne. And therefore regard not to lay vp any thing, or to haue it before hand, for that it causeth them many times to be fleeced and spoyled, not on∣ly of their goods, but also of their liues. For the growth of Flaxe the Prouince of Vobsko, and the Countrey about is the chiefe and only place. For Hempe Smolenksko, Dorogobose and Vasma.

The Countrey besides maketh great store of Salt.* 1.27 Their best Salt is made at Stararouse in ve∣ry great quantitie, where they haue great store of Salt-wels, about two hundred and fiftie verst from the Sea. At Astracan Salt is made naturally by the Sea-water, that casteth it vp into great Hils, and so it is digged downe, and carryed away by the Merchants and other that will fetch [ 40] it from thence. They pay to the Emperour for acknowledgement or custome three pence. Russe vpon euery hundred weight. Besides these two, they make Salt in many other places of the Realme, as in Perm, Wichida, Totma, Kenitsma, Solouetske, Ocona, Bombasey, and Nonocks all out of Salt-pits, saue at Solouetskey, which lyeth neere to the Sea.

Likewise of Tarre they make a great quantitie out of their Fiere-trees in the Countrey of Duyna and Smolensko, whereof much is sent abroad.* 1.28 * 1.29 Besides these (which are all good and sub∣stantiall Commodities) they haue diuers other of smaller account, that are naturall and proper to that Countrey: as the fish tooth (which they call Ribazuba which is vsed both among them∣selues and the Persians and Bougharians, that fetcht it from thence for Beads, Kniues, and Sword-hafts of Noblemen, and Gentlemen, and for diuers other vses. Some vse the powder of it a∣gainst poyson, as the Vnicornes Horne. The fish that weareth it is called a Morse, and is caught [ 50] about Pechora. These fish teeth some of them, are almost two foot of length, and weigh eleuen or twelue pound a-piece.

In the Prouince of Corelia, and about the Riuer Duyna towards the North Sea,* 1.30 there grow∣eth a soft Rocke which they call Slude. This they cut into pieces, and so teare it into thin flakes, which naturall it is apt for and so vse it for Glasse-lanthornes and such like. It giueth both in∣wards and outwards a cleerer light then Glasse, and for this respect is better then eyther Glasse or Horne: for that it neyther breaketh like Glasse, nor yet will burne like the Lanthorne.* 1.31 Salt-peeter they make in many places, as at Ouglites, Yaruslaue and Vstug, and some small store of Brimstone vpon the Riuer Volgha, but want skill to refine it.

Their Iron is somewhat brittle, but a great weight of it is made in Corelia, Cargapol••••, and [ 60] Vstug Thelesna. Other Myne they haue none growing within the Realme.* 1.32

Their beasts of strange kinds are the Losh, the Ollen, the wilde Horse, the Beare, the Wolue∣ring or wood Dogge, the Lyserne, the Beauer, the Sable, the Matron,* 1.33 the blacke and dunne Foxe, the white Beare towards the Sea coast of Pechora, the Gurnstale, the Laset, or Mineuer.

They haue a kind of Squirrell that hath growing on the pinion of the shoulder bone, a long tuft of haire, much like vnto feathers, with a far broader tayle then haue any other Squirrels, which they moue and shake as they leape from tree to tree, much like vnto a wing. They skise a large space, and seeme for to flie withall, and therefore they call them Letach Vechshe, that is, the fly∣ing Squirrels. Their Hares and Squirrels in Summer are of the same colour with ours, in Win∣ter the Hare changeth her coate into milke white, the Squirrell into gray, whereof commeth the Calabar.

* 1.34They haue fallow Deere, the Roe Bucke, and Goats very great store. Their Horses are but small, but very swift and hard, they trauell them vnshod both Winter and Summer, without all regard of pace.* 1.35 Their Sheepe are but small, and beare course and harsh wooll. Of Fowle, they [ 10] haue diuers of the principall kinds: First, great store of Hawkes; the Eagle, the Gerfaulcon, the Slightfaulcon, the Gos-hawke, the Tassell, the Sparhawke, &c. But the principall Hawke that breedeth in the Countrey, is counted the Gerfaulcon.

Of other Fowles their principall kinds are the Swanne tame and wilde, (whereof they haue great store) the Storke, the Crane, the Tedder, of the colour of a Feasant, but farre bigger and liueth in the Firre woods. Of Feasant and Partridge they haue very great plenty. An Owle there is of a very great bignesse, more vgly to behold then the Owles of this Countrey, with a broad face, and eares much like vnto a man.

* 1.36For fresh water Fish, besides the common sorts (as Carpe, Pike, Pearch, Tench, Roach, &c.) they haue diuers kinds very good and delicate: as the Bellouga, or Bellougina of foure or fiue [ 20] elnes long, the Ositrina or Sturgeon, the Seueriga, and Sterledy somewhat in fashion and taste like to the Sturgeon, but not so thicke or long. These foure kinds of fish breed in the Volgha, and are catched in great plenty, and serued thence into the whole Realme for a great food. Of the Roes of these foure kinds they make very great store of Icary or Caueary, as was said before. They haue besides these that breed in the Volgha, a fish called the Ribabela, or white Salmon, which they account more delicate then they doe the red Salmon, whereof also they haue excee∣ding great plenty in the Riuers Northward, as in Duyna the Riuer of Cola, &c. In the Ozera or Lake neere a Towne called Perislaue, not farre from the Mosko, they haue a small fish which they call the fresh Herring, of the fashion, and somewhat of the taste of a Sea-herring. Their chiefe Townes for fish are, Yaruslaue, Bealozera, Nouogrod, Astracan, and Cazan: which all [ 30] yeeld a large Custome to the Emperour euery yeere for their trades of fishing, which they pra∣ctise in Summer, but send it frozen in the Winter time into all parts of the Realme.

* 1.37THe chiefe Cities of Russia are, Mosko, Nouograd, Rostoue, Volodomer, Plesco, Smolensko, Ia∣ruslaue, Perislaue, Nisnouograd, Vologda, Vstiuck, Golmigroe, Cazan, Astracan, Cargapolia, Columna.

* 1.38The Citie of Mosko is supposed to bee of great antiquitie, though the first Founder bee vn∣knowne to the Russe. It seemeth to haue taken the name from the Riuer that runneth on the one side of the Towne.* 1.39 Berosus the Chaldean in his fifth Booke telleth that Nimrod (whom o∣ther profane Stories call Saturne) sent Assyrius, Medus, Moscus, and Magog into Asia to plant [ 40] Colonies there, and that Moscus planted both in Asia and Europe. Which may make some pro∣bality, that the Citie, or rather the Riuer whereon it is built, tooke the denomination from this Moscus: the rather because of the climate or situation, which is in the very farthest part and list of Europe, bordering vpon Asia. The Citie was much enlarged by one Euan or Iohn, sonne to Daniel, that first changed his title of Duke into King: though that honour continued not to his posteritie: the rather because he was inuested into it by the Popes Legate, who at that time was Innocentius the fourth, about the yeere 1246. which was very much misliked by the Russe people, being then a part of the Eastern or Greeke Church. Since that time the name of this Citie hath growne more famous, and better knowne to the World: insomuch that not only the Pro∣uince, but the whole Countrey of Russia is termed by some by the name of Moscouia the Me∣tropolite [ 50] Citie. The forme of this Citie is in a manner round, with three strong walls, circu∣ling the one within the other, and streets lying betweene, whereof the inmost wall, and the buildings closed within it (lying safest as the heart within the bodie, fenced and watred with the Riuer Moskua, that runneth close by it) is all accounted the Emperours Castle. The num∣ber of houses (as I haue heard) through the whole Citie (being reckoned by the Emperour a little before it was fired by the Chrim) was 41500. in all.* 1.40 Since the Tartar besieged and fired the Towne (which was in the yeere 1571.) there lieth waste of it a great bredth of ground, which before was well set and planted with buildings, specially that part on the South side of Moskua, built not long before by Basilius the Emperour for his Garrison of Souldiers, to whom he ga•••• priuiledge to drinke Mede, and Beere at the drie or prohibited times, when other Russes [ 60] may drinke nothing but water, and for that cause called this new Citie by the name of Naloi, that is, Skinke or powre in. So that now the Citie of Mosko is not much bigger then the Citie of London.* 1.41 The next in greatnesse, and in a manner as large, is the Citie Nouograde: where was committed (as the Russe sayth) the memorable warre so much spoken of in Stories of the Scy∣thian

seruants, that tooke Armes against their masters: which they report in this sort: vz. That the Boiarens or Gentlemen of Nouograde and the Territorie about (which onely are Souldiers after the discipline of those Countries) had warre with the Tartars. Which being well per∣formed and ended by them, they returned homewards. Where they vnderstood by the way, that their Cholopey or Bondslaues whom they left at home,* 1.42 had in their absence possessed their Townes, Lands, Houses, Wiues, and all. At which newes being somewhat amazed, and yet disdayning the villanie of their seruants, they made the more speed home: and so not farre from Nouograde met them in warlike manner marching against them. Whereupon aduising what was best to be done, they agreed all to set vpon them with no other shew of weapon but with [ 10] their Horse whips (which as their manner is, euery man rideth withall) to put them in re∣membrance of their seruile condition, thereby to terrifie them, and abate their courage.* 1.43 And so marching on, and lashing altogether with their whips in their hands they gaue the onset. Which seemed so terrible in the eares of their villaines, and stroke such a sense into them of the smart of the whip which they had felt before, that they fled altogether like Sheepe before the Driuers. In memory of this victory the Nouogradians euer since haue stamped their Coine (which they call a dingoe Nouogrodskoy, currant thorow all Russia) with the fi∣gure of a Horse-man shaking a whip aloft in his hand. These two Cities exceed the rest in greatnesse. For strength their chiefe Townes are, Vobsko, Smolensko, Cazan, and Astra∣can, as lying vpon the borders. But for situation Iaruslaue farre exceedeth the rest. For besides [ 20] the commodities that the soyle yeeldeth of Pasture and Corne,* 1.44 it lieth vpon the famous Riuer Volga, and looketh ouer it from a high banke very faire and stately to behold: whereof the Towne taketh the name. For Iaruslaue in that Tongue signifieth as much as a faire or famous Banke. In this Towne (as may be ghessed by the name) dwelt the Russe King Vlademir, sur∣named Iaruslaue, that married the daughter of Harald King of England, by mediation of Sueno the Dane, as is noted in the Danish Storie about the yeere 1067.

The other Townes haue nothing that is greatly memorable, saue many ruines within their walls. Which sheweth the decrease of the Russe People, vnder this gouernment. The streets of their Cities and Townes in stead of pauing, are planked with Firre trees, plained and layd uen close the one to the other. Their houses are of wood without any lime or stone,* 1.45 built very [ 30] close and warme with Firre trees plained and piled one vpon another. They are fastned toge∣ther with dents or notches at euery corner, and so clasped fast together. Betwixt the trees or timber they thrust in mosse (whereof they gather plenty in their Woods, to keepe out the aire. Euery house hath a paire of staires that lead vp into the chambers out of the yard or street after the Scottish manner. This building seemeth farre better for their Countrey, then that of stone and bricke: as being colder and more dampish then their woodden houses, specially of Firre, that is a dry and warme wood. Whereof the prouidence of God hath giuen them such store, as that you may build a faire house for twentie or thirtie Rubbels, or little more, where wood is most scant. The greatest inconuenience of their woodden building is the aptnesse for firing, which happeneth very oft, and in very fearefull sort, by reason of the drinesse and fat∣nesse [ 40] of the Firre, that being once fired, burneth like a Torch, and is hardly quenched till all bee burnt vp.

THe sur-name of the Imperi••ll house of Russia, is called Beala••: It tooke the originall (as is supposed) from the Kings of Hungarie. Which may seeme the more probable,* 1.46 for that the Hungarian Kings many yeeres agoe haue borne that name: as appeareth by Bonfinius and other Stories written of that Countrey. For about the yeere 1059. mention is made of one Beala that succeeded his brother Andreas, who reduced the Hungarians to the Christian Faith from whence they were fallen by Atheisme and Turkish perswasion before. The second of that name was called Beala the blind, after whom succeeded diuers of the same name.

That their Ancestry came not of the Russe Nation, Iuan vasilowich father to this Emperour,* 1.47 [ 50] would many times boast, disdayning (as should seeme) to haue his progenie deriued from the Russe bloud. As namely to an Englishman his Gold-smith, that had receiued Bullion of him to make certaine Plate: whom the Emperour commanded to looke well to his weight. For my Russes (said he) are theeues all. Whereat the Workeman looking vpon the Emperour, began to smile. The Emperour being of quicke conceit, charged him to tell him what hee smiled at. If your Maiestie will pardon mee (quoth the Gold-smith) I will tell you. Your Highnesse said, that the Russes were all theeues, and forgat in the meane while that your selfe was a Russe. I thought so (quoth the Emperour) but thou art deceiued. For I am no Russe, my Ancestors were Germanes (for so they account of the Hungarians to bee part of the Germane Nation, though indeed they come of the Hunnes. That inuaded those Countries, and rested in those parts of Pannoni••, now cal∣led [ 60] Hungarie.

How they aspired to the Dukedome of Volodemer (which was their first degree, and ingraf∣ting into Russia) and whether it were by Conquest, or by Marriage, or by what other meanes, I could not learne any certainty among them.* 1.48 That from these beginnings of a small Dukedome (that bare notwithstanding an absolute gouernment with it, as at that time did also the other Shires or Prouinces of Russia) this house of Beala spred it selfe forth, and aspired by degrees to the Monarchie of the whole Countrey, is a thing well knowne, and of very late memorie. The chiefe of that House that aduanced the Stocke, and enlarged their Dominions, were the three last that raigned before this Emperour, to wit, Iuan Basileus, and Iuan father to the other that raigneth at this time. Whereof the first that tooke vnto him the name and title of Emperour, was Basileus father to Iuan, and grandfather to this man. For before that time they were con∣tented to be called great Dukes of Mosko. What hath beene done by either of these three, and [ 10] how much they haue added to their first estate by Conquest or otherwise, may bee seene in the Chapter of their Colonies, or Purchases perforce. For the continuance of the race, this House of Beala at this present * 1.49 is in like case as are many of the greatest Houses of Christendome, vz. the whole Stocke and Race concluded in one, two, or some few of the Bloud. For besides the Em∣perour that now is, who hath no child (neither is like euer to haue, for ought that may bee con∣iectured by the constitution of his body, and the barrennesse of his wife after so many yeeres marriage) there is but one more, vz. a child of sixe or seuen yeeres old, in whom resteth all the hope of the succession, and the posteritie of that House. As for the other brother that was el∣dest of the three, and of the best towardnesse, he died of a blow giuen him by his father vpon [ 20] the head in his furie with his walking staffe, or (as some say) of a thrust with the prong of it driuen deepe into his head.* 1.50 That he meant him no such mortall harme when hee gaue him the blow, may appeare by his mourning and passion after his sonnes death, which neuer left him till it brought him to the graue. Wherein may be marked the iustice of God, that punished his de∣light in shedding of bloud with this murder of his sonne by his owne hand, and so ended his dayes and tyrannie together, with the murdring of himselfe by extreme griefe, for this his vn∣happie and vnnaturall fact.

* 1.51The Emperours younger brother of sixe or seuen yeeres old (as was said before) is kept in a remote place from the Mosko, vnder the tuition of his mother and her kindred, of the House of the Nagaies: yet not safe (as I haue heard) from attempts of making away by practice of some [ 30] that aspire to the succession, if this Emperour die without any issue. The Nurse that tasted be∣fore him of certaine meat (as I haue heard) died presently. That hee is naturall sonne to Ioan Vasilowich, the Russe People warrant it, by the fathers qualitie that beginneth to appeare al∣ready in his tender yeeres. Hee is delighted (they say) to see Sheepe and other cattell killed, and to looke on their throats while they are bleeding (which commonly children are afraid •• behold) and to beate Geese and Hennes with a staffe till he see them lie dead. Besides these of the male kind, there is a Widow, that hath right in the succession, Sister to the old Emperour, and Aunt to this man, sometime Wife to Magnus Duke of Holst, Brother to the King of Den∣marke, by whom she had one daughter. This woman since the death of her Husband hath beene allured againe into Russia, by some that loue the succession better then her selfe, which appeareth [ 40] by the sequele. For her selfe with her daughter, so soone as they were returned into Russia, were thrust into a Nunnerie, where her daughter died this last yeere while I was in the Countrey, of no naturall disease as was supposed. The mother remayneth still in the Nunnerie, where (as I haue heard) she bewayleth her selfe, and curseth the time when she returned into Russia, enticed with the hope of marriage, and other faire promises in the Emperours name. Thus it standeth with the Imperiall Stocke of Russia, of the House of Beala, which is like to determine in those that now are, and to make a conuersion of the Russe estate. If it be into a gouernment of some better temper, and milder constitution, it will be happie for the poore people that are now op∣pressed with intolerable seruitude.

[ 50]

* 1.52THe solemnities vsed at the Russe Emperours Coronation, are on this manner. In the great Church of Precheste (or our Ladie) within the Emperours Castle is erected a Stage, where∣on standeth a Scrine that beareth vpon it the Imperiall Cap and Robe of very rich stuffe. When the day of the Inauguration is come, there resort thither, first the Patriarch with the Metropo∣litans, Arch-bishops, Bishops, Abbots, and Priors, all richly clad in their Pontificalibus. Then enter the Deacons with the Quier of Singers. Who so soone as the Emperour setteth foot into the Church, beginne to sing: Many yeeres may liue noble Theodore Iuanowich, &c. Whereunto the Patriarch and Metropolite with the rest of the Clergie, answere with a certaine Hymne, in forme of a Prayer, singing it all together with a great noise. The Hymne being ended, the Pa∣triarch with the Emperour mount vp the Stage, where standeth a Seat ready for the Emperour. [ 60] Whereupon the Patriarch willeth him to sit downe, and then placing himselfe by him vpon an∣other Seate prouided for that purpose, boweth downe his head towards the ground, and sayeth this Prayer: Oh Lord God King of Kings, Lord of Lords, which by thy Prophet Samuel didst choose thy seruant Dauid, and anoynt him for King ouer thy People Israel, heare now our Prayers, and looke

from thy Sanctuarie vpon this thy Seruant Theodore, whom thou hast chosen and exalted for King o∣uer these thy holy Nations, anoint him with the oyle of gladnesse, protect him by thy power, but vpon his head a Crowne of Gold and precious Stones, giue him length of dayes, place him in the Seat of Iustice, strengthen his arme, make subiect vnto him all the barbarous Nations. Let thy feare bee in his whole heart, turne him from all errour, and shew him the saluation of thy holy and vniuersall Church, that hee may iudge thy people with Iustice, and protect the children of the poore, and finally attayne euerlasting life. This Prayer he speaketh with a lowe voyce, and then pronounceth a lowd: All prayse and power to God the Father, the Sonne, and the Holy Ghost. The Prayer being ended, he commandeth certayne Abbots to reach the Imperiall Robe and Cap: which is done very decently, and with [ 10] great Solemnitie, the Patriarch withall pronouncing alowde: Peace be vnto all. And so he begin∣neth another Prayer to this effect: Bow your selues together with vs, and pray to him that reigneth ouer all. Preserue him (oh Lord) vnder thy holy protection, keepe him that hee may doe good and holy things, let Iustice shine forth in his dayes, that we may liue quietly without strife and malice. This is pronounced somewhat softly by the Patriarch, whereto hee addeth againe alowd: Thou art the King of the whole World, and the Sauiour of our soules, to thee the Father, Sonne, and Holy Ghost▪ bee all prayse for euer and euer. Amen. Then putting on the Robe and the Cap, hee blesseth the Emperour with the signe of the Crosse: saying withall, in the Name of the Father, the Sonne, and the Holy Ghost.

The like is done by the Metropolites, Archbishops, and Bishops: who all in their order come [ 20] to the Chaire, and one after another blesse the Emperor with their two fore-fingers. Then is said by the Patriarch another Praier, that beginneth: O most holy Virgin Mother of God, &c. After which a Deacon pronounceth with an high lowd voyce: Many yeeres to Noble Theodore, good, honoura∣ble, beloued of God, great Duke of Volodemer of Mosko, Emperour, and Monarch of all Russia, &c. Whereto the other Priests and Deacons that stand somewhat farre of by the Altar or Table, an∣swere singing, Many yeeres, many yeeres, to the Noble Theodore. The same Note is taken vp by the Priests and Deacons, that are placed at the right and left side of the Church, and then alto∣gether, they chaunt and thunder out, singing: Many yeeres to the Noble Theodore, good, honourable, beloued of God, great Duke of Volodemer, Mosko, Emperour of all Russia, &c. These Solemnities being ended, first commeth the Patriarch with the Metropolites, Arch∣bishoppes, [ 30] and Bishops, then the Nobilitie, and the whole Companie in their order, to doe homage to the Emperour, bending downe their heads, and knocking them at his feet to the very ground.

The Stile wherewith hee is inuested at his Coronation, runneth after this manner. Theodore Iuanowich, by the grace of God, great Lord and Emperour of all Russia, great Duke of Volodemer, Mosko, and Nouograd, King of Cazan, King of Astracan, Lord of Plesko, and great Duke of Smolensko, of Twerria, Ioughoria, Permia, Vadska, Bulghoria, and others, Lord and great Duke of Nouograd, of the Low Countrey, of Chernigo, Rezan, Polotskoy, Rostoue, Ya∣ruslaueley, Bealozera, Leifland, Oudoria, Obdoria, and Condensa, Commander of all Siberia, and of the North parts, and Lord of many other Countreyes, &c.

[ 40] This stile contayneth in it all the Emperours Prouinces, and setteth forth his great∣nesse. And therefore they haue a great delight and pride in it, forcing not onely there owne people but also Strangers (that haue any matter to deliuer to the Emperour by Speech or writing) to repeat the whole forme from the beginning to the end. Which breedeth much cauill, and sometimes quarrell betwixt them and the Tartar, and Poland Ambassadours: who refuse to call him Czar, that is Emperour, and to repeat the other parts of his long Stile. My selfe, when I had audience of the Emperour, thought good to salute him onely with thus much, viz. Emperour of all Russia, great Duke of Volodemer, Mosko, and Nouograd, King of Cazan, King of Astracan. The rest I omitted of purpose, because I knew they gloried, to haue their Stile appeare to be of a larger Volume then the Queenes of England. But this was taken in [ 50] so ill part, that the Chancellor (who then attended the Emperour, with the rest of the Nobili∣tie) with a lowd chasing voyce called still vpon me to say out the rest. Whereto I answered, that the Emperours Stile was very long▪ and could not so well be remembred by Strangers, that I had repeated so much of it, as might shew that I gaue honour to the rest, &c. But all would not serue till I commanded my Interpreter to say it all out.

THe manner of their Gouernment is much after the Turkish fashion:* 1.53 which they seeme to imitate as neere as the Countrey, and reach of their capacities in Politike Affaires will giue them leaue to doe.

The State and forme of their Gouernment seemeth to apply all to the behoofe of the Prince, [ 60] and that after a most open manner: as may appeare by the Sophismata, or secrets of their Gouern∣ment afterwards set downe, aswell for the keeping of the Nobilitie and Commons in an vn∣der proportion, and farre vneuen ballance in their seuerall degrees, as also in their Impositions and Exactions, without any regard of Nobilitie or People: farther then it giueth the No∣bilitie a kind of libertie, to exact vpon the Commons and baser sort of People in all parts

of the Realme wheresoeuer they come, specially in the place where their Lands lye, or where they are appointed by the Emperour to gouerne vnder him: Also to the Commons some small contentment, in that they passe ouer their Lands by discent of Inheritance to whether Sonne they will:* 1.54 which commonly they doe after our Gauill kind, and dispose of their goods by gift or Testament without any controllment.

Concerning the principall points and matters of State, wherein the Souereignetie consisteth (as the making and annulling of publike Lawes, the making of Magistrates, power to make Warre or League with any Forreine State, to execute or to pardon life, with the right of Appeale in all matters, both Ciuill and Criminall) they doe so wholy and absolutely pertayne to the Emperour, and his Coun∣sell vnder him, as that he may be said to be both the Souereigne Commander, and the Executio∣ner of all these. For as touching any Law or publike Order of the Realme, it is euer determined [ 10] of before any publike Assembly or Parliament be summoned. Where besides his Councell, hee hath none other to consult with him of such matters as are concluded before hand, but onely a few Bishops, Abbots, and Friers: to make aduantage of the peoples Superstitions, euen against themselues, which thinke all to be holy and just, that passeth with consent of their Bishops and Clergie men, whatsoeuer it be. For which purpose the Emperours are content to make much of the corrupt state of the Church, as now it is among them, and to nourish the same by extraordi∣nary fauours, and Immunities to the Bishops Seas, Abbeyes and Frieries: as knowing Supersti∣tion and false Religion best to agree with a Tyrannicall State, and to be a speciall meanes to vp∣hold and maintayne the same.

* 1.55Secondly, as touching the publike Offices and Magistracies of the Realme, there is none here∣ditarie, [ 20] neyther any so great nor so little in that Countrey, but the bestowing of it is done im∣mediately by the Emperour himselfe. Insomuch that the very Diacks, or Clerkes in euery head Towne, are for the most part assigned by himselfe. Notwithstanding, the Emperour that now is (the better to entend his Deuotions) referreth all such matters pertayning to the State, whol∣ly to the ordering of his Wiues Brother,* 1.56 the Lord Borris Federewich Godonoe.

Thirdly, the like is to be said of the Iurisdiction concerning matters Iudiciall, specially such as concerne life and death. Wherein there is none that hath any authoritie or publike Iurisdiction that goeth by Discent, or is held by Charter, but all at the appointment and pleasure of the Em∣perour, and the same practised by the Iudges with such awe and restraint, as that they dare not [ 30] determine vpon any speciall matter, but must referre the same wholly, vp to the Mosko to the Emperours Councell. To shew his Souereigntie ouer the liues of his Subjects, the late Empe∣rour Iuan Vasilowich in his walkes or progresses,* 1.57 if he had misliked the face or person of any man whom he met by the way, or that looked vpon him, would command his head to be strooke off. Which was presently done, and the head cast before him.

* 1.58Fourthly, for the Souereigne Appeale, and giuing of Pardons in Criminall Matters to such as are conuicted, it is wholly at the pleasure and grace of the Emperour. Wherein also the Empresse that now is, being a woman of great Clemencie, and withall delighting to deale in publike Affaires of the Realme, (the rather to supply the defect of her Husband) doth behaue her selfe af∣ter an absolute manner, giuing out pardon (specially on her birth day and other solemne times) in [ 40] her owne name, by open Proclamation, without any mention at all of the Emperour. Some there haue beene of late of the ancient Nobilitie, that haue held diuers Prouinces by right of In∣heritance,* 1.59 with an absolute Authoritie and Iurisdiction ouer them, to order and determine all matters within their owne Precinct without all Appeale; or controllment of the Empe∣rour. But this was all annulled and wrung cleane from them by Iuan Vasilowich Father to this Emperour.

* 1.60THeir highest Court of publike consultation for matter of State, is called the Zabore, that is, the Publike Assembly. The states and degrees of persons, that are present at their Parlia∣ments, are these in order. 1. The Emperour himselfe. 2. Some of his Nobilitie about the number [ 50] of twenty being all of his Councell. 3. Certayne of the Clergie-men, &c. about the same number. As for Burghers or other to represent the Comminaltie, they haue no place there: the people beeing of no better account with them then as seruants or bond-slaues that are to obey, not to make Lawes, nor to know any thing of publike matters before they are concluded.

* 1.61The Court of Parliament (called Zabore) is held in this manner. The Emperour causeth to to be summoned such of his Nobilitie as himselfe thinketh meete, being (as was said) all of his Councell: together with the Patriarch, who calleth his Clergie, to wit, the two Metropolites, the two Archbishops, with such Bishops, Abbots, and Friers as are of best account and reputa∣tion among them. When they are all assembled at the Emperours Court, the day is intima∣ted when the Session shall beginne. Which commonly is vpon some Friday, for the Religion [ 60] of that day.* 1.62

When the day is come, the Clergie-men assemble before at the time and place appointed, which is called the Stollie. And when the Emperour commeth attended by his Nobilitie, they a∣rise all, and meete him in an out-roome, following their Patriarch, who blesseth the Emperour

with his two fore-fingers, laying them on his fore-head, and the sides of his face, and then kis∣seth him on the right side of his brest. So they passe on into their Parliament House, where they sit in this order. The Emperour is enthronized on the one side of the Chamber. In the next place not farre from him at a small square Table (that giueth roome to twelue persons or thereabouts) sitteth the Patriarch with the Metropolites and Bishops, and certayne of the prin∣cipall Nobilitie of the Emperours Councell, together with two Diacks or Secretaries (called Dunmoy dyakey) that enact that which passeth. The rest place themselues on benches round a∣bout the Roome, euery man in his ranke after his degree. Then is there propounded by one of the Secretaries (who representeth the Speaker) the cause of their Assembly, and the principall mat∣ters that they are to consider of. For to propound Bils what euery man thinketh good for the [ 10] publike benefit (as the manner is in England) the Russe Parliament alloweth no such custome, nor liberty to subjects.

The points being opened,* 1.63 the Patriarch with his Clergie-men haue the Prerogatiue to be first asked their vote, or opinion, what they thinke of the points propounded by the Secretarie. Whereto they answere in order, according to their degrees, but all in one forme without any Discourse: as hauing learned their Lesson before, that serueth their turnes at all Parliaments alike, whatsoeuer is propounded▪ Commonly it is to this effect. That the Emperour and his Councell are of great wisdome and experience, touching the Policies and publike Affaires of the Realme, and farre better able to iudge what is profitable for the Common-wealth, then they are, which attend vpon the seruice of God only, and matters of Religion. And therefore it may please them to proceed. That in∣stead [ 20] of their aduise, they will ayde them with their Prayers, as their duties and vocations doe require, &c. To this or like effect hauing made their Answeres euery man in his course, vp standeth some Ab∣bot or Frier more bold then the rest (yet appointed before-hand as a matter of forme) and desi∣reth the Emperour it would please his Majestie to command to be deliuered vnto them what his Majesties own iudgement, and determinate pleasure is, as touching those matters propounded by his De••ake.

Whereto is replyed by the said Secretarie in the Emperours name. That his Highnesse with those of his Noble Councell, vpon good and sound aduice haue found the matters proposed to be very good and necessary for the Common-wealth of his Realme. Notwithstanding, forasmuch as they are Religious men, and know what is right, his Maiestie requireth their godly Opinions, yea, and their Censures too, for [ 30] the approuing or correcting of the said Propositions. And therfore desireth them again to speak their minds freely. And if they shall like to giue their consents, that then the matters may passe to a full conclusion.

Hereunto when the Clergie-men haue giuen their consents (which they vse to doe without any great pausing) they take their leaues with blessing of the Emperour: who bringeth the Pa∣triarch on his way so faire as the next Roome, and so returneth to his Seat, till all be made ready for his returne homeward. The Acts that thus are passed by the Zabore or Parliament, the Deia∣keis or Secretaries draw into a forme of Proclamation, which they send abroad into euery Pro∣uince, and head Towne of the Realme, to be published there by the Dukes and Diakeis, or Secre∣taries of those places. The Session of Parliament being fully ended, the Emperour inuiteth the Clergiemen to a solemne Dinner. And so they depart euery man to his home.

[ 40]

THe degrees of persons or Estates of Russia (besides the Souereigne State or Emperour him∣selfe) are these in their order. 1. The Nob••lity which is of foure sorts.* 1.64 Whereof the chiefe for Birth, Authority, and Reuenue are called the Vdelney Knazey, that is, The exempt or priuiledged Dukes. These held sometime a seuerall Iurisdiction, and absolute Authoritie within their Pre∣cincts, much like vnto the States or Nobles of Germany. But afterwards (reseruing their Rights vpon compo••ition) they yeelded themselues to this House of Beala, when it beganne to waxe mightie, and to enlarge it selfe by ouer-matching their Neighbours. Onely they were bound to serue the Emperour in his Warres with a certayne number of Horse. But the late Emperour I∣uan Vasilowich Father to this Prince, being a man of high spirit, and sub••ill in his kind meaning [ 50] to reduce his Gouernment into a more strict forme, began by degrees to clip off their greatnesse, and to bring it downe to a lesser proportion: till in the end he made them not onely his Vassals, but his K••lophey, that is, his very Villaines or Bond-slaues. For so they terme and write them∣selues in any publike Instrument or priuate Petition which they make to the Emperour. So that now they hold their Authorities, Lands, Liues, and all at the Emperours pleasure as the rest do.

The meanes and practice whereby hee wrought this to effect against those, and other of the Nobility (so well as I could note out of the report of his doings) were these, and such like. First, he cast priuate emulations among them about prerogatiue of their Titles and Dignities. Wherein hee vsed to set on the inferiours, to prefer or equall themselues to those that were accounted to [ 60] be of the Nobler Houses. Where hee made his aduantage of their malice and contentions, the one against the other, by receiuing deuised matter, and accusations of secret practice and Con∣spiracies to bee intended against his Person and State. And so hauing singled out the greatest of them, and cut them off with the good liking of the rest, hee fell at last to open practice, by for∣cing of the other to yeeld their Rights vnto him.

* 1.652. Hee diuided his subiects into two parts or factions by a generall Schisme. The one part he called the Oppressini or Select men. These were such of the Nobility and Gentry as he took to his owne part, to protect and maintayne them as his faithfull subiects. The other he called Zemskey, or the Commons. The Zemskey contayned the base and vulgar sort, with such Noblemen and Gentlemen as he meant to cut off, as suspected to mislike his Gouernment, and to haue a mea∣ning to practise against him. Wherein he prouided that the Oppressini for number and qualitie of Valure, Money, Armour, &c. farre exceeded the other of the Zempskey side, whom he put (as it were from vnder his protection: so that if any of them were spoyled or killed by those of the Oppressini, (which he accounted of his owne part) there was no amends to bee sought for by way of publike Iustice, or by complaint to the Emperour.

The whole number of both parts was orderly registred and kept in a Booke: so that euery [ 10] man knew who was a Zempskey man, and who of the Oppressini. And this libertie of the one part to spoile and kill the other without any helpe of Magistrate, or Law (that continued seuen yeeres) enriched that side, and the Emperours Treasury, and wrought that withall which hee intended by this practise, viz. to take out of the way such of the Nobilitie, as himselfe misliked: whereof were slaine within one weeke to the number of three hundred within the Citie of Mosko.

This mischieuous practice of making a generall Schisme, and publike diuision among the subiects of his whole Realme, proceedeed (as should seeme) from an extreame doubt, and des∣perate feare, which he had conceiued of most of his Nobilitie, and Gentlemen of his Realme, [ 20] in his Wars with the Polonian and Chrim Tartar. What time he grew into a vehement suspition (conceiued of the ill successe of his Affaires) that they practised Treason with the Polonian and Chrim. Whereupon he executed some, and deuised this way to be rid of the rest.

* 1.663. Hauing thus pulled them and seased all their Inheritance, Lands, Priuiledges, &c. saue some very small part which hee left to their name, hee gaue them other Lands of the tenour of Pomestnoy (as they call it) that are held at the Emperours pleasure, lying far of in another Coun∣trey, and so remooued them into other of his Prouinces, where they might haue neyther fauour, nor authority, not being Natiue nor well knowne there. So that now these of the chiefe Nobi∣lity (called Vdelney Knazey) are equalled with the rest: saue that in the opinion and fauour of the people they are of more account, and keepe still the Prerogatiue of their place in all their publike meetings. [ 30]

Their practice to keepe downe these Houses from rising againe and recouering their dignities are these, and such like. First, many of their Heires are kept vnmarried perforce, that the stocke may dye with them. Some are sent into Siberia, Cazan and Astracan, vnder pretence of seruice, and there either made away, or else fast clapped vp. Some are put into Abbeyes, and sheare themselues Friers by pretence of a Vow to be made voluntary, and of their owne accord, but in∣deed forced vnto it by feare, vpon some pretenced crime objected against them. Where they are so guarded by some of speciall trust, and the Couent it selfe (vpon whose head it standeth that they make no escape) as that they haue no hope but to end their liues there. Of this kind there are many of very great Nobilitie. These and such like wayes begunne by the Emperour Iuan Va∣silowich [ 40] are still practised by the Godonoes, who being aduanced by the Marriage of the Empresse their Kinswoman, rule both the Emperour, and his Realme (specially Borris Federowich Godonoe, Brother to the Empresse) and endeauour by all meanes to cut off, or keepe downe all of the best and ancientest Nobilitie. Whereof diuers already they haue taken away, whom they thought likeliest to make head against them and to hinder their purpose, as Knez Andreas Guraken Bulgat∣koue, a man of great birth and authoritie in the Countrey. The like they haue done with Peter Gollauni (whom they put into a Dungeon where hee ended his life) with Knez Vasilie Vrywich Goll••ohen, with Andrieu Iuanowich Suskoy accounted among them for a man of a great wisedome. So this last yeere was killed in a Monastery (whither they had thrust him) one Knez Iuan Petro∣wich Suskoy a man of great valour, and seruice in that Countrey: who about fiue or sixe yeeres [ 50] since, bare out the siege of the Citie Vobsko, made by Stephan Batore King of Polonia, with one hundred thousand men, and repulsed him very valiantly, with great honour to himselfe, and his Countrey, and disgrace to the Polonian. Also Micheta Romanowich Vncle to the Empe∣rour by the Mothers side, was supposed to haue dyed of Poyson, or some like practice.

* 1.67The Names of these families of greatest Nobilitie are these in their order. The first is of Knez Volodemer, which resteth at this time in one Daughter a widow, and without Children (menti∣oned before) sometime wife to Hartock Magnus Brother to the King of Denmarke, now closed within a Nunnerie. The second Knez Metheloskey, thrust into a Frierie, and his onely Sonne kept from marriage, to decay the house. The third Glimskoy. But one left of his house, and hee without children saue one Daughter. The fourth Suskoy, whereof there are foure Brethren young [ 60] men, and vnmarryed all. The fifth Hubetskoy. Of this House are foure liuing. The sixth Bulga∣loy, now called Guletchey house, whereof are fiue liuing, but youths all. The seuenth Vorallins∣koy. Two left of that stocke. The eight Odgoskey, two. The ninth Telletskoy, one. The tenth Tayto••e, three. These are the Names of the chiefe Families, called Vdelney Knazy: that in effect

haue lost all now, saue the very name it selfe, and fauour of the people, which is like one day to restore them againe, if any be left.

The second degree of Nobilitie is of the Boiarens.* 1.68 These are such as the Emperour honoureth (besides their Nobilitie) with the title of Counsellers. The reuenue of these two sorts of their Nobles that riseth out of their Land assigned them by the Emperour, and held at his pleasure (for of their owne Inheritance there is little left them, as was sayd before) is about a thousand Marcks a yeere: besides Pension which they receiue of the Emperour for their seruice in his Warres, to the summe of seuen hundred Rubbels a yeere, and none aboue that summe.

But in this number the Lord Borris Federowich Godenoe is not to bee reckoned, that is like a Transcendent, and in no such predicament with the rest, being the Emperours Brother in law,* 1.69 his [ 10] Protector for direction, for Command and authoritie Emperour of Russia. His yeerely reuenue in Land and Pension, amounteth to the summe of 93700. Rubbels and more, as appeareth by the particulars. Hee hath of inheritance (which himselfe hath augmented in Vasma Dorogobose, sixe thousand Rubbels a yeere. For his office of Connick, or Master of the Horse twelue thousand Rubbels or Marcks, raised out of the Conaslue Sloboday, or the liberties pertayning to that Office, which are certayne Lands and Townes neere about the Mosco. Besides, all the meadow and pasture ground on both sides the banke of the Riuer Mosko, thirtie verst vp the streame, and for∣tie verst downwards. For his pension of the Emperour (besides the other for his Office) fifteene thousand Rubbels. Out of the Prouince or Shire of Vagha, there is giuen him for a peculiar ex∣empted out of the Chetfird of Posolskoy, two and thirtie thousand Rubbels, besides a rent of [ 20] Furres. Out of Rezan and Seuer, (another peculiar) thirtie thousand Rubbels. Out of O••••er and Turiock another exempt place eight thousand Rubbels. For rent of Bath-stoaues and Bathing-houses without the walls of Mosko, fifteene hundred Rubbels. Besides his Pom••st, or Lands, which hee holdeth at the Emperours pleasure, which farre exceedeth the proportion of land al∣lotted to the rest of the Nobilitie.

One other there is, of the house of Glinskoy, that dispendeth in Land and Pension about fortie thousand Rubbels yeerely. Which hee is suffered to enioy, because he hath marryed Borris his wiues Sister, being himselfe very simple and almost a naturall. The ordering of him and his Lands are committed to Borris.

In the third ranke are the Voyauodey, or such Nobles asure,* 1.70 or haue beene Generals in the Em∣perours [ 30] warres. Which deliuer the honour of their Title to their posterities also: who take their place aboue the other Dukes and Nobles, that are not of the two former sorts, viz. of the Vdel∣ney knaz••y, nor of the Boiarens.

These three degrees of their Nobilitie, (to wit) the Vdelney knaz••y, the Boiarens, and the Voiauodey, haue the addition of Vich, put vnto their sirname, as Borris Federowish,* 1.71 &c. which is a note of Honour that the rest may not vsurpe. And in case it bee not added in the naming of them, they may sue the Bestchest or penaltie of dishonour vpon them, that otherwise shall tearme them.

The fourth and lowest degree of Nobilitie with them, is of such as beare the name of Knaz••y or Dukes, but come of the younger Brothers of those chiefe Houses, through many discents, and [ 40] haue no inheritance of their owne, saue the bare name or title of Duke onely. For their order is to deliuer their names and titles of their Dignities ouer to all their Children alike, whatsoeuer else they leaue them. So that the Sonnes of a Voiauodey or Generall in the field, are called Voia∣uodey, though they neuer saw the field, and the Sonnes of a Knez or Duke, are called Knaz••y, though they haue not one groat of inheritance or liuelyhood to maintayne themselues withall. Of this sort there are so many, that the plentie maketh them cheape▪ so that you shall see Dukes glad to serue a meane man for fiue or sixe Rubbels or Marcks a yeere, and yet they will stand highly vpon their Bestchest or reputation of their Honours. And these are their seuerall de∣grees of Nobilitie.

The second degree of persons, is of their Sina Boiarskey, or the sonnes of Gentlemen, which all [ 50] are preferred, and hold that Name by their seruice in the Emperours warres,* 1.72 be••••g Soul∣diers by their very stocke and birth. To which order are referred their Dyacks or Secretaries, that serue the Emperour in euery head Towne, being joyned in Commission with the Dukes of that place.

The last are their Commons, whom they call Mousicks.* 1.73 In which number they reckon their Merchants and their common Artificers. The very lowest and basest sort of this kinde (which are held in no degree) are their Countrey people, whom they call Christianeis. Of the Sina Bo∣iarskey (which are all Souldiers) wee are to see in the description of their Forces, and Militarie prouisions. Concerning their Mousicks, what their condition and behauiour is in the Title or Chapter Of the Common people.

[ 60]

THe whole Countrey of Russia (as was sayd before) is diuided into foure parts,* 1.74 which they call Chetfirds, or Tetrarchies. Euery Chetfird contayneth diuers Shires, and is annexed to a seuerall Office, whereof it takes the name. The first Chetfird or Tetrarchie, beareth the name of

Pososkoy Chetfird, or the Iurisdiction of the office of Ambassages, and at this time is vnder the chiefe Secretarie and officer of the Ambassages, called Andreas Schalcaloue. The standing fee or stipend that hee receiueth yeerely of the Emperour for this seruice, is one hundred Rubbels or Marcks.

The second is called the Roseradney Chetfird, because it is proper to the Roserade or high Constable. At this time it pertayneth by vertue of Office to Basilie Shalcaloue, Brother to the Chancellour, but it is executed by one Zapon Abramoue. His pension is an hundred Rub∣bels yeerely.

The third is the Chetfird of Pomestnoy, as pertayning to that Office. This keepeth a Register of all Lands giuen by the Emperour for seruice to his Noblemen, Gentlemen and others, giueth out and taketh in all Assurances for them. The officer at this time is called Eleazar Wellusgine. His [ 10] stipend is fiue hundred Rubbels a yeere.

The fourth is called Cassauskoy Dworets, as being appropriate to the Office that hath the iuris∣diction of the Kingdomes of Cazan and Astracan, with the other Townes lying vpon the Vol∣gha, now ordered by one Druzhine Penteleous, a man of very speciall account among them, for his wisedome and promptnesse in matters of policie. His pension is one hundred and fiftie Rub∣bels a yeere.

From these Chetfirds or Tetrarchies is exempted the Emperours inheritance or Vochin (as they call it) for that it pertayned from ancient time to the House of Beala, which is the sirname of the Imperiall bloud. This standeth of sixe and thirtie Townes with their bounds or Territories. Besides diuers peculiar Iurisdictions, which are likewise deducted out of those Chetfirds, as the [ 20] Shire of Vagha (belonging to the Lord Borrise Federowich Godonoe) and such like.

These are the chiefe Gouernours or Officers of the Prouinces, not resident at their charge a∣broad, but attending the Emperour whither soeuer hee goeth, and carrying their Offices about with them, which for the most part they hold at Mosko, as the Emperours chiefe seate.

The parts and practice of these foure Offices, is to receiue all Complaints and Actions what∣soeuer, that are brought out of their seuerall Chetfirds and Quarters, and to informe them to the Emperours Councell. Likewise to send direction againe to those that are vnder them, in their sayd Prouinces, for all matters giuen in charge by the Emperour and his Councell, to bee done or put in execution within their Precincts.

For the ordering of euery particular Prouince of these foure Chetfirds, there is appointed one [ 30] of these Dukes, which were reckoned before in the lowest degree of their Nobilitie, which are resident in the head Townes of the sayd Prouinces. Whereof euery one hath joyned with him in Commission a Dyack or Secretarie to assist him or rather to direct him. For in the executing of their Commission, the Dyack doth all.

* 1.75The parts of their Commission are these in effect. First, to heare and determine in all ciuill matters within their Precinct. To which purpose they haue vnder them certayne Officers, as Gubnoy Starets or Coroners, who besides the tryall of selfe Murders, are to attach Fellons: and the Soudiae or vnder Iustices, who themselues also may heare and determine in all matters of the same nature, among the Countrey people of their owne Wards or Bayliwickes: but so that in case either partie dissent, they may appeale, and goe further to the Duke and Dyack that reside [ 40] within the head Towne. From whom also they may remooue the matter to the higher Court at Mosko, of the Emperours Councell, where lye all appeales. They haue vnder them also S••••skoy Starets, that is Aldermen, or Bayliffes of the Hundreds.

Secondly, in all criminall matters, as Theft, Murder, Treason, &c. they haue authoritie to ap∣prehend, to examine and to imprison the malefactor, and so hauing receiued perfect euidence and imformation of the cause, they are to send it ready drawne and orderly digested vp to the Mos∣ko, to the Officer of the Chetfird, whereunto that Prouince is annexed: by whom it is refer∣red and propounded to the Emperours Councell. But to determine in any matter criminall, or to doe execution vpon the partie offending, is more then their Commission will allow them to doe. [ 50]

Thirdly, if there bee any publike seruice to be done within that Prouince, (as the publishing of any Law, or common order, by way of Proclamation, collecting of taxes and impositions for the Emperor, mustering of Souldiers, and sending them forth at the day, and to the place assigned by the Emperour or his Councell) all these and such like pertayne to their charge.

* 1.76These Dukes and Dyacks are appointed to their place by the Emperour himselfe, and are changed ordinarily at euery yeeres end, except vpon some speciall liking or sute, the time bee prorogued for a yeere or two more. They are men of themselues of no credit, nor fauour with the people where they gouerne, being neither borne, nor brought vp among them, nor yet hauing inheritance of their owne there, or else where. Onely of the Emperour they haue for that ser∣uice an hundred Marcks a yeere, hee that hath most, some fiftie, some but thirtie. Which ma∣keth [ 60] them more suspected and odious to the people, because being so bare, and comming fresh and hungry vpon them lightly euery yeere, they racke and spoyle them without due regard of Iustice or Conscience. Which is easily tollerated by the chiefe Officers of the Chetfirds, to the end they may spoyle them againe, and haue a better bootie when they call them to account:

which commonly they doe at the end of their seruice, making an aduantage of their injustice and oppression ouer the poore people. There are few of them but they come to the Pudkey or Whip when their time is ended, which themselues for the most part doe make account of. And therefore they furnish themselues with all the spoyle they can for the time of their Gouern∣ment, that they may haue for both turnes, as well for the Emperour and Lord of the Chetfird, as to reserue some good part for themselues.

They that are appointed to gouerne abroad, are men of this qualitie: saue that in the foure border Townes that are of greatest importance, are set men of more speciall valour and trust, two in euery Towne. Whereof one is euer of the Emperours priuie Counsell. These foure border [ 10] Townes are, Smolensko, Vobsko, Nouogrod, and Cazan, whereof three lie towards the Polonian and Sweden, one bordereth farre off vpon the Chrim Tartar. These haue larger commission then the other Dukes of the Prouinces that I spake of before, and may doe execution in criminall matters. Which is thought behooffull for the Common-wealth: for incident occasions that may happen vpon the borders that are farre off, and may not stay for direction, about euery occur∣rent and particular matter from the Emperour and his Counsell. They are changed euery yeere (except as before) and haue for their stipend 700. Rubbels a yeere he that hath most: some haue but 400. Many of these places that are of greatest importance, and almost the whole Coun∣trey is managed at this time, by the Godonoes and their Clients.

The Citie of Mosko (that is the Emperours Seat) is gouerned altogether by the Emperours [ 20] Counsell. All matters there both ciuill and criminall, are heard and determined in the seuerall Courts, held by some of the said Counsell, that reside there all the yeere long.

Onely for their ordinary matters (as Buildings, Reparations,* 1.77 keeping of their Streets decent and cleane, Collections, leuying of Taxes, Impositions and such like) are appointed, two Gen∣tlemen, and two Dyacks or Secretaries, who hold a Court together for the ordering of such matters. This is called the Zempskey house. If any Townes-man suspect his seruant of theft or like matter, hither he may bring him to haue him examined vpon the Pudkey, or other tor∣ture. Besides these two Gentlemen, and Secretaries that order the whole Citie, there are Sta∣rusts or Aldermen for euery seuerall Companie. The Alderman hath his Sotskey or Constable, and the Constable hath certaine Decetskeis or Decurions vnder him, which haue the ouersight of [ 30] ten housholds a piece, whereby euery disorder is sooner spyed, and the common seruice hath the quicker dispatch. The whole number of Citizens poore and rich are reduced into Companies. The chiefe Officers (as the Dyacks and Gentlemen) are appointed by the Emperour himselfe, the Starust by the Gentlemen and Dyacks, the Sotskoy by the Starust or Alderman, and the De∣cetskoyes by the Constables.

This manner of gouernment of their Prouinces and Townes, if it were as well set for the giuing of iustice indifferently to all sorts, as it is to preuent innouations, by keeping of the No∣bility within order, and the Commons in subiection, it might seeme in that kind to be no bad nor vnpolitike way, for the contayning of so large a Common-wealth, of that breadth and length as is the Kingdome of Russia. But the oppression and slauery is so open, and so great, that [ 40] a man would maruell, how the Nobilitie and People should suffer themselues to be brought vn∣der it, while they had any meanes to auoide and repulse it: or being so strengthned as it is at this present, how the Emperours themselues can be content to practise the same, with so open iniustice and oppression of their Subiects, being themselues of a Christian profession.* 1.78 By this it appeareth how hard a matter it were to alter the state of the Russe Gouernment, as now it standeth.

THe Emperours of Russia giue the name of Counsellour to diuers of their chiefe Nobilitie,* 1.79 rather for honours sake, then for any vse they make of them about their matters of State. These are called Boiarens, without any addition, and may be called, Counsellours at large. For [ 50] they are seldome or neuer called to any publike consultation. They which are of his speciall and priuie Counsell indeed (whom he vseth daily and ordinarily for all publike matters pertay∣ning to the State) haue the addition of Dumnoy, and are named Dumnoy boiaren, or Lords of the Counsell, their Office or Sitting Boarstua dum••a.

Their names at this present are these in their order. First,* 1.80 Knez Feoder Ioanowich Methislos∣key. 2. Knez Iuan Michailowich Glinskoy. 3. Knez Vasilie Iuanowich Suskoy Scopin. (These three are accounted to be of greater birth then wisedome, taken in (as may seeme) for that end, rather to furnish the place with their honours and presence, then with their aduice or counsell.) 4. Knez Vasilie Iuanowich Suskoy, thought to be more wise then the other of his name. 5. Knez Feoder Michailowich. 6. Knez Michata Romanowich Trowbetskoy. 7. Knez Timophey Roma∣nowich [ 60] Trowbetskoy. 8. Knez Andriew Gregoriwich Curakine. 9. Knez Demetrie Iuanowich Fo∣restine. 10. Knez Feoder Iuanowich Forestine. 11. Bodan Iuanowich Sabaroue. 12. Knez Iuan Vasilowich. 13. Knez Feoder Demetriwich Shestinoue. 14. Knez Feoder Michailowich Troy∣conioue. 15. Iuan Buterlyney. 16. Demetrie Iuanowich Godonoe. 17. Borrise Federowich Godonoe, brother to the Empresse. 18. Stephan Vasilowich Godonoe. 19. Gregorie Vasilowich Godonoe. 20. Iuan

Vasilowich Godonoe. 21. Feoder Sheremitoue. 22. Andrew Petrowich Cleshenina. 23. Ignati•• Petrowich Tatisloue. 24. Romain Michailowich Peua. 25. Demenshoy Iuanowich Cheremissen. 26. Romain Vasilowich Alferioue. 27. Andriew Shalcaloue. 28. Vasilie Shalcaloue. 29. Elea∣zar Wellusgin. 30. Drezheen Penteleoue. 31. Zapon Abramoue.

* 1.81The foure last of these are called Dumnoy deiakey or Lord-Secretaries. These are all of the Em∣perours priuie Counsell, though but few of them are called to any consultation, for that all mat∣ters are aduised and determined vpon by Borris Federowich Godonoe brother to the Empresse, with some fiue or sixe more whom it pleaseth him to call. If they come, they are rather to heare, then to giue counsell, and doe so demeane themselues. The matters occurrent which are of State done within the Realme, are informed them at their ••ittings by the Lords of the foure [ 10] Chetfirds, or Tetrarchies. Whereof mention is made in the Chapter concerning the Gouern∣ment of their Prouinces. Who bring in all such Letters as they receiue from the Dukes, Dyacks, Captaines, and other Officers of the Citie and Castles pertayning to their seuerall Quarter or Chetfird, with other aduertisements, and informe the Counsell of them.

The like is done by the chiefe Officer of euery seuerall Office of Record: who may come in∣to the Counsell-chamber, and informe them, as occasion incident to his Office doth require. Be∣sides matters of State, they consider of many priuate Causes, informed by the way of suppli∣cation in very great numbers. Whereof some they entertayne and determine, as the Cause or meanes can procure fauour. Some they send to the Offices whereto they pertayne by common course of Law. Their ordinary dayes for their sitting are, Mondayes, Wednesdayes, and Fri∣dayes. [ 20] Their time of meeting is commonly seuen of the clocke in the morning. If there bee any extraordinary occasion that requireth consultation on some other day, they haue warning by the Clerke of of the Counsell, called Dorofey Bushew, who receiueth order from the Roserad, or High Constable of the Realme, to call them together at the time appointed.

* 1.82FOr the receiuing of Customes, and other Rents belonging to the Crowne, there are appoin∣ted diuers Vnder-officers, which deliuer ouer the same into the head Treasurie. The first is, the Office of Dwoertsoua or Steward of the houshold. The second is, the Office of the Chetfirds, which I comprehend vnder one, though it be diuided into foure seuerall parts, as was said be∣fore. The third is called, Bulsha Prechode, or the great Income. [ 30]

As touching the first, which is the Office of the Steward, it receiueth all the Rents of the Em∣perours Inheritance, or Crowne-land, which they call, Vochin. The Vochin or Crown-land con∣tayneth in it sixe and thirtie Townes with the Territories or Hundreds belonging vnto them. Whereof the chiefe that yeeld the greatest Rents are these: Alexandrisca, Corelska, Otfer, Slo∣bodey, Danielska, Moisalskoy, Chara, Sametska, Strararouse, Bransoue, &c. The Inhabitants or Tenants of these and the other Townes, pay some Rent money, some other Rent duties (called Obr••key) as certaine Chetfirds or measures of Graine, Wheat, Rye, Barley, Oats, &c. or of other victuall, as Oxen, Sheepe, Swannes, Geese, Hares, Hennes, wilde Fowle, Fish, Hay, Wood, Ho∣ney, &c. Some are bound to sowe for the Emperours prouision certaine acres of ground, and to make the Corne ready for his vse: hauing for it an allowance of certaine acres of ground for [ 40] their owne proper vse.

This prouision for the houshold, specially of Graine serued in by the Tenants, is a great deale more then is spent in his house, or in other allowance serued out in liuery, or for the Emperours honour, called Schalouaney: for which vse there is bestowed very much, both in Graine and o∣ther Victuall. This surplus of prouision is sold by the Steward to the best hand, and runneth into the Emperours Treasurie.

In the time of Iuan Vasilowich, father to this Emperour (who kept a more Princely and boun∣tifull house then the Emperour now doth) this ouerplus of Graine, and other incomes into the Stewards Office, yeelded to his Treasurie not past 60000. Rubbels yeerely, but riseth now by good husbanding of the Steward Gregory Vasilowich Godonoe, to 230000. Rubbels a yeere. And [ 50] this by the meanes of the Empresse, and her kindred, specially (Borris Fedorowich Godonoe) that account it all their owne that runneth into the Emperors Treasure. Much of this surplusage that riseth out of the Rent prouision, is employed to the payment of the wages of his houshold Of∣ficers, which are very many attending at home, and purueying abroad.

* 1.83The second Office of Receit, is called the Chetfirds, (being diuided into foure seuerall parts, as before was said) hath foure head Officers: which besides the ordering and gouernment of the Shires contayned within their seuerall Chetfirds, haue this also as a part of their Office, to re∣ceiue the Tagla and Podat belonging to the Emperour,* 1.84 that riseth out of the foure Chetfirds or Quarters. The Tagla is a yeerly Rent or Imposition raised vpon euery Wi••e or measure of Graine, that groweth within the Land, gathered by sworne men, and brought into the Office. The [ 60] Wite contayneth sixtie Chetfirds. Euery Chetfird is three Bushels English, or little lesse. The Po∣dat is an ordinary Rent of money imposed vpon euery Soake, or Hundred within the whole Realme.

This Tagla and Podat bring in yeerely to the Offices of the Chetfirds a great summe of money:

as may appeare by the particulars heere set downe. The Towne and Prouince of Vob••ko pay yeerely for Tagla and Podat about 18000. Rubbels. Nouogrod 35000. Rubbels. Torshocke and Otfer 8000. Rubbels. Razan 30000. Rubbels. Morum 12000. Rubbels. Colmigroe and Duy∣na 8000. Rubbels. Vologda 12000. Rubbels. Cazan 18000. Rubbels. Vstiug 30000 Rubbles. Rostoue 50000. Rubbels. The Citie of Mosko 40000. Rubbels. Sibierskoy 20000. Rubbels. Castrome 12000. Rubbels. The totall amounteth to 400000. Rubbels, or Markes a yeere, which is brought in yeerely the first of September, that is reckoned by them the first day of the yeere.* 1.85

The third (that is called the Bulsha Prechod, or great Income) receiueth all the Customes that are gathered out of all the principall Townes and Cities within the whole Realme. Besides the [ 10] fees and other duties which rise out of diuers smaller Offices, which are all brought into this Office of Bulsha Prechod. The Townes of most trade, that doe yeeld greatest Custome, are these here set downe. Mosko, Smolensko, Vobsko, Nouogrod Velica, Strararouse, Turshocke, Ot∣fer, Yaruslaue, Castrome, Nesua Nouogrod, Cazan, Vologda. This Custome out of the great Townes is therefore more certaine, and easie to bee reckoned, because it is set and rated precise∣ly what they shall pay for the Custome of the yeere. Which needs must bee payd into the said Office, though they receiue not so much. If it fall out to be more, it runneth all into the Empe∣rours aduantage.

The Custome at Mosko for euery yeere, is 12000. Rubbels.* 1.86 The Custome of Smolensko 8000. Vobsko 12000. Rubbels. Nouogrod v••lica 6000. Rubbels. Strararouse by Salt and other commo∣dities [ 20] 18000. Rubbels. Torshock 800. Rubbels. Otfer 700. Rubbels. Yaruslaue 1200. Rubbels. Castrome 1800. Rubbels. Nesna Nouogrod 7000. Rubbels. Cazan 11000. Rubbels. Volog∣da 2000. Rubbels. The Custome of the rest that are Townes of trade, is sometimes more, sometimes lesse, as their trafficke and dealings with commodities to and fro, falleth out for the yeere.

This may bee said for certaine,* 1.87 that the three Tables of Receits belonging to this Office of Bulsha Prechod, when they receiue least, account for thus much, vz. The first table, 160000. Rubbels. The second table, 90000. Rubbels. The third 70000. Rubbels. So that there com∣meth into the Office of Bulsha Prechod, at the least reckoning (as appeareth by their Bookes of Customes) out of these and other Townes, and maketh the summe of 340000. Rubbles a yeere. [ 30] Besides this Custome out of the Townes of trade, there is receiued by this Office of Bulsha Pre∣chod, the yeerely Rent of the common Bath-stoues, and Cabacks or drinking houses, which per∣tayne to the Emperour. Which (though it be vncertaine for the iust summe, yet because it is certaine, and an ordinary matter, that the Russe will bathe himselfe as well within as without) yeeldeth a large Rent to the Emperours Treasurie.

There is besides,* 1.88 a certaine Mulct or Penaltie that groweth to the Emperour out of euery Iudgement or Sentence, that passeth in any of his Courts of Record in all Ciuill matters. This Penaltie or Mulct is twentie Dingoes or Pence vpon euery Rubbel or Marke, and so ten in the hundred. Which is payd by the partie that is conuict by Law. He hath besides for euery name contayned in the Writs that passe out of these Courts, fiue Alteens. An Alteen•• is fiue pence [ 40] sterling, or thereabouts. This is made good out of the Office, whence the Writ is taken forth. Thence it goeth to the Office that keepeth the lesser Seale, where it payeth as much more to the Emperours vse. This riseth commonly to three thousand Rubbels a yeere, or thereabouts. Far∣ther also out of the Office of Roisbonia, where all felonies are tryed, is receiued for the Emperour the halfe part of Felons goods, the other halfe goeth the one part to the Informer, the other to the Officers.

All this is brought into the Office of Bulsha Prechod, or Great income. Besides the ouerplus or remainder that is saued out of the Land-rents allotted to diuers other Offices: as namely, to the Office called Roserade, which hath Lands and Rents assigned vnto it to pay the yeerely sala∣ries of the Souldiers, or Horsemen, that are kept still in pay. Which in time of peace, when they rest at home not employed in any seruice, is commonly cut off and payd them by halfes, [ 50] sometimes not the halfe: so that the remainder out of the Roserade Office that is layd into the Emperours treasurie, commeth for the most part euery yeere to 250000. Rubbels.

In like sort (though not so much) is brought in the surplus out of the Strelletskoy Offices which hath proper Lands for the payment of the Strelsey men or Gunners, as well those at Mosko, that are of the Emperors Guard (12000. in ordinary) as on the borders, and other garrison Towns and Castles. Likewise out of the Office of Prechase, Shisiuoy Nemsh••y, which hath set allowance of Lands to maintayne the forraine mercenary Souldiers, as Poles, Sweadens, Dutches, Scots, &c. So out of the Office of Pusharskoy, (which hath Lands and Rents allowed for the prouision of munition, great Ordnance, Powder, Shot, Saltpeter, Brimstone, Lead, and such like) there is left somewhat at the yeeres end, that runneth into the Treasurie. All these bring into the Of∣fice [ 60] of Bulsha Prechod that which remayneth in their hand at the yeeres end. Whence it is de∣liuered into the Emperours Treasurie. So that the whole summe that groweth to this Office of Bulsha Prechod, or the great Income (as appeareth by the Bookes of the said Office) amounteth to 800000. Rubbels a yeere, or thereabouts.

All these Offices, to wit, the Office of the Steward, the foure Chetfirds, and the Bulsha Prechod deliuer in their receipts to the head treasurie,* 1.89 that lyeth within the Emperours house or Castle at the Mosko. Where lye all his Moneys, Iewels, Crownes, Scepters, Plate, and such like, the Chests, Hutches, and Bags being signed by the Emperours themselues with their owne seale. Though at this time the L. Borris Federowich Godonoe, his seale and ouer-sight supplieth for the Emperour, as in all other things. The vnder Officer at this time is one Stepan Vasilowich Godonoe, Cousin germane to the said Borris, who hath two Clerkes allowed to serue vnder him in the Office.

* 1.90The sum that groweth to the Emperors Trea∣sury in money onely, for euery yeere.

• 1. Out of the Stewards Office aboue the expence of his house 23000. Rubbels.
• 2. Out of the foure Chetfirds for Soake and Head money, 400000. Rubbels.
• 3. Out of the Bulsha Precod Office, or great Income for Custome and other Rents. 800000. Rubbels.

Sum 1430000. Rub∣bels cleere, besides all charges for his house [ 10] and ordinary salleries of his Souldiers other∣wise discharged.

But besides this reuenue that is paid all in money to the Emperors treasurie, he receiueth yeerely in Furres, and other duties to a great value out of Siberia, Pechora, Permia, and other places, which are sold or bartred away for other forraine commodities to the Turkish, Persian, Armenian, Georgian and Bougharian Merchants, that trade with••n his Countries, besides others of Christendome. What it maketh in the whole (though the value cannot bee set downe pre∣cisely, as being a thing casuall as the commoditie may be got) it may be ghessed by that which [ 20] was gathered the last yeere out of Siberia for the Emperours Custome, vz. 466. Timber of Sa∣bles, fiue Timber of Martrones, 180. blacke Foxes, besides other commodities.

To these may be added their seazures, and confiscations vpon such as are in displeasure, which riseth to a great summe, besides other their extraordinary Impositions, and exactions done vpon their Officers, Monasteries, &c. not for any apparant necessitie, or vse of the Prince, or Common-wealth, but of will and custome: yet with some pretence of policie. To this purpose this by-word was vsed by the late Emperour Iuan Vasilowich: That his people were like to his beard. The oftner shauen, the thicker it would grow. Or like sheepe, that must needs bee shorne once a yeere at the least: to keepe them from being ouer-laden with their wooll.

[ 30]

* 1.91MEanes seruing to which purpose were to preuent no extortions, exactions, or briberies whatsoeuer, done vpon the Commons by their Dukes, Diacks, or other Officers in their Prouinces: but to suffer them to goe on till their time be expired, and to sucke themselues full. Then to call them to the Praueush (or whip) for their behauiour, and to beat out of them all, or the most part of the bootie, (as the Hony from the Bee) which they haue wrung from the Commons, and to turne it into the Emperours Treasurie, but neuer any thing backe againe to the right owners, how great or euident soeuer the iniurie be . To this end the needie Dukes, and Diacks, that are sent into their Prouinces, serue the turne very well, being changed so often (to wit) once a yeere: where in respect of their owne, and the qualitie of the people (as before was said) they might be continued for some longer time, without all feare of innouation. For com∣ming [ 40] still fresh vpon the Commons, they sucke more eagerly: like Tiberius the Emperours Flies, that came new still vpon an old sore. To whom he was wont to compare his Praetors, and other Prouinciall Officers.

2. Yet they did make of these Officers (that haue robbed their people) sometimes a pub∣like example, if any be more notorious then the rest: the Emperour thus seeming to mislike the oppressions done to his people, and transferring the fault to his ill Officers. As among diuers other, was done by the late Emperor Iuan Vasilowich to a Diacke in one of his Prouinces: that (besides many other extortions and briberies) had taken a goose readie drest full of mony. The man was brought to the Market-place in Mosko. The Emperour himselfe present made an Oration. These, good people, are they that would eate you vp like bread, &c. Then asked he his Po∣lachies [ 50] or Executioners, who could cut vp a Goose, and commanded one of them first to cut off his legs about the midst of the shin, then the armes aboue his elbowes (asking him still if Goose-flesh were good meat) in the end to chop off his head: that hee might haue the right fashion of a Goose readie dressed.

3. They make an open shew of want, when any great Taxe or Imposition is towards. As was done by this Emperour Theodore Iuanowich, by the aduice of some about him at the begin∣ning of his raigne: when being left very rich (as was thought) by his father, he sold most of his Plate, and stamped some into Coyne: that he might seeme to want money. Whereupon present∣ly out came a Taxation.

4. They suffer their subiects to giue freely to the Monasteries (which for their superstition [ 60] very many doe, specially in their last Wills) and to lay vp their money and substance in them, to keepe it more safe. Which all is permitted them without any restraint or prouiso, as was and is in some Countries of Christendome. Whereby their Monasteries grow to exceeding great wealth. This they doe to haue the money of the Realme better stored together, and more rea∣die

for their hand, when they list to take it. Which many times is done without any noyse: the Friers being content rather to part from somewhat (as the increase groweth) then to lose all at once. Which they were made to doubt of in the other Emperours dayes.

To this end Iuan Vasilowich late Emperor vsed a very strange practise,* 1.92 that few Princes would haue done in their greatest extremities. Hee resigned his Kingdome to one Velica Knez Simeon, the Emperours sonne of Cazan: as though hee meant to draw himselfe from all publike doings to a quiet priuate life. Towards the end of the yeere, he caused this new King to call in all Char∣ters granted to Bishoprickes, and Monasteries, which they had enioyed many hundred yeeres before. Which were all cancelled. This done (as in dislike of the fact & of the mis-gouernment of the new King) hee resumed his Scepter, and so was content (as in fauour to the Church and [ 10] Religious men) that they should renew their Charters, and take them of himselfe: reseruing and annexing to the Crowne so much of their lands, as himselfe thought good.

By this practice he wrung from the Bishoprickes and Monasteries (besides the lands which he annexed to the Crowne) an huge masse of money. From some fortie, from some fiftie, from some an hundred thousand Rubbels. And this as well for the increase of his Treasury, as to abate the ill opinion of his hard gouernment, by a shew of worse in another man. Wherein his strange spirit is to be noted: that being hated of his subiects (as himselfe knew well enough) yet should venture such a practice to set another in his saddle, that might haue rid away with his horse, while himselfe walked by on foot.

5. They send their Messengers into the Prouinces or Shires, where the speciall commodi∣ties [ 20] of their Countrey grow, as Furres, Wax, Hony, &c. There to forestall and ingrosse sometime one whole commoditie, sometime two or more, taking them at small prices what themselues list, and selling them againe at an excessiue rate to their owne Merchants, and to Merchants strangers. If they refuse to buy them, then to force them vnto it. The like is done when any commoditie either natiue or forraine (as Cloth of Gold, Broad-cloth, &c.) thus engrossed by the Emperour, and receiued into his treasury happeneth to decay, or marre by long lying, or some other casualtie. Which is forced vpon the Merchants to be bought by them at the Empe∣rours price, whether they will or no. This last yeere of 1589. was engrossed all the Wax of the Countrey: so that none might deale with that commoditie, but the Emperour onely.

[ 30] 6. To take vp and engrosse in like sort sometime forraine commodities (as Silkes, Cloth, Lead, Pearle, &c. brought into his Realme by Turkish Merchants, Armenians, Bougharians, Poles, English, and other. And then to force his Merchants to buy them of his Officers at his owne price.

7. They make a Monopoly for the time of such commodities as are paid him for Rent, or Custome, and to inhance the price of them, as Furres, Corne, Wood, &c. What time none must sell of the same kinde of commoditie, till the Emperours be all sold. By this meanes he maketh of his Rent, Corne, and other prouision of victuall (as before was said) about 200000. Rubbels or Markes a yeere. Of his Rent, Wood, Hay, &c. 30000. Rubbels, or thereabouts.

8. In euery great Towne of his Realme hee hath a Caback or other drinking house, where [ 40] is sold Aqua-vitae (which they call Russe Wine) Mead, Beere, &c. Out of these hee receiueth Rent that amounteth to a great summe of money. Some yeeld 800. some 900. some a 1000. some 2000. or 3000. Rubbels a yeere. Wherein besides the base and dishonourable meanes to encrease his treasury, many foule faults are committed. The poore Labouring man, and Artifi∣cer, many times spendeth all from his wife and children. Some vse to lay in twentie, thirtie, for∣tie Rubbels, or more into the Caback, and vow themselues to the pot, till all that be spent. And this (as he will say) for the honour of Hospodare, or the Emperour. You shall haue many there that haue drunke all away to the very skin, and so walke naked (whom they call Naga.) While they are in the Caback, none may call them forth whatsoeuer cause there be, because he hinde∣reth the Emperours reuenue.

[ 50] 9. Some of his Boiarens, or Nobles of his Court, (whom he vseth vpon trust) that haue hou∣ses in the Mosko, faine themselues robbed: Then they send for the Zemskey men, or Aldermen of the Citie, and command them to finde out the robbery: In default of not finding it, praue or cease the Citie for their misgouernment in 8000.9000. or 10000. Rubbels at a time. This is many times practised.

10. In these exactions to shew their Soueraigntie, sometime they haue beene vsed very plaine, and yet strange cauillations. As was that of Iuan Vasilowich, father to this Emperour, after this sort. He sent into Permia for certaine loads of Cedar wood, wherof he knew that none grew in that Countrey. The inhabitants returned answer they could finde none there. Where∣upon hee seazed their Countrey in 12000. Rubbels, as if they concealed the commoditie of [ 60] purpose. Againe, he sent to the Citie of Mosko to prouide for him a Colpack, or measure full of liue Fleas for a medicine. They returned answere that the thing was impossible. And if they could get them, yet they could not measure them, for leaping out. Whereupon hee praued, or beat out of their shins 7000. Rubbels for a Mulct. By like cauillation hee exto••ted for his No∣bilitie 30000. Rubbels, because he missed of his game, when hee went a hunting for the Hare:

as if their hunting and murthering of Hares had beene the cause of it. Which the Nobilitie (as the manner is) Praued presently againe vpon the Mousicks, or common people of the Countrey.

* 1.93THe condition of the Commons and vulgar sort of people, may partly bee vnderstood by that which already hath beene sayd concerning the manner of their Gouernment, and the state of the Nobilitie, with the ordering of their Prouinces, and chiefe Townes of the Land. And first touching their libertie how it standeth with them, it may appeare by this: that they are reckoned in no degree at all, nor haue any suffrage nor place in their Zabore, or high Court of Parliament, where their Lawes and publike Orders are concluded vpon. Againe into what ser∣uile condition their libertie is brought, not onely to the Prince, but to the Nobles, and Gentle∣men [ 10] of the Countrey (who themselues also are but seruile, specially of late yeeres) it may fur∣ther appeare by their owne acknowledgments in their supplications, and other writings to a∣ny of the Nobles or chiefe Officers of the Emperours. Wherein they name and subscribe them∣selues Kolophey, that is, their Villaines, or Bond-slaues: as they of the Nobilitie doe vnto the Emperour. This may truely bee sayd of them, that there is no seruant nor bond-slaue more aw∣ed by his Master, nor kept downe in a more seruile subjection, then the poore people are, and that vniuersally, not onely by the Emperour, but by his Nobilitie chiefe Officers and Souldiers. So that when a poore Mousick meeteth with any of them vpon the high way,* 1.94 hee must turne himselfe about, as not daring to looke him on the face, and fa••l downe with knocking of his head to the very ground, as he doth vnto his Idoll. [ 20]

Secondly, concerning the Lands, goods, and other possessions of the Commons, they answer the Name and lye Common indeed, without any fence against the rapine and spoyle, not onely of the highest, but of his Nobilitie, Officers, and Souldiers. Besides the Taxes, Customes, Seazures, and other publike exactions done vpon them by the Emperour, they are so racked and pulled by the Nobles, Officers, and Messengers, sent abroad by the Emperour in his publike affayres, specially in the Yammes (as they call them) and thorow faire Townes, that you shall haue many Villages and Townes of halfe a mile, and a mile long, stand all vnhabited: the people being fled all into other places, by reason of the extreame vsage, and exactions done vpon them. So that in the way towards Mosko, betwixt Vologda and Yaruslaueley (which is two nineties after their reckoning, little more then an hundred miles English,) there are in sight fiftie Darieunes or Villa∣ges [ 30] at the least, some halfe a mile, some a mile long (that stand vacant) and desolate without any inhabitant. The like is in all other places of the Realme, as is sayd by those that haue better tra∣uelled the Countrey then my selfe had time, or occasion to doe.

The great oppression ouer the poore Commons, made them to haue no courage in following their Trades: for the more they haue, the more danger they are in, not onely of their goods, but of their liues also. And if they haue any thing, they conceale it all they can, sometimes con∣ueying it into Monasteries, sometimes hiding it vnder the ground, and in Woods, as men are wont to doe where they are in feare of forraigne inuasion. Insomuch that many times you shall see them afraid to bee knowne to any Boiuren or Gentleman, of such commodities as they haue to sell. I haue seene them sometimes when they haue layd open their Commodities for a liking [ 40] (as their principall Furres and such like) to looke still behinde them, and towards euery doore: as men in some feare, that looked to bee set vpon, and surprised by some Enemie. Whereof as∣king the cause, I found it to bee this, that they haue doubted least some Nobleman or Sinaboiars∣key of the Emperour had beene in company, and so layed a trayne for them to pray vpon their Commodities perforce.

This made the people (though otherwise hardened to beare any toyle) to giue themselues much to Idlenesse and Drinking: as passing for no more, then from hand to mouth. And hereof it commeth that the Commodities of Russia (as was sayd before) as Waxe, Tallow, Hides, Flax, Hempe, &c. grow and goe abroad in farre lesse plentie then they were wont to doe: because the people being oppressed and spoyled of their gettings, are discouraged from their labours. Yet this [ 50] one thing is much to bee noted, that in all this oppression there were three brethren Merchants, of late that traded together with one Stocke in common, that were found to bee worth 300000. Rubbels in money,* 1.95 besides Lands, Cattels, and other Commodities. Which may partly be im∣puted to their dwellings farre off from the eye of the Court, viz. in Wichida, one thousand miles from Mosko and more. The same are sayd by those that knew them, to haue set on worke all the yeere long ten thousand men in making of Salt, carriages by Cart, and Boat, hewing of Wood and such like: besides fiue thousand Bond-slaues at the least, to inhabite and till their Land. They had also their Physitians, Surgeons, Apothecaries, and all manner of Artificers of Dout∣ches and others, belonging vnto them. They are sayd to haue payed to the Emperour for Cu∣stome to the summe of three and twentie thousand Rubbels a yeere, (for which cause they were [ 60] suffered to enioy their Trade) besides the maintayning of certayne Garrisons on the borders of Siberia, which were neare vnto them. Wherein the Emperour was content to vse their purse, till such time as they had got ground in Siberia, and made it habitable, by burning and cutting downe Woods, from Wichida to Perm, aboue one thousand verst, and then tooke it all away from

them perforce. But this in the end being enuyed and disdayned, as a matter not standing with their policie, to haue any so great, specially a Mousick, the Emperour began first to pull from them by pieces, sometimes twentie thousand Rubbels at a time, sometime more: till in the end their Sonnes that now are, are well eased of their Stocke, and haue but small part of their Fathers substance: the rest being drawne all into the Emperours treasurie. Their names were Iacone, Gregorie, and Simon, the Sonnes of O••••ka.

For the qualitie of their people otherwise, though there seemeth to bee in there some apt∣nesse to receiue any Art (as appeareth by the naturall wits in the men, and very children) yet they excell in no kinde of common Art, much lesse in any learning, or literall kinde of know∣ledge: [ 10] which they are kept from of purpose, as they are also from all military practice: that they may bee fitter for the seruile condition, wherein now they are, and haue neither rea∣son, nor valour to attempt innouation. For this purpose also they are kept from trauelling,* 1.96 that they may learne nothing, nor see the fashions of other Countries abroad. You shall seldome see a Russe a traueller, except hee bee with some Embassadour, or that hee make an escape out of his Countrey. Which hardly he can doe, by reason of the borders that are watched so nar∣rowly, and the punishment for any such attempt, which is death, if hee bee taken, and all his goods confiscate. Onely they learne to write, and to read, and that very few of them. Nei∣ther doe they suffer any stranger willingly to come into their Realme out of any ciuill Countrie, for the same cause, farther then necessitie of vttering their commodities, and taking in of for∣reine doth enforce them to doe.

[ 20] And therefore this yeere 1589. they consulted about the remouing of all Merchants stran∣gers to the border Townes, to abide and haue their residencie there,* 1.97 and to bee more wary in admitting other strangers heereafter into the Inland parts of the Realme. For the same pur∣pose also they are kept within the bounds of their degree by the Lawes of their Countrey: so that the sonne of a Mousick, Artificer, or Husbandman, is euer a Mousick, Artificer, &c. and hath no meanes to aspire any higher: except, hauing learned to write and reade, hee at∣tayne to the preferment of a Priest, or Dyack. Their Language is all one with the Slauonian, which is thought to haue beene deriued from the Russe Tongue, rather then the Russe from the Slauonian. For the People called Sclaui,* 1.98 are knowne to haue had their beginning out of Sarmatia, and to haue tearmed themselues of their Conquest Sclauos, (that is) Famous or [ 30] Glorious, of the word Sclaua, which in the Russe and Slauonian Tongue signifieth as much as Glorie, or Fame. Though afterwards being subdued and trod vpon by diuers Nations, the Italians, their Neighbours, haue turned the word to a contrary signification, and terme euery Seruant or Peasant by the name of Sclaue, as did the Romanes by the Getes and Syrians, for the same reason. The Russe Character or Letter is no other then the Greek••, somewhat distorted.

Concerning their Trades, Diet, apparell, and such like, it is to be noted in a seuerall Chapter of their priuate behauiour. This order that bindeth euery man to keepe his ranke, and seuerall degree, wherein his fore-fathers liued before him, is more meet to keepe the Subiects in a seruile subiection, and so apt for this and like Commonwealths, then to aduance any vertue, or to breed [ 40] any rare or excellent qualitie in Nobilitie or Commons: as hauing no further reward nor pre∣ferment, whereunto they may bend their endeauours, and employ themselues to aduance their estate, but rather procuring more danger to themselues, the more they excell in any noble o•• principall qualitie.

THeir Courts of Ciuill Iustice for matters of Contract, and other of like sort,* 1.99 are of three kinds, the one being subiect vnto the other by way of appeale. The lowest Court (that seemeth to be appointed for some ease to the Subiects) is the Office of the Gubnoy Starust, that signifieth an Alderman, and of the Sotskoy Starust, or Bayliffe of the Soake or Hundred, where∣of I spake before in the ordering of the Prouinces. These may end matters among their neigh∣bours [ 50] within their Soake, or seuerall Hundred, where they are appointed vnder the Dukes and Dyacks of the Prouinces, to whom the parties may remoue their matter, if they cannot be agreed by the said Gubnoy, or Sotskoy Starust.

The second is kept in the head Townes of euery Prouince or Shire, by the said Dukes and Dyacks, that are Deputies to the foure Lords of the Chetfirds (as before was said.) From these Courts they may appeale, and remoue their Suits to the chiefe Court, that is kept at the Mosko, where are resident the Officers of the foure Chetfirds. These are the chiefe Iustices or Iudges, euery of them in all Ciuill matters that grow within their seuerall Chetfird or Quarter, and may be either commenced originally before them, or prosecuted out of the inferiour Courts of the Shires by way of appeale.

[ 60] Their commencing, and proceeding in Ciuill actions is on this manner. First, the Plaintife putteth vp his Supplication, wherein he declareth the effect of his Cause,* 1.100 or wrong done vnto him. Whereupon is granted vnto him a Wepis, or Warrant, which he deliuereth to the Prastaue, or Sergeant, to doe the arrest vpon the partie whom hee meaneth to implead. Who vpon the

arrest, is to put in Sureties to answere the day appointed, or else standeth at the Sergeants deuo∣tion, to be kept safe by such meanes as he thinketh good.

The Sergeants are many, and excell for their hard and cruell dealing towards their prisoners; commonly they clap Irons vpon them, as many as they can beare, to wring out of them some larger fees. Though it be but for sixe pence, you shall see them goe with Chaines on their legs armes, and necke. When they come before the Iudge, the Plaintiffe beginneth to declare his matter after the contents of his Supplication. As for Attorneys, Counsellors, Procurators, and Aduocates, to plead their Cause for them, they haue no such order, but euery man is to tell his owne tale, and plead for himselfe as well as he can.

* 1.101If they haue any witnesse or other euidence, they produce it before the Iudge. If they haue [ 10] none, or if the trueth of the Cause cannot so well bee discerned by the plea, or euidence on both part••: then the Iudge asketh either partie (which hee thinketh good, Plaintiffe or De∣fendant) whether hee will kisse the Crosse, vpon that which hee auoncheth, or denyeth. Hee that taketh the Crosse (being so offered by the Iudge) is accounted cleare, and carrieth away the matter. This Ceremonie is not done within the Court, or Office, but the partie is carried to the Church by an Officer, and there the Ceremonie is done: the money in the meane while hanging vpon a naile, or else lying at the Idols feet, ready to be deliuered to the partie, as soone as he hath kissed the Crosse before the said Idoll.

* 1.102This kissing of the Crosse (called Creustina chelouania) is as their corporall Oath, and ac∣counted with them a very holy thing, which no man will dare to violate, or prophane with a false allegation. If both parties offer to kisse the Crosse in a contradictorie mat∣ter, [ 20] then they draw Lots. The better Lot is supposed to haue the right, and beareth away the matter. So the partie conuicted is adiudged to pay the debt or penaltie whatsoeuer, and withall to pay the Emperours fees, which is twentie pence vpon euery Marke, as before hath beene noted.

When the matter is thus ended, the partie conuicted is deliuered to the Sergeant, who hath a Writ for his warrant out of the Office, to carrie him to the Praneush or Righter of Iustice, if pre∣sently he pay not the money, or content not the partie. This Praneush or Righter, is a place neere to the Office: where such as haue sentence passed against them, and refuse to pay that which is adiudged,* 1.103 are beaten with great cudgels on the shinnes, and calues of their legs. E∣uery fore-noone from eight to eleuen, they are set on the Praneush, and beate in this sort till the [ 30] money bee payd. The after-noone and night time, they are kept in chaines by the Sergeant: except they put in sufficient Sureties for their appearance at the Praneush at the houre ap∣pointed. You shall see fortie or fiftie stand together on the Praneush all on a rew, and their shinnes thus becudgelled,* 1.104 and bebasted euery morning with a piteous crye. If after a yeeres standing on the Praneush, the partie will not, or lacke wherewithall to satisfie his creditor, it is lawfull for him to sell his wife, and children, either outright, or for a certaine terme of yeeres. And if the price of them doe not amount to the full payment, the Creditor may take them to be his bond-slaues, for yeeres, or for euer, according as the value of the debt requireth.

Such kind of Suits as lacke direct euidence, or stand vpon coniectures and circumstances to be [ 40] weighed by the Iudge, draw of great length, and yeeld great aduantage to the Iudge, and Offi∣cers. If the Suit be vpon a Bond, or Bill, they haue for the most part good and speedy iustice. Their Bonds or Bills are drawne in a very plaine sort,* 1.105 after this tenour. I Iuan Vasileo haue borrowed of Alphonasse Dementio, the summe of one hundred Rubbels of going money of Mos∣ko, from the Kreshenea (or hallowing of the water) vntill the Saburney Voscreshenea (or Coun∣sell Sunday) without interest. And if this money rest vnpayed after that day, then hee shall giue interest vpon the said money, after the common rate, as it goeth among the people, vz. for euery fiue the sixt Rubbell. Vpon this there are Witnesses, Micheta Sydroueskoy, &c. Subscribed. This Bill haue I written Gabriel Iacouelesni, in the yeere 7096. The Witnesses, and Debter (if hee can write) endorse their names on the backeside of the Bill. Other signing, or sealing haue they none. [ 50]

* 1.106When any is taken for a matter of Crime (as Treason, Murder, Theft, and such like) he is first brought to the Duke and Diack, that are for the Prouince where the partie is attached, by whom hee is examined. The manner of examination in such cases, is all by torture, as scourging with whips made of sinowes,* 1.107 or whitleather (called the Pudkey) as big as a mans finger, which gi∣ueth a sore lash, and entreth into the flesh; or by tying to a Spit and rosting at the fire; some∣times by Breaking and wresting one of their ribs with a paire of hot Tongs,* 1.108 or cutting their flesh vnder the nayles, and such like.

The examination thus taken with all the proofes, and euidences that can bee alleaged against the partie, it is sent vp to the Mosko, to the Lord of the Chetfird or Fourth part, vnder whom the Prouince is, and by him is presented to the Counsell-table, to be read and sentenced there, [ 60] where onely Iudgement is giuen in matter of life and death, and that by euidence vpon infor∣mation, though they neuer saw nor heard the partie who is kept still in prison where the fact was committed, and neuer sent vp to the place where hee is tryed. If they finde the partie

guilty, they giue Sentence of death according to the qualitie of the fact: which is sent downe by the Lord of the Chetfird, to the Duke and Diack to bee put in execution. The Prisoner is carried to the place of execution with his hands bound, and a Waxe candle burning held be∣twixt his fingers.

Their Capitall punishments are hanging, heading, knocking on the head, drowning, put∣ting vnder the Ice, setting on a stake, and such like. But for the most part,* 1.109 the Prisoners that are condemned in Summer, are kept for the Winter, to be knockt in the head, and put vn∣der the Ice. This is to bee vnderstood of common persons. For theft, and murder, If they bee committed vpon a poore Mousick by one of Nobilitie are not lightly punished, nor yet is hee called to any account for it. Their reason is, because they are accounted their Kolophey, or [ 10] Bond-slaues. If by some Sinaboiarskey, or Gentleman Souldier, a murder or theft bee commit∣ted, peraduenture hee shall bee imprisoned at the Emperours pleasure. If the manner of the fact be very notorious, hee is whipped perchance, and this is commonly all the punishment that is inflicted vpon them.

If a man kill his owne seruant, little or nothing is said vnto him, for the same reason: be∣cause hee is accounted to be his Kolophey, or Bond-slaue, and so to haue right ouer his very head. The most is some small mulct to the Emperour, if the partie bee rich: and so the quarrell is made rather against the purse, then against the iniustice. They haue no written Law,* 1.110 saue onely a small Booke that contayneth the time and manner of their sitting, order in proceeding, and such other Iudiciall formes and circumstances, but nothing to direct them to giue Sentence [ 20] vpon right or wrong. Their onely Law is their Speaking Law, that is, the pleasure of the Prince, and of his Magistrates and Officers.

THe Souldiers of Russia are called Sinaboiarskey, or the Sonnes of Gentlemen:* 1.111 because they are all of that degree, by vertue of their military profession. For euery Souldier in Russia is a Gentleman, and none are Gentlemen but onely the Souldiers, that take it by discent from their Ancestors: so that the sonne of a Gentleman (which is borne a Souldier) is euer a Gentle∣man, and a Souldier withall, and professeth nothing else but military matters. When they are of yeeres able to beare Armes, they come to the Office of Roserade, or Great Constable, and there present themselues: who entreth their names, and allotteth them certaine Lands to maintaine [ 30] their charges, for the most part of the same that their fathers enioyed. For the Lands assigned to maintayne the Armie, are euer certaine, annexed to this Office without improuing, or detra∣cting one foot. But that if the Emperour haue sufficient in wages, the roomes being full so farre as the Land doeth extend already, they are many times deferred, and haue nothing allowed them, except some one portion of the Land be diuided into two. Which is a cause of great dis∣order within that Countrey: When a Souldier that hath many children, shall haue sometimes but one entertayned in the Emperours pay. So that the rest hauing nothing, are forced to liue by vniust and wicked shifts, that tend to the hurt and oppression of the Mousicke, or common sort of people. This inconuenience groweth by maintayning his forces in a continuall succes∣sion. The whole number of his Souldiers in continuall pay, is this: First, he hath of his Dwo∣raney, [ 40] that is, Pensioners, or Guard of his person, to the number of 15000. Horsemen,* 1.112 with their Captaines and other Officers, that are alwaies in a readinesse.

Of these fifteene thousand Horsemen, there are three sorts or degrees,* 1.113 which differ as well in estimation, as in wages, one degree from another. The first sort of them is called, Dworaney Bulshey, or the companie of head Pensioners, that haue, some 100. some 80. Rubbels a yeere, and none vnder 70. The second sort are called, Seredney Dworaney, or the middle ranke of Pen∣sioners: these haue 60. or 50. Rubbels by the yeere, none vnder 40. The third and lowest sort are, the Dyta Boiarskey, that is, the lowe Pensioners: their salarie is 30. Rubbels a yeere, for him that hath most; some haue but 25. some 20. none vnder 12. Whereof the halfe part is payd them at the Mosko, the other halfe in the field by the General, when they haue any warres, [ 50] and are employed in seruice. When they receiue their whole pay, it amounteth to 55000. Rubb. by the yeere.

And this is their wages, besides lands allotted to euery one of them, both to the greater and the lesse, according to their degrees. Whereof he that hath least, hath to yeeld him 20. Rubbels or Markes by the yeere. Besides these 15000. Horsemen, that are of better choise (as being the Emperours owne Guard when himselfe goeth to the warres, not vnlike the Roman Souldiers called Pretoriani) are 110. men of speciall account for their Nobilitie, and trust, which are cho∣sen by the Emperour, and haue their names registred,* 1.114 that find among them for the Emperours warres, to the number of 65000. Horsemen, with all necessaries meet for the warres of the [ 60] Russe manner.

To this end they haue yeerely allowance made by the Emperour for themselues, and their Companies, to the summe of 40000. Rubbels. And these 65000. are to repaire to the field eue∣ry yeere on the borders towards the Chrim Tartar, (except they bee appointed for some other seruice) whether there bee warres with the Tartars, or not. This might seeme peraduenture

somewhat dangerous for some State, to haue so great forces vnder the command of Noblemen, to assemble euery yeere to one certaine place. But the matter is so vsed, as that no danger can grow to the Emperour, or his State by this meanes. First, Because these Noblemen are many, to wit, 110. in all, and changed by the Emperour so oft as hee thinketh good. Secondly, Be∣cause they haue their liuings of the Emperour, being otherwise but of very small Reuenue, and receiue this yeerely pay of 40000. Rubbels, when it is presently to be paid forth againe to the Souldiers that are vnder them. Thirdly, Because for the most part they are about the Emperors person, being of his Counsell, either speciall, or at large. Fourthly, They are rather as Pay-ma∣sters, then Captaines to their Companies, themselues not going forth ordinarily to the warres, saue when some of them are appointed by speciall order from the Emperour himselfe. So the [ 10] whole number of Horsemen that are euer in a readinesse,* 1.115 and in continuall pay, are 80000. a few more or lesse.

If he haue need of a greater number (which seldome falleth out) then hee entertayneth of those Sinaboiarskey, that are out of pay, so many as he needeth: and if yet he want of his num∣ber, hee giueth charge to his Noblemen, that hold Lands of him, to bring into the field euery man a proportionable number of his seruants (called Kolophey, such as till his Lands) with their furniture, according to the iust number that hee intendeth to make. Which, the seruice being done, presently lay in their weapons, and returne to their seruile occupations againe.

* 1.116Of Footmen that are in continuall pay, he hath to the number of 12000. all Gunners, called Strelsey. Whereof 5000. are to attend about the Citie of Mosko, or any other place where the [ 20] Emperour shall abide, and 2000. (which are called Stremaney, Stresley, or Gunners at the Stir∣rop) about his owne person at the very Court or house where himselfe lodgeth. The rest are pla∣ced in his garrison Townes, till there be occasion to haue them in the field, and receiue for their salarie or stipend euery man seuen Rubbels a yeere, besides twelue measures, a piece of Rye, and Oats.* 1.117 Of mercenary Souldiers, that are strangers (whom they call Nimscoy) they haue at this time 4300. of Polonians: of Chirchasses (that are vnder the Polonians) about 4000. whereof 3500. are abroad in his Garrisons: of Dutches and Scots, about 150: of Greekes, Turkes, Danes, and Sweadens, all in one band, 100. or thereabouts. But these they vse only vpon the Tartar side, and against the Siberians: as they doe the Tartar Souldiers (whom they hire sometimes, but onely for the present) on the other side against the Polonian and Sweaden: thinking it best po∣licy [ 30] so to vse their seruice vpon the contrary border.

* 1.118The chiefe Captaines or Leaders of these forces, according to their names and degrees, are these which follow. First, the Voyauodey Bulshaia, that is, the Great Captaine, or Lieutenant generall vnder the Emperour. This commonly is one of the foure houses of the chiefe Nobilitie of the Land:* 1.119 but so chosen otherwise, as that he is of small valour or practice in Martiall mat∣ters, being thought to serue that turne so much the better, if he bring no other parts with him saue the countenance of his Nobilitie, to bee liked of by the Souldiers for that, and nothing else. For in this point they are very warie, that these two, to wit, Nobilitie and Power, meet not both in one, specially if they see wisedome withall, or aptnesse for policie.

Their great Voiauod or Generall at this present in their warres, is commonly one of these [ 40] foure, Knez Feoder Iuanowich Methisloskey, Knez Iuan Michailowich Glinskoy, Cherechaskoy, and Trowbetskoy, all of great Nobilitie, but of very simple qualitie otherwise: though in Glinskoy (as they say) there is somewhat more then in the rest.* 1.120 To make vp this defect in the Voiauod or Generall, there is some other ioyned with him as Lieutenant generall, of farre lesse Nobilitie, but of more valour and experience in the warres then he, who ordereth all things that the other countenanceth. At this time their principall man, and most vsed in their warres, is one Knez Demetrie Iuanowich Forestine, an antient and expert Captaine, and one that hath done great ser∣uice (as they say) against the Tartar,* 1.121 and Polonian. Next vnder the Voiauod and his Lieutenant generall, are foure other, that haue the marshalling of the whole Armie diuided among them, and may be called the Marshals of the field. [ 50]

Euery man hath his quarter, or fourth part vnder him: whereof the first is called, the Praua Polskoy, or Right wing. The second is, the Lenoy Polskoy, or Left wing. The third is, Rusnoy Polskoy, or The broken band, because out of this there are chosen to send abroad vpon any sud∣den exploit, or to make a rescue or supply, as occasion doth require. The fourth, Storeshouoy Polskoy,* 1.122 or The warding band. Euery one of these foure Marshals haue two other vnder them (eight in all) that twice euery weeke at the least must muster and traine their seuerall wings or bands, and hold and giue iustice for all faults and disorders committed in the Campe.

And these eight are commonly chosen out of the hundred and ten (which I spake of before) that receiue and deliuer the pay to the Souldiers. Vnder these eight are diuers other Captaines, as the Gul auoy,* 1.123 Captaines of thousands, fiue hundreds, and hundreds. The Petyde Setskoy, or [ 60] Captaines of fifties; and the Decetskies, or Captaines of tennes.

* 1.124Besides the Voiauoda, or Generall of the Armie, (spoken of before) they haue two other that beare the name of Voiauoda: whereof one is the Master of the great Ordnance (called Naradna Voiauoda) who hath diuers Vnder-officers, necessary for that seruice. The other is called, the

Voiauoda Gulauoy, or the Walking Captayne, that hath allowed him 1000. good Horsemen of principall choice, to range and spye abroad, and hath the charge of the running Castle,* 1.125 which we are to speake of in the Chapter following. All these Captaynes, and men of charge must once euery day resort to the Bulsha Voiauoda, or Generall of the Armie, to know his pleasure, and to informe him if there be any requisite matter pertayning to their Office.

WHen Wars are towards (which they faile not of lightly euery yeere with the Tartar, and many times with the Polonian and Sweden,* 1.126 (the foure Lords of the Chetfirds send forth their Summons in the Emperours name, to all the Dukes and Dyacks of the Prouinces, to [ 10] be proclaymed in the head Townes of euery Shire: that all the Sinaboiarskey, or Sonnes of Gen∣tlemen make their repayre to such a border where the Seruice is to be done, at such a place, and by such a day, and there present themselues to such and such Captaynes. When they come to the place assigned them in the Summons or Proclamation, their names are taken by certayne Officers that haue Commission for that purpose from the Roserade, or High Constable, as Clerkes of the Bands.

If any make default and faile at the day, he is mulcted, and punished very seuerely. As for the Generall and other chiefe Captaines, they are sent thither from the Emperours owne hand, with such Commission and charge as he thinketh behoofefull for the present seruice. When the Soul∣diers are assembled, they are reduced into their Bands, and Companies, vnder their seuerall [ 20] Captaynes of tens, fifties, hundreds, thousands, &c. and these Bands into foure Polikeis or Le∣gions (but of farre greater numbers then the Romane Legions were) vnder their foure great Leaders, which also haue the authoritie of Marshals of the field (as was said before.)

Concerning their Armour they are but slightly appointed.* 1.127 The common Horse-man hath nothing else but his Bow in his Case vnder his right arme, and his Quiuer and Sword hanging on the left side: except some few that beare a Case of Dagges, or a Iaueling, or short Staffe along their Horse side. The vnder Captaynes will haue commonly some piece of Armour besides, as a shirt of Male, or such like. The Generall with the other chiefe Captaynes and men of Nobili∣ty, will haue their Horse very richly furnished, their Saddles of Cloth of Gold, their Bridles faire bossed and tasselled with Gold, and Silke frindge, bestudded with Pearle and Precious [ 30] Stones, themselues in very faire Armour, which they call Bullatnoy, made of faire shining Steele, yet couered commonly with Cloth of Gold, and edged round about with Armine Furre, his Steele Helmet on his head of a very great price, his Sword, Bow, and Arrowes at his side, his Speare in his hand, with another Helmet, and his Shesta pera, or Horse-mans Scepter carried before him. Their Swords, Bowes, and Arrowes are of the Turkish fashion. They practise like the Tartar to shoot forwards and backwards, as they flye and retyre.* 1.128

The Strelsey or Footman hath nothing but his Peece in his hand, his striking Hatchet at his backe, and his Sword by his side. The stocke of his Peece is not made Caleeuer wise, but with a plaine and strait stocke (some-what like a Fowling-peece) the Barrell is rudely and vnartifi∣cially made, very heauie, yet shooteth but a very small Bullet. As for their prouision of victu∣all, [ 40] the Emperour alloweth none, either for Captayne, or Souldier, neyther prouideth any for them except peraduenture some Corne for their Money. Euery man is to bring sufficient for himselfe to serue his turne for foure moneths,* 1.129 and if need require to giue order for more to bee brought vnto him to the Campe from his Tenant that tilleth his Land, or some other place. One great helpe they haue, that for Lodging and Dyet euery Russe is prepared to bee a Souldier be∣fore-hand. Though the chiefe Captaynes and others of account carry Tents with them after the fashion of ours with some better prouision of victuall then the rest. They bring with them commonly into the Campe for victuall a kind of dryed Bread (which they call Sucharie) with some store of Meale, which they temper with water, and so make it into a Ball, or small lumpe of dowe, called Tollockno. And this they eate raw in stead of Bread. Their Meate is Bacon, or some other flesh or fish dryed, after the Dutch manner. If the Russe Souldier were as hardie to [ 50] execute an Enterprize, as he is hard to beare out toyle and trauell, or were otherwise as apt and well trayned for the Warres, as he is indifferent for his Lodging and Dyet, hee would farre ex∣ceed the Souldiers of our parts. Whereas now he is farre meaner of courage and execution in a∣ny Warlike seruice. Which commeth partly of his seruile condition,* 1.130 that will not suffer any great courage or valour to grow in him. Partly for lacke of due honour and reward, which hee hath no great hope of whatsoeuer seruice or execution he doe.

THe Russe trusteth rather to his number, then to the valour of his Souldiers,* 1.131 or good orde∣ring of his Forces. Their marching or leading is without all order, saue that the fore Pols∣key or Legions, (whereinto their Armie is diuided) keepe themselues seuerall vnder their En∣signes, [ 60] and so thrust all on together in a hurrie, as they are directed by their Generall. Their En∣signe is the Image of Saint George. The Bulsha Dworaney or chiefe Horse-men, haue euery man a small Drumme of Brasse at his Saddle-bow, which hee striketh when hee giueth the charge, or onset.

They haue Drummes besides of a huge bignesse, which they carrie with them vpon a board layd on foure Horses,* 1.132 that are sparred together with Chaines, euery Drumme hauing eight stri∣kers, or Drummers, besides Trumpets and Shawmes, which they sound after a wild manner, much different from ours. When they giue any charge or make any inuasion, they make a great hallow or shoute altogether, as loude as they can, which with the sound of their Trumpets, Shawmes, and Drummes, maketh a confused and horrible noyse. So they set on first discharging their Arrowes, then dealing with their Swords, which they vse in a brauery to shake, and bran∣dish ouer their heads, before they come to strokes.

* 1.133Their Footmen (because otherise they want order in leading) are commonly placed in some ambush or place of aduantage, where they may most annoy the enemy, with least hurt to them∣selues. [ 10] If it be a set battell, or if any great inuasion be made vpon the Russe borders by the Tar∣tar,* 1.134 they are set with in the running or mouing Castle (called Beza, or Gulay gorod) which is car∣ried about with them by the Voiauoda gulauoy (or the walking Generall) whom I spake of before. This walking or mouing Castle is so framed, that it may be set vp in length (as occasion doth re∣quire) the space of one, two, three, foure, fiue, sixe, or seuen miles: for so long it will reach. It is nothing else but a double wall of wood to defend them on both sides behind and before, with a space of three yards or thereabouts betwixt the two sides: so that they may stand within it, and haue roome enough to charge and discharge their pieces, and to vse their other weapons. It is closed at both ends, and made with loope-holes on either side, to lay out the nose of their Peece, or to push forth any other weapon. It is carryed with the Armie wheresoeuer it goeth, [ 20] being taken into pieces, and so layed on Carts sparred together, and drawne by Horse that are not seene, by reason that they are couered with their carriage as with a shelfe or pent-house. When it is brought to the place where it is to bee vsed (which is deuised and chosen out before by the the walking Voiauod) it is planted so much as the present vse requireth, sometime a mile long, sometimes two, sometimes three, or more: which is soone done without the helpe of any Car∣penter, or Instrument: because the Timber is so framed to claspe together one piece within an other: as is easily vnderstood by those that know the manner of the Russe building.

In this Castle standeth their shot well fenced for aduantage, specially against the Tartar, that bringeth no Ordnance, nor other weapon into the field with him, saue his Sword, and Bow and Arrowes. They haue also within it diuers field Peeces, which they vse as occasion doth require. [ 30] Of Peeces for the field they carrie no great store, when they warre against the Tartar: but when they deale with the Polonian (of whose forces they make more account) they goe better furnished with all kind of Munition, and other necessarie prouisions. It is thought that no Prince of Christendome hath better store of Munition,* 1.135 then the Russe Emperour. And it may partly appeare by the Artillerie House at Mosko, where are of all sorts of great Ordnance, all Brasse Peeces, very faire, to an exceeding great number.

The Russe Souldier is thought to be better at his defence within some Castle, or Towne, then he is abroad at a set pitched field. Which is euer noted in the practice of his Wars, and namely, at the siege of Vobsko, about eight yeares since: where he repulsed the Polonian King Stepan Bato∣re, with his whole Armie of 100000. men, and forced him in the end to giue ouer his siege, with [ 40] the losse of many of his best Captaynes and Souldiers. But in a set field the Russe is noted to haue euer the worse of the Polonian, and Sweden.

If any behaue himselfe more valiantly then the rest, or doe any speciall piece of seruice, the Emperour sendeth him a piece of Gold, stamped with the Image of Saint George on Horseback. Which they hang on their sleeues,* 1.136 and set in their Caps. And this is accounted the greatest ho∣nour they can receiue, for any seruice they doe.

* 1.137THe Russe Emperours of late yeeres haue very much enlarged their Dominions and Territo∣ries. Their first Conquest after the Dukedome of Mosko, (for before that time they were but Dukes of Volodomer, as before was said) was the Citie, and Dukedome of Nouograd on the [ 50] West, and North-west side: which was no small enlargement of their Dominion, and strength∣ning to them for the winning of the rest. This was done by Iuan great Grand-father to Theo∣dore now Emperour, about the yeere 1480. The same began likewise to encroach vpon the Coun∣treyes of Lituania, and Liuonia, but the Conquest onely intended, and attempted by him vpon some part of those Countreyes, was pursued and performed by his Sonne Basileus, who first wan the Citie and Dukedome of Plesko, afterwards the Citie and Dukedome of Smolensko, and many other faire Townes, with a large Territory belonging vnto them, about the yeere 1514. These Victories against the Lettoes or Lituanians in the time of Alexander their Duke, hee atchieued rather by aduantage of ciuill Dissentions and Treasons among themselues, then by any great po∣licie, or force of his owne. But all this was lost againe by his Sonne Iuan Vasilowich, about eight [ 60] or nine yeeres past, vpon composition with the Polonian King Stepan Batore: whereunto he was forced by the aduantages which the Pole had then of him, by reason of the foyle hee had giuen him before, and the disquietnesse of his owne State at home. Onely the Russe Emperour, at this time hath left him on that side his Countrey, the Cities of Smolensko, Vitobsko, Cheringo, and Beala gorod in Lituonia. In Liuonia, not a Towne, not one foot of ground.

When Basileus first conquered those Countreyes, he suffered the Natiues to keepe their Pos∣sessions, and to inhabit all their Townes, onely paying him a Tribute,* 1.138 vnder the Gouernment of his Russe Captaynes. But by their Conspiracies and Attempts not long after, hee was taught to deale more surely with them. And so comming vpon them the second time, hee killed and carryed away with him, three parts of foure, which hee gaue or sold to the Tartars that serued him in those Wars, and in stead of them placed there his Russes, so many as might ouer-match the rest, with certayne Garrisons of strength besides, wherein notwithstanding this ouer-sight was committed, for that (taking away with him the Vp-land, or Countrey people that should haue tilled the ground, and might easily haue beene kept in order without any danger, by other [ 10] good policies) he was driuen afterwards many yeeres together to victual the Countrey (especial∣ly the great Towne) out of his owne Countrey of Russia, the soyle lying there in the meane∣while waste, and vntilled.

The like fell out at the Port of Narue in Liefland,* 1.139 where his Sonne Iuan Vasilowich deuised to build a Towne, and a Castle on the other side the Riuer (called Iuangorod) to keepe the Towne and Countrey in subjection. The Castle hee caused to bee so built, and fortified, that it was thought to be inuincible. And when it was finished,* 1.140 for reward to the Architect (that was a Polonian) he put out both his eyes, to make him vnable to build the like againe. But hauing left the Natiues all within their owne Countrey, without abating their number or strength, the Towne and Castle not long after was betrayed, and surrendred againe to the King of Sweden.

[ 20] On the South-east side they haue got the Kingdomes of Cazan and Astracan. These were wonne from the Tartar, by the late Emperour Iuan Vasilowich, Father to the Emperour that now is: the one about thirty fiue, the other about thirty three yeeres agoe. North-ward out of the Countrey of Siberia, he hath layed vnto his Realme a great breadth and length of ground, from Wichida to the Riuer of Obba, about 1000. miles space: so that he is bold to write himselfe now, The great Commander of Siberia.

The Countreyes l••kewise of Permia, and Pechora,* 1.141 are a diuers People and Language from the Russe, ouercome not long since, and that rather by threatning, and shaking of the Sword, then by any actuall force: as being a weake and naked people, without meanes to resist.

[ 30] THeir Neighbours with whom they haue greatest dealings and intercourse,* 1.142 both in Peace and Warre, are first the Tartar: Secondly, the Polonian whom the Russe calleth Laches, noting the first Author or Founder of the Nation, who was called Laches or Leches, whereunto is added Po, which signifieth People, and so is made Polaches; that is, the People or Posteritie of Laches: which the Latines after their manner of writing call Polanos. The third are the Swe∣dens. The Polonians and Swedens are better knowne to these parts of Europe, then are the Tar∣tars that are farther off from vs (as being of Asia) and diuided into many Tribes, different both in name, and gouernment one from another. The greatest and mightiest of them is the Chrim Tartar, (whom some call the Great Cham) that lyeth South, and South-east-ward from Russia, and doth most annoy the Countrey by often Inuasions, commonly once euery yeere, sometimes [ 40] entring very farre within the In-land parts.

In the yeere 1571. he came as farre as the Citie of Mosko, with an Armie of 200000. men, without any battell, or resistance at all, for that the Russe Emperour (then Iuan Vasilowich) lea∣ding forth his Armie to encounter with him, marched a wrong way: but as it was thought of very purpose, as not daring to aduenture the field, by reason that he doubted his Nobilitie, and chiefe Captaynes, of a meaning to betray him to the Tartar.

The Citie he tooke not, but fired the Suburbs, which by reason of the buildings (which is all of Wood without any Stone, Bricke, or Lime, saue certayne out Roomes) kindled so quickly, and went on with such rage, as that it consumed the greatest part of the Citie almost within the space of foure houres, being of thirty miles or more of compasse. Then might you haue seene [ 50] a lamentable Spectacle: besides the huge and mightie flame of the Citie all on light fire, the peo∣ple burning in their houses and streets, but most of all of such as laboured to passe out of the Gates farthest from the Enemie, where meeting together in a mighty throng, and so pressing euerie man to preuent another, wedged themselues so fast within the Gate, and streets neere vnto it, as that three Rankes walked one vpon the others head, the vppermost treading downe those that were lower: so that there perished at that time (as was said) by the fire and the presse, the num∣ber of 80000. people, or more.

The Chrim thus hauing fired the Citie, and fed his eyes with the sight of it all of a light flame, returned with his Armie, and sent to the Russe Emperour a Knife (as was sayd) to sticke him∣selfe withall: obrayding this losse, and his desperate case, as not daring either to meete his Ene∣mie [ 60] in the field, nor to trust his Friends or Subjects at home. The principall cause of this conti∣nuall quarrell, betwixt the Russe and the Chrim, is for the right of certayne border parts claimed by the Tartar, but possessed by the Russe. The Tartar alleadgeth, that besides Astracan and Ca∣zan, (that are the ancient possession of the East Tartar) the whole Countrey from his bounds North and Westward, so farre as the Citie of Mosko, and Mosko it selfe, pertayneth to his right.

Which seemeth to haue beene true by the report of the Russes themselues,* 1.143 that tell of a certayne homage that was done by the Russe Emperour euery yeere, to the great Chrim or Cham, the Russe Emperour standing on foote and feeding the Chrims Horse, (himselfe sitting on his backe) with Oates out of his owne Cap, in stead of a Boll or Manger, and that within the Castle of Mosko. And this homage (they say) was done till the time of Basileus Grandfather to this man. Who surprising the Chrim Emperour by a stratagem, done by one of his Nobilitie (called Iuan Demetrowich Belschey) was content with this Ransome, viz. with the changing of this ho∣mage into a Tribute of Furres: which afterwards also was denyed to bee payed by this Em∣perours Father.

Hereupon they continue the quarrell, the Russe defending his Countrey, and that which hee [ 10] hath wonne, the Chrim Tartar inuading him once or twice euery yeere, sometime about Whit∣sontide, but oftner in Haruest What time if the Great Cham or Chrim come in his owne per∣son, hee bringeth with him a great Armie of 100000. or 200000. men. Otherwise they make short and sudden roades into the Countrey with lesser numbers, running about the list of the bor∣der as wilde Geese flie, inuading and retiring where they see aduantage.

Their common practice (being very populous) is to make diuers Armies, and so drawing the Russe to one,* 1.144 or two places of the frontiers, to inuade at some other place, that is left without defence. Their manner of Fight, or ordering of their forces, is much after the Russe manner, (spoken of before) saue that they are all Horse-men, and carrie nothing else but a Bow, a sheafe of Arrowes, & a falcon Sword after the Turkish fashion. They are very expert horse-men, and vse [ 20] to shoote as readily backward as forward. Some will haue a hors-mans staffe like to a bore Speare, besides their other weapons. The common Souldier, hath no other Armour then his ordinary Apparell,* 1.145 viz. a blacke Sheepes skinne with the wooll-side outward in the day time, and in∣ward in the night time, with a Cap of the same. But their Morseys or Noblemen imitate the Turke,* 1.146 both in Apparell and Armour. When they are to passe ouer a Riuer with their Armie, they tye three or foure Horses together, and taking long poles or pieces of wood, binde them fast to the tayles of their Horse: so sitting on the Poles they driue their Horse ouer. At handie strokes (when they come to joyne battell) they are accounted farre better men then the Russe people, fierce by nature, but more hardie and bloudie, by continuall practice of Warre: as men knowing no Arts of Peace, nor any ciuill practice. [ 30]

* 1.147Yet their subtiltie is more then may seems to agree with their barbarous condition. By rea∣son they are practised to inuade continually, and to rob their neighbours that border about them, they are very pregnant, and ready witted to deuise Stratagems vpon the sudden, for their better aduantage. As in their warre against Beala the fourth King of Hungarie, whom they inuaded with fiue hundred thousand men, and obtayned against him a great v••ctorie. Where among o∣ther, hauing slaine his Chancellor, called Nicholas Schinick, they found about him the Kings pri∣uie Seale. Whereupon they deuised presently to counterfeit Letters in the Kings name, to the Cities and Townes next about the place, where the Field was fought: with charge that in no case they should conuay themselues, and their goods out of their dwellings, where they might abide safely without all feare of danger, and not leaue the Countrey desolate to the possession of [ 40] so vile and barbarous an Enemie, as was the Tartar Nation, tearming themselues in all reproach∣full manner. For notwithstanding he had lost his carriages, with some few straglers that had mar∣ched disorderly, yet he doubted not but to recouer that losse, with the accesse of a notable victory, if the sauage Tartar durst abide him in the field. To this purpose hauing written their Letters in the Polish Character, by certayne young men whom they tooke in the Field, and signed them with the Kings Seale, they dispatched them foorth to all the Quarters of Hungarie, that lay neere about the place. Whereupon the Vngarians, that were now flying away with their goods, Wiues, and Children, vpon the rumour of the Kings ouerthrow, taking comfort of these coun∣terfeit Letters, stayed at home. And so were made a prey, being surprised on the sudden by this huge number of these Tartars, that had compassed them about before they were aware. [ 50]

When they besiege a Towne or Fort, they offer much Parley, and send many flattering messa∣ges to perswade a surrendrie: promising all things that the Inhabitants will require: but being once possessed of the place, they vse all manner of hostilitie and crueltie. This they doe vpon a rule they haue, viz. That Iustice is to bee practised but towards their owne. They encounter not lightly, but they haue some ambush, whereunto (hauing once shewed themselues, and made some short conflict) they retire, as repulsed for feare, and so draw the Enemie into it if they can. But the Russe being well acquainted with their practise, is more warie of them. When they come a Rouing with some small number, they set on Horsebacke counterfeit shapes of men, that their number may seeme greater.

When they make any onset, their manner is to make a great showte, crying all out together, Olla Billa, Olla Billa, God helpe vs, God helpe vs. They contemne death so much, as that they [ 60] choose rather to dye, then to yeeld to their Enemie, and are seene when they are slaine to bite the very weapon,* 1.148 when they are past striking, or helping of themselues. Wherein appeareth how different the Tartar is in his desperate courage from the Russe and Turke. For the Russe

Souldier if hee begin once to retire putteth all his safetie in his speedie flight. And if once he be taken by his enemie, hee neither defendeth himselfe, nor intreateth for his life, as reckoning straight to dye. The Turke commonly when hee is past hope of escaping, falleth to intreatie, and casteth away his weapon, offereth both his hands, and holdeth them vp, as it were to bee ty∣ed: hoping to saue his life, by offering himselfe Bond-slaue.

The chiefe bootie the Tartars seeke for in all their warres, is to get store of Captiues,* 1.149 speci∣ally young Boyes and Girles, whom they sell to the Turkes, or other their neighbours. To this purpose they take with them great Baskets made like Bakers panniers, to carrie them tenderly, and if any of them happen to tyre, or to bee sicke on the way, they dash him against the ground, or some Tree, and so leaue him dead: The Souldiers are not troubled with keeping the Cap∣tiues [ 10] and other bootie, for hindering the execution of their warres, but they haue certayne bands that intend nothing else, appointed of purpose to receiue and keepe the Captiues and the other prey.

The Russe borders (being vsed to their inuasions, lightly euery yeere in the Summer) keepe few other Cattell on the border parts, saue Swine onely, which the Tartar will not touch,* 1.150 nor driue a∣way with him: for that he is of the Turkish Religion, & will eate no Swines-flesh. Of Christ our Sauiour they confesse as much as doth the Turke in his Alcaron, viz. That he came of the Angell Gabriel, and the Virgin Marie, that hee was a great Prophet, and shall bee the Iudge of the world at the last day. In other matters likewise, they are much ordered after the manner and direction of the Turke: hauing felt the Turkish forces when hee wonne from them Azou and [ 20] Caffa, with some other Townes about the Euxine, or Blacke Sea, that were before tributaries to the Chrim Tartar. So that now the Emperour of the Chrims for the most part is chosen some one of the Nobilitie whom the Turke doth commend: whereby it is brought now to that passe, that the Chrim Tartar giueth to the Turke the tenth part of the spoyle, which hee getteth in his warres against the Christians.

Herein they differ from the Turkish Religion, for that they haue certayne Idoll puppets made of Silke or like stuffe, of the fashion of a man,* 1.151 which they fasten to the doore of their wal∣king houses, to bee as Ianusses, or keepers of their house. And these Idols are made not by all, but by certayne Religious women, which they haue among them for that and like vses. They haue besides, the Image of their King or great Cham of an huge bignesse, which they erect at eue∣rie [ 30] stage, when the Armie marcheth: and this euery one must bend or bow vnto as hee passeth by it, bee he Tartar, or Stranger. They are much giuen to Witchcraft and ominous conjectures, vpon euery accident which they heare or see.* 1.152

In making of Marriages, they haue no regard of alliance or consanguinitie.* 1.153 Only with his Mo∣ther, Sister, and Daughter, a man may not marrie, and though he take the woman into his house and accompanie with her, yet he accounteth her not for his Wife, till hee haue a Child by her. Then he beginneth to take a dowrie of her friends of Horse, Sheepe, Kine, &c. If shee be barren, after a certayne time hee turneth her home againe.

Vnder the Emperour they haue certayne Dukes, whom they call Morseis or Dynoymorseis: that rule ouer a certayne number of 10000. 20000. or 40000. a piece, which they call Hoords.* 1.154 [ 40] When the Emperour hath any vse of them to serue in his warres, they are bound to come, and to bring with them their Souldiers to a certayne number, euery man with his two Horse at the least, the one to ride on, the other to kill, when it commeth to his turne to haue his Horse eate. For their chiefe victuall is Horse-flesh, which they eate without Bread,* 1.155 or any other thing with it. So that if a Tartar bee taken by a Russe, hee shall be sure lightly to finde a Horse-legge, or some other part of him at his saddle bow.

This last yeere when I was at the Mosko, came in one Kiriach Morsey, nephew to the Em∣perour of the Chrims that now is (whose Father was Emperour before) accompanied with three hundred Tartars, and his two Wiues, whereof one was his Brothers widow. Where being en∣tertayned in very good sort after the Russe manner, hee had sent vnto his lodging for his wel∣come, [ 50] to bee made ready for his Supper and his companies, two very large and fat Horses, ready flayed in a Sled. They preferre it before other flesh, because the meate is stronger (as they say) then Beefe, Mutton, and such like. And yet (which is maruell) though they serue all as Horse-men in the warres, and eate all of Horse-flesh, there are brought yeerely to the Mosko to bee ex∣changed for other Commodities, thirtie or fortie thousand Tartar Horse, which they call Cones. They keepe also great herds of Kine, and flockes of blacke Sheepe, rather for the Skinnes and Milke (which they carry with them in great bottles) then for the vse of the flesh, though some∣times they eate of it. Some vse they haue of Rice, Figges, and other fruits. They drinke Milke or warme Bloud, and for the most part card them both together. They vse sometimes as they tra∣uell [ 60] by the way, to let their Horse bloud in a veyne, and to drinke it warme, as it commeth from his body.

Townes they plant none, nor other standing buildings,* 1.156 but haue walking Houses which the Latines call Veij, built vpon wheeles like a Shepherds Cottage. These they draw with them whi∣thersoeuer they goe, driuing their Cattell with them. And when they come to their Stage or

standing place, they plant their Cart-houses very orderly in a ranke: and so make the forme of streets,* 1.157 and of a large Towne. And this is the manner of the Emperour himselfe, who hath no other seate of his Empire but an Agora, or Towne of wood, that mooueth with him whitherso∣euer hee goeth. As for the fixed and standing building vsed in other Countries, they say they are vnwholsome and vnpleasant.

They begin to mooue their Houses and Cattell in the Spring time, from the South part of their Countrey towards the North parts. And so driuing on till they haue grased all vp to the furthest part Northward, they returne backe againe towards their South Countrey (where they continue all the Winter) by ten or twelue miles a stage: in the meane while the grasse being sprung vp againe, to serue for their Cattell as they returne. From the border of the Shalcan to∣wards the Caspian Sea, to the Russe frontiers, they haue a goodly Countrey, specially on the [ 10] South and South-east parts, but lost for lacke of tillage.

Of money they haue no vse at all, and therefore preferre Brasse and Steele before other me∣tals, specially Bullate, which they vse for Swords, Kniues, and other necessaries. As for Gold and Siluer they neglect it of very purpose, (as they doe all tillage of their ground) to be more free for their wandring kinde of life, and to keepe their Countrey lesse subject to inuasions. Which gi∣ueth them great aduantage against all their neighbours, euer inuading, and neuer being inuaded.

* 1.158For Person and Complexion, they haue broad and flat visages, of a tanned colour yellow and blacke, fierce and cruell lookes, thinne hayred vpon the vpper Lip, and a pit on the Chin, light and nimble Bodied, with short Legges, as if they were made naturally for Horse-men: whereto they practise themselues from their Child-hood, seldome going a soot about any businesse. [ 20] Their Speach is very sudden and loude, speaking as it were out of a deepe hollow throat. When they Sing you would thinke a Cow lowed,* 1.159 or some great Bandogge howled. Their greatest ex∣ercise is Shooting, wherein they trayne vp their Children from their very infancie, not suffering them to eate, till they haue shot neere the marke within a certaine scantling.

* 1.160There are diuers other Tartars that border vpon Russia, as the Nagaies, the Cheremissens, the Mordwites, the Chircasses, and the Shalcans, which all differ in Name more then in Regiment, or other condition, from the Chrim Tartar, except the Chircasses, that border South-west towards Lituania,* 1.161 and are farre more ciuill then the rest of the Tartars, of a comely person, and of a stately behauiour, as applying themselues to the fashion of the Polonian. Some of them haue subjected [ 30] themselues to the Kings of Poland, and professe Christianitie. The Nagay lyeth Eastward, and is reckoned for the best man of warre among all the Tartars, but very sauage and cruell aboue all the rest. The Cheremisin Tartar, that lyeth betwixt the Russe and the Nagay, are of two sorts, the Lugauoy (that is of the valley) and the Nagornay, or of the hilly Countrey. These haue much troubled the Emperours of Russia. And therefore they are content now to buy Peace of them, vnder pretence of giuing a yeerely pension of Russe Commodities, to their Morseis or Dy∣uoymorseis, that are chiefe of their Tribes. For which also they are bound to serue them in their warres, vnder certayne conditions. They are sayd to bee just and true in their dealings: and for that cause they hate the Russe people, whom they account to bee double, and false in all their dealing. And therefore the common sort are very vnwilling to keepe agreement with them, but [ 40] that they are kept in by their Morseis, or Dukes for their pensions sake.

The most rude and barbarous is counted the Morduite Tartar, that hath many selfe fashions, and strange kindes of behauiour,* 1.162 differing from the rest. For his Religion, though hee acknow∣ledge one God, yet his manner is to worship for God, that liuing thing, that hee first meeteth in the morning, and to sweare by it all that whole day, whether it bee Horse, Dog, Cat, or what∣soeuer else it bee. When his friend dyeth, hee killeth his best Horse, and hauing flayed off the skinne, he carryeth it on high vpon a long pole, before the Corps to the place of Buriall. This he doth (as the Russe sayth) that his friend may haue a good horse to carrie him to Heauen: but it is likelier to declare his loue towards his dead friend, in that hee will haue to dye with him the best thing that hee hath. [ 50]

Next to the Kingdome of Astracan, that is the furthest part South-eastward of the Russe Do∣minion, lyeth the Shalcan, and the Countrey of Media: whither the Russe Merchants trade for raw Silkes,* 1.163 Syndon, Saphyon, Skinnes, and other commodities. The chiefe Townes of Media where the Russe tradeth,* 1.164 are Derbent (built by Alexander the great, as the Inhabitants say) and Zamachie, where the staple is kept for raw Silkes. Their manner is, in the Spring time to re∣uiue the Silke-wormes (that lye dead all the Winter) by laying them in the warme Sunne, and (to hasten their quickning, that they may sooner goe to worke) to put them into bagges, and so to hang them vnder their Childrens armes. As for the Worme called Chrinisin (as wee call it Chrimson) that maketh coloured Silke, it is bred not in Media, but in Assyria. This trade to Derbent and Samachie for raw Silkes, and other commodities of that Countrey, as also in Persia, [ 60] and Bougharia, downe the Riuer Volgha, and through the Caspian Sea, is permitted as well to the English, as to the Russe Merchants, by the Emperours last Grant at my being there. Which hee accounteth for a very speciall fauour, and might proue indeed very beneficiall to our English Mer∣chants, if the Trade were well and orderly vsed.

The whole Nation of the Tartars are vtterly voide of all Learning, and without written Law. Yet certayne rules they haue which they hold by tradition, common to all the Hoords for the practice of their life. Which are of this sort. First, To obey their Emperour and other Ma∣gistrates, whatsoeuer they command about the publike Seruice. Secondly, Except for the publike behoofe,* 1.165 euery man to bee free and out of Controlement. Thirdly, No priuate man to possesse any Lands, but the whole Countrey to bee as a Common. Fourthly, To neglect all daintinesse and varietie of Meates, and to content themselues with that which commeth next to ••and, for more hardnesse, and readinesse in the exe∣cuting of their Affaires. Fiftly, To weare any base Attire, and to patch their Cloathes, whether there bee any need or not: that when there is used, it bee no shame to weare a patcht Coate. Sixtly, To take or [ 10] steale from any Stranger whatsoeuer they can get, as being Enemies to all men, saue to such 〈◊〉〈◊〉 will sub∣iect themselues to them. Seuenthly, Towards their owne Hoord and Nation, to bee true in word and deed. Eightly, To suffer no Stranger to come within the Realme, if any doe, the same to bee Bond-sla••e to him that first taketh him, except such Merchants and other, a•• haue the Tartar Bull or Pasport about them.

THe Permians and Samoits that lye from Russia, North and North-east, are thought likewise to haue taken their beginning from the Tartar kinde.* 1.166 And it may partly be ghessed by the fashion of their Countenance, as hauing all broad and flatfaces, as the Tartars haue, except the Chircasses. The Permians are accounted for a very ancient people. They are now subject to the [ 20] Russe. They liue by Hunting and trading with their Furres, as doth also the Samoyt, that dwel∣leth more towards the North Sea. The Samoyt hath his name (as the Russe saith) of Eating him-himselfe as if in times past, they liued as the Cannibals, eating one another.* 1.167 Which they make more probable, because at this time they eate all kinde of raw flesh, whatsoeuer it bee, euen the very Carrion that lyeth in the ditch. But as the Samoits themselues will say, they were called Samoie, that is, of themselues, as though they were Indiginae, or people bred vpon that very soyle, that neuer changed their seate from one place to another, as most Nations haue done. They are subject at this time to the Emperour of Russia.

I talked with certaine of them, and finde that they acknowledge one God:* 1.168 but represent him by such things as they haue most vse and good by. And therefore they worship the Sunne, the [ 30] Ollen, the Losh, and such like. As for the Storie of Slata Baba, or the Golden hagge, (which I haue read in some Maps, and descriptions of these Countries, to bee an Idoll after the forme of an old Woman) that being demanded by the Priest, giueth them certaine Oracles, concerning the successe and euent of things, I found it to bee but a very fable. Onely in the Prouince of Ob∣doria vpon the Sea side, neere to the mouth of the great Riuer Obba, there is a Rocke, which na∣turally being somewhat helped by imagination) may seeme to beare the shape of a ragged Wo∣man with a Child in her armes, (as the Rocke by the North cape the shape of a Frier) where the Obdorian Samoits vse much to resort, by reason of the commoditie of the place for Fishing: and there sometime (as their manner is) conceiue, and practice their Sorceries, and ominous conje∣cturings about the good, or bad speed of their Iourneyes, Fishings, Huntings, and such like.

[ 40] They are clad in Seale-skinnes, with the hayrie side outwards downe as low as the knees, with their Breeches and Netherstocks of the same, both men and women.* 1.169 They are all Blacke hayred, naturally beardlesse. And therefore the Men are hardly discerned from the Women by their lookes: saue that the Women weare a locke of hayre downe along both their eares. They liue in a manner a wilde and a sauage life, rouing still from one place of the Countrey to another, without any propertie of House or Land more to one then to another. Their leader or directer in euery Companie, is their Papa or Priest.

On the North side of Russia next to Corelia, lyeth the Countrey of Lappia,* 1.170 which reacheth in length from the furthest point Northward, (towards the North cape) to the furthest part South-east (which the Russe calleth Sweetnesse or Holy nose, the English men Cape-grace) about three hundred and fortie fiue verst or miles. From Sweetnesse to Candlelox, by the way of Versega [ 50] (which measureth the breadth of that Countrey) is ninetie miles or thereabouts. The whole Countrey in a manner is either Lakes or Mountaines, which towards the Sea side are called Ton∣dro, because they are all of hard and craggie Rocke, but the inland parts are well furnished with Woods, that grow on the hills sides, the lakes lying betweene. Their dyet is very bare and sim∣ple. Bread they haue none, but feed onely vpon Fish and Fowle. They are subject to the Em∣perour of Russia, and the two Kings of Sweden and Denmarke:* 1.171 which all exact Tribute and Cu∣stome of them (as was sayd before) but the Emperour of Russia beareth the greatest hand ouer them, and exact of them farre more then the rest. The opinion is that they were first tearmed Lappes, of their briefe and short speach. The Russe diuideth the whole Nation of the Lappes in∣to two sorts. The one they call Nowr••manskoy Lapary, that is, the Noruegian Lappes: because [ 60] they bee of the Danish Religion. For the Danes and Noruegians, they account for one people. The other that haue no Religion at all, but liue as bruite and Heathenish people, without God in the world, they call Dikoy Lopary, or the wilde Lappes.* 1.172

The whole Nation is vtterly vnlearned, hauing not so much as the vse of any Alphabet, or

Letter among them. For practice of Witch-craft and Sorcerie, they passe all Nations in the the World.* 1.173 Though for the inchanting of ships that sayle along their Coast (as I haue heard it reported) and their giuing of winds good to their friends, and contrary to other, whom they meane to hurt by tying of certayne knots vpon a Rope (somewhat like to the Tale of Aeolus his wind-bag) is a very Fable, deuised (as may seeme) by themselues, to terrifie Saylers for com∣ming neere their Coast. Their Weapons are the Long-bow, and Hand-gunne, wherein they excell, as well for quicknesse to charge and discharge, as for neernesse at the Marke, by reason of their continuall practice (whereto they are forced) of shooting at wild-fowle. Their manner is in Summer time to come downe in great companies to the Sea-side,* 1.174 to Wardhuyse, Cola, Kegor, and the Bay of Vedagoba, and there to fish for Cod, Salmon, and But-fish, which they sell to the Russes, Danes, and Noruegians, and now of late to the English-men that trade thither with [ 10] Cloth, which they exchange with the Lappes and Corelians, for their Fish, Oyle, and Furres, whereof also they haue some store.* 1.175 They hold their Mart at Cola, on Saint Peters day, what time the Captayne of Wardhuyse (that is Resiant there for the King of Denmarke) must be pre∣sent, or at least send his Deputie to set prices vpon their Stock-fish, Trane-oyle, Furres, and o∣ther Commodities: as also the Russe Emperours Customer, or Tribute taker, to receiue his Cu∣stome, which is euer payed before any thing can be bought, or sold. When their fishing is done, their manner is to draw their Carbasses, or Boats on shoare, and there to leaue them with the Keele turned vpwards,* 1.176 till the next Spring-tyde. Their trauell too and fro is vpon Sleds, drawne by the Olen Deere: which they vse to turne a grazing all the Summer time, in an Iland called [ 20] Kilden (of a very good Soyle compared with other parts of that Countrey) and towards the Winter time, when the Snow beginneth to fall, they fetch them home againe, for the vse of their Sled.

* 1.177COncerning the Gouernment of their Church, it is framed altogether after the manner of the Greeke: as being a part of that Church, and neuer acknowledging the Iurisdicton of the Latine Church, vsurped by the Pope. That I may keepe a better measure in describing their Ceremonies, then they in the vsing them (wherein they are infinite) I will note briefly: First, what Ecclesiasticall Degrees, or Offices they haue with the Iurisdiction, and practice of them. Secondly, what Doctrine they hold in matter of Religion. Thirdly, what Lyturgie, or forme [ 30] of Seruice they vse in their Churches, with the manner of their administring the Sacraments. Fourthly, what other strange Ceremonies, and Superstitious Deuotions are vsed among them.

Their Offices, or Degrees of Church-men, are as many in number, and the same in a manner both in name and degree,* 1.178 that were in the Westerne Churches. First, they haue their Patriarch, then their Metropolites, their Archbishops, their Vladikey, or Bishops, their Protopapes or Arch∣priests, their Deacons, Friers, Monkes, Nunnes, and Eremites.

* 1.179Their Patriarch, or chiefe Directer in matter of Religion vntill this last yeere, was of the Ci∣tie of Constantinople (whom they called the Patriarch of Sio) because being driuen by the Turke out of Constantinople (the Seate of his Empire) he remoued to the Ile Sio,* 1.180 sometimes called Chio, [ 40] and there placed his Patriarchiall Sea. So that the Emperours, and Clergie of Russia, were wont yeerely to send Gifts thither, and to acknowledge a Spirituall kind of homage, and subjection due to him, and to that Church. Which custome they haue held (as it seemeth) euer since they professed the Christian Religion. Which how long it hath bn I could not wel learne, for that they haue no Story or Monument of Antiquitie (that I could heare of) to shew what hath beene done in times past within their Countrey, concerning either Church, or Common-wealth mat∣ters. Onely I heare a report among them, that about three hundred yeeres since, there was a Ma∣riage betwixt the Emperour of Constantinople, and the Kings Daughter of that Countrey: who at the first denyed to joyne his Daughter in Mariage with the Greeke Emperour, because he was of the Christian Religion. Which agreeth well with that I find in the Story of Laonicus Chal∣cacondylas [ 50] concerning Turkish Affaires in his fourth Booke: where hee speaketh of such a Mari∣age betwixt Iohn the Greeke Emperour, and the Kings Daughter of Sarmatia. And this argueth out of their owne report, that at that time they had not receiued the Christian Religion: as al∣so that they were conuerted to the Faith, and withall peruerted at the very same time, receiuing the Doctrine of the Gospell, corrupted with Superstitions euen at the first when they tooke it from the Greeke Church, which it selfe then was degenerate, and corrupted with many Super∣stitions, and foule Errours, both in Doctrine and Discipline: as may appeare by the Story of Nicephorus Gregoras, in his eighth and ninth Bookes. But as touching the time of their Con∣uersion to the Christian Faith, I sppose rather that it is mistaken by the Russe, for that which I find in the Polonian Story, the second Booke the third Chapter: where is said that about the [ 60] yeere 990. Vlodomirus Duke of Russia, married one Anne Sister to Basilius, and Constantinus Bro∣thers, and Emperours of Constantinople. Whereupon the Russe receiued the Faith and Profession of Christ. Which though it be somewhat more ancient then the time noted before out of the Russe Report, yet it falleth out all to one reckoning, touching this point, viz. in what truth and

sinceritie of Doctrine the Russe receiued the first stampe of Religion: for asmuch as the Greeke Church at that time also was many wayes infected with errour and superstition.

At my being there, the yeere 1588. came vnto the Mosko the Patriarch of Constantinople,* 1.181 or Sio (called Hieronimo being banished as some sayd) by the Turke, as some other reported by the Greeke Clergie depriued. The Emperour being giuen altogether to superstitious deuotions, gaue him great entertaynment▪ Before his comming to Mosko, hee had beene in Italy with the Pope, as was reported there by some of his company. His arrand was to consult with the Emperour concerning these points. First, about a League to passe betwixt him and the King of Spaine, as the meetest Prince to joyne with him in opposition against the Turke. To which pur∣pose [ 10] also Ambassages had passed betwixt the Russe and the Persian. Likewise from the Georgians to the Emperour of Russia, to joyne league together, for the inuading of the Turke on all sides of his Dominion: taking the aduantage of the simple qualitie of the Turke that now is. This trea∣tie was helped forward by the Emperours Ambassadour of Almayne, sent at the same time to so∣licite an inuasion vpon the parts of Polonia, that lye towards Rusland, and to borrow money of the Russe Emperour, to pursue the warre for his Brother Maximilian, against the Swedens sonne, now King of Poland. But this consultation concerning a league betwixt the Russe and the Spa∣niard, (which was in some forwardnesse at my comming to Mosko, and already one appointed for Ambassage into Spaine) was marred by meanes of the ouerthrow giuen to the Spanish King by her Majestie, the Queene of England, this last yeere. Which made the Russe Emperour and his [ 20] Councell, to giue a sadder countenance to the English Ambassadour at that time: for that they were disappointed of so good a policie, as was this conjunction supposed to bee betwixt them and the Spanish.

His second purpose (whereto the first serued as an introduction) was in reuenge of the Turke and the Greeke Clergie, that had thrust him from his seate, to treate with them about the redu∣cing of the Russe Church vnder the Pope of Rome. Wherein it may seeme that comming lately from Rome, hee was set on by the Pope, who hath attempted the same many times before, though all in vaine: and namely the time of the late Emperour Iuan Vasilowich, by one Anthony his Legate. But thought this belike a farre better meane to obtayne his purpose by treatie and mediation of their owne Patriarch. But this not succeeding, the Patriarch fell to a third point [ 30] of treatie, concerning the resignation of his Patriarchship, and translation of the Sea from Con∣stantinople or Scio, to the Citie of Mosko. Which was so well liked, and entertayned by the Em∣perour (as a matter of high Religion and policie) that no other treatie (specially of forraigne Ambassages) could bee heard or regarded, till that matter was concluded.

The reason wherewith the Patriarch perswaded the translating of his Sea to the Citie of Mosko, were these in effect. First, for that the Sea of the Patriarch was vnder the Turke, that is enemie to the Faith. And therefore to bee remooued into some other Countrey of Christian profession. Secondly, because the Russe Church was the onely naturall daughter of the Greeke at this time, and holdeth the same Doctrine and Ceremonies with it: the rest being all subject to the Turke, and fallen away from the right profession. Wherein the subtill Greeke to make the bet∣ter [ 40] market of his broken ware, aduanced the honour that would grow to the Emperour, and his Countrey: to haue the Patriarchs Seat translated into the chiefe Citie, and seate of his Empire. As for the right of translating the Sea, and appointing his Successour, hee made no doubt of it, but that it pertayned wholly to himselfe.

So the Emperour and his Councell, with the principall of his Clergie,* 1.182 being assembled at the Mosko, it was determined that the Metropolite of Mosko, should become Patriarch of the whole Greeke Church, and haue the same full Authoritie and Iurisdiction that pertayned before to the Patriarch of Constantinople, or Sio. And that it might bee done with more order and solemnitie, the fiue and twentieth or Ianuarie, 1588. the Greeke Patriarch accompanied with the Russe Cler∣gie, went to the great Church of Precheste, or our Ladie, within the Emperours Castle (hauing [ 50] first wandred thorow the whole Citie in manner of a Procession, and blessing the people with his two fingers) where hee made an Oration, and deliuered his resignation in an Instrument of writing, and so layed downe his Patriarchicall staffe. Which was presently receiued by the Metropolite of Mosko, and diuers other ceremonies vsed about the Inauguration of this new Patriarch.

The day was holden very solemne by the people of the Citie, who were commanded to for∣beare their workes, and to attend this solemnitie. The great Patriarch that day was honoured with rich Presents sent him from the Emperour and Empresse, of Plate, cloath of Gold, Furres, &c. carryed with great pompe thorow the streets of Mosko, and at his departing receiued many gifts more, both from the Emperour, Nobilitie, and Clergie. Thus the Patriarchship of Constan∣tinople, [ 60] or Sio, (which hath continued since the Councell of Nice) is now translated to Mosko, or they made beleeue that they haue a Patriarch with the same right and Authoritie that the other had. Wherein the subtill Greeke hath made good aduantage of their Superstition, and is now gone away with a rich bootie into Poland, whither their Patriarchship be currant or not.

The matter is not vnlike to make some Schisme betwixt the Greeke and Russe Church, if the

Russe hold his Patriarchship that hee hath so well payed for, and the Greekes Elect another withall, as * 1.183 likely they will, whether this man were banished by the Turke, or depriued by order of his owne Clergie. Which might happen to giue aduantage to the Pope, and to bring o∣uer the Russe Church to the Sea of Rome, (to which end peraduenture hee deuised this Strata∣gem, and cast in this matter of Schisme among them) but that the Emperours of Russia know well enough, by the example of other Christian Princes, what inconuenience would grow to their State and Countrey, by subjecting themselues to the Romish Sea. To which end the late Emperour Iuan Vasilowich, was very inquisitiue of the Popes authoritie ouer the Princes of Chri∣stendome, and sent one of very purpose to Rome, to behold the order and behauiour of his Court.

With this Patriarch Hieronymo, was driuen out at the same time by the great Turke, one De∣metrio Archbishop of Larissa:* 1.184 who is now in England, and pretendeth the same cause of their ba∣nishment [ 10] by the Turke, (to wit) their not admitting of the Popes new Kalender, for the alte∣ration of the yeere. Which how vnlikely it is, may appeare by these Circumstances. First, be∣cause there is no such affection, nor friendly respect betwixt the Pope and the Turke, as that hee should banish a Subject for not obeying the Popes ordinance, specially in a matter of some sequel for the alteration of Times within his owne Countries. Secondly, for that hee maketh no such scruple in deducting of times, and keeping of a just and precise account from the Incarnation of Christ: whom hee doth not acknowledge otherwise then I noted before. Thirdly, for that the sayd Patriarch is now at Naples in Italy, where it may be ghessed he would not haue gone with∣in the Popes reach, and so neere to his nose, if hee had beene banished for opposing himselfe a∣gainst [ 20] the Popes Decree.

This office of Patriarchship now translated to Mosko, beareth a superiour Authoritie ouer all the Churches,* 1.185 not onely of Russia, and other the Emperours Dominions, but thorow out all the Churches of Christendome, that were before vnder the Patriarch of Constantinople, or Sio: or at least the Russe Patriarch imagineth himselfe to haue the same authoritie. Hee hath vnder him as his proper Diocesse the Prouince of Mosko, besides other peculiars. His Court or Office is kept at the Mosko.

* 1.186Before the creation of this new Patriarch, they had but one Metropolite, that was called the Metropolite of Mosko. Now for more state to their Church, and new Patriarch, they haue two Metropolites, the one of Nouogrod velica, the other of Rostoue. Their office is to receiue of the [ 30] Patriarch such Ecclesiasticall orders, as hee thinketh good, and to deliuer the charge of them o∣uer to the Archbishops: besides the ordering of their owne Diocesse.

* 1.187Their Archbishops are foure: of Smolenso, Cazon, Vobsko, and Vologda. The parts of their of∣fice is all one with the Metropolites: saue that they haue an vnder Iurisdiction, as Suffraganes to the Metropolites, & Superiors to the Bishops. The next are the Vladikeis or Bishops, that are but sixe in all:* 1.188 of Crutitska, of Rezan, of Otfer and Torshock, of Collomenska, of Volodemer, of Susdalla. These haue euery one a very large Diocesse: as diuiding the rest of the whole Countrey among them.

* 1.189The matters pertayning to the Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction of the Metropolites, Archbishops, and Bishops, are the same in a manner that are vsed by the Clergie in other parts of Christendome. [ 40] For besides their authoritie ouer the Clergie, and ordering such matters as are meere Ecclesiasti∣call, their jurisdiction extendeth to all Testamentarie causes, matters of Marriage, and Diuorce∣ments, some Pleas of iniuries, &c. To which purpose also they haue their Officials, or Commis∣saries (which they call Boiaren Vladitskey) that are Lay-men of the degree of Dukes,* 1.190 or Gentle∣men, that keepe their Courts and execute their Iurisdiction. Which besides their other oppres∣sions ouer the common people, raigne ouer the Priests: as the Dukes and Dyacks doe ouer the poore people, within their Precincts. As for the Archbishop or Bishop himselfe, hee beareth no sway in deciding those causes, that are brought into his Court. But if hee would moderate any matter, he must doe it by intreatie with his Gentleman Officiall. The reason is, because these Boiarskey, or Gentlemen officials, are not appointed by the Bishops, but by the Emperour him∣selfe, [ 50] or his Councell, and are to giue account of their doings to none but to them. If the Bishop can intreat at his admission to haue the choice of his owne Officiall, it is accounted for a speciall great fauour. But to speake it as it is, the Clergie of Russia, aswell concerning their Lands and re∣uenues, as their Authoritie and Iurisdiction, are altogether ordered and ouer-ruled by the Empe∣rour and his Councell, and haue so much, and no more of both as their pleasure doth permit them. They haue also there Assistants or seuerall Counsels (as they call them) of certayne Priests that are of that Diocesse, residing within their Cathedrall Cities, to the number of foure and twentie a piece. These aduise with them, about the speciall and necessarie matters belonging to their charge.

* 1.191Concerning their Rents and Reuenues to maintayne their dignities, it is somewhat large. The [ 60] Patriarchs yeerely rents out of his Lands (besides other fees) is about 3000. Rubbels or Marcks. The Metropolites and Archbishops, about 2500. The Bishops, some 1000. some 800. some 500. &c. They haue had some of them (as I haue heard say) ten or twelue thousand Rubbels a yeere: as had the Metropolite of Neuogrod.

Their Habit or Apparell (when they shew themselues in their Pontificalibus after their so∣lemness manner is a Mitre on their heads after the Popish fashion, set with Pearle and Precious Stone, a Coape on their backes, commonly of Cloth of Gold, embroydered with Pearle, and a Crosiers Staffe in their hands, layed ouer all with Plate of Siluer double gilt, with a Crosse or Sheepherds Crooke at the vpper end of it. Their ordinary habit otherwise when they ride or goe abroad, is a Hood on their heads of blacke colour, that hangeth downe their backes, and standeth out like a Bon-grace before. Their vpper Garment (which they call Reis) is a Gowne or Mantell of blacke Damaske, with many Lists or Gards of white Sattin layed vpon it, euery Gard about two fingers broad, and their Crosiers staffe carried before them. Themselues follow after, blessing the people with their two fore-fingers, with a maruel∣lous [ 10] grace.

The Election, and appointing of the Bishops and the rest,* 1.192 pertayneth wholy to the Empe∣rour himselfe. They are chosen euer out of the Monasteries: so that there is no Bishop, Arch∣bishop, nor Metropolite, but hath beene a Monke, or Frier before. And by that reason they are, and must all bee vnmarried men, for their Vow of Chastitie when they were first shorne. When the Emperour hath appointed whom he thinketh good, hee is inuested in the Cathedrall Church of his Diocesse, with many Ceremonies, much after the manner of the Popish Inaugura∣tion. They haue also their Deanes, and their Arch-deacons.

As for preaching the Word of God, or any teaching, or exhorting such as are vnder them,* 1.193 they neither vse it, nor haue any skill of it: the whole Clergie being vtterly vnlearned both for [ 20] other knowledge, and in the Word of God. Onely their manner is twice euery yeere, viz. the first of September (which is the first day of their yeere) and on Saint Iohn Baptists day, to make an ordinary speech to the people, euery Metropolite, Arch-bishop, and Bishop, in his Catherall Church, to this or like effect: That if any bee in malice towards his Neighbour, hee shall leaue off his malice: if any haue thought of Treason or Rebellion against his Prince, hee beware of such practice: if hee haue not kept his Fasts, and Vowes, nor done his other Duties to the Holy Church, hee shall amend that fault, &c. And this is a matter of forme with them, vttered in as many words, and no more, in a manner, then I haue heere set downe. Yet the matter is done with that Grace and Solemnitie, in a Pulpit of purpose set vp for this one Act, as if hee were to discourse at large of the whole substance of [ 30] Diuinitie. At the Mosko the Emperour himselfe is euer present at this Solemne Ex∣hortation.

As themselues are void of all manner of Learning, so are they wary to keepe out all meanes that might bring any in: as fearing to haue their ignorance and vngodlinesse discouered. To that purpose they haue perswaded the Emperors, that it would breed Innouation, and sow danger to their State, to haue any nouelty of Learning come within the Realme. Wherein they say but truth, for that a man of spirit and vnderstanding, helped by Learning and liberall Education, can hardly indure a tyrannicall Gouernment. Some yeeres past in the other Emperours time, there came a Presse and Letters out of Polonia, to the Citie of Mosko, where a Printing House was set vp, with great liking and allowance of the Emperour himselfe. But not long after, the house [ 40] was set on fire in the night time, and the Presse and Letters quite burnt vp, as was thought by the procurement of the Clergie-men.

Their Priests (whom they call Papaes) are made by the Bishops,* 1.194 without any great tryall for worthinesse of gifts, before they admit them, or Ceremonies in their admission: saue that their heads are shorne (not shauen, for that they like not) about an hand breadth or more in the crowne, and that place anointed with Oyle by the Bishop: who in his admission putteth vpon the Priest, first his Surplesse, and then setteth a white Crosse on his brest of Silke, or some other matter, which he is to weare eight dayes, and no more: and so giueth him authoritie to say and sing in the Church, and to administer the Sacraments.

They are men vtterly vnlearned, which is no maruell, for as much as their Makers, the Bi∣shops [ 50] themselues (as before was said) are cleere of that qualitie, and make no farther vse at all of any kind of Learning, no not of the Scriptures themselues, saue to reade and to sing them. Their ordinary charge and function is to say the Lyturgie, to administer the Sacraments after their manner, to keepe and decke their Idols, and to doe the other Ceremonies vsuall in their Churches. Their number is great because their Townes are parted into many small Parishes, without any discretion for diuiding them into competent numbers of Housholds, and people for a just Congregation: as the manner in all places where the meanes is neglected, for increasing of knowledge, and instruction towards God. Which cannot well be had, where by meanes of an vnequall partition of the people, and Parishes, there followeth a want and vnequalitie of stipend for a sufficient Ministery.

[ 60] For their Priests, it is lawfull to marry for the first time. But if the first Wife dye, a second he cannot take, but he must lose his Priest-hood, and his liuing withall.* 1.195 The reason they make out of that place of Saint Paul to Timothy 1.3.2. not well vnderstood, thinking that to bee spo∣ken of diuers Wiues successiuely, that the Apostle speaketh of at one and the same time. If hee

will needs marrie againe after his first wife is dead, he is no longer called Papa, but Rospapa, or Priest quondam. This maketh the Priests to make much of their Wiues, who are accounted as the Matrones, and of best reputation among the women of the Parish.

For the stipend of the Priest, their manner is not to pay him any tenths of Corne, or ought else: but he must stand at the deuotion of the people of his Parish, and make vp the Incommes towards his maintenance, so well as hee can, by Offerings, Shrifts, Mariages, Burials, Dirges, and Prayers for the dead and the liuing (which they call Molitua.) For besides their publike Seruice within their Churches, their manner is for euery priuate man to haue a Prayer said for him by the Priest, vpon any occasion of businesse whatsoeuer, whether he ride, goe, saile, plough, or whatsoeuer else he doth. Which is not framed according to the occasion of his businesse, but [ 10] at randome, being some of their ordinary and vsuall Church-prayers. And this is thought to bee more holy, and effectuall, if it be repeated by the Priests mouth, rather then by his owne. They haue a custome, besides to solemnize the Saints day, that is, Patrone to their Church once euery yeere. What time all their Neighbours of their Countrey and Parishes about, come in to haue Prayers said to that Saint for themselues, and their friends: and so make an Offering to the Priest for his paines. This Offering may yeeld them some ten pounds a yeere, more or lesse, as the Patrone or Saint of that Church is of credit and estimation among them: The manner is on this day (which they keepe Anniuersary for the Priest, to hire diuers of his Neighbour Priests to helpe him: as hauing more Dishes to dresse for the Saint, then he can well turne his hand vn∣to. They vse besides to visit their Parishioners houses, with Holy Water, and Perfume, com∣monly [ 20] once a quarter: and so hauing sprinkled, and becensed the goodman and his Wife, with the rest of their houshold, and houshold-stuffe, they receiue some Deuotion or lesse, as the man is of abilitie. This and the rest layd altogether, may make vp for the Priest towards his maynte∣nance,* 1.196 about thirty or forty Rubbels a yeere: whereof he payeth the tenth part to the Bishop of the Diocesse.

The Papa or Priest is knowne by his long Tufts of haire, hanging downe by his Eares, his Gowne with a broad Cape,* 1.197 and a walking staffe in his hand. For the rest of his Habit, hee is apparelled like the common sort. When he sayth the Lyturgie or Seruice, within the Church, hee hath on him his Surplesse, and sometimes his Coape, if the day bee more Solemne. They haue besides their Papaes or Priests, their Churnapapaes (as they call them) that is, Black Priests: [ 30] that may keepe their Benefices, though they be admitted Friers withall within some Monaste∣rie. They seeme to be the very same that were called Regular Priests in the Popish Church. Vn∣der the Priest, is a Deacon in euery Church, that doth nothing but the Office of a Parish Clerke. As for their Protopapaes, or Arch-priests, and their Arch-deacons (that are next in election to be their Protopopas) they serue onely in the Cathedrall Churches.

Of Friers they haue an infinite rabble farre greater then in any other Countrey, where Pope∣ry is professed.* 1.198 Euery Citie, and good part of the Countrey, swarmeth full of them. For they haue wrought (as the Popish Friers did by their Superstition and Hypocrisie) that if any part of the Realme be better and sweeter then other, there standeth a Friery or a Monastery dedicated to some Saint. [ 40]

The number of them is so much the greater, not onely for that it is augmented by the Su∣perstition of the Countrey, but because the Friers life is the safest from the Oppressions, and Exactions, that fall vpon the Commons. Which causeth many to put on the Friers Weed, as the best Armour to beare off such blowes. Besides such as are voluntary, there are diuers that are forced to shire themselues Friers, vpon some displeasure. These are for the most part of the chiefe Nobility. Diuers take the Monasteries as a place of Sanctuary, and there become Friers, to a∣uoyde some punishment, that they had deserued by the Lawes of the Realme. For if hee get a Monastery ouer his head, and there put on a Coole before hee bee attached, it is a protection to him for euer against any Law, for what crime soeuer: except it be for Treason. But this Prouiso goeth withall, that no man commeth there, (except such as are commanded by the Emperour to [ 50] be receiued) but he giueth them Lands, or bringeth his stocke with him, and putteth it into the common Treasury. Some bring 1000. Rubbels, and some more. None is admitted vnder three or foure hundred.

* 1.199The manner of their Admission is after this sort. First, the Abbot strippeth him of all his Se∣cular or ordinary Apparell. Then he putteth vpon him next to his skinne, a white flannell shirt, with a long Garment ouer it downe to the ground, girded vnto him with a broad Leather Belt. His vpper-most Garment is a Weed of Garras, or Say, for colour and fashion, much like to the vpper Weed of a Chimney-sweeper. Then is his crowne shorne a hand breadth, or more close to the very skinne, and these, or like words pronounced by the Abbot, whiles hee clippeth his haire: As these haires are clipped of, and taken from thy head; so now we take thee, and separate thee [ 60] cleane from the World, and worldly things, &c. This done, hee anointeth his crowne with Oyle, and putteth on his Coole: and so taketh him in among the Fraternitie. They vow perpetuall Chastitie, and Abstinence from flesh.

Besides, their Lands (that are very great) they are the greatest Merchants in the whole

Countrey, and deale for all manner of Commodities. Some of their Monasteries dispend in Lands, one thousand, or two thousand Rubbels a yeere. There is one Abbey called Troits, that hath in Lands and Fees, the summe of 100000. Rubbels, or Markes a yeere. It is built in manner of a Castle, walled round about, with great Ordnance planted on the wall, and contay∣neth within it a large breadth of ground, and great varietie of building. There are of Friers within it, (besides their Officers, and other Seruants) about seuen hundred. The Empresse that now is, hath many Vowes to Saint Sergius, that is Patrone there: to intreate him to make her fruitfull, as hauing no children by the Emperour her Husband. Lightly euery yeere shee goeth on Pilgrimage to him from the Mosko, on foot, about eighty English miles, with fiue or sixe thousand women attending vpon her, all in blue Liueries, and foure thousand Souldiers for her [ 10] Guard. But Saint Sergius hath not yet heard her Prayers, though (they say) hee hath a speciall gift and facultie that way.

What Learning there is among their Friers, may be knowne by their Bishops, that are the choice men out of all their Monasteries. I talked with one of them at the Citie of Vologda,* 1.200 where (to try his skill) I offered him a Russe Testament, and turned him to the first Chapter of Saint Matthews Gospell. Where hee beganne to reade in very good order. I asked him first what part of Scripture it was, that he had read? he answered, that he could not well tell. How ma∣ny Euangelists there were in the New Testament? He said he knew not. How many Apostles there were? He thought there were twelue. How he should be saued? Whereunto he answe∣red me with a piece of Russe Doctrine, that he knew not whether he should be saued, or no: but [ 20] if God would Poshallouate him, or gratifie him so much, as to saue him, so it was, he would bee glad of it: if not, what remedy. I asked him, why hee shoare himselfe a Frier? Hee answered, because he would eate his Bread with peace. This is the Learning of the Friers of Russia, which though it be not to be measured by one, yet partly it may bee ghessed by the ignorance of this man, what is in the rest.

They haue also many Nunneries, whereof some may admit none but Noblemens Widowes,* 1.201 and Daughters, when the Emperour meaneth to keepe them vnmarryed, from continuing the bloud or stocke, which if he would haue extinguished. To speake of the life of their Friers, and Nunnes, it needs not, to those that know the hypocrisie, and vncleannesse of that Cloy∣ster-brood. The Russe himselfe (though otherwise addicted to all Superstition) speaketh so fou∣ly [ 30] of it, that it must needs gaine silence of any modest man.

Besides these, they haue certayne Eremites,* 1.202 (whom they call Holy men) that are like to those Gymnosophists, for their life and behauiour: though farre vnlike for their Knowledge, and Lear∣ning. They vse to goe starke naked, saue a clout about their middle, with their haire hanging long, and wildly about their shoulders, and many of them with an Iron coller, or chaine about their neckes, or midst, euen in the very extremitie of Winter. These they take as Prophets,* 1.203 and men of great Holinesse, giuing them a liberty to speake what they list, without any control∣ment, though it bee of the very highest himselfe. So that if hee reprooue any openly, in what sort soeuer, they answere nothing, but that it is Po graecum, that is, for their sinnes. And if any of them take some piece of sale ware from any mans shop, as he passeth by, to giue where he [ 40] list, hee thinketh himselfe much beloued of God, and much beholding to the holy Man, for ta∣king it in that sort.

Of this kind there are not many, because it is a very hard and cold Profession, to goe naked in Russia, specially in Winter. Among other at this time, they haue one at Mosko, that walketh naked about the streets, and inueigheth commonly against the State, and Gouernment, especial∣ly against the Godonoes, that are thought at this time to be great Oppressors of that Common-wealth. Another there was,* 1.204 that dyed not many yeeres agoe (whom they called Basileo) that would take vpon him to reproue the old Emperour, for all his crueltie, and oppressions, done to∣wards his people. His body they haue translated of late into a sumptuous Church, neere the Em∣perours House in Mosko, and haue canonized him for a Saint. Many Miracles he doth there (for [ 50] so the Friers make the people to beleeue) and many Offerings are made vnto him, not only by the people, but by the chiefe Nobilitie, and the Emperour, and Empresse themselues, which vi∣sit that Church with great Deuotion. But this last yeere, at my being at Mosko, this Saint had ill lucke in working his Miracles.* 1.205 For a lame man that had his limmes restored (as it was pre∣tended by him) was charged by a woman that was familiar with him (beeing then fallen out) that he halted but in the day time, and could leape merrily when hee came home at night. And that he had intended this matter sixe yeeres before. Now hee is put into a Monastery, and there rayleth vpon the Friers, that hired him to haue this counterfeit Miracle practised vpon him. Besides this disgrace, a little before my comming from thence, there were eight slaine with in [ 60] his Church by fire in a Thunder. Which caused his Bels (that were tingling before all day and night long as in triumph of the Miracles wrought by Basileo their Saint) to ring somewhat soft∣lier, and hath wrought no little discredit to this Miracle-worker. There was another of great account at Plesko, (called Nichola of Plesko) that did much good,* 1.206 when this Emperours Father came to sacke the Towne, vpon suspition of their reuolting and Rebellion against him. The Em∣perour,

after he had saluted the Eremite, at his lodging, sent him a reward. And the Holy man to requite the Emperour, sent him a piece of raw Flesh, being then their Lent time. Which the Emperour seeing, bid one to tell him, that he maruelled that the Holy man would offer him flesh to eate in the Lent, when it was forbidden by order of holy Church. And doth Euasko (which is as much to say, as Iacke) thinke (quoth Nicola) that it is vnlawfull to eate a piece of beasts flesh in Lent and not to eate vp so much mans flesh, as he hath done already. So threatning the Emperour with a prophecy of some hard aduenture to come vpon him, except he left murdring of his people, and departed the Towne: he saued a great many mens liues at that time.

This maketh the people to like very well of them, because they are as Pasquils, to note their great mens faults, that no man else dare speake of. Yet it falleth out sometime, that for this rude libertie, which they take vpon them, after a counterfeit manner, by imi••ation of Prophets, [ 10] they are made away in secret: as was one or two of them, in the last Emperours time, for be∣ing ouer-bold in speaking against his gouernment.

* 1.207THeir morning Seruice they call, Zautrana, that is, Mattins. It is done in this order. The Priest entreth into the Church with his Deacon following him. And when he is come to the middle of the Church, he beginneth to say with a loude voyce: Blaslauey Vladika (that is) Blesse vs heauenly Pastor: meaning of Christ. Then hee addeth, In the name of the Father, and of the Sonne, and of the holy Ghost▪ one very God in Trinitie: and Aspody pomelui, or, Lord haue mercy vpon vs, Lord haue mercy vpon vs, Lord haue mercy vpon vs: repeated three times. This done, he marcheth on towards the Chancell, or Sanctum Sanctorum, (as they vse to call it) and so en∣treth [ 20] into the Scharsuey Dwere, or the Heauenly Doore: which no man may enter into, but the Priest onely. Where standing at the Altar, or Table (set neere to the vpper wall of the Chan∣cell) he sayeth the Lords Prayer, and then againe Aspody pomelui, or, Lord haue mercy vpon vs, Lord haue mercy vpon vs, &c. pronounced twelue times. Then praised be the Trinitie, the Father, the Sonne, and holy Ghost, for euer and euer. Whereto the Deacons, and People say, Amen. Next after, the Priest addeth the Psalmes for that day, and beginneth with, O come let vs worship, and fall downe before the Lord, &c. and therewithall himselfe, with the Deacons, and People, all turne themselues towards their Idols, or Images, that hang on the wall, and crossing themselues, bow downe three times, knocking their heads to the very ground. After this, he readeth the Ten Com∣mandements, and Athanasius Creed, out of the Seruice Booke. [ 30]

This being done, the Deacon that standeth without the Heauenly Doore, or Chancell, readeth a piece of a Legend, out of a written Booke, (for they haue it not in Print) of some Saints life,* 1.208 miracles, &c. This is diuided into many parts, for euery day in the yeere, and is read by them with a plaine singing note, not vnlike to the Popish tune, when they sung their Gospels. After all this (which reacheth to an houre and an halfe, or two houres of length) he addeth cer∣taine set Collects, or Prayers vpon that which he hath read out of the Legend before: and so endeth his Seruice.* 1.209 All this while stand burning before their Idols, a great many of Waxe candles, (whereof some are of the bignesse of a mans waste) vowed, or enioyned by penance, vpon the people of the Parish.

About nine of the clocke in the morning, they haue another Seruice, called Obeidna, (or [ 40] Compline) much after the order of the Popish Seruice,* 1.210 that bare that name. If it be some High or Festiuall day, they furnish their Seruice beside, with Blessed bee the Lord God of Israel, &c. and Wee praise thee, O God, &c. sung with a more solemne and curious note.

* 1.211Their euening Seruice, is called Vecherna, where the Priest beginneth with Blaslauey Vladika, as he did in the morning, and with the Psalmes appointed for the Vecherna. Which being read, he singeth, My soule doeth magnifie the Lord, &c. And then the Priest, Deacons, and People, all with one voice, sing, Aspody pomelui, or Lord haue mercy vpon vs, thirty times together. Whereunto the Boyes that are in the Church, answere all with one voice, rolling it vp so fast, as their lips can goe: Verij, Verij, Verij, Verij, or, Praise, Praise, Praise, &c. thirty times together, with a very strange noise. Then is read by the Priest, and vpon the Holidayes sung, the first [ 50] Psalme: Blessed is the man, &c. And in the end of it, is added, Alleluia, repeated ten times. The next in order is some part of the Gospell ready by the Priest, which hee endeth with Alle∣luia repeated three times. And so hauing said a Collect in remembrance of the Saint of that day, hee endeth his euening Seruice. All this while the Priest standeth aboue at the Altar, or high Table, within the Chancell, or Sanctum Sanctorum, whence hee neuer moueth all the Ser∣uice time. The Deacon, or Deacons (which are many in their Cathedrall Churches) stand with∣out the Chancell by the Scharsuey Dwere, or Heauenly Doore: for within they may not be seene all the Seruice time, though otherwise their Office is to sweepe and keepe it, and to set vp the Waxe candles before their Idols. The people stand together the whole Seruice time in the bo∣dy of the Church, and some in the Church Porch, for Piew, or Seat they haue none within their [ 60] Churches.

* 1.212The Sacrament of Baptisme they administer after this manner. The child is brought vnto the Church (and this is done within eight dayes after it is borne) if it bee the child of some

Nobleman, it is brought with great pompe in a rich Sled or Wagon, with Chaires and Cushions of cloth of Gold, and such like sumptuous shew of their best furniture. When they are come to the Church, the Priest standeth ready to receiue the child within the Church Porch, with his Tub of water by him. And then beginneth to declare vnto them, that they haue brought a little Infidell to be made a Christian, &c. This ended, he teacheth the Witnesses (that are two or three) in a certaine set forme out of his Booke, what their dutie is in bringing vp the child after he is baptised, vz. That he must be taught to know God, and Christ the Sauiour. And be∣cause God is of great maiestie, and wee must not presume to come vnto him without Mediators (as the manner is when we make any suit to an Emperour, or great Prince) therefore they must [ 10] teach him what Saints are the best, and chiefe Mediators, &c. This done, he commandeth the Deuill in the name of God after a coniuring manner, to come out of the water: and so after certaine Prayers he plungeth the child thrise ouer head and eares. For this they hold to bee a point necessary, that no part of the child be vndipped in the water.

The words that beare with them the forme of Baptisme vttered by the Priest, when he dip∣peth in the child, are the very same that are prescribed in the Gospell, and vsed by vs, vz. In the name of the Father, and of the Sonne, and of the holy Ghost. For that they should alter the forme of the words, and say, by the holy Ghost, (as I haue heard that they did) following certaine Heretikes of the Greeke Church, I round to be vntrue, as well by report of them that haue beene often at their Baptismes, as by their Booke of Lyturgie it selfe, wherein the order of Baptisme [ 20] is precisely set downe.

When the childe is baptised,* 1.213 the Priest layeth Oyle and Salt tempered together vpon the forehead, and both sides of his face, and then vpon his mouth, drawing it along with his finger ouer the childs lips (as did the Popish Priests) saying withall certaine Prayers to this effect: that God will make him a good Christian, &c. all this is done in the Church Porch. Then is the child (as being now made a Christian, and meet to be receiued within the Church Doore) carried into the Church, the Priest going before,* 1.214 and there he is presented to the chiefe Idoll of the Church, being layd on a Cushion before the feet of the Image, by it (as by the Mediator) to be commended vnto God. If the child be sicke, or weake (specially in the Winter) they vse to make the water luke warme.* 1.215 After Baptisme the manner is to cut off the haire from the childs [ 30] head, and hauing wrapped it within a piece of Waxe to lay it vp as a Relique or Monument in a secret place of the Church.

This is the manner of their Baptisme, which they account to be the best and perfectest forme. As they doe all other parts of their Religion, receiued (as they say) by tradition from the best Church, meaning the Greeke. And therefore they will take great paines to make a Proselyte,* 1.216 or Conuert, either of an Infidell, or of a forreine Christian, by rebaptising him after the Russe man∣ner. When they take any Tartar prisoner, commonly they will offer him life, with condition to be baptised. And yet they perswade very few of them to redeeme their life so: because of the naturall hatred the Tartar beareth to the Russe, and the opinion he hath of his fashood, and iniustice. The yeere after Mosko was fired by the Chrim Tartar, there was taken a Diuoymorsey, [ 40] one of the chiefe in that exploit with three hundred Tartars more:* 1.217 who had all their liues of∣fered them if they would be baptised after the Russe manner. Which they refused all to doe, with many reproches against those that perswaded them. And so being carried to the Riuer Mosko (that runneth through the Citie) they were all baptised after a violent manner: being thrust downe with a knock on the head into the water, through an hole made in the Ice for that purpose. Of Lieflanders that are captiues,* 1.218 there are many that take on them this second Russe Baptisme to get more libertie, and somewhat besides towards their liuing, which the Empe∣rour ordinarily vseth to giue them.

Of Englishmen since they frequented the Countrey there was neuer any found, that so much forgot God, his Faith, and Countrey, as that he would be content to be baptised Russe, for any respect of feare, preferment, or other meanes whatsoeuer: saue onely Richard Relph, that fol∣lowing [ 50] before an vngodly trade, by keeping a Caback (against the order of the Countrey) and being put off from that trade, and spoiled by the Emperours Officers of that which he had, en∣tred himselfe this last yeere into the Russe Profession: and so was rebaptised, liuing now asmuch an Idolater, as before he was a Rioter, and vnthrifty person.

Such as thus receiue the Russe Baptisme, are first carried into some Monasterie to bee instru∣cted there in the doctrine and ceremonies of the Church. Where they vse these ceremonies. First, they put him into a new and fresh sute of apparell, made after the Russe fashion, and set a Coronet, or (in Summer) a Garland vpon his head. Then they anoint his head with Oyle, and put a Waxe candle light into his hand: and so pray ouer him foure times a day, the space of seuen dayes. All this while he is to abstaine from flesh, and white meats. The seuen dayes [ 60] being ended, he is purified and washed in a Bath-stoue, and so the eight day hee is brought into the Church, where he is taught by the Friers how to behaue himselfe in presence of their Idols, by ducking downe, knocking of the head, crossing himselfe, and such like gestures, which are the greatest part of the Russe Religion.

The Sacrament of the Lords Supper they receiue but once a yeere, in their great Lent time, a little before Easter.* 1.219 Three at the most are admitted at one time, and neuer aboue. The manner of their communicating, is thus. First, they confesse themselues of all their sinnes to the Priest (whom they call) their ghostly Father. Then they come to the Church, and are called vp to the Communion Table, that standeth like an Altar, a little remoued from the vpper end of the Church, after the Dutch manner. Heere first they are asked of the Priest, whether they bee cleane or no, that is, whether they haue neuer a sinne behind that they left vnconfessed. If they an∣swer, No, they are taken to the Table. Where the Priest beginneth with certayne vsuall Pray∣ers, the Communicants standing in the meane while with their armes folded one within ano∣ther, like Penitentiaries or Mourners. When these prayers are ended, the Priest taketh a Spoone [ 10] and filleth it full of claret Wine. Then hee putteth into it a small piece of Bread, and tempereth them both together:* 1.220 and so deliuereth them in the spoone to the Communicants, that stand in order, speaking the vsuall words of the Sacrament. Eate this, &c. Drinke this, &c. both at one time without any pause.

After that hee deliuereth them againe Bread by it selfe, and then Wine carded together with a little warme water, to represent Bloud more rightly (as they thinke) and the water withall, that flowed out of the side of Christ. Whiles this is in doing the Communicants vnfold their armes. And then folding them againe, follow the Priest thrice round about the Communion ta∣ble, and so returne to their places againe. Where hauing sayd certayne other prayers, hee dis∣misseth the Communicants, with charge to bee merrie, and to cheere vp themselues for the seuen [ 20] dayes next following. Which being ended, hee enioyneth them to fast for it as long time af∣ter. Which they vse to obserue with very great deuotion, eating nothing else but Bread and Salt, except a little Cabbage, and some other Herbe or Root, with water or quasse Mead for their drinke.

This is their manner of administring the Sacraments. Wherein what they differ from the in∣stitution of Christ, and what Ceremonies they haue added of their owne, or rather borrowed of the Greekes, may easily bee noted.

THeir chiefest errours in matter of Faith I finde to bee these. First, concerning the Word of God it selfe they will not read publikely certayne Bookes of the Canonicall Scripture,* 1.221 as [ 30] the bookes of Moses: specially the foure last, Exodus, Leuiticus, Numeri, and Deuteronomie, which they say are all made disauthentique, and put out of vse by the comming of Christ: as not able to discerne the difference betwixt the Morall and the Ceremoniall Law. The bookes of the Prophets they allow of, but reade them not publikely in their Churches, for the same reason: be∣cause they were but directers vnto Christ,* 1.222 and proper (as they say) to the Nation of the Iewes. Onely the Booke of Psalmes they haue in great estimation, and sing and say them daily in their Churches. Of the New Testament they allow and reade all, except the Reuelation: which therefore they reade not (though they allow it) because they vnderstand it not, neither haue the like occasion, to know the fulfilling of the Prophecies contayned within it, concerning especially the Apostacie of the Antichristian Church, as haue the Westerne Churches. Notwithstanding, [ 40] they haue had their Antichrists of the Greeke Church, and may finde their owne falling off, and the punishments for it by the Turkish inuasion in the Prophecies of the Booke.

* 1.223Secondly, (which is the fountayne of the rest of all their corruptions both in Doctrine and Ceremonies) they hold with the Papists, that their Church Traditions are of equall authoritie with the written Word of God. Wherein they preferre themselues before other Churches: af∣firming that they haue the true and right Traditions, deliuered by the Apostles to the Greeke Church, and so vnto them.

* 1.224Thirdly, that the Church (meaning the Greeke, and specially the Patriarch and his Synod, as the head of the rest) hauing a soueraigne Authoritie to interpret the Scriptures, and that all are bound to hold that Interpretation, as sound and authentique. [ 50]

Fourthly, concerning the Diuine nature and the three Persons, in the one substance of God, that the holy Ghost proceedeth from the Father onely, and not from the Sonne.

* 1.225Fiftly, about the office of Christ, they hold many foule errours, and the same almost as doth the Popish Church: namely, that hee is the sole Mediatour of redemption, but not of intercession. Their chiefe reason (if they bee talked withall) for defence of this errour, is that vnapt and foo∣lish comparison,* 1.226 betwixt God, and a Monarch or Prince of this world, that must bee sued vnto by Mediatours about him: wherein they giue speciall preferment to some aboue others, as to the blessed Virgin whom they call Procheste, or vndefiled, and Saint Nicolas, whom they call Scora pomosnick, or the Speedy helper, and say, that hee hath three hundred Angels of the chiefest appoin∣ted by God to attend vpon him. This hath brought them to an horrible excesse of Idolatrie, af∣ter the grossest and prophanest manner,* 1.227 giuing vnto their Images all religious worship of Pray∣er, [ 60] Thankesgiuing, Offerings and Adoration, with prostrating and knocking their heads to the ground before them, as to God himselfe. Which because they doe to the Picture, not to the por∣traiture of the Saint, they say they worship not an Idoll, but the Saint in his Image, and so of∣fend

not God: forgetting the Commandement of God, that forbiddeth to make the Image or likenesse of any thing, for any Religious worship, or vse whatsoeuer. Their Church walls are ve∣rie full of them, richly hanged and set foorth with Pearle and Stone, vpon the smooth Table. Though some also they haue embossed, that sticke from the board almost an inch outwards. They call them Chudouodites, or their Miracle workers: and when they prouide them to set vp in their Churches, in no case they may say, that they haue bought the Image, but Exchan∣ged money for it.

Sixtly, for the meanes of Iustification, they agree with the Papists,* 1.228 that it is not by Faith one∣ly apprehending Christ, but by their Workes also. And that Opus operatum, or the worke for the [ 10] worke sake, must needs please God. And therefore they are all in their numbers of Prayers, Fasts, Vowes, and Offerings to Saints, Almes deeds, Crossings and such like, and carrie their num∣bring Beads about with them continually, as well the Emperour and his Nobilitie, as the com∣mon people, not onely in the Church, but in all other publike places, specially at any set or so∣lemne meeting, as in their Fasts, law Courts, common Consultations, entertaynment of Ambas∣sadours, and such like.

Seuenthly, they say with the Papists, that no man can bee assured of his saluation,* 1.229 till the sen∣tence be passed at the day of Iudgement.

Eightly, they vse auricular Confession,* 1.230 and thinke they are purged by the very action from so many sinnes, as they confesse by name, and in particular to the Priest.

[ 20] Ninthly, they hold three Sacraments, of Baptisme, the Lords Supper, and the last Anoiling or Vnction. Yet concerning their Sacrament of extreame Vnction,* 1.231 they hold it not so necessarie to saluation as they doe Baptisme, but thinke it a great curse and punishment of God, if any dye without it.

Tenthly, they thinke there is a necessitie of Baptisme,* 1.232 and that all are condemned that dye without it.

Eleuenth,* 1.233 they rebaptise as many Christians (not being of the Greeke Church) as they conuert to their Russe profession: because they are diuided from the true Church, which is the Greeke, as they say.

Twelfth, they make a difference of Meates and Drinkes,* 1.234 accounting the vse of one to be more [ 30] holy then of another. And therefore in their set Fasts they forbeare to eate flesh, and white meates (as wee call them) after the manner of the Popish superstition: which they obserue so strictly, and with such blinde deuotion, as that they will rather die, then eate one bit of Flesh, Egges or such like, for the health of their bodies in their extreame sicknesse.

Thirteenth, they hold Marriage to bee vnlawfull for all the Clergie men,* 1.235 except the Priests onely, and for them also after the first Wife, as was sayd before. Neither doe they well allow of it in Lay-men after the second marriage. Which is a pretence now vsed against the Emperours onely Brother, a childe of sixe yeeres old: who therefore is not Prayed for in their Churches, (as their manner is otherwise for the Princes bloud) because hee was borne of the sixt marriage, and so not legitimate. This charge was giuen to the Priests by the Emperour himselfe, by procure∣ment [ 40] of the Godones: who make him beleeue, that it is a good policie to turne away the liking of the people from the next successour.

Many other false opinions they haue in matter of Religion. But these are the chiefe, which they hold, partly by meanes of their traditions (which they haue receiued from the Greeke Church) but specially by ignorance of the holy Scriptures. Which notwithstanding they haue in the Polonian tongue, (that is all one with theirs some few words excepted) yet few of them reade them with that godly care which they ought to doe: neither haue they (if they would) Bookes sufficient of the old and new Testament for the common people, but of their Lyturgie onely, or Booke of common seruice, whereof there are great numbers. Which notwithstanding it is not to bee doubted, but that hauing the Word of God in some sort (though without the or∣dinarie [ 50] meanes to attaine to a true sense and vnderstanding of it) God hath also his number among them. As may partly appeare by that which a Russe at Mosko sayd in secret to one of my Ser∣uants, speaking against their Images and other superstitions: That God had giuen vnto England light to day, and might giue it to morrow (if hee pleased) to them.

As for any Inquisition or proceeding against men for matter of Religion,* 1.236 I could heare of none: saue a few yeeres since against one man and his wife, who were kept in a close Prison the space of eight and twentie yeeres, till they were ouer-growne into a deformed fashion, for their hayre, nayles, colour of countenance, and such like, and in the end were burned at Mosko, in a small House set on fire. The cause was kept secret, but like it was for some part of truth in mat∣ter of Religion: though the people were made to beleeue by the Priests and Friers, that they [ 60] held some great and damnable Heresie.

THe manner of making and solemnizing their Marriages,* 1.237 is different from the manner of o∣ther Countries. The man (though hee neuer saw the woman before) is not permitted to haue any sight of her all the time of his wooing: which hee doth not by himselfe, but by his

Mother or some other ancient woman of his kinne or acquaintance. When the liking is taken (as well by the Parents as by the parties themselues, for without the knowledge and consent of the Parents, the contract is not lawfull) the Fathers on both sides, or such as are to them in stead of Fathers, with their other chiefe friends, haue a meeting and conference about the dowrie, which is commonly very large after the abilitie of the parents: so that you shall haue a Market man (as they call them) giue a thousand Rubbels, or more with his Daughter.

As for the man it is neuer required of him, nor standeth with their custome to make any joyn∣ter in recompence of the dowrie.* 1.238 But in case hee haue a Child by his Wife, shee enioyeth a third deale after his decease. If he haue two Children by her or more, she is to haue a courtesie more, at the discretion of the husband. If the husband depart without issue by his wife, shee is returned [ 10] home to her friends without any thing at all, saue onely her dowrie: if the husband leaue so much behind him in goods. When the agreement is made concerning the dowrie, they signe Bonds one to the other, as well for the payment of the dowrie, as the performing of the Marri∣age by a certayne day. If the woman were neuer married before, her Father and friends are bound besides to assure her a Maiden. Which breedeth many brabbles and quarrels at Law, if the man take any conceit concerning the behauiour and honestie of his wife.

Thus the contract being made, the parties begin to send tokens the one to the other, the Wo∣man first, then afterwards the Man, but yet see not one another till the Marriage bee solemni∣zed. On the Eue before the marriage day, the Bride is carryed in a Collimago, or Coach, or in a Sled (if it bee winter) to the Bridegroomes house, with her marriage Apparell and Bed-stead [ 20] with her, which they are to lye in. For this is euer prouided by the Bride, and is commonly ve∣rie faire, with much cost bestowed vpon it. Heere she is accompanied all that night by her Mo∣ther and other women: but not welcommed, nor once seene by the Bridegroome himselfe.

When the time is come to haue the marriage solemnized, the Bride hath put vpon her a kinde of Hood,* 1.239 made of fine Knit-worke or Lawne, that couereth her head, and all her body downe to the middle. And so accompanied with her friends, and the Bridegroome with his, they goe to Church all on Horsebacke, though the Church be neare hand, and themselues but of very meane degree. The words of contract and other ceremonies in solemnizing the Marriage, are much af∣ter the order,* 1.240 and with the same words that are vsed with vs: with a Ring also giuen to the Bride. Which being put on, and the words of contract pronounced: the Brides hand is deliuered [ 30] into the hand of the Bridegroome, which standeth all this while on the one side of the Altar or Table, and the Bride on the other. So the marriage knot being knit by the Priest, the Bride commeth to the Bridegroome (standing at the end of the altar or table) and falleth downe at his feet, knocking her Head vpon his Shooe, in token of her subjection and obedience. And the Bridegroome againe, casteth the lappe of his Gowne or vpper garment ouer the Bride, in token of his dutie to protect and cherish her.

Then the Bridegroome and Bride, standing both together at the Tables end, commeth first the Father and the other friends of the Bride, and how themselues downe low to the Bride∣groome: and so likewise his friends bow themselues to the Bride, in token of affinitie and loue euer after betwixt the two kindreds.* 1.241 And withall, the Father of the Bridegroome offereth to [ 40] the Priest a loafe of Bread, who deliuereth it straight againe to the Father and other friends of the Bride, with attestation before God and their Idols, that hee deliuer the dowrie wholly and truely at the day appointed, and hold loue euer after, one kindred with another. Whereupon they breake the Loafe into pieces, and eate of it, to testifie their true and sincere meanings, for performing of that charge, and thenceforth to become as graines of one Loafe, or men of one Table.

These ceremonies being ended, the Bridegroome taketh the Bride by the hand, and so they goe on together with their friends after them towards the Church porch.* 1.242 Where meet them certaine with pots and cups in their hands, with Mead and Russe Wine. Whereof the Bridegroome ta∣keth first a Charke, or little cup full in his hand, and drinketh to the Bride: who opening her [ 50] Hood or Vale below, and putting the Cup to her mouth vnderneath it (for being seene of the Bridegroome) pledgeth him againe. Thus returning all together from the Church, the Bride∣groome goeth not home to his owne, but to his Fathers house, and shee likewise to hers, where either entertayne their friends apart.* 1.243 At the entring into the House, they vse to fling Corne out of the windowes vpon the Bridegroome and Bride, in token of plentie and fruitfulnesse to bee with them euer after.

When the Euening is come, the Bride is brought to the Bridegroomes Fathers house, and there lodgeth that night,* 1.244 with her Vayle or couer still ouer her head. All that night she may not speake one word (for that charge shee receiueth by tradition from her Mother, and other Ma∣trons her friends) that the Bridegroome must neither heare, nor see her, till the day after the [ 60] marriage. Neither three dayes after, may she bee heard to speake, saue certaine few words at the Table in a set forme, with great manners and reuerence to the Bridegroome: If shee behaue her∣selfe otherwise, it is a great prejudice to her credit and life euer after: and will highly bee disli∣ked of the Bridegroome himselfe.

After the third day, they depart to their owne, and make a Feast to both their friends to∣gether. The marriage day, and the whole time of their festiuall, the Bridegroome hath the honour to be called Moloday Knez, or young Duke, and the Bride Moloday Knezay, or young Dutchesse.

In liuing with their wiues, they shew themselues to be but of a barbarous condition: vsing them as seruants, rather then wiues. Except the Noble-women, which are, or seeme to bee of more estimation with their husbands, then the rest of meaner sort. They haue this foule abuse, contrary to good order, and the Word of God it selfe, that vpon dislike of his wife, or other cause whatsoeuer, the man may goe into a Monasterie and shire himselfe a Frier, by pre∣tence of deuotion: and so leaue his wife to shift for her selfe so well as shee can.

[ 10]

THe other Ceremonies of their Church, are many in number: especially,* 1.245 the abuse about the signe of the Crosse, which they set vp in their high wayes, in the tops of their Churches, and in euery doore of their houses, signing themselues continually with it on their foreheads & breasts with great deuotion, as they will seeme by their outward gesture. Which were lesse of∣fence, if they gaue not withall that religious reuerence and worship vnto it, which is due to God onely, and vsed the dumbe shew, and signing of it instead of thanksgiuing, and of all other duties which they owe vnto God. When they rise in the morning, they goe commonly in the sight of some steeple that hath a Crosse on the top; and so bowing themselues towards the Crosse, signe themselues withall on their foreheads and breasts. And this is their thanksgi∣uing [ 20] to God for their nights rest, without any word speaking, except peraduenture they say, Aspody Pomeluy, or Lord haue mercie vpon vs. When they sit downe to meat, and rise againe from it, the thanksgiuing to God, is the crossing of their foreheads and brests. Except it be some few that adde peraduenture a word or two of some ordinary prayer, impertinent to that purpose. When they are to giue an oath for the deciding of any controuersie at Law, they doe it by swearing by the Crosse, and kissing the feet of it, making it as God, whose name onely is to bee vsed in such triall of Iustice. When they enter into any house (where euer there is an Idoll hang∣ing on the wall) they signe themselues with the Crosse, and bow themselues to it. When they begin any worke, bee it little or much, they arme themselues first with the signe of the Crosse. And this commonly is all their prayer to God, for good speed of their businesse. And thus they [ 30] serue God with crosses, after a crosse and vaine manner: notwithstanding what the Crosse of Christ is, nor the power of it. And yet they thinke all strangers Christians, to be no better then Turkes in comparison of themselues (and so they will say) because they bow not themselues when they meet with the Crosse, nor signe themselues with it, as the Russe manner is.

They haue Holy-water in like vse and estimation, as the Popish Church hath.* 1.246 But heerein they exceed them, in that they doe not onely hollow their Holy-water stockes, and tubs full of water, but all the Riuers of the Countrey once euery yeere.* 1.247 At Mosko it is done with great pompe and solemnitie: the Emperour himselfe being present at it with all his Nobilitie, mar∣ching through the streets towards the Riuer of Moskua, in manner of Procession, in this order [ 40] as followeth. First goe two Deacons, with banners in their hands, the one of Precheste (or our Lady) the other of Saint Michael fighting with his Dragon. Then follow after the rest of the Deacons, and the Priests of Mosko, two and two in a ranke, with Coaps on their backes, and their Idols at their brests, carried with girdles or slings, made fast about their necks. Next the Priests come their Bishops in their Pontificalibus: then the Friers, Monkes, and Abbots: and after the Patriarches in very rich attire, with a Ball or Sphere on the top of his Myter, to sig∣nifie his vniuersalitie ouer that Church. Last commeth the Emperour with all his Nobilitie. The whole traine is of a mile long, or more. When they are come to the Riuer, a great hole is made in the Ice, where the Market is kept of a road and a halfe broad, with a stage round about it to keepe off the presse. Then beginneth the Patriarch to say certaine prayers, and coniureth [ 50] the Deuill to come out of the water: and so casting in Salt, and censing it with Frankincense, maketh the whole Riuer to become Holy-water. The morning before, all the people of Mosko vse to make crosses of chaulke ouer euery doore and window of their houses; least the Deuill being coniured out of the water, should flye into their houses.

When the Ceremonies are ended you shal see the black Guard of the Emperors house, & then the rest of the Towne, with their pailes and buckets to take off the hallowed water for drinke, and other vses. You shall also see the women dip in their children ouer head and eares, and ma∣ny men and women leape into it, some naked, some with their clothes on, when some man would thinke his finger would freeze off, if he should but dip it into the water. When the men haue done, they bring their horse to the Riuer to drinke of the sanctified water, and so make [ 60] them as holy as a horse. Their set day for the solemne action of hallowing their Riuers, is that we call Twelfth-day. The like is done by other Bishops in all parts of the Realme.

Their manner is also to giue it to their sicke in their greatest extremitie: thinking that it will either recouer them, or sanctifie them to God. Whereby they kill many, through their vnrea∣sonable superstition, as did the Lord Borris his onely sonne, at my being at the Mosko:* 1.248 whom

he killed (as was said by the Physitians) by powring into him cold Holy-water, and presen∣ting him naked into the Church,* 1.249 to their Saint Basileo, in the cold of Winter in an extremitie of sickenesse.

They haue an Image of Christ, which they call Neruchi, (which signifieth as much as Made without hands) for so their Priests, and superstition withall perswadeth them it was. This in their Processions they carry about with them on high vpon a pole, enclosed within a Pixe, made like a Lanthorne, and doe reuerence to it as to a great mysterie.

* 1.250At euery brewing their manner is likewise to bring a dish of their woort to the Priest with∣in the Church: which being hollowed by him, is powred into the brewing, and so giueth it such a vertue, as when they drinke of it they are seldome sober. The like they doe with the first fruits of their Corne in Haruest. [ 10]

* 1.251They haue another Ceremony on Palm-sunday, of ancient tradition: what time the Pa∣triarch rideth through the Mosko, the Emperour himselfe holding his horse bridle, and the peo∣ple crying Hosanna, and spreading their vpper garments vnder his horse feet. The Emperour hath of the Patriarch for his good seruice of that day two hundred Rubbels of standing pen∣sion. Another pageant they haue much like to this, the weeke before the Natiuitie of Christ: when euery Bishop in his Cathedrall Church, setteth forth a shew of the three children in the Ouen. Where the Angell is made to come flying from the roofe of the Church, with great ad∣miration of the lookers on, and many terrible flashes of fire are made with rosen, and gun-pow∣der, by the Chaldeans (as they call them) that run about the Towne all the twelue dayes, dis∣guised [ 20] in their players coats, and make much good sport for the honor of the Bishops pageant. At the Mosko, the Emperour himselfe, and the Empresse neuer faile to be at it, though it be but the same matter plaid euery yeere, without any new inuention at all.

* 1.252Besides their fasts on Wednesdayes, and Fridayes throughout the whole yeere, (the one be∣cause they say Christ was sold on the Wednesday, the other because he suffered on the Friday) they haue foure great Fasts or Lents euery yeere. The first, (which they call their great Lent) is at the same time with ours. The second, about Mid-summer. The third, in Haruest time. The fourth, about Hallontide: which they keepe not of pollicie, but of meere superstition. In their great Lent, for the first weeke, they eat nothing but bread and salt, and drinke nothing but wa∣ter, neither meddle with any matter of their vocation, but intend their shriuing and fasting on∣ly. [ 30] They haue also three Vigils, or Wakes in their great Lent, which they call Stoiania and the last Friday their great Vigil,* 1.253 as they call it. What time the whole Parish must be present in the Church, and watch from nine a clocke in the Euening, till sixe in the morning, all the while standing, saue when they fall downe and knocke their heads to their Idols, which must bee an hundred and seuentie times iust through the whole night.

* 1.254About their burialls also, they haue many superstitious and prophane Ceremonies: as put∣ting within the finger of the corps, a letter to Saint Nicolas: whom they make their chiefe me∣diatour, and as it were the porter of heauen gates, as the Papists doe their Peter.

In Winter time, when all is couered with snow, and the ground so hard frozen, as that no spade nor pick-axe can enter their manner is not to bury their dead, but to keepe the bodies (so ma∣ny [ 40] as die all the Winter time) in an house, in the suburbs, or out-parts of the Towne, which they call Bohsedom, that is Gods house: where the dead bodies are pyled vp together, like bil∣lets on a woodstacke, as hard with the frost as a verie stone, till the Spring-tide come, and re∣solueth the frost: what time euerie man taketh his dead friend, and committeth him to the ground.

* 1.255They haue besides their yeeres and moneths mindes for their friends departed. What time they haue prayers said ouer the graue by the Priest: who hath a peny ordinary for his paines. When any dieth, they haue ordinary women mourners, that come to lament for the dead par∣tie: and stand howling ouer the body after a prophane and heathenish manner (sometimes in the house, sometimes bringing the body into the back-side, asking him what he wanted, and [ 50] what he meant to die. They bury their dead, as the party vsed to goe, with coat, hose, bootes, hat, and the rest of his apparell.

Many other vaine and superstitious Ceremonies they haue, which were long and tedious to report. By these it may appeare how farre they are fallen from the true knowledge, and prac∣tice of Christian Religion, hauing exchanged the Word of God for their vaine Traditions, and brought all to externall and ridiculous Ceremonies, without any regard of Spirit and Truth, which God requireth in his true worship.

* 1.256THe Emperours priuate behauiour, so much as may be, or is meet to bee knowne, is after this manner. Hee riseth commonly about foure a clock in the morning. After his appar∣relling [ 60] and washing, in commeth his ghostly Father, or Priest of his chamber, which is named in their tongue, Otetz Duhouna, with his Crosse in his hand, where with he blesseth him, laying it first on his forehead, then vpon his cheekes, or sides of his face and then offereth him the end of it to kisse. This done, the Clerke of the Crosse (called Chresby Deyack Profery) bringeth

into his Chamber, a painted Image, representing the Saint for that day; for euery day with them hath his seuerall Saint, as it were the Patrone for that day. This hee placeth among the rest of his Image Gods, wherewithall his Chamber is decked,* 1.257 as thicke almost as the wall can beare, with Lampes and Waxe-candles burning before them. They are very costly and gor∣geously decked with Pearle and Precious Stone. This Image being placed before him, the Em∣perour beginneth to crosse himselfe after the Russe manner; first, on the fore-head, then on both sides of his brest, with Aspody Pomeluy, Pomeluy mena hospody, sacroy mena gresnick Syhodestua: which is as much to say, as, Helpe me, O Lord my God, Lord comfort me, defend and keepe me a Sin∣ner from doing euill, &c. This he directeth towards the Image, or Saint for that day, whom hee [ 10] nameth in his Prayer, together with our Lady (whom they call Precheste) Saint Nicholas, or some other, to whom he beareth most deuotion, bowing himselfe prostrate vnto them, with knocking his head to the very ground. Thus he continueth the space of a quarter of an houre or thereabouts.

Then commeth againe the Ghostly Father or Chamber Priest, with a Siluer Bowle full of Holy-water, which they call in Russe, Sweta Voda, and a sprinkle of Basill (as they call it) in his hand: and so all to besprinkleth first the Image Gods, and then the Emperour. This Holy-water is brought fresh euery day from the Monasteries, farre and neere sent to the Emperour from the Abbot or Prior, in the name of the Saint, that is Patrone of that Monastery, as a speciall token of good will from him.

[ 20] These Deuotions being ended, he sendeth into the Empresse, to aske whether she hath rested in health, &c. And after a little pawses goeth himselfe to salute her in a middle Roome betwixt both their chambers. The Empresse lyeth a-part from him, and keepeth not one chamber, nor Table with the Emperour ordinarily, saue vpon the Eue of their Lents, or common Fasts: what time she is his ordinary Ghest at Bed and Boord. After their meeting in the morning, they goe together to their priuate Church or Chappell, where is said or sung a morning Seruice (called Zautrana) of an houre long or thereabouts. From the Church hee returneth home,* 1.258 and sitteth him downe in a great chamber, to be seene and saluted by his Nobilitie, such as are in fauour a∣bout the Court. If he haue to say to any of them, or they to him, then is the time. And this is ordinary, except his health, or some other occasion alter the custome.

[ 30] About nine in the morning, he goeth to another Church within his Castle: where is sung by Priests, and Choristers, the high Seruice (called Obead••a, or Complin) which commonly lasteth two houres: the Emperour in the meane-time talking commonly with some of his Councell, Nobilitie, or Captaynes, which haue to say to him, or he to them. And the Councell likewise conferre together among themselues, as if they were in their Councel-house. This ended, he re∣turneth home, and recreateth himselfe vntill it be Dinner time.

He is serued at his Table on this manner. First, euery Dish (as it is deliuered at the Dresser) is tasted by the Cooke, in the presence of the high Steward, or his Deputie.* 1.259 And so is receiued by the Gentlemen-wayters (called Shilshey) and by them carryed vp to the Emperours Table, the high Steward or his Deputie going before. There it is receiued by the Sewer (called Erastnoy) [ 40] who giueth a taste of euery Dish to the Taster, and so placeth it before the Emperour. The num∣ber of his Dishes for his ordinary Seruice, is about seuenty: dressed somewhat grosly, with much Garlike, and Salt, much after the Dutch manner. When hee exceedeth vpon some occasion of the day, or entertainment of some Ambassadour, hee hath many more Dishes. The Seruice is sent vp by two Dishes at a time, or three at the most, that he may eate it warme, first the baked, then the Roast meats, and last the Broths. In his dining chamber is another Table: where sit the chiefe of his Nobility that are about his Court, and his Ghostly Father, or Chapleine. On the one side of the chamber standeth a Cubboord, or Table of Plate, very faire and rich, with a great Cisterne of Copper by it, full of Ice and Snow, wherein stand the Pots that serue for that meale. The Taster holdeth the cup that he drinketh in all Dinner time, and deliuereth it vnto him with a say, when he calleth for it. The manner is to make many Dishes out of the Seruice after it is [ 50] set on the Table, and to send them to such Noblemen and Officers as the Emperour liketh best. And this is counted a great fauour and honour.

After dinner he layeth him down to rest, where commonly he taketh three houres sleep, except he employ one of the houres to bathing, or boxing. And this custome for sleeping after Dinner, is an ordinary matter with him, as withall the Russes. After his sleep, he goeth to Euen-song (called Vechurna) and thence returning, for the most part recreateth himselfe with the Empresse till Sup∣per time, with Iesters and Dwarfes, men and women, that tumble before him, and sing many Songs after the Russe manner. This is his common recreation betwixt meales that he most de∣lights in. One other speciall recreation, is the fight with wild Beares,* 1.260 which are caught in Pits or Nets, and are kept in barred Cages for that purpose, against the Emperour bee disposed to see [ 60] the pastime. The fight with the Beare is on this sort. The man is turned into a Circle walled round about, where hee is to quite himselfe so well as hee can: for there is no way to flye out. When the Beare is turned loose, he commeth vpon him with open mouth; if at the first push he misse his ayme, so that the Beare come within him, hee is in great danger. But the wilde Beare

being very scarce, hath this quality, that giueth aduantage to the Hunter. His manner is, when he assayleth a man, to rise vp right on his two hinder-legs, and so to come roaring with open-mouth vpon him. And if the Hunter then can push right into the very brest of him betwixt his fore-legs (as commonly he will not misse) resting the other end of their Boare-speare at the side of his foot, and so keeping the Pike still towards the face of the Beare, hee speedeth him com∣monly at one blow. But many times these Hunters come short, and are either slaine, or misera∣bly torne with the Teeth and Talents of the fierce Beast. If the partie quite himselfe well in this fight with the Beare, he is carried to drinke at the Emperours Seller doore: where he drin∣keth himselfe drunke for the honour of Hospodare. And this is his Reward for aduenturing his life, for the Emperours pleasure. To maintayne this pastime, the Emperour hath certayne Hunts∣men that are appointed for that purpose to take the wild Beare. This is his recreation common∣ly [ 10] on the holy dayes. Sometimes hee spendeth his time in looking vpon his Gold-smithes and Iewellers, Taylors, Embroyderers, Painters, and such like, and so goeth to his Supper. When it draweth towards Bed-time, his Priest saith certayne Prayers: and then the Emperour blesseth and crosseth himselfe, as in the morning for a quarter of an houre or thereabouts, and so goeth to his Bed.

* 1.261The Emperour that now is (called Theodore Iuanowich) is for his person of a meane stature, some-what low and grosse, of a sallow complexion, and inclining to the Dropsie, Hawke-nosed, vnsteady in his pase, by reason of some weaknesse of his limmes, heauy and vnactiue, yet com∣monly smiling almost to a laughter. For qualitie otherwise, simple and slow witted, but very [ 20] gentle, and of an easie nature, quiet, mercifull, of no martiall disposition, nor greatly apt for matter of Policie, very Superstitious, and infinite that way. Besides his priuate Deuotions at home, he goeth euery weeke commonly on Pilgrimage, to some Monasterie or other that is nee∣rest hand.* 1.262 He is of thirtie foure yeeres old, or thereabouts, and hath reigned almost the space of six yeeres.

THe chiefe Officers of the Emperours houshold, are these which follow. The first, is the Of∣fice of the Boiaren Conesheua,* 1.263 or Master of the Horse. Which contayneth no more then is expressed by the name, that is, to be Ouer-seer of the Horse, and not Magister Equitum, or Master of the Horsemen. For he appointeth other for that Seruice, as occasion doth require (as [ 30] before was said.) He that beareth that Office at this time, is Borris Federowich Godonoe, Brother to the Empresse. Of Horse for Seruice in his Warres (besides other for his ordinary vses) he hath to the number of 10000. which are kept about Mosko.

* 1.264The next is the Lord Steward of his houshold at this time, one Gregorie Vasilowich Godonoe. The third, is his Treasurer, that keepeth all his Moneyes, Iewels, Plate, &c. now called Stepan Vasilowich Godonoe. The fourth, his Comptroller, now Andreas Petrowich Clesinine. The fift, his Chamberlaine. He that attendeth that Office at this time, is called Estoma Bisabroza Pastelnis∣chay. The sixt, his Tasters, now Theodore Alexandrowich, and Iuan Vasilowich Godonoe. The se∣uenth, his Harbengers, which are three Noblemen, no diuers other Gentlemen that do the Of∣fice vnder them. These are his ordinary Officers, and Offices of the chiefest account. [ 40]

* 1.265Of Gentlemen, beside that wait about his Chamber, and Person (called Shilsey Strapsey) there are two hundred, all Noblemens Sonnes. His ordinary Guard is two thousand Hagbutters, ready with their Peeces charged, and their Match lighted, with other necessary Furniture, continual∣ly day and night: which come not within the house, but waite without in the Court or Yard where the Emperour is abiding. In night time there lodgeth next to his Bed-chamber, the chiefe Chamberlaine, with one or two more of best trust about him. A second chamber off, there lodge six other of like account, for their trust and faithfulnesse. In the third chamber lye certayne young Gentlemen,* 1.266 of these two hundred, called Shilsey Strapsey, that take their turne by forties euery night. There are Groomes besides that watch in their course, and lye at euery gate and doore of the Court, called Estopnick. [ 50]

The Hag-butters or Gunners, whereof there are two thousand (as was said before) watch a∣bout the Emperours Lodging, or Bed-chamber, by course two hundred and fiftie euery night, and two hundred and fiftie more in the Court-yard, and about the Treasure-house. His Court or house at the Mosko, is made Castle-wise, walled about with great store of faire Ordnance plan∣ted vpon the wall, and contayneth a great breadth of ground within it, with many dwelling houses. Which are appointed for such as are knowne to be sure, and trustie to the Emperour.

* 1.267THe priuate behauiour and qualitie of the Russe people, may partly be vnderstood by that which hath beene sayd, concerning the publike State and vsage of the Countrey. As tou∣ching the naturall habit of their bodies, they are for the most part of a large size, and of very [ 60] fleshly bodies: accounting it a grace to be somewhat grosse and burley, and therefore they nou∣rish and spread their Beards, to haue them long and broad. But for the most part they are very vnweldy, and vnactiue withall. Which may bee thought to come partly of the Climate, and the numbnesse which they get by the cold in Winter, and partly of their Dyet that standeth

most of Roots, Onions, Garlike, Cabbage, and such like things that breed grosse humours, which they vse to eate alone, and with their other meates.

Their Dyet is rather much, then curious.* 1.268 At their Meales they beginne commonly with a Chark, or small cup of Aqua-vitae (which they call Russe Wine) and then drinke not till to∣wards the end of their Meales, taking it in largely, and all together with kissing one another at euery pledge. And therefore after Dinner there is no talking with them,* 1.269 but euery man goeth to his bench to take his after-noones sleepe, which is as ordinary with them as their nights rest. When they exceed, and haue varietie of Dishes, the first are their baked meates (for roast meats they vse little) and then their Broaths or Pottage. To drinke drunke, is an ordinary matter [ 10] with them euery day in the Weeke. Their common Drinke is Mead, the poorer sort vse water, and a thin Drinke called Quasse, which is nothing else (as wee say) but water turned out of his wits, with a little Bran meashed with it.

This Dyet would breed in them many Diseases, but that they vse Bath-stoues, or Hot-hou∣ses in stead of all Physicke, commonly twice or thrice euery Weeke. All the Winter time,* 1.270 and almost the whole Summer, they heate their Peaches, which are made like the Germane Bath-stoues, and their Potlads like Ouens, that so warme the House, that a stranger at the first shall hardly like of it. These two extremities, specially in the Winter of heate within their Houses, and of extreame cold without, together with their Dyet, maketh them of a darke and sallow complexion, their skinnes being tanned and parched both with cold and with heat: specially [ 20] the women, that for the greater part are of farre worse complexions then the men. Whereof the cause I take to be their keeping within the Hot-houses, and busying themselues about the hea∣ting, and vsing of their Bath-stoues and Peaches.

The Russe because that he is vsed to both these extremities of heate and of cold, can beare them both a great deale more patiently then strangers can doe.* 1.271 You shall see them sometimes (to season their bodies) come out of their Bath-stoues all on a froth, and fuming as hote almost as a Pigge at a Spit, and presently to leape into the Riuer starke naked, or to powre cold water all ouer their bodies, and that in the coldest of all the Winter time. The women to mend the bad hue of their skinnes, vse to paint their faces with white and redde colours,* 1.272 so visibly that euery man may perceiue it. Which is made no matter, because it is common, and liked well by their [ 30] Husbands: who make their Wiues and Daughters an ordinary allowance to buy them colours to paint their faces withall, and delight themselues much to see them of foule women to become such faire Images. This parcheth the skinne, and helpeth to deforme them when their pain∣ting is of.

They apparell themselues after the Greeke manner. The Noblemans attyre is on this fashion. First, a Taffia, or little night cap on his head, that couereth little more then his crowne, common∣ly very rich, wrought of Silke and Gold Thread, and set with Pearle and Precious Stone.* 1.273 His head he keepeth shauen close to the very skin, except he be in some displeasure with the Emper∣our. Then he suffereth his haire to grow and hang downe vpon his shoulders, couering his face as vgly and deformedly as he can. Ouer the Taffia he weareth a wide Cap of blacke Foxe (which [ 40] they account for the best Furre) with a Tiara, or long Bonnet put within it, standing vp like a Persian or Babylonian Hat. About his necke (which is seene all bare) is a Coller set with Pearle and Precious Stone, about three or foure-fingers broad. Next ouer his shirt (which is curiously wrought, because hee strippeth himselfe into it in the Sommer-time, while hee is within the house) is a Shepon, or light Garment of Silke made downe to the knees, buttoned before; and then a Caftan or a close Coat buttoned, and girt to him with a Persian Girdle, whereat he hangs his Kniues and Spoone. This commonly is of Cloth of Gold, and hangeth downe as low as his ankles. Ouer that he weareth a loose Garment of some rich Silke, furred and faced about with some Gold Lace, called a Ferris. Another ouer that of Chamblet, or like Stuffe called an Alka∣ben, sleeued and hanging low, and the Cape commonly brooched, and set all with Pearle. When [ 50] he goeth abroad, he casteth ouer all these (which are but sleight, though they seeme to be many) another Garment called an Honoratkey, like to the Alkaben, saue that it is made without a Coller for the necke. And this is commonly of fine Cloth, or Camels haire. His Buskins (which hee weareth in stead of Hose, with Linnen Folles vnder them in stead of Boot-hose) are made of a Persian Leather called Saphian, Embroydered with Pearle. His vpper stocks commonly are of Cloth of Gold. When he goeth abroad, hee mounteth on Horse-backe, though it bee but to the next doore: which is the manner also of the Boiarskey, or Gentlemen.

The Boiarskey, or Gentlemans attyre is of the same fashion, but differeth in Stuffe: and yet he will haue his Caftan or Vnder-coat sometimes of Cloth of Gold, the rest of Cloth or Silke.* 1.274

Vhe Noble woman (called Chyna Boiarshena) weareth on her head, first a Caull of some soft [ 60] Silke (which is commonly called Red) and ouer it a Fruntlet, called Obrosa, of white colour. Ouer that her Cap (made after the Coife-fashion of Cloth of Gold) called Shapka Zempska, edged with some rich Furre, and set with Pearle and Stone. Though they haue of late begun to disdaine Embroydering with Pearle about their Caps, because the Diacks, and some Mer∣chants Wiues haue taken vp the fashion. In their eares they weare Earerings (which they call

Sargee) of two Inches or more compasse, the matter of Gold set with Rubies, or Saphires, or some like Precious Stone. In Sommer they goe often with Kerchiefs of fine white Lawne, or Cambricke, fastned vnder the chinne, with two long Tassels pendent. The Kerchiefe spotted and set thicke with rich Pearle. When they ride or goe abroad in raynie weather, they weare white Hats with coloured bands (called Stapa Zempskoy.) About their neckes they weare Col∣lers of three or foure-fingers broad, set with rich Pearle and Precious Stone. Their vpper Gar∣ment is a loose Gowne called Oposhen, commonly of Scarlet, with wide loose sleeues, hanging downe to the ground buttened before with great Gold Buttons, or at least Siluer and gilt, nigh as bigge as a Wal-nut. Which hath hanging ouer it fastned vnder the Cap, a large broad Cape of some rich Furre, that hangeth downe almost to the midst of their backes. Next vnder the Oposken or vpper Garment, they weare another called a Leitnick that is made close before with [ 10] great wide sleeues, the cuffe or halfe sleeue vp to the elbowes, commonly of Cloth of Gold: and vnder that a Ferris Zemskoy, which hangeth loose buttoned throughout to the very foot. On the hand wrests they weare very faire Bracelets, about two fingers broad of Pearle and Precious Stone. They goe all in Buskins of White, Yellow, Blue, or some other coloured Leather, em∣broydered with Pearle. This is the attyre of the Noble-woman of Russia, when shee maketh the best shew of herselfe. The Gentlewomans apparell may differ in the Stuffe, but is all one for the making or fashion.

* 1.275As for the poore Mousick and his Wife they goe poorely clad. The man with his Odnoratkey, or loose Gowne to the small of the legge, tyed together with a Lace before, of course white or blue cloth, with some Shube or long Wast-coat of Furre, or of Sheep-skinne vnder it, and his [ 20] furred Cap, and Buskins. The poorer sort of them haue their Odnoratkey, or vpper Garment, made of Cowes haire. This is their Winter Habit. In the Sommer time, commonly they weare nothing but their shirts on their backes, and Buskins on their legs. The woman goeth in a red or blue Gowne, when she maketh the best shew, and with some warme Shube of Furre vnder it in the Winter time. But in the Sommer, nothing but two shirts (for so they call them) one o∣uer the other, whether they be within doores, or without. On their heads, they weare Caps of some coloured Stuffe, many of Veluet, or of Cloth of Gold: but for the most part Ker∣chiefes. Without Earings of Siluer or some other Metall, and her Crosse about her neck, you shall see no Russe woman, be shee Wife, or Maide.

* 1.276As touching their behauiour, and qualitie, otherwise, they are of reasonable capacities, if [ 30] they had those meanes that some other Nations haue to trayne vp their wits in good Nurture, and Learning. Which they might borrow of the Polonians, and other their Neighbours, but that they refuse it of a very selfe-pride, as accounting their owne fashions to be farre the best. Partly also (as I said before) for that their manner of bringing vp (void of all good Learning, and Ciuill behauiour) is thought by their Gouernours most agreeable to that State, and their manner of Gouernment. This causeth the Emperours to bee very wary for excluding of all Peregrinitie, that might alter their fashions. Which were lesse to bee disliked, if it set not a print into the very minds of his people. For as themselues are very hardly and cruelly dealt with all by their chiefe Magistrates, and other Superiours, so are they as cruell one against another, specially ouer [ 40] their inferiours, and such as are vnder them. So that the basest and wretchedest Christianoe (as they call him) that stoopeth and croucheth like a Dogge to the Gentleman, and licketh vp the dust that lyeth at his feet,* 1.277 is an intollerable Tyrant, where hee hath the aduantage. By this meanes the whole Countrey is filled with Rapine, and Murder. They make no account of the life of a man. You shall haue a man robbed sometime in the very streets of their Townes, if he goe late in the Euening; and yet no man to come forth out of his doores to rescue him, though he heare him cry out. I will not speake of the strangenesse of the Murders, and other cruelties committed among them, that would scarsly be beleeued to be done among men, specially such as professe themselues Christians.

The number of their vagrant and begging poore is almost infinite: that are so pinched with [ 50] Famine and extreame need, as that they begge after a violent and desperate manner, with Giue me and cut me, Giue me and kill me; and such like Phrases. And yet it may be doubted whether is the greater, the Crueltie or Intemperancie that is vsed in that Countrey. I will not speake of it,* 1.278 because it is so foule and not to be named. The whole Countrey ouerfloweth with all sinne of that kind. And no maruell, as hauing no Law to restraine Whoredomes, Adulteries, and like vncleannesse of life.

As for the truth of his word, as some say, the Russe neither beleeueth any thing that another man speaketh, nor speaketh any thing himselfe worthy to bee beleeued. These qualities make them very odious to all their Neighbours, specially to the Tartars, that account themselues to be honest and just, in comparison of the Russe. It is supposed by some that doe well consider of [ 60] the State of both Countries, that the offence they take at the Russe Gouernment, and their man∣ner of behauiour, hath beene a great cause to keepe the Tartar still Heathenish, and to mislike as he doth of the Christian profession.

To the Reader.

I Thought good here to giue an account of my course. Hauing spent much time in that other World, so little known to This (Tartaria and China) that the parts least known might be made best known: I haue comne neerer home, to Russia, and her neighbours, the neerer, or Chrim Tartars, the Sa∣moyeds, and others; whereof Doctor Fletchers Story being so elaborate (where, though the centre bee Russia, yet his circumference is more generall) and by men iudicious which haue in those parts en∣ioyed most honourable employment, and exactest intelligence, commended; I haue giuen him the first place. And if some terme bee mollified, or some few things omitted, it is not to defraud Thee of the [ 10] Historie (which for substance is whole, as by perùsall is found) but not to defraud our industrious Coun∣trymen in their merchandizing mysterie, wherein some perhaps would hence seeke occasion of vndermi∣ning. For like cause I haue giuen the next place to Captaine Edge, (the one our gowned Generall by Land, the other in his generall Historie also by Sea) as deserued by his ten yeeres Voyages, and his other Merits. As for the question of Willoughbies Land, I list not to dispute it; but I thinke, neither Hollander (as is also confessed by the French Booke, called, The Historie of Spitsberghe a 1.279 on the Dutch behalfe) nor any other haue found any such Lands as his Storie describes, but some part of those which now with a generall name wee call, Greenland (howsoeuer the makers of Maps and Globes may create Lands and Ilands at pleasure, especially in vnknowne places) and the first setled, ordinary, and or∣derly Voyages for the Whale-killing, and the most for discouerie in those parts haue beene made by the [ 20] English, their gaynes awakening the Hollander to that enterprise, and that also (as elsewhere in the World) by English guides. That which I most grieue at in this contention, is the detention of further discouery to the Pole and beyond (where it is not likely to be colder then here, and at the Arctike circle: as in the Red Sea, Ormus, and the Countrey about Balsara on this side the Tropike, is found greater heat then vnder the Line it selfe) the desire of gayne euery where causing debate, and consequently losse of the best gaine both in Earth and Heauen. Merchants might get the World, and giue vs the World better, if Charitie were their Needle; Grace, their Compas; Heauen their Hauen, and if they would take their height by obseruing the Sunne of Righteousnesse in the Scripture-astrolabe, and soun∣ding their depth by a Leading Faith, and not by a Leadden bottomlesse Couetousnesse: that is, if they would seeke the Kingdome of Heauen first, all things should bee added; they should finde [ 30] World enough in the Indian, and Polare Worlds, and wee and they should arriue at better knowledge of the Creator and Creatures. And of all men (that I may a little further answere that Historie of Spits∣berghe) I would be glad to see agreement betwixt the English, and Dutch, both because I honour that Nation, as hath appeared in this whole worke of Voyages, in which and of which the Dutch are so great a part: and because in Region, Religion, Originall Nation, ingenious and ingenuous disposition, and (that which here brings both on our Stage) the glory of Nauigation, they are so neere vs, and worthie to be honored. It is true that euery where the English hath beene the elder Brother, a Doctor, and Ductor, to the Hollanders, in their Martiall feats at home, and Neptunian exploits abroad, (that I mention not their permitted wealthie fishing on the English shoare) whom had they followed with as true and due respect, as with happie successe; quarrels had not so distracted and distorted both sides. I appeale to [ 40] Dutch ingenuitie, if euer they did any thing wholly New (but giue names) in remotest Nauigations, without English lights. Columbus an Italian had the honour of finding America, and the Spaniards the happinesse. But for the North America, and the whole Northern New World, Cabota b 1.280 borne or bred at least in England, was either Actor or Author. For the Dutch, I haue shewed, for the compassing of the World, and for the East Indies before, that our Drake, Candish, Mellis, Dauis, Adams, &c. were their Fore-runners, Pilots, and Guides: Yea, their New-found Land Voyages, and all the Nor∣therne coast of America were discouered by Sebastian Cabota, and other Englishmen. I adde their New Straights Southwards from those of Magelane were discouered before by Drake, as in the Map of Sir Francis Drakes Voyage presented to Queene Elizabeth, still hanging in His Maiesties Gallerie at White Hall, neere the Priuie Chamber, and by that Map wherein is Cabotas Picture, the first and [ 50] great Columbus for the Northerne World) may be seene. In which Map, the South of the Magelane Straits is not a Continent, but many Ilands, and the very same which they haue stiled in their Straits. Barneuels Ilands had long before beene named by the most auspicate of Earthly Names, (and let them∣selues be Iudges, with which the other is as little worthie to be mentioned, as a kind Mother, and an vn∣kind Traitor. The Name Elizabeth c 1.281 is expressed in golden Letters, with a golden Crowne, Garter, and Armes affixed: The words ascribed thereunto are these, Cum omnes ferè hanc partem A••stra∣lem Continentem esse putent, pro certo sciant Insulas esse Nauigantibus peruias, earum{que} au∣stralissimam ELIZABETHAM à D. Francisco Draco Inuentore dictam esse. The same height of 57. degrees, and South-easterly situation from the Magelan Westerne Mouth giue further euidence. [ 60] And my learned friend Master Brigges told me, that he hath seene this plot of Drakes Voyage cut in * 1.282

Siluer by a Dutchman (Michael Mercator, Nephew to Gerardus) many yeeres before Scouten or Maire intended that Voyage. As for Noua Zemla by Stephen Burrough, and others, long before discouered, they also haue giuen new names, which I enuie not: onely I feare a vae soli, and hate ingra∣titude both ours and theirs. But too much of this. Next to this more generall Discourse shall follow the Dutch Northerne Voyages, and the English North-easterne: after which wee will take a more com∣plementall leaue of that Continent, and from thence visite the Northerly and North-westerne Discoue∣ries; at once hunting for a New World and a New passage to This.

CHAP. II. [ 10] A briefe Discouerie of the Northerne Discoueries of Seas, Coasts, and Coun∣tries, deliuered in order as they were hopefully begunne, and haue euer since happily beene continued by the singular industrie and charge of the Wor∣shipfull Society of Muscouia Merchants of London, with the ten seuerall Voyages of Captaine THOMAS EDGE the Authour.

[ 20]

§. I. Greenland first discouered by Sir HVOH WILLOVGHEIE: the Voyages of FROBISHER, PET and IACKMAN, DAVIS, the Dutch; First Morse and Whale-killing, with further Discoueries.

THe Northerne parts of the World haue euer beene held to be Officina Gentium & velut Vagina Nationum,* 1.283 Natures Shop and Store-house of Men, better furni∣shed [ 30] then any other part of the Earth, and from whence those notable Inunda∣tions came first of the Cymbrians and Teutons, in the time of the antient Romans; and secondly of the Gothes and Vandals vnder Attila, to the confusion of things both Diuine and Humane in all the Southerne parts of Europe, as farre as Barba∣risme could preuaile against Ciuilitie and Religion. For remedie whereof the Townes alongst the Baltick Sea entred into a confederacy vnder the names of the Hans Townes,* 1.284 and vndertooke the keeping of those Northerne people, and the securing of these Southerne Kingdomes from any the like ouerflowings, vpon such Priuiledges and Immunities as were granted and agreed vnto them by all the Southerne Princes, and according to such Lawes as were made and proui∣ded for the maintenance and strength of the said Hans Townes, amongst which the supreme [ 40] and fundamentall Lawe was that none of these Nations so secured should haue trade or com∣merce in any parts beyond the Baltike Seas, to the end the barbarous people might not bee ena∣bled thereby to practise or moue against the Hans Townes: which was the cause together also with the extremitie of cold, that those Northerne Seas were neuer looked vnto vntill the yeere 1553. At which time the trade of this Kingdome waxing cold and in decay, and the Mer∣chants incited with the fame of the great masse of riches which the Portugals and Spaniards brought home yeerely from both the Indies, entred into a resolution, notwithstanding the pro∣hibition of the Hans Law to discouer the Northerne Seas, which so long had beene frozen and shut vp;* 1.285 and to see whether they could not affoord a passage to Cathay and the East Indies, and accordingly prouided three ships, and sent them forth vnder the command of Sir Hugh Willough∣bie, [ 50] Knight, who embarqued himselfe in a ship called, the Bona Esperança, Admirall of that Voy∣age, with Richard Chancellor Captaine of the Edward Bonauenture, together with a third ship, called the Bona Confidentia. These three ships falling downe from Ratcliffe, the tenth of May in the foresaid yeere went on their Voyage, and proceeding as farre as the Cape of Norway, they were seuered by a tempest. Chancellor after he had stayed at Ward-house seuen dayes, expe∣cting the Admirall and the other ships, according to a former appointment vpon any such ca∣sualtie, and hearing nothing of them, went on, and discouered the Bay of Saint Nicolas, and setled a trade there, which hath continued to these times.

Sir Hugh Willoughbie was driuen to the height of 72. * 1.286 where hee fell vpon an Iland, now knowne by the name of Willoughbie Land, and lieth from Sinam (vpon the Continent of Nor∣way [ 60] East and by North an hundred and sixtie leagues or thereabouts, from thence he went North and North-west, and within eight dayes after he fell vpon a Land which lay West South-west, and East North-east, betweene 74. and 75. degrees of latitude, and plying Westward along by

the Land, he was driuen by the wind to put to Sea againe, vntill the wind came about. Then they made towards the Land againe, and bare with it, but finding that place vnfit for landing, they haled out againe, running along the Land sixteene leagues North-west, where they found a faire Bay, went on Land and found the place inhabited. From thence they put to Sea againe, runne alongst the coast for fortie leagues together, till at length they came to an anchor within two leagues of the shoare, where they landed, and found two or three good Harbours.

Afterwards they entred into the Hauen which ranne vp into the Maine a∣bout two leagues,* 1.287 where they remained for the space of a weeke vpon the maine Land. They found Beares, great Deere, Foxes, and other beasts. They [ 10] sent out three men three dayes iourney to the South-West, and three others also full West, all which returned after diuers dayes trauelling, and found no people nor any likelihood of habitation. And this is that Land which now is called Greenland, or King Iames his New-land, and is knowne to the Hollanders by the name of Spitsbergen. Sir Hugh Willoughbie returned into Lapland, where he and his companie were frozen to death, in the Hauen called Arzina, neere Kegor.

The Muscouia Merchants hauing thus setled a trade in Russia, and being incorporated by the name of, The Merchants of England, for the discouerie of new trades, pursued their first reso∣lutions for finding a way to Cathay by the North-east, and in the yeere 1556. sent out Stephen Burrough, for discouerie of the Riuer Obb, who proceeding forwards in that Voyage discouered [ 20] the Riuer Pechora, the Streights of Vaigats and Nouazembla * 1.288; went on shoare vpon the Iland of Vaigats, and vpon the North Continent of Russia; met with the Samoeds, obserued their manner of life, their Religion, their Sacrifices to their rude and ill shaped Idols; and the yeere being spent, returned into Russia.

The Companie hauing sought for the North-east passage, and finding such difficulties as are mentioned in their particular Iournals, resolued to make triall, if the North-west part could not affoord a passage to the Indies, which was the first and maine scope of their Northerne Discoue∣ries. And in the yeere 1576. they sent forth Sir Martin Frobisher with two Barkes,* 1.289 who com∣ming into the heights of 62. or thereabouts, found a great Inlet,* 1.290 now knowne by the name of Frobishers Streights, into which he put himselfe, and sayled sixtie leagues with a mayne Land on [ 30] each side, and so for that yeere returned.

The next yeere following he made a second Voyage to that place, purposely to lade himselfe with a kind of Oare, which the yeere before he had found there, and gaue hope by the colour to yeeld Gold, and being laden with some quantitie, returned.

The yeere following, being 1578. hauing made tryall here of that Oare, and finding it not to fall out according to his expectation,* 1.291 hee was furnished out to proceed in the further disco∣uerie of those Streights, and entring into the same, made way so farre as hee thought fit, and then returned backe, hauing first taken possession thereof in the name of Queene Elizabeth of famous memorie, who called the place Meta incognita: he brought home some of the Natiues, and left some of his men there.

[ 40] In the yeere 1580.* 1.292 the Companie sent out a second Voyage for the discouerie of the Riuer Obb, and thence to goe on to Cathay;* 1.293 furnishing forth two ships vnder the command of Arthur Pet, and Charles Iackman, who following their instructions, arriued at Vaigats, passed those Streights with a particular obseruation of those Ilands and places therein, plyed along the East part of Nouazembla, and the North of Russia, and the Samoeds Countrey, so farre as the Ice would giue them leaue, and finding no possibilitie of passage by reason of the Ice, returned backe in the latter end of the yeere. By this time the Voyage of Saint Nicolas was knowne, and be∣come a beaten trade. And the Companie sent out yeerely thither ten or twelue ships, which returned fraighted with the commodities of that Countrey.

In the yeere 1583. by the leaue and admittance of the Moscouia Companie,* 1.294 Sir Humfrey Gilbert went out for the discouerie of the North part of Terra Florida,* 1.295 came into the great Ri∣uer [ 50] called, Saint Laurence in Canada, tooke possession of the Countrey, setled the gouernment of the fishing there which is so well knowne in these times.

In the yeere 1585. Master Iohn Dauis was furnished out at Dartmouth with two Barkes,* 1.296 for the discouerie of the North-west, came into the height of 66. plyed along the coast,* 1.297 obserued the probabilitie of a passage, and in the end of the yeere returned.

In the yeere following, being 1586. hee went on againe in the further discouerie thereof, found a great Inlet betweene 55. and 56. of latitude, which gaue him great hope of a passage,* 1.298 traded with the people there, and so returned.

In the yeere 1587. hee made a third Voyage to those places,* 1.299 followed his course to the North and North-west, to the Latitude of 67. degrees, hauing the Continent (which hee called Ame∣rica) [ 60] on the West side and Groineland, which hee named Desolation on the East, and going on the height of 86. degrees, the passage enlarged so that hee could not see the Westerne shoare. Thus he continued in the Latitude of 73. degrees in a great Sea free from Ice, of an vnmeasurable depth, but by the occasion of the departure of two Ships which were in company with him,

which hee left Fishing at a place, he returned home. This passage continueth the Name and me∣morie of the first Discouerer,* 1.300 and is called Fretum Dauis. And thus the Discouerie of the Nor∣thern Seas proceeded on from time to time, by the endeauour and charge of the Muscouia Com∣panie, vntill they had particularly discouered the Lands, Coasts, Ilands, Straights, Hauens, Bayes, Riuers and other places therein, and measured euery part thereof, by their often tracing to and fro: Together also with the obseruation of the Commodities and Aduantages, arising from euery part of the same, continuing euen vnto these times to haunt and frequent the parts which they had formerly found out; As by their yeerely Reportaries and Iournals may appeare, and that ei∣ther without emulation or competition of any other Nation, that euer came into those parts or enterprised any Discouerie there vntill of late yeeres, as appeares by this that followeth.

When Richard Chancelor had setled a trade with Iohn Vasilowich then Emperour of Russia, and [ 10] his Ambassadours had beene heere in England, to accomplish matters requisite for maintenance of the Amitie and Entercourse made and agreed vpon betweene these two Crownes; King Phi∣lip,* 1.301 Queene Marie, Dukes also at that time of Burgundie, and Soueraignes of all the Netherlands, made a grant of Priuiledge vnto the Muscouia Merchants for the sole Trade of those Seas, pro∣hibiting all others to haunt and frequent the same, without speciall Licence and consent of the sayd Companie: which grant of Priuiledge was accordingly enioyed without disturbance or in∣terloping of the Hollanders, who out of obedience either to the Prohibition made by their Soue∣raigne, or for that they durst not aduenture into these Seas, did not any way attempt to bee seene or appeare there, either for Discouerie or trade of Merchandize, for the space of fiue and [ 20] twentie yeeres,* 1.302 after the Port of Saint Nicholas was first Discouered and found out by the En∣glish. For the Company hauing as is aboue mentioned, made their first Discouerie in the yeere 1553. there was neuer heard of any Netherlander that frequented those Seas, vntill the yeere 1578.* 1.303 * 1.304 At which time they first began to come to Cola, and within a yeere or two after, one Iohn de Whale a Netherlander, came to the Bay of Saint Nichola••, being drawne thither by the perswasion of some English for their better meane of Interloping, which was the first man of that Nation that euer was seene there. And this as is formerly noted was fiue and twentie yeeres af∣ter it was Discouered by the Muscouia Merchants.* 1.305

Afterwards the Hollanders crept in more and more, and in the yeere 1594. they made out foure Ships for Discouerie of the North-east passage to China,* 1.306 the Master Pylot whereof was [ 30] William Barrents,* 1.307 these came vpon the Coast of Nouazembla to the Latitude of 77. degrees, drew backe againe towards the Straights of Vaigats, and then returned giuing Names vnto some places and Promontories vpon that Land.

In the yeere 1595. They sent out a second Voyage, tracing the way through the Straights of Vaigats in the same steps,* 1.308 as Pet and Iackman had formerly passed, and so returned.

In the yeere 1596. They set out a third Voyage with two Ships, the one of which shaped her course from the Cape of Norway,* 1.309 to an Iland in the Latitude of 74. degrees, which wee call Che∣rie Iland,* 1.310 and they call Beare Iland, and from thence to Greenland, where Sir Hugh Willoughbie had beene two and fortie yeeres before, for so long time there is betweene the first Discouerie thereof and the yeere 1596. And from thence to the North-east part of Nouazembla, in the [ 40] Latitude of 76. degrees, where they Wintred and lost their Ship, and came home with much difficultie.

In the yeere 1603. Stephen Bennet was imployed by the Companie, in a Ship called the Grace, to those parts Northwards of the Cape, and was at Cherie Iland and killed some Sea-horses, and brought home Lead Oare from thence.

In the yeere 1608. the said fellowship set foorth a Ship called the Hope-well, whereof William Hudson was Master, to discouer to the Pole, where it appeareth by his Iournall, that hee came to the height of 81. degrees, where he gaue Names to certayne places, vpon the Continent of Green∣land formerly discouered, which continue to this day, namely, Whale Bay, and Hackluit Head∣land, and being hindred with Ice, returned home without any further vse made of the Coun∣trey, [ 50] and in ranging homewards, hee discouered an Iland lying in 71. degrees, which hee named Hudsons Tutches.

Heere it is to bee vnderstood, that the Companie hauing by often resort and imployment to those parts, obserued the great number of Sea-horses at Cherie Iland, and likewise the multi∣tude of Whales, that shewed themselues vpon the coast of Greenland; They first applyed them∣selues to the killing of the Morces, which they continued from yeere to yeere with a Ship or two yeerely;* 1.311 in which Ships the Companie appointed Thomas Welden Commander, and in the yeere 1609. the Companie imployed one Thomas Edge their Apprentice,* 1.312 for their Northeren Voyage,* 1.313 and joyned him in Commission with the foresayd Welden. Now the often vsing of Che∣rie Iland, did make the Sea-horse grow scarse and decay, which made the Companie looke out [ 60] for further Discoueries.

* 1.314In the yeere 1610. the Companie set out two Ships, viz. the Lionesse for Cherie Iland, Tho∣mas Edge Commander;* 1.315 and the Amitie, for a Northerne Discouerie, the Master of which Ship was Ionas Poole: who in the moneth of May fell with a Land, and called it Greenland, this is the

Land that was discouered by Sir Hugh Willoughby long before, which Ship Amitie continued vp∣on the coast of Greenland, discouering the Harbours and killing of Morces, vntill the moneth of August, and so returned for England, hauing gotten about some twelue Tunnes of goods, and an Vnicornes * 1.316 horne.

In the yeere 1611. the Companie set foorth two Ships for Greenland, the Marie Margaret Admirall, burthen one hundred and sixtie tunnes, Thomas Edge Commander; and the Elizabeth,* 1.317 burthen sixtie tunnes, Ionas Poole Master, well manned and furnished with all necessarie Prouisi∣ons, they departed from Blackwall the twentieth of Aprill, and arriued at the Foreland in Green∣land in the Latitude of 79. degrees, the twentieth of May following, the Admirall had in her [ 10] six Biskayners expert men for the killing of the Whale:this was the first yeere the Companie set out for the killing of Whales in Greenland,* 1.318 and about the twelfth of Iune the Biskayners killed a small Whale, which yeelded twelue Tunnes of Oyle, being the first Oyle that euer was made in Greenland. The Companies two Shalops looking about the Harbour for Whales, about the fiue and twentieth of Iune rowing into Sir Thomas Smith his Bay, on the East side of the Sound saw on the shoare great store of Sea-horses: after they had found the Morses they presently rowed vnto the Ship, being in crosse Road seuen leagues off, and acquainted the Captayne what they had found. The Captayne vnderstanding of it, gaue order to the Master, Stephen Bennet, that he should take into his Ship fiftie tunnes of emptie Caske, and set sayle with the Ship to goe into Foule Sound. The Captayne went presently away in one Shallop with sixe men vnto the Sea-morse, [ 20] and tooke with him Lances,* 1.319 and comming to them they set on them and killed fiue hun∣dred Morses, and kept one thousand Morses liuing on shoare, because it is not profitable to kill them all at one time. The next day the Ship being gone vnto the place & well mored where the Morse were killed, all the men belonging to the Ship went on shoare, to worke and make Oyle of the Morses; and when they had wrought two or three dayes, it fortuned that a small quan∣titie of Ice came out of Foule Sound, and put the Ship from her Moring. The Master and ten men being a board of the Ship, let fall their Sheat anchor which brought the Ship vp to ride;* 1.320 the Ice comming vpon her againe, brought her Anchor home and ranne the Ship ashoare, where shee by the Masters weake Iudgement was cast away, and all their Bread spoyled not fit to eate. The Ship being cast away without hope of recouerie, the Commander Thomas Edge gaue order, that [ 30] all the Morse liuing on shoare should be let goe into the Sea, and so gaue ouer making of Oyle, and presently haled vp ashoare all his Shallops and Boates, being fiue, setting the Carpenter to trim them, the Saylers to make Sayles and Wastcloathes for the Boates, fit to serue them at Sea. Ha∣uing fitted their Boates as well as they could with the small prouision they had, being in num∣ber foure small Shallops and the ships Boate, they diuided their men into them equally with what prouisions of victuals they could well carrie, and after they had sayd Prayers all together on Land; being fiftie men they departed from the place where they lost their Ship, on the fif∣teenth of Iuly with the winde Southerly, and rowed thirtie or fortie leagues to the Southward, and then they lost companie of one Shallop and their ships Boate of Horne Sound, which two Boates met with a Hull Ship, and acquainted him with the losse of the London Ship, and that shee [ 40] had left on land goods woorth fifteene hundred pounds:* 1.321 So our men carryed the Hull Ship into Foule Sound, to take in the Companies goods and to kill some Sea-horses for her selfe at that place. The Captayne and two other Shallops put from the Coast of Greenland in the height of 77.1/••. Degrees, and set their course for Cherie Iland, which lyeth in 74. Degrees (—) sometimes Sayling and sometimes Rowing, and made Cherie Iland the nine and twentieth of Iuly,* 1.322 hauing beene in their Shallops at Sea fourteene dayes, and comming into the Iland with a great storme at North-west, with much difficultie they landed on the South side of the Iland.

Being on shoare, the Captayne sent three of his Saylers ouer land vnto the North roade, be∣ing three miles distant from that place, to see if the Elizabeth was there, and they saw a Ship ri∣ding in the North roade, and being ouer-joyed they returned backe vnto the Captayne to ac∣quaint [ 50] him, without staying to speake with any of the Ships companie, and by good hap the Master of the Elizabeth espyed men on the Shoare, being at that time weighing Anchor to set sayle for England, vpon which hee stayed and sent the Boate ashoare to see what men they were, and when the men of the Elizabeth came ashoare, they found them to bee men of the Mary Margaret, and so went aboard vnto the Master to acquaint him; whereupon the Master caused Anchor to bee weighed and went to the South side of the Iland, and there tooke in the Cap∣tayne, and hee being aboard vnderstanding what a poore Voyage the Elizabeth had made, gaue order to the Master to goe for Greenland, there to take in such Goods as the sayd Edge had left in Foule Sound. They departed from Cherie Iland the first of August, and arriued at Foule Sound the Fourteenth Dicto: where they found two Boates which they had lost companie of before, and [ 60] all their men being come thither with a Hull Ship which they met with, and brought to that place; which Ship had spent all the yeere in Horne Sound, and got little goods. The Elizabeth being mored, the Captayne gaue order vnto the Master to deliuer out of his Ship, all the goods hee had got at Cherie Iland, which was Sea-horse hydes and Blubber, being of little woorth▪ And to take in the Oyle and Whale-finnes, which were gotten by the Marie Margarets com∣panie,

the Master in vnlading of his Ship brought her so light, that vnfortunatly hee ouer-set her, hauing goods in her worth seuen hundred pounds.* 1.323 This ill chance happening vnto the two Lon∣don Ships, the Captayne of them agreed with Thomas Marmaduke Master of the Hull Ship, to take in the goods which was saued, at the rate of fiue pounds the Tun••e, which was a great rate (notwithstanding they had beene a meanes to get him goods worth fiue hundred pounds for the Hull Ship) and vpon the one and twentieth of August, 1611. they departed from Greenland in the Hope-well, being ninetie nine men in all, and arriued at Hull the sixth of September, where the sayd Edge tooke out the Companies goods, and Shipped them for London by order from the Companie. This yeere, Edge in coasting in the Shallops, discouered all the Harbours on the West side of Greenland.

[ 10]

§. II. Dutch, Spanish, Danish disturbance; also by Hull men, and by a new Patent, with the succeeding Successe and further Discoueries till this present.

* 1.324IN the yeere 1612. the Companie set forth two Ships, viz. The Whale, burthen one hundred and sixtie Tunnes, and the Sea-horse, burthen one hundred and eightie tunnes, [ 20] vnder the Command of Iohn Russell, and Thomas Edge, for discouering and killing of the Whale. They discouered that yeere nothing worth writing of, by reason of some fal∣ling out betwixt Russell and Edge; yet they killed that yeere seuenteene Whales, and some Sea-horses, of which they made one hundred and eightie Tunnes of Oyle with much difficultie; as not being experimented in the businesse.* 1.325 This yeere the Hollanders (to keepe their wont in fol∣lowing of the English steps) came to Greenland with one Ship, being brought thither by an Eng∣lish man, and not out of any knowledge of their owne Discoueries, but by the direction of one Allen Sallowes,* 1.326 a man imployed by the Muscouia Companie in the Northerne Seas for the space of twentie yeeres before; who leauing his Countrey for Debt, was entertayned by the Hollanders, and imployed by them to bring them to Greenland for their Pylot. At which time [ 30] being met withall by the Companies Ships, they were commanded to depart, and forbidden to haunt or frequent those parts any more by mee Thomas Edge.* 1.327 There was also a Spanish Ship brought thither, by one Nicholas Woodcocke this yeere, a man formerly imployed by the sayd Companie;* 1.328 which Spanish Ship made a full Voyage in Green-harbour. But Woodcocke at his re∣turne into England, being complained of by the Companie, was Imprisoned in the Gatehouse and Tower, sixteene Moneths, for carrying the Spanish Ship thither.

* 1.329In the yeere 1613. the Companie set out for Greenland seuen sayle of Ships, vnder the Com∣mand of Beniamin Ioseph,* 1.330 and Thomas Edge, the Ships departed from Graues••nd the s••x and twen∣tieth of Aprill, and arriued in Greenland the fourteenth of May. This yeere the English had the Kings Patent vnder the broad Seale of England, to forbid all Strangers and others, but the Musco∣uia [ 40] Companie to vse the Coast of Greenland. The English met with fifteene sayle of great Ships, two of them were Dutch Ships,* 1.331 the rest were French, Spanish, and of the Archdukes, besides foure English Interlop••rs. The Companies Ships forced them all from the Coast of Greenland, not suf∣fering any of them to make a Voyage; they tooke from the two Dutch Ships certayne goods, bu•• in g••ing to take it, they neglected their owne voyage, which was damnified thereby to the value of three or foure thousand pounds. For their Ships came home dead Fraight two or three hundred Tunnes by that meanes.* 1.332 This yeere was Hope Iland and other Ilands discouered, to the Eastward by the Companie.

* 1.333In the yeere following, which was 1614. the Companie set out for Greenland, thirteene great Ships and two Pinnasses,* 1.334 vnder the Command of Beniamin Ioseph, and Thomas Edge, all which [ 50] Ships were well appointed with all manner of Artillerie for defence, and other necessaries for the making of their Voyage and for Discouerie. This yeere the Hollanders set out for Greenland eighteene great Ships, whereof foure of them were of the States men of Warre, Ships with thir∣tie pieces of Ordnance a piece. This yeere the Dutch stayed and fished for the Whale perforce, they were farre stronger then the English, which was a cause that the English Ships came home halfe laden, and the Dutch with a poore Voyage. This yeere the Companie Discouered vnto the Northwards of Greenland,* 1.335 as farre as 80. Degrees odde Minuts, in the Ship Thomazen, as by her daily Iournall doth appeare at large; in which Ship was imployed Thomas Sherwin, and Wil∣liam Baffin, being the second Voyage they were imployed into those parts. And some Ilands to the Eastwards of Greenland, were Discouered by foure Ships imployed in that seruice, as by their [ 60] Iournall more at large appeareth.

* 1.336In the yeere 1615. the Companie set out for Greenland, two sayle of great Ships and two Pinnasses, vnder the Command of Beniamin Ioseph, and Thomas Edge, who following their In∣structions, arriued vpon the Coast of Greenland the sixth of Iune, which they found to bee much

pestered with Ice, and being foggie weather, they runne into the Ice, so farre, that they were fast in it fourteene dayes before they could cleare themselues of it.* 1.337 This yeere also the Hollan∣ders set out fourteene sayle of ships, whereof three of them were States Men of warre of great force; they killed Whales in Horn-sound, Bel-sound, and Faire-hauen, and stayed vpon the coast of Greenland perforce, as they did the former yeere;* 1.338 whereby the English came home halfe la∣den. This yeere also the King of Denmarke sent vnto Greenland three of his ships, Men of warre, to demand a toll of the English; but they had none payd them: for they fell with the Fore-land in 79. degrees, where Captaine Edge was, and he denyed payment of any toll, alledging that the Countrey of Greenland belonged to the King of England.* 1.339 These were the first Danish ships that euer came to Greenland, who had for their Pilot one Iames Vaden, an Englishman to [ 10] bring them thither.

In the yeere 1616. the Company set out for Greenland eight Sayle of great ships, and two Pinnasses vnder the command of Thomas Edge, who following his course,* 1.340 arriued in Greenland a∣bout the fourth of Iune, hauing formerly appointed all his ships for their seuerall Harbours, for their making of their Voyage vpon the Whale, and hauing in euery Harbour a sufficient num∣ber of expert men, and all prouisions fitting for such a Voyage. This yeere it pleased God to blesse them by their labours, that they full laded all their ships with Oyle, and left an ouer-pl••s in the Countrey, which their ships could not take in. They imployed this yeere a small Pinnasse vnto the East-ward, which discouered the East-ward part of Greenland, Namely, the Iland cal∣led now Edges Iland,* 1.341 and other Ilands lying to the North-wards as farre as seuentie eight de∣grees, [ 20] this Pinnasse was some twentie tunnes, and had twelue men in her, who killed one thou∣sand Sea-horses on Edges Iland, and brought all their Teeth home for London. This was the first yeere that euer the Company full laded all their ships sent to Greenland, and this yeere they made twelue or thirteene hundred tunnes of Oyle in Greenland by the fourteenth of August. All the ships arriued in safety in the Riuer of Thames, in the moneth of September. The Hollanders had this yeere in Greenland foure ships, and those kept together in odde places, not easily to bee found, and made a poore Voyage.

In the yeare 1617. the Company set out for Greenland fourteene Sayle of ships, and their two Pinnasses furnished and manned with a sufficient number of men and all other prouisions fitting for that Voyage, vnder the command of Thomas Edge. They departed from Grauesend,* 1.342 about the [ 30] foure and twentieth of Aprill, and arriued vpon the Coast of Greenland, the eight and twentieth of May all in safety.

At our first comming vpon the Coast this yeere, I met with a Dutch shippe of two hundred tunnes, which I commanded aboard, the Captaynes name was Cocke, who told mee there were ten Sayle of Dutch vpon the Coast, and two men of Warre, and that he came to make a Voy∣age vpon the Whale. I shewed him the Kings Commission, and commanded him by vertue thereof to depart from the Coast, willing him to acquaint the rest of his Countrey-men with it. And further, I told him that if I met with him or any Dutch ships heereafter, I would take from them what they had gotten, and thus hauing entertayned him aboord with me courteous∣ly, I let him goe without taking any prouisions from him. At his departure from mee, hee pro∣mised [ 40] hee would but stay to meet with two of his Consorts, which hee had lost company with the day before, and then hee would directly goe for Flushing, and acquaint his Merchants, that the English Captayne would not suffer him to stay vpon the Coast of Greenland; but it seemeth at his meeting with his Consorts, they agreed altogether to goe into Horne-sound, and there they killed some few Whales which they saued in Blubber. I vnderstanding of it, gaue order to my Vice-admirall when he was laden, that he should goe into Horne-sound, and put the Flemmings from thence, and take what they had gotten, which he did accordingly: but the goods he tooke from the Dutch ships, were not worth to the English twentie pounds, for it was but Blubber and Finnes, which they had no need of, in regard they had killed as many Whales as would lade their ships, and more then they could carry or saue. This yeere the English made nineteene hun∣dred [ 50] tunnes of Oyle in Greenland, and all their ships arriued at home in the moneths of August and September in safetie. They also employed a ship of sixtie tunnes, with twenty men in her, who discouered to the Eastward of Greenland, as faire to the North-wards as seuentie nine de∣grees, and an Iland which he named Witches Iland, and diuers other Ilands as by the Map appea∣reth, and killed store of Sea-horses there, and then came into Bel-sound:* 1.343 where hee found his la∣ding of Oyle, left by the Captayne which he tooke in.* 1.344 This yeere the Hull men set a small ship or two to the East-wards of Greenland, for the Hull men still followed the steps of the Londo∣ners, and in a yeere or two called it their Discouery, which is false and vntrue, as by Oath in the Admiraltie doth appeare. The Dutch likewise practise the same course.

[ 60] In the yeere 1618. some difference hauing passed betweene the English and some Zelanders, the yeere before, in King Iames his Newland,* 1.345 * 1.346 alias Greenland (which Zelanders were neuer in those parts before, and vpon promise of the present departure) were permitted to passe else-where with their prouisions which they had, and comming to Cherrie Iland, and meeting with one English Interloper of Hull; namely Marmaduke,* 1.347 he animated the said Zelanders to returne back

for Greenland, alleaging vnto them, that the Companies ships were in each seuerall Harbour bu∣sied about their Voyage, and that none would stirre from his Harbours to molest them, and that they being three ships of force, might returne to a Harbour in that Countrey, called Hornsound, and there make a Voyage perforce, which the said Zelanders did attempt, and there manned out diuers Shallops, hauing many Biskainers, and killed store of Whales, setting those English at nought. Whereupon Captayne Thomas Edge, chiefe Commander of the English Fleet, hauing laden those ships that were in Harbour with him, and presently sent for William H••ly, his Vice-admirall, giuing him order (who was not then full laden, but in good forwardnesse) to fit the ship he was in, and goe to Horne-sound afore-said, and put the said Zelanders from thence: which the said H••ly presently put in execution. But before his comming thither, the Zelanders had notice by an English Surgeon, that if they did not depart, the English Vice-admiral would come present∣ly [ 10] and force them from thence. Whereupon the Zelanders laded all the goods they had in two ships, and sent them away before the comming of the English Vice-admirall, leauing one ship behind, with certaine caske of Blubber, and two Whales and an halfe vncut vp, in a brauado to trye if the English would meddle with them or not, which said ship and goods there left, were surprized by the said English Vice-admirall; the goods detayned to the Companies vse; and the ship restored there to the Zelanders; which ship hauing in her ten cast Peeces, and sixtie men, and hauing intelligence of one of the Companies ships, at that time laden in the Countrey with one hundred and eightie tunnes of Oyle, the Zelander gaue out he would lie in waite and take that ship of the Companies and her lading, and carrie her to Zeland. For preuention where∣of, the said Vice-admirall tooke sixe Peeces of Ordnance, and some Powder from the ship of [ 20] Zeland, which were in England restored to the owners.

In which said yeere 1618. the Zelanders sending ouer for restitution of the goods taken from them. A new Company commixt of English, Scottish and Zelanders, through the meanes of one Sir Iohn Conningham Knight,* 1.348 procured a grant for setting forth of shipping to those parts, which might vtterly haue ouerthrowne and spoiled the trade of the first discoueries thereof: and to that end diuers of the chiefe men were hired by the new Company that had been seruants to the first discouerie, and much shipping and prouisions agreed for. Whereupon there was an agreement, that the East India Aduenturers should ioyne stocke with the Moscouia Aduenturers,* 1.349 and be one ioynt Companie for that trade of King Iames his Newland. The Scottish Companies Patent thereupon dissolued, to the Moscouia Companies great trouble and cost, in taking of all the pro∣uisions [ 30] they had bespoken, and paying ready money for the same, hauing no vse thereof, but great part spoyled, and came to little good, and in ioyning vnfortunately with the East India Companie, in which yeere, and the next yeere after, their Voyages proued very ill, and they were losers, and much vexed and crossed in their proceedings, to the great dis-heartning and de∣triment of the Moscouia Companie: yet that yeere 1618. they set forth thirteene ships and two Pinnasses, vnder the command of the said Captaine Thomas Edge, who arriuing vpon the coast of King Iames his Newland, in the beginning of Iune separated themselues to seuerall Har∣bours for accomplishing of their Voyages, the most part being ships of no force. Presently af∣ter in all Harbours where the English were, arriued great store of ships of Zeland, in warlike manner, being ships of great force, who continued in the same Harbours amongst the English, [ 40] setting two boats to the English one, with Biskainers, with a full purpose to driue the English from their Harbours, and to reuenge the iniurie (as they termed it) done them the yeere before: and for that the Scottish Patent was dissolued; wherein many Flemmings were to be interested. And to that purpose towards the latter end of Iuly, ten Saile of the said Zelanders, being at a Har∣bour called the Foreland, where the said William Heley, Vice-admirall of the English Fleet that yeere, was in the ship Pleasure, Master Robert Salmon, with one English ship and a Pinnasse there of no force, set vpon the said English Vice-admirall, threatning, if hee would not yeeld pre∣sently, to dispoyle him of ship and goods, not permitting to take his men aboord. And with two of their chiefest ships layd the English Vice-admirall aboord, there being but seuen English aboord the ship, which they detayned for foure and twentie houres, the Zelanders not daring [ 50] to enter, making many brauadoes and attempts, thinking to make the English to yeeld, and stand to their mercy, which was refused. And thereupon fiue of those Zelanders ships; namely, the Fortune of Camphire, burthen foure hundred tunnes, with eighteene cast Peeces, besides brasse Bases and Murtherers, Captaine Hubreght Cornelisson; the Saint Peter of Flushing, burthen three hundred tunnes, with eighteene cast Peeces, Captaine Cornelius Cooke; the Salamander of Flu∣shing, two hundred tunnes, fourteene cast Peeces, Captaine Adrian Peeterson; the Cat of Delph Hauen, with sixteene cast Peeces, Abraham Leuerstick being Captaine and Generall of the Ze∣landers, and William Iohnson of Milliworth, in a ship with fourteene cast Peeces: all which, after much conference passed betwixt the said Zelanders and William Hely: which said Zelanders gaue out many vnciuill speeches against the Kings Maiestie, not esteeming his Commission; al∣ledging [ 60] that there was good law in Flanders for what they did.* 1.350 And on Sunday the nineteenth of Iuly, 1618. did forcibly set vpon the said English Vice-admirall, fiue together plying their great Ordnance, small Shot, and Murderers, seeking what in them lay to kill and spoile all the

English that were aboord: who resisted their force, and in spite of all their opposers set sayle, saluting them with their Ordnance, and maintayning fight against them till their Sayles were shot downe, some of their chiefe men slaine, others hurt, and their ship forced either to anchor, or run ashoare. The Zelanders vsed the English very vnkindly, rifling their ship of all their goods, and taking away all their munition and artillery, not leauing any goods ashoare, but burning vp the Caske, not permitting the English to take in fresh water, but shot their Boat thorow in going ashoare, and minding, as they protested and swore vnto the said William Hely, that they would take and ransacke all the English ships in the Countrey, and carrie the English Captaine to Ze∣land: hauing as they said, that yeere in those parts 23. sayle of well appointed ships, onely to [ 10] ouerthrow all the English, all which were to meet in Scotland outward bound. After the sur∣prising of the said English Vice-admirall, all the rest of the English ships being dispersed farre asunder, could not ioyne together, being in all places hindred by the Flemmings: and by that meanes the English Voyage vtterly ouerthrowne, to the extraordinary great losse and charge of the Companie, the most part of their ships returning home without any goods.

The next yeere 1619. the said Moscouia and East India Companies set out nine ships,* 1.351 and two Pinnasses, vnder the command of the said Captaine Edge, in which yeere, diuers Hollan∣ders being in the Northermost Harbour in the Countrey, employing great quantitie of Boats in chasing the Whale there, off into the Sea, put them by their vsuall course, so that the Com∣panies ships, being fiue of the nine, in the two Northermost Harbours, were disappointed of their Voyage in those Harbours; and thinking to better it in the other Harbours; the foresaid Wil∣liam [ 20] Heley sending a Shallop with ten men in her, with Letters to the said Captaine Edge, of their ill successe to the Northwards, the said Shallop was cast away, and all the men lost: and the said Captaine being laden, sent a Pinnasse to the said Heley in August, aduertising him of his departure, thinking all the ships to the Northward had been laden, wishing them to haste home. By meanes of which Shallops casting away, the Voyage was greatly hindred to the Compa∣nies exceeding great losse; in that the Hollanders did as then bring ouer great quantitie of Whale-oyle, and sold it at vnder rates, so that the Companie was forced to keepe theirs on their hands twelue moneths, and sell it afterwards at a very small price, and lost one ship in her returne homewards neere Yarmouth: which did so much dishearten the said Companie, that [ 30] they dissolued againe, and thought verily to haue aduentured no more thither (their successe those two yeeres past, in which the East India Companie ioyned with them was so bad, that any that would buy their prouision might enioy the benefit of the Trade there.) At which time, the worthie and famous Merchants Aduenturers; namely, Ralph Freeman, Beniamin Deicrowe, George Strowd, with Captaine Thomas Edge, all brethren of the Moscouia Companie, pitying the down-fall of so worthie a Trafficke, in which yeerely so many poore Land-men receiued great comfort, and breeding of Mariners, at their owne charge compounded with the said Com∣panies, and tooke that Trade into their hands. In which yeere 1620. they set out seuen sayle of ships, vnder the command of William Goodl••d, and the said William Heley; in which said yeere,* 1.352 by reason of great store of Flemmings and Danes in the foresaid Northermost Harbours, their [ 40] ships had ill successe to the Northwards, and were forced to passe from Harbour to Harbour to seeke to make a Voyage, but could not, and so returned home halfe laden, with seuen hundred tunnes of Oyle.

The next yeere 1621. the foresaid Aduenturers hired, and set forth eight ships, seuen for the Whale Voyage, and one to the South-eastwards vpon Discouerie, vnder the command aforesaid,* 1.353 which yeere in one of their chiefest Harbours their Voyage was ouerthrowne, by reason of the foresaid Flemmings and Danes, being to the Northward, as aforesaid▪ putting the Whale by her course, and in all places in the Countrey generally disheartned, and out of hope to haue made any Voyage that yeere, whereby to haue earned their bread. Yet it pleased God afterwards in some Harbours, Whales hitting in, a Voyage was performed, and 1100. tunnes of Oyle brought home, to the great encouragement of the said Aduenturers: otherwise that Trade had beene [ 50] vtterly ouerthrowne.

The yeere following 1622. the said Aduenturers at their owne charge set forth nine ships, vn∣der the command aforesaid, and therein employed diuers Land-men;* 1.354 many of which afterwards proue good Sea-men, and are fit for any Sea seruice. Eight of which ships were appointed to make their Voyage vpon the Whale, and one to goe on discouerie to the South-eastwards. But ill successe happening, one of their greatest ships of burthen, whereof Iohn Masson was Master, hauing in her two hundred tuns of Caske, Coppers, and diuers prouisions, was vnfortunatly cast away against a piece of Ice, vpon the coast of King Iames Newland, foure leagues from the shoare,* 1.355 in which ship perished nine and twentie men, and the remainder being three and twenty, were by the prouidence of the Almightie miraculously saued in a Shallop, coasting thirtie leagues af∣terwards [ 60] to meet with some other ships to find some succour, hauing neither bread nor drinke, nor any meanes whereby to get any food: and so remayned three dayes in extreme cold wea∣ther, being in a small Boat ready to bee swallowed vp of euery waue, but that God prouided better for them. Many of which people their hands and feet rotted off, being frozen, and they

died in the Countrey. The rest of the ships returned home laden, bringing in them 1300. tuns of Oyle, yet the foresaid chiefe Harbour could not performe their full lading there, by reason of the Flemmings and Danes being to the Northwards, as aforesaid, which doth yeerely hinder the Companies ships from making a Voyage.

§. III. The Description of the seuerall sorts of Whales, with the manner of killing them: Whereto is added the Description of Greenland. [ 10]

THe Whale is a Fish or Sea-beast of a huge bignesse, about sixtie fiue * 1.356 foot long, and thirtie fiue foot thicke, his head is a third part of all his bodies quantitie, his spacious mouth contayning a very great tongue, and all his finnes, which we call Whale finnes. These finnes are fastned or rooted in his vpper chap, and spread ouer his tongue on both sides his mouth, being in number about two hundred and fiftie on one side, and as many on the other side. The longest finnes are placed in the midst of his mouth, and the rest doe shorten by their proportionable degrees, backward and forwards, from ten or eleuen foot long to foure in∣ches in length,* 1.357 his eyes are not much bigger then an Oxes eyes, his body is in fashion almost [ 20] round forwards, growing on still narrower towards his tayle from his bellie, his tayl•• is about twentie foot broad, and of a tough solid substance, which we vse for blockes to chop the Blubber on (which yeelds Oyle) and of like nature are his two swimming finnes (and they grow for∣ward on him.)

This creature commeth oftentimes aboue water, spouting eight or nine times before he goeth downe againe, whereby he may be descried two or three leagues off. Then our Whale-killers presently rowe forth from the place where they stand to watch for him, making what haste they can to meet him: but commonly before they come neere him, he will be gone downe a∣gaine, and continue a good while before he riseth; so that sometimes they rowe past him. Yet are they very circumspect, euer looking round where they may espie him risen, or discerne his [ 30] way vnder water, which they call his Walke. When he is vp and the Shallops neere him, they rowe towards him very resolutely, as if they would force the Shallop vpon him, if hee went downe vnder water: but the Harponyre, who standeth vp in the head of the Boat, darteth his Harping-iron at the Whale with both his hands, so soone as he commeth within his reach; wher∣with the Whale being strucken, presently descendeth to the bottome, and therefore doe they reare out a rope of two hundred fathome, which is fastned to the Harping-iron, and lieth coy∣led in the Boat: And they let him haue as much of the rope as reacheth to the bottome, and when they perceiue him rising they hale in the rope to get neere him, and when the Whale commeth vp aboue water, then do the men lance him with their lances, either out of one Shallop or the other; for most commonly there bee two Shallops about the killing of one Whale. In [ 40] lancing him they strike neere to the finnes he swimmeth withall, and as lowe vnder water neere his bellie as conueniently they can:* 1.358 but when he is lanced, he friskes and strikes with his tayle so forcibly, that many times when hee hitteth a Shallop hee splitteth her in pieces; so that the men are relieued and taken in by another Shallop: and sometimes he striketh so fully vpon them, that some of the men are either maymed, or killed with his stroke. Therefore they who vnder∣take this businesse which is the principall thing in the Voyage, must not onely bee bold and reso∣lute, but also discreet and wary; otherwise their rash forwardnesse may preuent them of their expected conquest; considering they haue no shield to withstand the offended beast their enemy, but onely by a heedfull warinesse to auoide the receiuing of his dangerous stroke. Swimming is also requisite for a Whale-killer to be expert in, for it may be a meanes to saue his life, when [ 50] he hath lost his Boat, and another is not neere presently to helpe him.

The Whale hauing receiued his deadly wound, then he spouteth bloud (whereas formerly he cast forth water) and his strength beginneth to fayle him; but before he dieth, hee will some∣times draw the Shallop three or foure miles from the place where he was first stricken: and as he is a dying, he turneth his bellie vpwards, which lieth vppermost being dead. Then they fa∣sten a rope to his tayle, and with the Shallops, one made fast to another, they towe him towards the ship with his tayle foremost. Then doe they lay him crosse the sterne of the ship, where he is cut vp in this manner; two or three men in a Boat or Shallop come close to the side of the Whale, and hold the Boat fast there with a Boat-hooke; and another standing either in the Boat, or most commonly vpon the Whale, cutteth the fat (which we call Blubber) in square pieces with [ 60] a cutting Knife, three or foure foot long. Then to race it from the flesh, there is a Crane or Cap∣sten placed purposely vpon the poope of the ship, from whence there descendeth a rope with a hooke in it; this hooke is made to take hold on a piece of Blubber: and as the men winde the Capsten, so the cutter with his long knife looseth the fat from the flesh, euen as if the lard of a

Swine were to be cut off from the leane. When a piece is in order cut off, then let they lower the Crane, and let downe the Blubber to flote vpon the water, and make a hole in some part of it, putting a rope thorow it; and so they proceed to cut off more, fastning ten or twentie pie∣ces together to bee towed a shoare at one time, being made fast to the sterne of a Boat or Shallop. These pieces being thus brought vnto the shoare side, they are drawne by one and one vpon the shoare with an high Crane, or carried vp by two men on a Barrow vnto a Stage, there to be cut into small pieces about a foot long, but thin: then it is carried vnto the choppers by two boyes, with two little hand-hookes, taking in each hand a piece, and so they put it into half-tubs which stand behind the choppers, out of which the choppers take it vp; who stand at the side of a boat which is raised of an equall height fit for the furnace. And the boat being fitted with all [ 10] things necessarie for the choppers, they place the chopping blockes, which they make of the Whales tayle, and the Blubber is layd ready for them, as they vse it, in small pieces vpon the boord whereon they stand. Then the choppers take it vp with hand-hookes, and lay it on their blockes, and chop it in thin pieces (the thinner he cuts it, the better it is) and when it is chop∣ped, they put it off the blocke downe into the Shallop, with a short Paddle made like a Cole∣rake: and thus doe sixe or eight men stand chopping on the one side of the boat, and on the o∣ther side of the boat about two or three yards distant are the Furnaces and Coppers placed and heated. Then betweene the chopping boat and the Coppers, is layd a broad thicke planke, on which standeth a hogshead, which contayneth as much as is put into the Copper, at one time for one boyling, and the tub being emptied, is made to slide vnto the chopping boat againe, be∣ing [ 20] there filled with a copper ladle againe, and put into another Copper. When it is boyled enough, the small pieces of Blubber, which wee call Fritters, will looke browne as if they were fried. Then are they taken out with copper ladles, and some of the Oyle also with them, and put into a Barrow made close to dreyne the Oyle, which standeth ouer another Shallop, that is set on the back-side of the Furnace to receiue the Oyle in, and as soone as the Fritters are taken cleane out of the Copper, then presently is the tub of small Blubber emptied into the Copper againe to be also boyled.

The Boat into which the hot Oyle is put out of the Coppers, is euer kept halfe full of water, which doth not onely coole the Oyle before it runne into the Caske, but also is a cleanser of it from drosse, which descendeth to the bottome of the Boat. Out of the Oyle-boat doth the [ 30] Oyle runne thirtie or fortie yards in Troughs or Gutters, and so into Buts or Hogsheads, which being filled, is rolled off to coole, and another Caske layd to fill, and when there is any quan∣titie of Oyle made, it is carried aboord the ship in rafts. In this manner is the Oyle saued and prepared.

Now concerning the Whale Finnes,* 1.359 the Whales head being cut off from the body (as hee floteth at the sterne of the ship where hee is cut vp) is towed by a Boat as neere the shoare as it will come: but it is aground in twelue or thirteene foot water, then by crabes which are pla∣ced on land it is drawne on land, at seuerall times when the water is at highest, so neere the dry shoare, that men at a lowe water with their Boats on, cut off the Blubber and Finnes, which by the crabes are drawne on shoare, and the Finnes are with Axes, one seuered from another, and [ 40] being made cleane, are packed vp by fiftie in a bundle, and so shipped.

There are eight seuerall kinds of Whales, and differing the one from the other in goodnesse, quantitie and qualitie.* 1.360

The first sort of Whale is called the Grand-bay, taking his name from Grand-bay in New∣foundland, as hauing there beene first killed: he is blacke of colour, with a smooth skinne,* 1.361 and white vnderneath the chaps. This Whale is the best for Oyle and Finnes of all the rest (and doth yeeld most the elder it growes.) This sort of Whale doth yeeld about an hundred hogsheads of Oyle, and some fiue hundred Finnes.

The second sort of Whale is called Sarda, of the same colour as the former,* 1.362 but somewhat lesser, and the Finnes likewise lesser, and yeelds in Oyle according to his bignesse, sometimes se∣uentie [ 50] hogsheads, or eightie hogsheads. This Whale hath naturally growing vpon his backe, white things like vnto Barnacles.

The third sort of Whale is called Trumpa, being as long as the first, but thicker forwards,* 1.363 of colour more gray then the former, hauing but one spoute in his head, and the rest haue all two; he hath in his mouth teeth about a span long, and as thicke as a mans wrist, but no finnes▪ his head is bigger then the two former, and in proportion farre bigger then his bodie. In the head of this Whale is the Permesitie, which lieth there in a hole like a Well.* 1.364 This is the Whale that is supposed to yeeld the Ambergreese; There taken about fortie hogsheads of Oyle besides the Permesitie.

The fourth sort of Whale is called Otta Sotta, and is of the same colour of the Trumpa,* 1.365 hauing [ 60] finnes in his mouth all white, but not aboue halfe a yard long, being thicker then the Trumpa, but not so long: he yeelds the best Oyle, but not aboue thirtie hogsheads.

The fift sort of Whale is called Gibarta, of colour blacke like the two first,* 1.366 sauing that it hath standing vpon the top of his backe, a finne halfe a yard long. This Whale is as bigge

as the first; his fins little or nothing worth, being not aboue halfe a yard long: and hee yeel∣deth about twelue hogsheads of Oyle, all which his backe yeelds; as for his bellie it yeelds nothing at all.

* 1.367The sixt ••ort is called Sedeua, being of a whitly colour, and bigger then any of the former, the finnes not aboue one foot long, and he yeelds little or no Oyle.

* 1.368The seuenth is called Sedeua Negro, of colour blacke, with a bumpe on his backe; this Whale yeelds neither Oyle, finnes, nor teeth, and yet he is of a great bignesse.

* 1.369The eight sort is called Sewria, of colour as white as snow, of the bignesse of a Wherrie, he yeelds not aboue one hogshead or two of Oyle, nor any finnes, and is good meate to be eaten.

[ 10]

The description of Greenland.

* 1.370GReenland is a place in Nature nothing like vnto the Name: for certainly there is no place in the World, yet knowne and discouered that is lesse greene then it. It is couered with snow, both the Mountaines and the lower Lands, till about the beginning of Iune, being very Mountainous, and beareth neither grasse nor tree, saue onely such as grow vpon the Moores and heathie grounds, in the North parts of England, which we call Heath, or Ling. This groweth when the snow melteth, and when the ground beginneth to be vncouered. And on this doe the Deere feed in the Summer time, and become very fat therewithall in a moneths space, but how [ 20] they liue in the Winter time it is not easily to be imagined. For seeing at the end of May wee find the ground all couered with snow, it is very like, that in the time of Winter there is no part bare, where any thing can grow; especially during the time that the Sunne is altogether depressed vnder the horizon, which in the latitude of 77. degrees, continueth from the eighteenth of October till the fourth of Februarie. This Countrey by all probabilities hath neuer been inha∣bited by any people; notwithstanding, I thinke men might liue there, carrying thither good store of prouision of victuals, and other things necessary against the cold, which perhaps will be ve∣hement in the Winter time, by the former reasons; namely, because the Sunne remayneth so long vnder the Horizon.

Neuerthelesse, there will not be any continuance of darknesse, because the Sunne in his grea∣test [ 30] declination will be but 10. degrees vnder the Horizon, at this time of his being in the South of the Meridian in the former latitude of 77. degrees, which is once in foure and twentie houres; and therefore the time of their Noone will bee much lighter then our Night here in England, when the dayes are at the longest; for then is the Sunne 15. degrees vnder the Horizon at mid∣night, and yet the greatest darknesse is but like twi-light. And although it bee a generall saying, and a common receiued opinion, that the further North the greater cold, yet experience tea∣cheth, that it is not alwaies true. For at M••sco, and thereabouts in the Winter time, there is ex∣treme frosts and cold weather, insomuch that oftentimes men are brought home dead, being starued with cold; and many haue their noses and eares caused to fall off, through the extremity of the piercing aire: yet at Edenborrow, which is more Northerly by one degree and an halfe, [ 40] and in all places neere vnto it the aire is temperate, and the cold tolerable, the snow neuer lying any long time on the ground after it is fallen. Notwithstanding, wee haue snow remayning all the yeere long in diuers places of England, but the reason of this is, because the aire is euer war∣mest neere vnto the Sea shoare,* 1.371 (as Edenborrow standeth) and contrariwise the cold is most ve∣hement in places which are farthest remote from the Sea, as Mosco is situated.

All the Creatures that appeare vnto vs vpon the Land, are Deere, Beares, and Foxes, and sun∣drie sorts of wilde Fowle, as Cuthbert Duckes, Willockes, Stints, Sea-pigeons, Sea-parrets, Gulls, Noddies, &c. The Author addes a discourse of sending condemned men to inhabite there, with diuers proiects for their seruice there, for the further discouerie how best to bee effected, for such things as are most necessary for this employment of Whale-killing, &c. but because experience hath gi∣uen best instructions already, and destructions must otherwise be preuented, I haue forborne to detayne [ 50] the Reader in those (otherwise iudicious) speculations.

The Southermost part of Greenland stands in 76. degrees 30. minutes, which wee call, Point Looke out, and we haue discouered all the West side of the Land as farre vnto the Northwards as 80▪ degrees odde minutes: in which compasse wee haue already experience of sixe or eight good Harbours for the killing of the Whale; and on the East side we haue discouered as farre as 78. degrees, finding diuers Ilands, great and small, yeelding good Harbours, and store of Whales, and Sea-horses; and for a further discouery on the East side, I am perswaded it had beene farre greater, if the Dutch had not so disturbed vs in our proceedings, as also the Hull-men, who euer practised to follow our steps, after the discouerie within one yeere or two: as by our Masters Iournall more at large may appeare. The best actions haue their hindrances and crosses, and so [ 60] hath this had; for, the Dutch haue beene a bane to this Trade and Discouerie: The Hull-men haue done some bad seruice in this Action, for they were the first that carried the Dutch to the Tutches, as by Wi••••••dens Oath and Iournall appeares, they were also a cause of that bad Voyage,

[illustration]

[illustration]

A Whale is ordinarly about 60 foote longe

[illustration]

When the whale comes aboue water y^e shallop rowes towards him and being within reach of him the harpoiner darts his harpingiron at him out of both his hands and being fast they lance him to death

[illustration]

The whale is cut up as hee lyes floating crosse the stearne of a shipp the blubber is cut from the flesh by peeces 3 or 4 foote long and being rased is rowed on shore towards the coppers

[illustration]

They place 2. or 3. coppers on a r•••• and y^e chopping boat on the one side and the cooling boate on the other side to receiue y^e oyle of y^e coppers, the chopt blubber being boyled is taken 〈◊〉〈◊〉 out of the coppers and put in wiker baskets or barowes throwgh w^ch the oyle is dreaned and run̄es into y^e cooler w^ch is fall of water out of w^ch it is convaied by troughs into buts or hogsheads

[illustration]

The manner of killing y^e Seamorces

[illustration]

[illustration]

The manner of kill•••••• beres

[illustration] map of Greenland

[illustration]

The Seamorce is in quantity as bigg as an oxe

[illustration]

When the whale is killed hee is in this man{er} towed to the shipps by twoe or three shal∣lops made fast one to another

[illustration]

The peeces of blubber are towed to the shore side by a shallop and drawne on shore by a crane or caried by twoe menn on a barrowe to y^e twoe cutters w^ch cutts them the breadt^h of a trencher and very thin̄e & by twoe boys are caried w^th handhooks to y^e choppers

[illustration]

Thus they make cleane and scrape y^e whale fins

[illustration]

A tent and Coopers at worke

to vs in 1618. in that they animated the Flemmings to come backe to Greenland againe, as ap∣peareth in this Iournall, in the yeere 1617. they haue done some other ill seruices against vs as well as the Dutch, but in regard they are our Countrey-men, I will omit and wish their amend∣ment, and pray to God to send a good and further Discouery to bee made in these Northerne parts. Amen.

REader, I present thee here three admirable Voyages of Discouery made by the Dutch, no whit en∣uying their due prayse, but honouring their worthy Acts and Arts. They haue formerly beene pub∣lished in Dutch, and translated by W. Philip. I haue heere abbreuiated them, as my vse is with others, [ 10] to auoid prolixitie. The Dutch themselues * 1.372 write that after the English Russian Trade, one Oliuer Bunell moued with hope of gaine, went from Enckhuysen to Pechora, where he lost all by shipwracke, hauing discouered Costinsarca in Noua Zemla. These Nauigations of the English, and that of Bu∣nell, and the hopes of China and Cathay, caused the States Generall to send forth two shippes vnder the command of Hugo Linschoten, to the Streights of Wey-gates, and two others vnder William Ber∣nards, by the perswasion of P. Plancius to goe right Northwards from Noua Zemla. Linschot went fiftie miles beyond the Streights, the Northerly winds, and late season forcing him backe. Bernards Iournall here followeth, of that and his two later Voyages, the two later written by one employed therein.

[ 20]

CHAP. III. The first Nauigation of WILLIAM BARENTS, alias BER∣NARDS into the North Seas; Written by G••∣RAT de VEER.

IT is a most certayne and an assured Assertion, that nothing doth more benefit and further the Common-wealth (specially these Countryes) then the art and know∣ledge of Nauigation, in regard that such Countreyes and Nations as are strong [ 30] and mightie at Sea, haue the meanes and ready way to draw, fetch, and bring vnto them for their mayntenance, all the principallest commodities and fruits of the Earth.

In these Nauigations we must not be dismayed if some mislike, or if we cannot perfect a Dis∣couery in the first, second, or third Voyage. Alexander Magnus (after he had wonne all Grecia,* 1.373 and from thence entred into little and great Asia; and comming to the farthest parts of India, there found some difficultie to passe) said, If wee had not gone forward, and persisted in our in∣tent, which other men esteemed and held to be impossible, we had stil remayned and stayed in the entry of Cicilia, where as now we haue ouer-runne and past through all those large and spacious Countreyes: for nothing is found and effected all at one time, neyther is any thing that is put in [ 40] practice, presently brought to an end. To the which end, Cicero wisely saith; God hath giuen vs some things, and not all things, that our Successors also might haue some-what to doe. There∣fore we must not leaue off, nor stay our pretence in the middle of our proceedings, as long as there is any commoditie to be hoped, and in time to bee obtayned: for that the greatest and ri∣chest Treasures are hardliest to be found. I thought good to set downe, in regard that I haue vn∣dertaken to describe the three Voyages made into the North Seas, in three yeeres, one after the other; behind Norwary, and along and about Muscouia, towards the Kingdome of Cathaia, and China: whereof, the two last, I my selfe holpe to effect; and yet brought them not to the desired end that we well hoped.

First, to shew our diligent, and most toylesome labour and paines taken,* 1.374 to find out the right [ 50] course; which we could not bring to passe, as wee well hoped, wished, and desired, and possible might haue found it, by crossing the Seas, if we had taken the right course; if the Ice & the short∣nesse of time, and bad crosses had not hindered vs. We haue assuredly found, that the onely and most hinderance to our Voyage, was the Ice that we found about Noua Zembla, vnder 73.74.75. and 76. degrees, and not so much vpon the Sea betweene both the Lands: whereby it appea∣reth, that not the neerenesse of the North-pole, but the Ice that commeth in and out from the Tartarian Sea, about Noua Zembla, caused vs to feele the greatest cold. Therefore in regard that the neerenesse of the Pole was not the cause of the great cold that wee felt, if wee had had the meanes to haue held our appointed and intended course into the North-east, we had peraduen∣ture found some entrance: which course wee could not hold from Noua Zembla, because that [ 60] there we entred amongst great store of Ice▪ and how it was about Noua Zembla, we could not tel, before we had sought it; and when we had sought it, we could not then alter our course, although also it is vncertayn, what we should haue done, if we had continued in our North-east course, be∣cause it is not yet found out. But it is true, that in the Countrey lying vnder 80. degrees, (which we esteeme to be Greenland) there is both Leaues and Grasse to be seene: Wherein, such Beasts

as feed of Leaues and Grasse (as Harts, Hinds, and such like beasts liue, whereas to the contra∣ry in Noua Zembla, there groweth neyther Leaues nor Grasse, and there are no beasts therein but such as eate flesh, as Beares and Foxes, &c. Although Noua Zembla lyeth 4.5. and 6. de∣grees more Southerly from the Pole,* 1.375 then the other Land aforesaid. It is also manifest, that vp∣on the South and North-side of the Line of the Sunne on both sides, betweene both the Tro∣picks, vnder 23. degrees and an halfe, yet it is as hot, as it is right vnder the Line. What won∣der then should it be, that about the North-pole also, and as many degrees on both sides, it should not be colder then right vnder the Pole? It was not the Sea, nor the neerenesse vnto the Pole, but the Ice about the Land, that let and hindered vs (as I said before) for that assoone as we made from the Land, and put more into the Sea, although it was much further Northward, presently [ 10] we felt more warmth,* 1.376 and in that opinion our Pilot William Barents dyed, who notwithstanding the fearefull and intolerable cold that he indured, yet he was not discouraged, but offered to lay wagers with diuers of vs, that by Gods helpe, hee would bring that pretended Voyage to an end, if he held his course North-east from the North Cape. But I will leaue that, and shew you of the three Voyages aforesaid, begunne and set forth by the permission and furtherance of the Generall States of the vnited Prouinces, and of Prince Maurice, as Admirall of the Sea, and the rich Towne of Amsterdam.

First, you must vnderstand, that in Anno 1594. there was foure ships set forth out of the v∣nited Prouinces, whereof two were of Amsterdam; one of Zelandt, and one of Enckhuysen, that were appointed to sayle into the North Seas, to discouer the Kingdomes of Cathaia, and China; [ 20] Northward from Norway, Muscouia, and about Tartaria, whereof William Barents, a notable skilfull and wise Pilot,* 1.377 was Commander ouer the ships of Amsterdam, and with them vpon Whit-sunday, departed from Amsterdam, and went to the Texell.

Vpon the fifth of Iune they sayled out of the Texel, and hauing a good wind and faire wea∣ther, vpon the three and twentieth of Iune, they arriued at Rilduin in Muscouia, which for that it is a place well knowne and a common Voyage,* 1.378 I will make no further description there∣of. The nine and twentieth of Iune, at foure of the clocke in the after-noone, they set sayle out of Kilduin.

The fourth of Iuly they saw Noua Zembla, lying South-east and by East six or seuen miles from them, where they had blacke durtie ground at one hundred and fiue fathome. William Ba∣rents [ 30] tooke the height of the Sunne with his Crosse-staffe, when it was at the lowest, that is betweene North North-east, and East and by North, and found it to be eleuated aboue the Hori∣zon six degrees and 1/••. part, his declination being 12. degrees and 55. minutes, from whence sub∣stracting the aforesaid height, there resteth sixteenth degrees and 35. minutes, which being sub∣stracted from 90. degrees, there resteth 73. degrees and 25. minutes. Then they woond East-ward and sayled fiue miles, East and by South, and East South-east, and past by a long point of Land that lay out into the Sea,* 1.379 which they named Langenes, and hard by that point East-ward, there was a great Bay, where they went a Land with their Boat, but found no people. From Langenes to Cape Bapo, East North-east it is foure miles. From Cape Bapo to the West point of Lombsbay North-east and by North are fiue miles, and betweene them both there are two [ 40] Creeks.* 1.380 Lombsbay is a great wide Bay, on the West-side thereof hauing a faire Hauen, six, seuen, or eight fathome deepe, blacke sand, there they went on shoare with their Boat, and vpon the shoare placed a Beacon, made of an old Mast which they found there; calling the Bay Lombsbay, because of a certayne kind of Beares so called, which they found there in great abundance. The East point of Lombsbay, is a long narrow point, and by it there lyeth an Iland, and from that long point to Sea-ward in, there is a great Creeke. This Lombsbay lyeth vnder 74. degrees and 1/••. part. From Lombsbay to the point of the Admirals Iland,* 1.381 they sayled six or seuen miles, North-east and by North. The Admirals Iland is not very faire on the East-side, but a farre off very flat, so that you must shunne it long before you come at it, it is also very vneuen, for at one casting of the Lead they had ten fathome deepe, and presently at another casting of the Lead they had but [ 50] six fathome, and presently after that againe ten, eleuen, and twelue fathome, the streame run∣ning hard against the Flats.* 1.382

From the East-end of the Admirals Iland, to Cape Negro, that is the Blacke point, they sayled about fiue or six miles, East North-east, and a mile without the Blacke point it i•• seuenty fathome deepe, the ground slimy, as vpon Pamphius, right East-ward of the Blacke point, there are two sharpe pointed Hils in the Creeke, that are easie to be knowne. The sixt of Iuly, the Sunne being North,* 1.383 they come right before the Blacke point with faire weather, this Blacke point lyeth vnder 75. degrees and 20. minutes. From the Blacke point to Williams Iland, they sayled seuen or eight miles, East North-east, and betweene them both about halfe a mile, there lay a small Iland.

The seuenth of Iuly they sayled from Williams Iland, and then William Barents tooke the [ 60] height of the Sunne, with his Crosse-staffe, and found it to be eleuated aboue the Horizon in the South-west and by South 53. degrees and 6. minutes, his declination being 22. degrees and 49. minutes, which being added to 53. degrees and 6. minutes, make 75. degrees and 55. minutes. This is the right height of the Pole of the said Iland. In this Iland they found great store of

Driftwood, and many Sea-horses being a kind of fish that keepeth in the Sea,* 1.384 hauing very great teeth, which at this day are vsed in stead of Iuory or Elephants Teeth, there also is a good Road for ships, at twelue and thirteene fathome deepe against all winds, except it bee West South-west, and West-winds, and there they found a piece of a Russia ship, and that day they had the wind East North-east, mistie weather.

The ninth of Iuly they entred into Beeren-fort, vpon the Road vnder Williams Iland,* 1.385 and there they found a white Beare, which they perceiuing, presently entred into their Boat, and shot her into the bodie with a Musket, but the Beare shewed most wonderfull strength, which almost is not to be found in any beast, for no man euer heard the like to bee done by any Lion or cruell beast whatsoeuer: for notwithstanding that she was shot into the bodie, yet she leapt vp, and [ 10] swamme in the water, the men that were in the Boat rowing after her, cast a Rope about her necke, and by that meanes drew her at the sterne of the Boat, for that not hauing seene the like Beare before, they thought to haue carryed her aliue in the ship, and to haue shewed her for a strange wonder in Holland; but she vsed such force, that they were glad that they were rid of her, and contented themselues with her skinne only, for shee made such a noyse, and stroue in such sort, that it was admirable, wherewith they let her rest and gaue her more scope, with the Rope that they held her by, and so drew her in that sort after them, by that meanes to wearie her: meane-time, William Barents made neerer to her, but the Beare swamme to the Boat, and with her fore-feet got hold of the sterne thereof, which William Barents perceiuing, said, she will there rest her selfe, but she had another meaning, for she vsed such force, that at last she had gotten [ 20] halfe her body into the Boat, wherewith the men were so abashed, that they ranne into the fur∣ther end of the Boat, and thought verily to haue beene spoyled by her, but by a strange meanes they were deliuered from her, for that the Rope that was about her necke, caught hold vpon the hooke of the Ruther, whereby the Beare could get no further, but so was held backe, and hang∣ing in that manner, one of the men boldly stept forth from the end of the Scute, and thrust her into the bodie with a halfe-pike; and therewith shee fell downe into the water, and so they rowed forward with her to the shippe, drawing her after them, till shee was in a manner dead, wherewith they killed her out-right, and hauing slayed her, brought the skin to Amsterdam.

The twentieth of Iuly, they sayled out of Beeren-fort from Williams Iland,* 1.386 and the same day in the morning got to the Iland of Crosses, and there went on Land with their Pinnasse, and [ 30] found the Iland to be barren, and full of Cliffes and Rocks, in it there was a small Hauen, where∣into they rowed with their Boat. This Iland is about halfe a mile long, and reacheth East and West; on the West end it hath a banke, about a third part of a mile long, and at the East end also another banke, vpon this Iland there standeth two great Crosses, the Iland lyeth about two long miles from the firme Land, and vnder the East-end thereof there is a good Road, at sixe and twentie fathome soft ground; and somewhat closer to the Iland on the Strand, at nine fathome sandie ground.

From the Iland of Crosses to the point of Cape Nassaw, they sayled East,* 1.387 and East and by North about eight miles; it is a long flat point which you must be carefull to shunne, for there∣abouts at seuen fathome there were flats or shoales, very farre from the Land; it lyeth almost vn∣der [ 40] 76. degrees and a halfe. From the West end of Williams Iland, to the Iland with the Crosses is three miles, the course North. From Nassaw point they sayled East and by South, and East South-east fiue miles, and then they thought that they saw Land in North-east, and by East, and sayled towards it fiue miles North-east to descrie it, thinking it to bee another Land, that lay Northward from Noua Zembla, but it began to blow so hard out of the West, that they were forced to take in their Marsaile, and yet the wind rose in such manner, that they were forced to take in all their Sayles, and the Sea went so hollow, that they were constrayned to driue sixteene houres together, without sayle, eight or nine miles East North-east.

The eleuenth of Iuly their Boat was by a great waue of the Sea sunke to the ground, and by that meanes they lost it, and after that they draue without sayles fiue miles, East and by South; [ 50] at last the Sunne being almost South-east, the wind came about to the North-west, and then the weather began somewhat to cleere vp, but yet it was very mistie. Then they hoysed vp their sayles againe and sayled foure miles till night, that the Sunne was North and by East, and there they had sixtie fathome deepe, muddie ground, and then they saw certayne flakes of Ice, at which time vpon the twelfth of Iuly they woond West, and held North-west, and sayled a∣bout a mile with mistie weather, and a North-west wind, and sayled vp and downe West South-west three or foure miles, to see if they could find their Boat againe: after that they woond a∣gaine with the wind, and sayled foure miles South-east, till the Sunne was South-west, and then they were close by the Land of Noua Zembla, that lay East and by North, and West and by [ 60] South; from thence they woond ouer againe till noone, and sayled three miles, North and by West, and then till the Sunne was North-west, they held North-west and by North three miles, then they woond East-ward and sayled foure or fiue miles North-east and by East.

The thirteenth of Iuly at night, they found great store of Ice, as much as they could descry out of the top, that lay as if it had beene a plaine field of Ice, then they woond Westward ouer from the Ice.

The seuenteenth of Iuly, William Barents tooke the height of the Sunne with his Astrola∣bium, and then they were vnder 77. degrees and a ¼. of the Pole, and sayled Southward six miles, and perceiued the firme Land, lying South from them. Then they sayled till the nineteenth of Iuly in the morning, West South-west sixe or seuen miles, with a North-west winde, and mistie weather, and after that South-west and South-west and by West seuen miles, the Sunne being 77. degrees 5. minutes lesse. Then they sayled two miles South-west, and were close by the land of Noua Zembla, about Cape Nassaw.

The fiue and twentieth of Iuly, they were so inclosed about with flakes of Ice, that out of the top they could not discerne any thing beyond it, and sought to get through the Ice, but they could not passe beyond it. At night, they tooke the height of the Sunne, when it was at the [ 10] lowest betweene North and North-east, and North-east and by North, it being eleuated aboue the Horizon 6. degrees, and ¾. his Declination being 19. degrees 50. minutes, now take 6. de∣grees ¾. from 19. degrees and 50. minutes, and there resteth 13. degrees 5. minutes, which sub∣stracted from 90. there resteth 77. degrees lesse 5. minutes.

The sixe and twentieth of Iuly in the morning, they sayled sixe miles South South-east, till the Sunne was South-west, and then South-east sixe miles, and were within a mile of the land of Noua Zembla,* 1.388 and came againe to Cape Trust.

The eight and twentieth of Iuly, the height of the Sun being taken at noone with the Astro∣labium, it was found to be eleuated aboue the Horizon 57. degrees and 6. minutes, her Declination being 19. degrees and 18. minutes, which in all is 76. degrees and 24. minutes, they being then a∣bout [ 20] foure miles from the land of Noua Zembla, that lay all couered ouer with Snow, the wea∣ther being cleare, and the winde East.

The nine and twentieth of Iuly, the height of the Sun being taken with the Crosse-staffe, A∣strolabium & Quadrant, they found it to be eleuated aboue the Horizon 32. degrees, her declinati∣on being 19. degrees, which substracted from 32. there resteth 13. degrees of the Equator, which being substracted from 90. there rested 77. degrees, and then the nearest North point of Noua Zembla,* 1.389 called the Ice point, lay right East from them. There they found certaine Stones that gli∣stered like gold, which for that cause they named Gold-stones, and there also they had a faire Bay with sandie ground.

Vpon the same day they woond Southward againe, and sayled South-east two miles be∣tweene [ 30] the Land and the Ice, and after that from the Ice point East, and to the Southward sixe miles to the Ilands of Orange;* 1.390 and there they laboured forward betweene the Land and the Ice, with faire still weather, and vpon the one and thirtieth of Iuly got to the Ilands of Orange. And there went to one of those Ilands,* 1.391 where they found about two hundred Walrushen, or Sea-hor∣ses, lying vpon the shoare to bast themselues in the Sunne. This Sea-horse is a wonderfull strong Monster of the Sea, much bigger then an Oxe, which keepes continually in the Seas, hauing a skin like a Sea-calfe or Seale, with very short hayre, mouthed like a Lion, and many times they lye vpon the Ice; they are hardly killed vnlesse you strike them just vpon the forehead, it hath foure Feet, but no Eares, and commonly it hath one or two young ones at a time. And when the Fisher-men chance to finde them vpon a flake of Ice with their young ones, shee casteth her [ 40] young ones before her into the water, and then takes them in her Armes and so plungeth vp and downe with them, and when shee will reuenge her-selfe vpon the Boates, or make resistance a∣gainst them, then she casts her young ones from her againe, and with all her force goeth towards the Boate (whereby our men were once in no small danger, for that the Sea-horse had almost stricken her teeth into the sterne of their Boate) thinking to ouer-throw it, but by meanes of the great crie that the men made, she was afraid, and swomme away againe, and tooke her young ones againe in her armes. They haue two teeth sticking out of their mouthes, on each side one, each being about halfe an Ell long, and are esteemed to bee as good as any Iuorie or Elephants teeth, specially in Muscouia, Tartaria, and thereabouts where they are knowne, for they are as white, hard, and euen as Iuorie. [ 50]

The Sea-horses that lay bathing themselues vpon the Land, our men supposing that they could not defend themselues being out of the water, went on shoare to assaile them, and fought with them, to get their Teeth that are so rich, but they brake all their Hatchets, Cuttle-axes, and Pikes in pieces, and could not kill one of them, but strucke some of their Teeth out of their mouthes, which they tooke with them: and when they could get nothing against them by fighting, they agreed to goe aboord the Ship, to fetch some of their great Ordnance, to shoot at them therewith; but it began to blow so hard, that it rent the Ice into great pieces, so that they were forced not to doe it, and therewith they found a great white Beare that slept, which they shot into the bodie, but shee ranne away, and entred into the water; the men following her with their Boate, and killed her out-right, and then drew her vpon the Ice, and so sticking a halfe-pike [ 60] vpright, bound her fast vnto it, thinking to fetch her when they came back againe, to shoot at the Sea-horses with their Ordnance, but for that it began more and more to blow, and the Ice there∣with brake in peeces, they did nothing at all.

After that, William Barents finding that hee could hardly get through, to accomplish and end

his pretended Voyage, his men also beginning to bee wearie, and would sayle no further, they all together agreed to returne backe againe, to meet with the other Ships that had taken their course to the Wey-gates, or the Straights of Nassaw, to know what Discoueries they had made there.* 1.392 The first of August they turned their course to sayle backe againe from the Ilands of Orange; There William Barents tooke the height of the Sunne, it being vnder 71. degrees and ••/3. and there they found a great Creeke,* 1.393 which William Barents judged to bee the place where Oliuer Brunel had beene before, called Costin••sarch. From the Blacke Iland they sayled South, and South and by East to another small point three miles, on which point there stood a Crosse,* 1.394 and therefore they called it the Crosse-point, there also was a flat Bay and low water, fiue, six, or seuen fadome deepe [ 10] soft ground. From Crosse-point they sayled along by the land South South-east foure miles,* 1.395 and then came to another small point, which behind it had a great Cr••eke, that reached Eastward: This point they called the fifth point, or Saint Laurence point. From the fifth point they sayled to the Sconce point three miles, South South-east, and there lay a long blacke Rocke close by the land, whereon there stood a Crosse; then they entred into the Ice againe, and put inward to the Sea because of the Ice. Their intent was to sayle along the coast of Noua Zembla to the Wey-gates, but by reason that the Ice met them, they woond Westward, and from the ninth of August in the Eeuening, till the tenth of August in the Morning, sayled West and by North eleuen miles, and after that foure miles West North-west, and North-west and by West, the winde being North; in the Morning they woond Eastward againe, and sayled vntill Eeuening ten miles East, and [ 20] East and by South; after that East, and East and by North foure miles, and there they saw land, and were against a great Creeke, where with their Boate they went on land, and there found a faire Hauen fiue fathome deepe, sandie ground. This Creeke on the North side hath three blacke points, and about the three points lyeth the road, but you must keepe somewhat from the third point, for it is stonie, and betweene the second and third point there is another faire Bay, for North-west, North, and North-east windes, blacke sandie ground.* 1.396 This Bay they called Saint Laurence Bay, and there they tooke the height of the Sunne, which was 70. degrees and ••/4.

From Saint Laurence Bay, South South-east two miles to Sconce point,* 1.397 there lay along blacke Rocke close by the land, whereon there stood a Crosse, there they went on Land with their Boat, and perceiued that some men had beene there, and that they were fled to saue themselues, [ 30] for there they found sixe Sackes with Rye-meale buried in the ground, and a heape of stones by the Crosse, and a Bullet for a great Piece, and thereabouts also there stood another Crosse, with three Houses made of wood, after the North Countrey manner: and in the houses they found many barrels of Pike-stanes, whereby they conjectured, that there they vsed to take Salmons, and by them stood fiue or six Coffins, by Graues, with dead mens bones, the Coffins standing vp∣on the ground all filled vp with stones; there also lay a broken Russia ship, the Keele thereof be∣ing fortie foure foot long, but they could see no man on the Land: it is a faire Hauen for all winder, which they called the Meale-hauen, because of the Meale that they found there. From the blacke Rocke or Cliffe with the Crosse, two miles South South-east, there lay a low Iland a little into the Sea; from whence they sayled nine or ten miles South South-east, there the height [ 40] of the Sunne was 70. degrees and 50. minutes, when it was South South-west. From that Iland they sayled along by the Land foure miles South-east and by South, there they came to two Ilands, whereof the vttermost lay a mile from the Land: those Ilands they called Saint Clara.

Then they entred into the Ice againe, and woond inward to the Sea in the wind, and sayled from the Iland vntill Eeuening, West South-west foure miles, the wind being North-west; that Eeuening it was very mistie, and then they had eightie fathome deepe.

Then againe they sayled South-west and by West, and West South-west three miles, there they had seuentie fathome deepe, and so sayled till the thirteenth of August in the morning, South-west and by West foure miles, two houres before they had ground at fiftie sixe fathome, and in the morning at fortie fiue fathome, soft muddie ground. Then they woond from the land and sayled North, and North and by East foure miles, from thence they woond to land againe, [ 50] and sayled till the fourteene of August, fiue or sixe miles South-west, sayling close by the land, which (as they ghesse) was the Iland of Colgoyen.* 1.398

August the fifteenth, the Sun being South-west, William Barents tooke the height thereof, and found it to bee eleuated aboue the Horizon 35. degrees, his Declination being 14. degrees and ¼. so that as there wanted 55. degrees of 90. which 55. and 14. degrees ¼. being both added together, made 69. Degrees 15. Minutes, which was the height of the Pole in that place, the wind being North-west, then they sayled two miles more Eastward,* 1.399 and came to the Ilands called Matfloe and Delgoy, and there in the morning they met with the other Ships of their companie, being of Zelandt and Enck-huysen, that came out of Wey-gates the same day, there they shewed each other where they had beene, and how farre each of them had sayled and discouered.

[ 60] The Ship of Enck-huysen had past the Straights of Wey-gates, and said, that at the end of Wey-gates hee had found a large Sea, and that they had sayled fiftie or sixtie miles further Eastward, and were of opinion that they had beene about the Riuer Obi, that commeth out of Tartaria, and that the Land of Tartaria reacheth North-eastward againe from thence, whereby they thought

that they were not farre from Cape Tabin, which is the point of Tartaria, that reacheth towards the Kingdome of Cathai, North-east and then Southward, and so thinking that they had Disco∣uered enough for that time, and that it was too late in the yeere to sayle any further, as also that their Commission was to discouer the scituation, and to come home againe before Winter, they turned againe towards the Wey-gates, and came to an Iland about fiue miles great, lying South-east from Wey-gates on the Tartarian side,* 1.400 and called it the States Iland, there they found many Stones that were of Christall Mountayne, being a kind of Diamond.

When they were met together, as I sayd before, they made signes of joy, discharging some of their Ordnance, and were merrie, the other Ships thinking that William Barents had sayled round about Noua Zembla, and had come backe againe through the Wey-gates: and after they had [ 10] shewed each other what they had done, and made signes of joy for their meeting, they set their course to turne backe againe for Holland, and vpon the sixteenth of August they went vnder the Ilands of Matfloe and Delgoy, and put into the road, because the wind was North-west, and lay till the eighteenth of August. Then they set sayle, and came to the Texel the sixteenth of September.

CHAP. IIII. A briefe Declaration of BARENTS his second Nauigation, made in Anno [ 20] 1595. behinde Norway, Muscouia, and Tartaria, written by GERAT DE VEER.

THe foure Ships aforesaid, being returned home about Haruest-time, in Anno 1594. they were in good hope that the Voyage aforesaid would bee done, by passing along the Straights of Wey-gates, and specially by the report made by the two Ships of Zelandt, and Enck-huysen, wherein Iohn Huyghen of Linschoten was Com∣mittee, who declared the manner of their trauell in such sort, that the Generall States and Prince Maurice resolued, in the beginning of the next yeere to pre∣pare [ 30] certayne Ships, not onely (as they went before) to discouer the passage, but to send certayn Wares and Merchandizes thither, wherein the Merchants might lade what Wares they would, with certaine Factors to sell the said Wares, in such places as they should arriue, neither paying Fraight nor Custome. Peter Plantius a learned Cosmographer, being a great furtherer and setter forward of this Voyage, and was their chiefe Instructer therein, setting downe the scituation of the Coasts of Tartaria, Cathaia, & China; but how they lye it is not yet sufficiently Discouered, for that the courses and rules by him set downe, were not fully effected, by meanes of some in∣conueniences that fell out, which by reason of the shortnesse of time could not bee holpen.

In Anno 1595. the Generall States of the vnited Prouinces, and Prince Maurice, caused seuen Ships to bee prepared to sayle through the Wey-gates, or the Straights of Nassaw, to the King∣dome [ 40] of Cathaia and China: two out of Amsterdam, two out of Zelandt, two out of Enck-huysen, and one out of Rotterdam: sixe of them laden with diuers kindes of Wares, Merchandizes, and with Money and Factors, to sell the said Wares; the seuenth being a Pinnasse, that had Com∣mission, when the other Ships were past about the Cape de Tabin (which is the furthest point of Tartaria) or so farre, that they might sayle forth Southward, without any let or hinderance of the Ice, to turne backe againe, and to bring newes thereof: and I being in William Barents Ship that was our chiefe Pilot,* 1.401 and Iames Hemskerke chiefe Factor, thought good to write downe the same in order, as it is hereafter declared, as I did the first Voyage, according to the course and stretching of the Land as it lyeth.

First, after we had beene mustered at Amsterdam, and euery man taken an Oath, that was then [ 50] purposely ministred vnto vs; vpon the eighteene of Iune wee sayled to the Texel, from thence to put to Sea, with other Ships that were appointed to meet vs at a certayne day; and so to be∣gin our Voyage in the name of God. The second of Iuly wee set sayle out of the Texel. The fifth of August, the North Cape lay about two miles East from vs, and when the Sunne was North-west, the Mother and her Daughters lay Southward from vs foure miles.

The seuenteenth, wee saw great store of Ice, all along the Coast of Noua Zembla, and casting out the Lead, had 75. fathom soft ground. After that we held diuers courses because of the Ice, and sayled South-east and by East, & South South-east, for the space of eighteene miles, till the eigh∣teenth of August, when the Sunne was East, and then we cast out the lead againe, and found 30. fathome soft ground, and within two houres after that, fathome, red sand, with small shelles: [ 60] three Glasses after that we had ground at twentie fathome, red sand, with blacke shels, as before: then wee saw two Ilands, which they of Enck-huysen gaue the names of Prince Maurice, and his Brother, which lay from vs South-east three miles, being low Land, and then wee sayled eight miles, till the Sun was South. Then we sayled East, and oftentimes casting out the lead, we found

twentie, nineteene, eighteene, and seuenteene fathome deep, good ground mixed with black shels, and saw the Wey-gates (the Sunne being West) which lay East North-east from vs about fiue miles, and after that we sayled about eight miles.

Then we sayled vnder 70. degrees, vntill we came to the Wey-gates, most part through bro∣ken Ice, and when we got to Wey-gates, we cast out our Lead, and for a long time found thirteene and fourteene fathome, soft ground, mixed with blacke shels, not long after that we cast out the Lead and found ten fathome deepe, the wind being North, and we forced to hold stifly aloofe, in regard of the great quantitie of Ice, till about mid-night, then were forced to wind Northward, because of certaine Rocks that lay on the Southside of Wey-gates, right before vs, about a mile and a halfe, hauing ten fathome deepe: then we changed our course, and sayled West North-west for [ 10] the space of foure Glasses, after that we woond about againe East, and East and by South, and so entred into VVey-gates, and as wee went in, wee cast out the Lead, and found seuen fathome deepe, little more or lesse, till the nineteenth of August, and then the Sunne being South-east, we entred into the VVey-gates, in the Road, the wind being North.* 1.402 The right Channell betweene the Image point and the Samuters Land was full of Ice, so that it was not well to bee past tho∣row, and so we went into the Road (which we called the Traen Bay, because we found store of Traen-oyle there, this is a good Bay for the course of the Ice, and good almost for all winds, and we may sayle so farre into it as we will, at foure, fiue, and three fathome, good Anchor-ground, on the East side it is deepe water.

The twentieth of August, the height of the Sunne being taken with the Crosse-staffe, wee [ 20] found that it was eleuated aboue the Horizon 69. degrees 21. minutes, when it was South-west and by South, being at the highest, or before it beganne to descend. The one and twentieth of August, we went on Land within the VVey-gates with foure and fiftie men,* 1.403 to see the situation of the Countrey, and being two miles within the Land we found many Vel-werck, Traen, and such like Wares, and diuers foot-steps of men, and Deere; whereby wee perceiued that some men dwelt there abouts, or else vsed to come thither. And to assure vs the more thereof, wee might perceiue it by the great number of Images, which we found there vpon the Image or Beelthooke,* 1.404 (so called by vs) in great abundance, whereof ten dayes after wee were better informed by the Samuters and the Russians, when wee spake with them. And when wee entred further into the Land, we vsed all the meanes we could, to see if we could find any houses or men, by whom we [ 30] might be informed of the situation of the Sea there abouts, whereof afterward we had better in∣telligence by the Samuters; that told vs, that there are certayne men dwelling on the VVey-gates, and vpon Noua Zembla, but we could neither find men, houses, nor any other things, so that to haue better information, wee went with some of our men further South-east into the Land; towards the Sea-side, and as we went, we found a path-way made with mens feet in the Mosse or Marsh-ground, about halfe knee deepe, for that going so deepe we felt hard ground vn∣der our feet, which at the deepest was no higher then our shooes, and as we went forward to the Sea-coast, we were exceeding glad, thinking that we had seene a passage open, where we might get through, because we saw so little Ice there: and in the Euening entring into our ship againe, we shewed them that newes. Meane-time, our Master had sent out a Boat to see if the Tarta∣rian [ 40] Sea was open, but it could not get into the Sea because of the Ice, yet they rowed to the Crosse-point, and there let the Boat lye, and went ouer the Land to the West point, and there perceiued that the Ice in the Tartarian Sea, lay full vpon the Russian Coasts, and in the mout•• of VVey-gates.

The three and twentieth of August we found a Lodgie, or Boat of Pitzore, which was sewed together with Bast or Ropes, that had beene Northward to seeke for some Sea-horses Teeth, Traen, and Geese, which they fetcht with their Boat, to lade in certaine shippes that were to come out of Russia through VVey-gates. Which ships they said (when they spake with vs) were to sayle into the Tartarian Sea, by the Riuer of Oby, to a place called Vgolita in Tartaria, there to stay all Winter, as they vsed to doe euery yeere: and told vs that it would yet bee nine or ten [ 50] Weekes ere it began to freeze in that place, and that when it once beganne to freeze, it would freeze so hard, that as then men might go ouer the Sea into Tartaria (along vpon the Ice) which they called Mermare.

The foure and twentieth of August in the morning betimes, we went on board of the Lodgie, to haue further information and instruction of the Sea, on the Eastside of VVey-gates, and they gaue vs good instruction, such as you haue heard.

The fiue and twentieth of August we went againe to the Lodgie, and in friendly manner spake with them, we for our parts offering them friendship; and then they gaue vs eight fat Geese, that lay in the bottome of their Boat: we desired that one or two of them would goe with vs a∣board [ 60] our ship, and they willingly went with vs to the number of seuen; and being in our ship, they wondred much at the greatnesse and furni••ure of our ship: and after they had seene and loo∣ked into it in euery place, we set Fish, Butter and Cheese before them to eate, but they refused it; saying, that that day was a Fasting day with them, but at last when they saw some of our Pickled Herrings, they eate them both heads, tayles, skinnes, and guts, and hauing eaten thereof,

we gaue them a small Firkin of Herrings, for the which they gaue vs great thankes, knowing not what friendship they should doe vs to requite our courtesie, and wee brought them with our Pinnasse into the Traen Bay. About Noone we hoysed vp our Anchors with a West North-west wind; the course or stretching of VVey-gates, is East to Cruis point, and then North-east to the Twist point, and somewhat more Easterly: From thence the Land of Wey-gates, reacheth North North-east, and North and by East, and then North, and somewhat Westerly, wee sayled North-east and Eastward two miles, by the Twist point, but then we were compelled to saile backe againe, because of the great store of Ice, and tooke our course to our Road aforesaid: and sayling backe againe we found a good place by the Crosse point, to anchor in that night. The six and twentieth of August in the morning we hoysed Anchor, and put out our fork-saile, and so [ 10] sailed to our old Road, and there to stay for a more conuenient time.

* 1.405The eight and twentie, nine and twentie, and thirtieth of August till the one and thirtieth, the wind for the most part was South-west, and VVilliam Barents our Captaine sailed to the South-side of VVey-gates, and there went on Land, where we found certaine Wildmen (called Samuters) and yet not altogether wilde, for they being twentie in number, staid and spake with our men, being but nine together, about a mile within the Land, our men not thinking to find any men there (for that we had at other times beene on Land in the VVey-gates, and saw none) at last, it being mistie weather, they perceiued men, fiue and fiue in a company, and wee were hard by them before we knew it: then our Interpretour went alone towards them to speake with them; which they perceiuing, sent one towards vs, who comming almost to our men, tooke [ 20] an Arrow out of his Quiuer, offering to shoot at him; wherewith our Interpretor, being with∣out Armes, was afraid, and cryed vnto him, saying (in Russian speech;) Shoote not, we are friends: which the other hearing, cast his Bow and Arrowes to the ground, therewith giuing him to vnderstand that he was well content to speake with our man: which done, our man called to him once againe, and said: We are friends: whereunto he made answere and said; then you are wel∣come: and saluting one the other, bended both their heads downe towards the ground, after the Russian manner: this done, our Interpretor questioned with him, about the situation and stret∣ching of the Sea East-ward through the Streights of Wey-gates;* 1.406 whereof he gaue vs good instru∣ction, saying: that when they should haue past a point of land about fiue daies sailing from thence, shewing North-eastward; that after that, there is a great Sea (shewing towards the South-east [ 30] vpward,) saying, that he knew it very well, for that one had beene there that was sent thither by their King with certaine Souldiers, whereof he had beene Captaine.

* 1.407The manner of their Apparell is, like as we vse to paint Wildmen, but they are not wilde; for they are of reasonable judgement: they are apparelled in Harts skinnes from the head to the feet, vnlesse it be the principallest of them, which are apparelled, whether they be men or wo∣men, like vnto the rest, as aforesaid, vnlesse it be on their heads, which they couer with certaine coloured Cloth lined with Furre: the rest weare Caps of Harts or Bucks skinnes, the rough side outwards,* 1.408 which stand close to their heads, and are very fit. They weare long Haire, which they pleate and fold, and let it hang downe vpon their backes. They are (for the most part all) short and low of stature, with broad flat faces, small eyes, short legs, their knees standing outwards; [ 40] and are very quicke to goe and leape. They trust not Strangers; for although that wee shewed them all the courtesie and friendship that wee could, yet they trusted vs not much: which wee perceiued hereby, that as vpon the first of September wee went againe on Land to them, and that one of our men desired to see one of their Bowes: they refused it, making a signe that they would not doe it.* 1.409 Hee that they called their King, had Centinels standing abroad, to see what was done in the Countrey, and what was bought and sold: At last, one of our men went nee∣rer to one of the Centinels, to speake with him, and offered him great friendship, according to their accustomed manner, withall giuing him a Bisket; which he with great thankes tooke, and presently eate it; and while hee eate it, hee still lookt diligently about him on all sides what was done. [ 50]

* 1.410Their Sleds stood alwayes readie with one or two Harts in them, that runne so swiftly with one or two men in them, that our Horses are not able to follow them. One of our men shot a Musket towards the Sea, wherewith they were in so great feare, that they ranne and leapt like mad men: yet at last, they satisfied themselues, when they perceiued that it was not malicious∣ly done to hurt them: and we told them by our Interpretor, that we vsed our Peeces in stead of Bowes; whereat they wondered, because of the great blow and noyse that it gaue and made: and to shew them what wee could doe therewith, one of our men tooke a flat stone about halfe a handfull broad, and set it vpon a Hill a good way off from him: which they perceiuing, and thinking that we meant some-what thereby, fiftie or sixtie of them gathered round about vs: and yet some-what farre off, wherewith hee that had the Peece, shot it off, and with the Bullet smote the stone in sunder: whereat they wondred much more then before. [ 60]

* 1.411After that, wee tooke our leaues one of the other, with great friendship on both sides; and when we were in our Pinnasse, wee all put off our Hats, and bowed our heads vnto them, soun∣ding our Trumpet: They (in their manner) saluting vs also, and then went to their Sleds againe.

And after they were gone from vs, and were somewhat within the Land, one of them came riding to the shoare, to fetch a rough-hewed Image, that our men had taken off the shoare,* 1.412 and carryed into their Boate: and when hee was in our Boate, and perceiued the Image, he made vs a signe that wee had not done well to take away that Image: Which we beholding, gaue it to him againe: Which when hee had receiued, he placed it vpon a Hill right by the Sea side, and tooke it not with him, but sent a Sled to fetch it from thence: and as farre as wee could perceiue, they esteemed that Image to be their God; for that right ouer against that place in the Wey-gates, which wee called Beelthooke, we found certayne hundreds of such carued Images, all rough about the Heads, being somewhat round, and in the middle,* 1.413 hauing a little hill in stead of a Nose; and about the Nose two cuts, in place of Eyes; and vnder the Nose a cut, in place of a [ 10] Mouth. Before the Images, wee found great store of Ashes, and bones of Harts: whereby it is to bee supposed, that there they offered vnto them.

The second of September, a little before Sunne rising, wee put forth an Anchor to get out, for that the winde as then blew South South-west; it being good weather to get out, and ill weather to lye still: for wee lay vnder a low Banke. The Admirall and Vice-admirall seeing vs making out, began also to hoyse their Anchors, and to set sayle. When wee put out our Focke-sayle, the Sunne was East and by South: and then wee sayled to the Crosse-point, and there wee cast Anchor to stay for the Vice-admirals Pinnasse; which with much labour and paines, in time got out of the Ice, by often casting out of their Anchor: and in the Eeuening shee got to vs: in the Morning about two houres before Sunne rising we set sayle, and by Sunne [ 20] rising, wee got within a mile Eastward of the Twist-point, and sayled Northward sixe miles, till the Sunne was South. Then wee were forced to wind about, because of the great quantitie of Ice, and the Myst that then fell, at which time the winde blew so vncertayne, that we could hold no course, but were forced continually to winde and turne about, by reason of the Ice, and the vnconstantnesse of the winde, together with myst, so that our course was vncertayne, and wee supposed that we had sayled Southward vp towards the Samuters Countrey, and then held our course South-west, till the watchers were North-west from vs; then we came to the point of the States Iland, lying Eastward about a Musket shot from the land, hauing 13. fathom deepe.

The fourth of September, wee hoysed Anchor because of the Ice, and sayled betweene the firme Land and the States Iland, where we lay close by the States Iland at foure and fiue fathom [ 30] deepe, and made our Ship fast with a Cable cast on the shoare,* 1.414 and there wee were safe from the course of the Ice, and diuers times went on land to get Hares, whereof there were many in that Iland. The sixth of September, some of our men went on shoare vpon the firme land to seeke for Stones, which are a kinde of Diamond, whereof there are many also in the States Iland: and while they were seeking the Stones, two of our men lying together in one place, a great leane white Beare came suddenly stealing out, and caught one of them fast by the necke, who not knowing what it was that tooke him by the necke, cryed out and sayd; Who is that that pulls mee so by the necke? wherewith the other, that lay not farre from him;* 1.415 lifted vp his head to see who it was, and perceiuing it to bee a monstrous Beare, cryed out and sayd, Oh Mate! it is a Beare, and therewith presently rose vp and ranne away.

[ 40] The Beare at the first falling vpon the man, bit his head in sunder, and suckt out his blood, wherewith the rest of the men that were on the Land, being about twentie in number, ranne presently thither, either to saue the man, or else to driue the Beare from the dead body: and ha∣uing charged their Pieces and bent their Pikes, set vpon her, that still was deuouring the man,* 1.416 but perceiuing them to come towards her, fiercely and cruelly ranne at them, and got another of them out from the Companie which shee tore in pieces, wherwith all the rest ranne away.

We perceiuing out of our Ship and Pinnasse, that our men ranne to the Sea-side to saue them∣selues, with all speed entred into our Boates, and rowed as fast wee could to the shoare to relieue our men. Where being on Land, we beheld the cruell spectacle of our two dead men, that had beene so cruelly killed and torne in pieces by the Beare, wee seeing that, incouraged our men to [ 50] goe backe againe with vs, and with Pieces, Curt••laxes, and Halfe-pikes, to set vpon the Beare, but they would not all agree thereunto: some of them saying, our men are already dead, and we shall get the Beare well enough, though we oppose not our selues into so open danger, if wee might saue our fellowes liues, then wee would make haste, but now we need not make sch speed, but take her at an aduantage, with most securitie for our selues, for we haue to doe with a cruell, fierce, and rauenous Beast. Whereupon three of our men went forward, the Beare still de∣uouring her prey, not once fearing the number of our men, and yet they were thirtie at the least: the three that went forward in that sort, were Cornelius Iacobson, Master of William Barents ship, William Gysen, Pylot of the Pinnasse, and Hans van Nuflen, William Barents, Purser: and after [ 60] that the sayd Master and Pylot had shot three times and mist, the Purser stepping somewhat further forward, and seeing the Beare to be within the length of a shot, presently leuelled his Piece, and discharging it at the Beare, shot her into the head betweene both the eyes, and yet she held the man still fast by the necke, and lifted vp her head with the man in her mouth, but shee began somwhat to stagger, wherewith the Purser and a Scottish-man drew out their Curtelaxes▪

and strooke at her so hard, that their Curtelaxes burst, and yet she would not leaue the man, at last William Geysen went to them,* 1.417 and with all his might strooke the Beare vpon the snout with his Piece, at which time the Beare fell to the ground, making a great noyse, and William Geysen lea∣ping vpon her cut her throat. The seuenth of September, wee buried the dead bodies of our men in the States Iland, and hauing stayed the Beare, carryed her Skin to Amsterdam.

The ninth of September, we set sayle from the States Iland, but the Ice came in so thicke and with such force, that we could not get through, so that at Eeuening we came backe againe to the States Iland, the winde being Westerly. There the Admirall and the Pinnasse of Rotterdam, fell on ground by certayne Rockes, but got off againe without any hurt.

The tenth of September, we sayled againe from the States Iland towards the Wey-gates, and sent two Boates into the Sea, to certifie vs what store of Ice was abroad: and that Eeuening wee [ 10] came all together into Wey-gates,* 1.418 and Anchored by the Twist-point. The eleuenth of September in the Morning, we sayled againe into the Tartarian Sea, but we fell into great store of Ice, so that we sayled backe againe to the Wey-gates, and Anchored by the Crosse-point, and about midnight we saw a Russian Lodgie, that sayled from the B••••lt-point towards the Samuters Land. The thir∣teenth of September, the Sunne being South, there began a great storme to blow out of the South South-west, the weather being mistie, melancholy, and snowie, and the storme increasing more and more, we draue through.

The fourteenth of September, the weather began to bee somewhat clearer, the winde being North-west, and the storme blowing stiffe out of the Tartarian Sea, but at Eeuening it was faire weather, and then the wind blew North-east, the same day our men went on the other side of [ 20] Wey-gates, on the firme land, to take the depth of the Channell, and entred into the Bough be∣hind the Ilands, where there stood a little House made of wood, and a great fall of water into the land. The same Morning we hoysed vp our Anchor, thinking once againe to try what wee could doe to further our Voyage, but our Admirall being of another minde, lay still till the fif∣teenth of September. The same day in the Morning, the winde draue in from the East-end of the Wey-gates, whereby we were forced presently to hoyse Anchors, and the same day sayled out from the West-end of the Wey-gates, with all our Fleet, and made homewards againe, and that day past by the Ilands called Matfloe and Delgoy,* 1.419 and that night we sayled twelue miles, North-west and by West, till Saturday in the morning, and then the winde fell North-east, and it be∣gan [ 30] to Snow. We saw the point of Candy••aes, lying South-east from vs, and then wee had seuen and twentie fathom deepe, red sand with blacke shels.

The nine and twentieth of September, in the Eeuening entred into Ward-house, and there we stayed till the tenth of October. And that day we set sayle out of Ward-house, and vpon the eigh∣teenth of Nouember, we arriued in the Maes.

CHAP. V. The third Voyage Northward to the Kingdomes of Cathaia, [ 40] and China, in Anno 1596. Written by GERAT DE VEER.

§. I. What happened to them at Sea, before they came to build their House.

AFter that the seuen Ships (as I said before) were returned backe againe from their North Voyage, with lesse benefit then was expected, the Generall States of [ 50] the Vnited Prouinces consulted together, to send certayne Ships thither a∣gaine, a third time, to see if they might bring the said Voyage to a good end, if it were possible to bee done: but after much Consultation had, they could not a∣gree thereon; yet they were content to cause a Proclamation to be made, that if any, either Townes, or Merchants, were disposed to venture to make further search that way, at their owne charges, if the Voyage were accomplished, and that thereby it might be made ap∣parant, that the sayd passage was to be sayled, they were content to giue them a good reward, in the Countries behalfe, naming a certayne summe of money. Whereupon in the beginning of this yeere, there was two Ships rigged and set forth by the Towne of Amsterdam, to sayle that Voyage, the men therein being taken vp vpon two Conditions: viz. What they should haue if [ 60] the Voyage were not accomplished, and what they should haue if they got through, and brought the Voyage to an end, promising them a good reward if they could effect it, thereby to encourage the men, taking vp as many vnmarried men as they could, that they might not bee disswaded by meanes of their Wiues and Children to leaue off the Voyage. Vpon these Conditions, those

two Ships were ready to set sayle in the beginning of May. In the one, Iacob Heemskerke Hen∣drickson, was Master and Factor for the Wares and Merchandizes; and William Barents chiefe Pylot. In the other, Iohn Cornelison Rijp, was both Master and Factor for the goods that the Merchants had laden in her.

The fifth of May, all the men in both the Ships were Mustered, and vpon the tenth of May, they sayled from Amsterdam, and the thirteenth of May got to the Vlie. The thirtieth of May we had a good winde, and sayled North-east, and wee tooke the height of the Sunne with our Crosse-staffe, and found that it was eleuated aboue the Horizon 47. degrees and 42. minutes, his Declination was 21. degrees and 42. minutes, so that the height of the Pole was 69. degrees [ 10] and 24. minutes.

The first of Iune we had no night, and the second of Iune we had the winde contrarie,* 1.420 but vp∣on the fourth of Iune we had a good winde, out of the West North-west, and sayled North-east. And when the Sunne was about South South-east, wee saw a strange sight in the Element: for on each side of the Sunne there was another Sunne, and two Raine-bowes, that past cleane tho∣row the three Sunnes, and then two Raine-bowes more, the one compassing round about the Sunnes, and the other crosse thorow the great rundle; the great rundle standing with the vtter∣most point, eleuated aboue the Horizon 28. degrees: at noone the Sunne being at the highest, the height thereof was measured, and wee found by the Astrolabium, that it was eleuated aboue the Horizon 48. degrees and 43. minutes, his Declination was 22. degrees and 17. minutes, the which [ 20] being added to 48. degrees 43. minutes, it was found that wee were vnder 71. degrees of the height of the Pole.

Iohn Cornelis ship held aloofe from vs, and would not keepe with vs, and would hold no course but North North-east, for they alledged, that if wee went any more Easterly, that then we should enter into the Wey-gates, but wee being not able to perswade them, altered our course one point of the Compasse, to meet them, and sayled North-east and by North, and should otherwise haue sayled North-east, and somewhat more East.

The fifth, wee saw the first Ice, which we wondered at, at the first, thinking that it had beene white Swannes, for one of our men walking in the Fore-decke, on a sudden began to cry out with a loud voyce, and said; that hee saw white Swannes:* 1.421 which wee that were vnder Hatches hea∣ring, [ 30] presently came vp, and perceiued that it was Ice that came driuing from the great heape, showing like Swannes, it being then about Eeuening, at midnight we sayled through it, and the Sunne was about a degree eleuated aboue the Horizon in the North.

The sixth, about foure of the clocke in the after-noone, wee entred againe into the Ice, which was so strong that we could not passe through it, and sayled South-west and by West, till eight Glasses were runne out, after that we kept on our course North, North-east, and sayled along by the Ice.

The seuenth, we tooke the height of the Sunne, and found that it was eleuated aboue the Ho∣rizon 38. degrees and 38. minutes, his Declination being 22. degrees 38. minutes; which being taken from 38. degrees 38. minutes, wee found the Pole to bee 74. degrees; there we found so [ 40] great store of Ice, that it was admirable: and we sayled along through it, as if we had past be∣tweene two Lands. The water being as greene as Grasse,* 1.422 and we supposed that we were not farre from Greenland, and the longer we sayled, the more and thicker Ice we found. The eight of Iune, we came to so great a heape of Ice, that we could not sayle through it.

The ninth of Iune, we found the Iland that lay vnder 74. degrees and 30. minutes,* 1.423 and as we ghest, it was about fiue miles long. The tenth, we put out our Boate, and therewith eight of our men went on Land, and as we past by Iohn Cornelisons ship, eight of his men also came into our Boat, whereof one was the Pilot. Then William Barents asked him, whether we were not too much Westward, but hee would not acknowledge it: whereupon there passed many words be∣tweene them, for William Barents sayd, he would proue it to bee so, as in truth it was.* 1.424 The ele∣uenth, going on Land, we found great store of Sea-Mewes Egges vpon the shoare, and in that I∣land [ 50] we were in great danger of our liues: for that going vp a great Hill of Snow, when wee should come downe againe, we thought we should all haue broken our neckes, it was so slipperie, but we sate vpon the Snow and slid downe, which was very dangerous for vs,* 1.425 to breake both our armes and legges, for that at the foot of the Hill there was many Rockes, which we were likely to haue fallen vpon, yet by Gods helpe we got safely downe againe. Meane time William Barents sate in the Boate, and saw vs slide downe, and was in greater feare then we,* 1.426 to behold vs in that danger. In the said Iland, we found the varying of our Compasse, which was 13. degrees, so that it differed a whole point at the least: after that wee rowed aboord Iohn Cornelisons ship, and there we eate our Egges.

The twelfth in the morning, we saw a white Beare, which wee rowed after with our Boate, [ 60] thinking to cast a Rope about her necke; but when we were neere her, she was so great,* 1.427 that we durst not doe it, but rowed backe againe to our Ship to fetch more men and our Armes, and so made to her againe with Muskets, Harquebusses, Halberts, and Hatchets. Iohn Cornelisons men comming also with their Boate to helpe vs: and so being well furnished of men and weapons,

we rowed with both our Boates vnto the Beare,* 1.428 and fought with her while foure Glasses were runne out, for our Weapons could doe her little hurt: and amongst the rest of the blowes that we gaue her, one of our men strooke her into the backe with an Axe, which stucke fast in her backe, and yet shee swamme away with it; but we rowed after her, and at last we cut her head in sunder with an Axe, wherewith she dyed: and then wee brought her into Iohn Cornelisons ship,* 1.429 where we flayed her, and found her Skinne to bee twelue foot long: which done, we eate some of her flesh; but wee brookt it not well. This Iland we called the Beare-Iland.

The thirteenth we left the Iland, and sayled North, and somewhat Easterly, the winde being West, and South-west, and made good way: so that when the Sunne was North, wee ghest that we had sayled sixteene miles Northward from that Iland. [ 10]

The fourteenth, when the Sunne was North, we cast out our Lead one hundred and thirteene fathome deepe, but found no ground, and so sayled forward till the fifteenth of Iune, when the Sunne was South-east, with mistie and drisling weather, and sayled North, and North and by East: about Eeuening it cleared vp, and then we saw a great thing driuing in the Sea, which we thought had beene a Ship: but passing along by it, we perceiued it to bee a dead Whale, that stunke monstrously; and on it there sate a great number of Sea-mewes: At that time, wee had sayled twentie miles.* 1.430

The sixteenth, with the like speed we sayled North and by East, with mistie weather; and as we sayled, we heard the Ice before we saw it▪ but after, when it cleared vp, we saw it, and then woond off from it, when as we ghest we had sayled thirtie miles. The seuenteenth and eigh∣teenth, [ 20] we saw great store of Ice, and sayled along by it, vntill we came to the point, which we could not reach, for that the wind was South-east, which was right against vs, & the point of Ice lay Southward from vs: yet wee lauered a great while to get beyond it, but we could not doe it. The nineteenth, we saw Land againe, then we tooke the height of the Sun, and found that it was eleuated aboue the Horizon 33. degrees and 37. minutes: her Declination being 23. degrees and 26. minutes: which taken from the sayd 33. degrees and 37. minutes, wee found that we were vnder 80. degrees and 11. minutes:* 1.431 which was the height of the Pole there. This Land was ve∣ry great, and we sayled Westward along by it, till we were vnder 79. degrees and a halfe, where we found a good road, and could not get neare to the Land, because the winde blew North-east, which was right off from the Land: the Bay reacheth right North and South into the Sea. [ 30]

The twentie one, we cast out our Anchor, at eighteene fathome before the Land; and then we and Iohn Cornelisons men,* 1.432 rowed on the West-side of the Land, and there fetched Balast: and when we got on boord againe with our Balast, we saw a white Beare that swamme towards our ship; whereupon we left off our worke, and entering into the Boate with Iohn Cornelisons men, rowed after her, and crossing her in the way, droue her from the Land, wherewith she swamme further into the Sea, and we followed her; and for that our Boate could not make good way af∣ter her, we manned our Scute also, the better to follow her: but shee swam a mile into the Sea; yet we followed her with the most part of all our men of both Ships in three Boats, and strooke oftentimes at her, cutting and hewing her, so that all our Armes were most broken in pieces. During our fight with her, shee strooke her Clawes so hard in our Boate, that the signes thereof [ 40] were seene in it; but as hap was, it was in the fore-head of our Boate: for if it had beene in the middle thereof, she had (peraduenture) ouer-throwne it, they haue such force in their Clawes: At last, after we had fought long with her, and made her wearie with our three Boates that kept about her, we ouercame her and killed her: which done, we brought her into our ship, and flay∣ed her:* 1.433 her Skinne being thirteene foot long. After that, we rowed with our Scute, about a mile inward to the Land, where there was a good Hauen, and good Anchor ground, on the East-side being sandie, there wee cast out our Lead, and found sixteene fathom deepe, and after that, ten, and twelue fathome, and rowing further, we found that on the East-side there was two Ilands, that reached Eastward into the Sea: on the West-side also there was a great Creeke or Riuer, which shewed also like an Iland. Then we rowed to the Iland that lay in the middle, and there [ 50] we found many Red Geese-egges,* 1.434 which we saw sitting vpon their Nests, and droue them from them, and they flying away, cryed red, red, red: and as they sate we killed one Goose dead with a stone, which we drest and eate, and at least sixtie Egges, that wee tooke with vs aboord the ship, and vpon the two and twentieth of Iune, we went aboord our ship againe.

Those Geese were of a perfit Red colour, such as come into Holland about Weiringen, and eue∣rie yeere are there taken in abundance,* 1.435 but till this time it was neuer knowne where they hatcht their Egges, so that some men haue taken vpon them to write, that they sit vpon Trees in Scot∣land, that hang ouer the Water, and such Egges as fall from them downe into the Water become young Geese, and swim there out of the water; but those that fall vpon the Land burst in sunder, and are lost: but this is now found to bee contrary, and it is not to be wondred at, that no man [ 60] could tell where they breed their Egges, for that no man that euer wee knew, had euer beene vnder 80. Degrees: nor that Land vnder 80. degrees, was neuer set downe in any Card, much lesse the red Geese that breed therein.

* 1.436It is heere also to bee noted, that although that in this land which we esteeme to be Green∣land,

lying vnder 80. Degrees, and more, there groweth Leaues and Grasse, and that there are such Beasts therein as eate grasse, as Harts, Buckes, and such like beasts as liue thereon, yet in No∣ua Zembla vnder 76. Degrees, there groweth neither Leaues nor Grasse, nor any Beasts that eate grasse or leaues liue therein, but such Beasts as eate Flesh, as Beares and Foxes: and yet this Land lyeth full 4. Degrees from the North Pole, further then Greenland aforesayd doth.

The three and twentieth, wee hoysted Anchor againe, and sayled North-westward into the Sea; but could get no further, by reason of the Ice; and so we came to the same place againe where we had layne, and cast Anchor at eighteene fathome: and at Eeuening being at Anchor, the Sunne being North-east, and somewhat more Eastward, wee tooke the height thereof, and [ 10] found it to be eleuated aboue the Horizon 13. degrees and 10. minutes, his Declination being 23. degrees and 28. minutes: which substracted from the height aforesaid, resteth 10. degrees and 18. minutes, which being substracted from 90. degrees, then the height of the Pole there was 79. degrees and 42. minutes.

After that, we hoysted Anchor againe, and sayled along by the West side of the Land, and then our men went on Land, to see how much the Needle of the Compasse varyed:* 1.437 Meane time there came a great white Beare swimming towards the Ship, and would haue climbed vp into it, if we had not made a noyse; and with that wee shot at her with a Piece, but she left the ship, and swam to the Land, where our men were: which we perceiuing, sayled with our ship to∣wards the Land, and gaue a great shout; wherewith our men thought that wee had fallen on a Rocke with our Ship, which made them much abashed; and therewith the Beare also being a∣fraid, [ 20] swamme off againe from the Land, and left our men, which made vs glad:* 1.438 for our men had no Weapons about them. Touching the varying of the Compasse, for the which cause our men went on Land, to trie the certaintie thereof: it was found to differ 16. Degrees.

The fiue and twentieth of Iune, we hoysted Anchor againe, and sayled along by the Land, and went South, and South South-west, with a North North-east winde, vnder 79. degrees. There we found a great Creeke or Riuer, whereinto we sayled ten miles at the least, holding our course Southward; but we perceiued that there we could not get through: there we cast out our Lead, and for the most part found 10. fathom deepe, but we were constrained to lauere out again, for the winde was Northerly, and almost full North, and we perceiued that it reached to the firme land, [ 30] which we supposed to bee Low-land, for that wee could not see it any thing farre, and therefore we sayled so neere vnto it, till that we might see it, and then we were forced to lauere, and vpon the seuen and twentieth of Iune we got out againe.

The eight and twentieth, we got beyond the point that Iay on the West side, where there was so great a number of Birds, that they flew against our Sayles,* 1.439 and wee sayled ten miles South∣ward, and after that West, to shun the Ice. The nine and twentieth, wee sayled South-east and somewhat more Easterly, along by the Land, till we were vnder 76. degrees and 50. minutes, for we were forced to put off from the Land, because of the Ice. The thirtieth of Iune, wee sayled South, and somewhat East, and then we tooke the height of the Sunne, and found that it was e∣leuated aboue the Horizon 38. degrees and 20. minutes, his Declination was 23. degrees and 20. [ 40] minuts, which being taken from the former height, it was found that we were vnder 75. degrees.

The first of Iuly wee saw the Beare-Iland againe, and then Iohn Cornelison and his Officers came aboord our ship, to speake with vs about altering our course,* 1.440 but wee being of a contrary o∣pinion, it was agreed that we should follow on our course, and hee his: which was, that he (ac∣cording to his desire) should sayle vnto 80. Degrees againe: for he was of opinion, that there he should finde a passage through, on the East side of the Land that lay vnder 80. Degrees.* 1.441 And vp∣on that agreement we left each other, they sayling Northward, and wee Southward, because of the Ice, the winde being East South-east.

The second, we sayled Eastward, and were vnder 74. degrees, hauing the wind North North-west, and then wee woond ouer another Bough, with an East North-east winde, and sayled [ 50] Northward. In the Eeuening the Sunne being about North-west and by North, we woond a∣bout againe (because of the Ice) with an East winde, and sayled South South-east, and about East South-east, and then we woond about againe (because of the Ice) and the Sunne being South South-west, we woond about againe, and sayled North-east. The third, we were vnder 74. de∣grees, hauing a South-east and by East winde, and sayled North-east and by North: after that wee woond about againe with a South winde, and sayled East South-east, till the Sunne was North-west, then the winde began to be somewhat larger.

The eight, wee had a good North-west winde, and sayled East and by North, with an indiffe∣rent cold gale of wind, and got vnder 72. degrees and 15. minutes. The ninth of Iuly, we went East and by North, the wind being West. The tenth of Iuly, the Sunne being South South-west, [ 60] we cast out our Lead, and had ground at one hundred and sixtie fathome, the wind being North-east and by North, and we sayled East and by South, vnder 72. degrees. The eleuenth, we found 70. fathome deepe, and saw no Ice, then wee ghest that we were right South and North from Dandinaes, that is the East-point of the White-sea, that lay Southward from vs, and had sandie ground, and the banke stretched Northward into the Sea, so that we were out of doubt that we

were vpon the banke of the White Sea, for wee had found no sandie ground all the Coast along, but onely that banke. Then the wind being East and by South, we sailed South, and South and by East, vnder 72. degrees, and after that, we had a South South-east Wind, and sayled North-east to get ouer the Banke.

The thirteenth of Iuly, we sayled East with a North North-east wind: then wee tooke the height of the Sunne, and found it to be eleuated aboue the Horizon 54. degrees and 38. minutes, his declination was 21. degrees and 54. minutes, which taken from the height aforesaid, the height of the Pole was found to bee 73. degrees, and then againe wee found Ice, but not very much,* 1.442 and we were of opinion, that we were by Willoughbies Land. The fourteenth, we sayled North-east, the wind being North North-west, and in that sort sayled about a dinner time, along through the Ice, and in the middle thereof we cast out our Lead, and had ninety fathome [ 10] deepe, in the next quarter wee cast out our Lead againe, and had an hundred fathome deepe, and we sayled so farre into the Ice, that wee could goe no further: for wee could see no place where it opened, but were forced (with great labour and paine) to lauere out of it againe, the wind blowing West, and we were then vnder 74. degrees and 10. minutes.

The fifteenth, we draue through the middle of the Ice with a calme, and casting out our Lead, had an hundred fathome deepe, at which time the wind being East, wee sayled West. The six∣teenth, we got out of the Ice, and saw a great Beare lying vpon it, that leaped into the water when shee saw vs: Wee made towards her with our ship, which shee perceiuing got vp vpon the Ice againe, wherewith wee shot once at her. Then wee sayled East South-east, and saw no Ice, ghessing that we were not farre from Noua Zembla, because we saw the Beare there vpon [ 20] the Ice, at which time we cast out our Lead, and found an hundred fathome deepe.

The seuenteenth, we tooke the height of the Sunne, and it was eleuated aboue the Horizon 37. degrees and 55. minutes, his declination was 21. degrees and 15. minutes, which taken from the height aforesaid, the height of the Pole was 74. degrees and 40. minutes: and when the Sunne was in the South,* 1.443 we saw the Land of Noua Zembla, which was about Lomsbay: I was the first that espied it. Then we altered our course, and sayled North-east and by North, and hoysed vp all our sayles, except the Fore-sayle and the Lesien. The eighteenth, wee saw the Land againe, being vnder 75. degrees, and sayled North-east and by North, with a North-west wind,* 1.444 and we gate aboue the point of the Admirals Iland, and sayled East North-east, [ 30] with a West Wind, the Land reaching North-east and by North. The nineteenth, wee came to the Crosse Iland,* 1.445 and could get no further, by reason of the Ice, for there the Ice lay still close vpon the Land, at which time the wind was West, and blew right vpon the Land, and it lay vnder 76. degrees and 20. minutes. There stood two Crosses vpon the Land, whereof it had the Name.

The twentieth, we anchored vnder the Iland, for we could get no further for the Ice. There we put out our Boat, and with eight men rowed on Land, and went to one of the Crosses, where we rested vs a while to goe to the next Crosse, but being in the way wee saw two Beares by the other Crosse,* 1.446 at which time we had no weapons at all about vs. The Beares rose vp vpon their hinder feet to see vs (for they smell further then they see) and for that they smelt vs: therefore [ 40] they rose vpright, and came towards vs, wherewith we were not a little abashed, in such sort that we had little lust to laugh, and in all haste went to our Boat againe, still looking behind vs, to see if they followed vs, thinking to get into the Boat, and so put off from the Land: but the Master stayed vs, saying, hee that first beginnes to runne away, I will thrust this Hake-staffe (which he then held in his hand) into his ribs; for it is better for vs (said hee) to stay all toge∣ther, and see if we can make them afraid with whooping and hollowing; and so we went soft∣ly towards the Boat, and got away, glad that we had escaped their clawes, and that we had the leasure to tell our fellowes thereof.

The one and twentieth we tooke the height of the Sunne, and found that it was eleuated a∣boue the Horizon 35. degrees and 15. minutes, his declination was 21. degrees, which being ta∣ken [ 50] from the height aforesaid, there rested 14. degrees, which substracted from 90. degrees, then the height of the Pole was found to be 76. degrees and 15. minutes, then we found the variation of the Compasse to bee 26. degrees.* 1.447 The same day two of our men went againe to the Crosse, and found no Beares to trouble vs, and wee followed them with our Armes, fearing least wee might meet any by chance, and when we came to the second Crosse, we found the foot-steps of two Beares, and saw how long they had followed vs, which was one hundred foot-steps at the least, that way that we had beene the day before. The two and twentieth being Munday, wee set vp another Crosse, and made our Marke thereon: and lay there before the Crosse Iland, till the fourth of August, meane time we washt and whited our Linnen on the shoare.

The thirtieth, the Sunne being North, there came a Beare so neere to our ship, that we might hit her with a stone, and we shot her into the foot with a Piece, wherewith shee ranne halting [ 60] away. The one and thirtieth of Iuly, the Sunne being East North-east, seuen of our men kil∣led a Beare, and slayed her, and cast her bodie into the Sea. The same day at noone (by our Instru∣ment) we found the variation of the Needle of the Compasse to be 17. degrees.

The first of August we saw a white Beare, but she ran away from vs. The fourth,* 1.448 we got out of the Ice, to the other side of the Iland, and anchored there: where, with great labour and much paine, we fetched a Boat full of stones from the Land. The fifth, wee set sayle againe towards Ice point, with an East Wind, and sayled South South-east, and then North North-east, and saw no Ice by the Land, by the which we lauered. The sixth, we gate about the point of Nas∣saw,* 1.449 and sayled forward East, and East and by South, along by the Land.

The seuenth, we had a West South-west Wind, and sayled along by the Land, South-east, and South-east and by East, and saw but a little Ice, and then past by the Trust-point,* 1.450 which we had much longed for: at Eeuening we had an East Wind, with mistie Weather, so that we were for∣ced to make our ship fast to a piece of Ice, that was at least thirtie sixe fathome deepe vnder the [ 10] water, and more then sixteene fathome aboue the water: which in all was two and fifty fathome thick, for it lay fast vpon ground, the which was thirtie sixe fathome deepe.* 1.451 The eight in the morning we had an East Wind, with mistie Weather.

The ninth, lying still fast to the great piece of Ice, it snowed hard, and it was mistie weather,* 1.452 and when the Sunne was South, we went vpon the Hatches (for we alwayes held watch) where as the Master walked along the ship, he heard a beast snuffe with his nose, and looking ouer-boord, he saw a great Beare hard by the ship, where hee cryed out, a Beare, a Beare;* 1.453 and with that all our men came vp from vnder Hatches, and saw a great Beare hard by our Boat, seeking to get in∣to it, but we giuing a great shout, she was afraid, and swamme away, but presently came backe againe, and went behind a great piece of Ice, whereunto we had made our ship fast, and climbed [ 20] vpon it, and boldly came towards our ship to enter into it: but we had torne our Scute Sayle in the ship, and lay with foure Peeces before at the Boot-sprit, and shot her in the bodie: and with that, shee ranne away; but it snowed so fast that wee could not see whither shee went: but wee ghest that shee lay behind a high Hoouell; whereof there were many vpon the piece of Ice.

The tenth, being Saturday, the Ice began mightily to breake, and then wee first perceiued that the great piece of Ice whereunto we had made our ship fast, lay on the ground; for the rest of the Ice draue along by it, wherewith wee were in great feare that wee should bee compassed about with the Ice, and therefore we vsed all the diligence and meanes that we could to get from thence, for we were in great doubt: and being vnder sayle, wee sayled vpon the Ice, because it was all broken vnder vs, and got to another piece of Ice; whereunto we made our ship fast againe [ 30] with our Sheate Anchor, which we made fast vpon it; and there we lay till Eeuening:* 1.454 and when we had supped, in the first quarter, the said piece of Ice began on a sudden to burst and rend in pieces, so fearefully that it was admirable; for with one great cracke it burst into foure hundred pieces at the least: we lying fast to it, weighed our Cable, and got off from it, vnder the water it was ten fathome deepe, and lay vpon the ground, and two fathome aboue the Water; and it made a fearefull noyse both vnder and aboue the Water when it burst, and spread it selfe abroad on all sides. And being with great feare, gotten from that piece of Ice, wee came to another piece, that was six fathome deepe vnder the Water: to which wee made a Rope fast on both sides. Then wee saw another great piece of Ice, not farre from vs, lying fast in the Sea, that was as sharpe aboue, as it had beene a Tower; whereunto wee rowed: and casting out our Lead, [ 40] we found that it lay twentie fathome deepe, fast on the ground vnder the Water, and twelue fa∣thome aboue the Water.

The eleuenth being Sunday, we rowed to another piece of Ice, and cast out our Lead, and found that it lay eighteene fathome deepe fast to the ground vnder the Water, and ten fathome aboue the water. The twelfth, wee sayled neere vnder the Land, the better to shunne the Ice, for the great flakes that draue in the Sea, were many fathome deepe vnder the Water, and we were better defended from them being at foure and fiue fathome Water, and there ranne a great current of water from the Hill. There we made our ship fast againe to a piece of Ice, and called that point, The small Ice point.

The thirteenth in the morning, there came a Beare from the East point of the Land,* 1.455 close to [ 50] our ship, and one of our men with a Peece shot at her, and brake one of her legs, but she crept vp the Hill with her three feet, and we following her, killed her, and hauing flayed her, brought the skinne aboord the ship. From thence wee set sayle, with a little gale of Winde, and were forced to lauere, but after, that it began to blow more out of the South, and South South-east.

The fifteenth, we came to the Iland of Orange, where we were inclosed with the Ice, hard by a great piece of Ice where we were in great danger to lose our ship,* 1.456 but with great labour and much paine, we got to the Iland, the Wind being South-east, whereby we were constrayned to turne our ship, and while we were busied thereabouts, and made such noyse, a Beare that lay there and slept, awaked, and came towards vs to the ship, so that wee were forced to leaue our [ 60] Worke about turning of the ship, and to defend our selues against the Beare, and shot her into the bodie, wherewith she ranne away to the other side of the Iland, and swamme into the wa∣ter, and got vp vpon a piece of Ice, where she lay still, but we comming after her to the piece of Ice where she lay, when she saw vs, she leapt into the water, and swamme to the Land: but we got betweene her and the Land, and strooke her on the head with a Hatchet, but as often as wee

strooke at her with the Hatchet, she duckt vnder the water, whereby wee had much to doe be∣fore we could kill her: after she was dead we flayed her on the Land, and tooke the skinne a∣boord with vs, and after that, turned our shippe to a great piece of Ice, and made it fast thereunto.

The sixteenth, ten of our men entring into one Boat, rowed to the firme Land of Noua Zembla, and drew the Boat vp vpon the Ice, which done, we went vp a high Hill, to see the situation of the Land, and found that it reached South-east, and South South-east, and then againe South, which wee disliked, for that it lay so much Southward: but when wee saw open water South-east, and East South-east, we were much comforted againe, thinking that we had wonne our Voy∣age and knew not how we should get soone enough aboord, to certifie William Barents thereof.

The eighteenth, we made preparation to set sayle, but it was all in vaine: for wee had almost [ 10] lost our Sheat Anchor, and two new Ropes, and with much lost labour got to the place againe from whence wee came: for the streame ranne with a mightie current, and the Ice draue very strongly vpon the Cables, along by the ship, so that we were in feare that wee should lose all the Cable that was without the ship, which was two hundred fathome at the least, but God proui∣ded well for vs, so that in the end, we got to the place againe from whence we put out.

The nineteenth it was indifferent good weather, the Wind blowing South-west, the Ice still driuing,* 1.457 and wee set sayle with an indifferent gale of Wind, and past by the point of Desire, whereby we were once againe in good hope, and when we had gotten aboue the point, we sailed South-east into the Sea-ward, foure miles, but then againe wee entred into more Ice, whereby wee were constrayned to turne backe againe, and sayled North-west vntill we came to the Land [ 20] againe, which reacheth from the point of Desire, to the head point, South and by West six miles: from the head point to Flushingers head, it reacheth South-west, which are three miles one from the other: from the Flushingers head, it reacheth into the Sea, East South-east, and from Flushingers head to the point of the Iland, it reacheth South-west, and by South, and South-west three miles: and from the Iland point, to the point of the Ice Hauen, the Land rea∣cheth West South-west foure miles: from the Ice Hauens point to the fal of Water, or the streame Bay, and the low Land, it reacheth West and by South, and East and by North seuen miles: from thence the Land reacheth East and West.

The one and twentieth, we sayled a great way into the Ice Hauen, and that night anchored [ 30] therein: next day the streame going exreame hard Eastward, wee haled out againe from thence, and sayled againe to the Iland point, but for that it was misty Weather, comming to a piece of Ice, wee made the ship fast thereunto, because the Wind beganne to blow hard South-west and South South-west.* 1.458 There we went vp vpon the Ice, and wondred much thereat, it was such manner of Ice: For on the top it was full of Earth, and there wee found aboue fortie Egges, and it was not like other Ice, for it was of a perfect Azure colour like to the Skies, whereby there grew great contention in words amongst our men, some saying that it was Ice, others that it was frozen Land: for it lay vnreasonable high aboue the Water, it was at least eighteene fathom vn∣der the water close to the ground, and ten fathome aboue the water: there wee stayed all that storme, the Wind being South-west and by West. The three and twentieth, wee sayled [ 40] againe from the Ice, South-eastward into the Sea, but entred presently into it againe, and woond about to the Ice Hauen. The next day it blew hard North North-west, and the Ice came mightily driuing in, whereby we were in a manner compassed about therewith, and with∣all the Wind beganne more and more to rise, and the Ice still draue harder and harder, so that the pinne of the Rother, and the Rother were shorne in pieces, and our Boat was shorne in pieces betweene the ship and the Ice,* 1.459 we expecting nothing else, but that the ship also would be prest and crusht in pieces with the Ice.

The fiue and twentieth, the Weather began to be better, and we tooke great paines, and be∣stowed much labour to get the Ice, wherewith we were so inclosed, to goe from vs, but what meanes soeuer we vsed it was all in vaine, but when the Sunne was South-west, the Ice began [ 50] to driue out againe with the streame, and we thought to saile Southward about Noua Zembla, to the Streights of Mergates, seeing we could there find no passage. Wee hauing past Noua Zem∣bla, were of opinion that our labour was all in vaine, and that we could not get through, and so agreed to goe that way home againe; but comming to the Streame Bay, wee were forced to goe backe againe, because of the Ice which lay so fast thereabouts, and the same night also it froze, that wee could hardly get through there, with the little wind that we had, the Wind then be∣ing North.

The six and twentieth, there blew a reasonable gale of Wind, at which time wee determined to sayle backe to the point of Desire, and so home againe, seeing that wee could not get through the Wergats, although we vsed all the meanes and industry wee could to get forward, but when [ 60] we had past by the Ice Hauen,* 1.460 the Ice began to driue with such force, that wee were inclosed round about therewith, and yet we sought all the meanes we could to get out, but it was all in vaine: and at that time we had like to haue lost three men that were vpon the Ice to make way for the ship, if the Ice had held the course it went, but as we draue backe againe, and that the

Ice also whereon our men stood, in like sort draue, they being nimble, as the ship draue by them, one of them caught hold of the beak head, another vpon the shrouds, and the third vpon the great brase that hung out behind, and so by great aduenture by the hold that they tooke, they got safe into the ship againe, for which they thanked God with all their hearts:* 1.461 for it was much likelier that they should rather haue beene carried away with the Ice, but God, by the nimblenesse of their hands, deliuered them out of that danger which was a pitifull thing to behold, although it fell out for the best, for if they had not beene nimble, they had surely dyed for it. The same day in the euening, wee got to the West-side of the Ice Hauen, where wee were forced in great cold, pouertie, miserie, and griefe, to stay all that Winter, the winde then beeing East [ 10] North-east.

The seuen and twentieth, the Ice draue round about the ship, and yet it was good weather, at which time we went on Land, and being there it began to blow South-east, with a reasona∣ble gale, and then the Ice came with great force before the bough, and draue the ship vp foure foot high before, and behind it seemed as if the keele lay on the ground, so that it seemed that the ship would be ouerthrowne in the place, whereupon they that were in the ship,* 1.462 put out the Boat, therewith to saue their liues, and withall put out a flagge to make a signe to vs, to come aboard: which we perceiuing, and beholding the ship to be lifted vp in that sort, made all the haste we could to get aboord, thinking that the ship was burst in pieces, but comming vnto it, we found it to be in better case then we thought it had beene.

[ 20] The eight and twentieth, we got some of the Ice from it, and the ship beganne to sit vpright againe, but before it was fully vpright, as William Barents and the other Pilot went forward to the bough to see how the ship lay, and how much it was risen; and while they were busie vpon their knees and elbowes to measure how much it was, the ship burst out of the Ice with such a noise, and so great a cracke, that they thought verily that they were all cast away,* 1.463 knowing not how to saue themselues.

The nine and twentieth, the ship lying vpright againe, wee vsed all the meanes wee could, with Iron hookes and other instruments, to breake the flakes of Ice that lay one heaped vpon the other, but all in vaine; so that we determined to commit our selues to the mercy of God, and to attend aide from him, for that the Ice draue not away in any such sort that it could helpe [ 30] vs. The thirtieth, the Ice began to driue together one vpon the other with greater force then before, and bare against the ship with a boystrous South-west winde, and a great snow, so that all the whole ship was borne vp and enclosed, whereby all that was both about it and in it, be∣gan to cracke, so that it seemed to burst in an hundred pieces, which was most fearefull both to see and heare, and made all the haire of our heads to rise vpright with feare: and after that, the ship (by the Ice on both sides that ioyned and got vnder the same) was driuen so vpright, in such sort, as if it had beene lifted vp with a Wrench or Vice.

The one and thirtieth of August, by force of the Ice, the ship was driuen vp foure or fiue foot high at the beake head, and the hinder part thereof lay in a clift of Ice, whereby wee thought that the Rother would bee freed from the force of the flakes of Ice, but notwithstanding,* 1.464 it [ 40] brake in pieces staffe and all: and if that the hinder part of the ship had beene in the Ice that draue, as well as the fore part was, then all the ship would haue beene driuen wholly vpon the Ice, or possibly haue runne on ground, and for that cause wee were in great feare, and set our Scutes and our Boat out vpon the Ice, if need were, to saue our selues, but within foure houres after, the Ice draue away of it selfe, wherewith wee were exceeding glad, as if wee had saued our liues, for that the ship was then on flote againe, and vpon that we made a new Rother and a Staffe, and hung the Rother out vpon the hookes, that if we chanced to bee borne vpon the Ice againe, as we had beene, it might so be freed from it.

The first of September being Sunday, while we were at prayer,* 1.465 the Ice began to gather toge∣ther againe, so that the ship was lifted vp two foot at the least, but the Ice brake not. The same [ 50] euening the Ice continued in that sort still driuing and gathering together, so that we made pre∣paration to draw our Scute and the Boat ouer the Ice vpon the Land, the wind then blowing South-east. The second, it snowed hard with a North-east wind, and the ship began to rise vp higher vpon the Ice, at which time the Ice burst and crackt with great force, so that wee were of opinion to carrie our Scute on Land in that foule weather, with thirteene barrels of Bread, and two hogsheads of Wine, to sustaine our selues if need were.

The third, it blew hard but snowed not so much, the wind being North North-east, at which time we began to be loose from the Ice, whereunto wee lay fast, so that the Scheck broke from the Steuen, but the plankes wherewith the ship was lined, held the Scheck fast, and made it hang on, but the Boutloofe and a new Cable (if we had falled vpon the Ice) brake by forcible [ 60] pressing of the Ice, but held fast againe in the Ice, and yet the ship was staunch; which was wonder, in regard that the Ice draue so hard, and in great heapes, as big as the Salt-hils that are in Spaine, and within a Harquebusse shot of the ship, betweene the which wee lay in great feare and anguish.

The fourth, the weather began to cleare vp, and we saw the Sunne, but it was very cold, the

wind being North-east we being forced to lie still. The fift▪ it was faire Sun-shine weather, and very calme, and at euening when we had supped, the Ice compassed about vs againe, and wee were hard enclosed therewith, the ship beginning to lie vpon the one side, and leaked sore, but by Gods grace it became staunch againe, wherewith we were wholly in feare to lose the ship, it was in so great danger: at which time wee tooke counsell together, and carried our old socke Sayle, with Powder, Lead, Peeces, Muskets, and other furniture on Land, to make a Tent a∣bout our Scute that we had drawne vpon the Land, and at that time we carried some Bread, and Wine on Land also, with some Timber, therewith to mend our Boat, that it might serue vs in time of need.

The sixt, it was indifferent faire Sea-weather, and Sun-shine, the wind being West, whereby we were somewhat comforted, hoping that the Ice would driue away, and that wee might get [ 10] from thence againe. The seuenth, it was indifferent weather againe, but we perceiued no ope∣ning of the water, but to the contrary, it lay hard enclosed with Ice, and no water at all about the ship, no not so much as a bucket full. The same day, fiue of our men went on Land, but two of them came backe againe, the other three went forward about two miles into the Land, and there found a Riuer of sweet water,* 1.466 where also they found great store of Wood that had beene driuen thither, and there they found the footsteps of Harts and Hinds, as they thought, for they were clouen footed, some greater footed then others, which made them iudge them to be so.

The eight, it blew hard East North-east, which was a right contrary wind to doe vs any good, touching the carrying away of the Ice, so that we were still faster in the Ice, which put vs in no small discomfort. The ninth, it blew North-east, with a little snow, whereby our ship [ 20] was wholly enclosed with Ice, for the wind draue the Ice hard against it, so that we lay three or foure foot deepe in the Ice, and our Sheck in the after Steuen, brake in pieces, and the ship began to be somewhat loose before, but yet it was not much hurt. In the night time, two Beares came close to our ship side, but we sounded our Trumpet, and shot at them, but hit them not, because it was darke, and they ranne away. The tenth, the weather was somewhat better, because the wind blew not so hard, and yet all one wind.

The eleuenth, it was calme weather, and eight of vs went on Land, euery man armed, to see if that were true as our other three companions had said, that there lay Wood about the Riuer, for that seeing we had so long woond and turned about, sometime in the Ice, and then againe got out,* 1.467 and thereby were compelled to alter our course, and at last saw that we could not get out of [ 30] the Ice, but rather became faster, and could not loose our ship, as at other times we had done, as also that it began to be Winter, we tooke counsell together what we were best to doe, according to the time,* 1.468 that we might winter there, and attend such aduenture as God would send vs: and after we had debated vpon the matter (to keepe and defend our selues both from the cold, and wilde beasts) we determined to build a house vpon the Land, to keepe vs therein as well as wee could, and so to commit our selues vnto the tuition of God, and to that end we went further in∣to the Land, to find out the conuenientest place in our opinions, to raise our house vpon, and yet we had not much stuffe to make it withall, in regard that there grew no trees, nor any other thing in that Countrey conuenient to build it withall: but wee leauing no occasion vnsought, as our men went abroad to view the Countrey,* 1.469 and to see what good fortune might happen vn∣to [ 40] vs, at last we found an vnexpected comfort in our need, which was, that we found certaine trees roots and all, (as our three companions had said before) which had beene driuen vpon the shoare, either from Tartaria, Muscouia, or else where; for there was none growing vpon that Land, wherewith (as if God had purposely sent them vnto vs) we were much comforted, being in good hope that God would shew vs some further fauour; for that Wood serued vs not onely to build out house, but also to burne, and serue vs all the Winter long, otherwise without all doubt, we had died there miserably with extreme cold.

The twelfth, it was calme weather, and then our men went vnto the other side of the Land, to see if they could find any Wood neerer vnto vs, but there was none. The thirteenth, it was calme but very misty weather, so that we could doe nothing, because it was dangerous for vs to [ 50] goe into the Land, in regard that we could not see the wilde Beares, and yet they could smell vs, for they smell better then they see. The fourteenth, it was cleare Sun-shine weather, but very cold, and then we went into the Land, and layed the Wood in heapes one vpon the other, that it might not bee couered ouer with the Snow, and from thence meant to carrie it to the place where we intended to build our house.

* 1.470The fifteenth in the morning, as one of our men held watch, we saw three Beares, whereof the one lay still behind a piece of Ice, the other two came close to the ship; which wee percei∣uing, made our Peeces ready to shoot at them, at which time there stood a Tub full of Beefe vp∣on the Ice, which lay in the water to be seasoned, for that close by the ship there was no water: one of the Beares went vnto it, and put in his head to take out a piece of the Beefe, but she fa∣red [ 60] therewith as the Dog did with the Pudding, for as she was snatching at the Beefe, shee was shot into the head, wherewith she fell downe dead, and neuer stirred: the other Beare stood still, and looked vpon her fellow, and when shee had stood a good while, shee smelt her fellow,

and perceiuing that she was dead, shee ran away, but wee tooke Halber••s and other Armes with vs, and followed her, and at last she came againe towards vs, and we prepared our selues to with∣stand her, wherewith she rose vp vpon her hinder feet, thinking to rampe at vs, but while shee reared her selfe vp, one of our men shot her into the bellie, and with that she fell vpon her fore∣feet againe, and roaring as loud as she could, ran away. Then we tooke the dead Beare, and ript her bellie open; and taking out her guts, we set her vpon her fore-feet, that so she might freeze as shee stood, intending to carrie her with vs into Holland, if wee might get our ship loose, and when we had set the Beare vpon her foure feet, we began to make a Sled, thereon to draw the Wood to the place where we went to build our house,* 1.471 at that time it froze two fingers thicke in the salt water, and it was exceeding cold, the wind blowing North-east.

[ 10] The sixteenth, the Sunne shone, but towards the euening it was misty, the wind being Easter∣ly, at which time we went to fetch Wood with our Sleds, and then wee drew foure beames aboue a mile vpon the Ice and the Snow, that night againe it froze aboue two fingers thicke. The seuenteenth, thirteene of vs went where the Wood lay with our Sleds, and so drew fiue and fiue in a Sled, and the other three helped to lift the Wood behind, to make vs draw the better, and with more ease, and in that manner we drew Wood twice a day, and laid it on a heape by the place where we meant to build our house.

The three and twentieth, wee fetcht more Wood to build our house, which wee did twice a day, but it grew to be misty and still weather againe, the wind blowing East, and East North-east, that day our Carpenter being of Pur••e••aet died, as wee came aboord about euening. The [ 20] foure and twentieth, we buried him vnder the sedges, in the clift of a hill, hard by the water, for we could not dig vp the earth, by reason of the great frost and cold, and that day wee went twice with our Sleds to fetch Wood.

The fiue and twentieth, it was darke wether, the wind blowing West, & West South-west,* 1.472 and South-west, and the Ice began somwhat to open, and driue away; but it continued not long, for that hauing driuen about the length of the shot of a great Peece, it lay three fathoms deepe vpon the ground: and where we lay the Ice draue not, for we lay in the middle of the Ice; but if we had layne in the mayne Sea, we would haue hoysed sayle, although it was then late in the yeere. The same day we raysed vp the principles of our house, and began to worke hard thereon, but [ 30] if the ship had beene loose, we would haue left our building, and haue made our after Steuen of our ship, that we might haue beene ready to sayle away if it had beene possible.

The sixe and twentieth, wee had a West wind and an open Sea, but our ship lay fast, where∣with we were not a little grieued, but it was Gods will, which we most patiently bare, and wee began to make vp our house, part of our men fetched Wood to burne, the rest played the Car∣penters: and were busie about the house, as then we were sixteene men in all, for our Carpenter was dead, and of our sixteene men there was still one or other sicke. The seuen and twentieth, it blew hard North-east, and it froze so hard, that as we put a nayle into our mouthes (as when men worke Carpenters worke they vse to doe) there would Ice hang thereon when we tooke it out againe, and make the bloud follow:* 1.473 the same day there came an old Beare and a young one [ 40] towards vs, as we were going to our house, being all together (for we durst not goe alone) which we thought to shoot at, but she ran away, at which time the Ice came forcibly driuing in, and it was faire Sun-shine weather, but so extreme cold, that we could hardly worke, but extremity forced vs thereunto.

The eight and twentieth, it was faire weather, and the Sunne shone, the Wind being West and very calme, the Sea as then being open, but our ship lay fast in the Ice and stirred not; the same day there came a Beare to the ship, but when she espyed vs, she ranne away, and we made as much haste as wee could to build our House. The nine and twentieth in the morning, the Wind was West, and after-noone it blew Northerly, and then wee saw three Beares betweene vs and the House, an old one and two young; but we notwithstanding drew our goods from the [ 50] ship to the House, and so got before the Beares, and yet they followed vs: neuerthelesse, we would not shun the way for them, but hollowed out as loud as we could, thinking that they wold haue gone away, but they would not once goe out of their foot-path, but got before vs, where∣with we and they that were at the house, made a great noyse, which made the Beares run away, and we were not a little glad thereof. The thirtieth the Wind was East, and East South-east, and all that night and the next day it snowed so fast, that our men could fetch no Wood, it lay so close and high one vpon the other: then wee made a great fire without the House, therewith to thaw the ground, that so we might lay it about the House, that it might bee the closer;* 1.474 but it was all lost labour, for the Earth was so hard, and frozen so deepe into the ground, that wee could not thaw it, and it would haue cost vs too much Wood, and therefore wee were forced to [ 60] leaue off that labour.

§. II. Their cold, comfortlesse, darke and dreadfull Winter: the Sunnes absence, Moones light, Sunnes vnexpected returne with miraculous speed. Of Beares, Foxes, and many ma∣ny Wonders.

THe first of October, the Wind blew stiffe North-east, and after-noone it blew North, with a great storme and drift of Snow, whereby wee could hardly goe in the Wind, [ 10] and a man could hardly draw his breath, the Snow draue so hard in our faces, at which time we could not see two ships length from vs. The second before noone, the Sunne shone, and after noone it was cloudie againe, and it snew, but the vveather was still, the Wind being North,* 1.475 and then South, and vvee set vp our House, and vpon it wee placed a May-pole made of frozen Snow.

The third before noone, it was calme Sun-shine vveather, but so cold, that it was hard to bee indured, and after-noone it blew hard out of the West, vvith so great extreme cold, that if it had continued, we should haue beene forced to leaue our vvorke. The fourth, the Wind was West, and after-noone North, with great store of Snow, vvhereby vve could not vvorke: at that time vve brought our Anchor vpon the Ice to lye the faster, vvhen vvee lay but an Arrovv shot from [ 20] the Water, the Ice was so much driuen away.

The fifth, it blevv hard North-west, and the Sea vvas very open and vvithout Ice, as farre as vve could discerne, but vve lay still frozen as vve did before, and our ship lay two or three foot deepe in the Ice, and vvee could not perceiue otherwise, but that vvee lay fast vpon the ground, and then it vvas three fathome and a halfe deepe. The same day vve brake vp the lower deck of the fore-part of our ship, and vvith those Deales vve couered our Houses, and made it slope o∣uer head, that the Water might runne off, at vvhich time it vvas very cold. The sixth, it blew hard West South-west, but towards Eeuening, West North-west, with a great Snow, that wee could hardly thrust our heads out of the doore, by reason of the great cold. The seuenth, it was indifferent good weather, but yet very cold, and wee calk't our House, and brake the [ 30] ground about it at the foot thereof:* 1.476 that day the Wind went round about the Compasse.

The eight, all the night before it blew so hard, and the same day also, and snowed so fast, that we should haue smothered, if we had gone out into the Ayre; and to speake truth, it had not beene possible for any man to haue gone one ships length, though his life had layen thereon: for it was not possible for vs to goe out of the House or ship. The ninth, the Wind still continued North,* 1.477 and blew, and snowed hard, all that day the Wind as then blowing from the Land, so that all that day we were forced to stay in the ship, the weather was so foule.

The tenth, the weather was somewhat fairer, and the Wind calmer, and blew South-west, and West, and South-west, and that time the Water flowed two foote higher then ordinary, which we ghest to proceede from the first North-wind, which as then had blowne. The same [ 40] day the weather began to be somewhat better, so that we began to go out of our ship againe: and as one of our men went out, he chanced to meet a Beare, and was almost at him before hee knew it, but presently he ranne backe againe towards the ship, and the Beare after him; but the Beare comming to the place where before we had killed another Beare, and set her vpright, and there let her freeze (which was couered ouer with Ice, and yet one of her pawes reached about it) shee stood still, whereby our man got before her, and climbed vp into the ship, in great feare, crying, A Beare, a Beare; which we hearing, came aboue Hatches to looke on her, and to shoot at her, but we could not see her, by meanes of the exceeding great smoke, that had so sore tormented vs (while we lay vnder Hatches) in the foule weather which we would not haue indured for any money, but by reason of the cold and snowie weather, wee were constrayned to doe it, if wee [ 50] would saue our liues, for aloft in the ship we must vndoubtedly haue died? the Beare stayed not long there, but ranne away, the Wind then being North-east. The same day about Eeuening, it was faire weather, and we went out of our ship to the House, and carried the greatest part of our Bread thither.

The eleuenth, it was calme weather, the Wind being South, and somewhat warme, and then we carried our Wine and other Victuals on Land: and as we were hoysing the Wine ouer-boord, there came a Beare towards our ship, that had layen behind a piece of Ice, and it seemed that we had waked her with the noyse we made: for wee had seene her lye there, but wee thought her to be a piece of Ice; but as she came neere vs, we shot at her, and she ranne away, so we pro∣ceeded in our worke. The twelfth, it blew North, and somewhat Westerly, and then halfe of [ 60] our men kept in the House, and that was the first time that we lay in it, but wee indured great cold, because our Cabins were not made; and besides that wee had not Clothes enough, and we could keepe no fire because our Chimney was not made, whereby it smoked exceedingly.

The thirteenth, the Wind was North and North-west, and it began againe to blow hard, and

then three of vs went aboord the ship, and laded a Sled with Beere, but when wee had laden it; thinking to goe to our House with it, suddenly there rose such a Wind, and so great a storme and cold, that wee were forced to goe into the ship againe, because wee were not able to stay with∣out, and wee could not get the Beere into the ship againe, but were forced to let it stand with∣out vpon the Sled: being in the ship, wee indured extreame cold, because wee had but a few clothes in it.

The fourteenth, as wee came out of the ship, wee found the Barrell of Beere standing vpon the Sled, but it was fast frozen at the heads, yet by reason of the great cold, the Beere that purged out, froze as hard vpon the side of the Barrell as if it had bene glued thereon, and in [ 10] that sort wee drew it to our House, and set the Barrell an end, and dranke it first vp, but wee were forced to melt the Beere, for there was scant any vnfrozen Beere in the Barrell,* 1.478 but in that thicke Yeast that was vnfrozen lay the strength of the Beere, so that it was too strong to drinke alone, and that which was frozen tasted like water, and being melted we mixt one with the other, and so dranke it, but it had neither strength nor taste.

The fifteenth, the Wind blew North and East, and East South-east, that day we made place to set vp our doore, and shoueled the Snow away. The eighteenth, the Wind blew hard East South-east, and then we fetched our Bread out of the Scute which wee had drawne vp vpon the Land, and the Wine also which as then was not much frozen, and yet it had layne sixe Weekes therein, and not withstanding that it had oftentimes frozen very hard.* 1.479 The same day wee saw [ 20] another Beare, and then the Sea was so couered ouer with Ice, that wee could see no open water.

The nineteenth, the Wind blew North-east, and then there was but two men and a Boy in the ship, at which time there came a Beare that sought forcibly to get into the ship, although the two men shot at her with pieces of Wood, and yet she ventured vpon them,* 1.480 whereby they were in an extreame feare, each of them seeking to saue themselues, the two men leapt into the Ballast, and the Boy climbed into the foot Mast top, to saue their liues, meane time, some of our men shot at her with a Musket, and then shee ranne away. The twentieth, it was calme Sunne-shine weather, and then againe wee saw the Sea open, at which time wee went on boord to fetch the rest of our Beere out of the ship,* 1.481 where wee found some of the Bar∣rels [ 30] frozen in pieces, and the Iron hoopes that were vpon the Iosam Barrels were also fro∣zen in pieces.

The two and twentieth, the Winde blew coldly, and very stiffe North-east, with so great a Snow, that wee could not get out of our doores. The three and twentieth, it was calme weather, and the Winde blew North-east, then wee went aboord our ship, to see if the rest of our men would come home to the House; but wee feared that it would blow hard againe, and therefore durst not stirre with the sicke man, but let him lye still that day, for hee was very weake.

The foure and twentieth, the rest of our men beeing eight persons, came to the House, and drew the sicke man vpon a Sled, and then with great labour and paine,* 1.482 wee drew our [ 40] Boat home to our House, and turned the bottome thereof vpwards, that when time serued vs (if God saued our liues in the Winter time) wee might vse it: and after that, perceiuing that the ship lay fast, and that there was nothing lesse to be expected then the opening of the water, wee put our Anchor into the ship againe, because it should not be couered ouer and lost in the Snow, that in the Spring time wee might vse it: for we alwayes trusted in God that hee would deliuer vs from thence towards Summer time, eyther one way or other. The Sunne, when we might see it best and highest, began to be very low, and we vsed all the speed we could to fetch all things with Sleds out of our ship into our House, not onely meate and drinke, but all other necessaries, at which time the Wind was North.

The fiue and twentieth, wee fetcht all things that were necessary for the furnishing of our [ 50] Scute and our Boate: and when we had laden the last Sled, and stood readie to draw it to the House, our Master looked about him and saw three Beares behind the ship that were comming towards vs, whereupon hee cryed out aloud to feare them away, and wee presently leaped forth to defend our selues as well as we could: and, as good fortune was, there lay two Hal∣berds vpon the Sled, whereof the Master tooke one, and I the other, and made resistance against them as well as we could; but the rest of our men ranne to saue themselues in the ship, and as they ranne, one of them fell into a Clift of Ice, which grieued vs much: for we thought verily that the Beares would haue ranne vnto him, to deuoure him, but God defended him: for the Beares still made towardes the ship after the men that ranne thither to saue themselues. Meane time, wee and the man that fell into the Clift of Ice, tooke our aduantage, and [ 60] got into the ship on the other side, which the Beares perceiuing,* 1.483 they came fiercely to∣wards vs, that had no other Armes to defend vs withall, but onely the two Halberds, which wee doubting would not bee sufficient, wee still gaue them worke to doe by throw∣ing Billets and other things at them, and euery time we threw, they ranne after them as a Dogge vseth to doe at a Stone that is cast at him. Meane time, wee sent a man

downe vnder Hatches to strike Fire, and another to fetch Pikes, but wee could get no Fire, and so wee had no meanes to shoote: at the last, as the Beares came fiercely vpon vs, wee strooke one of them with a Halberd vpon the Snowt, wherewith shee gaue backe, when shee felt her selfe hurt, and went away, which the other two that were not so great as shee, perceiuing, ranne away: and wee thanked God that wee were so well deliuered from them, and so drew our Sled quietly to our House, and there shewed our men what had happened vnto vs.

The sixe and twentieth, the Wind was North, and North North-west, with indiffe∣rent faire weather: then wee saw open Water hard by the Land, but wee perceiued the Ice to driue in the Sea, still towards the ship. The seuen and twentieth, the Wind blew North-east, [ 10] and it snowed so fast, that wee could not worke without the doore. That day our men killed a White Foxe,* 1.484 which they flead: and after they had rosted it, ate thereof, which tasted like Conies flesh: the same day we set vp our Dyall, and made the Clocke strike, and wee hung vp a Lampe to burne in the night time,* 1.485 wherein we vsed the fat of the Bear•• which wee melt, and burnt in the Lampe.

The nine and twentieth, the Wind still blew North-east, and then wee fetched Segges from the Sea-side, and layd them vpon the Sayle that was spread vpon our House, that it might bee so much the closer and warmer: for the Deales were not driuen close together, and the foule weather would not permit vs to doe it. The thirtieth, the Winde yet continued North-east, and the Sunne was full aboue the Earth, a little aboue the Horizon. The one and thirtieth, the [ 20] Winde still blew North-east, with great store of Snow, whereby wee durst not looke out of doores.

The first of Nouember, the Wind still continued North-east, and then wee saw the Moone rise in the East when it beganne to bee darke,* 1.486 and the Sunne was no higher aboue the Horizon then we could well see it, and yet that day we saw it not, because of the close weather, and the great Snow that fell,* 1.487 and it was extreame cold, so that we could not goe out of the House.

The second, the Wind blew West, and somewhat South, but in the Eeuening it blew North, with calme weather,* 1.488 and that day we saw the Sunne rise South South-east, and it went downe South South-west, but it was not full aboue the Earth, but passed in the Horizon along by the Earth: and the same day one of our men killed a Fox with a Hatchet, which was flayed, roasted [ 30] and eaten. Before the Sunne began to decline, wee saw no Foxes, and then the Beares vsed to goe from vs.

The third, the Wind blew North-west with calme weather, and the Sunne rose South and by East, and somewhat more Southerly, and went downe South and by West, and somewhat more Southerly; and then we could see nothing but the vpper part of the Sunne aboue the Ho∣rizon, and yet the Land where wee were was as high as the Mast of our ship, then wee tooke the height of the Sunne, it being in the eleuenth degree, and fortie eight minutes of Scorpio, his Declination being fifteene degrees and twentie foure minutes, on the South-side of the E∣quinoctiall Line.

* 1.489The fourth, it was calme weather, but then wee saw the Sunne no more, for it was no [ 40] longer aboue the Horizon, then our Chirurgion made a Bath (to bathe vs in) of a Wine∣pipe, wherein wee entred one after the other, and it did vs much good; and was a great meanes of our health. The same day wee tooke a White Foxe, that oftentimes came a∣broad, not as they vsed at other times: for that when the Beares left vs at the setting of the Sunne, and came not againe before it rose, the Foxe to the contrarie came abroad when they were gone.

The fifth, the Winde was North, and somewhat West, and then wee saw open water vpon the Sea, but our shippe lay still fast in the Ice, and when the Sunne had left vs, wee saw the Moone continuall both day and night,* 1.490 and neuer went downe when it was in the highest degree. The sixt, the Winde was North-west, still weather, and then our men [ 50] fetcht a Sled full of Fire-wood, but by reason that the Sunne was not seene, it was very darke weather.

The seuenth, it was darke weather, and very still, the Winde West, at which time wee could hardly discerne the Day from the Night,* 1.491 specially because at that time our Clocke stood still, and by that meanes wee knew not when it was day, although it was day, and our men rose not out of their Cabins all that day; but onely to make water, and therefore they knew not whether the light they saw, was the light of the day or of the Moone; whereupon, they were of seuerall opinions, some saying, it was the light of the day, the others of the night: but as wee tooke good regard thereunto, wee found it to bee the light of the day about twelue of the clocke at noone. [ 60]

The eight, it was still weather, the Winde blowing South, and South-west. The same day our men fetcht another Sled of Fire-wood, and then also wee tooke a White Foxe, and saw open water in the Sea. The same day wee shared our Bread amongst vs, each man hauing foure pound and tenne ounces,* 1.492 for his allowance in eight dayes, so that then

we were eight dayes eating a Barrell of Bread, whereas before wee ate it vp in fiue or six dayes: we had no need to share our flesh and fish, for we had more store thereof; but our drinke failed vs, and therefore we were forced to share that also:* 1.493 but our best Beere was for the most part who∣ly without any strength, so that it had no sauour at all: and besides all this, there was a great deale of it spilt. The ninth, the Wind blew North-east, and somewhat more Northerly, and then we had not much day light, but it was altogether darke. The tenth, it was calme wea∣ther, the Wind North-west, and then our men went into the ship to see how it lay,* 1.494 and wee saw that there was a great deale of water in it, so that the ballast was couered ouer with water, but that it was frozen, and so might not bee pumpt out. The eleuenth, it was indifferent wea∣ther, the Wind North-west. The same day we made a round thing of Cable yarne, and like to a [ 10] Net, to catch Foxes withall, that wee might get them into the House,* 1.495 and it was made like a Trap, which fell vpon the Foxes as they came vnder it, and that day we caught one.

The twelfth, the Wind blew East, with a little light: that day wee began to share our Wine, euery man had two Glasses a day, but commonly our Drinke was water,* 1.496 which we melted out of Snow, which we gathered without the House. The thirteenth, it was foule weather, with great Snow, the Wind East. The fourteenth, it was faire cleere weather, with a cleere Skie full of Starres, and an East-wind. The fifteenth, it was darke weather, the Wind North-east, with a vading light. The sixteenth, it was weather with a temperate Ayre, and an East-wind. The seuenteenth, it was darke weather, and a close Ayre, the Wind East. The eighteenth, it was foule weather, the wind South-east: then the Master cut vp a packe of course Clothes, and diui∣ded [ 20] it amongst our men that needed it, therewith to defend vs better from the cold. The nine∣teenth, it was foule weather, with an East-wind, and then the Chist with Linnen was opened, and diuided amongst the men for shift, for they had need of them, for then our onely care was to find all the meanes we could to defend our bodie from the cold. The twentieth, it was faire still weather, the Wind Easterly, then wee washt our sheets, but it was so cold, that when wee had washt and wrung them, they presently froze so stiffe, that although wee layed them by a great fire, the side that lay next the fire thawed, but the other side was hard frozen, so that wee should sooner haue torne them in sunder then haue opened them,* 1.497 whereby wee were forced to put them into the seething water againe to thaw them, it was so exceeding cold. The one and twentieth, it was indifferent weather with a North-east wind, then we agreed that euery man [ 30] should take his turne to cleaue Wood, thereby to ease our Cooke, that had more then worke e∣nough to doe twice a day to dresse meate, and to melt Snow for our Drinke, but our Master and the Pilot were exempted from that Worke.

The two and twentieth, the Wind was South-east, it was faire weather, then wee had but seuenteene Cheeses, whereof one we ate amongst vs, and the rest were diuided to euery man one for his portion, which they might eate when he list. The three and twentieth, it was indiffe∣rent good weather, the Wind South-east, and as we perceiued that the Fox vsed to come oftner, and more then they were wont, to take them the better, wee made certaine Trappes of thicke Planckes, whereon wee laid stones, and round about them placed pieces of shards fast in the ground, that they might not digge vnder them, and so got some of the Foxes.* 1.498 The foure and [ 40] twentieth, it was foule weather, and the Wind North-east, and then wee prepared our selues to goe into the Bath, for some of vs were not very well at ease, and so foure of vs went into it, and when we came out, our Surgeon gaue vs a Purgation, which did vs much good, and that day we tooke foure Foxes. The fiue and twentieth▪ it was faire cleere weather, the Wind West; and that day we tooke two Foxes with Springs that we had purposely set vp.

The six and twentieth, it was foule weather, and a great storme with a South-west Wind, and great store of Snow, whereby wee were so closed vp in the House, that wee could not goe out, but were forced to ease our selues within the House. The seuen and twentieth, it was faire cleere weather, the Wind South-west, and then we made more Spinges to get Foxes, for it stood vs vpon to doe it, because they serued vs for meate, as if God had sent them purposely for vs, [ 50] for we had not much meate. The eight and twentieth of Nouember, it was foule stormie wea∣ther, and the Winde blew hard out of the North, and it snew hard, whereby wee were shut vp againe in our House, the Snow lay so closed before the doores.

The nine and twentieth, it was faire cleere weather, and a good Ayre: the Wind Northerly, and we found meanes to open our doore by shoueling away the Snow, whereby wee got one of our doores open, and going out,* 1.499 wee found all our Traps and Springes cleane couered ouer with Snow, which wee made cleane, and set them vp againe to take Foxes: and that day wee tooke one, which as then serued vs not onely for meate,* 1.500 but of the skinnes wee made Caps to weare vpon our heads, wherewith to keepe them warme from the extreame cold. The thirtieth, it [ 60] was faire cleere weather, the Wind West, and six of vs went to the ship, all well prouided of Armes to see how it lay: and when wee went vnder the fore Decke, wee tooke a Foxe aliue in the ship.

The first of December, it was foule weather with a South-west Wind,* 1.501 and great store of Snow, whereby we were once againe stopt vp in the House, and by that meanes there was so

great a smoake in the House, that we could hardly make f••re, and so were forced to lye all day in our Cabins,* 1.502 but the Cooke was forced to make fire to dresse our meate. The second, it was still foule weather, whereby wee were forced to keepe still in the House, and yet wee could hardly sit by the fire, because of the smoake, and therefore stayed still in our Cabins, and then we heated stones,* 1.503 which we put in our Cabins to warme our feet, for that both the cold and the smoake were vnsupportable.

The third, we had the like weather, at which time as we lay in our Cabins, wee might heare the Ice cracke in the Sea, and yet it was at the least halfe a mile from vs, which made a huge noyse, and we were of opinion, that as then the great Hils of Ice which wee had seene in the Sea, in Summer time, brake one from the other, and for that during those two or three dayes, be∣cause [ 10] of the extreame smoake, we made not so much fire as we commonly vsed to doe, it froze so sore within the House, that the Wals and the Roofe thereof were frozen two fingers thick with Ice,* 1.504 and also in our Cabins where we lay all those three dayes, while wee could not goe out: by reason of the foule weather, we set vp the Glasse of twelue houres, and when it was runne out, wee set it vp againe, still watching it lest wee should misse our time. For the cold was so great,* 1.505 that our Clocke was frozen, and might not goe, although we hung more waight on it then before.

The fourth, it was faire cleere weather, the Wind North-east, and then we began euery man by turne to digge open our doores that were closed vp with Snow,* 1.506 for we saw that it would be often to doe, and therefore we agreed to worke by turnes, no man excepted but the Master [ 20] and the Pilot. The fifth, it was faire weather with an East-wind, and then we made our Sprin∣ges cleane againe to take Foxes. The sixt, it was foule weather againe, with an Easterly Wind, and extreame cold, almost not to bee indured, whereupon wee lookt pittifully one vpon the o∣ther, being in great feare, that if the extreamitie of the cold grew to bee more and more, wee should all dye there with cold, for that what fire soeuer we made, it would not warme vs, yea, and our Sacke which is so hot,* 1.507 was frozen very hard, so that when wee were euery man to haue his part, we were forced to melt it in the fire, which wee shared euery second day about halfe a pint for a man, wherewith we were forced to sustayne our selues, and at other times wee dranke water, which agreed not well with the cold, and we needed not to coole it with Snow or Ice, but we were forced to melt it out of the Snow. [ 30]

The seuenth, it was still foule weather, and we had a great storme with a North-east Wind, which brought an extreame cold with it, at which time wee knew not what to doe, and while we sate consulting together, what were best for vs to doe, one of our companions gaue vs coun∣sell to burne some of the Sea-coales that we had brought out of the ship, which would cast a great heate and continue long,* 1.508 and so at Eeuening we made a great fire thereof, which cast a great heat: at which time wee were very carefull to keepe it in: for that the heate beeing so great a comfort vnto vs, we tooke care how to make it continue long: whereupon wee agreed to stop vp all the doores and the Chimney, thereby to keepe in the heate, and so went into our Cabins to sleepe, well comforted with the heate, and so lay a great while talking together; but at last we were ta∣ken with a great swounding and dazeling in our heads,* 1.509 yet some more then other some, which [ 40] we first perceiued by a sicke man, and therefore the lesse able to beare it, and found our selues to be very ill at ease, so that some of vs that were strongest, start out of their Cabins, and first o∣pened the Chimney, and then the doores, but he that opened the doore fell downe in a swound vpon the Snow, which I hearing, as lying in my Cabin next to the doore, start vp, and casting Vinegar in his face, recouered him againe, and so he rose vp: and when the doores were open, we all recouered our healths againe,* 1.510 by reason of the cold Ayre, and so the cold which before had beene so great an Enemy vnto vs, was then the onely reliefe that wee had, otherwise without doubt, we had dyed in a sudden swound, after that the Master, when we were come to our selues againe, gaue euery one of vs a little Wine to comfort our hearts.

The eight, it was foule weather, the winde Northerly, very sharpe and cold, but we durst lay no more coales on, as wee did the day before, for that our misfortune had taught vs, that to [ 50] shunne one danger we should not runne into another. The ninth, it was faire cleare weather, the skie full of Starres, then we set our doore wide open, which before was fast closed vp with Snow, and made our Springes ready to take Foxes. The tenth, it was still faire Star-light wea∣ther, the winde North-east: then wee tooke two Foxes, which were good meate for vs, for as then our victuals began to bee scant, and the cold still increased, whereunto their Skinnes serued vs for a good defence.* 1.511 The eleuenth, it was faire weather, and a cleere ayre but very cold, which hee that felt not would not beleeue, for our Shooes froze as hard as hornes vpon our feete, and within they were white frozen, so that we could not weare our shooes, but were forced to make great Pattents, the vpper part being Sheepe-skinnes, which we put on ouer three or foure payre of Sockes, and so went in them to keepe our feet warme. [ 60]

The twelfth, it was faire cleere weather with a North-west winde, but extreame cold, so that our House walls and Cabbins were frozen a finger thicke;* 1.512 yea, and the Cloathes vpon our backes were white ouer with Frost, and although some of vs were of opinion, that wee should

lay more coles vpon the fire to warme vs, and that we should let the chimney stand open, yet we durst not doe it, fearing the like danger we had escaped. The thirteenth, it was faire cleere wea∣ther, with an East winde: then we tooke another Foxe, and tooke great paines about preparing and dressing of our Springes, with no small trouble,* 1.513 for that if wee stayed too long without the doores, there arose blisters vpon our Faces and our Eares. The fourteenth, it was faire weather, the winde North-east, and the skie full of starres, then we tooke the height of the right shoulder of the Rens, when it was South South-west, and somewhat more Westerly (and then it was at the highest in our Compasse) and it was eleuated aboue the Horizon 20. degrees and 28. minutes, his Declination being 6. degrees and 18. minutes, on the North-side of the line, which Declina∣tion [ 10] being taken out of the height aforesayd, there rested 14. degrees, which being taken out of 90. degrees, then the height of the Pole was 76. degrees.

The fifteenth, it was still faire weather, the winde East: that day wee tooke two Foxes, and saw the Moone rise East South-east, when it was sixe and twentie dayes old, in the signe of Scor∣pio. The sixteenth, it was faire cleere weather, the winde East: at that time wee had no more Wood in the house, but had burnt it all: but round about our house there lay some couered ouer with Snow, which with great paine and labour we were forced to digge out, and so shouell away the Snow, and so brought it into the house, which wee did by turnes, two and two together, wherein we were forced to vse great speed, for wee could not long endure without the House,* 1.514 because of the extreame cold, although we wore the Foxes skinnes about our heads, and double [ 20] apparell vpon our backes.

The seuenteenth, the winde still held North-east, with faire weather and so great Frosts, that wee were of opinion, that if there stood a Barrell full of water without the doore, it would in one night freeze from the top to the bottome. The eighteenth, the winde still held North-east, with faire weather: then seuen of vs went out vnto the Ship to see how it lay, and being vnder the decke, thinking to finde a Foxe there, we sought all the holes but we found none; but when we entred into the Cabbin and had stricken fire to see in what case the ship was, and whether the water rose higher in it, there wee found a Foxe, which we tooke and carryed it home, and eate it, and then we found that in eighteene dayes absence (for it was so long since we had beene there) the water was risen about a finger high, but yet it was all Ice, for it froze as fast as it [ 30] came in, and the vessels which wee had brought with vs full of fresh water out of Holland, were frozen to the ground.

The nineteenth, it was faire weather, the winde being South: then we put each other in good comfort, that the Sunne was then almost halfe ouer, and ready to come to vs againe,* 1.515 which wee sore longed for, it being a weary time for vs to bee without the Sunne, and to want the greatest comfort that God sendeth vnto man heere vpon the earth, and that which rejoyceth euery li∣uing thing. The twentieth, before noone it was faire cleere weather, and then we had taken a Foxe, but towards Eeuening, there rose such a storme in the South-west, with so great a snow, that all the house was inclosed therewith. The one and twentieth, it was faire cleere weather,* 1.516 with a North-east winde, then we made our doore cleane againe, and made a way to goe out, and [ 40] clensed our Traps for the Foxes, which did vs great pleasure when we tooke them, for they see∣med as daintie as Venison vnto vs. The two and twentieth, it was foule weather, with great store of snow, the winde South-west, which stopt vp our doore againe, and wee were forced to digge it open againe, which was almost euery day to doe. The three and twentieth, it was foule weather, the wind South-west, with great store of snow, but wee were in good comfort that the Sunne would come againe to vs, for as we ghest, that day hee was in Tropicus Capricorni,* 1.517 which is the furthest Signe that the Sunne passeth on the South-side of the line, and from thence it turneth Northward againe. The foure and twentieth, being Christmasse Eeuen, it was faire weather, then wee opened our doore againe, and saw much open water in the Sea: for we had heard the Ice cracke and driue: although it was not day, yet we could see so farre. Towards [ 50] Eeuening it blew hard out of the North-east, with great store of Snow, so that all the passage that wee had made open before, was stopt vp againe. The fiue and twentieth,* 1.518 being Christmasse day, it was foule weather, with a North-west winde, and yet though it was foule weather, we heard the Foxes runne ouer our House, wherewith some of our men sayd, it was an ill signe;* 1.519 and while we sate disputing why it should bee an ill signe, some of our men made answer, that it was an ill signe because wee could not take them, to put them into the Pot or roast them, for that had beene a very good signe for vs.

The sixe and twentieth, it was foule weather, the winde North-west, and it was so cold that we could not warme vs, although wee vsed all the meanes we could with great fires,* 1.520 good store of cloathes, and with hot stones and billets, layd vpon our feete and vpon our bodies, as we lay [ 60] in our Cabbins; but notwithstanding all this, in the morning our Cabbins were frozen, which made vs behold one the other with sad countenance, but yet wee comforted our selues againe as well as we could, that the Sunne was then as low as it could goe, and that it now began to come to vs againe, and we found it to bee true: for that the Dayes beginning to lengthen, the Cold began to strengthen, but hope put vs in good comfort, and eased our paine. The seuen and twentieth, it

was still foule weather, with a North-west wind, so that as then wee had not beene out in three dayes together, nor durst not thrust our heads out of doores, and within the house it was so ex∣treame cold,* 1.521 that as we sate before a great Fire, and seemed to burne on the fore-side, we froze behind at our backes, and were all white as the Countrey-men vse to bee, when they come in at the gates of the Towne in Holland with their Sleds, and haue gone all night.

The eight and twentieth, it was still foule weather with a West wind, but about Eeuening it began to cleere vp, at which time one of our men made a hole open at one of our doores, and went out to see what newes abroad,* 1.522 but found it so hard weather that hee stayed not long, and told vs that it had snowed so much, that the Snow lay higher then our house, and that if he had stayed out longer, his eares would vndoubtedly haue beene frozen off. The nine and twentieth, [ 10] it was calme weather, and a pleasant ayre, the wind being Southward: that day, he, whose turne it was, opened the doore, and digged a hole through the Snow, where we went out of the house vpon steps,* 1.523 as if it had beene out of a Celler, at least seuen or eight steps high, each step a foote from the other, and then we made cleane our Springes for the Foxes, whereof for certaine dayes we had not taken any: and as we made them cleane, one of our men found a dead Foxe in one of them, that was frozen as hard as a stone, which he brought into the house, and thawed it before the fire, and after flaying it, some of our men eate it. The thirtieth, it was foule weather againe, with a storme out of the West, and great store of Snow, so that all the labour and paine that we had taken the day before to make steps to goe out of our house, and to clense our Springes, was all in vaine, for it was all couered ouer with Snow againe, higher then it was before. The one and [ 20] thirtieth, it was still foule weather, with a storme out of the North-west, whereby we were so fast shut vp into the house, as if wee had beene prisoners, and it was so extreame cold, that the fire almost cast no heate:* 1.524 for as we put our feet to the fire, we burnt our hose before we could feele the heate, so that we had worke enough to doe to patch our hose: and which is more, if we had not sooner smelt, then felt them, we should haue burnt them ere we had knowne it.

After that with great cold, danger, and disease, wee had brought this yeere vnto an end, we entred into the yeere of our Lord God 1597. the beginning whereof, was in the same man∣ner as the end of Anno 1596. had beene,* 1.525 for the weather continued as cold, foule, and Snowie,* 1.526 as it was before, so that vpon the first of Ianuary wee were inclosed in the House, the winde then being West: at the same time wee agreed to share our Wine euery man a [ 30] small measure full, and that but once in two dayes: and as we were in great care and feare that it would bee long before we should get out from thence, (and we hauing but small hope therein) some of vs spared to drinke wine as long as we could, that if we should stay long there, we might drinke it at our need. The second, it blew hard with a West wind, and a great storme with both Snow and Frost, so that in foure or fiue dayes, we durst not put our heads out of the doores, and as then by reason of the great cold, we had almost burne all our Wood; notwithstanding, we durst not goe out to fetch more wood, because it froze so hard, and there was no being without the doore, but seeking about we found some peeces of wood that lay ouer the doore, which we cloue, and withall cloue the blockes whereon we vsed to beate our Stock-fish, and so holpe our selues so well as we could. The third, it was all one weather, and we had little wood to burne. The [ 40] fourth, it was still foule stormie weather, with much Snow and great cold, the winde South-west,* 1.527 and we were forced to keepe in the house: and to know where the wind blew, we thrust a halfe-pike out at the Chimney with a little cloath or feather vpon it, but as soone as wee thrust it out, it was presently frozen as hard as a peece of wood, and could not goe about nor stirre with the wind.

The fifth, it was somewhat still and calme weather: then wee digged our doore open againe, that we might goe out, and carrie out all the filth that had beene made, during the time of our be∣ing shut in the house; and made euery thing handsome, and fetched in Wood which we cleft, and it was all our dayes worke to further our selues as much as we could, fearing least we should be shut vp againe: and as there were three doores in our portall, and for that our house lay coue∣red [ 50] ouer in Snow, wee tooke the middle doore thereof away, and digged a great hole in the snow, that lay without the house, like to a side of a vault, wherein we might goe to ease our selues, and cast other filth into it: and when we had taken paines all day, we remembred our selues that it was Twelfth Eeuen, and then we prayed our Master that we might be merrie that night, and sayd, that we were content to spend some of the Wine that night which we had spa∣red,* 1.528 and which was our share euery second day, and whereof for certayne dayes wee had not drunke, and so that night we made merrie, and drunke to the three Kings, and therewith we had two pound of Meale, whereof wee made pan-cakes with Oyle, and euery man a white Bisket, which we sopt in Wine: and so supposing that we were in our owne Countrey, and amongst our friends,* 1.529 it comforted vs as well as if we had made a great banquet in our owne house: and we al∣so [ 60] made tickets, and our Gunner was King of Noua Zembla, which is at least two hundred miles long, and lyeth betweene two Seas.

The sixt, it was faire weather, the wind North-east, then wee went out and cleansed our Traps to take Foxes, which were our Venison, and we digged a hole in the Snow, where our fire∣wood

lay, and left it close aboue like a vault; and from thence fetched out our Wood as we nee∣ded it. The seuenth, it was foule weather againe, with a North-west wind, and some Snow, and very cold, which put vs in great feare to be shut vp in the house againe. The eight, it was faire weather againe, the wind North: then wee made our Springes ready to get more Veni∣son: which wee longed for, and then wee might see and marke day-light,* 1.530 which then began to encrease, that the Sunne as then began to come towards vs againe, which put vs in no little comfort.

The ninth, it was foule weather, with a North-west wind, but not so hard weather as it had beene before, so that we might goe out of the doore to make cleane our Springes. The tenth, it was faire weather with a North wind: then seuen of vs went to our ship well armed, which [ 10] we found in the same state wee left it in, and in it wee saw many footsteps of Beares,* 1.531 both great and small, whereby it seemed that there had beene more then one or two Beares therein; and as we went vnder hatches, we strooke fire, and lighted a Candle, and found that the water was risen a foot higher in the ship. The eleuenth, it was faire weather, the wind North-east, and the cold began to be somewhat lesse, so that as then we were bold to goe out of the doores, and went about a quarter of a mile to a Hill, from thence we fetched certaine stones, which we layd in the fire, therewith to warme vs in our Cabins.

The twelfth, it was cleare weather, the wind North-west: that euening it was very cleare, and the skie full of Starres, then wee tooke the height of Oculus Tauri,* 1.532 which is a bright and well knowne Starre, and we found it to be eleuated aboue the Horizon 29. degrees and 54. mi∣nutes, [ 20] her declination being 15. degrees 54. minutes on the North side of the Line. This decli∣nation being subtracted from the height aforesaid, then there rested 14. degrees, which subtra∣cted from 90. degrees, then the height of the Pole was 76. degrees, and so by measuring the height of that Starre, and some others, wee ghessed that the Sunne was in the like height, and that we were there vnder 76. degrees, and rather higher then lower.

The thirteenth, it was faire still weather, the wind Westerly, and then wee perceiued that day-light began more and more to encrease, and we went out and cast Bullets at the bale of the Flag-staffe, which before we could not see when it turned about. The fourteenth, it was faire weather and a cleare light, the wind Westerly, and that day we tooke a Foxe. The fifteenth, it was faire cleere weather, with a West wind, and sixe of vs went aboord the ship, where wee [ 30] found the Bolck-vanger (which the last time that we were in the ship, wee flucke in a hole in the fore decke, to take Foxes) pulled out of the hole, and lay in the middle of the ship, and all torne in pieces by the Beares, as we perceiued by their footsteps.

The sixteenth, it was faire weather, the wind Northerly, and then we went now and then out of the house to stretch out our ioynts and our limbs with going and running, that we might not become lame, and about noone time we saw a certaine rednesse in the skie,* 1.533 as a shew or mes∣senger of the Sunne that began to come towards vs. The seuenteenth, it was cleare weather with a North wind, and then still more and more wee perceiued that the Sunne began to come neerer vnto vs, for the day was somewhat warmer, so that when we had a good fire, there fell great pieces of Ice downe from the walls of our house, and the Ice melted in our Cabins,* 1.534 and the [ 40] water dropped downe, which was not so before, how great soeuer our fire was; but that night it was cold againe.

The eighteenth, it was faire cleare weather, with a South-east wind, then our Wood began to consume, and so we agreed to burne some of our Sea-coles, and not to stop vp the Chimney, and then we should not need to feare any hurt, which we did, and found no disease thereby, but we thought it better for vs to keepe the Coles, and to burne our Wood more sparingly, for that the Coles would serue vs better when we should sayle home in our open Scute.

The one and twentieth, it was faire weather, with a West wind: at that time taking of Foxes began to fayle vs, which was a signe that the Beares would come againe, as not long af∣ter we found it to be true, for as long as the Beares stay away, the Foxes came abroad, and not [ 50] much before the Beares come abroad, the Foxes were but little seene.

The two and twentieth, it was faire weather with a West wind: then we went out againe to cast the Bullet, and perceiued that day-light began to appeare, whereby some of vs said, that the Sunne would soone appeare vnto vs, but William Barents to the contrary said, that it was yet two weekes too soone. The three and twentieth, it was faire calme weather, with a South-west wind: then foure of vs went to the ship, and comforted each other, giuing God thankes that the hardest time of the Winter was past, being in good hope that we should liue to talke of those things at home in our owne Countrey: and when we were in the ship, we found that the water rose higher and higher in it, and so each of vs taking a Bisket or two with vs, wee went home againe.

[ 60] The foure and twentieth, it was faire cleare weather, with a West wind: then I, and Iacob Heemskerke, and another with vs went to the Sea-side, on the South side of Noua Zembla, where contrary to our expectation, I first saw the edge of the Sunne,* 1.535 wherewith wee went speedily home againe, to tell William Barents, and the rest of our companions that ioyfull newes: but

William Barents being a wise and well experienced Pilot, would not beleeue it, esteeming it to be about fourteene dayes to soone for the Sunne to shine in that part of the World; but we ear∣nestly affirmed the contrarie, and said, that we had seene the Sunne.

The fiue and twentieth, and sixe and twentieth, it was misty, and close weather, so that wee could not see any thing: then they that layed the contrary wager with vs, thought that they had won: but vpon the seuen and twentieth day it was cleare weather, and then wee saw the Sunne in his full roundnesse aboue the Horizon,* 1.536 whereby it manifestly appeared that wee had seene it vpon the foure and twentieth day of Ianuary. And as we were of diuers opinions tou∣ching the same,* 1.537 and that wee said, it was cleane contrary to the opinions of all old and new Writers; yea, and contrary to the nature and roundnesse both of Heauen and Earth; some of vs [ 10] said, that seeing in long time there had beene no day, that it might be that we had ouerslept our selues, whereof we were better assured: but concerning the thing in it selfe, seeing God is won∣derfull in all his workes, we will referre that to his almightie power, and leaue it vnto others to dispute of, but for that no man shall thinke vs to be in doubt thereof, if wee should let this passe without discoursing vpon it, therefore we will make some declaration thereof, whereby we may assure our selues that we kept good reckoning.

You must vnderstand, that when we first saw the Sun, it was in the fift degr. and 25. min. of Aquarius, and it should haue staid according to our first ghessing, till it had entred into the 16. deg. and 27. min. of Aquarius, before he should haue shewed there vnto vs, in the height of 76. deg. Which we striuing and contending about it amongst our selues, could not be satisfied, but won∣dred [ 20] thereat, and some amongst vs were of opinion, that we had mistaken our selues, which ne∣uerthelesse we could not be perswaded vnto, for that euery day without sayle, wee noted what had past, and also had vsed our Clocke continually, and when that was frozen, wee vsed our Houre-glasse of twelue houres long, whereupon wee argued with our selues, in diuers wise, to know how we should finde out that difference, and leaue the trueth of the time, which to trie, wee agreed to looke into the Ephemerid••s made by Iosephus Sch••la, Printed in Venice, for the yeeres of our Lord 1589. till A. 1600. and we found therein, that vpon the foure and twentieth day of Ianuary, (when the Sun first appeared vnto vs) that at Venice the Clocke being one in the night time, the Moone and Iupiter were in coniunction, whereupon we sought to know when the same coniunction should be ouer or about the house where wee then were, and at last wee [ 30] found that the foure and twentieth day of Ianuary was the same day whereon the coniunction aforesaid happened in Venice,* 1.538 at one of the clocke in the night, and with vs in the morning, when the Sunne was in the East: for we saw manifestly that the two Planets aforesaid approa∣ched neere vnto each other, vntill such time as the Moone and Iupiter stood one iust ouer the other, both in the signe of Taurus, and that was at sixe of the clocke in the morning, at which time the Moone and Iupiter were found by our Compasse, to be in coniunction ouer our house, in the North and by East-point, and the South part of the Compasse was South South-west, and there we had it right South, the Moone being eight dayes old, whereby it appeareth, that the Sunne and the Moone were eight points different, and this was about sixe of the clocke in the morning: this place differeth from Venice fiue houres in longitude, whereby we may ghesse how [ 40] much we were neerer East then the Citie of Venice, which was fiue houres, each houre being 15. degrees, which is in all 75. degrees, that we were more Easterly then Venice, by all which it is manifestly to be seene, that wee had not fayled in our account, and that also wee had found our right longitude, by the two Planets aforesaid, for the Towne of Venice lieth vnder 37. degrees and 25. minutes in longitude, and her declination is 46. degrees and 5. minutes, whereby it fol∣loweth that our place of Noua Zembla, lieth vnder 112. degrees and 25. minutes in longitude, and the height of the Pole 76. degrees, and so you haue the right longitude and latitude, but from the vttermost point of Noua Zembla to the point of Cape de Tabin, the vttermost point of Tarta••ia, where it windeth Southward, the longitude differeth 60. degrees; but you must vn∣derstand,* 1.539 that the degrees are not so great as they are vnder the Equinoctiall Line, for right vn∣der [ 50] the Line a degree is fifteene miles, but when you leaue the Line, either Northward or South∣ward, then the degrees in longitude doe lessen, so that the neerer that a man is to the North or South Pole, so much the degrees are lesse: so that vnder the 76. degrees Northward, where we wintred, the degrees are but three miles and two third parts; whereby it is to be marked, that we had but 60. degrees to saile to the said Cape de Tabin, which is, 220. miles, so the said Cape lieth in 172. degrees in longitude as it is thought: and being aboue it, it seemeth that we should be in the Streight of Anian, where we may sayle boldly into the South, as the Land reacheth. Now what further instructions are to be had to know, where wee lost the Sunne vnder the said 76. degrees vpon the fourth of Nouember, and saw it againe vpon the foure and twentieth of Ianuary: I leaue that to be described, by such as make profession thereof, it sufficeth vs to haue [ 60] shewed, that it failed vs not to appeare at the ordinary time.

The fiue and twentieth of Ianuary, it was darke cloudy weather, the wind Westerly, so that the seeing of the Sunne the day before,* 1.540 was againe doubted of, and then many wagers were layd, and we still looked out to see if the Sunne appeared, the same day we saw a Beare, (which

as long as the Sunne appeared not vnto vs we saw not) comming out of the South-west towards our house, but when we shouted at her she came no neerer, but went away again. The six & twen¦tieth, it was faire cleare weather, but in the Horizon there hung a white or darke cloude, where∣by we could not see the Sunne, vvhereupon the rest of our companions, thought that we had mistaken our selues vpon the foure and twentieth day, and that the Sunne appeared not vnto vs, and mocked vs, but vve were resolute in our former affirmation, that vve had seene the Sunne, but not in the full roundnesse: That Eeuening the Sicke man that was amongst vs,* 1.541 was very vveake, and felt himselfe to bee extreame sicke, for he had layne long time, and vve comforted him as well as vve might, and gaue him the best admonition that vve could, but hee dyed not [ 10] long after midnight.

The twentie seuen it was faire cleare weather, with a South-west wind, then in the morning we digged a hole in the snow hard by the house, but it was still so extreame cold, that we could not stay long at worke, and so wee digged by turnes, euery man a little while, and then went to the fire, and another went and supplied his place, till at last wee digged seuen foot depth where wee went to burie the dead man, after that when we had read certaine Chapters, and sung some Psalmes, wee all went out and buried the man, which done we went in and brake our fasts, and while we were at meate, and discoursed amongst our selues, touching the great quantitie of snow that continually fell in that place, wee said that if it fell out, that our house should bee closed vp againe with snow, wee would finde the meanes to climbe out at the chimney, whereupon our [ 20] Master went to trie if hee could climbe vp through the chimney, and so get out, and while hee was climbing one of our men went forth of the doore, to see if the Master were out or not, who standing vpon the snow, saw the Sunne, and called vs all out, wherewith we all went forth,* 1.542 and saw the Sun in his full roundnesse, a little aboue the Horizon, and then it was without all doubt, that wee had seene the Sunne vpon the foure and twentieth of Ianuary, which made vs all glad, and we gaue God heartie thankes, for his grace shewed vnto vs, that that glorious light appeared vnto vs againe.

The eight and twentieth, it was faire weather, with a West wind, then we went out many times to exercise our selues, by going, running, casting of the ball, (for then we might see a good way from vs) and to refresh our ioynts, for wee had long time sitten dull, whereby many of vs [ 30] were very loose. The nine and twentieth, it was foule weather, with great store of snow, the wind North-west, whereby the house was closed vp againe with snow. The thirtieth, it was darke weather, with an East wind; and we made a hole through the doore, but wee shoueled not the snow very farre from the portall, for that as soone as we saw what weather it was, wee had no desire to goe abroad. The one and thirtieth, it was faire calme weather, with an East wind, then we made the doore cleane, and shoueled away the snow, and threw it vpon the house, and went out, and wee saw the Sunne shine cleere, which comforted vs, meane time we saw a Beare,* 1.543 that came towards our house, but wee went softly in, and watched for her till shee came neerer, and as soone as she was hard by we shot at her, but she ran away againe.

The first of February, being Candlemasse Eeue, it was boisterous weather, with a great storme, [ 40] and good store of snow, whereby the house was closed vp againe with snow,* 1.544 and we were con∣strained to stay within doors, the wind then being north-west. The second it was foule weather, and as then the Sunne had not rid vs of all the foule weather, whereby wee were somewhat dis∣comforted, for that being in good hope of better weather wee had not made so great prouision of wood as we did before. The third, it was faire weather, with an East wind, but very mystie, whereby wee could not see the Sunne, which made vs somewhat melancholy, to see so great a myst, and rather more then we had had in the Winter time, and then we digged our doore open againe, and fetched the wood that lay without about the doore into the house, which we were forced with great paine and labour to dig out of the snow. The fourth, it was foule weather, with great store of snow, the wind being South-west, and then wee were close vp againe with snow, but then wee tooke not so much paines as we did before, to dig open the doore, but when we had [ 50] occasion to goe out we climbed out at the chimney, and eased our selues, and went in againe the same way.

The fifth, it was still foule weather, the wind being East, with great store of snow, whereby wee were shut vp againe into the house, and had no other way to get out but by the chimney,* 1.545 and those that could not climbe out, were faine to helpe themselues within as wel as they could. The sixth, it was still foule stormy weather, with store of snow, and we still went out at the chim∣ney, (and troubled not our selues with the doore,) for some of vs made it an easie matter to climbe out at the chimney. The seuenth, it was still foule weather, with much snow, and a South-west wind, and we thereby forced to keep the house, which grieued vs more then when the Sun shined not, for that hauing seene it, and felt the heate thereof, yet wee were forced not to inioy it. The [ 60] eight, it began to be fairer weather, the wind being South-west, then wee saw the Sun rise South, South-east, and went downe South South-west, by the Compasse that we had made of Lead, and placed according to the Meridian of that place, but by our common Compasse it differed two points. The ninth, it was faire cleere weather, the wind South-west, but as then wee could not

see the Sunne, because it was close weather in the South, where the Sunne should goe downe. The tenth,* 1.546 it was faire cleare weather, so that wee could not tell where the wind blew, and then we began to feele some heat of the Sun, but in the Eeuening it began to blow somewhat cold out of the west.

The eleuenth, it was faire weather, the wind South, that day about noone, there came a Beare towards our house, and wee watched her with our Muskets, but shee came not so neere as wee could reach her, the same night wee heard some Foxes stirring, which since the Beares began to come abroad againe we had not much seene. The twelfth, it was cleere weather and very calme, the winde South-west, then we made our Traps cleane againe, meane-time there came a great Beare towards our house, which made vs all goe in, and wee leuelled at her with our Muskets, and as shee came right before our doore, we shot her into the brest, cleane through the heart, the [ 10] bullet passing through her body, and went out againe at her tayle, and was as flatte as a Counter, the Beare feeling the blow,* 1.547 leapt backwards, and ranne twentie or thirtie foot from the house, and there lay downe, wherewith wee leapt all out of the house, and ranne to her, and found her still aliue, and when she saw vs, shee rear'd vp her head, as if she would gladly haue done vs some mis∣chiefe, but we trusted her not, for that we had tryed their strength sufficiently before, and there∣fore wee shot her twice into the body againe,* 1.548 and therewith shee dyed? Then we ript vp her belly, and taking out her guttes, drew her home to the House where we slayed her, and tooke at least one hundred pound of fat out of her belly, which wee molt and burned in our Lampe. This Grease did vs great good seruice, for by that meanes we still kept a Lampe burning all night [ 20] long, which before wee could not doe, for want of Grease, and euery man had meanes to burne a Lampe in his Cabbin, for such necessaries as hee had to doe. The Beares skinne vvas nine foot long, and seuen foot broad.

The thirteenth, it was faire cleere vveather with a hard West winde, at whith time we had more light in our house by burning of Lampes, whereby we had meanes to passe the time away, by reading and other exercises, which before (when we could not distinguish Day from Night, by reason of the darkenesse, and had not Lamps continually burning) vvee could not doe. The foureteenth, it was faire cleere weather, with a hard West wind before noone, but after noone, it was still weather, then fiue of vs went to the Ship to see how it lay, and found the water to increase in it, but not much. The fifteenth, it was foule weather, with a great storme out of the [ 30] South-west, with great store of Snow, whereby the House was closed vp againe, that Night the Foxes came to de••oure the dead body of the Beare, vvhereby we were in great feare, that all the Beares thereabouts would come thither, and therefore wee agreed, as soone as we could to get out of the house to burie the dead Beare deepe vnder the Snow.

The sixteenth of February, it was foule weather, with great store of Snow and a South-west vvind, that day was Shroue-tuesday, then wee made our selues somewhat merrie in our great griefe and trouble, and euery one of vs dranke a draught of Wine.

The nineteenth, it vvas faire cleere vveather, vvith a South-west winde, then we tooke the height of the Sunne, vvhich in long time before vvee could not doe, because the Horizon vvas not cleere; as also for that it mounted not so high, nor gaue not so much shadow, as vve vvere to [ 40] haue in our Astrolabium, and therefore vve made an Instrument that was halfe round, at the one end hauing 90. degrees marked thereon, vvhereon we hung a thread vvith a Plumet of Lead, as the vvater Compasses haue, and therewith vve tooke the height of the Sunne, when it was at the highest, and found that it vvas 3. degrees eleuated aboue the Horizon, his Declination 11. degrees and 16. minutes, which being added to the height aforesayd, made 14. degrees and 16. minutes, vvhich substracted from 90. degrees, there rested 75. degrees and 44. minutes for the height of the Pole, but the aforesayd 3. degrees of height, being taken at the lowest side of the Sunne, the 16. minutes might well be added to the height of the Pole, and so it was iust 76. de∣grees, as we had measured it before. The twentieth, it was foule weather, with great store of Snow, the vvind South-west, vvhereby vve vvere shut vp againe in the house. [ 50]

The two and twentieth, it vvas cleere faire vveather, vvith a South-west vvind, then vve made ready a Sled to fetch more Wood, for need compelled vs thereunto; for as they say, hunger driueth the Wolfe out of his denne, and eleuen of vs went together, all well appointed with our Armes, but comming to the place where we should haue the Wood, we could not come by it, by reason it lay so deepe vnder the Snow, whereby of necessitie we were compelled to goe further, where with great labour and trouble we got some: but as vve returned backe againe therewith, it was so sore labour vnto vs, that we were almost out of comfort, for that by reason of the long cold and trouble that we had indured, vve vvere become so vveake and feeble, that vve had lit∣tle strength, and we began to bee in doubt, that we should not recouer our strengths againe, and should not be able to fetch any more Wood, and so we should haue dyed with cold, but the pre∣sent necessitie and the hope wee had of better weather, increased our forces, and made vs doe [ 60] more then our strengths afforded, and when we came neere to our house, we saw much open vvater in the Sea, which in long time we had not seene, which also put vs in good comfort, that things would bee better.

The fiue and twentieth, it was foule weather againe, and much Snow, with a North winde, whereby we were closed vp with Snow againe, and could not get out of our House.

The eight and twentieth of February, it was still weather, with a South-west wind, then ten of vs went and fetched another Sled full of Wood, with no lesse paine and labour then wee did before, for one of our companions could not helpe vs, because that the first joynt of one of his great Toes was frozen off, and so hee could doe nothing.

The first of March, it was faire still weather, the wind West but very cold, and we were forced to spare our Wood, because it was so great labour for vs to fetch it, so that when it was day,* 1.549 we exercised our selues as much as we might, with running, going, and leaping, and to them that [ 10] lay in their Cabins, wee gaue hot stones to warme them, and towards night we made a good fire, which we were forced to endure. The second, it was cold cleere weather, with a West wind, the same day we tooke the height of the Sunne, and found that it was eleuated aboue the Horizon 6. degrees and 48. minutes, and his Declination was 7. degrees and 12. minutes, which substracted from 90. degrees, resteth 76. degrees for the height of the Pole. The third, it was faire weather with a West wind, at which time our Sicke men were somewhat better, and sate vpright in their Cabins, to doe some thing to passe the time away, but after they found that they were too ready to stirre before their times. The fourth, it was faire weather, with a West wind, the same day there came a Beare to our House, whom we watcht with our Pieces, as wee did be∣fore, and shot at her, and hit her, but shee runne away, at that time fiue of vs went to our Ship, where we found that the Beares had made worke, and had opened our Cookes cupbord, that was [ 20] couered ouer with snow, thinking to finde some thing in it, and had drawne it out of the Ship where we found it.

The seuenth, it was still foule weather and as great a winde, so that wee were shut vp in our House, and they that would goe out, must climbe vp through the Chimney,* 1.550 which was a com∣mon thing with vs, and still we saw more open water in the Sea, and about the Land, whereby wee were in doubt that the Ship in that foule weather, and driuing of the Ice, would bee loose (for as then the Ice draue) while we were shut vp in our House, and wee should haue no meanes to helpe it. The eight, it was still foule vveather, with a South-west storme, and great store of Snow, whereby vve could see no Ice in the North-east, nor round about in the Sea, whereby vve [ 30] were of opinion, that North-east from vs there was a great Sea. The ninth, it was foule vvea∣ther, but not so foule as the day before, and lesse snow, and then vve could see further from vs, and perceiue that the vvater vvas open in the North-east, but not from vs towards Tartaria, for there vve could still see Ice in the Tartarian Sea, otherwise called the Ice Sea, so that vve vvere of opinion, that there it was not very wide, for vvhen it was cleere vveather, vve thought many times that wee saw the Land and shewed it to our companions, South and South-east from our house, like a hilly Land, as land commonly showeth it selfe, when we see it.

The eleuenth, it was cold, but faire Sun-shine vveather, the vvind North-east, then we tooke the height of the Sunne vvith our Astrolabium, and found it to bee eleuated aboue the Horizon 10. degrees and 19. minutes, his Declination was 3. degrees and 41. minutes, which being added [ 40] to the height aforesayd, made 14. degrees, which substracted from 90. degrees, there resteth 76. degrees for the height of the Pole. Then twelue of vs went to the place where wee vsed to goe, to fetch a Sled of Wood, but still vve had more paine and labour therewith, because we were vveaker, and when we came home vvith it, and were very vvearie, we prayed the Master to giue each of vs a draught of Wine, which hee did, vvherewith we were somewhat releeued and com∣forted, and after that were the willinger to labour, vvhich vvas vnsupportable for vs, if meere extremitie had not compelled vs thereunto, saying oftentimes one vnto the other, That if the Wood vvere to be bought for Money, we would giue all our Earnings or Wages for it.

The twelfth, it was foule weather, the Winde North-east, then the Ice came migh∣tily driuing in, which the South-west Wind had beene driuen out, and it was then as cold, as it [ 50] had bin before in the coldest time of Winter.

The fifteenth, it was faire vveather, the Wind North, that day wee opened our doore to goe out, but the cold rather increased then diminished, and was bitterer then before it had beene.

The sixteenth, it vvas faire cleere weather, but extreame cold with a North Wind, which put vs to great extreamitie, for that vve had almost taken our leaues of the cold, and then it be∣gan to come againe. This continued till the one and twentieth.

The one and twentieth, it vvas faire weather, but still very cold, the Wind North, the same day the Sunne entred into Aries in the Equinoctiall Line, and at noone vvee tooke the height of the Sunne, and found it to be eleuated 14. degrees aboue the Horizon, but for that the Sunne [ 60] was in the middle Line, and of the like distance from both the Tropickes,* 1.551 there was no decli∣nation, neither on the South nor North side, and so the 14. degrees aforesayd being substracted from 90. degrees, there rested 76. degrees for the height of the Pole. The same day,* 1.552 we made shooes of Felt or Rugge, which we drew vpon our feete, for vve could not goe in our shooes, by reason of the great cold, for the shooes on our feet vvere as hard as hornes, and then vve fetcht a

Sled full of Wood home to our house, with sore and extreame labour, and with extremitie of cold which we indured, as if March meant to bid vs farewell, for our hope and comfort was, that the cold could not still continue in that force, but that at length the strength thereof would bee broken.

The three and twentieth, it was very foule weather, with infernall bitter cold, the wind North-east, so that we were forced to make more fire, as we had beene at other times, for then it was as cold as euer it had beene, and it froze very hard in the floore and vpon the walls of our house. The foure and twentieth, it was alike cold, with great store of snow, and a North wind, whereby we were once againe shut vp into the house, and then the Coles serued vs well, which before by reason of our bad vsing of them, we disliked of. The sixe and twentieth, it was faire [ 10] cleare weather, and very calme, then we digd our selues out of the house again, and went out, and then we fetcht another Sled of Wood, for the great cold had made vs burne vp all that we had.

The eight and twentieth, it was faire weather, the wind South-west, whereby the Ice draue away very fast. The same day, sixe of vs went aboord the ship to see how it lay, and found it still in one sort; but we perceiued that the Beares had kept an euill fauoured house therein.

* 1.553The second of Aprill, it was faire weather, the wind North-east and very calme, then wee tooke the height of the Sunne, and found it to be eleuated aboue the Horizon 18. degrees and 40. minutes, his declination being 4. degrees and 40. minutes, which being substracted from the height aforesaid, there rested 14. degrees, which taken from 90. degrees, the height of the Pole was 76. degrees. [ 20]

The sixt, it was still foule weather, with a stiffe North-west wind, that night there came a Beare to our house,* 1.554 and we did the best we could to shoot at her, but because it was moist wea∣ther, and the cocke foisty, our Peece would not giue fire, wherewith the Beare came boldly to∣ward the house, and came downe the staires close to the doore, seeking to breake into the house, but our Master held the doore fast to, and being in great haste and feare, could not barre it with the piece of Wood that wee vsed thereunto; but the Beare seeing that the doore was shut, shee went backe againe, and within two houres after shee came againe, and went round about and vpon the top of the house, and made such a roaring, that it was fearefull to heare, and at last got to the chimney, and made such worke there, that wee thought shee would haue broken it downe, and tore the sayle that was made fast about it in many pieces, with a great and fearefull [ 30] noise, but for that it was night, we made no resistance against her, because wee could not see her, at last she went away and left vs.

The fourteenth, it was faire cleare weather, with a West wind, then we saw greater hills of Ice round about the ship, then ouer we had seene before, which was a fearefull thing to behold, and much to be wondred at, that the ship was not smitten in pieces. The fifteenth, it was faire calme weather with a North wind, then seuen of vs went aboord the ship, to see in what case it was, and found it to be all in one sort, and as wee came backe againe, there came a great Beare toward vs, against whom we began to make defence, but she perceiuing that, made away from vs, and we went to the place from whence shee came to see her Den,* 1.555 where we found a great hole made in the Ice, about a mans length in depth, the entrie thereof being very narrow, and with∣in [ 40] wide, there we thrust in our Pikes to feele if there was any thing within it, but perceiuing it was empty, one of our men crept into it, but not too farre, for it was fearefull to behold, after that we went along by the Sea-side, and there we saw, that in the end of March, and the be∣ginning of Aprill, the Ice was in such wonderful manner risen and piled vp one vpon the other, that it was wonderfull, in such manner as if there had beene whole Townes made of Ice, with Towres and Bulwarkes round about them.

The sixteenth, it was foule weather, the wind North-west, whereby the Ice began some∣what to breake. The seuenteenth, it was faire cleare weather, with a South-west wind, and then seuen of vs went to the ship, and there we saw open water in the Sea, and then wee went ouer the Ice-hills as well as we could, to the water, for in sixe or seuen moneths we had not gone [ 50] so neere vnto it, and when we got to the water, there we saw a little bird swimming therein, but as soone as it espied vs, it diued vnder the water, which we tooke for a signe, that there was more open water in the Sea then there had beene before, and that the time approached that the water would open.

The eighteenth of Aprill, it was faire weather, the wind South-west, then wee tooke the height of the Sunne, and it was eleuated aboue the Horizon 25. degrees and 10. minutes, his declination 11. degrees and 12. minutes, which being taken from the height aforesaid, there rested 13. degrees and 58. minutes, which substracted from 90. degrees, the height of the Pole was found to be 75. degrees 58. minutes; then eleuen of vs went with a Sled to fetch more Wood, and brought it to the house, in the night there came another Beare vpon our house, which [ 60] we hearing, went all out with our Armes, but the Beare ran away.

The eight and twentieth, it was faire weather, with a North wind, then we tooke the height of the Sunne againe, and found it to bee eleuateed 28. degrees and 8. minutes, his declination 14. degrees and 8. minutes, which substracted from 90. degrees, there rested 76. degrees for the

height of the Pole. The nine and twentieth, it was faire weather, with a South-west wind, then we played at Colfe, both to the ship, and from thence againe homewards, to exercise our selues. The thirtieth, it was faire weather, the wind South-west, then in the night wee could see the Sunne in the North (when it was in the highest) iust aboue the Horizon, so that from that time wee saw the Sunne both night and day.

§. III. [ 10] Their preparation to goe from thence: they depart in a Boat and Scute both open, and come to Cola, 1143. miles. Their many dangers by Beares, Ice, Famine, Scorbute, in the way.

THe first of May, it was faire weather with a West wind, then wee sod our last flesh, which for a long time we had spared, and it was still very good,* 1.556 and the last morsell tasted as well as the first, and we found no fault therein, but onely that it would last no longer. The second, it was foule weather, with a storme out of the South-west, whereby the Sea was almost cleare of Ice, and then wee beganne to speake about getting from thence, for we had kept house long enough there. The third, it was still foule weather, with a [ 20] South-west wind, whereby the Ice began wholly to driue away, but it lay fast about the ship, and when our best meate, as flesh, and other things beganne to faile vs, which was our greatest sustenance, and that it behooued vs to be somewhat strong, to sustaine the labour that wee were to vndergoe, when we went from thence, the Master shared the rest of the Bacon amongst vs, which was a small Barrell with salt Bacon in pickle, whereof euery one of vs had two ounces a day, which continued for the space of three weekes, and then it was eaten vp.

The fourth, it was indifferent faire weather, the wind South-west, that day fiue of vs went to the ship, and found it lying still as fast in the Ice as it did before, for about the middle of March it was but seuenty fiue paces from the open water, and then it was fiue hundred paces from the water, and enclosed round about with high hills of Ice, which put vs in no small feare, [ 30] how wee should bring our Scute and our Boat through or ouer that way into the water, when wee went to leaue that place. That night there came a Beare to our house, but as soone as shee heard vs make a noyse, she ranne away againe, one of our men that climbed vp in the Chim∣ney, saw when shee ranne away, so that it seemed that as then they were afraid of vs, and durst not bee so bold to set vpon vs, as they were at the first. The fift, it was faire weather, with some snow, the wind East, that Eeuening, and at night wee saw the Sunne when it was at the lowest, a good way aboue the Earth. The sixt, it was faire cleare weather, with a great South-west wind, whereby we saw the Sea open both in the East and in the West, which made our men exceeding glad, longing sore to be gone from thence. The seuenth, it was foule weather, and snew hard, with a North wind, whereby we were closed vp againe in our house.

[ 40] The tenth, it was faire weather with a North-west wind, that night the Sunne by our com∣mon Compasse being North North-east, and at the lowest, we tooke the height thereof, and it was eleuated 3. degrees and 45. minutes, his declination was 17. degrees and 45. minutes, from whence taking the height aforesaid, there rested 14. degrees, which substracted from 90. degrees, there rested 76. degrees for the height of the Pole.

The fourteenth, wee fetcht our last Sled with fire-wood, and still ware our shooes made of Rugge on our feet.

The fiue and twentieth, it was faire weather, with an East wind, then at noone time wee tooke the height of the Sunne, that was eleuated aboue the Horizon 34. degrees and 46. mi∣nutes, his declination 20. degrees and 46. minutes, which taken from the height aforesaid, there rested 14. degrees, which taken from 90. degrees, rested 76. degrees for the height of the Pole. [ 50] The sixe and twentieth, it was faire weather, with a great North-east wind, whereby the Ice came in againe. The seuen and twentieth, it was foule weather, with a great North-east wind, which draue the Ice mightily in againe, whereupon the Master, at the motion of the companie, willed vs to make preparation to be gone.

The nine and twentieth in the morning, it was reasonable faire weather, with a West wind, then ten of vs went vnto the Scute to bring it to the house to dresse it, and make it ready to sayle, but wee found it deepe hidden vnder the snow, and were fayne with great payne and la∣bour to digge it out, but when wee had gotten it out of the snow, and thought to draw it to the house, wee could not doe it; because wee were too weake, wherewith wee became whol∣ly out of heart, doubting that wee should not bee able to goe forward with our labour, but [ 60] the Master encouraging vs, bade vs striue to doe more then wee were able; saying, that both our liues and our well-fare consisted therein: and that if wee could not get the Scute from thence, and make it ready, then hee said wee must dwell there as Burgers of Noua Zembla,* 1.557 and make our Graues in that place: but there wanted no good-will in vs but onely strength,

which made vs for that time to leaue off worke and let the Scute lie still, which was no small griefe vnto vs, and trouble to thinke what were best for vs to doe; but after noone being thus comfortlesse come home, wee tooke hearts againe, and determined to turne the Boat that lay by the house with her keele vpwards, and to amend it, that it might bee the fitter to carrie vs ouer the Sea, for wee made full account that we had a long troublesome Voyage in hand, where∣in wee might haue many crosses, and wherein wee should not bee sufficiently prouided for all things necessarie, although wee tooke neuer so much care, and while wee were busie about our worke, there came a great Beare vnto vs, wherewith wee went into our house, and stood to watch her in our three doores, with Harquebusses, and one stood in the Chimney with a Mus∣ket, this Beare came boldlier vnto vs then euer any had done before, for shee came to the nea∣ther [ 10] step that went to one of our doores, and the man that stood in the doore saw her not, be∣cause hee looked towards the other doore, but they that stood within saw her, and in great feare called to him, wherewith he turned about, and although he was in a maze, he shot at her, and the Bullet past cleane through her body, whereupon she ranne away. Yet it was a fearefull thing to see, for the Beare was almost vpon him before hee saw her, so that if the Peece had fayled to giue fire (as oftentimes they doe) it had cost him his life, and it may bee, that the Beare would haue gotten into the house: the Beare being gone somewhat from the house lay downe, wherewith wee went all armed and killed her out right, and when wee had ript open her bellie:* 1.558 we found a piece of a Bucke therein, with haire, skinne and all, which not long be∣fore shee had torne and deuoured.

The one and thirtieth of May, it was faire weather, but somewhat colder then before, the [ 20] wind being South-west, whereby the Ice draue away, and we wrought hard about our Boat, but when wee were in the chiefest part of worke, there came another Beare, as if they had smelt that wee would be gone, and that therefore they desired to taste a piece of some of vs, for that was the third day, one after the other, that they set so fiercely vpon vs, so that wee were forced to leaue our worke, and goe into the house, and shee followed vs, but we stood with our Peeces to watch her, and shot three Peeces at her, two from our doores, and one out of the Chimney, which all three hit her: but her death did vs more hurt then her life, for after we ript her belly, we drest her Liuer and eate it, which in the taste liked vs well, but it made vs all sicke, specially three that were exceeding sicke,* 1.559 and wee verily thought that wee should haue lost them, for all [ 30] their skins came off, from the foot to the head, but yet they recouered againe.

* 1.560The third of Iune, in the morning it was faire cleare weather the wind West, and then wee were somewhat better, and tooke great paines with the Boat, that at last we got it ready, after we had wrought sixe dayes vpon it: about euening it began to blow hard, and therewith the water was very open, which put vs in good comfort that our deliuerance would soone follow, and that we should once get out of that desolate and fearefull place.

The fourth, it was faire cleare weather, and indifferent warme, and about the South-east Sunne, eleuen of vs went to our Scute where it then lay, and drew it to the ship, at which time the labour seemed lighter vnto vs then it did before, when wee tooke it in hand and were for∣ced to leaue it off againe. The reason thereof was, the opinion that wee had that the snow as [ 40] then lay harder vpon the ground, and so was become stronger; and it may be that our courages were better, to see that the time gaue vs open water, and that our hope was that wee should get from thence; and so three of our men stayed by the Scute to build her to our minds: and for that it was a Herring Scute, which are made narrow behind, therefore they sawed it off be∣hind, and made it a broad stearne: and better to brooke the Seas, they built it also somewhat higher, and drest it vp as well as they could, the rest of our men were busie in the house to make all other things ready for our Voyage, and that day drew two Sleds with victuals and o∣ther goods vnto the ship, that lay about halfe way betweene the house and the open water, that after they might haue so much the shorter way, to carrie the goods vnto the water side, when wee should goe away: at which time all the labour and paines that wee tooke seemed [ 50] light and easie vnto vs, because of the hope that wee had to get out of that wilde Desart, irke∣some, fearefull, and cold Countrey.

The fift, it was foule weather, with great store of haile and snow, the wind West, which made an open water, but as then we could doe nothing without the house, but within we made all things ready, as Sayles, Oares, Masts, Sprit, Rother, Swerd, and all other necessarie things. The sixt, in the morning it was faire weather, the wind North-east, then wee went with our Carpenters to the ship, to build vp our Scute, and carried two sleds full of goods into the ship, both victuals and Merchandise, with other things, which wee meant to take with vs; after that there rose very foule weather in the South-west, with snow, haile, and raine, which wee in long time had not had, whereby the Carpenters were forced to leaue their worke, and goe home [ 60] to the house with vs, whereby also we could not be drie, because wee had taken of the Deales, therewith to amend our Boat and our Scute, there lay but a sayle ouer it, which would not hold out the water, and the way that lay full of snow began to be soft, so that wee left off our shooes made of Rugge and Felt, and put on our Leather shooes.

The eight, it was faire weather, and wee drew the wares to the ship, which wee had packed and made ready, and the Carpenters made ready the Scute, so that the same euening it was almost done, the same day all our men went to draw our Boat to the ship, and made ropes to draw withall, such as wee vse to draw with in Scutes, which wee cast ouer our shoulders, and held fast with all our hands, and so drew both with our hands and our shoulders, which gaue vs more force, and specially the desire and great pleasure wee tooke to worke at that time, made vs stronger.

The tenth, wee carried foure Sleds of goods into the ship, the wind then being variable, and at euening it was Northerly, and wee were busie in the house to make all things ready, the [ 10] Wine that was left we put into little vessels, that so wee might diuide it into both our vessels, and that as wee were enclosed by the Ice, (which wee well knew would happen vnto vs) wee might easilier cast the goods vpon the Ice, both out and into the Scutes, as time and place ser∣ued vs. The eleuenth, it was foule weather, and it blew hard North North-west, so that all that day we could doe nothing, and we were in great feare left the storme would carrie the Ice and the ship both away together, (which might well haue come to passe) then wee should haue beene in greater miserie then euer wee were, for that our goods both victuals and others, were then all in the ship, but God prouided so well for vs, that it fell not out so vnfortunatly. The twelfth, it was indifferent faire weather, then we went with Hatchets, Halberds, Shouels, and other instruments, to make the way plaine, where we should draw the Scute and the Boat to [ 20] the water side, along the way that lay full of knobs and hills of Ice, where wee wrought sore with our Hatchets and other instruments, and while we were in the chiefest of our worke, there came a great leane Beare out of the Sea vpon the Ice towards vs, which we iudged to come out of Tartaria: for we had seene of them twenty or thirty miles within the Sea, and for that wee had no Muskets, but onely one, which our Surgeon carried, I ranne in great haste towards the ship to fetch one or two, which the Beare perceiuing ranne after mee, and was very likely to haue ouer taken me, but our companie seeing that, left their worke and ranne after her, which made the Beare turne towards them, and left me, but when she ran towards them, she was shot into the body by the Surgeon, and ranne away; but because the Ice was so vneuen and hilly, she could not goe farre, but being by vs ouertaken, we killed her out right, and smote her teeth out [ 30] of her head, while she was yet liuing.* 1.561

The thirteenth, it was faire weather, then the Master and the Carpenters went to the ship, and there made the Scute and the Boat ready, so that there rested nothing as then, but onely to bring it downe to the water side, the Master and those that were with him, seeing that it was open water, and a good West wind, came backe to the house againe, and there hee spake vnto William Barents (that had beene long sicke) and shewed him, that he thought it good,* 1.562 (seeing it was a fit time) to goe from thence, and so willed the companie to driue the Boat and the Scute downe to the water side, and in the name of God to beginne our Voyage, to sayle from Noua Zembla: then William Barents wrote a Letter, which he put in a Muskets charge, and hanged it vp in the Chimney, shewing how he came out of Holland, to sayle to the Kingdome of China, [ 40] and what had happened vnto vs being there on Land, with all our crosses, that if any man chan∣ced to come thither, they might know what had happened vnto vs, and how we had beene for∣ced in our extremitie to make that house, and had dwelt ten moneths therein, and for that wee were put to Sea in two small open Boats, and to vndertake a dangerous and aduenturous Voyage in hand, the Master wrote two Letters, which most of vs subscribed vnto, signifying how wee had stayed there vpon the Land in great trouble and miserie, in hope that our ship would bee freed from the Ice, and that we should sayle away with it againe, and how it fell out to the con∣trary, and that the ship lay fast in the Ice, so that in the end the time passing away, and our vi∣ctuals beginning to faile vs, we were forced for the sauing of our owne liues, to leaue the ship, and to sayle away in our open Boats, and so to commit our selues into the hands of God. Which [ 50] done, he put into each of our Scutes a Letter, that if wee chanced to lose one another, or that by stormes or any other misaduenture we happened to be cast away, that then by the Scute that escaped, men might know how we left each other, and so hauing finished all things as we deter∣mined, we drew the Boat to the water side, and left a man in it, and went and fetcht the Scute, and after that eleuen Sleds with goods, as Victuals, with some Wine that yet remayned, and the Merchants goods, which we preserued as well as we could, vz. sixe packes with fine wool∣len Cloth, a Chest of Linnen, two packets with Veluet, two small Chests with Money, two Dri-fats with mens Clothes and other things, thirteene Barrels of Bread, a Barrell of Cheese, a flitch of Bacon, two Runlets of Oyle, sixe small Runlets of Wine, two Runlets of Vineger, with other packes belonging to the Saylers, so that when they lay all together vpon a heape, a [ 60] man would haue iudged that they would not haue gone into the Scutes, which being all put in∣to them, we went to the house, and first drew William Barents vpon a Sled to the place where our Scutes lay, and after that we fetcht Claes Adrianson, both of them hauing beene long sicke, and so we entred into the Scutes, and diuided our selues into each of them alike, and put into either of them a sicke man, then the Master caused both the Scutes to lie close one by the other,

and there we subscribed to the Letters which he had written, and so committing our selues to the will and mercy of God,* 1.563 with a West North-west wind, and an indifferent open water, we set sayle and put to Sea.

The fourteenth of Iune in the morning, the Sunne Easterly, wee put off from the Land of Noua Zembla, and the fast Ice thereunto adioyning, with our Boat and our Scute, hauing a West wind, and sayled East North-east all that day to the Ilands point, which was fiue miles, but our first beginning was not very good, for we entred fast into the Ice againe, which there lay ve∣ry hard and fast, which put vs into no small feare and trouble, and being there, foure of vs went on Land, to know the situation thereof, and there we tooke many Birds, which wee kild with stones vpon the clifts.

The sixteenth, we set sayle againe, and got to the Iland of Orange, with a South wind, which [ 10] is eight miles distant from the Point of Desire, there we went on Land with two small Barrels, and a Kettle, to melt snow, and to put the water into the Barrels, as also to seeke for Birds and Egges, to make meate for our sicke men. We put to the Sea againe with a South-east wind and drowsie miseling weather, whereby we were all dankish and wet, for wee had no shelter in our open Scutes, and sayled West, and West and by South, to the Ice-point, and wee made our Scutes fast to a great piece of Ice, and there eate somewhat, but the weather was still fouler and fouler, so that we were once againe enclosed with Ice, and forced to stay there.

The seuenteenth in the morning, when we had broken our fasts, the Ice came so fast vpon vs that it made our haires stare vpright vpon our heads, it was so fearefull to behold: by which meanes we could not make fast our Scutes, so that we thought verily that it was a fore-shewing [ 20] of our last end, for wee draue away so hard with the Ice, and were so sore prest betweene a flake of Ice, that we thought verily the Scutes would burst in a hundred pieces, at last, being in this discomfort, and extreme necessitie, the Master said, if we could take hold with a rope vp∣on the fast Ice, we might therewith draw the Scute vp, and so get it out of the great drift of Ice, but as this counsell was good, yet it was so full of danger, that it was the hazard of his life that should take vpon him to doe it, and without doing it, was it most certaine, that it would cost vs all our liues: this counsell as I said was good, but no man (like to the tale of the Mice) durst hang the Bell about the Cats necke, fearing to bee drowned, yet necessitie required to haue it done, and the most danger made vs choose the least, so that being in that perplexitie, I being [ 30] the lightest of all our companie,* 1.564 tooke on me to fasten a rope vpon the fast Ice, and so creeping from one piece of driuing Ice to another, by Gods helpe got to the fast Ice, where I made a rope fast to a high howell, and they that were in the Scute, drew it thereby vnto the said fast Ice, and then one man alone could draw more then all of them could haue done before, and when we had gotten thither, in all haste wee tooke our sicke men out, and layed them vpon the Ice, laying clothes and other things vnder them, and then tooke all our goods out of the Scutes, and so drew them vpon the Ice, whereby for that time we were deliuered from that great danger, making account that we had escaped out of deaths clawes, as it was most true.

The eighteenth, we repaired and amended our Scutes againe, being much bruised and crushed with the racking of the Ice, and were forced to driue all the nayles fast againe and to piece ma∣ny [ 40] things about them, God sending vs Wood, wherewith we molt our Pitch, and did all other things that belonged thereunto, that done, some of vs went vpon the Land to seeke for Egges, which the sicke men longed for, but we could finde none, but we found foure Birds, not with∣out great danger of our liues, betweene the Ice and the firme Land, wherein wee often fell, and were in no small danger.

The nineteenth, it was indifferent weather, the wind North-west, and West South-west, but we were still shut vp in the Ice, and saw no opening, which made vs thinke that there would be our last abode, and that we should neuer get from thence.

* 1.565The twentieth, Claes Adrianson and William Barents died, the death of William Barents put vs in no small discomfort, as being the chiefe Guide, and onely Pilot on whom wee reposed our [ 50] selues, next vnder God.

The two and twentieth in the morning, it blew a good gale out of the South-east, and then the Sea was reasonable open, but we were forced to draw our Scutes ouer the Ice to get vnto it, which was great paine and labour vnto vs; for, first we were forced to draw our Scutes ouer a piece of Ice of fifty paces long, and there put them into the water, and then againe to draw them vp vpon other Ice, and after drew them at the least an hundred paces more ouer the Ice, before we could bring them to a good place where we might easily get out, and being gotten vnto the open water we committed our selues to God, and set sayle the Sun being about East North-east, with an indifferent gale of wind out of the South, and South South-east, and sayled West, and West and by South,* 1.566 till the Sunne was South, and then we were round about enclosed with Ice [ 60] againe, and could not get out, but were forced to lie still, but not long after the Ice opened againe like to a sluce, and we past through it and set sayle againe, and so sayled along by the Land, but were presently enclosed with Ice,* 1.567 but being in hope of opening againe, meane time wee eate somewhat, for the Ice went not away as it did before: after that wee vsed all the meanes wee

could to breake it, but all in vayne, and yet a good while after, the Ice opened againe, and we got out, and sayled along by the Land, West and by South, with a South vvind.

The three and twentieth, wee sayled still forward West and by South, till the Sunne was South-east, and got to the Trust-point, which is distant from the Ice-point fiue and twentie miles,* 1.568 and then could goe no furtheer, because the Ice lay so hard and so close together, and yet it was faire weather: the same day we tooke the height of the Sunne with the Astrolabium, and also with our Astronomicall Ring, and found his height to be 37. degrees, and his Declination 23. de∣grees and 30. minutes, which taken from the height aforesayd, there rested 13. degrees and 30. minutes, which substracted out of 90. degrees, the height of the Pole was 76. degrees and 30. mi∣nutes, and it was faire Sun-shine weather, and yet it was not so strong as to melt the Snow, that [ 10] we might haue water to drinke,* 1.569 so that wee set all our Tinne platters and other things full of Snow to melt, and so molt it, and put snow in our mouthes, to melt it downe into our throates, but all was not enough, so that we were compelled to endure great thirst.

FRom the Low-land, to the Streame Bay, the course East and West, foure miles.* 1.570 From the Streame Bay, to the Ice-hauen point, the course East and by North, foure miles. From the Ice-hauen point, to the Ilands point, the course East North-east, fiue miles. From the Ilands point, to the Flushingers point, the course North-east and by East, three miles. From the Flushingers point, to the Head point, the course North east, foure miles. From the Head point, to the point of Desire, the course South and North, sixe miles. From the point of Desire, to the Iland of Orange, North-west, eight miles. From [ 20] the Ilands of Orange, to the Ice point, the course West, and West and by South, fiue miles. From the Ice point, to the point of Trust, the course West and by South, fiue and twentie miles. From the point of Trust, to Nassawes point, the course West, and West and by North, ten miles. From the Nassaw point, to the East end of the Crosse Iland, the course West and by North, eight miles. From the East end of the Crosse Iland, to Williams Iland, the course West and by South, three miles. From Williams Iland, to the Blacke point, the course West South-west, sixe miles. From the Blacke point, to the East end of the Admirable Iland, the course West South-west, seuen miles. From the East to the West point of the Ad∣mirable Iland, the course West South-west, fiue miles. From the West point of the Admirable Iland, to Cape Planto, the course South-west and by West, ten miles. From Cape de Planto, to Lombs-bay, the course West South-west, eight miles. From Lombs-bay, to the Staues point, the course West South-west, [ 30] ten miles. From the Staues point, to Langenesse, the course South-west and by South, fourteene miles. From Langenesse, to Cape de Cant, the course South-west and by South, sixe miles. From Cape de Cant, to the point with the Blacke clifts, the course South and by West, foure miles. From the point with the Blacke clifts, to the Blacke Hand, the course South South-east, three miles. From the Blacke Iland, to Constint-sarke, the course East and West, two miles. From Constint-sarke, to the Crosse point, the course South South-east, fiue miles. From Crosse point, to Saint Laurence Bay, the course South South-east, sixe miles. From Saint Laurence Bay, to Mel-hauen, the course South-east, sixe miles. From Mel-hauen to the two Ilands, the course South South-east, sixe miles. From the two I∣lands, where we crost ouer to the Russia Coast, to the Ilands of Matfloe and Delgoy, the course South-west, thirtie miles. From Matfloe and Delgoy, to the Creeke where we sayled the compasse round about, [ 40] and came to the same place againe, two and twentie miles. From that Creeke, to Colgoy, the course West North-west, eighteene miles. From Colgoy, to the East point of Camdenas, the course West North-west, twentie miles. From the East point of Camdenas, to the West side of the White Sea, the course West North-west, fortie miles. From the West point of the White Sea, to the seuen Ilands, the course North-west foureteene miles. From the seuen Ilands, to the VVest end of Kilduin, the course North-west, twentie miles. From the VVest end of Kilduin, to the place where Iohn Cornelis came vnto vs, the course North-west and by VVest, seuen miles. From thence to Cola, the course VVest Southerly, eighteene miles.

So that wee sayled in the two open Scutes, sometimes in the Ice, then ouer the Ice, and through the Sea, three hundred and eightie one miles Flemish, which is one thousand one hundred fortie and three [ 50] miles English.

The foure and twentieth of Iune, the Sunne being Easterly, we rowed heere and there in the Ice, to see where we might best goe out, but wee saw no opening, but when the Sunne was South, we got into the Sea, for the which we thanked God most heartily, that hee had sent vs an vnexpected opening, and then we sayled with an East winde, and went lustily forward, so that we made our account to get aboue the point of Nassawes close by the land, and wee could easily see the point of Nassawes, and made our account to bee about three miles from it.

The sixe and twentieth, it still blew hard out of the South, and broke the Ice whereunto we were fast in pieces, and we thereby draue into the Sea, and could get no more to the fast Ice, [ 60] whereby we were in a thousand dangers to bee all cast away, and driuing in that sort in the Sea, wee rowed as much as we could, but we could not get neere vnto the Land, therefore we hoy∣sed vp our Focke, and so made vp with our sayle, but our Fock-mast brake twice in peeces, and then it was worse for vs then before, and notwithstanding that there blew a great gale of Wind, yet we were forced to hoyse vp our great Sayle, but the winde blew so hard into it, that if wee

had not presently taken it in againe, we had sunke in the Sea, or else our Boate would haue been filled with water, for the water began to leape ouer-boord, and wee were a good way in the Sea, at which time the waues went so hollow, that it was most fearefull, and wee thereby saw no∣thing but death before our eyes, and euery twinckling of an eye looked when wee should sinke. But God that had deliuered vs out of so many dangers of Death, holpe vs once againe, and con∣trary to our expectations, sent vs a North-west wind, and so with great danger wee got to the fast Ice againe, when we were deliuered out of that danger, and knew not where our other Scut•• was, wee sayled one mile along by the fast Ice, but found it not, whereby we were wholly out of heart, and in great feare that they were drowned, at which time it was mystie weather, and so sayling along, and hearing no newes of our other Scute, we shot off a Musket, which they hea∣ring [ 10] shot off another, but yet we could not see each other, meane time approching neerer to each other, and the weather waxing somewhat cleerer, as wee and they shot once againe, we saw the smoake of their Piece, and at last we met together againe, and saw them lye fast, betweene driuing and fast Ice, and when we got neere vnto them, we went ouer the Ice, and holpe them to vnlade the goods out of their Scute, and drew it ouer the Ice, and with much paine and trou∣ble brought it into the open water againe, and while they were fast in the Ice, wee found some Wood vpon the Land by the Sea side, and when we lay by each other, we sod some Bread and Water together, and eat it vp warme, which did vs much good.

The eight and twentieth, when the Sunne was in the East, wee layd all our goods vpon the Ice, and then drew the Scutes vpon the Ice also, because we were so hardly prest on all sides, with [ 20] the Ice, and the wind came out of the Sea vpon the Land, and therefore wee were in feare to be wholly inclosed with the Ice, and should not be able to get out thereof againe, and being vpon the Ice, we layd sayles ouer our Scutes, and lay downe to rest, appointing one of our men to keepe watch, and when the Sunne was North, there came three Beares towards our Scutes, where∣with hee that kept the Watch cryed,* 1.571 three Beares, three Beares, at which noyse wee leapt out of our Boates with our Muskets, that were laden with hayle-shot to shoote at Birds, and had no time to discharge them, and therefore shot at them therewith, and although that kinde of shot could not hurt them much, yet they ranne away, and in the meane time they gaue vs leasure to lade our Muskets with bullets, and by that meanes wee shot one of the three dead, which the other two perceiuing ranne away, but within two houres after they came againe, but when they [ 30] were almost at vs and heard vs make a noyse, they ranne away, at which time the winde was West, and West and by North, which made the Ice driue with great force into the East.

The nine and twentieth of Iune, the Sunne 〈◊〉〈◊〉 South South-west, the two Beares came a∣gaine to the place where the dead Beare lay,* 1.572 where one of them tooke the dead Beare in his mouth, and went a great way with it ouer the rugged Ice, and then began to eate it, which vve perceiuing shot a Musket at her, but she hearing the noyse thereof ranne away, and let the dead Beare lye, then foure of vs went thither, and saw that in so short time she had eaten almost the halfe of her, we tooke the dead Beare and layd it vpon a high heape of Ice, that we might see it out of our Scute, that if the Beare came againe we might shoot at her, at which time we try∣ed the great strength of the Beare,* 1.573 that carryed the dead Beare as lightly in her mouth, as if [ 40] it had beene nothing, whereas wee foure had enough to doe to carry away the halfe dead Beare betweene vs.

The first of Iuly, it was indifferent faire vveather, with a West North-west wind, and in the Morning the Sunne being East,* 1.574 there came a Beare from the driuing Ice towards vs, and swam o∣uer the water to the fast Ice whereon we lay, but when she heard vs, she came no neerer but ran away, and when the Sunne was South-east, the Ice came so fast in towards vs, that all the Ice whereon we lay with our Scutes and our goods, brake and ran one peece vpon another, whereby vve were in no small feare, for at that time most of our goods fell into the water, but wee with great diligence drew our Scutes further vpon the Ice towards the Land, where vve thought to be better defended from the driuing of the Ice, and as we went to fetch our goods, we fell into [ 50] the greatest trouble that euer we had before, for that wee endured so great danger in the sauing thereof, that as we layd hold vpon one peece thereof, the rest sunke downe with the Ice, and many times the Ice brake vnder our owne feete, vvhereby we were wholly discomforted, and in a manner cleane out of all hope, expecting no issue thereof, in such sort that our trouble at that time surmounted all our former cares and impeachments, and vvhen wee thought to draw vp our Boates vpon the Ice, the Ice brake vnder vs, and we were carryed away vvith the Scute, and all by the driuing Ice, and when vve thought to saue the goods, the Ice brake vnder our feet, and with that the Scute brake in many places, especially that which wee had mended, as the Mast, the mast planke, and almost all the Scute, wherein one of our men that vvas sicke, and a Chest of money lay, which we with great danger of our liues got out from it, for as we were doing it, the Ice that was vnder our feet draue from vs, and slid vpon other Ice, vvhereby we were in danger [ 60] to burst both our armes and our legges, at vvhich time, thinking that wee had beene cleane quit of our Scute, vve beheld each other in pittifull manner, knowing not vvhat vve should doe, our liues depending thereon, but God made so good prouision for vs, that the peeces of Ice draue from

each other, wherewith we ranne in great haste vnto the Scute, and draw it to vs againe in such case as it was, and laid it vpon the fast Ice by the Boate, where it was in more securitie, which put vs vnto an exceeding and great and dangerous labour, from the time that the Sunne was South-east, vntill it was West South-west, and in all that time wee rested not, which made vs extreame wearie, and wholy out of comfort, for that it troubled vs sore, and it was much more fearefull vnto vs, then at that time when William Barents dyed, for there we were almost drow∣ned, and that day we lost (which was sunke in the Sea) two Barrels of Bread, a Chist with Lin∣nen Cloth, a Dry Fat with the Saylors Clothes, our Astronomicall Ring, a packe of Scarlet Cloth, a Rundlet of Oyle, and some Cheeses, and a Rundlet of Wine, which bouged with the [ 10] Ice so that there was not any thing thereof saued.

The fourth, it was so faire cleere weather, that from the time we were first in Noua Zembla, we had not the like. The fifth, it was faire weather, the Wind West, South-west, the same day dyed Iohn Franson of Harlem.

The seuenth, it was faire weather with some Raine, the Winde West, South-west, and at E∣uening VVest, and by North, then we went to the open water, and there killed thirteene Birds, which we tooke vpon a piece of driuing Ice, and laid them vpon the fast Ice.

The ninth, in the morning, the Ice began to driue, whereby we got open water on the Land side, and then also the fast Ice whereon we lay, beganne to driue whereupon the Master and the men went to fetch the Packe and the Chist, that stood vpon the Ice, to put them into the Scute, and then drew the Scute•• to the water, at least three hundred and fortie paces, which was hard [ 20] for vs to doe, in regard that the labour was great, and we very weake, and when the Sunne was South South-east we set sayle with an East-wind, but when the Sunne was West, we were for∣ced to make towards the fast Ice againe, because thereabouts it was not yet gone, the Winde be∣ing South, and came right from the Land, whereby wee were in good hope that it would driue away, and that we should proceed in our Voyage. The tenth, from the time that the Sunne was East North-east, till it was East, we tooke great paines and labour to get through the Ice, and at last we got through, and rowed forth, vntill we happened to fall betweene two great flakes of Ice that closed one with the other, so that we could not get through, but were forced to draw the Scutes vpon them, and to vnlade the goods, and then to draw them ouer to the open water on the other side, and then we must goe fetch the goods also to the same place, being at least one [ 30] hundred paces long, and when we were in open water againe, we rowed forward as well as we could, but we had not rowed long, before wee fell betweene two great flakes of Ice, that came driuing one against the other, but by Gods helpe, and our speedy rowing, we got from betweene them, before they closed vp, and being through we had a hard West Winde, right in our Teeth, so that of force we were constrayned to make towards the fast Ice that lay by the shoare.

The eleuenth, in the morning as we sate fast vpon the Ice, the Sunne being North-east, there came a great Beare out of the water running towards vs,* 1.575 but we watcht for her with three Mus∣kets, and when she came within thirtie paces of vs, wee shot all the three Muskets at her, and killed her out-right, so that she stirred not a foot, and we might see the fat runne out at the holes [ 40] of her skinne, that was shot in with the Muskets, swimme vpon the water like Oyle, and so driuing dead vpon the water, we went vpon a flake of Ice to her, and putting a Rope about her necke, drew her vp vpon the Ice, and smit out her Teeth, at which time we measured her bodie, and found it to be eight foot thicke, then we had a West Wind with close weather, but when the Sunne was South it began to cleere vp, then three of our men went to the Iland that lay be∣fore vs, and being there, they saw the Crosse Iland, lying West-ward from them, and went thi∣ther to see if that Summer there had beene any Russian there, and went thither vpon the fast Ice, that lay betweene the two Ilands, and being in the Iland, they could not perceiue that any man had beene in it since wee were there, there they got seuentie Egges, but when they had them, they knew not wherein to carrie them, at last one of them put off his Breeches, and tying them fast below, they carried them betweene two of them, and the third bare the Musket: and so [ 50] came to vs againe, after they had beene twelue houres out, which put vs no small feare to thinke what was become of them, they told vs that they had many times gone vp to the knees in wa∣ter, vpon the Ice betweene both the Ilands: and it was at least sixe mile to and fro, that they had gone, which made vs wonder how they could indure it, seeing we were all so weake. With the Egges that they had brought, wee were all well comforted, and fared like Lords, so that we found some reliefe in our great miserie, and then wee shared our last Wine amongst vs, whereof euery one had three Glasses.

The twelfth, in the morning, when the Sunne was East, the Wind began to blow East, and East North-east, with mystie weather, and at Eeuening sixe of our men went into the Land, to seeke certayne stones, and found some, but none of the best sort, and comming backe againe, ey∣ther [ 60] of them brought some Wood. The thirteenth, it was a faire day, then seuen of our men went to the firme Land to seeke for more stones, and found some, at which time the VVind was South-east. The fourteenth, it was faire vveather, with a good South VVind, and then the Ice began to driue from the Land, whereby wee were in good hope to haue an open water, but the

Wind turning Westerly againe, it lay still, when the Sunne was South-west, three of our men vvent to the next Iland that lay before vs, and there shot a Bercheynet, which they brought to the Scute; and gaue it amongst vs, for all our goods vvere common.

The sixteenth, there came a Beare from the firme Land, that came very neere vnto vs, by rea∣son that it was as vvhite as Snow, vvhereby at first vve could not discerne it to be a Beare, be∣cause it shewed so like the snow, but by her stirring at last we perceiued her, and as she came neere vnto vs, vve shot at her and hit her, but shee ranne away: that morning the Wind was VVest, and after that againe, East North-east with close weather. The seuenteenth, about the South South-east Sunne, fiue of our men went againe to the neerest Iland, to see if there appeared any open water, for our long staying there was no small griefe vnto vs, perceiuing not how wee [ 10] should get from thence, who being halfe way thither, they found a Beare lying behind a piece of Ice, which the day before had beene shot by vs, but shee hearing vs went away, but one of our men following her with a Boat-hooke, thrust her into the skinne, wherewith the Beare rose vp vpon her hinder feet, and as the man thrust at her againe, she strooke the Iron of the Boat-hooke in pieces, wherewith the man fell downe vpon his buttockes, which our other two men seeing, two of them shot the Beare into the bodie, and with that she ranne away, but the other man went after her with his broken staffe, and strooke the Beare vpon the backe, wherewith the Beare turned about against the man three times one after the other, and then the other two came to her and shot her into the bodie againe, wherewith shee sat downe vpon her buttockes, and could scant runne any further, and then they shot once againe, wherewith shee fell downe, [ 20] and they smote her Teeth out of her head: all that day the Winde was North-east, and East North-east.

The eighteenth, about the East Sun, three of our men went vp vpon the highest part of the land to see if there was any open water in the Sea, at which time they saw much open water, but it was so far from the land, that they were almost out of comfort, because it lay so far from the land, and the fast Ice, being of opinion that we should not be able to draw the Scutes and the goods so farre thither, because our strengthes still beganne to decrease: and the sore labour and paine that we were forced to indure more and more increased, and comming to our Scutes, they brought vs that newes, but we being compelled thereunto by necessitie abandoned all wearinesse and faint-heartednesse, and determined with our selues to bring the Boats and the goods to the water side, [ 30] and to row vnto that Ice, where wee must passe ouer to get to the open water, and when wee got to it, wee vnladed our Scutes, and drew them first ouer the Ice to the open wa∣ter, and after that the goods; it beeing at the least one thousand paces, then wee set sayle, till the Sunne was West and by South; and presently fell amongst the Ice againe, where wee were forced to draw vp the Scutes againe vpon the Ice, and beeing vpon it, wee could see the Crosse Iland; which wee ghest to bee about a mile from vs, the Wind then being East, and East North-east.

The nineteenth, lying in that manner vpon the Ice, about the East Sunne, seuen of our men went to the Crosse Iland, and being there they saw great store of open water in the West, where∣with they touch reioyced, and made as great haste as they could to get to the Scutes againe, but [ 40] before they came away they got 100. Egges, and brought them away with them, and comming to the Scutes, they shewed vs that they had seene as much open water in the Sea as they could discerne, being in good hope, that that would be the last time that they should draw the Scutes ouer the Ice, and that it should bee no more measured by vs, and in that sort put vs in good com∣fort, whereupon we made speed to dresse our Egges, and shared them amongst vs, and presently the Sunne being South South-west we fell to worke, to make all things ready to bring the Scutes to the water, which were to be drawne at least two hundred paces ouer the Ice, which wee did with a good courage, because we were in good hope that it would be the last time, and getting to the water, we put to Sea with Gods helpe, with an East, and East North-east Wind, and a good gale, so that with the West Sunne, we past by the Crosse Iland, which is distant from Cape [ 50] de Nassawes ten miles, and presently after that the Ice left vs, and wee got cleere out of it, yet wee saw some in the Sea, but it troubled vs not, and so wee held our course West and by South, with a good gale of Wind out of the East, and East North-east, so that wee ghest that betweene euery meale-tyde we sayled eighteene miles.

The twentieth, hauing still a good gale about the South-east Sunne, wee past along by the Blacke Point, which is twelue miles distant from the Crosse Iland, and sayled West South-west, and about the Eeuening with the West Sunne,* 1.576 we saw the Admirals Iland, and about the North Sunne past along by it, which is distant from the Blacke Point eight miles, and passing along by it, we saw about two hundred Sea-horses, lying vpon a flake of Ice, and wee sayled close by them, and draue them from thence, which had almost cost vs deere, for they beeing mightie [ 60] strong fishes, and of great force, swamme towards vs, (as if they would be reuenged on vs for the despight that we had done them (round about our Scutes) with a great noyse, as if they would haue deuoured vs, but we escaped from them, by reason that we had a good gale of Wind, yet it was not wisely done of vs to wake sleeping Wolues. The one and twentieth, we past by Cape

Plancio, about the East North-east Sunne,* 1.577 which lyeth West South-west eight miles from the Admirals Iland, and with the good gale that we had about the South-west Sunne, we sayled by Langenes, nine miles from Cape Plancio: there the Land reacheth most South-west, and we had a good North-east wind.* 1.578

The two and twentieth, we hauing so good a gale of wind when wee came to Cape de Cant,* 1.579 there we went on land to seeke for some Birds and Egges, but we found none, so we sayled for∣wards, but after that about the South Sunne we saw a Clift that was full of Birds, thither wee sayled and casting stones at them, we killed two and twentie Birds, and got fifteene Egges, which one of our men fetcht from the Clift, and if we would haue stayed there any longer, wee [ 10] might haue taken a hundred or two hundred Birds at least, but because the Master was somewhat further into Sea-ward then we, and stayed for vs, and for that wee would not loose that faire fore-wind, we sayled forwards along by the Land, and about the South-west Sunne, wee came to another point, where wee got a hundred twentie and fiue. Birds,* 1.580 which wee tooke with our hands out of their Nests, and some wee killed with stones, and made them fall downe into the water, for it is a thing certayne that those Birds neuer vsed to see men, and that no man had euer sought or vsed to take them, for else they would haue flowne away, and that they feared no ho∣die, but the Foxes and other wild beasts, that could not climbe vp the high Clifts, and that therefore they had made their Nests thereon, where they were out of feare of any beasts com∣ming vnto them, for we were in no small danger of breaking of our legges and armes, especially as we came downe againe, because the Clift was so high and so steepe, those Birds had euery one [ 20] but one Egge in their Nests, and that lay vpon the bare Clift without any straw or other thing vnder them, which is to be wondred at, to thinke how they could breed their young ones in so great cold, but it is to be thought and beleeued, that they therefore sit but vpon one Egge, that so the heate which they giue in breeding so many, may be wholly giuen vnto one Egge.

The foure and twentieth, it was faire weather, but the winde still Northerly, whereby wee were forced to lye still, and about noone we tooke the height of the Sunne with our Astrola∣bium, and found it to be eleuated aboue the Horizon 37. degrees and 20. minutes, his declination 20. degrees and 10. minutes which substracted from the height aforesaid rested 17. degrees and 10. minutes, which taken from 90. degrees, the height of the Pole was 73. degrees and 10. mi∣nutes, [ 30] and for that we lay stil there, some of our men went oftentimes on Land to seeke stones, and found some that were as good as euer any that we found.

The seuen and twentieth, wee had sayled from Cape de Cant, along by Constinsarke, to the Crosse Point, twentie miles, our course South South-east, the Wind North-west.

The eight and twentieth, it was faire weather with a North-east wind, then we sayled along by the Land, and with the South-west Sunne, got before Saint Laurence Bay, or Sconce Point,* 1.581 and sayled South South-east six miles, and being there, wee found two Russians Lodgies, or ships beyond the Point, wherewith we were not a little comforted, to thinke that we were come to the place where we found men, but were in some doubt of them, because they were so many, for at that time we saw at least thirtie men, and knew not what they were, there with much paine [ 40] and labour we got to Land, which they perceiuing, left off their worke, and came towards vs, but without any Armes, and we also went on shoare, as many as were well, for diuers of vs were very ill at ease, and weake by reason of a great scouring in their bodies, and when wee met toge∣ther, wee saluted each other in friendly wise, they after theirs, and wee after our manner, and when we were met, both they and wee lookt each other stedfastly in the face, for that some of them knew vs, and wee them, to bee the same men which the yeere before, when wee past through the Wey-gates had beene in our ship: at which time wee perceiued that they were a∣basht and wondred at vs, to remember that at that time wee were so well furnished with a great ship, that was exceedingly prouided of all things necessary, and then to see vs so leane and bare, with so small Scutes in that Countrey: and amongst them there were two, that in friendly manner clapt the Master and me vpon the shoulder, as knowing vs since that Voyage: for there [ 50] was none of all our men that was as then in that Voyage, but we two only, and asked vs for our Crable, meaning our ship, and we shewed them by signes as well as we could (for we had no In∣terpreter) that we had lost our ship in the Ice, wherewith they said, Crable pro pal (which wee vnderstood to bee, Haue you lost your ship?) and we made answere, Crable pro pal, which was as much as to say, That we had lost our ship, and many more words we could not vse, because we vnderstood not each other, then they made shew to be sorrie for our losse, and to be grieued that we the yeere before had beene there with so many ships, and then to see vs in so simple manner, and made vs signes that then they had drunke Wine in our ship, and asked vs what drinke wee had now, wherewith one of our men went into the Scute and drew some water, and let them [ 60] taste thereof, but they shak't their heads, and said, No dobbre (that is, It is not good) then our Master went neerer vnto them, and shewed them his mouth, to giue them to vnderstand that we were troubled with a loosenesse in our bellies, and to know if they could giue vs any counsell to helpe it, but they thought wee made shew that wee had great hunger wherewith one of them went vnto their Lodging, and fetcht a round Rie Loafe, weighing about eight pounds, with

some smored Fowles which we accepted thankfully, and gaue them in exchange halfe a doozen of Muschuyt, then our Master led two of the chiefe of them with him into his Scute, and gaue them some of the Wine that we had, being almost a Gallon, for it was so neere out: and while we stayed there, we were very familiar with them, and went to the place where they lay, and sod some of our Mischuyt with water by their fire, that we might eat some warme thing downe into our bodies, and wee were much comforted to see the Russians for that in thirteene moneths time, that we departed from Iohn Cornelison, we had not seene any man, but onely monsterous and cruell wild Beares.

The nine and twentieth, it was reasonable faire weather, and that morning the Russians be∣ganne to make preparation to bee gone, and to set sayle: at which time they digged certayne [ 10] Barrels with Trayne Oyle out of the sieges which they had buried there, and put it into their ships.

The thirtieth, lying at Anchor, the Wind still blew North-west, with great store of Raine, and a sore storme, so that although we had couered our Scutes with our Sayles, yet we could not lye dry,* 1.582 which was an vnaccustomed thing vnto vs: for wee had had no Raine in long time be∣fore, and yet we were forced to stay there all that day.

The one and thirtieth, in the morning, about the North-east Sunne, wee rowed from that Iland to another Iland, whereon there stood two Crosses, wee thought that some men had layne there about Trade of Merchandize, as the other Russians that wee saw before had done, but wee found no man there, the Wind as then beeing North-west, whereby the Ice draue still towards [ 20] the Wey-gates:* 1.583 there to our great good wee went on Land, for in that Iland wee found great store of Leple leaues, which serued vs exceeding well, and it seemed that God had purposely sent vs thither: for as then wee had many sicke men, and most of vs were so troubled with a scouring in our bodies, and were thereby become so weake, that wee could hardly row, but by meanes of those leaues we were healed thereof: for that as soone as we had eaten them, we were presently eased and healed, whereat wee could not choose but wonder, and therefore wee gaue God great thankes for that, and for many other his mercies shewed vnto vs, by his great and vn∣expected aide lent vs, in that our dangerous Voyage: and so as I said before, wee eate them by whole handfuls together, because in Holland we had heard much spoken of their great force, and as then found it to be much more then we expected. [ 30]

* 1.584The first of August, the Wind blew hard North-west, and the Ice that for a while had driuen towards the entry of the Wey-gates, stayed and draue no more, but the Sea went very hollow, whereby we were forced to remoue our Scutes on the other side of the Iland, to defend them from the waues of the Sea, and lying there wee went on Land againe to fetch more Leple leaues, whereby we had beene so well holpen, and still more and more recouered our healths, and in so short time, that we could not choose, but wonder thereat, so that as then some of vs could eate Bisket againe, which not long before they could not doe. The second, it was darke mistie weather, the Winde still blowing stiffe North-west, at which time our victuals beganne to decrease, for as then wee had nothing but a little Bread and Water, and some of vs a little Cheese. [ 40]

The third, about the North Sunne, the weather being somewhat better, wee agreed amongst our selues to leaue Noua Zembla and to crosse ouer to Russia, and so committing our selues to God, we set sayle with a North-west Wind, and sayled South South-west till the Sunne was East, and then we entred into Ice againe, which put vs in great feare, and about the South-west Sunne got cleere thereof, and entred into the large Sea, where we saw Ice, and then what with sayling and rowing we had made twentie miles, and so sailing forwards wee thought to approch neere vnto the Russian Coast; but about the North-west Sunne we entred into Ice againe, and then it was very cold.

The fourth, about the South-east Sunne, being gotten out of the Ice, we sayled forward with a North-west Wind, and held our course Southerly, and when the Sunne was South, at noone time we saw the Coast of Russia lying before vs, whereat we were exceeding glad, and going [ 50] neerer vnto it, we strooke our sayles and rowed on Land, and found it to be very low Land, like a bare Strand that might be flowed ouer with the water, there we lay till the Sunne was South-west, but perceiuing that there wee could not much further our selues, hauing as then sayled from the Point of Noua Zembla (from whence we put off) thither full thirtie miles, wee sayled forward along by the Coast of Russia, with an indifferent gale of Winde, and when the Sunne was North, we saw another Russian Iolle or ship, which we sayled vnto to speake with them, and being hard by them, they came all aboue Hatches, and wee cryed vnto them Candinaes Candi∣naes (whereby we asked if we were about Candinaes) but they cryed againe and said, Pitzora, Pitzora, (to shew vs that wee were there abouts) and for that wee sayled along by the Coast, [ 60] where it was very dry,* 1.585 supposing that we held our course West and by North, that so we might get beyond the Point of Candinaes, we were wholy deceiued by our Compasse, that stood vpon a Chist bound with Iron bands which made vs vary at least two Points, whereby we were much more Southerly then wee thought our course had beene, and also farre more Easterly, for wee

thought verily that we had not beene farre from Candinaes, and wee were three dayes sayling from it as after we perceiued, and for that we found our selues to bee so much out of our way, we stayed there all night till day appeared.

The twelfth of August, it was faire weather, at which time the Sunne being East, wee saw a Russia Lodgie come towards vs, with all his sayles vp, wherewith we were not a lit∣tle comforted, which we perceiuing from the Strand, where we lay with our Scutes, we desired the Master that we might goe vnto him, to speake with him, and to get some victuals of them, and to that end we made as much haste as we could, to launch out our Scutes and sayled toward them, and when we got to them, the Master went into the Lodgie, to aske them how farre wee had to Cardinaes, which we could not well learne of them, because wee vnderstood them not, [ 10] they held vp their fiue Fingers vnto vs, but we knew not what they meant thereby, but after we perceiued, that thereby they would shew vs, that there stood fiue Crosses vpon it, and they brought their Compasse out and shewed vs that it lay North-west from vs,* 1.586 which our Compasse also shewed vs, which reckoning also we had made: but when we saw we could haue no better intelligence from them, the Master went further into their Ship, and pointed to a barrell of Fish that he saw therein, making signes to know, whether they would sell it vnto vs, shewing them a peece of eight Rials, which they vnderstanding gaue vs one hundred and two Fishes, with so••e Cakes which they had made of Meale, when they sodde their Fish, and about the South Sunne wee left them.

The sixteenth of August in the Morning, sayling forward North-west, we perceiued that we [ 20] were in a Creeke, and so made towards the Russian Lodgie, which we had seene on our starre-boord, which at last with great labour and much paine wee got vnto, and comming to them a∣bout the South-east Sunne, with a hard winde, we asked them how farre we were from Sembla de Cool or Kilduin, but they shooke their heads, and shewed vs that wee were on the East-side of Zembla de Candinaes.

The seuenteenth lying at Anchor, in the Morning at breake of day, wee saw a Russian Lod∣gie that came sayling out of the white Sea, to vvhom we rowed, that vve might haue some instruction from him, and when we boorded him, vvithout asking or speaking vnto him, he gaue vs a loafe of Bread, and by signes shewed vs as well as he could, that hee had seene our Compa∣nions, and that there vvas seuen men in the Boate, but wee not knowing well what they sayd, [ 30] neither yet beleeuing them, they made other signes vnto vs, and held vp their seuen Fingers, and pointed to our Scute, thereby shewing that there was so many men in the Boate, and that they had sold them Bread, Flesh, Fish and other victuals: and while wee stayed in their Lodgie, vve saw a small Compasse therin, which we knew that they had bought of our chiefe Boatson, which they likewise acknowledged. About mid-night wee found a fall of fresh Water, and then we went on Land to fetch some, and there also wee got some Leple-leaues, and as wee thought to row forward, we were forced to sayle, because the flood was past, and still we lookt earnestly out for the point of Cardinaes, and the fiue Crosses, whereof we had beene instructed by the Russians, but we could not see it.

The Eighteenth, in the Morning the Sunne being East, we puld vp our Stone, (which we vsed [ 40] in steed of an Anchor) and rowed along by the Land, till the Sunne was South, and then we saw a point of Land reaching into the Sea, and on certayne signes of Crosses, which as vve went nee∣rer vnto we saw perfectly, and when the Sunne was West, we perceiued that the Land reached West and South-west, so that thereby we knew it certainely to bee the point of Candinaes, lying at the mouth of the white Sea which we were to crosse, and had long desired to see it. This Point is easily to bee knowne, hauing fiue Crosses standing vpon it, which are perfectly to be discer∣ned, and hauing a good North-east vvind (which was not for vs to slacke) we set forward in the Name of God, and when the Sunne was North-west we past the Point, and all that night and the next day sayled with a good Wind, and all that time rowed but while three Glasses were runne out, and the next Night after ensuing, hauing still a good vvind, in the Morning about the [ 50] East North-east Sunne, we saw Land on the West-side of the white Sea, which we found by the rushing of the Sea vpon the Land before we saw it, and perceiuing it to bee full of Clifts, and not low sandie ground with some Hills, as it is on the East-side of the white Sea, wee assured our selues that we were on the West-side of the white Sea, vpon the Coast of Lapland,* 1.587 for the which we thanked God, that he had helped vs to sayle ouer the white Sea in thirtie houres, it being for∣tie Dutch miles at the least, our course being West with a North-east winde.

The twentieth, we espied certayne Crosses, with Warders vpon them, vvhereby we vnder∣stood that it was a good way, and so put into it, and being entred a little way within it, we saw a great Russian Lodgie lying at Anchor, whereunto we rowed as fast as we could, and there also [ 60] we saw certayne Houses wherein men dwelt, and when wee got to the Lodgie, we made our selues fast vnto it and cast our tent ouer the Scute, for as then it began to rayne, then we vvent on land into the Houses that stood vpon the shoare, vvhere they shewed vs great friendship, lea∣ding vs into their Stoues and there dryed our wet Cloathes, and then seething some Fish, bade vs sit downe and eate somewhat vvith them. In those little houses wee found thirteene Russians,* 1.588

who euery morning vvent out to Fish in the Sea, whereof two of them had charge ouer the rest, they liued very poorely, and ordinarily eate nothing but Fish and Bread: at Eeuening when we prepared our selues to goe to our Scute againe, they prayed the Master and me to stay vvith them in their Houses, vvhich the Master thanked them for, would not doe, but I stayed with them all that night:* 1.589 besides those thirteene Men, there was two Laplanders more, and three Women with a Child, that liued very poorely of the ouerplusse which the Russians gaue them, as a peece of a Fish, and some fishes heads which the Russians threw away, and they with great thankful∣nesse tooke them vp, so that in respect of their pouertie, we hought our selues to bee well furni∣shed: and yet vve had little enough, but as it seemed their ordinary liuing was in that manner, and we were forced to stay there, for that the vvind being North-west, it was against vs. [ 10]

The one and twentieth, wee met our other Companie vvherewith we rejoyced, and shewed each other of our proceedings, and how vvee had sayled too and fro in great necessitie and hun∣ger, and yet they had beene in greater necessitie and danger then we, and gaue God thankes that hee had preserued vs aliue, and brought vs together againe, and then we eate something toge∣ther and dranke of the cleere Water, such as runneth along by Collen through the Rhene, and then vve agreed that they should come vnto vs, that we might sayle together.

The two and twentieth, the rest of our men vvith the Boate came vnto vs, about the East South-east Sunne, whereat wee much rejoyced, and then we prayed the Russians Cooke to bake a sacke of Meale for vs, and to make it Bread, paying him for it, vvhich hee did, and in the meane time, when the Fisher-men came with their Fish out of the Sea, our Master bought foure Cods [ 20] of them, which we sodde and eate, and vvhile were were at meate, the chiefe of the Russians came vnto vs, and perceiuing that we had not much Bread, hee fetched a Loafe and gaue it vs, and al∣though we desired them to sit downe and eate some meate vvith vs, yet we could by no meanes get them to grant thereunto, because it was their Fasting day, and for that vve had powred But∣ter and fat into our Fish:* 1.590 nor vvee could not get them once to drinke with vs, because our Cup vvas somewhat greasie, they were so superstitious touching their Fasting and Religion, neither would they lend vs any of their Cups to drinke in, least they should likewise bee greased, at that time the vvind was North-west.

The foure and twentieth, the wind blew East, and then the Sunne being East, we got the seuen Ilands, where we found many Fisher-men, of whom we enquired after Cool and Kilduin, [ 30] and they made signes that they lay West from vs, (which we likewise ghest to bee so) and with∣all they shewed vs great friendship, and cast a Codde into our Scute, but for that wee had a good gale of vvind, we could not stay to pay them for it, but gaue them great thankes, much wonde∣ring at their great courtesie, and so with a good gale of vvind we arriued before the seuen Ilands, when the Sunne was South-west, and past betweene them and the Land, and there found cer∣tayne Fisher-men that rowed to vs, and asked vs where our Crable (meaning our Ship) was, whereunto we made answer, with as much Russian language as wee had learned, and sayd, Cra∣ble pro Pal, (that is, our Ship is lost) which they vnderstanding, sayd vnto vs, Cool Brabouse Cra∣ble, whereby we vnderstood, that at Cool there was certayne Netherland Ships, but wee made no great account thereof, because our intent was to sayle to Ware-house, fearing least the Russians [ 40] or great Prince of the Countrey would stay vs there.

The fiue and twentieth, sayling along by the Land with a South-east vvind, about the South Sunne,* 1.591 we had a sight of Kilduin, at which time we held our course West North-west, and say∣ling in that manner betweene Kilduin and the firme Land, about the South South-west Sunne, we got to the West end of Kilduin, and being there looked if we could see any Houses or people therein, and at last we saw certayne Russian Lodgies that lay vpon the Strand, and there finding a conuenient place for vs to Anchor with our Scutes, while wee went to know if any people were to bee found, our Master put in with the Land, and there found fiue or sixe small Houses, wherein the Laplanders dwelt, of whom we asked if that were Kilduin, whereunto they made answer, and shewed vs that it was Kilduin, and sayd, that at Coola there lay three Brabants Cra∣bles or Ships, whereof two were that day to set sayle: wee found a small House vpon the shoare, [ 50] vvherein there was three Men and a great Dogge, which receiued vs very friendly, asking vs of our affaires, and how we got thither, whereunto we made answer, and shewed them that we had lost our Ship, and that wee were come thither to see if we could get a Ship that would bring vs into Holland: whereunto they made vs answer as the other Russians had done, that there was three Ships at Coola, whereof two vvere to set sayle from thence that day, then wee asked them if they would goe with one of our men by Land to Coola, to looke for a ship, wherewith wee might get into Holland, and sayd we would reward them well for their paines, but they excused themselues, and sayd, that they could not goe from thence, but they sayd they would being vs o∣uer the Hill, vvhere vve should finde certayne Laplanders whom they thought would goe vvith vs, as they did: for that Master and one of our men going with them ouer the Hill, found certaine [ 60] Laplanders there, vvhereof they got one to goe with our man, promising him two Ryals of eight for his paines, and so the Laplander going vvith him, tooke a Piece on his necke, and our man a Boat-hooke, and about Eeuening they set forward, the vvinde as then being East, and East North-east.

The sixe and twentieth, it vvas faire vveather, the vvind South-east, at vvhich time we drew vp both our Scutes vpon the Land, and tooke all the goods out of them, to make them the ligh∣ter; vvhich done, we went to the Russians and vvarmed vs, and there dressed such meates as wee had, and then againe we began to make two meales a day, vvhen we perceiued that we should euery day finde more people, and vve dranke of their drinke which they call Quasse, vvhich was made of broken peeces of Bread, and it tasted well: for in long time wee had drunke nothing else but Water. Some of our men went further into the Land, and there found blew Berries and bramble Berries, vvhich they plucked and eate, and they did vs much good, for we found that they healed vs of our loosenesse, the vvind still blew South-east.

The eight and twentieth, it was indifferent good weather, and then we drew the Scutes vp∣on [ 10] the Land againe, that we might take the rest of the goods out of them, because the wind still blew hard North, and North North-west, and hauing drawne the Scutes vp, we spred our sayles vpon them, to shelter vs vnder them, for it was still mystie and raynie weather, much desiring to heare some newes of our man, that was gone to Coola with the Laplander.

The nine and twentieth, wee spyed the Laplander comming alone without our man, whereat we wondred, and were somewhat in doubt, but when hee came vnto vs, he shewed vs a Letter that was writen vnto our Master, which he opened before vs, the Contents thereof being, that hee that had written the Letter wondred much at our arriuall in that place, and that long since hee verily thought that we had beene all cast away, being exceeding glad of our happie fortune, and how that he would presently come vnto vs with victuals, and all other necessaries to suc∣cour [ 20] vs withall, we being in no small admiration who it might bee, that shewed vs so great fa∣uour and friendship, could not imagine what he was, for it appeared by the Letter that he knew vs well: and although the Letter was subscribed, by me Iohn Cornelison Rip, yet wee could not bee perswaded that it was the same Iohn Cornelison, who the yeere before had beene set out in the other ship with vs, & left vs about the Beare Iland: for those good newes we payd the Lap∣lander his hyer; and besides that, gaue him Hose, Breeches, and other furniture, so that hee was apparelled like a Hollander: for as then wee thought our selues to bee wholly out of danger, and so being of good comfort, we layd vs downe to rest. Heere I cannot chuse but shew you how fast the Laplander went: for when he went to Coola, as our Companion told vs, they were two Dayes and two Nights on the way, and yet went apace, and when he came backe againe he was [ 30] but a Day and a Night comming to vs, which was wonderfull, it being but halfe the time, so that we sayd, and verily thought that hee was halfe a Conjurer, and he brought vs a Partridge, which hee had killed by the way as he went.

The thirtieth, wee saw a Russian Ioll come rowing with Iohn Cornelison, and our Companion that we had sent to Coola, who being landed, wee receiued and welcommed each other, with great joy and exceeding gladnesse, as if either of vs on both sides had seene each other rise from death to life againe: for we esteemed him, and hee vs to bee dead long since: hee brought vs a Barrell of Roswicke Beere, Wine, Aqua vit••, Bread, Flesh, Bacon, Salmon Suger, and other things, which comforted and relieued vs much, and we rejoyced together for our so vnexpected meeting: at that time giuing God great thankes, for his Mercie shewed vnto vs.

[ 40] The first of September, in the Morning with the East Sun,* 1.592 we got to the West-side of the Ri∣uer of Coola, and entred into it, where we rowed till the Flood was past, and then wee cast the Stones that serued vs for Anchors vpon the ground, at a point of Land till the Flood came in a∣gaine: and when the Sunne was South, wee set sayle againe with the Flood, and so sayled and rowed till mid-night, and then wee cast Anchor againe till morning. The second,* 1.593 in the Mor∣ning, we rowed vp the Riuer, and as we past along wee saw some Trees on the Riuer side, which comforted vs, and made vs glad as if we had then come into a new world, for in all the time that wee had beene out, we had not seene any Trees, and when we were by the Salt Kettles, which is about three miles from Coola, we stayed there a while, and made merrie,* 1.594 and then went forward againe, and with the West North-west Sunne, got to Iohn Cornelisons Ship, wherein we entred [ 50] and drunke: there wee began to make merrie againe, with the Saylers that were therein, and that had beene in the Voyage with Iohn Cornelison the yeere before, and bad each other welcome: then we rowed forward, and late in the Eeuening got to Coola, where some of vs went on Land, and some stayed in the Scutes to looke to the goods: to whom we sent Milke and other things to comfort and refresh them, and we were all exceeding glad that God of his mercie had deliuered vs out of so many dangers and troubles, and had brought vs thither in safetie.

The third, wee vnladed all our goods, and there refreshed our selues after our toylesome and wearie Iourney, and the great hunger wee had endured, thereby to recouer our healths and strengths againe.

[ 60] The eleuenth, by leaue and consent of the Bayart,* 1.595 Gouernour of the great Prince of Mosco∣uia, we brought our Scute and our Boate into the Merchants House, and there let them stand for a remembrance of our long, farre (and neuer before sayled way) and that wee had sayled in those open Scutes, almost foure hundred Dutch miles, through, and along by the Sea Coasts to the Towne of Coola.

The seuenteenth of September, Iohn Cornelison and our Master being come aboord, the next day about the East Sunne, we set sayle out of the Riuer Coola, and with Gods grace put to Sea, to sayle homewards, and being out of the Riuer, wee sayled along by the Land North-west and by North, the winde being South.

Vpon the nine and twentieth of October, wee arriued in the Mase, with an East North-east wind, and the next morning got to Maseland Sluce, and there going on Land, from thence row∣ed to Delfe, and then to the Hage, and from thence to Harlem. And vpon the first of Nouember about Noone, got to Amsterdam, in the same Clothes that wee wore in Noua Zembla, with our Caps furr'd with white Foxes skinnes. The newes thereof being spred abroad in the Towne, it was also carryed to the Princes Court in the Hage, at which time the Lord Chancellour of Den∣marke, [ 10] Ambassadour for the sayd King, was then at Dinner with Prince Maurice: for the which cause we were presently fetcht thither by the Scout, and two of the Burgers of the Towne, and there in the presence of those Ambassadours, and the Burger-masters, wee made rehearsall of our Iourney both forwards and backwards.

I thought good to adde hither for Barents or Barentsons sake, certaine Notes which I haue found (the one Translated, the other Written by him) amongst Master Hakluyts Paper.

This was Written by William Barentson in a loose Paper, which was lent mee by the Reuerend Peter Plantius in Amsterdam, March [ 20] the seuen and twentieth, 1609.

* 1.596THe foure and twentieth of August, Stilo nouo 1595. wee spake with the Samoieds, and asked them how the Land and Sea did lye to the East of Way-gates. They sayd after fiue dayes iourney going North-east,* 1.597 wee should come to a great Sea, going South-east. This Sea to the East of Way-gates, they sayd was called Marmoria, that is to say, A calme Sea. And they of Ward-house haue told vs the same. I asked them, if at any time of the yeere it was frozen ouer? They sayd it was. And that some∣times they passed it with Sleds. And the first of September 1595. Stilo nouo, the Russes of the Lodie or Barke affirmed the same; saying, that the Sea is sometimes so Frozen, that the Lodies or Barkes going sometimes to Gielhsidi from Pechora, are forced there to Winter: which Gielhsidi was wonne from [ 30] the Tartars, three yeeres past.

For the Ebbe and Flood there I can finde none; but with the Winde so runneth the streame. The third of September,* 1.598 Stilo nouo, the winde was South-west, and then I found the water higher, then with the winde at North or North-east. Mine opinion is grounded on Experience, That if there bee a passage, it is small: or else the Sea could not rise with a Southerly Winde. And for the better proofe to know if there were a Flood and Ebbe,* 1.599 the ninth of September, Stilo nouo, I went on shoare on the South end of the States Iland, where the Crosse standeth, and layd a Stone on the brinke of the Water, to proue whe∣ther there were a Tide, and went round about the Iland to shoote at a Hare, and returning, I found the Stone as I left it, and the Water neither higher nor lower: which prooueth as afore, that there is no Flood nor Ebbe. [ 40]

CHAP. VI. A Treatise of IVER BOTY a Gronlander, translated out of the Norsh Language into High Dutch, in the yeere 1560. And after out of High Dutch into Low Dutch, by WILLIAM BARENTSON of Amsterdam, who was chiefe Pilot aforesaid. The same Copie in High Dutch, is in the hands of IODOCVS HONDIVS, which I haue seene. And this was translated out of Low Dutch, by Master WILLIAM STERE, Marchant, in the yeere 1608. for the vse of me HENRIE [ 50] HVDSON. WILLIAM BARENTSONS Booke is in the hands of Master PETER PLANTIVS, who lent the same vnto me.

INprimis, it is reported by men of Wisedome and Vnderstanding borne in Gron∣land, That from Stad in Norway to the East part of Island, called Horn-nesse, is seuen dayes sayling right West.

Item, men shall know, that betweene Island and Gronland, lyeth a Riffe called Gombornse-skare.* 1.600 There were they wont to haue there passage for Gronland. But [ 60] as they report there is Ice vpon the same Riffe, come out of the long North Bot∣tome, so that we cannot vse the same old Passage as they thinke.

Item, from Long-nesse on the East side of Island to the abouesaid Horn-nesse, is two dayes sayle to the Brimstone Mount.

Item, if you goe from Bergen in Norway, the course is right West, till you bee South of Roke∣nesse in Island: and distant from it thirteene miles, or leagues. And with this course you shall come vnder that high Land that lyeth in the East part of Groneland, and is called Swafster. A day before you come there, you shall haue sight of a high Mount, called Huit-sarke:* 1.601 and betweene Whitsarke and Groneland, lyeth a Head-land called Hernoldus Hooke;* 1.602 and thereby lyeth an Hauen, where the Norway Merchants Ships were wont to come: and it is called Sound Hauen.

Item, if a man will sayle from Island to Gronland, hee shall set his course to Snofnesse, which is by West Rokenesse thirteene miles, or leagues right West, one day and nights sayling, and after South-west to shun the Ice, that lyeth on Gombornse-skare; and after that one day and night [ 10] North-west. So shall hee with this course fall right with the abouesayd Swafster, which is high Land, vnder which lyeth the aforesayd Head-land, called Hornoldus Hooke, and the Sound Hauen.

Item, the Easter Dorpe of Groneland lyeth East from Hernoldus hooke, but neere it, and is cal∣led Skagen Ford, and is a great Village.* 1.603

Item, from Skagen Ford East, lyeth a Hauen called Beare Ford: it is not dwelt in. I•• the mouth thereof lyeth a Riffe, so that great Ships cannot harbour in it.* 1.604

Item, there ir great abundance of Whales:* 1.605 and there is a great Fishing for the killing of them there: but not without the Bishops consent, which keepeth the same for the benefit of the Ca∣thedrall Church. In the Hauen is a great Swalth: and when the Tide doth runne out,* 1.606 all the [ 20] Whales doe runne into the sayd Swalth.

Item, East of Beare Ford, lyeth another Hauen c••lled Allabong Sound:* 1.607 and it is at the mouth narrow, but farther in, very wide: The length whereof is such, that the end thereof is not yet knowne. There runneth no Streame. It lyeth full of little Iles.* 1.608 Fowle and Oxen are there com∣mon: and it is playne Land on both sides, growne ouer with greene Grasse.

Item, East from the Icie Mountayne, lyeth an Hauen called Fendebother; so named,* 1.609 because in Saint Olafes time there was a Ship cast away, as the speach hath beene in Groneland; In which Ship was drowned one of Saint Olafes men, with others: and those that were saued did burie those that were drowned, and on their Graues did set great stone Crosses, which wee see at this day.

[ 30] Item, somwhat more East toward the Icie Mountayne, lyeth a high Land, called Corse Hought,* 1.610 vpon which they Hunt white Beares, but not wi••hout the Bishops leaue, for it belongeth to the Cathedrall Church. And from thence more Easterly, men see nothing but Ice and Snow, both by land and water.

Now wee shall returne againe to Hernoldus Hooke, where we first began to come to the first Towne that lyeth on the East side of Hernoldus Hooke, called Skagen Ford:* 1.611 and so we will write the Names of all that lye on the West-side of the Ford or Sound.

Item, West from Hernoldus Hooke, lyeth a Dorpe called Kodosford, and it is well built: and as you sayle into the Sound, you shall see on the right hand a great Sea and a Marsh: and into this [ 40] Sea runneth a great streame: and by the Marsh and Sea standeth a great Church, on which the Holy Crosse is drawne, of colour white: it belongeth to E••elnesse de Hokesong, and the Land to Peters Wike.

Item, by Peters Wike, lyeth a great Dorpe called Wartsdale, by which lyeth a water or Sea of twelue miles or leagues ouer: in which is much Fish: And to Peters Wike Church belongeth Wartsdale Boy or Towne, and the Villages.

Item, neere this Boy or Towne, lyeth a Cloyster or Abbey, in which are Canons Regular, it is Dedicated to Saint Olafes, and Saint Augustines name. And to it belongeth all the Land to the Sea side, and toward the other side of the Cloyster.

Item, next Godosford, lyeth a Ford called Rompnes Ford: And there lyeth a Cloyster of Nuns of Saint Benedicts Order.

[ 50] Item, this Cloyster to the bottome of the Sea, and to Weg•••• Kerke, was Dedicated to Saint O∣lafe the King. In this Ford lye many small Iles. And to this Cloyster belongeth halfe the Ford and the Church. In this Sound are many warme Waters. In the Winter they are intollerable hot: but in the Summer more moderate: and many Bathing in them are cured of many diseases.

Item, betweene R••mpn•••• and the next Sound, lyeth a great Garden called Vose, belonging to the King. There is also a costly Church dedicated to Saint Nicolas. This Church had the King before this. Neere it lyeth a Sea of Fresh water, called, in which is great abundance of Fish, without number. And when there falleth much Rayne, that the Waters doe rise there∣with, and after fall againe, there remayneth vpon the Land much Fish drie.

Item, when you sayle out of Emestnes Ford, there lyeth an Inlet, called South-woders Wike: [ 60] and somewhat higher in the same Sound, and on the same side, lyeth little Cape called Bl••ming: and beyond that lyeth another Inwike called Gronwike, and aboue that lyeth a Garden called Daleth, which belongeth to the Cathedrall Church. And on the right hand as you sayle out of the same Sound, lyeth a great Wood, which pertayneth to the Church, where they feede all

their Cattell, as Oxen, Kine, and Horses: And to the Church pertayneth the Sound of Emest∣nes Ford. The high Land lying by Emestnes Ford, is called The Ramos hayth: So called, be∣cause that on those Hills doe runne many Roe Deere, or Reyne Deere, which they vse to Hunt, but not without the Bishops leaue.* 1.612 And on this high Land is the best Stone in all Groneland. They make thereof Pots, because fire cannot hurt it. And they make of the same stone Fattes or Cisternes, that will hold ten or twelue Tunnes of water.

Item, West from this lyeth another high Land, called The long high Land: and by another cal∣led whereon are eight great Orchards,* 1.613 all belonging to the Cathedrall Church. But the Tenths thereof they giue to Warsedall Church.

Item, next to this Sound lyeth another Sound called Swalster Ford, wherin standeth a Church [ 10] called Swalster. This Church belongeth to all this Sound, and to Romse Ford, lying next it. In this Sound is a great Garden belonging to the King, called Saint He••lestate.

Item, next to that lyeth Ericks Ford, and entring therein lyeth an high Land called Ericks Hought;* 1.614 which pertayneth the one halfe to Deuers Kerke, and is the first Parish Church on Groneland, and lyeth on the left hand as you sayle into Ericks Ford: and Deuers Kerke belon∣geth all to Meydon Ford, which lyeth North-west from Ericks Ford.

Item, farther out then Ericks Ford, standeth a Church called Skogel Kerke, which belongeth to all Medford:* 1.615 And farther in the Sound standeth a Church called Leaden Kerke. To this Church belongeth all thereabout to the Sea; and also on the other side as farre as Bousels. There lyeth also a great Orchard called Grote Lead, in which the Gusman (that is a chiefe or Bayliffe ouer the [ 20] Boores) doth well.

And farther out then Ericks Ford, lyeth a Ford or Sound called Fossa, which belongeth to the Cathedrall Church:* 1.616 and the sayd Fossa Sound lyeth as men sayle out towards Ericks Ford; and to the North of it lye two Villages, the one called E••er-boy, and the other Forther-boy, because they lye so.

* 1.617Item, from thence farther North lyeth Breda Ford, and after that Lormont Ford from that West, and from Lormont Ford to the West is Ice Dorpe. All these are places built, and in them dwell people.

* 1.618Item, from the Easter builded Land to the Wester Dorpe, is twelue miles or leagues: and the rest is all waste land. In the Dorpe in the West standeth a Church, which in times past belonged [ 30] to the Cathedrall Church, and the Bishop did dwell there. But now the Skerlengers haue all the West Lands and Dorps. And there are now many Horses, Oxen, and Kine, but no people nei∣ther Christian nor Heathen; but they were all carryed away by the Enemie, the Skerlengers.

All this before Written was done by one Iuer Boty borne in Gronland, a principall man in the Bishops Court:* 1.619 who dwelt there many yeeres, and saw and knew all these places. He was cho∣sen by the whole Land for Captayne, to goe with Ships to the West land, to driue away their Enemies the Skerlengers. But hee comming there, found no people neither Christian nor Hea∣then, but found there many Sheepe running being wilde, of which Sheepe they tooke with them as many as they could carrie, and with them returned to these Houses. This before named Indo Boty was himselfe with them.* 1.620 [ 40]

To the North of the West Land, lyeth a great Wildernesse with Clifes or Rockes, called He∣mel Hatsfelt. Farther can no man sayle, because there lye many Swalgen or Whirle-pooles: and also for the Water and the Sea.

Item, in Groneland are many Siluer Hills, and many white Beares with red patches on their heads; and also white Hawkes, and all sorts of Fish, as in other Countries.

Item, there is Marble stone of all colours, also Zeuell stone or the Load stone, which the Fire cannot hurt, whereof they make many vessels, as Pots, and other great vessels.

Item, in Groneland runneth great streames, and there is much Snow and Ice: But it is not so cold, as it is in Island or Norway.

Item, there grow on the high Hills, Nuts and Acornes, which are as great as Apples, and good [ 50] to eate. There groweth also the best Wheate, that can grow in the whole Land.

This Sea Card was found in the Iles of Fero or farre, lying betweene Shot-la••t and Island, in an old reckoning Booke, written aboue one hundred yeeres agoe: out of which this was all taken.

* 1.621Item, Punnus and Potharse, haue inhabited Island certayne yeeres, and sometimes haue gone to Sea, and haue had their trade in Groneland. Also Punnus did giue the Islanders their Lawes, and caused them to bee written. Which Lawes doe continue to this day in Island, and are called by name Punnus Lawes.

The Course from Island to Groneland.

[ 60]

IF men bee South from the Hauen of Bred Ford in Island, they shall sayle West, till they see Whitsarke vpon Groneland, and then sayle somewhat South-west till Whitsarke bee North off you, and so you need not feare Ice, but may boldly sayle to Whitsarke, and from thence to Ericks Hauen.

If men be North the Hauen of Bredford in Island, then sayle South-west, till Whitsarke beare North: then sayle to it, and so come to Ericks Hauen.

If you see Ice, that commeth out of Trolebothon, you shall goe more Southerly,* 1.622 but not too farre South for feare of Freesland, for there runneth an hard streame. And it is fifteene miles or leagues from Freesland.

Item, Freesland lyeth South, and Island East from Gronland.

Item, From the Ice that hangeth on the Hilles in Gronland, commeth a great Fogge, Frost and Cold. And such a Fogge commeth out of the Ice of Trolebothon:* 1.623 and it is a great Wil∣dernesse.

There are Sables, Marternes, Hermelins, or Ermins, White Beares, and White Hawkes, [ 10] Seales, White and Gray, Gold and Siluer Hills, also Fish dryed and salted, and thousands of Salmons: also store of Losh Hides and other Hides. There are Hares, Foxes, Wolues, Ot∣ters, and Veltfrasen.

Now if it please God they come to Gronland, then shall they set but two men on shoare;* 1.624 who shall take with them diuers kindes of Marchandize: and let them deale with good order, and let them bee such as can make good Report, what they there doe see or finde; and let them obserue whether men may there Land or no, with the loue of the Inhabitants.

And I counsaile and charge those that shall Trade for Gronland, that they set no more folke on Land, but they keepe men enough to man the Ship. And looke well to the course you hold to Gronland, that if those that bee set on shoare bee taken, they may come [ 20] home againe with Gods helpe. For if shipping returne, they may come home or bee relee∣ued in a yeere and a day. And in your liuing there so demeane your selues to them, that in time you may winne the Countrey and the people.

Remember my Scholler and Clearke, which shall bee there appointed as Commander, that you send those on Land, that will shew themselues diligent Writers, and that they carrie themselues so, that they may learne thereby the State of the Countrey. They shall take with them two Boats and eight Oares, and take Tynder-boxes for fire if there be no Habitation.* 1.625 Also set vp Crosses of Wood or Stone, if need be.

[ 30] This Note following was found in an old Booke of Accompts, in the Yeere 1596.

INprimis, From Gtad in Norway, standing neere the Latitude of sixtie three Degrees,* 1.626 you shall hold your course due West: and that course will bring you vpon Swartnesse in Gron∣land. And in this course is the least streame and least perill of Swalgen or Indrafts. There is lesse perill this way, then is on the North-side; you shall keepe 2/••. of the Sea on Freesland side, and one third on Island side. And if it bee cleere weather,* 1.627 and you haue kept your course right West, you shall see the Mount of Sneuels Iokul in the South-west part of Island. And if you haue a storme in the North, you must shunne it as you can, till Whitsarke be North of you. Then [ 40] shall you sayle right with it, and seeke the Land: and you shall finde a good Hauen, called Ericks Ford.

Item, If you bee betweene Gronland and Island, you may see Sneuels Iokul on Island, and Whitsarke on Gronland, if it be cleere weather. Therefore men of experience doe affirme, that it is but thirtie leagues betweene both.

Also if you haue a storme betweene Gronland and Island, you must haue care you bee not laid on Freesland with the streame and Winde; for the streame or Current doth run strong vpon Freesland, out of the North.

Also if you haue a storme out of the South, you shall not sayle out of your course,* 1.628 but keepe it as neere as you can possibly, till Whitsarke in Gronland beare North off you: then [ 50] sayle toward it, and you shall come into Ericks Ford, as it is afore-said in the first Article.

[ 60]

CHAP. VII. A Description of the Countries of Siberia, Samoieda, and Tingoesia. Together with the Iourneyes leading vnto the same Countries to∣ward the East and North-east, as they are daily fre∣quented by the Moscouites.

[ 10]

§. I. Discouerie of Siberia,* 1.629 and the subiecting of the same to the Russes.

THere is in Moscouie, a Kindred called the Sonnes of Oneeko, of a rusticke or base descent, and first sprung from one Oneeko a Husband-man. He being very rich in Lands, dwelt vpon a certaine Riuer called Wichida, or Witsogda, falling into the Riuer Duina, which about one hundred leagues beneath, neere vnto the Castle [ 20] called S. Michael the Archangel, which falleth into the White Sea. This Oneeko be∣ing rich (as is said) had also many Children, God hauing largely blessed and pro∣uided him with plentie of all things. Yet neuerthelesse, hee had an earnest desire and affection, to know what Countreyes were possessed and inhabited by those people, which yeerely came into Russia to trafficke, bringing with them costly Furres, and diuers other Merchandizes, much diffring in Language, Apparel, Religion, and Behauiour, calling themselues Samoieds, and by other vnknowne names. These people came euery yeere downe the Riuer Wichida, and exchanged their Commodities with the Russes and Moscouites, in the Townes of Osel and Vstiug, on the Riuer Duina; which at that time were the Receits and chiefe Mart Townes of all kind of Marchan∣dizes, but especially of costly Furres. Oneeko therefore (as hath beene said) was most desirous to [ 30] know, from whence these people came, or what Countreyes they did inhabit, easily conjectu∣ring, That great wealth was there to be gotten; since the Furres yeerely brought them amoun∣ted to a great summe of Money. Wherefore secretly hee got acquaintance and consorted him∣selfe with diuers of them, and sent in their company about tenne or twelue of his owne people into those parts; enjoyning them, that through what Countreyes so euer they should trauell, they should make diligent search of euery particular thing therein, and fully obserue the Manners, Rites, Dwellings, and whole course of life of those Nations; that at their returne they might bring from thence perfect knowledge thereof. Which they hauing at length performed, he en∣tertayned them bountifully at their returne, and shewed them all fauour, but with especiall charge to keepe silence. Hee likewise kept all these things close to himselfe, not reuealing them [ 40] to any man.

* 1.630And the next yeere following, he sent thither a greater number of his people, joyning with them certayne of his Kindred and Alliance. These carried with them diuers base Marchandize; as small Bels, and other like Dutch small Wares; and tooke diligent notice of euery thing in those parts, and after they had passed many Deserts, and diuers great Riuers, they came to the Riuer Obi; where making Acquaintance and Friendship with the Samoieds,* 1.631 they found that Furres were to be had for a small price, and that great wealth was there easily to be gotten; and further, that this people had not any Cities, but liued together in Companies, and peaceably, and gouerned by some of the ancientest among them; that they were lothsome in their feeding, and liued on the flesh of such beasts as they tooke: that they had no knowledge of Corne or Bread, were cun∣ning [ 50] and skilfull Archers, making their Bowes of a gentle and flexible kind of Wood, and that their Arrowes were headed with sharpened stones or fish bones: with those they killed wilde beasts, which are exceeding plentifull in those places: that they sowed also with bones of fishes, seruing them for Needles; their thred being made of the sinewes of certaine small beasts, and so they sew together the Furres, wherewith they cloath themselues: the Furrie side in Summer turned outward, and in Winter inward. That they couered their Houses with the Skins of Elkes and such like beasts, little esteemed among them. Finally, these Messengers of Oneeko, searched curiously into euery matter, and returned home stored with costly Furres.

Now when as Oneeko vnderstood by their report, that which he so much longed to know, he together with certayne others of his Friends, continued his Trafficke into those Countreyes for [ 60] diuers yeeres together:* 1.632 by meanes whereof the Oneekos grew very mightie, and bought great Possessions in all parts. Those that dwelled neere vnto them beeing ignorant from whence all this wealth arose, greatly wondred at it. For the Oneekos builded Churches in some of their

Villages. Yea, afterward they erected in the Towne of Osoil vpon the Wichida, where at that time they dwelt, an exceeding faire Church, which was raysed from the very foundations of hewen stone. Finally, they knew no end of their goods.

Now among the Russes it goeth for a common Prouerbe, that Hee which hath no friends in Court, is scarce to be accounted in the number of the liuing. For most commonly it happeneth, that they that excell others in any thing, are presently enuyed and falsly accused in the Princes Court, where if they haue not a friend to succour them, they are forth-with without hearing the cause, oppressed; yea, and vtterly ruined.* 1.633 For which cause the Oneekos beeing growne to much wealth, as is said, got into the fauour of one of the greatest in the Court, which was Bo∣risodanoua, Brother to the Wife of the Emperour Pheodor Euanowich then reigning; to whom [ 10] also he succeeded in the Empire. Vnto this Boris the Oneekos determined to reueale the whole matter: who first presenting him with gifts after the custome of the Countrey, prayed him to grant them hearing in a matter, which they had to deliuer for the benefit of the whole Empire. Boris presently liftning to this Petition, receiued them with extraordinary kindnesse: and after they had declared vnto him the situation of the Countreyes of Samoiedia, and Siberia, then what they had seene and obserued therein, and how great Riches might thence arise vnto the Empire of Moscouia. Boris presently grew into an ardent desire to set forward this businesse, enter∣tayning them as his Children, and gracing them to the vttermost of his power, procuring them from the Emperour a most ample Priuiledge, by which it was ordayned,* 1.634 That they should for e∣uer enjoy the Lands which they possessed, and might dispose of them vnto their Heires at their [ 20] pleasure. And farther, if it happened they were abiding in the Citie of Moscua, he tooke them into his owne Sled: which among the Moscouites is the greatest kind of honour, especially being offered by principall Noblemen, such as then was Boris, a man of the greatest power, and in whom the chiefe authoritie of the Empire rested. Boris pondering these things attentiuely, sig∣nified the whole matter to the Emperour, to whom it was very pleasing; And not sleeping a∣bout the matter, employed therein certayne Captaynes, and Gentlemen of small abilitie of his owne followers: commanding them to prepare themselues to goe to that Iourney, in company of such as the Oneekos should appoint vnto them, and that they should apparell themselues gallant∣ly, and like vnto Ambassadors, adding further certayne Souldiers, and Presents of small value to be distributed among the people, to which they should come: enioyning them further to note [ 30] diligently all Passages, Riuers, High-wayes, Woods, and what else they should meete with in their trauell; as also to commit to memorie the names of them; that at their returne they might make a faithfull and true report thereof: adding further that they should intreat the people with all courtesie, and that they should seeke out some conuenient place for building of Castles and Fortresses, and that in any case (if it were possible) they should bring backe with them into Moscouia, some of the Inhabitants of those Countryes.

These Messengers being sufficiently furnished with all things necessary for the Iourney,* 1.635 name∣ly, Apparell, Weapons, Money, and Presents, departing from the Moscua, not long after came to the Riuer Wichida, and to the Oneekos: who also sent some of their owne people with them. [ 40] Assoone as they were arriued into those parts, they began to performe what was giuen them in charge, shewing freely all tokens of courtesie vnto the barbarous people, and carefully obseruing who were of greatest authoritie among them, to whom they vsed reuerence and gaue gifts, such as were of small and almost no value to themselues, but which seemed so precious vnto the o∣ther, that when the Moscouites were comming a farre off towards them, they would stay for them with great dancings and clapping of their hands, and cast themselues downe at the feet of the Giuers, being so gallantly attyred, accounting them altogether as Gods. The Moscouites v∣sing the Samoieds for their Interpretors, which had continued certayne yeeres in the Villages of Moscouia, to learne their Language, began to discourse with the Barbarians concerning their Emperour of Moscouie, whom they wonderfully extolled, and made him little lesse then an Earthly God, enterlacing other things with all, whereby those people were stirred vp to wish [ 50] that they might behold these things with their eyes. These their desires were pleasing to the Moscouites, who signified that they were likewise well contented therewithall: Adding, that they would leaue certayne pledges among them, which during the Samoieds abode in Moscouia, might learne their Language: And by this meanes they drew vnto their purpose the good will of many of the people on the West-side of Obi, who of their owne accord subjected themselues to the authoritie of the Moscouites, and suffered them to lay a Taxation vpon them,* 1.636 promising yeerely of euery head (not excepting the Boyes that were but yet learning to handle the Bow) two skinnes of Sables: which to themselues were of no value, but esteemed of the Moscouites as precious as Iewels. These they promised to deliuer to such a Treasurer as the Empero••r should ordayne. Neither did they faile to performe the same.

[ 60] After this the Messengers passed ouer the Riuer Obi, and trauelled beyond it almost two hun∣dred leagues toward the East and North-east,* 1.637 hauing seene by the way many wild beasts of strong shapes, most cleere Fountaynes, extraordinary Plants and Trees, pleasant Woods, and Sa∣moieds or diuers sorts, whereof some did ride on Elkes or Loshes,* 1.638 other were drawne in Sleds by

Raine Deere, and others also were drawne by Dogges, which are equall to Harts for swiftnesse. Finally,* 1.639 many other things in their whole Iourney they met with, not before seene, and there∣fore to be maruelled at: which orderly and truly noted downe, that they might more certainly report the same at their returne. And so at length taking with them some voluntarie Samoieds, and leauing there diuers of their owne people to learne their Language, they returned backe into Moscouia; where at their first conueniencie they made knowne to Boris, and by him vnto the Emperour the whole successe of their Voyage.

* 1.640They maruelled at the Samoieds which were brought vnto them, commanding them to make some shew of their cunning in shooting; which they did so perfectly, that almost it seemed to any man incredible. For taking a piece of Coyne lesse then our * 1.641 Pennie, and fastning it to the stocke of a Tree, and then going as farre from the same, as they could very hardly discerne it, [ 10] they did euery time that they did shoot so assuredly hit the same, that they did not once misse it. Where at many of the beholders did aboue measure wonder.

And on the other side, the Samoieds as greatly wondred both at the Moscouites manner of li∣uing and fashions, as also at the statelinesse of the Citie: neither did they without a certayne terrour behold the Emperour himselfe, so richy attired and mounted either on Horse-backe, or in his Coach drawne by many Horses together, and enuironed with so many Nobles most gallantly adorned. Then with admiration they beheld the Guards furnished with their Caliuers, of whom about foure hundred waited on the Emperour at his going abroad. So oft also as they heard the ringing of the Bells, which are very many among the Moscouites, and saw so many [ 20] faire shops, and the rest of the Cities beautie, they were altogether astonished, and thought themselues to bee in some Mansion of the Gods; wishing withall, that they were a while a∣mong their Countrey-men to tell them of all things. Yea, they reported themselues to be hap∣pie, that they had the fortune to serue so glorious an Emperour, whom they altogether accoun∣ted as a Diuine power. The Meates which the Moscouites did set before them, they did gree∣dily eate: whereby it plainely appeared, that the same were more pleasant to their taste, then the raw flesh, or fish dried in the winde, wherewith they feed themselues at home. Finally, they promised to receiue the Emperour for their Lord; and to perswade their Countrey-men, inhabiting farre and wide to doe the same. They humbly also prayed the Emperour to vouch∣safe them the fauour, to send them certaine Gouernours to rule ouer them, and to whom they [ 30] might pay the aforesaid Tribute. Concerning their Idolatrie, there was no speech made thereof, but they were left to their owne customes. Notwithstanding, I thinke that the Christian Faith would easily be spred among them, if they had sufficient and godly Teachers. Neither doubt I but the Moscouites would haue taken order therein, if they had not beene hindred by these most troublesome Warres.

These things so done as is declared, the Oneekos were raised to great Honours, and endowed with great Priuiledges, as also with Supreme Authoritie ouer many places, adjoyning vnto their Lands, enjoying Possessions lying one hundred miles asunder vpon the Riuers of Duina, Whichida, and Suchana: so that they are very mighty and rich, and increase daily in greater Honours.

It was further ordayned by the Moscouites, that there should bee places chosen by the Riuer [ 40] Oby, and in the fields adioyning vnto it, fortified by the naturall situation for the building of Castles thereon, and furnishing them with Garrisons, and that there should be sent thither a chiefe Gouernour, principally for further discouering the Countrey, and bringing it vnder sub∣iection. These things so ordayned, did likewise take effect. And first of all, there were builded certaine Castles enclosed with certaine strong beames,* 1.642 cut out of the Woods thereby, and fast∣ned one in another in double rewes, filled betweene with earth, and fortified with Garrisons; And so great a multitude of men is duely sent thither, that in some places there are Cities as∣sembled,* 1.643 consisting of Poles, Tartars, Russes, and other Nations mingled together. For, into these parts are sent all that are banished, Murtherers, Traitors, Theeues, and the scumme of such as deserue death: some of which are for a time kept in prison, others enforced to continue [ 50] there for certaine yeeres, euery one according to the rate of his offence: whereby there are very populous assemblies of people growne together, who with the Castles already builded, doe al∣most make a pretie Kingdome: Many men of the meane sort, daily flocking thither, the rather for that they enioy great priuiledges, neither pay any thing for the Lands which they possesse.

* 1.644The whole Countrey is called Siberia, the Citie builded therein Siber. And in deed at the first, the Offenders among the Moscouites, did no lesse tremble at the name of Siberia, then * 1.645 doe euill persons in London, when they are threatned with New-gate: for they were forth-with sent away into Siberia. But now the often inflicting of that punishment is almost growne in∣to contempt. But Noblemen and great Personages, if at any time they incurre the Princes dis∣pleasure, doe as yet very much loath the name of Siberia. For many times both them∣selues, [ 60] with their Wiues and Families are sent away into those parts: where some Office is committed vnto them, till the Emperours anger bee asswaged, and they called home into Moscouia.

I will now shew the way by which they trauell out of Moscouia into those parts, and that

in the best manner that I could get notice thereof. Which whatsoeuer it shall seeme to bee, I haue not attayned vnto it, without great paines and ready furtherance of some friends,* 1.646 which I found in the Court, while I continued in Russia: who though they were ready to pleasure me, and that I had beene very instant with them about it, yet with much adoe were brought to com∣municate this particular Iournall vnto me. For if at any time after, when the land should bee at quiet, it should any way come to light, doubtlesse it would cost them all their liues. For such is the disposition of the Russes, that they will not indure to haue the secrets of their State to bee made knowne.

[ 10]

§. II. A briefe Description of the wayes and Riuers, leading out of Moscouia toward the East and North-east into Siberia, Samoiedia, and Tingoesia, as they are daily frequented by the Russes: with further Discoueries towards Tartaria and China.

FRom the Citie Osoil vpon the Riuer Wichida, where the Oneekos dwell,* 1.647 they goe a∣gainst the streame, vntill they come to Iauinis, a little Towne built by the Russes,* 1.648 [ 20] and it is distant from Osoil almost seuenteene dayes iourney. Whither before they come, they passe many Riuers and Woods. The Riuer Wichida springeth out of the Mountaines of Iugoria, which to the South ioyne vpon Tartarie, and from thence runne North∣wards to the Ocean Sea. Out of the same Mountaines issueth the Riuer Petsora, which falleth into the Ocean Sea on this side the Streight of Waygats. From Iauinis, after three weekes iour∣ney, they come to Neem; a Riuer so named of the gentle gliding of her streames through the Woods. For Neem in English signifieth Still or Dumbe. On this Riuer they proceed about fiue dayes space with their Boats; and then, for that the Neem taketh his course another way, for shortning their iourney, they must of force cause their stuffe to be carried by Land, the space of a league: And so they come to the Wisera,* 1.649 a Riuer issuing out of certaine Rockes adioyning [ 30] to the Mountaines of Iugoria. These Rockes the Moscouites call Camenas. From hence they are carried downe the Riuer Wisera, for the full space of nine dayes, vntill they come to Soil Cam∣scoy, a small Towne builded by the Moscouites, for refreshing of Trauellers for a short space, which hence forward are to proceed on their Iourney by Land. As for the Wisera, it keeping on his course somewhat farther, at length falleth into the Cam, which passing by Viatcam, a Towne of Moscouia, falleth into the great Riuer Rha, commonly called Volga, which entreth with seuenty branches into the Caspian Sea, as I haue receiued from eye witnesses.

The Towne of Soil Camscoy is reasonably inhabited, hauing many Villages round about it.* 1.650 The Inhabitants, for the most part are Russes or Tartars. Here is great store of Cattell, and chiefly of Horses. Trauellers hauing here somewhat refreshed themselues, doe lade their carriages on Horses, and trauell for the most part through Mountaines full of Firres, Pines, and other trees of strange [ 40] sorts. Betweene these Mountaines they passe ouer the Riuers Soiba,* 1.651 and from thence ouer Cos∣na, both running toward the North-east.

Now these Mountaines are diuided into three parts: whereof the two first are passed ouer each of them in two dayes, and the third in foure dayes. The first part is called Coosuinscoy Ca∣men: The second Cirginscoy Camen: The third Poduinscoy Camen. And doubtlesse all these moun∣tainous Countries are much different from the other Countries out of which they enter into them. For the Woods vpon them, are fairer and thicker growne with trees, bearing euery where diuers sorts of Plants. These three Desarts are frequented by none in a manner but Tartars, and Samoieds, who onely hunt after those costly Furres, which are to pay their tribute to the [ 50] Emperour of Moscouia. The Mountaines of Poduinscoy Camen are higher then the rest, and for the most part couered with Snow and Cloudes, and therefore difficult for Trauellers to passe ouer: but by little and little they haue a gentle descent. From thence they come to Vergateria,* 1.652 in which Towne they must abide vntill the Spring, by reason of the Riuer Toera,* 1.653 which arising not farre from thence, is all the rest of the yeere very shallow.

But the Spring approaching, when the Snow melts from the hoary Hills, and the Land wa∣ters arise, it is passed ouer with Skiffes and small Boats.* 1.654 Vergateria is the first Towne of the Countrey of Siberia, and was begun to be builded with some other Townes within these one and twenty yeeres. It is reasonably full of buildings, and the lands about it are tilled as in Moscouia. Heere there is resident for the Emperour of Moscouia a Gouernour,* 1.655 which yeerely [ 60] at the beginning of the Spring, by way of the Riuers doth distribute great store of Corne, and Victuals among the Castles with Garrisons throughout all Siberia: furnishing also in like man∣ner the Moscouites, which remayne beyond the Riuer Oby. For in those places the ground is not yet tilled; and the Samoieds, as before is said, for the most part feed on the flesh of wilde beasts.

Downe the Riuer Toera, in fiue dayes they come to Iaphanis, a Towne builded and inhabited within these two yeeres.* 1.656 Thence againe they passe downe the Toera, and hauing proceeded two dayes thereon, they are enforced by reason of the often windings and turnings of the Ri∣uer, to cut ouer it in certaine places, for shortning of the way. In these places there now dwell here and there, Tartars and Samoieds, liuing for the most part vpon Cattell and Fishing.

* 1.657At length leauing Toera, they come to the mighty Riuer Tabab, distant from Vergateria about two hundred leagues. And from thence they proceed farther to Tinna, a populous Towne, and builded by those aboue mentioned. But many trauell also from Iaphanis to Tinna, by Sleds in the Winter time, in the space of twelue dayes. And here is vsed much buying and selling of costly Furres, betweene the Muscouites, Tartars, and Samoieds. And this is a very conuenient [ 10] place, for such as determine to stay in the Countrey not aboue sixe moneths. But many doe search the further parts, and trauell farre beyond the Oby, toward the East and South.

From Tinna they come to Tobolsca, the chiefe of all the Townes of Siberia: wherein is the seat of the chiefe Gouernour of Siberia, and of the Moscouites that are in the same. To this place yeerely are brought from the other Townes of the whole Countrey, as well on this side, as beyond Oby the tributes, which being brought together, and guarded with Souldiers, are after carried into Moscouia to the Emperour. Here also the Law is most seuerely administred: and all the other Gouernours in Samoiedia, and Siberia, are bound to obey him onely. In this Citie besides is the chiefe Market of commodities brought out of Moscouia; the Tartars out of the South parts, and almost farthest parts of Tartarie, and men of other Nations repairing thither: [ 20] who, the farther that the report of these Countries reacheth, doe in so much the greater num∣ber assemble thither: whereby there ariseth great profit to the Moscouites. Furthermore, in diuers places there are Churches and Chappels erected, wherein the Greeke Religion is exerci∣sed, which among the Russes, and other Northerne People is most vsed, although corrupted with diuers Superstitions. But howsoeuer, no man is forced against his will to their Religion: but certaine gentle meanes are vsed by the Russes, by which these people are perswaded and wonne thereunto.

* 1.658The Citie Tobolsca is situated on the Riuer Yrtis, which with a most forcible streame, and as it were another Danubius, rising from the South, taketh his course toward the Oby, through which it seemeth to runne with the same course.* 1.659 On the other side is the Riuer Tobol, of which [ 30] the Citie taketh her name. Into this falleth the Riuer Tassa, which seemeth to spring from the North-east, and from certaine Mountaines there vpon the Coast. On the side of this Riuer the Moscouites haue of late builded a Towne,* 1.660 called Pohemy, inhabited with dwellers drawne out of Siberia, for no other cause, but that it is enuironed with an exceeding fertile soyle, as also with very pleasant Woods, wherein diuers sorts of wilde beasts doe breed, as Panthers, Ounces, Foxes, Sables, and Marterns. Now Pohemy is distant from Tobolsca, about two weekes Iourney toward the North-east.* 1.661 Yrtis with almost the like distance from Tobolsca, falleth into the Oby. And at the mouth of it was builded a Towne called Olscoygorod, but afterward razed downe by commandement of the Gouernour of Siberia:* 1.662 The cause whereof was not then knowne: which notwithstanding I guesse to haue been either the extremity of the cold, or that the Towne stood [ 40] rer vnto the Sea then they thought fit, and feared lest some inconuenience might grow thereby▪ for which cause about fiftie leagues aboue that razed Towne, they builded another vpon an Iland of the Riuer Oby,* 1.663 called Zergolta. From hence sayling vp the Riuer, they vse small sayles, either because winds blow faintly, or for the highnesse of the shoare: so that, though the Oby bee al∣most euery where very broad; notwithstanding, they drew their Boats in it with ropes, altoge∣ther after the same sort that they trauell vp the Riuers of Moscouia.

* 1.664Two hundred leagues aboue Zergolta, they came to Noxinscoi, a Castle builded thirteene yeers agoe, at which time the Gouernour sent certaine men thither out of Siberia, to seeke ou•• Coun∣tries profitable for mankind, and fit to build Townes in. Wherefore at that time they builded this Castle, and furnished it with a certaine Garrison, in a very pleasant, wholsome, warme, and fertile soyle, and wherein were great store of Beasts and Fowles of rare kinds. The very Castle [ 50] being situated toward the South-east, by little and little grew to be a Citie. The Inhabitants whereof were enioyned to proceed by degrees into further and more temperate Countries, and to trafficke truely in euery place, and courteously and kindly to entreat all people that they met withall: whereby at length they might more largely extend the Dominion, and spread abroad the Russian Name. Wherefore flocking thither in great numbers, and piercing into the Inland foure hundred leagues,* 1.665 they found goodly Countries, but not inhabited. And whereas ten yeeres past, hauing sayled two hundred leagues vp the Riuer Oby, they lighted vpon a Countrey very fruitfull and pleasant, which was very temperate, and free from all discommodities, and the Winters very short, and in a manner none at all. They tooke occasion thereupon to returne into Siberia, & to send word of these things into Moscouia. Boris Godonoua was then Emperor there, [ 60] who hauing receiued such good tidings, forthwith commanded the Gouernour of Siberia, that with all speed hee should cause a Citie to bee builded there. The Gouernour obeyed, and there was a Castle builded vpon his commandement, with certaine houses adioyned; so that now it

is a large Citie. The name thereof is Tooma, because they vnderstood, that a great multitude of Tartars in times past were seated there,* 1.666 of whom this Citie tooke that name for the pleasant∣nesse of the situation thereof. And it is reported that these Tartars had at that time a King, whose name was Altin: Whereby it came to passe, that the Citie which was first builded,* 1.667 held out many assaults of sundry people that dwelt in those Champion Countreyes. And now this Citie is so mightie, that in processe of time, some reasonable great Kingdome is likely to grow out off it.

Furthermore, betweene this Castle of Noxinscoi, and the Citie Tooma, and Siberia, the Mos∣couites daily doe discouer many people dwelling in the In-land parts, some of whom call them∣selues Ostachies, and now are growne into one bodie with the Tartars, Samoieds, and Russes,* 1.668 li∣uing [ 10] friendly together; they haue many Kings among them, almost like vnto the Indians (I speake of the pettie Kings, not of the greater Kings of India.) And to bee briefe, the Moscouites haue proceeded so farre into that mayne Land, that we haue just cause to maruell thereat. More∣ouer, there are many Castles and Townes betweene the Riuers of Obi and Yrtis, builded almost at the same time when Tobolsca was, and are now proper Townes: whose Inhabitants are Mos∣couites, Tartars, and Samoieds of their kind, which we call, The tame Samoieds, in respect of those which are altogether wild.* 1.669

And the first of the Townes is Tara: from which place it is neere ten dayes iourney between Obi and Yrtis. Then Iorgoetum, builded about fifteene yeares past. Besobia, and Mangansoiscoi∣gorod, both of them builded aboue Iorgoetum toward the South. The Inhabitants that dwell on [ 20] the west side of the Riuer Obi, seeke daily to discouer more and more. On this side of Obi are seated the Cities Tobolsca, Siberia, Beresaia, and certaine others, builded vpon certaine Riuers: and more are builded daily. Beyond Obi are Narim, Tooma, and diuers other Cities, the Inhabi∣tants whereof insteed of Horses vse Reyne Deere, or exceeding swift Dogs, which they fatten with diuers kinds of fishes, and especially with Thornebacks; because they thinke they be made the stronger with that kinde of food. Iorgoetum, whereof I spake before, is builded in an Iland of the Riuer Obi.

Also aboue Narim as men trauaile toward the East, they meete with the Riuer Telta: on the banke whereof they haue builded a Castle, named Comgof-scoi. The gar••ison Souldiers of which [ 30] Castle, together with the Inhabitants of Nar••m, about seuen yeeres past, were commanded by the Gouernour of Siberia to trauell East, and diligently to search what vnknowne Nations dwelt in those parts. Therefore trauelling through certaine vast Deserts, for the space of tenne weekes or there abouts, passing in the way through many faire Countreys, many Woods, and Riuers, at length they espied certaine Cottages set vp in the fields, and certaine Hords or Companies of people. But because they had Samoieds and Tartars for their guides, which were acquainted with those places, they were not afraid. The people came vnto them reuerently, and with humble behauiour, and signified by the Samoieds and Tartars, that they were called Tingoesi, and that their dwelling was vpon the banke of the great Riuer Ieniscè, which they said did spring from the South South-east, but that they knew not the head thereof. These people [ 40] were deformed with swellings vnder their throats, and in their speech they thratled like Turkie-cocks. Their language seemed not much to differ from the Samoieds, which also vnder∣stood many of their words.

Ieniscè being a Riuer farre bigger then Obi, hath high mountaines on the East, among which are some that cast out fire and brimstone. The Countrey is plaine to the West, and exceeding fertile, stored with plants, flowers, and trees of diuers kinds. Also many strange fruits do grow therein, and there is great abundance of rare Fowles. Ieniscè in the spring ouerfloweth the fields about seuentie leagues, in like manner as they report vnto vs, as Nilus doth Egipt. Wher∣with the Tingoesi being well acquainted, doe keepe beyond the Riuer, and in the mountaines, vntill it decrease, and then returne, and bring downe their heards of Cattell into the plaines.

The Tingoesi being a very gentle people, by the perswasion of the Somoieds, without delay [ 50] submitted themselues to the same Gouernours which they obeyed, whom they reuerenced as a kind of Gods. But what God they worship, or with what rites, it is vncertaine, neither as yet can bee knowne, the Moscouites being negligent searchers into such things.

Neither hereafter will I maruell, though the Streight of Waygats bee stopped vp to the North-east, with such huge Mountaines of Ice, since the Riuers Obi and Ieniscè, and very many more, whose names are not yet knowne, powre out so huge a quantitie thereof, that in a man∣ner it is incredible. For it commeth to passe in the beginning of the spring, that in places neere vnto the Sea, the Ice through the excessiue thicknesse and multitude thereof, doth carrie downe whole woods before it. And without doubt this is the cause, that about the shoares of [ 60] the Streight of Waygats, so great abundance of floting wood is euery where seene. And where∣as in that Streight neere vnto Noua Zembla, it is extreame cold, it is no maruell, if an regard of the narrownesse of the Streight, so huge heapes of Ice are gathered and frozen together, that in the end they grow to sixtie, or at least to fiftie fathoms thicknesse, as this present yeere (1612) they measured the same, which at the cost of Isaac Lamer went thither in a small Barke, in

whose companie the said Isaac Lamer would haue sent mee, but I would not. For I am readie to proue, that this is no passible way, and that they will still lose their labour, whosoeuer shall attempt the same, vnlesse they take another course in the businesse. But let vs returne to our purpose.

* 1.670Furthermore, those whom I mentioned before, vndertooke a long Iourney beyond the Riuer Ienisce Eastward, and were somewhat afraid to turne to the South, taking with them cer∣taine Tingoesies, by whom they were informed, that many Nations dwelt toward the South, which differed much from them, whose Kings were most commonly in warre one with another. But hauing trauelled certaine dayes to no great purpose, at length they returned home; Yet be∣fore their returne they gaue order to the Tingoesies, to search those Countreys more thorowly; [ 10] who promise that they would doe so: And they renewed the league which formerly they had made with the Moscouites. The Moscouites at their departure, left diuers of their people in those parts, and also certaine Samoieds and Tartars their confederates, after they had bestowed some small gifts among the Tingoesies.

The yeere following, the Tingoesies sent diuers of their owne people Eastward: who trauelling somewhat farther then they had done before, at length found another mightie Riuer, somewhat lesser then Ienisce, but as swift as it: And following the course thereof some few dayes, they lighted vpon certaine people whom they tooke, being swifter a foot then they: But they could not vnderstand their language, sauing that by certaine signes and words of the Saluages, which often repeated om ••m, they coniectured that on the other side of the Riuer, they [ 20] heard it often thunder. They added also, that they had often heard the noyse of men in those parts: And pointing to the Riuer with their fingers, they often repeated the word Pisida: whereby the Tingoesies gathered, that that should bee the name of the Riuer; but by the voy∣ces om ••m, the Moscouites did afterward gather, that they were knollings of Bells. The Tingoe∣sies at their returne from thence, carried with them diuers of the people of that Countrey, which died all by the way, either for feare, or through change of ayre. The Tingoesies were verie sorrie for their deaths.* 1.671 For at their returne they affirmed, that they were men of good vnderstanding, well set, with small eyes, flat faced, browne colour, and enclining to tawnie.

When the Moscouites vnderstood these things by the Samoieds, which returned into Siberia out of the Countrey of the Tingoesies, eftsoones they were stirred vp with a great desire to search [ 30] out the farther parts of that Countrey, wherefore they became sutors to the Gouernour, that they might bee sent thither with some others ioyned with them. Hee presently yeelded to their request, granting vnto them a certaine companie of Souldiers, and enioyned them curiously to search out all things, and to take with them Tingoesies, Samoieds, and Tartars. So beeing about seuen hundred men, they passed the Riuer Obi, and came to the Riuer Ienisce, through the coun∣treys of the Samoieds and Tingoesies. And passing the Riuer, they marched forth Eastward, hauing the Tingoesies for their guides: which did not onely serue them as guides, but also plenti∣fully prouided all the company with victuals, taking with wonderfull dexteritie, Fowles, Goats, Reyne Deere, and such like wilde beasts: as also no small quantitie of fish out of the Riuers which they met in the way. Hauing trauailed as farre as the Riuer Pisida, they pitched their [ 40] Tents on the banks thereof, with purpose to stay there till it were passable, the Ice being short∣ly to breake vp, because the spring was at hand, at which time they came thither, yet they durst not passe ouer the Riuer Pisida; hauing now plainly heard the sound, whereof they were aduertised before: which they certainly iudged to bee nothing else but the towling of Brazen Bells;* 1.672 and when the wind blew from the farther side of Pisida, they sometimes heard the noyse of men and horses. Moreouer they saw certayne sayles, though but a few; whereby they con∣iectured that they were vessels, which sayled downe the streame. They sayd further, that the sayles were square, like the Indian sayles, as wee suppose. But seeing no people at all on that side of the Riuer where they remained, after they had staied there a certaine space, and had per∣ceiued that in the spring time the Riuer did greatly swell (which neuerthelesse they can hardly [ 50] affirme for a certaintie, since the shoare is high on both sides:) At length by very great iourneys, and yet not before Autumne they returned home to Siberia; reporting, and that vpon their oathes, That in the moneths of Aprill and May, they were very much delighted with the excee∣ding faire shew of that Countrey; And that they had seene therein many rare Plants, Flowers, Fruits, Trees, Fowles, and wild Beasts. But the Moscouites are nothing curious in such things, as men that seeke after nothing but gaine, in all things else very negligent and rude.

These newes being brought to the Court of Moscouia, the Emperour Boris, and the Noble∣men that were with him, much wondering thereat, and inflamed with a great desire to search out exactly all particulars, resolued the yeere next ensuing, to send Ambassadours thither, which should carrie presents with them, and should take Tartars, Samoieds, and Tingoesies in their com∣panie. [ 60] And they were enioyned to search out the further side of the Riuer Pisida, and to make a league of friendship with the Kings if they found any, and set downe in writing all things that they could obserue by the way, and should make report of them most exactly. But these things did not take effect, because of the breaking out of the ciuill warres, among the Moscouites in the meane season.

I am of opinion, that in this countrey is the beginning, and the bounds of the Kingdome of Cataia, which bordereth vpon China. Yet I feare the Moscouites will lose their labour,* 1.673 if they euer returne thither. But time will declare the euent hereof.

Yet for all this, by the commandement of the Gouernours, euen in the time of this warre, there was a voyage made into those parts, many Inhabitants of Siberia being employed in the same, who passing ouer the Riuer Ieniscé, trauelled further on foot, diuers of whom died by the way, being not accustomed to hardnesse.* 1.674 These also found many things agreeable to the relati∣on of the former. And they likewise did oftentimes heare the ••owling of brazen Bells. But vpon the disswasions of the Tingoesies they durst not passe the Riuer: But they stayed awhile in the Mountains, out of which they saw oftentimes flames of fire ascend; & they brought thence [ 10] some small quantitie of b••••mstone, and o•• touch-stone: so that some 〈…〉〈…〉 those hills. Moreouer▪ the Gouernour of Siberia caused certaine 〈…〉〈…〉 to bee made▪ and commanded them to ••aile downe by the shoare of the Riuer▪ Obi, in the first beginning of the spring, and to coast the same continually till they came to the Riuer of Ieniscé; wherein the•• should afterward saile certaine dayes, discharging it selfe (as hee thought) into the sea. He sen•• others likewise to trauell ouer Land: giuing commandement to both of them before they went▪ To the Land-men, that they should stay by the Riuers side vntill the Boates arriued; and that if they did not arriue there▪ then after one yeere they should returne. To them that were in the Boates, ouer whom he made one Lucas Captayne, he gaue in charge,* 1.675 diligently to discouer the Coast, and whatsoeuer thereon was worthy to bee obserued. They did as they were enjoyned. [ 20] And the Mariners arriuing at the mouth of the Riuer Ieniscé, met with certayne of them which trauelled ouer Land, which were sent before in Boats and Skiffes downe the Riuer.

In their journey, they found all things in a manner to fall out as the Gouernour had fore-told. But Lucas being dead by the way, and some others, they thought is the best course, for both of the Companies to returne the same way that they came▪ And when they came home into Sibe∣ria, they declared vnto the Gouernour the whole successe of their journey: which caused the same to be sent vnto the Emperour: And this Relation is layed vp among the Treasures of Mos∣couia vntill these Warres bee ended; and then, as it is thought, it shall bee examined. But wee feare that by this time it is perished, which if it be so, truly it i•• much to be lamented, in regard [ 30] that they haue found so many rare and sundry Ilands, Riuers, Fowles, and wild beasts, and tha•• farre beyond the Riuer Ieniscé.

Moreouer, the Riuer Taes falleth into the Riuer of Obi, springing as it seemeth,* 1.676 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of place•• neere vnto the Riuer Ieniscé, and out of a great Wood in those parts: out of which Wood ano∣ther Riuer seemeth also to haue his Fountayne not farre from the Riuer Taes and falleth into the Riuer of Ieniscé. So that euen from Obi they trauell by water along the Coast of the Samoieds, and passing only two leagues ouer Lands, they meet with the Riuer Torgalfe, downe which with the streame they fall into the Riuer Ieniscé. And this is a very easie way, and lately found out by the Samoieds, and the Tingoesies.

Doubtlesse (it is to be lamented) that the Hollanders haue not had good successe in passing the [ 40] Streight of Way-gats; but surely they know not the right way to attempt the same. For if they attempt it by shippes, though it were an hundred times, it would hardly once take effect. But if they would throughly discouer these Countreyes,* 1.677 then they should stay two or three yeares about Petsora and Way-gats, where they should not want good Hauens, nor Victu∣alls: and from thence they should send out some with small Boates to 〈…〉〈…〉 parts, by the very example of the Russes, whose Friendship if they would procure with themselues, they should easily find Guides and Pilots: and so at length all these Coasts would throughly bee discouered.

Doubtlesse goodly Countreyes would bee found out, and not only Ilands, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the May•••• Land also. Yet there is just cause to doubt, whether America aboue China joyne not with some of the three parts of the old World: As wee see Africa joyned vnto Asia, with a nar∣row [ 50] necke of Land vpon the Redde Sea. And doubtlesse, this seemeth likely to bee true. For who can affirme, that they bee separated? Sauing that they haue found some things ••n the Writings of prophane Authors, whereby it may be prooued, and bring many Arguments from thence. And though these parts bee not joyned together, yet they must needs bee diuided with some small Streight.

[ 60]

§. III. A Note of the Trauels of the Russes ouer Land, and by Water from Mezen, neere the Bay of Saint NICHOLAS to Pechora, to Obi, to Yenisse, and to the Riuer Geta, euen vnto the Frontiers of Cataia; brought into England by Master IOHN MERICKE, the English Agent for Mosco∣uie, and translated out of the Russe by RI∣CHARD FINCH.

* 1.678FRom Mezen to Pechora, is a thousand Verst••: and the same is trauelled with Reyne ••e••re. From Pechora to Montuaia Reca, or The troubled Riuer, and to the parts of Mong••sey, it is trauelled in Boats called Coaches in seuen Weekes. At this place is a certayne Ouer-hal, where the foresaid Boats or Vessels are drawne ouer by men. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 off▪ Montuaia Reca, or The troubled Riuer, passing this Ouer-hall, they enter into Zelena Re∣ca, or the Greene Riuer. From Zelena Reca, or the Greene Riuer to Obi, is three Weekes row∣ing, running downe with the Current; but with a faire wind it is no more but three dayes and three nights Iourney. From Obi to Taes Castle, is a Weekes rowing. From Taes Castle to the Riuer Yenissey vpon long Woodden Pattens through the Snow, is three Weekes trauaile. But through the deepe Channell in the afore••said Vessels, called Coaches, is foure Weekes [ 20] trauayle. It bringeth them to a place, called Toorou-hansko Zeemouia, that is, The Wintering place of one called Toorouhan. Hauing trauelled to this Toorou-hansko Zeemouia, they come out on the backe side to a place called, The Riuer of Tingoosie, being a stonie of Rocky Riuer, which falleth into the Riuer Yenisey. In that place liue the Tingo••sies, and people of the afore-said Land of Tangoosi. Beyond them liue a people called The Boulashees: And beyond the Boulashees inhabit the people of Seelahee. These people report concerning Yenisey the Great, and Tenisey the Lesser: That beyond this fore-said Yenisey inhabit the people Imbaki, and the Ostaki, which are a kind of Tartar••. Also beyond the Tingo••sies is a Riuer called Geta, which was tra∣uailed by the Russes of Vashe••, and Russes of Pechora. These men by report liued in the parts of Geta, sixe yeeres. After which one of the Russe•• of Vashe••, named Wolfe, returned into Siberia; [ 30] and he reported, that he was trauailing from Tingoosie to Geta a Summer. Likewise, this said Wolfe reported, that a Samoied told him, that in Yenisey the greater were Vessels of a great bur∣then, seene to be drawne with the Rope, by a very great number of people: but hee could not t••ll what people they were, neither whither they did intend to trauaile with the said Vessels.

CHAP. VIII. A Voyage made to Pechora 1611. Written by WILLIAM GOV••DON of Hull, appointed chiefe Pilot, for [ 40] Discouerie to Ob, &c.

THe eleuenth of Aprill we weighed Anchor at Blacke-wall in the Riuer of Thames, in a ship called the Amitie; whereof Iames Vadun was Master, and sayling a∣long the Coasts of England, Scotland, Norway, and Finmarke, on the eleuenth of the next moneth of May, wee found our selues in the latitude of 71. degrees 40. minutes.

The twelfth, wee ranne fortie eight leagues North North-east, the wind being at South South-east, and found our selues in the latitude of 73. degrees 42. minutes, and at [ 50] night wee had shoaldings of Cherie Iland: for wee were enioyned by our Commission to touch there, although it were three degrees to the North out of our way.

* 1.679The thirteenth, being Whit-sunday it cleered vp, and then we did see Cherie Iland six leagues East South-east from vs.

The fourteenth, being faire weather, we stood to the Northwards, thinking to haue gone on shoare, but we could not for Ice, and labouring to Land on the South side of the Iland, wee met with Ionas Poole about Eeuening in the Elizabeth,* 1.680 who came as then to the Iland, and was set forth by the Right Worshipfull Company of our Russian Merchants, to discouer further North∣ward, from eightie degrees toward the North Pole. Then we stood to the Eastward, where wee found great store of Ice.

The fifteenth, we spent on the South-side of the Iland, in hope of the arriuall of the Marie [ 60] Margaret, which being a ship of nine score Tunnes, was set forth very chargeably by the a∣foresaid Russian Company,* 1.681 and had in her sixe Baskes, being excellent Whale-killers of Saint Iohn de Luz, for the killing of the Whale on the Coast of Greenland, in a Road called Crosse Road,

standing exceeding farre to the North, euen in the latitude of 79. degrees and better. The same day at night, seeing that there we could doe no good, we determined to proceed on our Voyage for the Riuer of Pechora: and Letters being giuen one to the other for Testimoniall of our mee∣ting in that place, we left Ionas Pooley, and directed our course to the Eastward.

The two and twentieth of May, we came to a small Iland, called Bigs Hole by Tapani Harbour.* 1.682 The three and twentieth, we arriued at the Ile of Kildin in Lappia.

The foure and twentieth, Iosias Logan, which was appointed Factor for Pechora, and my selfe with two more, went to Olena, and stayed there all the fiue and twentieth, being Saturday, where wee found a ship of Yarmouth, whereof Iames Wright of Hull was Master, of whom we learned [ 10] the proceeding of the Hollanders.

The seuenth of Iune, in the morning we had sight of the Coast of Lappia, a little short of Cape Comfort, and met with a ship of Amsterdam,* 1.683 by which we sent Letters to Master Iohn Mericke our English Agent, then Resident in Colmogro; and we had two Hogsheads of Beere of them.

The eight, we plyed to Cape Comfort, the wind at South-east.

The ninth being Sunday, in the morning wee put off from the Coast of Lappia, to crosse ouer the White Sea, to the Cape of Callinos corruptly, and commonly called Candinos. At noone we passed through some Ice, the weather being thicke and foggie.

The eleuenth, we plyed to the Cape of Callinos, passing through much Ice, the wind at North North-east. And therefore wee thought it better to goe to the Southward againe:* 1.684 and in the [ 20] Eeuening we came to an Anchor in ten fathomes. This night wee had a sore storme; the winde at North-east.

The twelfth, in the morning we weighed, and in weighing brake our Anchor: and then wee stood to the Southward, and came to an Anchor; and at night wee went on shoare for Wood,* 1.685 and Water, where was good store of Drift Wood: And within a ledge of Rockes on the West∣side of Callinos there lay ten Lodias or Russe small shippes, some fourteene or fifteene Tunnes the biggest (of a Towne called Pinega) all which were bound for Noua Zembla, to kill the Morsse: with the men of which Fleete wee had some conference, and did see their Prouisions: which were Launces of their fashion, and Harping Irons; their Victuals were Salt-fish, Butter, Bacon, Meale, their Drinke Quasse.

[ 30] The sixteenth, in the morning wee weighed and stood our course for the Ile of Colgoiene, the wind being at South South-west, and did find the Ice that was close to the shoare to bee open: but at night finding that we could not sayle our course for the Ice, we thought it better to stay, and so came to an Anchor.

The seuenteenth, wee weighed in the morning, and stood along the shoare, which did lye South-east by East, and North-west by West. And in the after-noone, wee went on shoare with our shallop, and came to a Riuer, which we called Hakluyts Riuer, where wee did see cer∣tayne Samoieds, with their Deere: but when they perceiued vs, they fled into the Land, carrying with them such things as in haste they could get together: but left most of their necessaries, as Bowes, Arrowes, long Speares, wanting Iron heads burnt at the end, Harping Irons, Wimbles, [ 40] and Morsse-skinnes, lying hid, some in one place, some in another: which wee caused our men to vncouer, and would not suffer them to take any thing away; only I tooke the Pizzell of a Morsse which they had lately killed; and Iosias Logan left a Knife, that they might not shunne vs hereafter. The same Eeuening we anchored and stayed all night.

The eighteenth, wee weighed, and at noone wee came to an Harbour; which, as wee thinke,* 1.686 was the very same where Master Stephen Burrow was in his Discouerie of Vaigatz, and Noua Zembla, 1556. where there is twelue, or thirteene foot at high water vpon the Barre, and within six or seuen fathomes. Also in this place were three Lodias of Pinega, which when they saw vs come in, rowed out, and at night returned, and some of their men came aboord of vs,* 1.687 and told vs that they could not passe for Ice; and said, that they were bound for Sharskai Gooba, or [ 50] Shar Bay to fish for certayne fishes; which they call Omilie, which are somewhat like a Shad, and for Morsses.

The twentieth, Iosias Logan and my selfe went ouer to the Mayne, which was distant two leagues, and came to a great Riuer in 67. degrees and 40. minutes, where there had beene peo∣ple: and there we saw foure or fiue great white fishes swimming,* 1.688 which are foure or fiue yards long, and called by the Russes Belluga, whereof they make Oyle, whereof afterward we found at Pechora, great store to be spoyled.

The one and twentieth, we sent our men for Wood,* 1.689 for there was good store of Flote-wood as we had found all the Coast along; but none growing.

The two and twentieth, in the morning we came ouer the Barre, the winde at South South-east, [ 60] directing our course for the Ile of Colgiene; and at noone wee passed through much Ice, which lay so thicke that wee could not sayle, but tooke in our sayles, and made fast our ship to a piece of Ice.

The three and twentieth, in the morning wee set sayle, and plyed to the Wind-ward, the wind at South-east, with raine: and at night wee mored to a Cake of Ice.

The foure and twentieth, in the morning we set sayle, and pyled to wind-ward, the wind at South-west to get cleere of the Ice; and at noone we obserued and found our selues to bee in 67. degrees 12. minutes, and in the after-noone we had sight of the Land againe, being foure leagues to the Southwards of the aforesaid Harbour; and finding the Tyde to set very sore vpon the shoare to the Westward,* 1.690 we stood to the Eastward, bearing through the Ice, and at twelue at night wee mored to a piece of Ice.

The fiue and twentieth, we loosed and sayled to the Eastward, till we found the Ice so thick, that we could not passe further: then we made fast to a piece of Ice: the wind at North North-east, thicke fogge, and some raine. The six and twentieth, we set our fore top-sayle, the wind at North North-east, blowing hard and thicke fogge: we stood sometimes one way, sometimes another, as we could find the Ice open; and at noone we had sight of the shoare, being foure or [ 10] fiue leagues off, and the Ice lying so thicke, that we could make no meanes to get farther from the shoare: wherefore wee made fast to a great Cake of Ice. The seuen and twentieth, wee lay still, the Ice lying very close, with thicke foggie weather: the wind at North North-west.

The eight and twentieth, in the morning it was cleere, and the Land did beare North by West seuen leagues off, and then we set sayle, passing to the Eastward till noone: then we made fast to a piece of Ice, it being very foggie: the wind at West North-west. And the same day at eight in the after-noone wee loosed from the Ice, it being cleere, the wind at North-west. And at mid-night we got cleere of the Ice, keeping our course East North-east.

* 1.691The nine and twentieth, at eight in the morning, we had sight of Cape Swetinos, the winde [ 20] at North North-west, with thicke foggie weather: At noone, finding the Ice to lye close to the shoare,* 1.692 we cast about to the Westward. And at eight in the Eeuening, wee came to an Anchor in tenne fathomes; and then I went on shoare, where there were two Russian Crosses: the Land was smooth, and full of fresh Ponds, being a kind of white Chalke Cliffes. At our comming a∣boord, we weighed and stood neerer to the shoare because of the Ice.

The thirtieth, in the morning the Ice came so extreamely vpon vs, that we could not weigh; for our men being cast from the Capstan, our Cable brake, and so wee lost an Anchor. Then seeing wee could not passe to the Eastward,* 1.693 wee stood to the Westward of Cape Swetinos, into the afore-said deepe Bay in seuen fathomes: the wind at East North-east, cleere weather.

The first of Iuly, we went on shoare to see if there were any thing to take notice of: but wee [ 30] found nothing worth the going. For only we saw a wild Deere, and an House of Wood after the Russe fashion, where people had beene. The second, likewise we rode still, and going againe on shoare we did see the Ice all gone to the Eastward; and so came aboord. The third, at sixe in the morning we weighed, the wind at East North-east, and plyed through some Ice: and at foure in the after-noone we got cleere of it: and at eight of the clocke wee came to an Anchor, it being calme and cleere weather: then I went on shoare, where we were first; and came aboord because of the great abundance of Muskitos or Gnats.* 1.694 At our comming hauing the winde at South-west, we set sayle and stood along the shoare.

The fourth, we sayled along the shoare with faire weather, hauing the winde variable. The fifth, wee plyed to the Eastward, wind at North-east by East faire weather. The sixth, wee [ 40] plyed along the shoare, the wind at North by East. And in the after-noone wee passed through much Ice. The seuenth, we plyed through the Ice to the Eastward, the winde at East North-east, thicke and foggie. The eight, with cleere weather, the winde at North North-east, we plyed to the Eastward; and at noone obserued the Sunne hauing 69. degrees 40. minutes: At Eeuening we had sight of the Land to the Eastward of the Riuer of Pechora; and thinking to get into the shoare we could not for the shoald water.

The ninth, in the morning we stood backe to find the Barre or entrance of the Riuer of Pe∣chora.* 1.695 And in the after-noone, seeing the Sand ouer the Ice, which was not broken off from the shoare, I went thither with my shallop, and going on shoare, we espyed three Crosses, and cer∣tayne Russes walking vpon the S••nd; who told vs, that that was the place that we desired: and [ 50] one of them came aboord our ship to bring vs ouer the Barre. But comming to shoald water, wee durst not trust his skill, but stood backe againe, and came to an Anchor in foure fathomes.

The tenth, in the morning I went to found the Barre; where we had eleuen and tenne, and in one place but nine foot water. And comming aboord wee set sayle to come in. And in going o∣uer the Barre we were on ground; but, God be thanked, wee got well ouer, and came to an An∣chor in six fathomes.

The eleuenth, the Ice brake off from the shoare, and came so fast vpon vs, that we could not shift from it, but were put on ground vpon a Sand; yet God be thanked without any harme. The same day leauing our ship lying so, Iosias Logan our Factor, my selfe, William Pursgl••ue, being rowed in our Skiffe by six of our Mariners, tooke our way toward the Towne ouer a shoald Sea, which the [ 60] Russes cal, The Dry Sea: which may very wel be so called. For on the starboord or West side going vp is a low dry Sand, and on the Larboord or East side is all shoald water, as two, three, or foure foote water. And seuen leagues within to the South-west is an Iland called Dolgoi, that is to say, The long Iland, which you must keep on the Larboord or East side, & then steer away South South-west,

neere vpon twentie leagues, all in shoald water; and then you shall come to the sight of an high Land called The Boluan; which in the Russe Tongue signifieth, a Blocke:* 1.696 which you must leaue on the Larboord, or East side. And be sure to keepe the channell, which doth trend South-west, and South-west by West. By report of the Inhabitants the Riuer hath two and seuen∣tie mouthes.

The twelfth, we passed ouer the Drie Sea, (which the Russes call in their Language, Suchoi Morie,) to the mouth of the Riuer Pechora: where we found many small Ilands, some a mile, some two miles in length, and so shoald water, that wee could not get to the shoare with our Shallop, but lay in her all night at an anchor, being vncertaine which way to take: and seeing so many entrances before vs, we could hit right at none. The thirteenth,* 1.697 in the morning wee [ 10] got to an Iland, at the very mouth of the Riuer, where wee stayed all the day, hauing much wind and fogge. The fourteenth, being Sunday, we set sayle from the Iland, the Sea going very high: and at noone we came by Gods direction, into one of the chiefest entrances of the Riuer Pechora; and came to an house, where there were two and their families, who made vs the best entertaynment that they could, and gaue vs directions how to goe to the Towne.

The fifteenth, we came to a Sari or Ferme house of one of the principall men of the Towne;* 1.698 who bid vs kindly welcome: and as the place and season affoorded, hee made vs good cheere. He lay there at this time, to take Duckes, Swannes, Geese, and other Fowles: for then was the time of the yeere. Their feathers they sell, and their bodies they salt for winter prouision. He also gaue vs a man to bring vs to the Towne.

[ 20] The sixteenth, we came to the Towne of Pustozera, which standeth vpon a Lake.* 1.699 There was no Gentleman or Gouernour in the Towne at our arriuall: for he had destroyed the Castle, and fled away the last Winter. For certaine dayes wee could haue no answer, whether wee might stay or no, all the chiefe men being abroad for their Winters prouision. But the chiefe Customer Ma••phe, sending men to know their mindes, the three and twentieth day of the same moneth of Iuly, we were embraced of them, and desired to stay, and they appointed vs an house to dwell in. Furthermore, they told vs that the Riuer Pechora was more conuenient for vs, then the Riuer of Duyna: and that a great part of the goods, which come to Colmogro vpon Dwina, doe passe in one place or other by the Riuer Pechora, which, they say, runneth through Siberia; and how much farther they themselues know not. The fiue and twentieth, in the morning,* 1.700 ha∣uing [ 30] one of their Boats full with feathers, wee departed from the Towne, taking our leaues of Iosias Logan, who stayed behind.

The sixe and twentieth, we came downe to the Boluan, where wee went aboord of two Co∣ches of some fifteene tunnes a piece, bound for Mougunzea. Here I went on shoare, and bought an airie of Slight-falcons, being very young. The seuen and twentieth, in the Eeuening wee came aboord our ship, and the same night tooke in the Feathers, and laded their Boat againe with Meale, sending her vp to the Towne by the Russes that brought her downe.

The eight and twentieth, we got out our goods, which were appointed to be left at Pechora, vnder the charge of Master Logan, and made ready our ship. The nine and twentieth, wee [ 40] weighed anchor, and fell lower downe, the wind North North-east. The thirtieth, wee rode still, and in the after-noone two Lodias that were fishing for Omulais, went out to Sea, the wind at North-west by West. The one and thirtieth, the wind being at West North-west,* 1.701 there came in foure and twentie sayles of Lodias or Coches, all bound for Mugunzea: but the yeere being farre spent they gaue ouer their Voyage, and went to the Towne of Pustozera, to winter. Out of one of the which Lodias we hired a man belonging to the Towne, to stay with William Pursgloue and Marmaduke Wilson, by our goods, till the Lodia came, which we had hired. Which two were to winter with Master Logan in the Countrey. The aforesaid foure and twentie Lo∣dias were of Colmogro, Pinega, Mezen, and Pustozera.

The first of August, the wind at West, we weighed, and, God bee thanked,* 1.702 came safely ouer the Barre of Pechora. From thence wee directed our course for Noua Zembla: and at noone [ 50] we came to Ice: where hauing sayled many points of our Compasse, at mid-night wee tooke in our sayles, and made fast to a piece of Ice; the weather being very thicke and foggie. The se∣cond being very cleere, and seeing no way to passe to the Northward for Ice, we determined to return; and because the yeere was so farre spent to go for Cherie Iland, to see if it pleased God to giue vs there any good successe, for the bearing of the charges of this Voyage. So wee loosed, and at eight in the Eeuening wee got cleere off the Ice, keeping our course by the edge of it, which did lie East by North, and East North-east. The third, at noone we had sight of Colgoiene Iland,* 1.703 and tooke the latitude, being on the North side of the Iland which was 69. degrees 20. minutes: and at night I went on shoare to see the Land, which was high clay ground: and I came where there was an airie of Slight-falcons: but they did flie all away saue one, which I tooke vp,* 1.704 and [ 60] brought aboord. This Ile of Colgoiene is but thirtie leagues from the Barre of Pechora.

The fourth, we passed through some Ice, and at noone wee got cleere off it, and stood to the Northward, Colgoiene bearing South-west sixe leagues, the wind at East North-east. The fift, we had faire weather, the wind at East South-east, wee sayled two and thirtie leagues North

North-west, we obserued, and found our selues in 70. degrees and 40. minutes. The sixt, the wind being at South South-west,* 1.705 we steered North North-west fortie leagues, and were in 72. degrees 34. minutes. The seuenth, the wind was variable, the weather faire: we steered North by West, eight and thirtie leagues, and at noone had the latitude of 74. degrees 30. minutes. And at eight in the Eeuening we sounded, and had eightie fathomes greene Oze. The eight, the wind at West, we sayled North twenty leagues: in the morning we sounded, and had seuenty fathoms Oze: and at three in the afternoone, the wind comming North, wee cast about to the Westward.

The ninth, faire weather, we sayled thirteene leagues West, the wind at North. At noone we sounded, and had an hundred and twentie fathomes, greene slime. The tenth, the wind va∣riable, [ 10] with fogge and raine: wee steered West North-west fiue and twentie leagues: and at noone we obserued,* 1.706 and had the latitude of 74. degrees 57. minutes. The eleuenth, was thicke foggie weather; wee sayled foure and twentie leagues West: and at eight in the Eeuening wee sounded, and had ninety fathomes, soft Oze. The thirteenth, at noone wee had sight of Cherie Iland,* 1.707 being within a mile of it, before we did see it: and the same Eeuening wee got into the Coue, and mored our ship. Here we stayed twelue dayes, taking what it pleased God to send, which was but little.

The sixe and twentieth of August, we left the Iland, because the time of the yeere was farre spent, and returned for England, where (blessed be God) we safely arriued in Saint Catharines Poole, in the Riuer of Thames, on Saturday being Saint Matthews day, and the one and twen∣tieth [ 20] of September, 1611.

* 1.708There were in the Hauen of the Riuer Pechora, at our being there, about thirtie Lodias, or small Russe ships, hauing ten, twelue, fourteene, and sixteene men in each of them: which purposed to haue gone, some to Noua Zembla, some to Tasse gorodoc, and some to other places in Mougumsey, to the East of the Riuer Ob. These Lodias for the most part, were of Vstiug, Col∣mogro, Pinega, Mezen, and Pechora.

* 1.709Also, we that went vp to the Towne, found about fiftie Cayucks, or Boats of foure, fiue, six, and seuen tunnes a piece, fishing in the Riuer of Pechora for Salmons, and other kinds of fish; most of which Cayucks come from the great Towne of Vstiug, and the Townes thereunto ad∣ioyning, by the Riuer Iug, through the Land into the Riuer Pechora, and at the Boluan, at the Ri∣uers [ 30] mouth they tooke most part of their Salmon.

CHAP. IX. A Letter of RICHARD FINCH to the Right Worshipfull Sir THOMAS SMITH, Gouernour; and to the rest of the Worshipfull Companie of English Merchants, trading into Russia: touching the former Voyage, and other [ 40] obseruations.

RIght Worshipfull, my dutie remembred vnto you, with prayer to God for the preseruation of your healths and prosperous successe in all your worthie affaires. My last Letters vnto you were from Typani in Lapland, by Thomas Hare-castle of Hull, dated the foure and twentieth of May, 1611. The other, the nine and twentieth of May from Kyldin neere Camen, by a ship of Hamburg: which fore∣said Letters were directed to our Gouernour, the right Worshipfull Sir Thomas Smith, Knight. May it now please you further to vnderstand, That the ninth day of Iuly, wee came to the mouth of the Riuer of Pechora,* 2.1 which the Russes call Pechorskoi Zauorot with our [ 50] ship. And being entred into the aforesaid Harbour, it was full of Ice, and hard to finde: for we found no mayne Land, saue a small Sound behind the Ice. And labouring to and fro along the same, we sent William Gourdon in our Shallop manned to the shoare: who, as soone as they were landed,* 2.2 espied two Crosses standing on the sand: and presently our men espied three men com∣ming toward them. These men belonged to three Boats of Pinega, which Boats had beene in our companie not long before, at a place called by them, Promoya, by vs, Obscure, but by other Writers, Morshouitz. One of these Russes came on boord of our ship, and told vs, that wee could goe no farther with our ship, then the place, that their Vessels, called Coaches, rid in; and that to the Towne we must goe in small Vessels; giuing vs directions to sayle by, for the better finding of the Towne. After our getting ouer the Barre of the Pechorskoi Zauorot, and that we [ 60] were come to an anchor, we rode in great danger by the abundance of Ice, and the strong tide both of the ebbe and floud,* 2.3 which droue the same so forcibly against our ship. For, the eleuenth of Iuly, lying in foure fathomes water, a piece of an Iland of Ice, set with such a power against our ship, that it droue vs out of our riding into eight foot and an halfe, and nine foot water.

The eleuenth of Iuly, Master Iosias Logan, William Gourdon, and William Pursgloue, with our Shallop went vp to the Towne of Pechora, taking directions of the Russes for the finding of the same. Neuerthelesse, two dayes after their departure from our ship, they had mistaken their way, if by chance they had not met with a small Russe Boat, in which were Russes that directed them. Being about thirty Versts from the Towne, they came to the house of one Vasili Deadoo∣loue, who that this present is one of the chiefest Customers: by which Customers the Towne of Pechora is now gouerned, since there was no Gentleman sent from the Mosco. This man gaue them good entertaynment, and sent vp with them a man of his owne, fearing that the people would bee amazed at our mens sudden and vnexpected comming.* 2.4 Yet as soone as they [ 10] espied our people, they were all exceedingly afraid. Diuers of them with their women fled in∣to the Woods, vntill that one of the chiefest Customers had sent for them other Customers, who at that time were all out of Towne. But being met together, Master Logan shewed them the Priuiledges, of seuerall of their Emperours granted to your Worships. After the perusing of which, with the good report giuen of Master Mericke, your Agent, and our Nation by one of Colmogro, with whom Master Logan was acquainted; the Townes-men were well satisfied: and appointed our people an House. And many of them sent Bread, Pies, Ducks, Fish, and such like vnto them, entertayning them very well, according to the fashion of the Countrey, with con∣tinuall admiration how they found the Towne.

Touching the Inhabitants, there is no doubt, but that they will be glad of our trading thi∣ther. [ 20] Neuerthelesse, by that which I haue heard and perceiued, it is very likely, that the same will be distastfull to the Merchants of the Countrey, and others that trauell thither in the Win∣ter time, out of many parts of Russia: and also, to them that trade in the Summer time, by Sea to Mongosey, and through the Riuer of Peoza in Cayucks to Perm, Oust-zilme, and Pechora.

The seuen and twentieth of Iuly, our Shallop with a small Russe Boat, returned to our ship from Pechora Towne, departing from the same the Thursday before, being the fiue and twen∣tieth of Iuly, in our foresaid Shallop, and Russe Boat, were sent downe by Iosias Logan, fiue and fortie bags of white Partridges feathers, and an hundred and seuentie white Foxe skinnes.* 2.5 These Feathers and Foxe skinnes, are bought of a Colmogro man, to be payd for the same in Russia by Master Mericke; and, as I vnderstand, not so cheape as others doe buy there of the Fowlers [ 30] themselues. But if two men were left, one at Pechora, another at Oust-zilme, and Perm, with ready money and a little commodities,* 2.6 much good might be done in the Winter time by buying of Sables, Beuers, Beuers wombs, Squerrils, Foxe skinnes white and dunne, Losh hides, and Deere skinnes. And for the transportation of your goods to Pechora, or bringing of your goods from Pechora; the same may be done from Arch-angel vpon the Duyna to Mezen, and from Mezen to Pechora, Oust-zilme, and Perm, both by Winter ouer Land, and in Summer through fresh water Riuers, or alongst the shoare with speed, and with a little charge: as by the man∣ner of their ordinary trauell appeareth, as it hath beene of a trueth deliuered mee, from the mouthes of men of long experience.

The last of August, came into Pechorskoi Za••orot, or the Hauen of Pechora,* 2.7 sixe and twentie [ 40] Lodias or Boats, which was the Fleet set out from Oustiug, Colmogro, Pinega, and Mezen: all of them being bound for Mongosey: but hauing been crossed with contrary winds, & the time of the yeere being spent, they gaue ouer their intended Voyage; purposing with the next faire wind, to sayle to the Towne of Pechora, there to lay vp their Lodias and commodities till the next Spring, and themselues with their small Boats or Wherries to goe home, passing from thence vp the Riuer of Peoza, which they told me they could easily doe in a moneths time. As soone as this Fleet of Lodias was come to an anchor, many of them came aboord of our ship,* 2.8 wondring to see a ship there. They demanded of me, how wee came thither, and what the intent of our comming was: and whither we purposed to sayle from thence. Among these were some which seemed to be Merchants, who asked to buy Lists, remnants of Cloth, Cap-clothes, Aqua vitae, [ 50] especially, they asked for small Pewter D••shes,* 2.9 which I vnderstand to be a commoditie sold by them to the Samoyeds, at a great rate. I answered them, that the goods which wee had brought, were part already at Pechora, and the rest was to be transported thither, as soone as the Vessell came that was hired to carrie the same vp: so that, if any of them were minded to buy of our commodities, they might haue it of one of our Countrey-men there. After which, two or three of them demanded of me, whether I would buy any Sables, or Squerrils: which was but a brag. At this time many of them being on boord together, some of them were in priuate talke, which was my chance to ouer-heare, and was as followeth: If these Neamchines, or Strangers resort to these places, it will be an occasion in short time to make vs to be without Bread. The like speeches I heard a little before, of two men of Pinega; and of an old man remayning in [ 60] Pechora, that came downe to our ship with the Feathers.

Touching the goods left with William Pursgloue, Marmaduke Wilson, and the Russe, in regard the same lay in no good place, we were desirous to haue hired one of their Russe Boats, to haue carried the same to the Towne at a reasonable rate; the rather because it was on their way, and their Boats were not ouerladen: which they with two Boats might haue done with ease: yet

they would not, vnlesse wee would giue them thirtie or fiue and twentie Rubbels at the least, and that with Condition, that they might distribute into each Boate somewhat thereof. There∣fore vnderstanding their vnreasonable demand, hauing a Boate already hyred, wee vtterly refused to talke with them any further thereof: especially when they were minded to di∣uide the goods into all the sixe and twentie Lodias or Boates: which had beene a tricke to haue lost all.

The first of August, leauing Master Iosias Logan, William Pursgloue, and Marmaduke Wilson, at Pechora,* 2.10 wee sayled ouer the Barre of Pechorskoie Zauorot, directing our course for Noua Zem∣bla,* 2.11 till that wee had runne so farre, and were so inclosed in huge Ice, that in a Day and a Night we could goe neither backward nor forward: And finding no meanes to proceed on our inten∣ded Voyage for Noua Zembla, wee cleared our selues out of that place. Truth it is, that this hath [ 10] beene an hard Summer to all the Russes, both to them which were bound for Mongozey, and those that went to kill Morses,* 2.12 and fishing of a certayne Fish called Omeli. From the foresayd place wee set our course for Cherie Iland, intending to meete with the Ile of Colgoiene, and Wil∣loughbies Land. With Colgoiene wee met, but we missed of the other. The seuenth of August, William Gourdon and I with our Shallop went on shoare.* 2.13 This Colgoiene, is a very long and broad Iland with many Vallies in it. On the same are many Geese, which the Russes vse to take with Nets in the time of the yeere, before they bee ouer fledge. In this Iland seemeth to bee store of Hawkes. Heere William Gourdon and our Cooper, caught two Hawkes, whereof one was spoy∣led in the taking, the other remayneth aliue.

The thirteenth of August, wee arriued at Cherie Iland, standing in 74. degrees and odde mi∣nutes,* 2.14 [ 20] and Anchored in the South Coue, finding the same very cleare of Ice. And presently after our Ship was at an Anchor, Iames Vadin the Master, William Gourdon, and I, went on shoare on the Coue to looke for Morses.* 2.15 Here we found a certayne Note, which was left there by Thomas Edge: the effect of which was: That he arriued there with three Shalops from Greenland, and that there he had found the Ship called the Elizabeth, and that hee was gone in her to Greenland the foure and twentieth of Iuly, hoping to finde the goods which hee had left there: and that hee did purpose to returne againe to Cherie Iland with as much speed as could be made. Subscribed: Thomas Edge.

At our comming to the Iland, wee had three or foure dayes together very fine weather: in which time came in reasonable store of Morses, both at the South Coue and at the North-side: [ 30] and wee were in good hope we should haue made a sauing Voyage. Neuerthelesse, though there were store of Beasts,* 2.16 yet by no meanes would they goe on those beaches and places, that former∣ly they haue beene killed on. But fortie or fiftie of them together, went into little holes within the Rocke, which were so little, steepe and slipperie, that as soone as wee did approach towards them, they would tumble all into the Sea. The like whereof by the Masters and William Gour∣dons report, was neuer done. For lying as they did, and being so shey as they were, it was not possible to doe any good vpon them. Moreouer, to get them off these foresaid Rockes to make them come on shoare vpon their accustomed places, the Master and our men on both sides of the Iland went to driue them away, yet they would not. But by often driuing of them out of their holes, we killed as many as wee could. In the end the weather growing stormie and cold, there [ 40] were few or none of them left. Wherefore seeing all hope of good to be done of them to be past, wee departed from thence the sixe and twentieth of August,* 2.17 1611. for England. We did not per∣ceiue any Ship of Hull to haue beene there this Summer.

Hauing touched the chiefest points of our Voyage, I thinke it meete to set downe somewhat of the State, Commodities, and Trade of Pechora, Oust Zilma, and Parmia.

The Towne of Pechora is small, hauing three Churches in it: and the most part of the people are poore.* 2.18 In the Spring and a great part of the Summer, they liue by catching of Partridges, Geese, Duckes, and Swannes, of which they euery Summer take a great number. The flesh of these Fowles they salt, and liue of them the most part of the Winter. But the feathers of the said Fowle they gather together,* 2.19 and sell to the men of Colmogro, Oustiug, and others, that come e∣uerie [ 50] yeere out of Russia to buy the same: Some of them giue a little money before hand to the Fowlers. Which must be done with great care as the times are now. One Meafed a mans sonne of Pechora,* 2.20 whose Father is a man of great dealings, told mee, That they sold white Partridge feathers to men of Colmogro for readie money, at fiue Altines the Poud, and Duckes feathers (a∣mong which was Downe) they sold now for seuen or eight Altines the Poud. Likewise hee told me that in former times the Russes that vsed to trade thither, before the people of the Coun∣trey knew what Commodities were worth, had commonly a Poud of Partridge feathers for two pence of their money, and a peece of cake Sope worth at Colmogro ten pence of their mo∣ney. So that the chiefest Commoditie and best cheape is Feathers, being bought at Pechora with readie Russe money of the Fowlers themselues, and not of the Ligers there, that vse to sell them [ 60] to vs at Archangel on the Riuer of Duyna.* 2.21

Moreouer one hundred English miles on this side of the Towne of Pechora, is a place called by them the Boluano, where they take great store of Salmons. But it is alwayes the first of August

before they begin to cast out their Nets. And oftentimes toward the later part of the Summer, they haue such store, that they are sold ordinarily for foure-pence a Fish, and sometimes for a penie a Fish of their money. Yea, in a plentifull yeere, I haue beene told, one may buy whole draughts of Salmons for a very small summe of money. The Salmons heere are fat: three Fishes weighing commonly a Powd and no more. The best sort of the people of Pechora, vse to preserue a great quantitie of their Salmon with a little salt. For they salt eightie, or one hundred Fishes with a Powd of Salt: and many times in plentiful yeres, much Fish is cast away for want of salt; which they are loath to bestow when Salt is deare.

This Salmon is carryed by the Pechora men to Mezen in Sleds, drawne with Reyne Deere. But if they be minded to carrie the said Fish from Mezen to Colmogro, then they carrie the same [ 10] from thence with Sleds drawne with Horses.

Also many men of Colmogro, Pinega, and Mezen, buy Salmons at Pechora, and carrie it in the Winter time to Mezen, to which place they pay from Pechora for the hyer of a Sled and a Reyne Deere, ordinarily ten Altines, being twelue dayes journey: and from Mezen to Colmogro, being sixe dayes journey, they pay foure-pence a Powd at the most. The Deere that trauell from Pe∣chora to Mezen, will not draw aboue seuen Powd weight. This way is trauelled euery Winter twice. The first is sixe or eight weekes before Christmasse. And the second time is two or three weekes before Shrouetide: which bee the times that they very diligently obserue to sell the Sal∣mon in. Most part of the men of Pechora, haue euery one his owne Deere to trauell with. And some particular men of the better sort haue twentie or thirtie Deere,* 2.22 which they let out to hyer [ 20] in the Winter time; and in the Summer time they put them foorth to the Samoyeds to keepe. Also when the Winter way is set and beaten, many Merchants and others come out of Russia to buy Sables, Beuers, Beuers wombes, Squirrels, blacke, white and dunne Foxes, of which in the Winter time is store, brought thither by the Samoieds round about those parts: which Trading is in the Winter time and not else. The chiefest Russe Merchants or Furriers that vse these parts, I haue beene told, are the Obleazoues, the Shepetkins, and the Yeadomskoies. The Com∣modities carryed by them, are red, and yellow Cloathes; but chiefly Russe money, with which they buy Commodities there of the Russes, as well as that which they buy of the Samoieds in barter.

The Commodities carryed from Volochda, O••stiug, Colmogro, Pinega, and Mezen, to Pechora [ 30] and Mongozei, are Meale, Bacon, Butter, Ote-meale, Tolockno, and Salt, with some small quan∣titie of Yeasts and tanned Leather, with some Cloath, and other of our Commodities. These Commodities at Mongozei are sold at great rates. But at Pechora, Commodities are sold some∣times deare and sometimes cheape, in respect of profit. For if the Fleet, being at least thirtie Boates that set out euery Summer for Mongozey, laden with these Prouisions and Commodities aforesaid, bee crossed with contrarie windes; and that by the latenesse of the yeere they cannot reach to Mongozey, but are constrayned to leaue the same and come for Pechora, (as this yeere 1611. they were:) Then commonly Meale, Bacon, and such like Commodities with them are not deare. For by report a little quantitie of Meale doth serue all those parts.* 2.23 For the greater part of them liue of fresh Fish sod and dryed in stead of Bread, of which Fish they haue plentie. [ 40] Likewise, there vseth not to goe from Colmogro with these Prouisions, aboue two Boates in a Summer directly to the Towne of Pechora: especially since the Towne was burnt, and that there was no Gouernour in the same.

Also by the Mongozey men it did appeare, that there was no likelihood for them to vtter that quantitie of Commodities at Pechora, at any rate. For if there had, there would not haue resolued to lay vp their goods in Ware-houses till the next Spring, and then to proceed for Mongozey.

Further from the Towne of Pechora, is a place called by the Russes, Oust Zilma. This is,* 2.24 by the description giuen vnto me in distance from Pechora, as Oustiug is from Colmogro: and is like∣wise to bee trauelled by water against the streame: And in Winter time it is to bee trauelled in Sleds drawne with Reyne Deere. In this place of Oust Zilma, is great store of Squirrels, Beuers, [ 50] and Beuers wombes, Foxe skinnes white and dunne, and other Furres, but chiefly Squirrels, of which is great store by all mens report, that I haue talked withall. So that hauing a man in the Winter time at this place, a good quantitie of Squirrels and other Furres, may bee prouided at a reasonable rate. Moreouer, heere are to be bought Losh-hydes, and Deere-skinnes, which in the Winter time are brought to this Towne of Oust Zilma from Perm, which is not farre from thence. But to buy Losh-hydes and Deere-skinnes, the best course is to goe from Oust Zilma to Perm, and to buy them there, where one should bee sure to haue Choise, and at a farre better rate. Also those that vse to come out of Russia in the Winter time to Perm,* 2.25 to buy these foresaid Hydes; toward the later part of Winter carrie all these Hydes by Sleds, some two or three dayes [ 60] Iourney from Perm to the side of a certayne Riuer, neere vnto which is a small Towne or Vil∣lage; where as soone as the Ice is gone, they haue small Dorshenicks and Floates, on which they lade their Hydes, and being out of this Riuer, they enter into Duyna, and transport them to Colmogro and Archangell.

Likewise being at Pechora, Oust Zilma, or any of those parts, there is in the Winter time to

bee had among the Samoyeds,* 2.26 Elephants teeth, which they sell in pieces according as they get it, and not by weight. And I haue beene told, they sell the same at a very small rate. It is called in Russe, Mamanta Kaost. Thus much may suffice at this time to bee spoken of Pechora, Oust-Zilma, and Perm.

[ 1] Now I will set downe as I haue beene enformed by diuers Russes, the Names of the chiefest places which they vse to sayle vnto from Slobodca, an Hauen so called in the Prouince of Me∣zen, to the Pechorskoie Zauorot, or the Hauen of the Riuer of Pechora, and the Distances to each place: with a Direction how to sayle from Pechorskoie Zauorot vp to the Towne of Pechora.

[ 2] I will also set downe the Russes sayling from the foresayd Pechorskoie Zauorot, to the Yowhor∣skoie-share. And from thence to the Riuer of Ob: and thence to Mongozey. [ 10]

I will likewise set downe a true Direction, to goe by water in their Boates called Cayooks, [ 3] through the Riuer of Peoza, and other Riuers, till they come from Mezen to Oust Zilma, and Pechora.

Likewise I meane to write of the Samoieds, trauelling from Vaygats to the parts of Mon∣gozey, [ 4] in the Winter time, and from thence backe againe to the foresayd Towne of Mezen, called Slobodca.

Lastly, I will intreate of such Commodities as are to bee had at Mezen, with the speedie pas∣sage [ 5] from thence to Colmogro by Sea, or by Land in the Sommer time. And it is as followeth.

The things aboue mentioned, that I haue not seene my selfe, I haue not sleightly set downe from the mouthes of one or two, but from the mouthes of many ancient men, well experienced [ 20] in the Trauels and Trades of all these parts, which Master Iames Vadun the Master of our Ship can likewise witnesse. Therefore if the same may bee any way beneficiall vnto the Company, and that thereby I haue discharged my dutie vnto your Worships, I shall bee heartily glad thereof. Thus fearing I haue beene ouer tedious by my rude Letter, I rest, with my heartie prayer vnto Almightie God, for the happie preseruations of your selues, and all yours.

Written on Ship∣boord, the last of August, 1611.

Your Worships humble Seruant to com∣mand, RICHARD FINCH.

[ 30]

The Names of the principall places, which the Russes sayle by from Mezen to the Pechorskoie Zauorot, or the Hauen of Pechora. 1611.

FRom Mezen to Candinos, with a faire wind and stiffe gale, is thirtie houres sayle: They say∣ling commonly almost 40. leagues in foure and twentie houres, according to which it is 50. leagues. From Candinos to the Ile of Colgoie, is as before thirtie houres sayling, and after 40. leagues in foure and twentie houres, is 50. leagues. From Candinos to Promoya or Obscure, is twentie houres sayling, or 35. leagues. From the Ile of Colgoie to Colocol-coua, is fifteene houres [ 40] sayling, and reckoned as aboue appeareth, is 25. leagues. Along the shoare of this place are heapes of Sand, in the forme of Bells. Therefore the Russes call this place Colocol-coua, being deriued from Colocol, which in English signifieth a Bell. From Colocol-coua to the Peasaneetsa, is three houres sayle, or 5. leagues. This place is onely a small Brooke which they vse for a Sea-marke, more then for any benefit is to bee reaped at the same. From Peasaneetsa to the Pechorskoie Za∣uorot, is sixe houres sayle, or 10. leagues. So that from Colgoie Iland to this foresayd Pechorskoie Zauorot, is not aboue 40. leagues at the most.

[ 50]

A direction to sayle from the Pechorskoie Zauorot, where wee rode with our Ship in August 1611. to the Towne of Pechora, as followeth.

FRom this Pechorskoie Zauorot, they sayle into the Soohoie Mora, or Drie Sea, and not before: stirring away from hence South-west and by South, and in a faire gale of Winde, in foure houres they come to an Iland called Dolgoie.* 2.27 This Iland is reported to bee three or foure Russe Versts long, hauing on it in some time of the yeere many Geese, which the men of Pechora take before they bee able to flie. From this Dolgoie, they stirre away South South-west; and sayling this course with a faire gale of wind, in eight or nine houres sayle they come in sight of the maine [ 60] Land,* 2.28 being an indifferent high Land. This Land is called the Boluanou; and this is 20. leagues at the most. This Boluanou they haue on their Larboord side. Neere this place are diuers that in∣habite in Russe Houses: where in the Summer time they lye a Fowling, and fishing of a certayne Fish called Omeli, which are like our Maccarels. If need bee, heere a man may haue a guide or

good instructions to conduct him to Pechora Towne. Hard by this Boluanou, is the Oustia or barre of the entring of Pechora Riuer. For as soone as you are ouer this barre, you come into the Riuers mouth, which leadeth to Pechora Towne. If if bee thicke foggie weather, then one of them con∣tinually soundeth the depth of the Channell, keeping as neere as they can in the deepest water: and in so doing, they seldome mistake their way, so that they stirre away West from the Bolua∣nou to the Riuers mouth, keeping the Land on there Starboord side. And by all mens report, from the Boluanou to Pechora Towne, is with a faire winde and stiffe gale, not aboue twentie houres sayle: which according to their sayling, is about three and thirtie leagues. And it is not aboue fiftie leagues from the Pechorskoie Zauorot, where our Ship lay, to Pechora Towne.

[ 10]

The names of the places that the Russes sayle by, from Pechorskoie Zauorot, to Mongozey: with the manner of their Trauell, and Distance betweene each place, or time of Sayling, Halling, and Rowing vnto the same.

FRom Pechorskoie Zauorot to Matpheyoue Ostroue, or Iland, is with a faire wind and stiffe gale,* 2.29 at the most thirtie houres sayle, which being reckoned as before, after fortie leagues in foure and twentie houres, is fiftie leagues: to which they stirre away East. From Matpheyoue Ostroue to [ 20] the Youhorskoie-share, is nine houres sayle or fifteene leagues. When they are come to this Iland,* 2.30 they stir away from thence East to the said Youhorskoie-share. Also in cleere weather from Mat∣pheyoue Ostroue, they can see the maine Land, with the Meedanetskoie Zauorot: where the two Ilands bee called the Zelentsee or Greene Ilands: to which Ilands many of the Russes resort, to take a kinde of Fishes, called Om••li, which are like Maccarels: of which heere are store. This maine Land they haue on their right hand or S••arboord side, lying South from Matpheyoue O∣stroue. Also to the Southward of the Matpheyoue Ostroue, is another Iland which the Russes call Dolgoie, that is, the long Iland. So that there are two Dolgoies: the one, within the Pechorskoie Zauorot, entring into the S••••hoy Mora, or Drie Sea: The other is this, which is betwixt the Matpheyoue Ostroue, and the Yougorskoie-share; lying as before was sayd, South from the sayd [ 30] Matpheyoue Ostroue. From which Iland in a cleere day they can see the Land of Vaygats, which lyeth on the Larboord side, being very high Land. So that stirring out-right, in the middle be∣tweene the Meadanetskoi•• Land on their Starboord, and the Land of Vaygats on their Larboord side, they sayle directly into the Yougorskoie-share. Likewise there is not much of this Yougors∣koie-share. For they say, that being at one end, they can see the Sea at the other end thereof. Also, about the Land of Vaygats are neither Flats nor Shoalds.* 2.31 From the Yougorskoie-share to the Carskoie Gooba, is twelue houres sayle, or twentie leagues. In this Bay or Gooba, is the Meast∣noy Ostroue, or Meastnoy Iland. Further it is to bee remembred, that as soone as they enter this Carskoie Gooba or Bay, they sayle vp a Riuer, leauing this Bay on their Starboord: which Riuer bringeth them into the Mootnoya Reca, which signifieth the thicke or troubled Riuer. From [ 40] Carskoie Gooba to this Mootnoya Reca, is 20. leagues. Likewise, being a little past the Yougorskoie-share, there may bee described an high Land, which they call Soco••a Looda, that is, The Hawkes perch. And being ouer the Mootnoya Reca, which they are eight dayes and eight nights in hal∣ling along the shoare by the Rope or Beachaua, they come into two Lakes, which two Lakes from one end to the other they commonly row ouer in one Day or two Tides:* 2.32 the same not be∣ing aboue ten or twelue leagues. Hauing gotten to the end of those two Lakes, they come to a place called the Nauoloke, which signifieth an Ouer-hall. And it is almost two hundred fathoms,* 2.33 or foure hundred paces in length: And hauing emptyed their Vessels, called Coaches, laying poles vnder them, with the Companies or men of foure or fiue Boates, hauing twelue or thir∣teene men in a Boate, they hall their Vessels ouer, launching them into a third Lake,* 2.34 which they [ 50] call the Zelenoy Osera, that is, the Greene Lake. These Ouer-halls constraine them to consort themselues into Companies: otherwayes they could not get this way to Mongozey. At the end of this Zelenoy Osera, or Greene Lake, they come into the Zelenoya Reca, or Greene Riuer,* 2.35 in∣to which they runne with the streame, being often compelled to emptie their great Boates with their Lodias, or Wherries, laying their Goods vpon the shoare: which being done they row their great Lodias ouer the shoalds emptie; and hauing got ouer the shoalds, they bring their goods on boord againe. And thus they doe in diuers places of this Zelenoya Reca, or Greene Riuer: by reason whereof they are commonly ten dayes from the Ouer-hall, before they can get through this foresayd Riuer, which is all with the streame; but the Distance hereof cannot yet [ 60] bee perfectly learned. Being come to the end of this Zelenoya Reca, they enter into the Riuer of Ob; and hauing rowed a little way vp the same,* 2.36 they come to a place which they likewise call Zauorot: which signifieth a turning, winding, or entring into a place. From this Zauorot,* 2.37 they turne into the Tawze Reca, stirring away South to Tawze Riuer; but it is foure and twentie houres sayle, or fortie leagues from the Riuer of Ob, before they come into any part of the Tawze

Reca. In the Riuer of Ob, are neither Woods nor Inhabitants, till they sayle so farre vp the same, that they come neere to Siberia. But there are Woods.

* 2.38When they are entred into this Tawze Riuer, they haue foure dayes and foure nights sayling to Tawze Castle, with a faire wind and a stiffe gale: But if they bee driuen to row to the Tawze Gorodoc or Castle, then they are twelue dayes and twelue nights rowing thither at the least, ha∣uing calme weather. This Tawze Gorodoc, or Tawze little Castle, with the Villages, Townes, and all other places there to belonging,* 2.39 is by all the Russes generally called Mongosey. At this place are two Gentlemen or Gouernours, with three or foure hundred Gunners, and small C••stles in seuerall places of these parts of Mongosey. Moreouer, the men of Mezen, from whom I had all these Notes, told me; That in the Winter time there went men from Siberia to Mongosey, to buy Sables:* 2.40 deliuering vnto mee, that the Sables taken by the Samoyeds about Mongosey, are [ 10] richer in Furres then those that come from Siberia. Also they told me, that the Samoyeds inha∣biting vpon the mayne land ouer against Vaygats, trauelled in the Winter time with their Reyne Deere to the parts of Mongosey, to kill Sables and other beasts: and doe carrie their Furres from thence to Mezen, to sell there at a place called by the Russes, Slobodca, to which they did commonly resort about Shroue-tide, staying not there long, but as soone as they had made sale of their Furres, they departed home againe. Further, these men of Mezen told me, that in the Winter time with them was to be sold store of Squerrils, Beauers, Beauers wombs, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Sables. And that all those that trauelled in the Winter time from any part of Mongosey, Sibi••••, Pechora, and Oust-selma, to any part of Russia whether they were Merchants, or buyers vp of [ 20] the Furres, or the Samoyeds that caught them; they must of force come to their Towne of Me∣zen, to hire Horses to carrie them to Colmogro. By which meanes they told mee, their Towne was well replenished with all manner of Furres, especially of Squerrils. Also they informed me, that di••ers of Colmogro, and other parts of Russia th•••• sold vs Furs, for the most part bought the same of them, lying there in the Winter time for that purpose. Therefore, said they, if that any of our Nation would trade into their parts, they would be glad thereof, and that they may be furnished of all sorts of Furres, and at a farre better rate then hitherto we haue had them at. And that wee could vpon any occasion he quickly at Colmogro in the Winter time by Sled, or in any part of the Spring or Summer time by Boat••, at a very small charge. Lastly, that in the Spring time▪ we should not faile of a parcell of Trane-cyle, and Deeres skinnes, which euery [ 30] Summer they transported to Archangel to sell.

A true direction of the Russes trauelling from Mezen, with Cayooks or small Boats, through the Riuer Peoza, and from thence to a place called by them Peaskanoy Nauolock, or The Sandy Ouer-hall, passing from thence through other Riuers, till they come to Oust-selma, and to the Towne of Pechora: And is as followeth. [ 40]

* 2.41HAuing embarqued themselues at Mezen, in these small Cayooks or Boats, couered with the barkes of trees,* 2.42 they sayle to a Riuer called Peoza Reca. From thence they sayle, or draw their Boats to a place called,* 2.43 the Peaskanoy Nauolock, or Sandy Ouer-hall. From Mezen to this Ouer-hall is ten dayes haling along the shoare with the rope. This said Ouer-hall is fiue Russe Versts ouer. And after they haue vnladen their goods out of their Cayooks, they draw the said Vessels ouer at times with Horses, that come from Mezen of purpose; lying there the most part of the Summer, to that intent: and they pay sixe pence Russe for drawing ouer an empty Boat. Being ouer this Ouer-hall, they driue with the streame in three dayes to the Towne of Oust-selma: and with the streame in foure dayes they driue to a place called Pustozera: and [ 50] from Pustozera against the streame they come to the Boluanou,* 2.44 and from the Boluanou to the Towne of Pechora. Also, many of these Boats very often in their returne home with their fore∣said Cayooks, carrie Furres to Vsting, and diuers other places into the Countrey of Russia. All which they doe in a Summers time.

[ 60]

CHAP. X. The Voyage of Master IOSIAS LOGAN to Pechora, and his wintering there, with Master WILLIAM PVRSGLOVE, and MARMADVKE WILSON. Anno 1611.

THe first of Iuly, William Gurdon, Richard Finch, and William Pursgloue,* 2.45 went on [ 10] shoare at Suatinose, where two Crosses stand. The second, wee weighed anchor againe, and stood into the Bay because of the Ice: and that night wee went on shoare againe. The third, we weighed anchor, and stood it about Suatinose. The fift, we stood to the Eastwards fiue leagues more, and about twelue of the clocke at night, wee were thwart of the Iland of Toxar. The tenth, at eight of the clocke at night, we weighed, and went ouer a Barre, at two fathomes, and came into Harbour, where wee anchored at ten of the clocke in the morning in fiue fathoms, hauing sands round a∣bout vs, being land-locked. The eleuenth, my selfe, William Gurdon, and William Pursgloue, with sixe of our men more, departed from the ship with our Shallop, to goe vp to the Towne of Pustozer.

The fourteenth, wee arriued at the fishing house of one Euan Vasiliou sene sowhau,* 2.46 where the [ 20] people were afraid of vs, and were ready to runne away: but we spake to them, and gaue them some Biscuit and Aqua vita, and they sod vs some fish, and shewed vs our way to another Fishe∣ry: but they ran away from vs, so we departed on our way. The fifteenth day, at foure of the clocke in the afternoone wee met with a Russe, that was borne at Vstiug, who gaue vs Milke, and such things as he had, and we gaue him some Biscuit, and some Aqua vita, and hee directed vs vnto another Fishery, about some fiue miles from that place where wee arriued, about sixe of the clocke the same night. But comming ashoare, we found not any, saue one man, who after some conference had with vs, and giuing him some Bread, and some of our Aqua vitae, hee told vs, that the Master of the house, with three of his sonnes were hunting of Duckes, and that their wiues were afraid, and were runne into the Woods to hide themselues, leauing a young [ 30] childe behind them for haste. So he brought vs into the house, where by that time that we had stayed an houre (because there were so many Muschitaes, which are like vnto a Midge, and sting most horribly, so that we were not able to stay without) the Master of the house, and his sonnes came thither, who at the first, were afraid, thinking we came to rob them. And they were about to shoot our men in the Boat; but one of our men holding vp a Biscuit cake, they then came to them, and spake vnto them: but our men not vnderstanding them, made them signes to the house, where my selfe, William Gurdon, and William Pursgloue were: who, when they came in∣to the house, being yet afraid, they came in one after another. Now, when we had saluted them after the Russe manner, they asked vs of whence we were, and for what cause we came thither: [ 40] whereunto I made answere, that wee were English-men, who because of the troubles in Russia, came thither to seeke a Trade, hauing heard diuers times of the fame of those parts. Then hee replied, that in times past those places had beene good for trading: but now, by reason of a bad Gouernour, in those troublesome times, vpon a spleene he had fired the Towne, and burned aboue an hundred houses: and so by that meanes they were fallen into pouerty, and trading decayed, by reason of his great exactions. Yet hee said, that they haue great store of Salmon,* 2.47 and that the last yeere they got aboue 15000. Salmons, and in the Winter is their chiefest Mart. For then the Samoyeds come thither from diuers places, and bring Sables, and Beauers, white Foxes, Rosamackes, Feathers, and some Squerrils. So hauing supped with him, we gaue him a gallon of our Aqua vitae, and some fortie cakes of our white Biscuit, and three or foure pound of Raisins: for we heard, that he was one of the principallest men in the Towne. Then desiring [ 50] his fauour, he holpe vs to a man to goe with vs vp to the Towne, because of the fearefulnesse of the people, which they conceiue through the Warres of the Poles: and so wee departed from thence that night to the Towne.

The sixteenth, in the afternoone we arriued at the Towne of Pustozera, where wee found not many people, considering the number of houses there, which are betwixt fourescore and an hun∣dred, being of wood, built after the Russian manner, and they are subiect vnto the Russe, obser∣uing all their Rites as doe the Russes. The people were all abroad (some, in getting of Morses Oyle, and Belougaes Oyle, and some fishing of a fish called Ometta, which is a very sweet fish, and some hunting Duckes) sauing the Customers, and three or foure more, who were likewise afraid of vs, although we had one of their owne people with vs, and were ready to flee away. [ 60] So we seeing their fearefulnesse, caused their man to goe first on shoare with vs three aboue men∣tioned, not permitting the rest of our men to come on Land as yet: then hee calling to them, they stayed, still peeping from behind the corners of their houses, vntill at the last there was a Russe, one of Colmogro, that had wintred with them, who knew me, and had seene me some two

yeeres before at Cola in Lappia, at his Vncles house. And so he encouraged them, speaking great∣ly in our commendation,* 2.48 shewing them, that I was a Merchant, and came to trade with them, and not with any intent of harme: for hee knew mee very well, and told them, that I was at Cola foure or fiue yeeres together, and lay at his Vncles house. So he came to me, and tooke me by the hand, asking me how I did, and told me his name, and how hee had seene mee with his Vncle at Cola. Then I called to mind, that I had seene him there, and so we grew acquainted: and he went with vs to the Custome-house, where staying an houre, at length the Customer came: and after many questions had concerning our comming thither, I craued licence, that foure of vs might winter with them: which they denyed, alledging that they durst not without the Em∣perour of Russia his licence. Whereupon I answered, that the Emperours Maiestie, when he was [ 10] raigning, was very gracious vnto our Nation, aboue all other strangers; and shewed what great priuiledges hee had bestowed on our people: and how by the English-mens meanes at the first; what a trade is now at Arkania,* 2.49 and what profit came, not onely into his Maiesties Treasurie, but also into all parts of his Dominions, which in time might be brought hither: and withall shewed the Emperours priuiledge. Wherefore then they began to put away feare, and willed vs to stay fiue or sixe dayes, vntill he had sent for the chiefest men of the Townes-men, who were abroad, and then they would giue vs an answer. Then I desired, that we might haue an house to be in, and not to stay without doores. So he gaue libertie to any that would, to entertayne vs, where∣to there was one Callem that made answer, that he would: whereupon wee went with him, and were in an Ambar of his, vntill wee receiued answer from them. In the meane time wee [ 20] made much of them, and feasted them with our Aqua vitae, Biscuit, and Figs, that we might the better obtayne their loue.

The foure and twentieth, the Customers came to giue vs our answere, and told vs, that they had concluded that we might stay if wee would: but they must write vp to the Musko of our being here. So we thanked them, and gaue them such entertaynment as we could, and sent pre∣sents to sixe of them of the chiefest, which they tooke very thankfully, and promised what fa∣uour they could. So this night I made ready my Letters to send for England.

The fourth of August, fiue and twentie Lodyas arriued at the Towne laden with Meale, and others which were bound for Molgomsey: but by reason of contrary winds, they were forced into Pechora,* 2.50 and came vp to the Towne of Pustozer, and vnladed to make sale. [ 30]

* 2.51The sixe and twentieth, we remoued from the house where we were at the first, vnto a Poles house, who is christened Russe, where we are to remayne all the Winter.

The nine and twentieth, the frost was so strong, that the Ozera was frozen ouer, and the Ice driuing in the Riuer to and againe,* 2.52 brake all the nets, so that they got no Salmon, no not so much as for their owne victuals. The second of September, the frost brake vp againe, and it was open weather. The eight of September, there was a Soyma, which the Towns-men bought, that went downe the Riuer to haue gone for Iugoria, and had a faire wind: but they neglecting two dayes sayling, that would haue carried them forth of the Riuer to the Sea, the wind came contrary, so that they were wind-bound, and could not get any further: and on the nineteenth, gaue ouer their Voyage, and came vp to the Towne. [ 40]

The thirteenth of October, the frost was so extreme, that the Ozera stood in one night, that men did walke on it the next day, and so continued all the Winter after.

The twelfth of Nouember, there went two men of Penega to Vst-zilma, to buy Squerrils, and Beauers, and other commodities. The thirteenth, the Sunne arose at South and by East by the Compasse, and set at South-west and by West.

The foure and twentieth, there went diuers men, with at the least, three or fourescore Sleds drawne with Deere,* 2.53 to a place called Slobodca, where they hold a Mart, from the beginning of December to the middle thereof: and they carried fresh-water fish thither, with whom Wil∣liam Pursgloue went into Russia. The sixe and twentieth, the Sunne arose at South and by West by the Compasse, and set at South-west and by West. [ 50]

The first of December, the Sunne arose at South and by West Westerly by the Compasse, and set South-west and by West Southerly. The fourth, the Towns-men of Pechora went ouer land into Iugoria,* 2.54 to trade with the Inhabitants there, and the Samoyeds.

The eleuenth, Marmaduke Wilson said that he saw the Sunne, but it was but the way of the Sunnes beames. The thirteenth, I saw the Sunnes beames my selfe, but I could not see the Sun it selfe, although I watched it very strictly. The fourteenth, it was snowie, and stormie wea∣ther, and continued so vntill the foure and twentieth day, which was close weather also.

* 2.55The fiue and twentieth, being Christmas day, I saw the Sunne, and it rose at South and by West, and set at South-west and by South, it hauing the neathermost part of it all the way iust with the Horizon. The sixe and twentieth, it was stormy and snowy weather, and so conti∣nued [ 60] vntill the end of the moneth.

The second of Ianuarie, the Sunne arose at South somewhat Westerly, and set South-west a little Southerly, it mounting a pretie height aboue the Horizon.

The fift, William Pursgloue returned from Colmogro. The eleuenth, the Sunne arose at South by East by the Compasse, and set at South-west and by West.

The twelfth, there came a command from the Patriarch, that there should bee a generall Fast, both for young and old, not exempting the sucking babes; which began the thirteenth,* 2.56 continu∣ing three dayes space, they neither eating nor drinking, so much as water, neither admitted they their sucking Babes, saue those that fainted, to whom they gaue a few Figs and a little water.

The nineteenth, the Inhabitants of Pustozer that went into Iugoria, returned from thence, hauing had but an hard Voyage, by reason of the Warres which the Samoyeds had amongst themselues: so that they durst not goe into Molgomsey, where they catch the most part of the Sables which come into Russia.

The three and twentieth, came the Carratchey, which is the chiefe of the Samoyeds, but they [ 10] had no commodities to speake of, by reason of the Warres: so that they neither durst trade with the Samoyeds of Molgomsey, neither hunt for the Sables themselues, which at other times they were wont to doe. The thirtieth, I had the chiefe Carratchey, his sonne, his sonnes sonne, and his brothers sonne at Dinner, and had some conference with him, who told mee, that they had seene ships in the Vaygats, two yeeres one after another: but they durst not bee seene of them, but fled from them: for the Russes told them, that they would kill them,* 2.57 or carrie them away prisoners. Yet they seemed to be glad of our comming, when they saw our behauiour, and the entertaynment that they had of vs: Neuerthelesse, they are very timerous, and vnreaso∣nable couetous, as by more acquaintance I perceiued by them.

The second of February,* 2.58 the most part of the Samoyeds went to Slobodca with their commo∣dities, [ 20] because in the Summer they had beene together by the eares with the Samoyeds of Calle∣nose, and had slayne one or two of them: wherefore they went to agree with them,* 2.59 and to pay ransome for some of their men that were taken afterwards.

The fifteenth, the Sunne arose at South-east, a little Southerly, and set at West and by South Westerly. The sixteenth, the Sunne arose at South-east, and set at West due by the Compasse as I could set it, the variation being two points Westerly: for, at a South South-west,* 2.60 the Sunne commeth to the Meridian.

The twentieth, I had conference with a Russe, concerning their trade of Molgomsey,* 2.61 who had beene there twice, and he was the first that euer attempted it, and none hath beene farther then he to the Eastwards. And he told me, that their course from Medenskoy Zauorot, at the mouth [ 30] of Pechora to the Eastward, to the two Ilands called Zyelensa, is two dayes and three nights di∣stance, sayling with a faire wind. From thence to Breit-vinnose, three dayes and three nights sailing with a faire wind, which is within the Streight of Vaygats. And from thence by an Iland, or rather a Rocke, called Socolia Lowdia, leauing it on the Starboord side for feare of Rockes, still keeping your course North-east, vntill you come to a long Point on the Starboord side, with a sand lying off into the Sea three miles, some fiue or sixe dayes sayling. Which when you haue gotten about, you must hold your course somewhat more enclining to the South, fiue or six dayes more: and then you shall come to the Riuer of Ob; against the mouth whereof lieth an Iland: but you must keepe the Sea-boord of it, by reason it is shoald betwixt it and the Mayne. The Land all alongst the shoare is a fine lowe Land, and the going into the Riuer, is on the East [ 40] side of the Iland. The Riuer is reported to be a Summer dayes sayling ouer in bredth, and is full of Ilands: whereby they report it to be shoald. Yet, in my opinion, so great a Riuer cannot be without a mayne channell; which as yet they haue not sought for: and therefore they iudge it innauigable. Also they report it to bee very plentifull of Fish of diuers sorts: but the people here, and the Russes are vnwilling that wee should goe thither. Moreouer, hee told mee, that from the Riuer Ob to the Eastwards, the Land stretcheth East,* 2.62 some sixe or eight dayes sayling more. To the Eastward of the Riuer Ob lieth another great Riuer as large as Ob, and is very deepe water, and runneth from the South, how farre as yet it is vnknowne. Although that hee affirmed, that he himselfe had sayled at the least three weekes vp the Riuer: and all along as they went, they met with sundry sorts of People, differing in Language one from another, [ 50] which they call Samoyeds. Yea, and the People there did certifie them, that vp more to∣wards the South, there are Tartars inhabiting, who ride vpon Horses. And hee affirmed, that they found pieces of Ploughes that had beene driuen downe the Riuer by the flouds, caused by the Snow melting from the Mountaines. This Riuer is very high Land, and deepe water on both sides. Into this Riuer, on the East side falleth another Riuer, called Tingussey, and the In∣habitants thereof are so called: whereby I coniecture, that it is not farre from the Citie Tangut in Cathay. These Tingusses report, that there is another huge Riuer,* 2.63 that trendeth to the Southwards, which the necke of a Land parteth from the Riuer of Tingussey: wherein there are great ships, not vnlike vnto the Russes ships, that sayle in it, hauing many Masts and Gunnes, which when they are shot off, make all the earth shake with the noyse: which should [ 60] seeme to be the Chinians, that trade thither in the Summer, and returne backe againe ere the Winter doth come. The like also affirmeth another, being a Russe, who hath beene in the Riuer of Tingussey, where the people make this report.

The first of March, the Russes tooke their Iourney from hence, from Pustozer into Russia, with such commodities as they bought.

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The twelfth, the Sunnes altitude by the Quadrant was 67. degrees and 40. minutes; and the declination, no degrees 52. minutes, which being added, maketh 68. degrees and 30. minutes, being the true heigth of Pustozer.* 2.64

The thirteenth, the Sun arose at East and by South a little Southerly, and set at West North-west. This day the Sunnes altitude by the Quadrant was 67. degrees 20. minutes; and the de∣clination, 1. degree 15. minutes: which added together, maketh 68. degrees 35. minutes: so that I conclude, that Pustozer standeth in about 68. degrees 30. minutes. The eight and twen∣tieth, the Sunne arose at East and by North, and set at North-west and by West.

* 2.65The eleuenth of Aprill, the Inhabitants of this Towne returned from Slobodca, bringing with them Rie, Rie••meale, and other prouisions.

The one and twentieth, hauing conference with a Permack, concerning what commodities [ 10] were to be had at the Towne of Vst-zilma, he told me, that there were Losh hides, Squerrils, Sa∣bles,* 2.66 white Foxes, and Rosomackes. Moreouer, he told me, that beyond the Riuer of Yenissey, the Land trendeth due East, and then there is a Riuer called Peaseda, and beyond that another, called Catonga, which runneth into Cathay: whose King, these Permacks and Russes call Teulka tsar. The Riuer lieth North and South as they of Yenissey say, but they cannot tell how farre: for, there hath not any beene vp the Riuer, by reason they are afraid of their shot. And this Permack told me, that on the Sea coast betwixt these two Riuers, Peaseda and Catonga, they found certaine stones like vnto Gold, and some like Siluer, being about the halfe way betwixt the two Riuers.

The two and twentieth, we had newes brought that the Ice was broken, in the Pechora, all [ 20] alongst by the sides.

The ninth of May, the Sunne arose at North-east somwhat Easterly, and set at North som∣what Westerly, it being iust foure houres by the Houre-glasse vnder the Horizon.

The three and twentieth, the Sun did not goe vnder the Horizon, for it was a pretie height aboue the Horizon, at a North North-east point of the Compasse: it then being at the lowest. The foure and twentieth,* 2.67 we had newes that the Pechora brake vp, vpon the twentieth day of this instant moneth. The sixe and twentieth, at foure of the clocke in the after-noone, I depar∣ted from Pustozer, to goe to Vst-zilma, where I arriued the thirtieth day instant. And the Ri∣uer of Pechora lieth most part North North-east,* 2.68 and South South-west, and sometimes North [ 30] and South. Vst-zilma, is a Village of some thirtie or fortie houses, and standeth in the height of 66. degrees and 30. minutes. They haue Corne growing there, both Barley and Rie: and their Barley is passing faire and white almost as Rice.

The ninth of Iune, I departed from Vst-zilma backe againe to Pustozer, where I arriued the eleuenth of Iune. The one and twentieth, seuenteene Soymas departed from hence to goe to Molgomsey: some belonging to this place, some to Vst-zilma, and some to Mezen, and Penega. The two and twentieth, diuers Boats went from hence to the Sea, to fish for Omelyes and Bea∣lowgaes Oyle. The foure and twentieth, I sent downe William Pursgloue to the Sea side, to buy the Oyle which God shall send them.

The third of Iuly, I receiued a Letter forth of England, by the way of Colmogro. [ 40]

The fift, we had newes that the Gouernour and Souldiers of Tom haue burnt the Towne, and fled from thence, by reason they wanted victuals, and their pay: and about three hundred of them intended to come to Vst-zilma, to rob the Inhabitants thereof. This day I was told, that from Pustozer vp Pechora with a faire wind, to the Riuer of Ouse, is three weekes trauell: and then vp the Riuer of Ouse, to Podcamen, ten dayes, and from thence to Ob, eight dayes, drawne by Deere: and from thence to Beresoua, sixteene dayes, which is a Towne of trading. This mine Host told me, that he was a prisoner at Beresoua, and at Tobolsco: and hee affirmeth, that Tobolsco is a Citie of great trade, and that the Teseeks, Bowhars, and Tartars, come thither to trade, who bring Silkes, Veluets, Grogran, Sendames, and Kindackes, and that great store of Cloth, Pewter, and Copper may be vented there. Also there is great store of Furres, as Sa∣bles, [ 50] Squerrils, Foxes, Blacke, Rosamackes, and Beauers. He sayth, that from Pustozer to Vade in Iugoria, which is on this side Ob, with carriage vpon Deere, it is a moneths Iourney, and Nosoua is on the other side of Ob; and it is two weekes and an halfe with light carriage or post. Moreouer, he told me, that Pechora runneth into Veleka permia, fiue weekes iourney from Pustozer, and from Veleca permia to Verho towria, nine dayes iourney by Horse and Sleds: and from thence to Tumen by Riuer, ten dayes: and from Tumen to Tobolsco, sixe dayes by the Ri∣uer Irtish, and is the chiefe Citie of all Siberia. And from Tobolsco to Sowrgout, is sixe weekes Iourney vp the Riuer Ob, from whence come all the rich Furres which come to Arcania. From Sowrgout to Tome,* 2.69 which is amongst the Tartars, is three weekes vp the Riuer Ob: and yet none knoweth how farre the Ob runneth further, as he sayth, he was carried these wayes to the Musko, in the beginning of Rostriga his time. [ 60]

The sixteenth, I was told by a Permack, hauing some speech with him concerning the Vay∣gats, that from Medniskoy Zauorot to the Vaygats, is one day and a nights sayle with a faire wind. And as you goe forth of the Vaygats, there lieth an Iland called Meastno Ostroue, not

being farre from Socolia Lowdy: and from Vaygats through Yougorskoy shar into Oarskoy gouba,* 2.70 (which is a great Bay and deepe) is two dayes and one nights sayling into Mowtnoy Riuer, the course East, somewhat Southerly. And from Mowtnoy to Sharrappa shar, which is an Inlet, is halfe a dayes sayling: and from thence to Yowconoue is halfe a dayes sayling, which is an high Land: and from thence to Naromzia is a dayes sayling. And there are three little Riuers be∣twixt them: and there are Morses all alongst that shoare, and farther he knew not by Sea. But he sayth, that the Riuer Ob is a dayes sayling right ouer. And from Zylena reca to the Taz∣zauorot, the course is South-east, a dayes sayling: and from the Zauorot of Taz to the Riuers mouth, is a day and a nights sayling: and there is an Iland in the mouth thereof, being high land. [ 10] And from thence vp the Riuer, the course is South-east to the Towne eight dayes iourney, to be haled with a rope, there runneth such a streame. But, ere you come to the Taz Riuer, there is another Riuer on the Starboord side, called Powre, where they get of the best Sables that come: and you must leaue the Iland at the Taz on the Larboord side. And from Taz Towne vp the Riuer Volochanco, is sixe dayes iourney Easterly against the streame, vntill you come to a Vollocke, about a mile and an halfe long, Marish ground, and so into another Riuer, some foure dayes rowing with the streame, to the Riuer that is called Trowhan, which is a great Riuer, and falleth into Yenissey, some three dayes journey more with the streame: at the entrance whereof lieth an Iland; called by the same name, whereon there is a little Towne of the same name. From thence downe the Riuer Yenissey to the Riuer Hautike, is twelue dayes sayling: and it is a great Riuer, and runneth to the East (as it is thought) into Cathay, which of the Permacks, is called [ 20] Kithayskoy Tsarrstua.

The fift of August, my selfe, and the Boy, went aboord the Lodia departing from Pustozer.* 2.71 The tenth, we arriued at the Gloubocke, which are the deepe water, whither William Pursegloue was come with the Oyle, where we melted what we could, before we departed. The twelfth, I obserued in the Gloubocke, and had it on the Quadrant 56. degrees 30. minutes: and the Decli∣nation was 12. degrees 42. minutes, so it standeth in 69. degrees 12. minutes.

The eighteenth, we departed from the Gloubocke, and entred the Dry Sea, and arriued at the Zauorot the one and twentieth.

The two and twentieth, we weighed and went out to Sea, the wind at East North-east, but the [ 30] wind comming to the North-west, we put roomer againe,* 2.72 and came to an Anchor at the Zauo∣rot againe. The foure and twentieth, I obserued at the Zauorot, and had it on the Quadrant 63. degrees no minutes, and the Declination was 7. degrees 26. minutes, so it standeth in about 70. degrees 30. minutes.

The six and twentieth, we departed from the Zauorot about noon, the wind being at East, the land trending betwixt it & Collocolcoua East & West, being two Voadaes, or sixty Versts distance.

The seuen and twentieth, we came to an Iland called Mezyou Sharry,* 2.73 being sixtie Versts to the Eastwards of Suatinose, and it is about ten Versts in length, and two Versts broad. At the East end thereof, Oliuer Brunell was carried into Harbour by a Russe, where he was Land-locked,* 2.74 hauing the Iland on the one side, and the Mayne on the other.

[ 40] The eight and twentieth, we departed from Mezyou Sharry, the wind at North-east, a little gale, but before night it fell thicke, and wee steered away North-west, and about mid-night, it came to the North North-east blowing a very sore storme: so that we were not able to beare our sayle aloft, and hauing floud vnder foot, we were fogged into the Bay, and put ashoare some two houres before day, vpon the long point of the obscure Harbour, about three miles to the West-wards, the wind being at North: where we got all our goods on Land, alwayes looking when the Lodia would haue split. But, by Gods Almightie Prouidence, she beate ouer that Sand, and lay betwixt it and the beach: so that when the tyde was fallen, she sate on ground, as if she had beene in a creeke, the Sands all dry round about her. Also on the West side of Suatinose, in the Bay is a great Riuer, called Indiga, which is, deepe Water, and a good Harbour for a ship,* 2.75 as the Russes doe report.

[ 50] The thirtieth, the storme continued all the day long. The one and thirtieth, about noone it blew lesse wind, and at night we stopped our leakes as well as we could.

The first of September, in the morning wee got our goods againe aboord. The second,* 2.76 in the morning, we went roomer with the obscure Harbour, the wind being at the North-west, but at noone, it came to the South-east and East South-east, so we weighed, and stood to the West∣wards againe, vntill wee came to the Riuer, where wee came on shoare the last yeere: which is called Zenouea, where wee anchored a little to the Eastwards, and ridde the most part of that night.

The third, in the morning we weighed, and stood to the Westwards, but the wind comming to the West South-west blowing hard, and hauing the tyde against vs, we anchored againe about [ 60] ten of the clocke on Thursday, being the third day: yet within two houres after, we were for∣ced to weigh, and put roomer to a little Riuer or Creeke, that is, called Creostoua: where wee ridde vntill the ninth day. Then we loosed, thinking to haue gone forth to Sea, the wind being Easterly; but it blowing hard, and there running a great streame of fresh water, that it put vs

on ground againe, wee were in great danger againe of losing all. So wee were forced to get all things on shoare againe, and then got her off the eleuenth day, and went into the Creake a∣gaine: and stopping our leakes as well as we could, we got our goods aboord againe.

The fourteenth, the winde comming to the East South-east, wee got forth to Sea with much adoe; and soone after, the winde came to the East North-east, a faire gale: and wee stood it a∣longst the Land South-east and by South, and North-west and by North all that after-noone vntill mid-night; at what time we were thwart of Callerose. The fifteenth, about three of the clocke in the morning, the winde came to the North-east, and blew very hard, so we steered a∣way South South-west, and at night wee fell with a shoald, which they said, is thwart of the Mezen mouth;* 2.77 but I take it, it was Knocke Iohn.

The sixteenth, in the morning about eight or nine of the clocke, hauing carried but an hul∣locke [ 10] of our sayle all night,* 2.78 we fell with Danieloue Stolbe on the Coast of Lappia, the wind be∣ing at South, and blowing hard, so that we went into Harbour at the West of the Iland, there standing fiue Crosses on it, it being a Rocke. And there are foure Warlocks on the Mayne, and another on a Rocke to the Westwards: yet it is but for Lodyes, and that a bad one also, beeing full of Rockes round about, where we rid vntill the six and twentieth. Then we departed forth of Daniela Stolbe about noone, and at night we came to Sosnouets, where we rid all night. The seuen and twentieth,* 2.79 in the morning we fell with Churua Nose. The eight and twentieth, wee arriued at Arkania, where wee landed our Oyle. The nine and twentieth, wee arriued at Colmogro. [ 20]

Extracts taken out of two Letters of Iosias Logan from Pechora, to Master Hakluyt Prebend of Westminster.

THere vse to come hither in the Winter about two thousand Samoieds with their Commodities, which may be such as we dreamed not on yet. For by chance one came to vs with a piece of an Elephants Tooth,* 2.80 which he said he bought of a Samoied. And heere are men called Tingussies, whose Countrey is beyond the Riuers of Obi, and Taes; and bordereth vpon the great Riuer Yenisse: which is a good Ri∣uer and a deepe, and falleth into the Sea Naromzie: And it should seeme it is not farre from China. [ 30] Therefore you may conceiue what hope there is of this Enterprize, if it please God it may be followed as it ought to be. Thus beseeching Almightie God to blesse you and vs, I commit you to the protection of him, who is the giuer of all goodnesse, Iul. 24. 1611.

* 2.81THere come two or three thousand Samoieds hither to trade with their Sables, Beauers, Blacke Foxes, Squirrels, Wolfes, Rosomacks, Ermines. And here is caught in September, good store of Salmon, Traine of a certayne great fish, called a Bealouga, and Morsses, and Seales Oyle in the Som∣mer time, and White Foxes and Feathers. I had some conference with a Russe, who told mee that the Samoieds told him, that there lye Minchins, which in their Language is strangers, buried in the Sand in Coffins, with their armes acrosse their brests▪ which they estimate to be about sixtie yeeres ago: And [ 40] that they found Writing Tables in one of their pockets, and other small Trifles which they tooke away. The Vaygats is sometimes open and sometimes shut: and vpon them groweth Christall of the Mount. The Russes and Permacks trade yeerely with them of the Riuer Obi,* 2.82 and beyond. They goe by Sea in∣to the great Bay beyond Pechora, called Yowgorsky Shar: into which there fall foure Riuers; The Eastermost whereof they call Cara Reca, on the Blacke Riuer; beyond which they passe vnto another, called Moetnaia Reca; then they come to a Voloc or necke of Land, which continueth but three Versts; ouer which they draw their Boats and goods, and so come to another Riuer, called Zelena Reca, or The Greene Riuer, which bringeth them into Obi: Into which on the Easter side, the Riuer Taes falleth, making but one mouth with the Riuer Obi, being shoald, and they report it to bee as broad toward the mouth, as a man can discerne ouer, hauing many Ilands therein. [ 50]

Moreouer, there is another great Riuer, called Yenissey beyond Taes: which they say, is rather big∣ger and deeper then Obi; and it runneth vp into the Land no man knoweth how farre: Although they haue discouered some fourteene dayes rowing vp therein: neither can they learne of the Inhabitants thereof how farre it stretcheth;* 2.83 whom they call Tingussey: who are a proper people of themselues. And the Samoieds report that they haue trauelled so farre, that they came within sight of a White Citie or Towne: which should seeme to be builded of stone, for they durst not goe to make triall: and they heard great ringing of Bels. Also they say, that they saw beasts, but they were not like their Deere; for they had a great Mane, a long Taile, no Hornes, and their footing was round, not clouen, as their Deeres are: and they vse to ride vpon their backs, and not to draw in Sleds as their Deere vse to doe. These I as∣sure my selfe are Horses.* 2.84 And further they report, that there came people vnto them all made of Iron, [ 60] their heads, armes, hands, and legges: so that neither Arrowes, Swords, nor Speares, could enter; which, as I coniecture, were people in Armour. For they said, that two hundred of them they thought were able to conquer all their Realme. By this you may gather, that they are not farre from Cataia and Chi∣na. Thus haue I shewed ••nto you the greatest secret, and the neerest to the truth that I know. Requesting

you, if you thinke it meet, that the Right Honourable the Earle of Salisburie might haue a Copie there∣of. Thus wishing you health and prosperitie in this World, and felicitie in the World to come, I cease.

CHAP. XI. A briefe Relation of a Voyage to Pechora, and wintering there, began in the yeere 1611. Written by WILLIAM [ 10] PVRSGLOVE.

MAster Iosias Logan, and William Gourdon, hauing receiued directions from the Right Worshipfull Company of English Merchants, Trading Russia. The eleuenth of Aprill, 1611. departed from Blacke-wall in the Riuer of Thames, in a good ship, called the Amitie; whereof Iames Vndum of Rederiffe was Master.

The sixteenth of Iuly, we arriued at Pustozera, being much wondred at by the Inhabitants, a Permac receiued vs into his House, and let vs haue a Ware∣house for our goods. We all continued there vntill the fiue and twentieth of Iuly.* 2.85 Then wee returned in our Shallop againe to our ship, hauing a small Russe Boate in our company, to carrie [ 20] some of the Feathers and Downe, which we brought there, our owne Boat not beeing able to carrie all, being pestered with our Prouision, and some Feathers, and White Foxes. Wee came aboord our ship the seuen and twentieth of Iuly, where wee deliuered those White Foxes, Fea∣thers, and Downe, and an exceeding rich blacke Foxe skinne, hauing laded the Russe Boate with part of our goods. The rest of our goods they laid vpon the Sand to be sent vp afterward, leauing mee and Marmaduke Wilson, and an hired Russe with them, where wee attended to heare of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 from the Towne. But Master Logan not hearing of any aboue a tunne and an halfe, could not get any to come downe to vs; because they feared to goe ouer the dry or shoald Sea in their little Boates being laden.

The one and thirtieth, our ship departed ouer the Barre, purposing to make their Voyage in [ 30] Noua Zembla, or some Ilands not farre distant from thence. At their departure there were fiue and twentie Coaches or Soymas, in that Road of Pechora, with at least two hundred men in them bound for Molgomsey; but hindered by contrary Windes and Ice, our shippes being ouer the Barre, they all came on shoare to vs; some threatning, others flattering vs, but after I had bestowed two Bottles of Beere among some of the best of them, they all went vp to Pustozera: where most of them that had any goods to sell stayed all Winter, and sold their Commodities in barter with the Inhabitants, and when they could happen secretly vpon any Samoieds, they would be trading with them also: which is contrarie to the Priuiledges granted by the Empe∣rour to the Pustozerits. Their Wintering there was no little hinderance to vs for the sale of our goods.

[ 40] We arriued at the Towne the seuenth of August. In mine absence Master Logan had hired part of an House of one, called Tiffon Vriawich, a Polo••ian, who was turned Russe.* 2.86

The three and twentieth of Nouember, I departed from Pustozera to goe for Russia,* 2.87 at three of the clocke in the afternoone, in the Company of certayne Russes, Permacks, and Samoieds, which Samoieds were our Guides ouer the Mountaynes: and one dayes journey ouer the Rocks, which they call Cameni, which are not Rockie Hills, as in Norway, but high Lands, yet in most places smooth, and most marish grounds full of little Hillocks, which being couered with Snow and frozen, did not much annoy vs. Our Argeshey or Carauan were about two hundred and ten Sleds, drawne the most part with two Deere in a Sled. They had also about two hundred spare Deere, to ease the wearied. We kept company vntill the fourth of December together, hauing [ 50] passed two third parts of our way to Slobotca, being the first Towne in the Countrey of Mesen, that we saw. And then in company of foure Sleds, hauing each two choice Buckes, with a Sa∣moied in the fift for our Guide, we left the Argeshey, and rid post for Slobotca,* 2.88 where wee arriued the ninth of December, at ten of the clocke at night. In this Towne I found one Thomas Ligon an Englishman, who had serued Master Richard Cockes of London, who saluting mee in English, maruelled much to meet me there: and carried me from the rest of my company to his Lodging, and gaue me there very kind entertaynment. The next morning I departed thence in his Sled, hauing ouer night hired an Horse to the next Towne, which was fifteenth Versts off: And so trauelling day and night, changing Horses at euery conuenient place. I came to Colmogro the twelfth of December:* 2.89 and deliuered my Letters from Master Iosias Logan our Factor in Pustoze∣ra, [ 60] to Master Fabian Smith, then Agent for the English Company. Hauing rested my selfe foure dayes there, and receiued certayne Money to helpe to put off some of our goods at Pechora, I departed from Colmogro the seuenteenth of December, and came to Slobotca the nineteenth day; the height of the Pole being there some sixtie fiue degrees. I stayed there till the two and twentieth of the said moneth, by which time the Permacks and the Inhabitants of Pustozera,

were readie to returne to Pechora with their goods, being Rie, Malt, Hops, Salt, Aqua vitae, and some course Cloth. Moreouer, diuers Russes hauing their Sonnes or Kinsmen Leigers there, in Winter doe send Cloth and Money ouer Land.

Hauing made my prouision for my journey, and taken my leaue of Master Thomas Ligon, wee set forward that night, and rid not aboue fiue and twentie Versts, to a place where wee found the Argeshey which set out from Slobotca the two and twentieth day in the morning by breake of day. We had better passage in our returne, then we had in our journey from Pustozera, by rea∣son of much Snow fallen in the time of our being in Russia,* 2.90 and frozen so hard, that it bare both Deere and Sleds in all places. Wee kept together with the Argeshey, being then two hundred and fiftie Sleds, till we had passed more then two thirds of our way ouer the Mountaynes: and [ 10] then long before day hauing chosen Buckes of the best,* 2.91 wee departed the fourth of Ianuarie, be∣ing eight Sleds in company, and rid post all that day and night following, beeing Moone-light, saue sometimes for the space of an houre that wee stayed where, the Samoied our Guide knew there was good store of Mosse,* 2.92 (which is white) to refresh our Deere. The fifth of Ianuarie, we came to Pustozera, hauing in fortie houres trauelled three hundred and fiftie Versts with our choice Buckes. Our Argeshey or Carauan arriued there after vs the twelfth of Ianuarie.

* 2.93The Samoieds being the onely Guides in Winter, either from Pustozera to Slobotca, or to a∣ny other places Eastward, as Ougoria, Siberia, or Molgomsey; know, by their continuall trauell, the way, though it be neuer so thick weather, as also where most store of white Mosse is growing: and according as they find themselues neere vnto some mossie place, be it somthing before night, [ 20] or within night foure or fiue houres before they can come thither: there for that Night they pitch their Tents, being for the most part made of Deere and Elkes skinnes: we had in our com∣panie foure great Tents set vp,* 2.94 and some twentie vnder each Tent. This worke of pitching the Tents belongeth vnto the Women. In the meane time the men vnyoake the Deere, and turne them loose to digge through the Snow, bee it neuer so deepe, for their food and sustenance. Then the Samoieds (of euery Tent one) out of the next Wood, prouide as much Fuell as shall 〈…〉〈…〉 turnes for their abode there. First, they set on Kettles full of Snow water, which being melted, they drinke thereof euery one a good draught: then they seeth their Supper, vsing as before Snow water melted for their Drinke.* 2.95 Our lodgings were vpon the Snow within our Tents, round about the Fire, hauing vnder vs for our Beds the skinnes of Deere, couered with our day apparell. For all the time of our journey, the Merchants, whether Stranger, Russe, or Permac, [ 30] according to the number of them, make prouision of Victuals to feed the whole familie in euery Tent,* 2.96 euery man his day about, together with the Samoieds, their Wiues and Children; who carrie all their Houshold euery where with them; and out of their Sonnes and Daughters, they appoint a watch ouer their Deere,* 2.97 for feare of the Wolfe and other Beasts, which notwithstan∣ding their watch sometimes kill in a night one or two of their Deere, as it fell out two nights in our journey to Slobotca.* 2.98 This Slobotca is a pretie Towne, hauing in December and Ia∣nuarie, great resort of people repayring thither, as well Rich Russes out of many places, with mo∣ney to buy Furres, as others with prouision of Meale and Malt, and other Commodities, to fur∣nish the Pustozerits, as also to buy Fish, to wit, Salmons, Oyle of Bealugos, Deere skinnes, and Furres of them. [ 40]

* 2.99The tenth of Ianuary, the Inhabitants of Pustozera, returned from Trading with the Sa∣moieds of Ougoria, on which Iourney they set forward the fiue and twentieth of Nouember: and within three dayes after, came betwixt eight or nine hundred Samoieds with a small quantitie of their Commodities, in respect of former yeeres, by reason of Warre betweene the Samoieds of Ougoria, and Molgomsey, who were wont to Trade one with another, and not to warre one a∣gainst another. So Sables, and other Commodities being scant, the inhabitants sold them very deare: yet notwithstanding, the Russes bought vp all, striuing one to haue them before another. So that after that little money, which we had was bestowed, wee could not doe any thing in barter. Moreouer, the Russes did not onely informe against vs to the Inhabitants to stirre them vp against vs,* 2.100 but also vsed the like meanes to the Samoieds to disswade them from trading with [ 50] vs, either in their owne Countries, or else-where; alleadging that wee would betray them, and not onely carrie them away to make them Slaues, and robbe them, but also would murther and destroy all the rest, wheresoeuer wee should come. The Inhabitants also of Pustozera, being in∣censed by the Russes, doubting wee would enter farther into their Trade Eastward, began also to hinder, and forbid the Samoieds to come to vs. Yet by meanes of our Hoast being a Polac borne, we spake with diuers of the principall of the Samoieds, hee being our Interpreter, and wee our selues vnderstood certayne Samoieds speaking broken Russe, and by these meanes we found out more at large the despitefulnesse of the Russes, and the enuie of some of the Inhabitants against vs; as also their feare, least wee or any other Stranger, should enter into further Discouerie of their trafficking toward the East, but especially about the Riuer Ob. Some sayd we were sent as [ 60] spyes to betray their Land to the Pole or the Swethen, with whom they then had warre. Some gaue counsell to put vs vnder the Water: others aduised to set vs vpon the Sand, where wee should haue beene without all doubt drowned in short space, others thought best to send vs vp

to the Nobilitie, and to seaze on all our goods to the vse of the State. But diuers of the best in the Towne, with whom wee kept all friendship that possible we could, withstood those bloudie practises. The Lord therefore bee blessed.

The fifth of March, the Inhabitants of Pustozer went againe to Slobotca, carrying the Russes with their Commodities thither.* 2.101

They returned home the eleuenth of Aprill, 1612. The one and twentieth of Aprill,* 2.102 water was first seene vpon the maine Riuer Pechora aboue the Ice, descending from aboue Oust-zilma.

The twentieth of May, the Ice brake vp. The fiue and twentieth of May,* 2.103 certayne of the In∣habitants of Pustozer, went by water vnto Oust-zilma.

The sixe and twentieth, Iosias Logan with our Hoast the Polonian, hired a Boate and went to∣ward [ 10] Oust-zilma, carrying with him certayne Cloath and Copper Kettles, in hope to sell them well there, being intreated in the Summer before by one of their Townesmen to come thither, or to send one to Winter there: alledging that they got great store of Losh-hydes, Squirrels, Sables, and Beuers. Which some yeeres indeed, as we were credibly informed, falleth out according to his report. But at his arriuall there, diuers of the Townesmen came against him, and would not suffer him nor any of his Boate to Land for the space of ten houres: but in the end,* 2.104 they let him goe on shoare, after, as wee suppose, the Inhabitants of Pustozer had bought most of their Commodities. So that hee staying there two dayes, could get but nine Losh-hydes, and halfe a timber of course Sables, in barter for some Cloath and Copper. The principall cause of his going thither, was, to meete with some of the Permacks out of Permia, who some yeeres come downe with Rie, and [ 20] Rie-meale, and thought to haue giuen notice to those Permacks of our being at Pustozer, and to haue willed them to haue perswaded their Countrey-men to bring thither the next Spring fol∣lowing all their Commodities, being Waxe, Honey, Losh-hydes, and Furres, which they might doe for halfe the charge that they are at in bringing them to Archangell, on the Riuer Duina.

Oust-zilma is a pretie Towne of some sixtie Houses:* 2.105 and is three or foure dayes sayling with a faire wind against the streame from Pustozer, but backe againe they may sayle it in two dayes.

The third of Iune, came the first Russes in their Cayooks by Riuer out of Russia to Pustozer.* 2.106 These Cayooks, be small Boates of two tunnes, hauing two men in each Boate.

The twentieth of Iune, nine Russe Coaches or Soymas, passed by Pustozer from Oust-zilma for Molgomsey. The one and twentieth, sixe Russe Soymas more departed from Pustozer:* 2.107 all the [ 30] rest hauing giuen ouer their Voyage, which came thither the Summer before, 1611. The two and twentieth, one Soyma belonging to the Towne of Pustozer, departed for Molgomsey.

The three and twentieth, and foure and twentieth, the Inhabitants of Pustozer,* 2.108 went to Fish for Bealugos vnder the Boluan, being the highest Land neere vnto the Drie Sea, and two dayes sayling from the Towne.

The fiue and twentieth, I departed after them, and arriued there the seuen and twentieth, hoping to haue prouided good store of Bealugos Oyle. But it fell out contrarie: though there were aboue fiftie Boates, hauing in euery Boate three men, and in many foure, by reason it plea∣sed God to send such windie and stormie weather, that the Boates could not goe to Sea in many dayes together, during their wonted time of Fishing for those Beasts; being till the twentieth [ 40] of Iuly. Then euery man leaueth that Fishing, and repaire to their owne Fisherie, to hunt Ducks, Geese, and Swannes, which most yeeres they get in abundance, and make good profit of their Feathers and Downe: as also of their Flesh, which they salt vp in Caske for Winter prouision, seruing them also all the Summer for Flesh dayes. These Bealugos they catch with harping Irons, tyed fast to a long rope of ninetie or an hundred fathoms,* 2.109 with a staffe of the length of two yards or somewhat longer, being put loose into the Iron, wherewith when the beast commeth within the reach of him that striketh, he smiteth him with the Iron, leauing it in the Beast: then the rope being layed out cleere to vere out, the man holding his Staffe still in his hand: but the Beast being wounded hasteneth to the bottome, where hauing beate himselfe neare to death, [ 50] they hall in their rope by little and little, the Beast ascending thereby. And if they finde him not neere death, they strike him againe: and being dead they cut off his skinne with the fat on it in many parts, some the breadth of two hands, some more or lesse. Then comming on shoare, they take the Fat from the skinne, and cut it in small peeces to dissolue it to Oyle, casting away the Flesh which is red, to the Fowles of the Sea; except some poore Samoied come that way, who taketh it, though it haue lyen putrifying two or three dayes, and dryeth it, and maketh good cheare with it with his Familie. This Beast is as bigge as two good Sturgions. Moreouer, I was informed by an ancient Traueller, that the Flesh and Fat of that Beast, being cut as Beefe and salted in Caske, is a great and rich Commoditie in Italie; which cannot chuse but to bee much better then young Whales, which I haue heard that the Biskayners vse to preserue for good [ 60] meate. With the Fat of some one of these Beasts, they will fill three Barrels, of some lesser two barrels, and some yeeld but one barrell of Blubber, which they call Shilliga. In that Summer when I was there, by reason of Northerly windes blowing hard, they killed by all their Boates not aboue fortie Beasts: with some Boate they killed two, with other three, with some foure. But with most not one.

The thirteenth of Iuly, I receiued a Letter from Master Iosias Logan, the effect whereof was; That the Company of our English Merchants of Russia,* 2.110 had sent a Boate out of Russia by Riuer, which stood them in foureteene Rubbels or Marks for vs to goe in her, or by Lodia for Russia. For they were purposed not to send a Ship for vs that yeere.

The ninth of August, Master Iosias Logan, and Marmaduke Wilson, came from the Towne of Pustozera in a Lodia to goe for Russia, and Anchored in the Glowbuc, which is a deepe place of the Riuer. Heere wee stayed ten dayes to make vp our Oyle. In the meane time the Lodia got her full lading with Omelies, and Seegies salted in Caske, attending a faire winde.

The ninth of August, wee set sayle out of the Glowbuc, and entred the Suchoi-morie, that is, The Drie or shoald Sea, and stirred away next hand North North-east.

The nine and twentieth, a little before day, not thinking wee had beene so neere the Land, [ 10] we were on the Breches of Promoi Coskoi,* 2.111 or the Sands of Promoi, a bad Harbour so called by the Russes, and beate ouer one Sand by Gods prouidence onely, so high, being halfe full of water, that in dispaire of euer getting her off againe, wee vnladed most of the goods, as Fish, Oyle, Fea∣thers, Downe, and Losh-hydes, as soone as it began to bee day-light, and that the Russes knew vs to bee vpon the mayne Land. The thirtieth day, being somewhat calme, and the wind Easter∣ly, but thicke weather still, there came three men from Vasilie Beregen his Lodia, who was our Consort, while wee were working to get our Lodia a floate againe, and told vs, that their Lo∣dia was beaten in peeces vpon the mayne Land, some seuen or eight Versts to the Westward off vs. The one and thirtieth, wee laboured againe, and by Gods assistance got her a floate, hauing [ 20] taken out almost all her goods: and that night laded some part againe.

The first of September, wee got all our goods aboord, and at Night-tide being faire weather, the winde North-west and Moone-light,* 2.112 wee put from that comfortlesse place, and went into the Promoi Harbour, hauing on the Barre nine or ten foote water; but within foure or fiue fa∣thoms. A South-west Moone maketh there a full Sea. It is in the great Bay betweene Sueti∣nos and Candinos. The second, the winde at East North-east faire weather, wee set sayle with our leake Lodia, the Pumpe neuer resting.

The third, the winde variable, wee sayled along the the shoare till about Noone: then the wind comming to the West, wee put backe againe for Christoua Stano••echa, which is the Crosse Harbour, where wee rode in a fine Riuer, hauing a bad Barre. [ 30]

The ninth, in the Morning wee purposed to put to Sea againe, the winde Easterly: but the Barre was so growne and warped vp with sands, when wee came vpon the entrance of it, that we could not passe ouer, neither with Wind nor Oares, but were forced vpon the mayne: where our Lodia was beaten so high vpon the sand, that all hope of sauing her was past. That day wee got out of her an hundred Barrels of Fish and Oyle, and yet we could not get her off againe.

* 2.113The tenth, the winde being at North-west, caused high Tides▪ by which meanes we got her off, and brought her againe into Harbour. The eleuenth wee had so much winde and Snow, that we could not get our goods aboord all that day. The twelfth, we got all aboord, hauing stopped most of our leakes with Mosse and old Cloutes.

The thirteenth, the wind at East, faire weather, wee put to Sea out of that bad Harbour, lea∣uing [ 40] one of our Boates there, and eight Barrels of Fish to ease our leake Lodia. The fourteenth, about mid-night we were thwart of Candinos,* 2.114 and stirred South-west, and South South-west all the next day: but the Night following being much winde, the Russes esteeming themselues to bee on the Westerne shoare, strooke sayle, and by Day-light we saw Land to the Westward of the White Sea, being the sixteenth day: and wee were forced againe into another bad Harbour, called Danilo Stolb,* 2.115 that is, Daniels Piller, on the Coast of Lapland, where we made our Lodia fast among the Rockes: where shee lay drie halfe-tide, and lay there beenept and wind-bound vntill the sixe and twentieth day: and then at Tide-time wee got out of that place.

* 2.116The eight and twentieth, wee entred into the Riuer of Duyna, and landed that night at the Castle of Archangel in the English House, all our Oyle, Losh-hydes, and other goods, as Fea∣thers, [ 50] Downe, &c.

The nine and twentieth, about mid-night we came to the English House at Colmogro, and there continued all the Winter.* 2.117

The three and twentieth of Aprill 1613. the Riuer of Duyna brake vp at Archangel.

Other Obseruations of the sayd WILLIAM PVRSGLOVE.

* 2.118FRom Medenskoie Zauorot to the Isle of Vaygats, is two dayes sayling with a Russe Lodia. [ 60] From Vaygats to the Riuer Ob, is foure dayes sayling. The Riuer Ob lyeth North and South. The course from Vaygats to Toukoi-coscoy, is North-east; and from thence East to the mouth of Ob. Within the Ob some three dayes sayling, is a Riuer on the East side called Tas, hauing as it were a Barre at the entrance thereof: yet there is alwayes eleuen or twelue foote water vpon

it, but within it is very deepe. Within two dayes sayling within the Tas, the Russe hath buil∣ded a Towne and a Castle, being called Molgomsey; where all the Hunters of Beasts assemble,* 2.119 and bring their Furs with them. Also the Russe Soymas or Boats and those of Pustozera come thi∣ther with their Meale and other Merchandizes. And hauing sold or bartered their Commodities, euery one returneth home, some to Pustozera, and others to Russia. The Hunters also prouide a∣gainst the next Winter for Hunting againe.

There are three Riuers vnder the high Land of Ougoria and Naramzey,* 2.120 and great store of Morsses about the point of Naramzei, whither the Inhabitants of Pustozera doe send a Lodia in the Autumne, with diuers Commodities to trade with the Ongorian Samoieds. Also [ 10] they kill many Morsses, onely taking their Teeth,* 2.121 and trauell among the Samoieds all the Win∣ter to trade with them, and returne ouer Land to Pustozera in Ianuarie next following. Some yeeres, if the winde doe not serue them instantly, they are glad to giue ouer that Voyage by Sea. As for example, in the yeere 1611. when we wintered there, the frost came vpon them before they had wind to serue them; whereupon they were forced to giue ouer that Voyage. And as∣soone as they could trauell by Sled, some of the richest of the Sonnes and Seruants of the Towns∣men, were sent with certayne Commodities to barter with the Samoieds, against their Fathers or other Friends should come after in the Winter, and to buy vp all the best Furs and other Com∣modities.

The Russes when they sayle for Molgomsey in their Soymas, goe not about Naramzei point to [ 20] the mouth of the Riuer Ob, but sayle vp a narrow Riuer, called Moetnaia Reca, that is to say, the Muddie Riuer,* 2.122 & at the head therof they hale their Boats ouer a little neck of land into the Riuer Zelenai, that is, the Green Riuer, & so fall down into the Riuer Ob:* 2.123 and so saile Southward vp the Riuer Ob till they come to the Riuer Tas. From the Barre of Tas to the Riuers mouth, is aboue a daies & a nights sailing. There is an Iland in the mouth of Tas, being very high land. From thence the Riuer to the Towne, leauing the Iland on the left hand are eight dayes sayling. But ere you come to the Tas Riuer, there is a small Riuer called Power, or Piet; where they get the best Sa∣bles of all Molgomsey. And vp the Riuer Tas to Volochanko, against the streame are sixe dayes sayling Eastward, till you come to a Voloc, or necke of Land a mile and an halfe ouer, beeing marish ground, ouer which the Russes and Pustozerits hale their Boats into another Riuer, called [ 30] Torowhan, and rowing downe with the streame three dayes,* 2.124 they fall into the mightie Riuer Ye∣nisce. At the mouth of the Riuer Torowhan, there dwell people on an Iland, hauing builded them a little Towne and a Church. And from thence they sayle downe the Riuer to Hawtick, which is a great Riuer, and runneth vnto the East.

The Riuer of the Tingussies, is three dayes and three nights sayling within the Riuer Yeniscey.* 2.125 There are no Woods neere vnto the mouth of Ienisce. But in the Riuer of Tingussie are great store of Woods. There are two or three Riuers betweene the mouth of Yenisce and Tingussie, but not so large as the Tingussie Riuer is; neere vnto which the Russes doe fish: and assoone as it free∣zeth, they go againe to their old trade of hunting the Sables, Beuers, and Foxes. And hauing in two winters so laboured for themselues, those that be good Husbands return rich into Russia: And [ 40] except they fall againe into pouertie through fire or other wayes, neuer returne thither againe.

The Tingussies are a taller people then the Samoieds, and weare their Garments made of skins shorter, and made closer to their bodies then the Samoieds. They be a very gentle people to con∣uerse withall.

From the mouth of Ob to the great Riuer Ienisce, as a Russe told mee, is foure dayes and foure nights sayling. Betwixt Ob and Yenisce, is high blacke Land.

Beyond Ienisce Eastward is another great Riuer, called Pisida.* 2.126 The Land trendeth due East beyond the Riuer Ienisce to Pisida: and to another Riuer, called Catowga, which commeth out of Cathay, whose King the Permackes call Teulka Tsar. The Riuer lyeth North and South, they know not how farre. For the Tingussies, of whom they had intelligence of this Riuer, are afraid [ 50] of Gun-shot that they doe heare, which they vse on the South part of that Riuer, and dare not trauell vp it. In it they saw Vessels with two or three sayles; which in the Spring,* 2.127 sayle downe the Riuer Northward, and in the Autumne, returne againe to the South. But they know not whether they fish, or goe to gather some Mynes, which are supposed to be in those Countreyes, not daring to goe neere them. It was told me, that betwixt Pisida and Catowga, about the mid∣way vpon the Sea-coast were found diuers Stones, some like vnto Gold in colour, other white and like Siluer. Also the Tingussies haue seene people about that great Riuer, called Catowga,* 2.128 riding on Horses: and it is said, that there is great store of Corne, Beefes, Horses, Sheepe, and Goates in this Countrey.

[ 60]

The trauell from Pechora to Permia, Ougoria, and to the Riuer Ob, and the Townes situated thereupon, ouer Land.

FRom Pustozera vp the Riuer Pechora, with a faire wind to the Riuer Ouse, is fourteene dayes sayling by Riuer. From Ouse to Podcamen, ten dayes. From Podcamen to Ob eight dayes by

Deere in Winter time, assoone as the Snow is fallen and frozen. From thence to Bereseua sixteene dayes;* 2.129 which is a Towne of Trade, it is from Pustozera to Vade in Ougoria, beeing on the West side of Ob, a monethes journey or trauell by Deere. This Vade is a little Towne, hauing the Houses thereof builded vnder the ground.

The Riuer of Pechora, runneth through great Permia; and the head thereof is fiue Weekes trauell from Pustozera.

From Great Permia, is nine dayes trauell by Horse and Sled to Vercho-towria. Vercho signifieth in the Russe Tongue,* 2.130 The higher: as Vercho-towria, is Towria The higher. From thence by Riuer is ten dayes journey to Tumen. From Tumen to Tobolsca, sixe dayes downe the Riuer Irtish. To∣bosca is the chiefest Citie in Sib••ria.* 2.131 From Tobolsca to Surgout, or Sergalt, is sixe Weekes jour∣ney [ 10] vp the Riuer Ob. From Surgout to the Citie Tom, seated among the Tartars, is three Weeks vp the Riuer Ob. The Russes know no farther of the Riuer Ob; nor how farre it stretcheth to the Southward: But they suppose that it runneth much farther to the South, by reason there come so many seuerall Nations downe the said Riuer to trade at Surgout,* 2.132 and Tobolsca: as name∣ly, the people of Boughar, the Tesicks or Persian Merchants, and many sorts of Tartars. Abra∣ham Michaelouich was chiefe Customer at Surgout, 1611. And hee told me, that hee receiued for the Emperours Custome for goods, bought and sold that yeere, the summe of sixteene thousand Robles, or Markes.

Moreouer, he told me, that the people of Cathay doe trade to Surgout, and people from diuers other Kingdomes,* 2.133 as from Alteen Tzar, or King Alteen, who among other things bring Plates of Siluer and sell them. Another Russe named Philat, who had trauelled farther among the Tingus∣sies, [ 20] then any other Russe, and speaketh their Language, told mee he had bought of a Tingussie, a Plate of Siluer weighing in Russe Money fortie two Alteens,* 2.134 foure Dingoes, for twentie blue Glasse Beades.

Beresoua vpon the Ob, before you come neere Tobolsca, is a Towne of Trade for Furres, but especially for Losh-hides; which are bought for tenne Alteenes a piece. I was told by a Permac, that there was a Russe which bought foure thousand Elkes, or Losh-hides, there for a fourth part of a Roble or Marke a piece.

To the Eastward of Pechora are store of Hawkes, which I hold to bee as good as the Turkie Hawkes, namely, slight Falcons, Goshawkes, and Ier-falcons, whereof some are as white as Snow, others speckled White and Red. Likewise, there are all kinds of the richest Sables [ 30] brought from Molgomsey,* 2.135 and blacke Foxes. There is also Christall of the Mountayne. If we might haue libertie to trauell those Countreyes, wee might haue these Commodities cheaper there then at Pechora. And within the Ob we might vent our Commodities at a better rate.

Commodities for Pechora, Siberia, Permia, Ougoria, and among the Tingussies.

FIrst, at Pechora readie Money, being Russe Money, is the best and principallest both to put off [ 40] other goods to profit,* 2.136 as also to get credit among the Merchants strangers at our first comming thither, till Trade be setled and knowne through Permia, and Siberia. Salt, Rie, Meale, white Danske Rie Kil-dryed for heating in the ship, Oat-meale and Butter for the Samoieds; all sorts of course Cloth, some fine Cloth, Copper, and Brasse Kettles of the middle size, from two pound to thirtie, or thirtie fiue. But Brasse not aboue fifteene pound with eares of Brasse, all the Kettles and eares of one piece. Also Files to sharpe Arrowes and other things, small Horse-bels, course Canuasse for vpper Gownes. Foure peny, sixe peny, and ten peny Nayles: small Anchors of foure and twentie pound a piece. Frankincense for their Churches and Houses.

[ 50]

Commodities for the Tingussies.

PEwter, Pewter Sawcers, Little Platters, Flat Poringers, some grauen, some vngrauen. Nests of Cups, some grauen, others vngrauen. Salt-sellers. Plates, or sheets of Latten being white.* 2.137 Hamborough Lichenaes, Blue, Red, and Tawny. But I think our course Northerne dozens, and course Kersies Northerne dyed into those colours, would vent as well and better then they: they being thicker walked. And the Samoieds delight altogether in thicke Cloth. Grey doo∣zens of an easie price would vent well among the Permicks, which were much grey or mingled coloured course Cloth. And some course doozens died Yellow, or Northerne course Cloth Red and Yellow, would bee no bad Commoditie.

Aqua vitae of two sorts, the best and indifferent for the Samoieds. Glasse Beades, Skie colou∣red. [ 60] Needles round and three square. Brasse Basons, Russe Linnen Cloth, or Polish Linnen Cloth. Hops, Mault, Russe Sope. All sorts of strong Wines, as Sacke and Canarie Wine. Ba∣con is a good Commoditie in Siberia.

CHAP. XII. Later Obseruations of WILLIAM GOVRDON, in his Wintering at Pustozera, in the yeares 1614. and 1615. with a Descrip∣tion of the Samoyeds life.

THe twentieth of Nouember, I departed from Pustozera, to goe to Yougorie,* 2.138 at foure in the after-noone, and did ride most of the Night, before wee came to the Choome, going East South-east. The one and twentieth, Mihiloe returned [ 10] to the Towne, and we remoued and went our Iourney, faire and little wind. The two and twentieth, little wind North, wee kept on our course East South-east, hauing gone from the Towne 50. miles, at night Mihiloe came to vs. The three and twentieth, little wind, we went on our Iourney, and at Noone passed ouer a little Riuer, cal∣led Coy, falling North into Pechora, 14. leagues below the Towne, and at Night came all the Russes from the Towne, hauing gone 24. miles East South-east.

The foure and twentieth, wee remoued on our Iourney being very cold, and went not a∣boue ten miles East South-east, at Night wee broke one of our Sleds, which went laden with Victuals.

[ 20] The fiue and twentieth, wee went forward very slowly, at Noone I receiued a Letter from Master Copman by Poma Creticoue, this after-noone another had his Sled broken, we went 10. or 12. miles. The sixe and twentieth, we continued on our Iourney, and at Eeuen we passed ouer a Riuer, called Shapkina, falling South into Pechora; halfe way betwixt Pustozer and Oust-zilma,* 2.139 a Sled broken and mended out of hand, going East South-east 15. miles. The seuen and twentieth being Sunday, the wind at South-west, did blow very hard, and Snow all the day, the snow dri∣uing that wee could hardly see which way to goe, yet we kept on East South-east 18. miles.

The eight and twentieth, in the Morning, wee passed ouer Nougorotka Riuer, which falleth West South-west into Shapkina Riuer, sixe dayes Iourney aboue Oust-zilma,* 2.140 the wind South-west, and Snow all day, wee kept on still East South-east 15. miles. The nine and twentieth, [ 30] the wind South, with Snow all day, being not cold, we went on East South-east 20. miles. The thirtieth, the wind East South-east, very cold in the after-noone, we passed ouer Habeaga Riuer, which falleth into Pechora, sixe dayes Iourney aboue Oust-zilma, going 20. miles.

The first of December, the wind East blowing very hard, the Snow did driue so hard, that we could not goe forward, but stood still all day and did not remoue. The second,* 2.141 calme and not so cold, wee went on East South-east 10. miles. The third, in the Morning it was very warme, at Noone the wind North, it was extreame cold, the Snow driuing very thicke,* 2.142 in the after-noone we passed ouer the Riuer Haryena, which falleth into Coluoy South-east, hauing gone East South-east 15. miles.

The fourth day warme, we went East, at Eeuen we came to a Riuer called Coluoy,* 2.143 which fal∣leth [ 40] South into the Riuer Ouse, where wee stayed all Night, hauing gone 20. miles. The fift, in the Morning we went on vpon the Riuer six or seuen miles East and by North, and came where it parted in two, the one keeping North-east, the other being called Sandauets; from the South-east wee went betwixt them both East and by South 12. miles, and tooke vp our lodging vpon a Playne where no Wood is to bee seene.

The sixt, being Saint Nicholas day, which with the Russes is held a principall day, in the morning they caused their Images to bee brought into the Choome,* 2.144 lighting Wax-candles be∣fore them, making their Prayers to them, according to their order; after which, I gaue them a bottle of Aqua vitae, wherewith the Guides were drunke, that they could not guide their Deeres, but set me to direct the way by Compasse, which I did all the day, although I had but little skill, [ 50] we went South-east and by East 20. miles.

The seuenth, being very faire weather, our Guides lay all the day with Pohmeall, and could not goe forward. The eight, faire and calme, we went forward South-east and by East 10. miles,* 2.145 and tooke vp our lodging by a small Riuer which falleth into Sandauets Riuer. The ninth, very cold, that we had much adoe to keepe our selues from freezing, going on foot all the day ouer a playne where no Wood groweth, going South-east 15. miles, and lay by a Wood side all night. The tenth, the Frost was so extreame, that wee lay still and could not proceed. The eleuenth, being Sunday, the Frost continued extreame, we remouing,* 2.146 there were few in the Companie that had not some part of their faces frozen, and my selfe, although I was something better prouided then any of them, yet I had something to doe to keepe my selfe from freezing, going on foot most [ 60] part South-east and by East 15. miles. The twelfth, the Frost was so extreame, that there was no looking forth, but lay still all day. The thirteenth, not altogether so cold, wee proceeded on our Iourney 20. miles South-east & by East, and at night we passed ouer the Riuer Hoseda,* 2.147 which fal∣leth South-east into the Riuer Azua. The fourteenth, the winde South, with Snow and not so cold, we went thorow Woods 20. miles, East South-east. The fifteenth, the wind South, with

Snow, and not so cold, we went East South-east, at Noone wee passed ouer Azua Riuer, which falleth South into Ouse,* 2.148 we continued still East South-east 30. miles.

The sixteenth, the wind South, in the Morning we set forth East South-east, ouer a high ridge or Mountayne, called Yangoda and vpon the top of the same the wind shitling North, with Snow so thicke, that our Guides did not know well which way to goe, yet sometimes backe and som∣times forward, with much adoe we got ouer, in the Eeuening passing ouer the Riuer Rogauaya Mensha, falling South into Ouse, where we stayed all Night, hauing gone 20. miles.

The seuenteenth, faire and warme, wee passed thorow Woods, where the Snow was very deepe, and came to a Playne, called Correapin Tundra, where a Russe whose name was Correa∣pa dyed, (and was buried, therefore they gaue that place that Name) some thirtie yeeres past, where we stayed all Night, hauing gone 15. miles South-east and by East. The eighteenth, in the [ 10] Morning wee went on thorow Woods,* 2.149 the Snow being very deepe, and at Mid-night we came to the Riuer Rogauaya Bolsha, where the Russes had a Gorodocke, and bartering with the Samoits, hauing gone 30. miles East South-east, the Riuer falleth with turnings to the Southward into Ouse; heere I stayed till the sixth of Ianuary.

* 2.150The thirtieth of December, I obserued with my Astrolobia, and had the Sun 2. degrees aboue the Horizon. Latitude 65. degrees and 48. minuts, the variation of the Compasse being 20. degrees.

The sixth of Ianuary, at three in the after-noone, wee departed from the Gorodocke, the wind South South-west blowing very hard,* 2.151 going North-west 30. miles, and at mid-night came to the Choome. The seuenteenth, the wind South South-west, blowing very hard, the Snow driuing so thicke, that we could not goe ouer the Mountayne, called Yangoda, but stayed by a Wood side, [ 20] hauing gone West North-west 15. miles. The eight, in the Morning wee passed ouer the Riuer, called Rogauaya Mensha, and at Noone ouer the Yangoda, keeping backe our way 30. miles West North-west, faire and warme. The ninth, little wind North but sharpe, we went on North-west and by West,* 2.152 at Noone we passed ouer Azua Riuer, and in the after-noone came to a Herd of wilde Deere, the Samoits killed three, giuing me a haunch; going in all 30. miles.

The tenth, calme and very cold, we went on 20. miles, West North-west. The eleuenth, little wind South-east; at Noone we passed ouer Hoseda Riuer, which falleth South-east into Azua, we went 30. miles North-west & by West. The twelfth, the wind South and cold, we went West and by South, ouer many Creeks & Ponds 25. miles. The thirteenth, this day the wind South and [ 30] not cold, we went West & by South 30. miles, thorow many woods and plaines. The fourteenth, faire and warme, at Noone we passed ouer Sandaets Riuer, which falleth South-west into Coluoy, we went West and by North 30. miles.

The fifteenth, being Sunday, we went West North-west ouer a broad playne, with many great Ponds, at Night we passed ouer Coluoy Riuer, going South into the Riuer Ouse, which falleth into Pechora, nine dayes journey from Oust-zilma, we went 30. miles, hauing most of our Deere ty∣red, the Snow was so deepe. The sixteenth, little wind, we went on West North-west, at noone we passed ouer Haryena Riuer, which falleth South-east into Coluoy, going 20. miles. The se∣uenteenth, the wind South, blowing very hard, the Snow driuing, wee went West North-west 25. miles, at Night we tooke vp our lodging vpon the Riuer Hab••aga, which falleth into Pecho∣ra, [ 40] sixe dayes journey from Oust-zilma.

The eighteenth, we went on West North-west 10. miles, where the Townesmen ouer-tooke vs, riding post to the Towne, where making our selues ready, wee followed, the same Eeuening we passed ouer Nougorotka Riuer, which falleth West South-west into Shapkina Riuer, which falleth South-west into Pechora, halfe way betwixt Pustozer and Oust-zilma, and in the Mor∣ning we passed ouer Coy Riuer, which falleth into Pechora 14. leagues Northward from Pustozer; and the same day, being the nineteenth day in the after-noone, wee came to the Towne, hauing rid aboue 150. miles without rest.* 2.153 The last of Aprill, 1615. being Sunday, was the first appea∣ring of the water, increasing at Pustozera. The seuenth of May, Euan Croticoue, had almost slaine with a knife his two Vncles, Foma Croticoue, and Erasmi Croticoue. [ 50]

The eighteenth, the water was at the highest, being so extreame that many were forced out of their Houses, and we our selues in like manner, hauing the water a foot deepe in our bed Cham∣ber. The twentieth, the water did a little begin to fall, and so continued falling by degrees.

* 2.154The ninth of Iune, my seruant Marmaduke Wilson came from Oust-zilma, hauing Wintered there, to buy and sell goods, bringing with him such Commodities as the place doth affoord, as Sables, Rosomacks, Wolues, Ermins, Squirrils, &c.

The fifteenth, we laded three small Lodias with goods, to carrie downe to the Glouboka. The three and twentieth, I departed from Pustozer, and came to the Glouboka the fiue and twentieth, with two small Lodias laden with goods.* 2.155 The eight and twentieth of Iune, I obserued at the Glouboka, which I found to lye in the height of 67. degrees 55. minutes, and the Compasse varyed [ 60] 18. degrees. The last of Iune, I went from the Glouboka to passe ouer the Drie Sea, the wind at South, but the wind comming to the North, I returned backe the next day. The second of Iuly, being Sunday, the wind at South South-east, I departed the second time, to come to the Zauorot, but comming neere Dolgoy, an Iland lying in the Drie Sea, the Ice lay so firme, that we could not passe but returned backe to the Glouboka.

The fourth of Iuly, Iohn Copman came to the Glouboka, bringing with him all our goods for sayle, hauing payed all Customes and duties for the same. The sixth of the same,* 2.156 I departed the third time from the Glouboka, the wind at South, but did not continue, but came to the East, and East North-east, so rowing alongst the shoare, wee passed to the West side betwixt the shoalds and the shoare, and hauing passed the Wester Iland, called Lauetskoy, we came to the Zackhar∣reoueberage or Coast, which doth lye South-west and North-east, and put into a small Riuer, where we stayed (the seuenth) all night, and the next day with Sayle and Oares, wee came to a Bay to the South of Casnets Nose, where we stayed all night, the wind East South-east.

The eight, in the Morning we passed by Cuznets-Nose amongst the Ice, hauing much adoe to get cleare, the wind at North North-west, and at Night we came to the Zauorot, where were fiue [ 10] and twentie sayle of small Lodias, some going for Manganzea, other for Fish, and some going to Pustozer, who told me they had beene aboord our Ship at Sea. The ninth, this day being Sun∣day, our Ship came ouer the Barre, where I was receiued, not looked for. The eleuenth, at Night we departed from the ship, and went to get downe our goods from the Glouboka and the Towne.

The sixteenth, I departed from the Glouboka, with three small Lodias laden with goods, but the wind at East North-east, two of them returned backe, but I kept on and came aboord our Ship the eighteenth in the morning. The twentieth, the other two came with the goods aboord, and the one and twentieth, we returned to the Glouboka with three Boates, and got thither that night. The three and twentieth, I came the second time from the Glouboka, with three Boates with goods, and the next morning came to our Ship, where I remayned, sending vp all the Boats [ 20] the sixe and twentieth of Iuly.

The eight of August, came Iohn Copman with Thomas Dogget, bringing two Boats laden with goods, fitting to set sayle for Holland, but did not depart till the 21. of August. And the three and twentieth of September, (giuing heartie thankes to God) we arriued at Dort in Holland.

NOw for the manner of the Samoits in their Iourney, their vpper Coat is called a Parka,* 2.157 which is for the most part of Deere-skin, and some of white Foxe or Woluerin, which they weare the hayre or furre outward, vnder that they haue another Coat, which is called a Mallek, made of young Fawne-skins, or Hare-skins, or Swan-skins, very soft and well dressed, a Cap of Beuer, double and close to their heads, with two flaps for their Eares, tyed vnder their Chin, a [ 30] payre of Breeches of Deere-skin with the hayre inwards, vpon their Feete they haue sockes or stockins of Deere-skin, the hayre to their skin, vpon that long Bootes which they call Pemyes, made of the legges of Deere-skins, thus apparelled, they sit vpon their Sled•• crosse-legged,* 2.158 with a Deere-skin vnder them. Two Deere being yoaked to a Sled, they will runne with such swift∣nesse, and so long to continue, as is not to be beleeued, except to those that haue seene the same.* 2.159 For riding post, they will ride without rest or sleepe, two hundred miles in foure and twentie houres; but with their Argish or stuffe, thirtie miles in twelue houres; their Women vsually doe guide their Argish, which is ten Sleds, and to euery Sled a Bucke, all made fast one after another,* 2.160 the Men in the way doe prouide Wood for firing, and doe hunt for all manner of Beasts & Fowle, which the women dresse. It is the Womans labour to set vp the Choome or Tent,* 2.161 making one [ 40] place therein alwayes Holy, which the woman must not set her foot into, neither goe about the Tent round; which if they chance to doe, they will presently remoue all,* 2.162 for feare of the Wolfe or Beare, which they say, would deuoure them if they did not remoue.

Their Tent or Choome, is made in this manner; first, they set vp long Firre-poles, then they haue sixe quarters double of Deere-skin, which being set vp, they throw Snow round about the edges a yard thicknesse, leauing the top open for to vent smoake, making a Fire in the middle, spreading Deere-skins, vpon which they lye, in which manner, it is altogether as warme as the Stoues in Russia, they haue no Townes, neither any certaine place of abode,* 2.163 but with their Deere they trauell from place to place, where they finde the best Mosse for their Deere.

Their Wiues they buy for Deere, and will haue if hee haue abilitie foure or fiue Wiues, with [ 50] whom he lyeth by turn euery night seueral;* 2.164 he is the richest man that hath most Deere or Daugh∣ters, selling them to any that will giue most for them. In their Marriages hauing agreed of price, they vse not great Ceremonies; onely they make a Feast to their friends, after which the Wo∣man is brought to the Man that hath bought her, shee being hung with many Iron Rings and Brazen Bels, all departing out of the Tent saue they two till the next Morning,* 2.165 and then he departeth; but if he bee one of wealth, they will continue their Feast seuen dayes. It falleth out many times, that after they haue had their Wiues halfe a yeere or a yeere, they will turne them backe to their Friends, taking their Deeres againe, paying for the charge of the Feast,* 2.166 which is alwayes to bee made at her Fathers charge, and losing the increase of his Deere.

[ 60] They haue not knowledge of the true God, but worship Blocks and Images of the Deuill, vnto which, they will strangle tame Deere, rubbing the bloud on the Idols,* 2.167 and eating the meate themselues.

When a Rich man dyeth, because hee should not trauell on foot,* 2.168 his friends will kill three Deere to draw him in the new World, and they will strangle a Slaue to tend on him. The Deere

they kill in this manner to serue the dead man, they make a Stake sharpe, which they thrust into the Beasts fundament, with many howlings and cryings, till they be dead. The Master with the Slaue they burie, the Deere they eate as well raw, as boyled or roast, although they vse all. three

* 2.169If a young Child dye vnder foureteene of their yeeres, which is seuen of ours, they doe hang it by the necke on some Tree, saying, it must flie to Heauen.

If any Controuersie bee, which cannot bee decided or the truth knowne, then one of the two betwixt whom the Controuersie is,* 2.170 must bee sworne, which is in this manner; they will make an Image of a Man of Snow, bringing a Wolues nose, deliuering a Sword to him that must sweare, he rehearsing by name all his Friends, desiring that they might all bee cut in peeces in that manner, as hee doth cut that Image of Snow. Then he himselfe, doth cut the Image of Snow all to peeces with the Sword; then after, the Wolues nose being layd before him, he desires that [ 10] the Wolfe may destroy all his tame Deere, and that hee may neuer more take or kill any wilde Deere after that, if hee speake not the Truth, so cutting the Wolues nose in peeces, there is no more to bee sayd of that Controuersie.

* 2.171The Samoit is stout and bold of Spirit, not very tall but broad Brested, broad Faces, with hol∣low Eyes. Their ordinary instruments for Warre, are Bowes and Arrowes, very dangerous, they haue long Speares, (the heads bee made in Monganzey, by another sort of Samoits) and short Swords, not much vnlike some that I haue seene brought from East India.

* 2.172When they would know any thing to come, they send for their Priest or Witch to conuerse with the Deuill, sitting in one side of the Tent, hauing before his face a peece of an old shirt of Mayle, hung with Bels and peeces of Brasse, in his right hand a great Tabor made with a Wolues [ 20] skinne, beating vpon the same with a Hares foot, making a very dolefull sound, with singing and calling for the Deuill, to answer his demand, which being ended, they strangle a Deere for a Sa∣crifice, making merrie with the Flesh.

* 2.173The Women be very hard of Nature; for at their Child-bearing, the Husband must play the Midwife, and being deliuered, the Child is washed with cold water or Snow, and the next day the Woman able to conduct her Argish.

The Russes haue a yeerely Trade with the Merchants of Beghar, at a place called Tumen in Tar∣tarie, whither they of Boghar come with Camels euery yeere.

From Tumen in Tobal in Siberia, they come in foureteene dayes.

From Tobal, they come to Beresoua in nine dayes, all downe the Riuer Ob. [ 30]

From Beresoua, partly by the Riuer Ob, then ouer a necke of Land of halfe a mile ouer, into the Riuer Ouse, and downe the Riuer Ouse into the Riuer Pechora, and so to Pustozera in three weekes. At Pustozera, the English haue Wintered three yeeres.

CHAP. XIII. Diuers Voyages to Cherie Iland, in the yeeres 1604. 1605. 1606. 1608. 1609. Written by IONAS POOLE. [ 40]

WEe set sayle * 2.174 from London the fifteenth of Aprill 1604. in a Ship called the God Speed, of sixtie Tunnes, with thirteene Men and a Boy; our Merchant was one Master Thomas Welden, our Master was one Steuen Bonnit of Saint Catherins. We arriued at Cola in Lapland, the first of May, where wee tarried till the last of the same Moneth, at which time wee set sayle from Cola, and went to an Harbour called Pechingo, which lyeth betweene Cola and Ward-house. In which Harbour of Pechingo, we continued vntill the thirtieth of Iune. At which time wee set sayle from thence, and through contrarie windes and foule weather, were put into Ward-house, where we tooke in fresh water, and stayed vntill the sixth of Iuly. [ 50]

The same day, the wind came Southerly, and we steered away Northwest and by North about 56. leagues, wee obserued the Sunne at twelue of the clocke at Noone, and found our selues to be in 73. degrees 5. minutes of Northerly Latitude. The seuenth of Iuly, it was all day calme, and wee sounded, but had no ground in two hundred and fiftie fathoms. The eight day, we had lit∣tle winde, which was at South-east, and foggie weather; and at eight of the clocke at Night, wee saw great flockes of Sea-fowles, which we call Willockes: some of these Fowles had each of them a small Fish in their bills, and flew toward the North-west and by North. The o∣ther without Fish, some of them flew contrarie to the former, and some sate in the Sea very neere our Ship.

About twelue of the clocke at night we sounded, and had ground at one hundred and twen∣tie [ 60] fathomes. We steered away North-west and by North, till foure of the clocke the eight day in the morning,* 2.175 then it fell calme: and as the ship lay still, our Master spied a Morsse, which came to our ship and swamme round about it. While we were all gazing at this Monster, I spied

the Iland ten leagues off, bearing North North-west halfe a point Westerly, which shewed very high Land, and much Snow vpon it. The wind came to the North-east. The ninth day,* 2.176 wee came to an Anchor on the South South-east side, in fiue and twentie fathomes streamie ground. We ••oysed out our Boate, and Master Welden went toward the Land: but thinking to haue lan∣ded he could not, because there went a great Sea, and great store of Ice all along the shoares side. Within one houre the Boate came aboard, and they ••aid, there were so many Fowles, that they couered the Rockes, and flew in such great flockes, that they shewed like a Cloud.* 2.177 While thus they were talking close by the Boate, rose vp••n huge Morsse, putting his head aboue the water, looking earnestly at the Boate, and made such an horrible noyse and roaring, that they in the [ 10] Boate thought he would haue sunke it.* 2.178

The same day, at eight of the clocke at night, we weighed and stood away South-west and by South about foure miles▪ where wee doubled the Southermost point of the Iland, and found the Land to trend North North-west, and all along the shoare some scattering Ice. We sayled along the shoare, finding seuenteene, eighteene, and sometimes twentie fathomes, streamie ground with white shels. We held this course till wee saw all the Northermost part of the Iland: and being within three miles of it, and about thirteene miles from the Point, wee came round about it. And some two miles from the Land, we anchored in sixteene fathomes, streamie ground. We had not ridden one houre to an end, but a great piece of Ice came directly with the tyde vpon vs; and before wee could weigh, it strooke the ship with such force, that it hilded on the one side. [ 20] Assoone as it was past, we went on shoare, where wee found abundance of Sea Fowles, as Wil∣locks, Gulles, Noddies, Sea-mewes, a small Fowle like a Willocke, and diuers others,* 2.179 as wilde Geese, Sea-pidgeons, Oxbirds, and such like: whereof Master Thomas Welden killed so many with his Peece, that we almost laded our Boate with them. The same night we shot three heaps of fishing-lines, but when we haled them, wee found neither fish nor bayte: for the Seales had eaten them all off.

The ninth day, Master Welden and our Master went on shoare, to see what they could finde. They went in the fore-noone about eight of the clocke, and came againe about foure in the af∣ter-noone very weary, seeing nothing but small Foxes, almost like Dogges in euery respect, saue their smell and their tayles. In the meane time,* 2.180 the Masters Mate and my selfe obserued the [ 30] Sunne, and found that part of the Iland to be in 74. degrees and 45. minutes.

The tenth day we weighed, hauing the wind Southerly, and found the Land to trend away East South-east. The length of this side is about ten miles, good ground. We had not sailed past sixe miles, but we saw a sandie Bay, against which we came to an Anchor in nine fathomes. We had not furled our Sayles, but we saw many Morses swimming by our ship, and heard withall so huge a noyse of roaring, as if there had beene an hundred Lions. Immediately wee manned our Boate, wherein was Master Welden and sixe men more: we landed, and s••w abundance of Mors∣ses on the shoare, close by the Sea-side; and drawing neere vnto them, wee perceiued that they were all of the same company, which wee had seene before. It seemed very strange to vs to see such a multitude of Monsters of the Sea, lye like Hogges vpon heapes: In the end wee shot at [ 40] them, not knowing whither they could runne swiftly or seize vpon vs or no. To be briefe, wee had but three Peeces, Master Welden a Fowling Peece, my selfe a Musket, and another a Musket.* 2.181 Their Peeces were spoyled instantly. For Master Weldens was cloyed, the other man when hee had shot one by himselfe, thought to knocke him on the head with the stock, but split his Peece. I shot still, and some when they were wounded in the flesh, would but looke vp and lye downe againe. Some were killed with the first shot; and some would goe into the Sea with fiue or sixe shot: they are of such an incredible strength. When all our Powder and shot was spent, wee would blow their eyes out with a little Pease shot, and then come on the blind side of them, and with our Carpenters Axe cleaue their heads. But for all that we could do••, of aboue a thousand we killed but fifteene. We tooke off their heads, and when we had done, we went stragling vp [ 50] and downe to see what we could find. I found the first Tooth that was cast vpon the Iland, and going a little farther alone, I found as many Teeth more, as I and three men more could carrie, which filled an Hogshead: all which we did deliuer to Master Welden.

The next day following, being the eleuenth day, we went on shoare againe,* 2.182 and killed about sixe more: And afterward wee went vp into the Land, and saw nothing but Fowle and Fo••es. I perceiued in deed a great print of a Beares foote; and after that many other footings, but yet saw no Beare or other wild beast.

The twelfth, wee weighed from thence, and stood to the Eastward: wee had not gone past foure miles, but we found the Land to fall away South-east and by South. The length of this side is about twelue miles. All this side we went close by the shoare with our Boate, and the [ 60] ship sayled along about three miles off. We went oftentimes on shoare, but could see nothing on all that side but Fowle, and abundance of Drift Wood, the most part whereof was Firres,* 2.183 which haue beene beaten vp and downe the Sea. This day being Sunday, about eight of the clocke at night, we anchored within two miles of the place where we arriued at the first. The same night wee went on shoare, and in a Bay vnder an huge Cliffe of a Rocke, vpon the Beach, wee found

neere a thousand Morses:* 2.184 wee killed thirtie or thereabouts, and when wee had taken off their heads, we went aboord.

The thirteenth, wee went on shoare againe, and with our Pieces fell a killing of the beasts. One of our company, named Richard Lang-castle split his Piece, and with all his hand: but Master Welden with Salues of his owne, healed it so skilfully, that he hath the vse of it againe. We kil∣led that day sixtie Morses, all the heads whereof were very principall. When we had done, wee went about a mile to the Eastward, to see what wee could finde: And landing at a Bay where Master Bennit had beene the yeere before,* 2.185 and found a piece of Lead Vre, wee looked for the same, but found none. The same day returning aboord, wee set sayle for Pechingo in Lapland, where wee arriued the fiue and twentieth of Iuly; and stayed there foure dayes: at which time [ 10] we set sayle for Cola,* 2.186 and arriued there the eight of August, where wee continued till the six∣teenth day, at which time we departed thence for England, and arriued in the Thames the fif∣teenth of October, of the yeere aforesaid 1604.

* 2.187When wee came to London, because Sir Francis Cherie Knight and Merchant was at the char∣ges of this Discouerie, this Iland was called Cherie Iland.

The third Voyage to Cherie Iland, performed by Master WELDEN Merchant, and STEPHEN BENNET Master, in the yeere 1605. [ 20]

IN the yeere aboue said, wee set sayle from London, the first of May, with one ship of sixtie tunnes, and two and twentie men and boyes. The three and twentieth of the said moneth, we were taken by a ship of Dunkirke. They tooke from vs two Hogsheads of strong Beere, our Muskets, a Fowling Peece of Master Weldens, which cost three pounds sterling. After the Cap∣tayne had misused vs at his pleasure, though we were in peace with his Countrey, he let vs goe.

The eight and twentieth of Iune, we put off from Assumption Point, which is a place not farre from the North Cape,* 2.188 and about 70. degrees in latitude, but by contrarie winds wee were put backe againe.* 2.189 Yet the second of Iuly, we came to Cherie Iland, and anchored on the South-east side: and hauing a Shallop in pieces to set vp, we carried it on shoare, and went to worke vpon [ 30] it; and the third day after we had it on flote. The sixth day we entred into a Coue, hauing all our men on shoare with shot and jauelings,* 2.190 and slue abundance of Morses. The yeere before we slue all with shot, no•• thinking that a jaueling could pierce their skinnes: which we found now contrarie, if they be well handled, for otherwise, a man may thrust with all his force and not enter: or if he doe enter, he shall spoyle his Lance vpon their bones; for they will strike with their fore-feet, and bend a Lance round, and breake it, if it bee not all the better plated. They will also strike with their Teeth at him that is next them:* 2.191 but because their Teeth grow downward, their strokes are of small force and danger. After we had opened the beasts which we had slaine, we tooke out the blubber, and carried it a mile into the Bay, where wee set vp the shallop. The reason why we carried it thither, was, because we thought that the fire of our Fur∣nace [ 40] would scare them away: for wee did boyle all their fat to bring it into Oyle. Thus wee followed our businesse till the foure and twentieth of Iuly,* 2.192 at which time wee had very foule weather with fogs. Now the ship riding in the same Coue, where we killed our Morses, had taken in eleuen tunnes of Oile, and the teeth of all the beasts aforesaid. Then we made prepara∣tion to be gone home: and I was sent with our shallop, and eight men with me to fetch our Tent, and our boyling Coppers, our mens Clothes and some Teeth. At my returne, when I was almost aboord, comming through a place betweene the Iland and a Rocke, which of necessitie we must needs passe, the ••yde being against vs, and a stiffe gale of winde blowing out of the Sea, made the Sea flye very high vpon the Rockes, whereby we had like to haue beene sunke: for our Boat was almost full of water; and if wee had not speedily rowed backe againe, wee had dyed each [ 50] man of vs. To make short, we got into a Coue, where the Rockes did keepe the growne Seas from vs, & we lighted our Boat. In this Coue I found a Myne of Lead Vre, and digged vp about thirtie pounds weight of it,* 2.193 which I brought into England. And calling to mind that wee were in sight of our ship, when we shipped the water which I spake of before, I mistrusted that they thought, as they did indeed, that we were all drowned. Therefore I demanded who would goe with me, to the top of a Cliffe which stood ouer against the ship? And one Iohn Ienings said, that he would goe: he had not gone halfe way, but hee would goe no farther because it was so cold, and the Hill stood sloping very steepe toward the Sea, and all the side of it was loose Earth, which we must needs passe. Then I went forward all alone, and found all our men on shoare, sa∣uing [ 60] an old man, and a sicke man. But the Cliffe being so high and steep, that they vnder it could scarce vnderstand what I said, nor I what they said, but with much adoe: They demanded, as I tooke it, if all our men were wel: I told them yea, as loud as I could: And then I threw downe a piece of the lead Vre which I had found, which M. Welden took vp: And when I was going away

I heard them shout, and looking behind me, I saw them all point toward the Skiffe that lay at an∣chor hard by the shoare; whereby I perceiued that the rope was broken, which made it fast to the shoare, and the Skiffe was gone off to the length of her rope; so that they could not go aboord except one of them did swim to the Skiffe, which was exceeding dangerous, both because it was extreame cold, and also for feare of being killed by the Morses,* 2.194 that were in the Sea all about the Boat. Whereupon with all speed possible I ranne to helpe our men in that distresse; and com∣ming to the Shallop, some were willing, and some vnwilling: But I said that out I would; and taking nothing aboord with me but a few teeth, wee got out: and in the place where we had like to haue beene sunke before, wee had a great hollow Sea: but our Boat being light, and the tyde [ 10] with vs, wee got through: whereat M. Welden, and Steuen Bennet our Master, with all the com∣pany were not a little ioyfull, and gaue God humble thankes, that had of his great mercy defen∣ded vs from a great many of dangers that day. For that day wee saw abundance of yce driuing toward the Iland, but the winde and tyde shifting, put it another way.* 2.195 Likewise two boyes had like to haue beene slaine with the fall of a rocke, which fell close by them, they being but newly stepped out of the place where the rocke fell.

In the time that we were in this distresse,* 2.196 I called the Mountaine by the name of Mount-mi∣serie, which is so called at this day. Likewise there is a very high Mountaine on the East South-east point of this Iland: which, because Master Welden and I got two Foxes neere it, I called it Mount maleperdus, alluding to the name in the merrie booke of Reinold the Fox.

[ 20] The sixe and twentieth of Iulie, wee got out of the Coue with the Ship, hauing such a fogge,* 2.197 that although wee ridde so neere the land, that we could heare the fowle that were on shoare, yet wee could not see the land. This fogge continued vntill the eight and twentieth of Iuly: on which day hauing cleerer weather, wee got our water and other prouision aboord; and set sayle for England, and passing by the coast of Finmarke and Norway, we arriued at London the foure and twentieth of August. 1605.

The fourth Voyage to Chery Iland, 1606.

[ 30] WE set sayle from London in a Ship and a Pinnasse; the Ship being of burden sixtie Tuns,* 2.198 and the same that I was in the Summer before; Master Thomas Welden was Merchant, and Master Bennet Master, hauing in all two and twentie men and boyes. The Pinnasse was of twentie Tunnes, and had eight men in her, and I Ionas Pool was Master of her: we were set out by Master Russell, one of the Mosco••ie Company.

The eight and twentieth, wee had sight of land on the coast of Norway, in the latitude of sixtie degrees and a halfe; nine leagues off.

The sixteenth of Iune, we fell with the Assumption,* 2.199 it bearing South and by West eight leagues off: and we lay beating betweene the North Cape and it, till the eighteenth of Iune: At what time wee put off, and steered away North North-west about fiftie fiue leagues, and found [ 40] much Ice: wee thought to haue gotten through it, but could not: and when wee had spent twelue houres in it, and hauing the wind Northerly, we put backe againe. The two and twen∣tieth, we fell with the North Cape againe, at twelue of the clock at noone. The foure and twen∣tieth, we put off againe, and being fiue and fortie leagues from the Cape, wee met with Ice,* 2.200 and vpon a piece of Ice we saw a Beare. The Ship being on head of vs, bare close to the Ice; and Ma∣ster Welden shot the said Beare dead at the first shot. This Beare was from the neerest land aboue seuen and twentie leagues, and liued of Seales or other fish that he could prey vpon.

The second of Iuly, we saw Cherie Iland at a North sound: the land bearing North and by West about ten leagues off. The same time we founded and had ground at seuentie fiue fathoms, white small shelly ground with small blacke stones.

[ 50] The third of Iuly wee anchored on the West side of the Iland in twentie fathoms, hauing verie much Ice. I obserued the Sunne at the lowest, and found the latitude of that place to bee in 74. degrees, 55. minutes. It followeth there South-west and by South;* 2.201 and the floud commeth from the South-west.

The fifth and sixth dayes, we were troubled with much Ice; but it being broken, we brought the ends of our Cables to our maine Masts; and hauing a good tyde, we did sheere, as wee tearme it, cleere off the Ice. We ridde thus in Ice sixe dayes, to wit, vntill the thirteenth day; at what time the Ice began to goe way, and the Morses came on shoare. For their nature is such, that they will not come on land as long as any Ice is about the land.

The fourteenth, we went on land; Master Welden, and Master Bennet, with the Ships company, [ 60] and I with the company of the Pinnasse. And being altogether on shoare, and seeing of the beasts sufficient to make our voyage, wee prepared to goe to killing. Master Welden and Master Bennet appointed mee to take eleuen men with mee, and to goe beyond the beasts where they lay; that they and wee might meet at the middest of them, and so inclose them, that none of them should get into the Sea.

As I fetched a compasse about, before we were aware, rose a great white Beare within a Pikes length of vs:* 2.202 whereupon we made a stand, and my selfe hauing both a Musket and a Lance, thought to haue shot him: but remembring my selfe, that the report of my Peece might make all the Morses goe into the Sea, and so hazard our Voyage, I went to him with my Lance. All this while he sate foming at the mouth, and would not stirre, but gaped and roared as though he would haue eaten vs all: but presently wee pricked him in the s••out; and then with an easie pace we proceeded on with our businesse; and before six houres were ended, we had slayne about seuen or eight hundred Beasts.* 2.203 And after that Master Welden slue the Beare. For ten dayes space we plyed our businesse very hard, and brought it almost to an end.

The foure and twentieth of Iuly, wee had the winde at North-east: and it freezed so hard, that the Ice did hang on our Clothes. [ 10]

The sixe and twentieth, we had taken in two and twentie tuns of the Oyle of the Morses, and three hogsheads of their Teeth.

The seuen and twentieth, Master Welden slue another Beare.

The eight and twentieth, we tooke in Water and Wood.

The nine and twentieth, we set sayle for England.

The fifteenth of August, 1606. we arriued in the Thames.

[ 20]

The sixth Voyage made to Cherie Iland, the South part whereof standeth in 74. degrees and 40. minutes of Northerly latitude, in the yeere 1608.

THe sixteenth of Aprill, in the yeere 1608. we set sayle from Blacke wall, and came to Graues∣end in a ship called the Paul.

* 2.204 The one and twentieth of May, we were within 4. leagues of the North Cape, standing in 71. degrees and 2/•• of North latitude. The foure and twentieth, wee came to Ward-house. The fiue and twentieth,* 2.205 we weighed, and came to Tipany in Lapland the sixe and twentieth: where we stayed about our businesse till the thirteenth of Iune.

* 2.206The thirteenth of Iune aforesaid, wee weighed anchor, and directed our course for Cherie I∣land.* 2.207 [ 30] The eighteenth, at foure of the clocke in the morning wee saw Cherie Iland, it bearing North North-west 10. leagues off: and at foure of the clocke at night wee anchored on the North-west side of it:* 2.208 and Master Welden went on Land on the North side, and slue a Beare.

* 2.209The nineteenth, we rid still, and Master Welden went to the North side againe, and slue ano∣ther Beare. The same day we sent two men to the South side of the land, to see if there were any Morses on shoare. They came againe the next day, and said, that there were great store.

* 2.210The twentieth and one and twentieth dayes it was calme, and the weather cleere, and wee had it as hot as I haue commonly felt in England at that time of the yeere. For the Pitch did runne downe the ships sides; and that side of the Masts that was to the Sunne ward, was so hot, [ 40] that the Tarre did frye out of it, as though it had boyled.

The two and twentieth, at a North-east Sun, we weighed and went to the South side of the Iland, and came into a Coue, where the Morses were, and slue about 900. or 1000. of them in lesse then seuen houres:* 2.211 and there wee plyed our businesse vntill the second of Iuly: at what time we had taken into our ship 22. tunnes and three hogsheads of Oyle.

The third of Iuly, being Sunday, one Richard Steuens of Harewich came to the said Cherie Iland,* 2.212 in a ship called the Dragon, being set out by Master Duppa, a Brewer dwelling in Saint Catharines neere the Tower of London; which set out a ship with Master Thomas Welden the yeere before 1607.

The ninth day, we made our Voyage, and came out of the Coue, hauing taken in 31. tunnes of [ 50] Oyle, and one hogshead, one barrell, and one terce of Morses teeth: besides 400. other teeth.

* 2.213The twelfth, we tooke into our ship two young Morses, male and female, aliue: the female died before we came into England: the male liued aboue ten weekes. When wee had watered, we set sayle for England about foure of the clocke in the morning.

The fourteenth day, we saw the Iland bearing North North-west, 15. leagues off vs, and soun∣ded, and had 85. fathoms, greene Oze, like Doues dung.

The twentieth of August, wee arriued at London; and hauing dispatched some priuate busi∣nesse, we brought our liuing young Morse to the Court, where the King and many honourable personages beheld it with admiration for the strangenesse of the same, the like whereof had neuer before beene seene aliue in England. Not long after it fell sicke and died. As the beast in [ 60] shape is very strange, so is it of strange docilitie, and apt to be taught, as by good experience we often proued.

The seuenth Voyage to Cherie Iland, made in the yeere 1609.

WEe were furnished with two ships, determining to goe to Tipany in Lapland, to buy fish of the Lappes and Russes, and afterward to goe to Cherie Iland: the one was called the Lionesse, in which I went for Master, the other, the Paul, which was there the last yeere, 1608.

The one and twentieth day of March, we weighed anchor at Grauesend: and the sixe and twentieth, we came to Harwich: where it was concluded, that the Lionesse should goe directly to Cherie Iland. The fifteenth of Aprill, we weighed at Harewich: and the last of the same mo∣neth [ 10] we fell betweene Lofoot and Zenam vpon the Coast of Finmark.* 2.214

The second of May, we came to the North Cape; and the same day wee stood for Cherie I∣land: but meeting with contrary winds and foule weather, we bare backe againe for the Cape, and fell with the Land the fourth day. The fift day in the morning, we put the second time from the North Cape; and the eight day wee anchored at Cherie Iland. It did freeze very hard,* 2.215 but we found no Ice about the Iland, saue that which claue to the Rockes. We went into the Coue with our Shallop, and found eight Morses on the Ice hard by the shoares side: And we also found all the beasts that were killed the last yeere not washed away with the Sea, couered ouer with Snow and Ice.* 2.216 Wee thought to haue gotten abundance of Fowle as wee had done in the yeeres before: but they would not sit; the reason was, because they were but new come to the Iland, [ 20] and not setled as then: yet some Fowle we got, and came aboord. And because the wind was Northerly, that we could not conueniently goe to the North side with the ship, we determined to send some men ouer Land, to see if there were any Morses on shoare vpon that side. The ninth day, I prepared to goe ouer Land to the North side, about a North-east Sunne, with three men in my companie. I my selfe had a Musket, and about a quarter of a pound of Powder, and sixe Bullets; an Halfe-pike in mine hand, and an Hatchet at my backe. One of the men had a birding Peece; the other two had each of them a Iauelin. Wee went ouer the Snow and Ice apace outward; but came wearily homeward, by reason we rested not any where. And when we were within a mile of the other side, one of my companie said, he saw a Beare: whereupon we looked vp, and saw three great ones. Whereupon I made a stand,* 2.217 and gaue each of my com∣panie [ 30] some Aqua vitae, and a little Bread, and told them, that wee must not in any case seeme fearefull, because the nature of them is such, that whosoeuer seemeth fearefull,* 2.218 or offereth to runne away, they will seize vpon him. In this time I made my Musket readie: and the Beares seeing vs to come toward them, stood vpon their feet, and two of them went toward the Sea: The third stood still champing and foming, as though hee would haue eaten vs. When I was within shot of him, he beganne to follow his fellowes, still looking behind him with his former gesture: In the meane while I got ground of him, the three men following mee with their wea∣pons. In the end the angry deuill turned backe, and came directly toward mee: I let him come within two long Pikes lengths, and gaue him such a welcome, that hee fell downe stone dead.* 2.219 [ 40] The company that were with me were glad as well as I: yet I had beene at the killing of Beares before. After this Beare was slayne, we told seuenteene more, whereof three were young ones.* 2.220 This done, we went on to the Sea side, where we found the Shallop which we left the yeere be∣fore. Wee were no sooner set to eate a little food, but there came a Beare with two young ones as big as Lambes of a moneth old: they skipped about their dams necke,* 2.221 and played with one another very wantonly. The dame came so neere that I shot at her, and being loth to hurt the young ones, being playing about her fore-parts, I shot her through the top of the shoulder; then she went away. Immediatly we saw another Beare comming toward vs, which before he came to vs, stood vpon his hinder feet twice or thrice, vsing the same countenance that the first did, which I slue. I let him come very neere, and thinking to giue him his pasport, the flint of my Musket was broken, which made him come very neere vs. Then the fellow that had the bir∣ding [ 50] piece shot him into the foot: whereupon he ran away faster then wee could follow him. Wee seeing so many Beares, and hauing no store of Powder nor Shot, bent our iourney toward our ship againe. Wee had not come a quarter of a mile, but wee saw a huge Beare fast a sleepe on the Snow. I went softly toward him, and gaue him such a filip, that he neuer rose out of the place where he lay. His skin when he was flayed was thirteene foot long.* 2.222 A neere neighbour of his hearing the report of my Peece came toward me: and him I slue also. Now, hauing but one shot left, I thought it not best to bestow it there, although I saw another lie vpon the Snow hard by. While we sate downe to rest vs in the mid-way, there came toward vs another Beare with one young one: they came almost within shot, and went backe againe: presently shee turned againe, and came within shot of me, and stood on her hinder legs directly vpright, and [ 60] so did the young one. I made account they would haue come neerer; but they to the contrarie ran away. Wee came being very wearie aboord our ship about a North-west Sunne. Then wee weighed, and stood to the Northward, hauing the wind at South; and by three of the clocke the next morning, wee came to the North-east Point with the ship.* 2.223 There wee manned our

Shallop, and Master Thomas Welden and I went on shoare, where hee slue fiue Beares, and I one, and I wounded two more very sore.* 2.224 And before a North Sunne, our men had fleyed them all; both them that I slue the day before, and them that wee slue this last time: for they were all together.

The eleuenth day, we went on Land, and washed some old fleyed Morses skinnes, which had lyen there two yeeres: but they will hardly proue good. The twelfth day, we rid at the West side, and got some Fowle with shot, and there we rid till the thirteenth.

The thirteenth, wee saw very much Ice to the Southwards and Westwards, wich came dri∣uing so fast toward the shoare where wee rid, that wee were forced to weigh, and stood to the North side of the Iland. The Ice followed vs still: then wee stood to the East side of the Iland: and there wee found both the Iland and our selues encompassed round with Ice. But the winde [ 10] being Westerly, and a good stiffe gale, it blew the Ice about a mile and an halfe from the Eastern side: by which meanes wee got betwixt the Ice and the Iland, and stood to the Southward, but saw not any thing in all the Sea saue Ice; sauing close by the Land a little open Sea tren∣ding to the South-westward. That way wee stood with our fore top-sayle, and stood one while one way, and another while another way, and could not see open Sea till the fif∣teenth of the same moneth; at a North-west Sunne wee saw the open Sea: onely a ledge of Ice which began to part insunder, was betwixt vs and it. Toward that place we stood, and in∣tending by Gods helpe to get through, we made prouision to defend the ship from the Ice, by hanging Cables ends, and Plankes, and Capstan barres about the bowes of our ship. But for all [ 20] our fendors, our ship had a great knocke vpon a piece of Ice. About a North Sunne, we got out into the open Sea; with humble thankes to God for our deliuerance.

* 2.225The sixteenth day, the Iland did beare North-east and by North, eight leagues from vs: and it did freeze all that day, the wind being at North, which was almost calme. The seuenteenth, at noone the Iland did beare North-east and by North, about nine leagues off, the wind Souther∣ly,* 2.226 snowy weather. The same day we saw a sayle, bearing East North-east off vs about 5. leagues. The eighteenth, the Iland did beare North about 15. leagues off, the wind being at East and by North,* 2.227 Snow and frosty weather. The nineteenth, at twelue of the clocke at noone the Iland bare North and by East: and we finding the Ice somewhat scattered, and the wind Southerly, put roome toward the Iland,* 2.228 and vpon one piece of Ice we saw fiue Seales: one I killed, and one [ 30] I tooke aliue, and brought it aboord our ship. But wee could not come neere the Iland by sixe leagues.* 2.229 The wind came to the West with thicke weather and Snow. The twentieth, at twelue at noone the Iland beare North North-west, about twelue leagues off. We sounded, and had 100. fathoms, greenish Oze, faire weather, but cold.

The one and twentieth, we saw the ship that wee had seene the seuenteenth day; wee spake with them about 12. at noone.* 2.230 The Master told vs he was of Hull. Wee demanded whether he was bound? He told vs, to Cherie Iland, and that there he would make his Voyage. The Iland at this time did beare North and by East about nine leagues off; and it was faire, but cold frostie weather.* 2.231 The 22.23.24. and 25. dayes, we did beate vp and downe in the Ice. The 26.27. and 28. dayes, likewise wee sayled vp and downe in the Ice; hauing the wind Northerly, and [ 40] the Iland bearing betweene the North and the North North-east, cold weather. The nine and twentieth,* 2.232 the Iland beare North nine leagues off, the wind at North-east, snowy weather and Frost.

* 2.233The thirtieth day, we slue 26. Seales, and espied three white Beares: wee went aboord for Shot and Powder, and comming to the Ice againe, we found a shee-Beare and two young ones: Master Thomas Welden shot and killed her:* 2.234 after shee was slayne, wee got the young ones, and brought them home into England, where they are aliue in Paris Garden. The one and thirtieth, we beate vp and downe in the Ice, but could not come neere the Land for Ice; the winde was Northerly.

The first of Iune, we got within fiue or sixe miles of the Iland: but finding very much Ice [ 50] close by the Land, we stood off againe, the wind being at North-east, cold weather. The second day, we got within three leagues of the Iland: but finding exceeding much Ice round about vs, we stood off againe,* 2.235 the wind at North-east, cold frostie weather. From the second day to the fift, wee sayled first one way, and then another, as the wind and Ice would giue vs leaue. The wind being at North and by East, and the Iland being betweene the North-west and by North, within sixe leagues and lesse.

* 2.236The sixth day, we spake with the Hull man, who told vs, that he was put twentie leagues to the North-west of the Iland, being fast in the Ice. We had the wind Northerly, and frosty wea∣ther; the Land bearing North North-west. The seuenth and eight, we beate vp and downe in the Ice: the Iland did beare North-west eight leagues off. The winde was Northerly, with cold and frostie weather.* 2.237 [ 60]

The ninth, the Land beare North-west off vs about six leagues off. That day we had the first fogge since the time of our arriuall, which was the eight of May. Neither lost wee the sight of the Iland aboue eighteene houres in all this time. This day, about a North-east Sunne it be∣gan

to thaw; and in sixe houres the snow was melted, which lay vpon the Ice aboue sixe inches thicke: which put vs in good hope that the Ice was almost past.* 2.238

The tenth, we got within sixe miles of the shoare: where I made an attempt to haue got to the land with the Shallop: but comming within three miles of the shoare, I could get no farther, the Ice was so thicke, and such foggy weather. I made another attempt the same day, and got within one mile of the Land: but the Ice was so thicke that I could get no farther. The same day wee saw good store of Morses on the Ice and in the Sea.

The eleuenth and twelfth, we plyed vp and downe fayre by the Iland, to see if wee could get on Land with our Shallop; but the Ice was so close about the Land, that wee could not by any meanes. This day the wind was at South-east, thicke foggie weather. The thirteenth, we had [ 10] thicke fogge and calme weather; and when it began to cleere,* 2.239 wee had sight of the Souther part of the Iland, bearing East South-east, about sixe miles off; but it fell thicke suddenly againe. There wee anchored in fortie fathoms, white shelly ground; and rid till ten of the clocke at night: at what time I prepared to goe on shoare, as fast as I could with a Shallop and sixe men. About eleuen of the clocke we put from the Ship, and with great labour got through the Ice to the Iland, by a North-east Sunne.

The fourteenth day, I landed on the Wester side of the Iland,* 2.240 and determined to goe from thence to the North side, where wee slew the Beares. The ninth of May I left three men with the Shallop, and tooke three men with me. In my iourney I found such bad way, that I had no stomacke to goe through; for where there was no snow, the ground was so soft, and without [ 20] grasse, that we went vp to the anckles in dirt; and where the snow lay, which was in some holes, three or foure fathoms thicke, it was so soft, that we slipt each step vp to the twist; so that wee were aboue three houres in going scarce two miles. Whereupon, considering it would bee long before I should get ten miles and backe againe, I returned to our Shallop, and found that the men which I left had killed some fowle, which wee sod, and when wee had eaten them, I prepared to goe in the Shallop to the North side. I went close by the shoare; for the Sea was full of Ice. As wee went along by the Cliffes, we got good store of Fowle; which made vs glad and ioyfull, be∣cause there was no hope to get aboord the Ship that day, nor the next. About a North-west Sun wee got to the place abouesaid, and found nine Beares, three of them I slew, the other tooke the Sea. Those three that were slaine we flead, and tooke their flesh and salted it in their skinnes;* 2.241 [ 30] which I stowed in the Shallop for feare of a dearth. I had a terce full of salt there, which wee left in that place the eleuenth of May.

The fifteenth day, when wee had ended our businesse, and eaten some of our Beares flesh, and set vp an Ensigne in token of our possession of the Iland, wee prepared to be gone:* 2.242 and about an East North-east Sunne the wind came Westerly; which made me thinke, as it proued, that the Ship would be on the South-east side of the Iland; and when wee were comming, and almost at the North-east point, we saw nine men; presently I knew them to bee the men of Hull. Along I came to the East side, where we tooke in drift wood,* 2.243 and a broad stone to make a fire vpon in our Boat. While wee were there, wee espied our ship vnder her Fore-topsayle, and her Misen. [ 40] We made all the haste we could, and came to the Coue, where wee made our voyage the Summer last past. There likewise I set vp a Pike, with a white cloth vpon it,* 2.244 and a letter signifying our possession for the right worshipfull Company trading to Moscouie. When I had done, I espied the Hull mans Boat rowing into the Coue, and a Tent set vp in the bottom of the Bay. I went thither, and told him we had taken possession there, the eight of May last. He answered, That if the beasts came on shoare, he would kill them if he could; and that there were as good men which ventured in that Ship, as the Company. I told him he durst not answer these words in England, and so departed and got some Fowle. About a South-west Sunne wee stood toward our Ship, hauing the wind at West South-west, and the Ship bearing from vs South-east about foure leagues. I had not sailed ten miles, but the Ice was so close and firme, that I could not get aboord, nor backe againe; for it closed with such force, that it made the Shallops sides cracke, as though [ 50] they would haue met together. Wee laboured very sore to saue our Boat, because it did concerne our liues, and got her into a place where shee lay betweene two pieces of Ice. After this sort we draue with the Ice till we had lost sight of our Ship, which was about a North sun; and still wee draue, being not able otherwise to moue till we were aboue eight leagues from the Iland.

The sixteenth day, at an East South-east Sun, the Ice began to open. Then, although my Com∣pany were in despaire, and said it was impossible to get out, to worke wee went, and by cutting off Ice, and remouing of it one piece from another, we made way through toward the Land. The neerer to the Land wee got, wee found the more open Sea; and by a North Sunne wee got on shoare. After wee had giuen God thankes for our deliuerance out of such extreame danger, wee [ 60] eate some Fowle and Beares flesh, which wee sod vnder a Cliffe.* 2.245 There wee found nine young Foxes, and killed the old one. There also we slept vpon the cold Sand, which was not past three inches thicke, and vnderneath Ice; and staied here till a South-east Sunne the seuenteenth day.

The seuenteenth, we went from this place to the Coue, where we found the Hull mans Boat. I made a tilt of the Shallops sayle, and sod some Beares flesh and Fowle; and stayed about the

Coue all that day. And vpon an Iland, commonly called Gull-Iland, I found three Mynes of Lead Vre:* 2.246 but hauing no fit tooles to breake the Rocks, and also because it was in the view of the Hull mans Tent, I was forced to let it rest, till the Ships could get into the Coue.

The eighteenth day, wee went to the North side of the Iland, and in our way wee found good Sea-coales to burne:* 2.247 some wee tooke with vs to try them, and found them good. And on the North side I slew two Beares. Then wee shared the bread that was left; and wee had but two cakes to a man: for some of my Company while I was asleepe, or killing of the Beares, had broken open the chest wherein the bread was, and had conueyed some away. Our beere was spent before this time, and we were faine to drinke snow water.

The nineteenth, wee went to the Coue, the wind being Westerly, to see if wee could espy our Ship; but wee could not, neither could shee come neere the Iland for Ice; for all the Sea, as farre [ 10] as I could see from the top of an high Hill was couered with Ice,* 2.248 sauing that within a quarter of a mile off the shoare, it was cleere round about once in a tyde.

* 2.249The twentieth day, I went to the North side againe, and slew a Beare. Thus wee spent the time, sometimes on one side, sometimes on the other, neuer staying aboue one day in one place till the Ship came in; vvhich vvas the seuen and twentieth of Iune, on vvhich day I slew ano∣ther Beare.* 2.250 I slew seuen in all, vvhose flesh vve eate full sauerly, forgetting the oyly ranknesse of it; for hunger is a sauourie sawce.

* 2.251The seuen and twentieth, our ship came to an anchor on the North side, where we then were; assoone as vve saw her, we needed no bidding to go aboord. When we were come to the ship side, they bad vs vvelcome: but vvhereas vve thought to haue releeued our selues, vvee found it farre [ 20] otherwise; because the Ship had a knocke vvith a piece of Ice in the Sterne, vvhich brake in the corner of a Planke vnder the vvater, so that our bread-roome vvas full of vvater, and all our bread spoyled, sauing about one hundred vveight: vvhich vvas but a small quantitie for three and forty men.* 2.252 This day a Ship called the Matthew came to an anchor by vs. Then Master Welden and I vvent on shoare, vvhere vve found one Iohn Skinner, Masters mate of the Matthew, vvith eleuen men by him. We set vp our Tent, and told him there vvas no voyage for him to make: but our necessitie vvas such, that vve vvere faine to take foure hundred of bread of them, vpon some con∣dition, vvhich I vvill not speake of here. The same day vvee thought to haue taken a Copper aboord, vvhich I digged out of the snow; but by negligence it vvas let fall into the Sea, yet af∣terward taken vp againe and carried aboord.* 2.253 The same day, another Ship called the Mary Mar∣garite [ 30] came into the said Coue on the South side.

The eighteenth, I vvent to the Coue vvith the Shallop and sixe men, vvhere I found the Marie Margarite; there passed no great kindnesse betweene them and me. I slew three Morses there, two vvere lost, the others head I brought aboord. The next day I came aboord our Ship, and vve rid on that side, looking still vvhen any beasts vvould come on shoare, till the second of Iuly.* 2.254 Then vve vveighed, and stood to the East side of the Iland; because the vvind vvas at West North-west, and great store of Ice came from those parts. We had not rid one houre to an end, but vve saw a Skiffe comming towards vs.* 2.255 In this Skiffe vvas one Iosias Logan, and Thomas Edge, Factors in the Paul for the vvorshipfull Company. They told vs that the Paul vvas in the Coue, and the ship of Hull. They vvent aboord againe, and vvhen the tyde vvas spent, vve weighed and [ 40] thought to haue anchored neere the Coue; but the vvind vvas so far Easterly, that vve could not: so vvee vvent to the Wester side,* 2.256 and ridde there till the fourth day, vvhere vve got Fowle; for in all the time of our being about the Iland, and in the Ice, they vvere our chiefest food.

The fourth, vve vveighed and vvent to the North side; vvhere vve vvere troubled vvith much Ice: The vvind vvas at West and by North, vvhich brought the Ice vvhole vpon vs; so that we vvere forced to vveigh againe.

* 2.257The sixth, vve came into the Coue; vvhere Master Welden slew a Beare. The eight day, he slew another Beare; and the same day I vvent to the North side, vvith the Shallop and victuals for the men vvhich kept on that side.* 2.258 I stayed there till the fourteenth of Iuly: on vvhich day vve had the vvind Northerly, vvith snow and frost, and the Iland enuironed round with Ice. In [ 50] this time the Ships Company on the South side did digge some Minerall Lead.* 2.259 And vve caught aboue twentie Foxes, vvhich vve did eat as sauerly as if they had beene Venison.

The fifteenth day, by a North-east Sunne vve came aboord the Ship, vvhich lay in the Coue, vvith our Shallop and all our prouision that vvas on the North side. And the Lionesse prepared to goe to Saint Nicolas in Russia, as it was appointed before in London.

The sixteenth, the wind being North-east brought such store of Ice to the Iland, that it vvas compassed round close to the shoare; and filled the Coue so full, that by no meanes possible the Ships could get out, but ridde still shut in for fiue dayes.

The seuenteenth, the Ice began to open at the mouth of the Coue, and some were willing to goe out with their Ships; but couetousnesse had like to haue brought vs all to great misery: for [ 60] each man striuing to ride longest in the Coue, supposing that there the Morses would come first on shoare,* 2.260 they found it cleane contrary; for the wind came Southerly, and blew all the Ice from this side of the Iland, saue that which was in the Coue: which pressed so sore vpon our

Ships, that our Anchors could not hold vs. For the Matthew was put from three Anchors, and droue with that small tyde, that runneth there within her length of a sunken Rocke: but a great piece of Ice on ground vpon the Rocke did keepe her from it. And when the floud came a∣gaine, she was driuen within halfe her length of the Rockes; so that they were glad to get most of their victuals out of her vpon the Rockes, looking each minute when she should split in sun∣der. And though the rest of the ships did not driue as she did, yet they had many a sore stroke with the Ice. For the Southerly wind caused a hollow Sea to come in; so that our ships strooke with such force against the Ice, that wee could hardly stand on our feete in them. Then each man layed to his hand to saue his ship, by putting Plancks and old Cables ends, and bundels of [ 10] Hoops betweene their ships and the Ice. But they were beaten all to pieces presently. Then we put pieces of Elme Plancke betweene the bowes of the Paul, in which ship I was: Immediate∣ly, they also were beaten into small pieces, although they were aboue foure inches thicke. With the stroke that brake the Plancke, the Carpenter said, the ships side did cracke, and two timbers were broken. Then presently wee also got out of the ship most of our victuals, and carried it to the shoare. There might you see a sorrowfull spectacle. For all the ships, being fiue in number, were so fast in the Ice, that all the men that were in them all, which were one hundred eightie two, could not imagine how to saue one. Among the rest, we made account that the Matthew would sinke, ere long: because the Ice had broken nine timbers on one side, and eleuen on the other; so that the Greene Sea did come into the ship: and her mayne beame was broken at that [ 20] instant likewise. In this sort we continued till the twentieth day following; when we looked still to bee put on the Cliffes with the force of the Ice, that pressed vpon our ships so sore, that our Anchors could not possibly hold.

Vpon the twentieth day, it pleased God to bring the wind Westerly, then the Ice began to open, and to driue out of the Coue by little and little, to our great comforts. But that Ice that did not get cleane out, came backe againe, and ranne round in a Circle; so that wee had a conti∣nual labor to defend the ships from it. Whereupon we made meanes to get out by long l 2.261 Warps, as wee terme them. Wee were faine to let slip one Cable, and the Lionesse one. The Matthew had but one Cable and Anchor; but they borrowed one of vs. By a North-west Sunne, all the ships got out of the Ice to the Coues mouth; where we stayed for the ebbe. When the ebbe [ 30] was come, the Lionesse departed on her Voyage to Saint Nicholas in Russia. And presently the Matthew, and the Mary Margarite set saile and got out. Then wee in the Paul set sayle, and before our Anchor was vp, it got hold vpon one of Matthewes Cables, that shee lost, when shee droue out, and brought vs vp to a m 2.262 Bitter, so that wee were very neere the Rockes: but wee got off againe, and ride there till a North-west Sunne the next day.

The one and twentieth day, we weighed and stood to the East side of the Iland, where wee found the Mary Margarite, which had lost her Boat. Streight way we sayled to the North side, where we anchored and rid till a North Sunne.

The two and twentieth day, it cleered vp of a fogge, which had continued since the time of our comming out of the Coue. And wee thought it best to fetch the victuals aboord, [ 40] which we carried on shoare when the ship was like to be split with Ice.

Then Iosias Logan and I tooke seuen men more with vs, and came to the Coue on the South side: where wee found abundance of Morses lying on the Ice, that was in the Coue. I slue one of them, and tooke off his head: we could not get to the shoare where our victuals lay, but we made a fire vnder a Cliffe in the same Coue.

The three and twentieth day, wee got to our victuals, and Iosias went with it to our shippe: but I tarried at the Coue, hoping that the beasts would come on Land when the Ice was gone; as they did afterward. There I tarried till the fiue and twentieth of Iuly; at what time Iosias Logan came to mee with the Shallop, and a Skiffe loden with Caske and other prouision; and told mee, that they had slaine fiue or sixe hundred Morses on the North side.

Hee tarried with mee till the seuen and twentieth of Iuly: now seeing no beastes [ 50] did come on Land, because the Ice did hang about the Coue, he went to the North side againe: but the same day after he was gone, they began to come on Land.

The next day following, being the eight and twentieth, wee slue about eightie, and tooke their Blubber and Teeth. Then they began to come on shoare againe the thirtieth day: at what time Master Bonner was come into the Coue to seeke his Anchors. Then his men came on shoare, and we slue about one hundred and fiftie beast more. But there rose a storme at South-east, that brought in such a surge, that it washed aboue sixtie beasts into the Sea; so that most of them were lost.

The next day being the last of Iuly, Master Welden and Master Iones came to the Coue with about twelue men, being all very wearie. For they had left the Shallop in a Coue on the North-west [ 60] side of the Iland, and came ouer Land. Then to worke wee went on all hands, and placed our Coppers. And by the fift day of August we had ended our businesse; and the ship came from the North side into the Coue.

* 2.263The sixt of August, I tooke the Skiffe and seuen men to fetch the Shallop to the Coue, that Master Welden had left in a Coue, on the North-west side of the Iland, the last of Iuly. When I came to the place, considering I was neere the North side, where we commonly make our Voy∣age,* 2.264 and also desired by Master Welden, if I could goe, to doe so, I went thither, and found about fiue and fortie as good headed beasts for Teeth, as euer I saw. Wee had no more Launces to kill th••m with all, but two, I tooke one, and a lustie fellow that was our Cooper had the other: we had not killed past ten but his Lance brake. Then I slue all the rest in lesse then two houres; and wee tooke their Teeth; and the next day by a West Sunne wee came aboord the Paul with them.

The eight day, wee got the Southermost Point of the Iland: where wee rid all that day. [ 10] Their Skiffe from their long Boats sterne, and we manned our Boat to fetch her againe: but then rose such a fogge, that we had like to haue lost both our Boats and men; but they got to the ship againe with much adoe.

The ninth day, it was calme; but wee had such a fogge, that wee could not see two Cables length from the ship. And about eight of the Clocke at night, wee lost our Skiffe altogether.

The tenth day, we had a little Wind at North-west and by West. Then seeing no amend∣ment of the weather, wee left the ship of Hull behind vs in the Iland, and about sixe of the Clocke set sayle for England, and arriued safely at London the last of August, 1609. Blessed bee God. [ 20]

A Voyage performed to the Northwards, Anno 1603. in a ship of the burthen of fif∣tie tunnes, called the Grace, and set forth at the cost and charges of the Wor∣shipfull FRANCIS CHERIE. Written by WILLIAM GORDEN; being the first Voyage to Cherie Iland; which came to my hands since the former (or rather later Voyages) were in the Presse. [ 30]

THe ship being readie the tenth of Aprill, whereof was Master Stephen Bennet, and for Factor and Ouer-seer William Gorden, our Directions from the said Merchant, were first to proceed to Cola, and there to make sale of such goods as we had, and to take in such other as the Countrey of Lappia did affoord, and then to proceed vpon some Discouerie. Wherefore omitting our Iourney to Cola, as a matter of small importance, being so well knowne before, after our Affaires ended, we were readie to proceed forward. But our men not being hired thereunto would haue refused, if there had not beene made an agreement by meanes of Iosias Logan, who was to lye there as Factor for Master Cherie, the Master and my selfe, partly with promises, partly with gifts. And thus setting forward the sixt of August, [ 40] from the Riuer of Cola, being determined to haue sayled into 80. degrees of latitude, if nothing did hinder vs;* 2.265 or if we did not light vpon some land: our determination was hindered by meanes of meeting with an Iland, and likewise the yeere being farre spent, keeping our course from the West end of Kilden, to the Ilands of Ward-house, which wee passed the tenth of August with little wind; then directing our course North North-west, the wind at South-west easie wind, so that the eleuenth day we did reckon our selues to haue sayled twentie leagues North-west. The twelfth day, it was most part calme and foggie. The thirteenth day, it was cleere, and the wind at South, and we had sayled twentie two leagues North North-west. The fourteenth day, the wind at East, we kept our course and sayled ten leagues, and the same day being thicke and fog∣gie, we had thought wee had seene Land about foure of the clocke in the after-noone, bearing [ 50] from vs West North-west, and North-west by West, but sayling towards it three houres, kee∣ping still his forme, and not altering till the wind increasing, caused it to fade away (for it was no other then a banke of fogges) after we had sayled three leagues changing our course, we say∣led then fifteene dayes twentie leagues, North-west and by North, still hauing close weather, that we could not make any obseruation. The sixteenth day in the morning, at two of the clock, we did see two great high Hils, which did seeme to vs aboue the Clouds, and did seeme very neere, but we found it otherwise for sayling towards it, we found it further then we did expect, for it was sixe of the clocke at night before wee could come neere vnto the Land, where wee an∣chored in thirtie fathomes. In which time we could not sayle lesse then eighteene leagues North and by West. That night our Master knowing, better what did belong vnto those Affaires, [ 60] would not suffer the Boat to goe aland till the morning: which was the seuenteenth day of Au∣gust, and before our going aland, the Master caused a shanke of Lines to bee shot for, to toy for fish, and then he and my selfe with foure of our Company went aland. First, vpon a little Iland meere adjoyning, where we had much adoe to get to our Boat againe, by reason of the steepnes

of the Rockes: then we went on shoare vpon the Mayne, where at our comming on Land, wee did see two Foxes, one White, the other Blacke. Thus spending most part of the day, wee re∣turned aboord our ship without any profit: only one of our men tooke vp a piece of Lead, and I found a piece of a Morses Tooth, by which we perceiued that the Sea Morses did vse thither, but the time for that yeere was past, for we did see none. After our comming aboord, hauing ha∣led the Line, we found nothing but one but fish thereon, wherefore presently weighing Anchor, we sayled West to see if we could haue any true obseruation, the next day which wee had, and found our selues to bee in 74. degrees 30. minutes. The same day directing our course for London, where we arriued the tenth of September, by Gods helpe, in health and safetie.

[ 10]

CHAP. XIIII. Diuers Voyages and Northerne Discoueries of that worthy irrecouerable Discouerer Master HENRY HVDSON. His Discouerie toward the North Pole, set forth at the charge of certaine Worshipfull Merchants of London, in May 1607. Written partly by IOHN PLAYSE one of the Company, and partly by H. [ 20] HVDSON.

ANno 1607. Aprill the nineteenth, at Saint Ethelburge in Bishops Gate street, did communicate with the rest of the Parishioners these persons Seamen, purposing to goe to sea foure dayes after, for to discouer a Passage by the North Pole to Ia∣pan and China. First, Henry Hudson Master. Secondly, William Colines his Mate. Thirdly, Iames Young. Fourthly, Iohn Colman. Fiftly, Iohn Cooke. Sixtly, Iames Benbery. Seuenthly, Iames Skrutton. Eightly, Iohn Pleyce. Ninthly, Thomas Baxter. Tenthly, Richard Day. Eleuenthly, Iames Knight. Twelfthly, Iohn Hudson a Boy.

The first of May 1607. we weyed Anchor at Graues••nd, and on Tuesday the sixe and twen∣tieth day in the morning, we made the Iles of Shotland,* 2.266 and at noone we were in 60. degrees 12. [ 30] minutes, and sixe leagues to the Eastward of them: the Compasse had no variation. We had six∣tie foure fathomes at our sounding, blacke, ozie, sandie, with some yellow shels. Our ship made more way then we did suppose. On Saturday the thirtieth of May, by our obseruation we were in 61. degrees 11. minutes, This day I found the Needle to incline 79. degrees vnder the Ho∣rizon. For foure dayes space we made very little way by contrary winds.

On Thursday the fourth of Iune, we were by our obseruation still in 61. degrees and 14. mi∣nutes, eight and twentie or thirtie leagues from the Norther part of Shotland: the Land bea∣ring by our Accompt East and by North off vs, I found variation in fiue degrees Westerly.

The seuenth of Iune, wee were in 63. degrees 25. minutes. The eighth,* 2.267 all the fore-noone we had a fresh gale Southerly; we steered away North and by West, and by obseruation we were [ 40] in 65. degrees 27. minutes.

The eleuenth, wee saw sixe or seuen Whales neere our shippe: wee were in sixtie seuen de∣grees thirtie minutes. About fiue of the clocke, the winde came vp at North-east and by East; wee steered away North North-west with a fresh gale all the night at East. The twelfth, the winde was at East North-east, a stiffe gale, wee steered away as afore, and accounted wee had runne by this day noone thirtie leagues. In the after-noone wee steered away North and by West fifteene leagues, all the night prooued a great fogge with much wind.

The thirteenth, betweene one and two in the morning, we saw some Land on head of vs, and some Ice: and it being a thicke fogge, we steered away Northerly, and hauing much wind wee stood away South and by East, sixe or eight leagues. Our sayle and shroudes did freeze. At eight [ 50] in the morning it cleered vp, the wind being at North-east and by East, with much wind wee were hardly able to maintayne a sayle. This was a very high Land, most part couered with Snow. The neather part was vncouered. At the top it looked reddish, and vnderneath a blackish Clay, with much Ice lying about it. The part which we saw when wee cast about, trended East and West: And the Norther part which we saw, trended North-east and by North, and North-east: and the length which wee saw was nine leagues; wee saw much Fowle. Also wee saw a Whale close by the shoare. We called the Head-land which we saw, Youngs Cape; and neere it standeth a very high Mount like a round Castle, which wee called, the Mount of Gods Mercie.* 2.268 All the after-noone, and all the Eeuening it rained. At eight in the Eeuening we cast about, and [ 60] steered all night North and by West, and sometimes North North-west.

The fourteenth, being neere the Land we had Snow. At foure in the morning, the wind ve∣ring Northerly, we cast about and stood South-east and by South. This day wee had much wind and raine, we shorted sayle being neere the Land. The fifteenth, in the morning it blowed so much wind at North-east, that wee were not able to maintayne any sayle, wee then strooke a

hull, and let our ship driue, wayting for a fit••er wind; this night was very much raine. The six∣teenth, was much wind at North-east. The seuenteenth, we set sayle at noone, we steered away East and by South, and East South-east. The eighteenth, in the afternoone a fine gale South-east, which toward the Eeuening increased, and we steered North-east three Watches, twelue leagues. The nineteenth we steered away North North-east sixteene leagues. At noone wee had raine with fogge. From twelue to foure we steered North North-east eight leagues, and did account our selues in seuentie degrees neerest hand: purposing to see whether the Land which we made the thirteenth day, were an Iland or part of Groneland. But then the fogge increased very thicke with much wind at South, which made vs alter our course, and to shorten our sayle, and we steered away North-east. Being then as we supposed, in the Meridian of the same land, [ 10] hauing no obseruation since the eleuenth day, and lying a hull from the fifteenth to the seuen∣teenth day, wee perceiued a current setting to the South-west. This day wee saw three Whales neere our ship, and hauing steered away North-east almost one watch, fiue leagues, the Sea was growne euery way: we supposed wee were thwart of the North-east part of that Land which we made the thirteenth day, and the current setting to wind-ward. The reason that mooued vs to thinke so; was, that after we had sayled fiue or sixe leagues in this Sea, the wind neither in∣creasing nor dulling, we had a pleasant and smooth Sea. All this night was foggie with a good gale of wind, we steered away North-east vntill the next day at noone, and sayled in that course twentie leagues.

The twentieth, all the morning was a thicke fogge with the winde at South: wee steered [ 20] North-east till noone. Then we changed our course, and steered away North North-east, hoping for an open Sea in our course to fall with the bodie of Newland. This day at two in the after∣noone it cleered vp,* 2.269 and wee saw the Sunne, which wee had not seene since the second of this moneth. Hauing steered North North-east, two watches and an halfe, fifteene or sixteene leagues wee saw Land on our Larboord, about foure leagues off vs, trending as wee could ghesse North-east and South-west. We steered away East North-east, the wind at South a good gale, but reasonable cleere:* 2.270 wee saw many Birds with blacke backes, and white bellies in forme much like a Ducke: we saw also many pieces of Ice driuing at the Sea. We * 2.271 loofed for one and went roomer for another. And this morning about foure, a thicke fogge we saw a head of vs.

The one and twentieth, in the morning we steered North-east, and East North-east two wat∣ches, [ 30] fiue or sixe leagues. Then it grew thicke fogge. And we cast about, and steered North-east and East North-east two watches, sixe leagues, finding wee were embayed. The wind came at East South-east a little gale: we * 2.272 tacked about and lay South. All this night was a thicke fog with little wind, East we lay with the stemme.

The two and twentieth, in the morning it cleered vp, being calme about two or three of the clocke: after we had a prettie gale, and we steered away East and by North three leagues. Our obseruation was in 72. degrees 38. minutes, and changing our course, we steered North-east, the wind at South-east a prettie gale.* 2.273 This morning when it cleered vp, we saw the Land, trending neere hand East North-east, and West South-west, esteeming our selues from it twelue leagues. It was a mayne high Land, nothing at all couered with snow: and the North part of that [ 40] mayne high Land was very high Mountaynes, but we could see no snow on them. We accounted by our obseruation the part of the mayne Land, lay neerest hand in 73. degrees. The many fogs and calmes with contrary winds, and much Ice neere the shoare, held vs from farther Discouery of it. It may bee objected against vs as a fault, for haling so Westerly a course. The chiefe cause that moued vs thereunto, was our desire to see that part of Groneland, which (for ought that we know) was to any Christian vnknowne: and wee thought it might as well haue beene open Sea as Land, and by that meanes our passage should haue beene the larger to the Pole: and the hope of hauing a Westerly wind, which would be to vs a landerly wind if wee found Land. And considering wee found Land contrarie to that which our Cards make mention of; we accounted our labour so much the more worth. And for ought that wee could see, it is like to bee a good [ 50] Land, and worth the seeing.

On the one and twentieth day, in the morning while we steered our course North North-east, we thought we had embayed our selues, finding Land on our Larboord, and Ice vpon it, and ma∣ny great pieces of Drift Ice: we steered away North-east, with diligent looking out euery cleere for Land, hauing a desire to know whether it would leaue vs to the East, both to know the bredth of the Sea, and also to shape a more Northerly course. And considering wee knew no name giuen to this Land, wee thought good to name it, Hold with hope, lying in 73. degrees of latitude.

The Sunne was on the Meridian on the South part of the Compasse, neerest hand. Heere is to bee noted that when we made The Mount of Gods Mercie,* 2.274 and Youngs Cape, the Land was [ 60] couered with snow for the most part, and extreame cold, when wee approached neere it: But this Land was very temperate to our feeling. And this likewise is to be noted, that being two dayes without obseruation; notwithstanding, our lying a hull by reason of much contrary wind, yet our obseruation and dead reckoning were within eight leagues together, our shippe beeing

before vs eight leagues. This night vntill next morning prooued little Winde.

The three and twentieth, in the morning we had an hard gale on head of vs, with much rayne that fell in very great drops, much like our Thunder showers in England; wee tacked about and stood East-Northerly with a short sayle, to our feeling it was not so cold as before we had it. It was calme from noone to three of the clocke with fogge. After the winde came vp at East and East South-east, we steered away North-east with the fogge and rayne. About seuen or eight of the clocke, the winde increased with extreame fogge, wee steered away with short sayle East North-east, and sometimes East and by North. About twelue at mid-night, the wind came vp at South-west, we steered away North, being reasonable cleere weather.

The foure and twentieth, in the morning about two of the clocke, the Masters mate thought [ 10] he saw Land on the Larboord, trending North North-west Westerly,* 2.275 and the longer we ranne North, the more it fell away to the West, and did thinke it to bee a mayne high Land. This day the wind being Westerly, we steered away North, and by obseruation wee were in 73. degrees nearest hand. At noone we changed our course, and steered away North and by East, and at our last obseruation, and also at this, we found the Meridian all Leeward on the South and by West, Westerly part of the Compasse, when we had sayled two Watches eight leagues.

The fiue and twentieth, the wind scanted and came vp at North North-west, we lay North-east two Watches 8. leagues. After the wind became variable betweene the North-east and the North, we steered away East and by North, and sometimes East, we had thicke fogge. A∣bout noone three Granpasses played about our shippe. This After-noone the wind vered to the [ 20] East and South-east, we haled away North and by East. This night was close weather, but small fogge (we vse the word Night for distinction of time, but long before this the Sunne was alway aboue the Horizon, but as yet we could neuer see him vpon the Meridian North.) This Night being by our accompt in the Latitude of 75. degrees, we saw small flockes of Birds, with blacke Backes and white Bellies, and long speare Tayles.* 2.276 We supposed that Land was not farre off, but we could not discrie any, with all the diligence which we could vse, being so close wea∣ther, that many times we could not see sixe or seuen leagues off.

The sixe and twentieth, in the morning was close weather, we had our wind and held our course as afore. This day, our obseruation was 76. degrees 38. minutes,* 2.277 and we had Birds of the same sort as afore, and diuers other of that colour, hauing red Heads; that we saw when we first [ 30] made the Mount of Gods Mercy in Greenland, but not so many. After we steered away North and by East: two VVatches 10. leagues, with purpose to fall with the Souther part of Newland, ac∣counting our selues 10. or 12. leagues from the Land. Then wee stood away North-east one VVatch fiue leagues.

The seuen and twentieth, about one or two of the clocke in the morning we made Newland,* 2.278 being cleere weather on the Sea; but the Land was couered with fogge, the Ice lying very thick all along the shoare for 15. or 16. leagues which we saw. Hauing faire wind wee coasted it in a very pleasing smooth sea, and had no ground at an hundred fathoms, foure leagues from the shoare. This day at noone, wee accounted we were in 78. degrees, and we stood along the shoare. This [ 40] day was so foggie, that we were hardly able to see the Land many times,* 2.279 but by our account we were neare Vogel Hooke. About eight of the clocke this Eeuening, we purposed to shape our course from thence North-west. Heere is to bee noted,* 2.280 that although we ranne along neere the shoare, we found no great cold, which made vs thinke, that if we had beene on shoare the place is temperate. Holding this North-west course, about ten of the clocke at night,* 2.281 we saw great store of Ice on head off vs, bearing Wester off vs; which we could not goe cleere off with the foresayd course. Then we tact about, and stood away betweene the South and the South-east, as much desirous to leaue this Land as we were to see it.

The eight and twentieth, was a hard gale of wind all the fore-noone betweene the South and the South-west. We shaped our course, we did it to bee farther from the Ice and Land. It pleased God that about twelue of the clocke this night it cleered vp, and [ 50] we found that we were betweene the Land and the Ice; Vogel Hooke then bearing nearest hand East off vs. Then we tacked about, and stood in for the shoare, hauing Sea-roome between the Ice and the Land. The nine and twentieth, at foure in the morning the wind at North-east, a pretie gale, we thought best to shorten our way, so we tacked about and stood North North-west, the wind a little increasing. About twelue at noone, we saw Ice a head off vs; we cast about again, and stood away East South-east with very much wind, so that we shortned our sayles for the space of two Watches. Then about eight this Eeuening, we strucke a Hull, and it proued the hardest storme that we had in this Voyage. The thirtieth, in the morning was stormie; about noone it ceased, at seuen in the Eeuening it proued almost calme.

[ 60] The first of Iuly, all the fore-noone the wind was at South-east, we stood North-east for the shoare, hoping to finde an open Sea betweene the shoare and the Ice. About noone wee were embayed with Ice, lying betweene the Land and vs.* 2.282 By our obseruation we were in 78. degrees 42. minutes, whereby we accounted we were thwart of The great Indraught.* 2.283 And to free our selues of the Ice, we steered betweene the South-east and South, and to the Westward, as

we could haue sea; And about six, this Eeuening it pleased God to giue vs cleere weather; and we found we were shot farre into the Inlet,* 2.284 being almost a Bay, and enuironed with very high Moun∣taynes, with low Land lying betweene them; wee had no ground in this Bay at an hundred fa∣thoms. Then being sure where we were, we steered away West, the wind at South-east and calme, and found all our Ice on the Norther shoare, and a cleare Sea to the Southward.

The second, it pleased God to giue vs the wind at North-east, a faire gale, with cleere wea∣ther, the Ice being to the Northward off vs, and the weather shoare, and an open Sea to the South-wards vnder our Lee. We held on our course North-west till twelue of the clocke; hauing say∣led in that course 10. leagues, and finding the Ice to fall from vs to the, we gaue thankes to God, who maruellously preserued vs from so many dangers, amongst so huge a quan∣titie [ 10] of Ice and Fogge. We steered away North-west, hoping to be free from Ice, we had ob∣seruation 78. degrees 56. minutes,* 2.285 we fell with Ice againe, and trended it as it lay betweene the West and South South-east. The third, we had obseruation 78. degrees 33. minutes. This day wee had our shrouds frozen, it was searching cold, we also trended the Ice, not knowing whe∣ther we were cleare or not, the wind being at North.

* 2.286The fourth, was very cold, and our shroudes and sayles frozen, we found we were farre in the Inlet. The wind being at North, we beare vp and stood South South-east, and South and South-west by West till ten this night. The fift, was very much wind at North Easterly: at twelue we strooke a Hull, hauing brought our selues neare the mouth of the Inlet.

The sixth, in the morning the wind was as before, and the Sea growne. This morning we came into a very Greene Sea, we had our obseruation 77. degrees 30. minutes. This after-noone [ 20] the wind and Sea asswaged. About foure of the clocke we set sayle, and steered North-west and by West, the wind being at North North-east. This day proued the clearest day we had long before. The seuenth, at foure in the morning was very cleare weather, and the fairest Morning that we saw in three weekes before,* 2.287 we steered as afore, being by our account in 78. degrees nea∣rest hand, and out of the Sacke. We found we were compassed in with Land and Ice, and were againe entred into a Blacke Sea, which by proofe we found to be an open passage. Now hauing the wind at North North-east, we steered away South & by East, with purpose to fall with the Southermost part of this Land: which we saw, hoping by this meane, either to defray the charge of the Voyage, or else, if it pleased God in time to giue vs a faire wind to the North-east, to sa∣tisfie expectation. All this day and night afterward proued calme. [ 30]

* 2.288The eight, all the fore-noone proued calme, and very thicke fogge. This morning we saw ma∣ny peeces of Drift-wood driue by vs, we heaued out our Boate to stop a leake, and mended our riggings.* 2.289 This day wee saw many Seales, and two Fishes which we iudged to bee Sea-horses, or Morses. At twelue, this night we had the winde at East and by South, wee stood away North-east.

The ninth, all the fore-noone was little wind at South-east, with thicke fogge. This day we were in amongst Ilands of Ice, where we saw many Seales.

The tenth, in the morning was foggie, afterward it proued cleere, we found we were compas∣sed with Ice euery way about vs; wee tacked about, and stood South and by West, and South [ 40] South-west one Watch fiue leagues, hoping to get more Sea-roome, and to stand for the North-east, we had the wind at North-west.

* 2.290The eleuenth, very cleere weather, with the winde at South South-east, we were come out of the Blue Sea into our Greene Sea againe, where we saw Whales. Now hauing a fresh gale of wind at South South-east, it behooued mee to change my course, and to sayle to the North-east, by the Souther end of Newland. But being come into a Greene Sea, praying God to direct mee, I steered away North ten leagues. After that, we saw Ice on our Larboord, we steered away East and by North three leagues, and left the Ice behind vs. Then we steered away North till noone. This day wee had the Sunne on the Meridian South and by West, Westerly, his greatest height was 37. degrees 20. minutes.* 2.291 By this obseruation we were in 79. degrees 17. minutes, we had a fresh gale of wind and a smooth sea, by meanes whereof our ship had out-runne vs. At ten this [ 50] Eeuening cleere weather, and then we had the company of our troublesome neighbours Ice with fogge. The wind was at South South-west. Heere we saw plentie of Seales, and we supposed Beares had beene heere, by their footing and dung vpon the Ice. This day, many of my Compa∣nie were sicke with eating of Beares flesh the day before vnsalted.* 2.292

The twelfth, for the most part was thicke fogge, we steered betweene South and by East, and South South-east 2. 1/••. leagues, to cleere vs of the Ice. Then we had the wind at South, we stee∣red till noone North-east fiue leagues. This morning we had our shrouds frozen. At noone by our accompt we were in 80. degrees, being little wind at West South-west, almost calme with thicke fogge.* 2.293 This after-noone we steered away North, and sometimes North-east. Then we saw Ice a head off vs, we cast about and stood South-east, with little wind and fogge. Before we [ 60] cast about by meanes of the thicke fogge, we were very neere Ice, being calme, and the Sea setting on to the Ice, which was very dangerous. It pleased God at the very instant to giue vs a small gale, which was the meanes of our deliuerance, to him be praise therefore. At twelue this night,

it cleered vp, and out of the top William Collins our Boat-swaine saw the Land, called Newland by the Hollanders, bearing South South-west twelue leagues from vs.* 2.294

The thirteenth, in the Morning the wind at South and by East, a good gale, we cast about and stood North-east and by East, and by obseruation we were in 80. degrees 23. minutes. This day we saw many Whales. This fore-noone proued cleere weather, and we could not see any signe of Ice out of the top. Betweene noone and three of the clocke, we steered away North-east and by East fiue leagues, then we saw Ice on head off vs, we steered East two Glasses one league, and could not be cleare of the Ice with that course. Then we steered away South-east two leagues ½. after we sayled East and by North, and East foure leagues; till eight the next morning.

The foureteenth, in the morning was calme with fogge. At nine the wind at East, a small [ 10] gale with thicke fogge, we steered South-east and by East, and running this course we found our Greene Sea againe, which by proofe we found to be freest from Ice; and our Azure Blue Sea to be our Icie Sea. At this time we had more Birds then we vsually found. At noone being a thicke fogge, we found our selues neere Land, bearing East off vs; and running farther we found a Bay open to the West and by North Northerly, the bottome and sides thereof being to our sight very high and ragged Land. The Norther side of this Bayes mouth being high land, is a small Iland, the which we called Collins Cape, by the name of our Boat-swaine, who first saw it. In this Bay we saw many Whales, and one of our company hauing a Hooke and Line ouer-boord to trie for Fish, a Whale came vnder the Keele of our ship, and made her held, yet by Gods mer∣cie we had no harme, but the losse of the hooke and three parts of the line. At a South-west [ 20] Sunne from the North-west and by North, a flood set into the Bay. At the mouth of this Bay we had sounding thirtie fathoms, and after sixe and twentie fathoms, but being farther in, we had no ground at an hundred fathoms, and therefore judged it rather a Sound then a Bay. Be∣tweene this high ragged, in the swampes and vallies lay much snow. Heere wee found it hot. On the Souther side of this Bay, lye three or foure small Ilands or Rockes.

In the bottome of this Bay, Iohn Colman my Mate, and William Collins my Boat-swaine, with two others of our company went on shoare, and there they found and brought aboord,* 2.295 a payre of Morses teeth in the jaw, they likewise found Whales bones, and some dosen or more of Deeres Hornes, they saw the footings of Beasts of other sorts, they also saw Rote-geese, they saw much drift Wood on the shoare, and found a streame or two of Fresh water. Here they found it hot on [ 30] the shoare, and dranke water to coole their thirst, which they also commended. Here we found the want of a better Ship-boate. As they certified me, they were not on the shoare past halfe an houre, and among other things brought aboord a Stone of the Countrey. When they went from vs it was calme, but presently after we had a gale of wind at North-east, which came with the Flood with fogge. We plyed too and againe in the Bay waiting their comming; but after they came aboord we had the wind at East and by South a fine gale, we minding our Voyage, and the time to performe it, steered away North-east, and North North-east. This night proued cleere, and we had the Sunne on the Meridian, on the North and by East part of the Compasse, from the vpper edge of the Horizon with the Crosse-staffe, we found his height 10. degrees 40. minutes,* 2.296 [ 40] without allowing any thing for the Semidiameter of the Sunne, or the distance of the end of the staffe from the Center in the Eye. From a North Sunne to an East Sunne, we sayled betweene North and North North-east, eight leagues.

The fifteenth, in the morning was very cleere vveather, the Sunne shining vvarme, but little vvind at East Southerly. By a South-east Sunne vve had brought Collins Cape to beare off vs South-east, and we saw the high Land of Newland, that part by vs Discouered on our starboord, eight or ten leagues from vs, trending North-east and by East, and South-west and by West, eighteene or twentie leagues from vs to the North-east, being a very high Mountaynous land, like ragged Rockes vvith snow betweene them. By mine account, the Norther part of this Land which now vve saw, stretched into 81. degrees. All this day proued cleere vveather,* 2.297 little Wind, and reasonable vvarme.

[ 50] The sixteenth, in the morning warme and cleere weather, the vvind at North. This morning we saw that vve vvere compassed in with Ice in abundance, lying to the North, to the North-vvest, the East and South-east, and being runne toward the farthest part of the Land by vs disco∣uered, which for the most part trendeth nearest hand North-east and South-west,* 2.298 vvee saw more Land ioyning to the same, trending North in our sight, by meanes of the cleernesse of the vveather, stretching farre into 82. degrees; and by the bowing or shewing of the skie much far∣ther. Which when I first saw, I hoped to haue had a free Sea betweene the Land and the Ice, and meant to haue compassed this Land by the North. But now finding by proofe it vvas vnpossible, by means of the abundance of Ice compassing vs about by the North, and ioyning to the land,* 2.299 and seeing God did blesse vs with a faire wind to sayle by the South of this Land to the North-east, [ 60] vve returned, bearing vp the Helme, minding to hold that part of the Land, vvhich the Hollan∣ders had discouered in our fight, and if contrary vvindes should take vs, to Harbour there, and to trie what vve could finde to the charge of our Voyage, and to proceed on our Discouerie, as soone as God should blesse vs with Winde. And this I can assure at this present, that betweene 78. de∣grees

and ½. and 82. degrees by this way there is no passage: but I thinke this Land may bee profitable to those that will aduenture it. In this Bay before spoken of, and about this coast, we saw more abundance of Seales then we had seene any time before swimming in the water.* 2.300 At noone, this day hauing a stiffe gale of wind at North, we were thwart of Collins Cape, standing in 81. degrees and a halfe: and at one of the clocke the Cape beare North-east off vs. From thence I set our course West South-west, with purpose to keepe in the open Sea free from Ice, and sayled in that course 16. leagues. At ten this night we steered away South-west, with the wind at North a hard gale, vntill eight the next morning 18. leagues.

The seuenteenth, in the morning a good gale at North: at eight, we altered our course, and steered away South till eight in the Eeuening, and ranne 12. leagues. This day proued reasona∣ble cleere and warme. The eighteenth, in the morning the wind encreased at South and by [ 10] East, with thicke fogge. All this after-noone and night proued close weather, little fogge, and reasonable warme.

The nineteenth, at eight in the morning the wind at South, with thicke fogge, we steered South-east 4. leagues till noone: then the wind vered more large; wee steered South-east and by East 4. leagues till foure: then wee vered shete, and steered East and by South Easterly, 15. leagues, till eight the next morning. This day after the morning proued reasonable cleere and warme.

The twentieth, in the morning little wind: at eight this morning wee saw Land ahead of vs vnder our Lee, and to weatherward of vs distant from vs 12. leagues, being part of New∣land. [ 20] It is very high mountainous Land; the highest that we had seene vntill now. As we say∣led neere it, we saw a Sound ahead of vs, lying East and west. The Land on the Norther side of this Sounds mouth, trendeth neerest hand West North-west, and East South-east 12. leagues, in our sight being 10. leagues from vs. And the Land on the Souther side being 8. or 10. leagues in our sight; at this time trendeth South South-east, and North North-west; from eight to noone was calme.* 2.301 This day by obseruation we were in 77. degrees 26. minutes. On the Norther side of the mouth of this Inlet lie three Ilands, not farre the one from the other, being very high mountainous Land. The farthest of the three to the North-west, hath foure very high Mounts like heapes of Corne. That Iland next the Inlets mouth, hath one very high Mount on the Souther end. Here one of our companie killed a red billed Bird. All this day after the mor∣ning, [ 30] and all night proued calme, enclining rather to heare then cold. This night wee had some warme rayne.

The one and twentieth, all the fore-noone calme; at foure in the after-noone we had a small gale of wind at South South-east, with fog; we steered away East to stand in with the Land, and sayled 3. leagues vntill mid-night: then the wind came at North-east, we cast about, and steered South 10. leagues till eight the next morning. The two and twentieth, at eight in the morning much wind at East, and variable, with short sayle wee steered 3. leagues South and by East: then came downe very much wind; wee strooke a hull. All this after-noone and night, proued very much wind with raine.

The three and twentieth, all the fore-noone was very much wind at South, with raine and [ 40] fogge. At foure this after-noone wee saw Land, bearing North-east of vs 6. leagues from vs. Then we had the wind at South South-west; wee steered away South-east, and South-east and by East 4. leagues, the Sea being very much growne. We accounted we had hulled North-west and by North 22. leagues; and North 3. leagues. Then fearing with much wind to be set on a lee shoare, we tackt about, and made our way good West and by North, halfe a point Northerly, all this night with much wind.

The foure and twentieth, in the morning much wind as afore, and the Sea growne. This morning wee strooke our mayne Top-mast to ease our ship, and sayled from the last Eeuening eight to this noone 15. leagues West and by North halfe a point Northerly. From twelue to eight, 6. leagues as afore, with the wind at South and by West: at eight we tackt about with [ 50] the winde at South South-west, and lay South-east and by East, with much winde, and the Sea growne.

The fiue and twentieth, was a cleere morning we set our mayne Top-mast, we saw Land bea∣ring North of vs, and vnder our Lee, we sayling South-east and by East. Then the wind scanted: we cast about, and lay South-west and by West 2. leagues ½ till noone. Then it began to ouer-cast, and the wind to scant againe: we cast about, and lay South-east and by South, the wind at South-west and by West, and sayled in that course 3. leagues till foure in the after-noone. Then the wind scanted againe, and we sayled 3. leagues South. Now, seeing how contrarie the winde proued, to doe the good which wee desired this way; I thought to proue our fortunes by the West once againe: and this Eeuening at eight, wee being the latitude of 78. with the better, [ 60] and from Land 15. leagues, which leagues part whereof beare from the North-east to the East off vs, we steered away West, with the wind at South-east, and cleere weather.

The sixe and twentieth, all this day proued rayne with thicke fog, and an hard gale of wind at East and by North, and East North-east. From the last Eeuening at eight to this noone, wee

ranne 25. leagues: from noone till mid-night 19. leagues, the wind at East and by South; from mid-night till two the next morning, 2. leagues West.

The seuen and twentieth, extreme thicke fog, and little wind at East and by South. Then it proued calme, and the Sea very loftie. Wee heard a great rutte or noise with the Ice and Sea, which was the first Ice we heard or saw since we were at Collins Cape: the Sea heauing vs West-ward toward the Ice. Wee heaued out our Boat, and rowed to towe out our ship farther from the danger; which would haue beene to small purpose, by meanes the Sea went so high: but in this extremitie it pleased God to giue vs a small gale at North-west and by West, we steered a∣way South-east 4. leagues till noone. Here we had finished our Discouerie,* 2.302 if the wind had con∣tinued [ 10] that brought vs hither, or if it had continued calme: but it pleased God to make this North-west, and by West wind the meane of our deliuerance: which wind wee had not found common in this Voyage. God giue vs thankfull hearts for so great deliuerance.* 2.303 Here we found the want of a good ship-boat, as once we had done before at Whales Bay: we wanted also halfe a dozen long Oares to rowe in our ship. At noone the day cleered vp, and we saw by the skie Ice bearing off vs: from West South-west to the North and North North-east. Then we had a good gale at West, we steered away South till foure 7. leagues. From foure to six South 4. leagues, and found by the Icy skie and our neerenesse to Groneland, that there is no passage that way: which if there had beene, I meant to haue made my returne by the North of Groneland to Dauis his Streights, and so for England. Here finding we had the benefit of a Westerly wind, which [ 20] all this Voyage we had found scant, we altered our course, and steered to the Eastward, and ran South-east foure leagues. From eight this Eeuening till noone the next day; East South-east 30. leagues. All this day and night proued very cold, by meanes, as I suppose, of the winds com∣ming off so much Ice.

The eight and twentieth, very cold, the wind at West, not very foggie. At noone this day we steered away South-east and by East, and by obseruation we were 76. degrees 36. minutes. From noone to eight 10. leagues. Then the wind scanted to South-east and by South, we stee∣red away East and by North 18. leagues, till the next day noone.

The nine and twentieth, all the fore-noone a thicke fog and wet, the wind at South-east and by East, neerest hand, and raw cold. From noone to foure, wee sayled three leagues East and by [ 30] North, halfe a point Northerly. Then the wind vered more large, we steered East and by South 8. leagues till twelue at night. At this timet to windward we heard the rutte of Land; which I knew to be so, by the colour of the Sea. It was extreme thicke fog, so that we could hardly see a Cables length from our ship. We had ground 25. fathoms, small blacke peble stones. Wee sounded againe, and had ground at 30. fathomes small stones like Beanes, at the next cast no ground at 60. fathomes. I cast about againe, and steered South-west 6. leagues, West and by North two leagues till the next day noone. All this day and night extreme thicke fog.

The thirtieth, all the fore-noone very thicke fog. At noone almost calme: after we had little wind, and steered North North-west till two: then it cleered vp, so that we could see from vs 2. leagues with the wind at North-west. Then we steered East South-east: after it cleered. At [ 40] South in the Eeuening, we saw an Iland bearing off vs North-west from vs 5. leagues, and we saw land bearing off vs from vs 7. leagues. We had land likewise bearing off vs from East South-east, to South-east and by East as wee iudged, 10. leagues. Then hauing the winde at West North-west, we steered South and by East. It presently proued calme till ten this Eeuening: then wee had a little gale at South-west and by West, wee steered away South South-east till twelue this night, and accounted ourselues in 76. from Land 10. leagues: which was the like∣liest Land that wee had seene on all the parts of Newland, being playne riggie Land of a meane height, and not ragged as all the rest was that we had seene this Voyage, nor couered with snow. At twelue this night we saw two Morses in the Sea neere vs, swimming to Land. From twelue at night to foure, calme.

[ 50] The one and thirtieth, at foure this morning we had the wind at South-east, we steered South South-west. Then it proued calme, and so continued all the fore-noone. The after-noone wee had the wind at East South-east, we steered South 8. leagues. Then being like to proue much wind, contrarie to our purpose, and finding our fog more thicke and troublesome then before, di∣uers things necessarie wanting, and our time well nigh spent to doe further good this yeere, I commanded to beare vp for our returne for England, and steered away South South-west. And this night proued a hard gale of wind at South-east and by East.* 2.304 Wee were thwart of Cheries Iland the next morning at foure of the clocke, being to windward off vs 5. leagues: knowing we were neere it, we looked out carefully for the same, and it prouing cleere, we saw it, being a very ragged Land on the Wester side, rising like Hey-cockes.

[ 60] The first of August, a very hard gale of wind at East South-east, we shorted sayle, and steered away South South-west. This night was very foggie, with a hard gale of wind at East and by South, we steered by our account 27. leagues: and from eight this Eeuening till the next mor∣ning foure, 10. leagues as afore. All this night was very foggie, wet and raw cold.

The second, in the morning calme with a thicke fog, cold and slabbie weather. About noone

we had a little gale West and by North, wee steered away as afore. The third, in the morning calme and cleere weather, with a little gale East and by South, we sayled South South-west: then wee had the wind at South-east, wee sayled as afore. All this day and night proued close weather, a little fogge at noone, which continued not long. At twelue this night the wind vered to the East and by North, wee held our course South South-west, as afore.

The fifteenth of August, we put into the Iles of Farre, standing in 52. degrees; and the fif∣teenth of September, I arriued in Tilberie Hope in the Thames.

CHAP. XV. [ 10] A second Voyage or Employment of Master HENRY HVDSON, for finding a passage to the East Indies by the North-east: written by himselfe.

THeir names employed in this action are as followeth: Henry Hudson, Master and Pilot; Robert * 2.305 Iuet, the Master his Mate; Ludlowe Arnall; Iohn Cooke, Boat-sonne; Philip Stacie, Carpenter; Iohn Barns; Iohn Braunch, Cooke; Iohn A∣drey, Iames Strutton, Michael Feirce, Thomas Hilles, Richard Tomson, Ro∣bert Raynar, Iohn Hudson, and Humfrey Gilby. The courses obserued in this [ 20] Iournall were by a Compasse, that the Needle and the North of the Flye were directly one on the other.

* 2.306Anno 1608. the two and twentieth of Aprill, being Friday, we set sayle at Saint Katherines, and fell downe to Blacke wall.

* 2.307The twentieth of May, at noone by obseruation we were in 64. degrees 52. minutes, and at this time and place the Needle declined vnder the Horizon by the Inclinatory 81. degrees, and wee had a smooth Sea, by meanes whereof my obseruation was good.

The one and twentieth, at night thicke fog, wee sayled North North-east, with the wind at East. The two and twentieth, in the fore-noone the winde at South-east, wee steered North North-east, as afore: in the after-noone little wind and thicke fog; we accounted vs in 67. de∣grees, [ 30] the Sea smooth, the Needle declined 82. degrees, this night was calme and cleere. The three and twentieth, in the morning the wind was Easterly, we stood North North-East, and North and by East. All the fore-noone was foggie: in the after-noone it cleered, and the wind shortned vpon vs, we made our way good North all night. The foure and twentieth, the wind at East North-east, and East and by North, we lay as neere as wee could with a full sayle; wee accounted Lowfoot from vs East Northerly,* 2.308 16. leagues, distant from vs; at foure a clocke this after-noone, wee stood all night, as afore.

The fiue and twentieth, the wind at East North-east, we stood away North as we could lie: all this day was cleere weather, and searching cold, which cold begunne the one and twentieth day, and then my Carpenter was taken sicke, and so doth yet continue; and three or foure more [ 40] of our companie were enclining to sicknesse, I suppose by meanes of the cold. All the night it was calme. The sixe and twentieth, cold but cleere weather, the wind betweene East and East North-east, we stood North-easterly till twelue a clocke at night: then wee had the wind at North-east & North North-east, we stood South-east and East till noone the next day. The seuen and twentieth, cold and drie weather, at noone we had the wind North and North North-west; Wee stood away North-east, and East North-east, as we could, and accounted our selues in 69. degrees 40. minutes, and the Needle enclined, hauing a smooth Sea, neerest 84. degrees. All night we had wind and weather as afore.

The eight and twentieth, drie cold cleere weather; the wind betweene North North-west and North,* 2.309 we made our way good East North-east; wee saw the Sunne on the North Meri∣dian [ 50] aboue the Horizon 5. degrees 35. minutes. All this night we had much wind, as afore. The nine and twentieth, a hard gale at North North-west: by account we ranne from mid-night to noone 21. leagues, East North-east. Wee had the Sunne on the Meridian 5. degrees, the lati∣tude 73. degrees 13. minutes, whereby wee found our ship to haue out-runne vs. At mid-night the wind came to South-east: we cast about, and stood East North-east. This day partly cleere weather with some snow. The thirtieth, cold cleere weather, the wind betweene North-east, and East and by North; we went East South-east, and obseruing, were in 73. degrees 50. mi∣nutes. The one and thirtieth, cold and cleere weather: from the last day till this day noone, we stood South-east and by South, in the latitude of 72. degrees 45. minutes.

* 2.310The first of Iune, a hard gale at East North-East, with snow: we made our way good South South-east. The second, a hard gale of wind at North-east: towards night, calme with fogge, [ 60] our course was South-east all day.* 2.311 The third, in the morning we had a sight of the North Cape; and at a West and by North Sunne, the Cape bore off vs South-west, halfe a point Southerly, being from vs 8. leagues:* 2.312 and obseruing the variation, I found it to the Westward 11. degrees:

and hauing a smooth Sea, the Needle enclined vnder the Horizon 84. degrees and a halfe, the neerest I could finde. We had the wind at South-west,* 2.313 and wee stood away North-east and by East. It was cleere weather, and we saw Norway Fisher-men at Sea.

The fourth, warme cleere sun-shine, we stood away North-east and by East. Now by Gods helpe our Carpenter recouered, and made a Mast for our ship-boat, and the companie made a Sayle, we had the Sunne in the sight on the North Meridian: his height was 5. degrees 40. mi∣nutes. Inclination 23. degrees 21. minutes: Poles height 72. degrees 21. minutes. The fift, in the morning calme weather: wee sounded, and had 140. fathoms, sand Oze: here wee saw a swelling Sea setting North-east and by East, and South-west and by West, with streame-leches: [ 10] and we saw drift wood. After we had wind; and we sayled and made our way North North-east: towards night we sounded, and found ground at 150. fathoms, sand Oze. This day cleere weather, and not cold. The sixt, wee had cleere weather, the wind being at East North-East, from the last day till this day noone▪ we shaped our way on diuers courses North and by West, in the latitude of 73. degrees 24. minutes. We found that our ship had out-runne vs, sounding in 160. fathoms: in the after-noone little wind.

The seuenth, in the morning the wind at South, after at South South-east: from the last day till this day noone, wee accounted our way from diuers courses North-east, 15. leagues. This day was close but cleere weather, and we had a good gale of wind at this time. And three dayes before this, our Cooke and one more of our companie were very sicke. In the morning, we had ground at 150. fathoms, and at night we had no ground at 180. fathoms, which encreased hope. [ 20] This night we had some snow, which continued foure houres: then the wind came at North-east and by East with storme; and with short sayle we stood North and by West: here the Needle enclined 86. degrees. I accounted that we were in 74. degrees and a halfe at neerest hand.* 2.314 This night we saw the Sunne on the North Meridian, his height was 7. degrees 40. minutes, which maketh the Poles height 74. degrees 23. minu••es. The eight, from twelue a clocke last night till noone, we accounted our way on diuers courses, North and by East: then our latitude was 74. degrees 38. minutes, and we had no ground at 200. fathoms. In the after-noone the wind came at South South-east, and South-east and by East. This day and night wee had cleere weather, and we were here come into a blacke blue Sea.* 2.315

[ 30] The ninth, cleere weather, the wind came at South-east and by East: from the last day till this day noone, wee had a good way North-east, in latitude of 75. degrees 29. minutes: then wee entred into Ice, being the first we saw in this Voyage: our hope was to goe through it, we stood into it, and held our course betweene North-east, and East North-east, loosing for one, and bearing roome for another, till foure in the after-noone: at which time we were so farre in, and the Ice so thicke and firme ahead, being in it foure or fiue leagues, that wee had endangered vs somewhat too farre; wee returned as wee went in, and with a few rubbes of our ship against the Ice; by eight a clocke this Eeuening wee got free of it. Wee made our way till next day at noone, South-west and by South, 18 leagues: in the middest of this way wee had no ground at 180. fathoms. The tenth, in the morning hasey weather; but at noone it cleered vp, and [ 40] then we cast about, and stood away North and by East, the wind being at East South-east, two watches, fiue leagues: then we had the wind at East, we cast about, and stood South South-east, and made a South way, sixe leagues. The eleuenth, in the morning a hard storme at East, and East and by South we strooke a hull.

The twelfth, in the morning fog, and all day after cleere weather, the wind at South South-west, we steered East and by North: at noone being in the latitude 75. degrees 30. minutes. From noone till foure a clocke, fiue leagues East and by North; then we saw Ice ahead of vs, and vnder our Lee trending from the North-west to the North and East of vs: We had sounding 100. fa∣thom, greenish Oze. Here we saw diuers pieces of drift wood by vs driuing, and streame Leeches lying South South-west, and North North-east. We many times saw the like since we saw the North Cape. The thirteenth, cleere weather, the wind at East, we made a South way 6. leagues, [ 50] two watches: then we cast about, and made a North way one watch 3. leagues 1/••: At twelue at night, much wind with fog, we strooke a hull and layed our ships head to the Southward. The fourteenth, in the fore-noone fog, and our shroudes were frozen: the after-noone was cleere Sun-shine, and so was all the night.

The fifteenth, all day and night cleere sun-shine; the wind at East, the latitude at noone 75. degrees 7. minutes. We held Westward by our account 13. leagues. In the after-noone the Sea was asswaged; and the wind being at East we set sayle, and stood South and by East, and South South-east as we could. This morning, one of our companie looking ouer boord saw a Mermaid,* 2.316 and calling vp some of the companie to see her, one more came vp, and by that time shee was [ 60] come close to the ships side, looking earnestly on the men: a little after, a Sea came and ouertur∣ned her: from the Nauill vpward, her backe and breasts were like a womans, (as they say that saw her) her body as big as one of vs; her skin very white; and long haire hanging downe be∣hind, of colour blacke: in her going downe they saw her tayle, which was like the tayle of a Porpos••e, and speckled like a Macrell. Their names that saw her, were Thomas Hilles and Ro∣bert Rayner.

The sixteenth, cleere weather, the wind being at East. From the last day till this day noone, we made our way South and by East 9. leagues; and from noon to eight a clocke in the Eeue∣ning, 6. leagues: then we cast about and stood to the Northwards.

The seuenteenth, cleere weather, the wind at South-east and by East; from the last day till this day noone, our way was North-east and by East, at noone being in the latitude of 74. degrees 40. minutes. At after-noone we sounded, and had ground at 86. fathom, greene Oze, and our wa∣ter whitish greene: Here we saw Whales, Porpoises, and the Sea full of Fowles: from noone to mid-night North-east and by East we had the Sunne at lowest, on the North and by East, Easterly part of the Compasse: latitude 74. degrees 54. minutes. Sounding we had 92. fathoms water, Oze as before. [ 10]

The eighteenth, faire weather, the wind at South-east and by East, from mid-night till this day noone, wee sayled North-east and by East, in the Latitude of 75. degrees 24. minutes, and had ground at ninetie fiue fathome Oze, as afore. Heere we had Ice in our sight to the North∣ward off vs. In the after-noone, hauing little wind at North-east, we cast about and lay East South-east, and at sixe a clocke, had ground at ninetie fiue fathoms and a halfe Oze, as afore. From noone to twelue a clocke at night, our way was South-east, and South-east and by East, and had the Sunne on the Meridian, North and by East halfe a point Eastward. The Sunnes height was eight degrees 40. minutes.* 2.317 Sounding ninetie fathom. All this day, we had Ice on our Larboord trending: and at this time, from the North-west off vs to the East South-east, I haue some reason to thinke there is a Tide or Current setting to the Northwards; the course wee held and the way we made betweene this noone and mid-night Obseruations, doe make mee [ 20] suspect it the more.

* 2.318The nineteenth, faire and warme weather, the sea smooth. Here the Needle inclined vnder the Horizon 89. degrees and a halfe, being in the Latitude at noone of 75. degrees 22. minutes; Soun∣ding wee had ground in an hundred fathom. From twelue a clocke last night till this day at noone, we accounted our way from East and by North to South-east, ten leagues, hauing Ice al∣wayes in our sight trending on our Larboord, wee had the winde betweene North, and North North-west. We saw the Sunne at the lowest on the North and by East, halfe a point Easterly, his height was 8. degrees 10. minutes, which maketh the Poles height 74. degrees 56. minutes; Sounding we had ground in one hundred and twentie sixe fathom. From noone to this time, wee [ 30] accounted our way East and by South, and East South-east, twelue leagues.

The twentieth, faire warme weather, this morning at foure of the clocke, wee had depth one hundred and twentie fiue fathom.* 2.319 Heere we heard Beares roare on the Ice; and we saw vpon the Ice and neare vnto it, an incredible number of Seales. We had sounding one hundred and fif∣teen fathom,* 2.320 and after ground at ninetie fiue fathom sandie Oze. We had the Sun on the Meridian North and by East, halfe a point Easterly; his height was 7. degrees 20. minutes. From twelue a clocke last night, to twelue a clocke this night, our way was made good by our account South-east and by South, twelue leagues, and South-east, three leagues and a halfe, the Ice alwayes be∣ing on our Larboord. The wind this day, betweene North and North-west.

The one and twentieth, at foure a clocke in the morning wee sounded, and had one hundred [ 40] and twentie fathome greene Oze, and the Ice bore off vs East, the winde variable; in diuers courses wee made our way good South South-east; our Latitude at noone being 74. degrees 9. minutes,* 2.321 we were haled to the Northward beyond expectation. All this day faire, cleere, and warme weather, and Ice on our Larboord at a North and by East Sunne; being then at lowest, his height was 7. degrees 40. minutes, which made the Poles height 74. degrees 33. minutes. From the last day at noone, till twelue a clocke this night, by account of our ships way, wee made our way good East North-east, sixe leagues and a halfe; whereby it doth appeare how we were haled to the Northward. Heere wee had ground at one hundred and thirteene fathome, greene sandie Oze.

The two and twentieth, faire cleare weather, the winde at West North-west. At eight a clocke in the Morning, we had ground at one hundred and fifteene fathom, greene Oze. From [ 50] mid-night to noone, our course was North-east and by East, being in the Letitude of 74. degrees 35. minutes, and we found that our ships way, and our obseruation were not but there was carefull heed taken of both. Heere we had Ice a head off vs, trending to the South-east; and all day before Ice on our Larboord. Here we stood South-east fiue leagues, then the Ice trended South and by West sixe leagues; we sayled by it, and doubled it by eight a clocke in the Eeuening, and then it bore East off vs. Heere hauing a smooth sea, the Needle inclined 85. de∣grees, from eight a clocke to twelue, North and by East Easterly. Then we had the Sunne on the Meridian, North and by East ½. a poynt Easterly. The Sunnes height was 7. degrees 45. minutes, which made the Latitude 74. degrees 43. minutes.

The three and twentieth, in the morning thicke fogge, the wind at North North-west. From [ 60] mid-night till foure a clocke this morning, we sayled North-east fiue leagues, and then we were among the Ice; we cast about, and stood two houres South-west, two leagues, and had no ground at one hundred and eightie fathom. Then we cast about againe, and stood East till eight a clocke

two leagues, and then it cleered vp, and we had Ice a head off vs. And from North, we stood to South-east, and our shroudes were frozen. Then till noone wee went East and by South, foure leagues, and were neere Ice on our Larboord, in the Latitude of 74. degrees 30. minutes. In the after-noone the wind being at North, wee stood two houres and a halfe, fiue leagues and a halfe; three houres South South-east, fiue leagues; one houre South-east and by South, one league and a halfe; an houre East halfe a league, which brought eight in the Eeuening alwayes Ice on our Larboord. This after-noone, wee had some snow. From eight a clocke to mid-night, South South-west foure leagues, with Ice as afore. We saw the Sunne at the lowest, North North-east, his height was 7. degrees 15. minutes, the Poles height 74. degrees 18. minutes.

[ 10] The foure and twentieth, cleere, but cold and some snow, the wind betweene North North-east, and North-east, from mid-night to foure a clocke, wee stood Southward two leagues, and South-east and by East two leagues. And from foure a clocke till noone, South-east Southerly nine leagues, sounding we had ground in one hundred and fortie fathome. From noone to three a clocke, we stood South-east and by South three leagues; from three to foure, South-west and by South one league; and had Ice from the North-east to the South-east off vs. From foure a clocke to eight, we stood South-west two leagues and a halfe, Southward halfe a league, with Ice neere vs vnder our Lead.

The fiue and twentieth, cold and cleare, the wind at East South-east; from eight a clocke last night till foure this morning, our way was South and by East, foure leagues and a halfe; soun∣ding [ 20] we had ground in eightie fathome, then we had little wind till noone, at East North-east, and the Sunne on the Meridian, on the South-west and by South point of the Compasse, ere it began to fall, wee were in the Latitude of 72. degrees 52. minutes, and had Ice on our Larboord, and our hope of passage was gone this way, by meanes of our nearenesse to Noua Zembla, and the abundance of Ice. We had from Noone to eight a clocke in the Eeuening, the wind between North North-east, and North-east, we stood South-east three leagues and a halfe, and had Ice on our Larboord, and shoalding sixtie eight fathome.

The sixe and twentieth, faire Sun-shining weather, and little wind at East North-east. From twelue a clocke at night till foure this morning, we stood Southward two leagues, sounding wee had sixtie sixe fathome Oaze, as afore. From foure a clocke to noone, South-east and by South [ 30] foure leagues, and had the Sunne on the Meridian, on the South-east and by South point of the Compasse, in the Latitude of 72. degrees 25. minutes,* 2.322 and had sight of Noua Zembla foure or fiue leagues from vs, and the place called by the Hollanders, Swart Cliffe, bearing off South-east. In the after-noone, wee had a fine gale at East North-east, and by eight of the clocke, we had brought it to beare off vs East Southerly, and sayled by the shoare a league from it.

The seuen and twentieth, all the fore-noone it was almost calme; wee being two mile from the shoare, I sent my Mate Robert Iuet, and Iohn Cooke my Boat-swaine on shoare,* 2.323 with foure o∣thers, to see what the Land would yeeld that might bee profitable, and to fill two or three Caskes with water. They found and brought aboord some Whales Finnes, two Deeres Hornes, and the Dung of Deere, and they told me that they saw Grasse on the shoare of the last yeere, [ 40] and young Grasse came vp amongst it a shaftman long; and it was boggie ground in some pla∣ces, there are many streames of Snow water nigh, it was very hot on the shoare, and the snow melted apace, they saw the footings of many great Beares, of Deere, and Foxes. They went from vs at three a clocke in the morning, and came aboord at a South-east Sunne; and at their comming, wee saw two or three companies of Morses in the sea neere vs swimming, being al∣most calme. I presently sent my Mate, Ladlow the Carpenter, and sixe others a shoare, to a place where I thought the Morses might come on the shoare, they found the place likely, but found no signe of any that had beene there. There was a Crosse standing on the shoare, much Drift∣wood, and signes of Fires that had beene made there. They saw the footing of very great Deere and Beares, and much Fowle, and a Foxe; they brought aboord Whale finnes, some Mosse, Flow∣ers [ 50] and greene things that did there grow. They brought also two peeces of a Crosse, which they found there. The Sunne was on the Meridian on the North North-east, halfe a point Ea∣sterly, before it began to fall. The Sunnes height was 4. degrees 45. minutes, Inclination 22. degrees 33. minutes, which makes the Latitude 72. degrees 12. minutes. There is disagree∣ment betweene this and the last obseruation; but by meanes of the cleerenesse of the Sunne, the smoothnesse of the Sea, and the neernesse to Land, wee could not bee deceiued, and care was taken in it.

The eight and twentieth, at foure a clocke in the Morning our Boat came aboord, and brought two dozen of Fowle, and some Egges, whereof a few were good, and a Whales finne; and wee all saw the Sea full of Morses, yet no signes of their being on shoare. And in this calme, from [ 60] eight a clocke last Eeuening, till foure this Morning, we were drawne backe to the Northward, as farre as wee were the last Eeuening at foure a clocke, by a Streame or a Tide; and we chose ra∣ther so to driue, then to aduenture the losse of an Anchor, and the spoyle of a Cable. Heere our new Ship-boate began to doe vs seruice, and was an incouragement to my Companie, which want I found the last yeere.

The nine and twentieth, in the morning calme, being halfe a league from the shoare, the Sea being smooth, the Needle did encline 84. degrees, we had many Morses in the Sea neere vs, and desiring to find where they came on shoare, wee put to with Sayle and Oares, towing in our Boat, and rowing in our Barke to get about a point of Land, from whence the Land did fall more Easterly, and the Morses did goe that way. VVee had the Sunne on the Meridian on the South and by VVest point, halfe a point to the VVester part of the Compasse, in the latitude of 71. degrees 15. minutes. At two a clocke this after-noone we came to anchor in the mouth of a Riuer,* 2.324 where lieth an Iland in the mouth thereof, foure leagues: wee anchored from the Iland in two and thirtie fathomes, blacke sandy ground. There droue much Ice out of it with a streame that set out of the Riuer or Sound, and there were many Morses sleeping on the Ice, and by it we were put from our Road twice this night; and being calme all this day, it pleased [ 10] God at our need to giue vs a fine gale, which freed vs out of danger. This day was calme, cleere and hot weather: all the night we rode still.

The thirtieth, calme, hot, and faire weather, we weighed in the morning, and towed and rowed, and at noone we came to anchor neere the Ile aforesaid in the mouth of the Riuer, and saw very much Ice driuing in the Sea, two leagues without vs lying South-east and North-west; and driuing to the North-west so fast, that wee could not by twelue a clocke at night see it out of the top. At the Iland where wee rode, lieth a little Rocke, whereon were fortie or fiftie Morses lying asleepe, being all that it could hold, it being so full and little. I sent my companie ashoare to them, leauing none aboord but my Boy with mee: and by meanes of their neerenesse [ 20] to the water, they all got away, saue one which they killed, and brought his head aboord; and ere they came aboord they went on the Iland, which is reasonable high and steepe, but flat on the top. They killed and brought with them a great Fowle, whereof there were many, and likewise some Egges, and in an houre they came aboord. This Ile is two flight-shot ouer in length, and one in breadth. At mid-night our Anchor came home, and wee tayld aground by meanes of the strength of the streame, but by the helpe of God, wee houed her off without hurt. In short time wee moued our ship, and rode still all night; and in the night wee had little wind at East, and East South-east. VVee had at noone this day an obseruation, and were in the latitude of 71. degrees 15. minutes.

* 2.325The first of Iuly, we saw more Ice to Seaward of vs; from the South-east to the North-west, [ 30] driuing to the North-west. At noone it was calme, and we had the Sunne on the Meridian, on the South and by VVest point, halfe a point to the VVesterly part of the Compasse, in the la∣titude of 71. degrees 24. minutes. This morning I sent my Mate Eueret, and foure of our com∣panie to rowe about the Bay, to see what Riuers were in the same, and to find where the Morses did come on land; and to see a Sound or great Riuer in the bottome of the Bay, which did al∣waies send out a great streame to the Northwards, against the tide that came from thence: and I found the same in comming in, from the North to this place before this. VVhen by the meanes of the great plenty of Ice, the hope of passage betweene Newland and Noua Zembla was ta∣ken away; my purpose was by the Vaygats to passe by the mouth of the Riuer Ob, and to double that way the North Cape of Tartaria,* 2.326 or to giue reason wherefore it will not be: but being [ 40] here, and hoping by the plentie of Morses wee saw here, to defray the charge of our Voyage; and also that this Sound might for some reasons bee a better passage to the East of Noua Zembla, then the Vaygats, if it held according to my hope conceiued by the likenesse it gaue: for where∣as we had a floud came from the Northwards; yet this Sound or Riuer did runne so strong, that Ice with the streame of this Riuer was carried away, or any thing else against the floud: so that both in floud and ebbe,* 2.327 the streame doth hold a strong course; and it floweth from the North three houres, and ebbeth nine.

The second, the wind being at East South-east, it was reasonable cold, and so was Friday; and the Morses did not play in our sight as in warme weather. This morning at three of the clocke, my Mate and companie came aboord, and brought a great Deeres horne, a white locke of [ 50] Deeres haire; foure dozen of Fowle, their Boat halfe laden with drift Wood; and some Flowers and greene things, that they found growing on the shoare. They saw a herd of white Deere, of ten in a companie on the land;* 2.328 much drift wood lying on the shoare, many good Bayes, and one Riuer faire to see to on the North shoare, for the Morses to land on▪ but they saw no Morses there, but signes that they had beene in the Bayes. And the great Riuer or Sound, they certified me, was of breadth two or three leagues, and had no ground at twentie fathoms, and that the water was of the colour of the Sea, and very salt, and that the streame setteth strongly out of it. At sixe a clocke this morning, came much Ice from the Southward driuing vpon vs, very fearefull to looke on: but by the mercy of God and his mightie helpe, wee being moored with two Anchors ahead with vering out of one Cable, and heauing home the other, and fen∣ding [ 60] off with Beames and Sparres, escaped the danger: which labour continued till sixe a clocke in the Eeuening, and then it was past vs, and we rode still and tooke our rest this night.

The third, the wind at North a hard gale: At three a clocke this morning wee weighed our anchor, and set sayle, purposing to runne into the Riuer or Sound before spoken of.

The fourth, in the morning it cleered vp with the wind at North-west, we weighed and set sayle, and stood to the Eastwards, and past ouer a Reefe, and found on it fiue and a halfe, sixe, sixe and a halfe, and seuen fathoms water: then we saw that the Sound was full, & a very large Riuer from the North-eastward free from Ice, and a strong streame comming out of it: and wee had sounding then, foure and thirtie fathoms water.* 2.329 Wee all conceiued hope of this Northerly Ri∣uer or Sound, and sayling in it, wee found three and twentie fathomes for three leagues, and after twentie fathomes for fiue or sixe leagues, all tough Ozie ground. Then the winde ve∣red more Northerly, and the streame came downe so strong, that wee could doe no good on it: wee came to anchor, and went to supper, and then presently I sent my Mate Iuet, with fiue more of our companie in our Boat, with Sayle and Oares to get vp the Riuer, being pro∣uided [ 10] with Victuall and Weapons for defence, willing them to sound as they went; and if it did continue still deepe, to goe vntill it did trende to the Eastward, or to the Southwards, and wee rode still.

The fift, in the morning we had the wind at West: we began to weigh anchor, purposing to set sayle and to runne vp the Sound after our companie: then the wind vered Northerly vpon vs, and we saued our labour. At noone our companie came aboord vs hauing had a hard rought; for they had beene vp the Riuer sixe or seuen leagues, and sounded it from twentie to three and twentie; and after brought it to eight, sixe, and one fathome; and then to foure foot in the best: they then went ashoare, and found good store of wilde Goose quills, a piece of an old Oare, and some Flowers, and greene things which they found growing: they saw many Deere, [ 20] and so did we in our after-dayes sayling. They being come aboord, we presently set sayle with the wind at North North-west, and we stood out againe to the South-westwards, with sorrow that our labour was in vaine: for, had this Sound held as it did make shew of, for breadth, depth, safenesse of harbour, and good anchor ground, it might haue yeelded an excellent passage to a more Easterly Sea. Generally, all the Land of Noua Zembla that yet wee haue seene,* 2.330 is to a mans eye a pleasant Land; much mayne high Land with no Snow on it, looking in some places greene, and Deere feeding thereon: and the Hills are partly couered with Snow, and partly bare. It is no maruell that there is so much Ice in the Sea toward the Pole,* 2.331 so many Sounds and Riuers being in the Lands of Noua Zembla, and Newland to ingender it; besides the coasts of Pechora, Russia, and Groenland, with Lappia, as by proofes I finde by my trauell [ 30] in these parts: by meanes of which Ice I suppose there will be no nauigable passage this way. This Eeuening wee had the wind at West and by South: wee therefore came to anchor vnder Deere Point; and it was a storme at Sea, wee rode in twentie fathomes, Ozie ground: I sent my Mate, Ladlow, with foure more ashoare to see whether any Morses were on the shoare, and to kill some Fowle, (for we had seene no Morses since Saturday, the second day of this moneth, that wee saw them driuing out of the Ice.) They found good landing for them, but no signe that they had beene there: but they found that fire had beene made there, yet not lately. At ten of the clocke in the Eeuening, they came aboord, and brought with them neere an hundred Fowles called Wellocks; this night it was wet fogge, and very thicke and cold, the winde at [ 40] West South-west.

The sixt, in the morning wee had the wind stormie and shifting; betweene the West and South-west, against vs for doing any good: we rode still and had much Ice driuing by vs to the Eastward of vs. At nine of the clocke, this Eeuening wee had the wind at North North-west: we presently weighed, and set sayle, and stood to the Westward, being out of hope to find pas∣sage by the North-east: And my purpose was now to see whether Willoughbies Land were,* 2.332 as it is layd in our Cardes; which if it were, wee might finde Morses on it; for with the Ice they were all driuen from hence. This place vpon Noua Zembla, is another then that which the Hollanders call Costing Sarch, discouered by Oliuer Brownell: and William Barentsons obseruation doth witnesse the same. It it layd in plot by the Hollanders out of his true place too farre North: to what end I know not, vnlesse to make it hold course with the Compasse, not respecting the [ 50] variation. It is as broad and like to yeeld passage as the Vaygats, and my hope was, that by the strong streame it would haue cleered it selfe; but it did not. It is so full of Ice that you will hardly thinke it. All this day, for the most part, it was fogge and cold.

The seuenth, cleere but cold weather: in the morning the wind was at the North; from the last Eeuening to this morning, we set saile and kept our course West and by South, fifteene leagues. from morning to eight a clocke in the Eeuening it was calme: then we had the wind againe at North, and we sayled till nine a clocke next morning West South-west, eight leagues; then the wind being West and by South, wee went North and by West, three leagues, and wee had the Sunne at the highest South South-west, in the latitude of 71. degrees 2. minutes. The eight, [ 60] faire weather; at noone we had the wind at East North-east, we stood North three leagues till foure a clocke: then the wind being at west and by North, wee stemmed North and by West one league and a halfe, till six a clocke in the Eeuening; then the wind was at North-east a hard gale, and wee stood till next day at noone West and by North, by account three and twentie leagues: we had the Sunne on the Meridian, South and by West, halfe a point neerest West, in

the latitude of 70. degrees 41. minutes. The ninth, cleere weather: from this to the next day at noone, we sayled South-west and by West, twelue leagues, and Northward three leagues: and in these courses had these soundings, 41.42.46.48. and 45. fathoms: we had the Sunne South and by VVest, halfe a point to the VVest part of the Compasse. The Sea was loftie: our lati∣tude was 70. degrees 20. minutes.

The tenth, cleere but close weather: from this till next day noone, wee had little wind at West North-west: by account we made our way fiue leagues North-easterly. Wee had the Sun at the highest on the South and by West point, and a terce Westward, in the latitude of 70. degrees 55. minutes, and I thinke we had a rustling tide vnder vs; and in this time had sounding betweene fortie fiue and fortie fathomes, white sand. The eleuenth, cleere weather: from this to the next day at noone, little wind at North North-east, and sometimes calme; wee sayled [ 10] West and by North by account fiue leagues; and had the Sunne on the Meridian on the South and by West point ⅓. West in the latitude of 70. degrees 26. minutes, and found a rustling vn∣der vs.* 2.333 This fore-noone we were come into a greene Sea, of the colour of the mayne Ocean, which we first lost the eight of Iune: since which time wee haue had a Sea of a black blue co∣lour, which (both by the last and this yeeres experience) is a Sea-pestered with Ice.

The twelfth, faire weather: from noone to mid-night wee had the wind shifting betweene the North and West; our course was betweene VVest North-west, and South South-west. Then we had the wind at South, we sayled till the next day at noone, West and by North, thir∣teene leagues: wee accounted our way from the last day till this day noone Westward, eigh∣teene leagues. This after-noone wee saw more Porpoises then in all our Voyage afore. The [ 20] thirteenth, close weather: in the after-noone hauing much wind at South, with short sayle we stood away West and by North, till eight a clocke in the Eeuening: then we had the wind at South, but most times calme till noone the next day: wee stood away as afore, foure leagues, which made in all twelue leagues: we had the Sunne ere it began to fall, South and by West, in the latitude of 70. degrees 22. minutes.

The fourteenth, wee stood West North-west till mid-night, seuenteene leagues: then the wind scanted and came at West, we stood North North-west, one league and a halfe; then the wind being more Southerly, wee sayled West North-west, fiue leagues. From the last till this day at noone, our way was out of diuers courses North-west and by West, foure and twentie leagues. We had the Sunne beginning to fall at South and by West, in the latitude of 70. de∣grees [ 30] 54. minutes.

* 2.334The fifteenth, faire; but towards night like to be stormie with thunder, the wind betweene South and South South-east; from this, till the sixteenth day at noone, our course was West and by North, seuen and twentie leagues, and the Sunne then began to fall at South, three quar∣ters of a point Westward, in the latitude of 70. degrees 42. minutes. The sixteenth, faire; our way was from this till next day at noone North-west, twelue leagues, out of diuers courses: and we had the wind shifting, sometimes at East, at West South-west, and West and by North; the latitude by a bad obseruation, 71. degrees 44. minutes. The seuenteenth, in the fore-noone faire; the wind being at West and by North. At foure a clocke this morning we saw Land beare off vs, West and South South-west, which was about Ward-house: this after-noone wee had a [ 40] storme at West and by North, we layed it to trie till eight a clocke in the Eeuening, and then set sayle with the wind betweene West North-west, and North-west: our course till the next day at noone, was South-west and by South, twelue leagues: the Cape Hopewell bore off vs South South-west, and we were foure or fiue leagues from land.

The eighteenth, gusty, with raine all the fore-noone; then we had the wind shifting till next day at noone from South South-east to East, and South-east: our course in generall was North-west, foure and twentie leagues: then did North Kene beare off vs West halfe a point South∣ward, being from vs foure leagues; and the North Cape in sight bearing West and by North, &c.

The seuen and twentieth, cold with raine and storme; this night we began to burne Candle in the Betacle,* 2.335 which we had not done since the nineteenth of May: by reason wee had alwaies [ 50] day from thence till now. The thirtieth, we had the Sunne vpon the Meridian due South, in the latitude of 68. degrees 46. minutes; whereby we found vs to bee afore our ship, ten or twelue leagues, and Lowfoot bore East of vs, but not in sight.

The seuenth of August, I vsed all diligence to arriue at London, and therefore now I gaue my companie a certificate vnder my hand, of my free and willing returne, without perswasion or force of any one or more of them: for at my being at Noua Zembla, the sixt of Iuly, voide of hope of a North-east passage, (except by the Vaygats, for which I was not fitted to trie or proue) I therefore resolued to vse all meanes I could to sayle to the North-west; considering the time and meanes wee had, if the wind should friend vs, as in the first part of our Voyage it had done,* 2.336 and to make triall of that place called Lumleys Iulet, and the furious ouer-fall by Cap∣tayne [ 60] Dauis, hoping to runne into it an hundred leagues, and to returne as God should enable mee. But now hauing spent more then halfe the time I had, and gone but the shortest part of the way, by meanes of contrary winds; I thought it my dutie to saue Victuall, Wages, and

Tackle, by my speedy returne, and not by foolish rashnesse, the time being wasted, to lay more charge vpon the action then necessitie should compell, I arriued at Grauesend the six and twen∣tieth of August.

CHAP. XVI. The third Voyage of Master HENRIE HVDSON toward Noua Zembla, and at his returne, his passing from Farre Ilands, to New-found Land, and along to [ 10] fortie foure degrees and ten minutes, and thence to Cape Cod, and so to thirtie three degrees; and along the Coast to the Northward, to fortie two degrees and an halfe, and vp the Riuer neere to fortie three degrees. Written by ROBERT IVET of Lime-house.

ON Saturday the fiue and twentieth of March, 1609. after the old Account, we set sayle from Amsterdam; and by the seuen and twentieth day, we were downe at the Texel: and by twelue of the clocke we were off the Land, it being East of vs two leagues off. And because it is a journey vsually knowne, I omit to put [ 20] downe what passed, till we came to the height of The North Cape of Finmarke, which we did performe by the fift of May (stilo nouo) being Tuesday. On which day we obserued the height of the Pole, and found it to bee 71. degrees and 46. minutes;* 2.337 and found our Compasse to vary six degrees to the West: and at twelue of the clocke, the North Cape did beare South-west and by South, tenne leagues off, and wee steered away East and by South, and East.

After much trouble with fogges, sometimes, and more dangerous of Ice. The nineteenth, being Tuesday, was close stormie weather, with much wind and snow, and very cold: the wind vari∣able betweene the North North-west, and North-east. We made our way West and by North till noone. Then we obserued the Sunne hauing a slake, and found our heigth to bee 70. degrees [ 30] 30. minutes. And the ship had out-runne vs twentie leagues, by reason of the set of the streame of The White Sea: and we had sight of Wardhouse.* 2.338 Then at two of the clocke wee tacke to the Eastward: for we could not get about the North Cape, the wind was so scant; and at eight of the clocke at night, on the one and twentieth, the North Cape did beare South-east and by South seuen leagues off. And at mid-night Assumption Point did beare South and by East, fiue leagues off vs.

The two and twentieth, gusting weather with haile and snow, the Sunne breaking out some∣times: we continued our course along the Land West South-west. And at tenne of the clocke at night we were thwart off Zenam. The bodie of it did beare East off vs fiue leagues: and the course from the North Cape to Zenam, is for the most part West and by South,* 2.339 and West South-west, [ 40] fiftie foure leagues.

The three and twentieth, faire Sun-shining weather; the wind at East and by South, and East South-east, wee steered along the Land South-west, and South-west and by West, eight leagues a Watch, for so we found the Land to lye from Zenam to Lofoote. And the distance is fif∣tie leagues from the bodie of Zenam, to the Westermost Land of Lofoote. And from the one to the other, the course is South-west and by West. For the Needle of our Compasse was set right to the North. At twelue of the clocke at night, the bodie of Lofoote did beare South-east, sixe leagues off.* 2.340

The foure and twentieth, faire cleere Sun-shining weather: the wind variable vpon all points of the Compasse, but most vpon the South-east, and sometimes calme. We continued our [ 50] course West South-west as before. And at eight of the clocke at night, the Souther part of Lo∣foote did beare South-east ten leagues off vs.

The fiue and twentieth, much wind at North-east, with some snow and haile. The first watch the wind came to the East a fine gale, and so came to the North-east, the second watch at foure of the clocke, and freshed in: And at eight of the clocke it grew to a storme, and so continued. At noone we obserued, and made the ship to be in 67. degrees 58. minutes. Wee continued our course South-west, twelue leagues a watch. At nine of the clocke, Lofoote did beare East of vs 15. leagues off. And we found the Compasse to haue no variation. The wind increased to a storme.

The six and twentieth, was a great storme at the North North-east, and North-east.* 2.341 Wee [ 60] steered away South-west afore the wind with our fore-course abroad: for wee were able to maintayne no more sayles, it blew so vehemently, and the Sea went so high, and brake with∣all, that it would haue dangered a small ship to lye vnder the Sea. So we skudded seuenty leagues in foure and twentie houres. The storme began to cease at foure of the clocke.

The seuen and twentieth, indifferent faire weather, but a good stiffe gale of wind at North,

and North North-east, wee held on our course as before. At noone wee obserued and found our heigth to be 64. degrees 10. minutes. And wee perceiued, that the Current had hindred vs in fortie eight houres to the number of 16. leagues to our best judgement.* 2.342 We set our mayne-sayle, sprit-sayle, and our mayne-top-sayle, and held on our course all night, hauing faire weather.

The eight and twentieth, faire weather and little wind at North-east, we held on our course South-west. At noone wee obserued the heigth, and were in 62. degrees and 30. minutes. The after-noone was little wind at North North-west. The second watch it fell calme. At foure of the clocke wee had sight of the Iles called Farre,* 2.343 and found them to lye out of their place in the Sea Chart fourteene leagues to farre Westerly. For in running South-west from Lofoote, wee had a good care to our steerage and obseruations; and counted our selues thirtie leagues off by our course and obseruation: and had sight of them sixteene or eighteene leagues off. [ 10]

The nine and twentieth, faire weather sometimes calme, and sometimes a gale with the wind varying at South-west, and so to the North-east. Wee got to the Ilands, but could not get in. So we stood along the Ilands. The ebbe being come, we durst not put in.

The thirtieth faire weather; the wind at South-east and East South-east. In the morning we turned into a Road in Stromo,* 2.344 one of the Ilands of Farre, betweene Stromo and Mugge-nes, and got in by nine of the clocke: for it flowed so there that day. And assoone as we came in, we went to Romage, and sent our Boat for water, and filled all our emptie Caskes with fresh water. Wee made in end of our Romaging this night by ten of the clocke.

The one and thirtieth, faire Sun-shining weather, the wind at East South-east. In the fore∣noone [ 20] our Master with most of his Company went on shoare to walke, and at one of the clocke they returned aboord. Then we set sayle.

* 2.345The first of Iune, stilo nouo, faire Sun-shining weather, the wind at East South-east. We con∣tinued on our course South-west and by West. At noone wee obserued the Sunne, and found our heigth to be 60. degrees 58. minutes: and so continued on our course all night with faire wea∣ther. This night we lighted Candles in the m 2.346 Bittacle againe.

The second mystie weather, the wind at North-east. At noone we steered away West South-west, to find Busse Iland, discouered in the yeere 1578. by one of the ships of Sir Martin Fro∣bisher, to see if it lay in her true latitude in the Chart or no: wee continued our course as before all night, with a faire gale of wind: this night we had sight of the first stars, and our water was [ 30] changed colour to a white greene. The Compasse had no variation.

The third, faire Sun-shining weather; the wind at North-east. We steered on our course South-west and by West, with a stiffe gale of wind. At noone we obserued and found our heigth to bee 58. degrees 48. minutes. And I was before the ship 16. leagues, by reason of the Current that held vs so strong out of the South-west. For it is eight leagues in foure and twentie houres. We accounted our selues neere Busse Iland: by mid-night we looked out for it, but could not see it.

The fourth, in the morning was much wind with fogge and raine. Wee steered away South-west by west all the fore-noone, the wind so increasing, that wee were enforced to take in our top-sayle: the winde continuing so all the after-noone. Wee steered away South-west all the fore-part of the night; and at ten of the clocke at night it was little wind; and that was at South, and so came vp to the South South-east. [ 40]

The fift, stormie weather, and much wind at South, and South by East, so that at foure of the clocke in the morning, we tooke in our fore-sayle, and lay a try with our mayne corse, and tryed away West North-west foure leagues. But at noone it was lesse wind, and the Sunne shewed forth; and we obserued, and found our heigth to be 56. degrees 21. minutes. In the after-noone the wind vered to and fro betweene the South-west and the South-east, with raine and fogge,* 2.347 and so continued all night. Wee found that our ship had gone to the VVestward of our course. The sixth, thicke hasie weather with gusts of wind, and showers of raine. The wind va∣ried betweene East South-East and South-west, wee steered on many courses a West South-west way. The afternoone watch the wind was at East South-east, a stiffe gale with myst and raine. Wee steered away South-west, by West eight leagues. At noone the Sunne shone forth, [ 50] and we found the heigth to bee 56. degrees 8. minutes. The seuenth, faire sun-shining weather all the fore-noone,* 2.348 and calme vntill twelue of the clocke. In the after-noone the wind came to the North-west, a stiffe gale. We steered South-west by West, and made a South-west way. At noone we found the height to bee 56. degrees one minute, and it continued all night a hard gale. The eight, stormy weather, the wind variable, betweene West and North-west much wind: at eight of the clocke wee tooke off our Bonnets. At noone the Sunne shewed forth, and wee ob∣serued, and our height was 54. degrees 30. minutes. The ninth, faire sun-shining weather, and lit∣tle wind all the fore-part of the day vntill eleuen of the clocke. Then the wind came to the South South-east, and we steered away West South-west. At noone we found our height to bee [ 60] 53. degrees and 45. minutes, and we had made our way South by West ten leagues. In the after-noone the wind increased and continued all night at East North-east and East.

The twelfth, faire weather, the wind variable betweene East North-east and South-east, wee steered on our course as before. At foure of the clock in the afternoon the wind came vp at South-east.

And we held our course as before. At noone wee obserued and found our height to be 52. degrees 35. minutes.

The eleuenth, in the morning was thicke and foggie, the winde varying betweene South South-west, and North-west. At foure of the clocke in the morning, wee tackt about to the Southward: At eleuen of the clocke the winde came to the North-west, and so to the West North-west. This day we had change of water, of a whitish greene, like to the Ice water to the North-west. At noone it cleered vp, and became very faire weather: wee put out our mayne top-sayle: then we obserued the Sunne, and found our height to be 51. degrees 24. minutes. We had sayled many courses and found our ship gone to the Southward of our account ten leagues,* 2.349 [ 10] by reason of a current from the North-ward. The Compasse varied on point to the East.

The twelfth, faire Sun-shining weather, but much wind at the West: we stood to the South∣ward all day, the wind shifting betweene the South-west and the West and by North. Wee made our way South halfe a point West, eight and twentie leagues. Our height at noone was 50. degrees 9. minutes. At eight of the clock at night we took off our Bonets, the wind increasing.

The thirteenth, faire Sun-shining weather: the wind variable betweene the West, and North North-west. We made our way South South-west seuen and twentie leagues. At noone we ob∣serued, and found our heigth to be 48. degrees 45. minutes. But not to be trusted, the Sea went so high. In the after-noone the winde was calmer, and wee brought to our Bonets, and stood to the Southward all night with a stiffe gale.

[ 20] The fourteenth, faire and cleere Sun-shining weather: the winde variable betweene the North-west and South-west by West. At mid-night I obserued the North starre at a North-west by West Guarde; a good obseruation 49. degrees 30. minutes.* 2.350 And at noone wee obserued the Sunne, and our heigth was 48. degrees 6. minutes. And I made account we ranne betweene the two obseruations twelue leagues. At one of the clocke in the after-noone, wee cast about to the Westward, and stood so all night: the winde increased to a storme, and was very much winde with Raine.

The fifteenth, we had a great storme, and spent * 2.351 ouer-boord our fore-mast, bearing our fore corse low set. The sixteenth, we were forced to trie with our mayne sayle, by reason of the vn∣constant weather. So wee tried foure watches South-east and by South eight leagues and an [ 30] halfe, and two watches sixe leagues. The seuenteenth, reasonable faire weather: the wind va∣riable betweene West South-west, and West North-west. And a stiffe gale of wind, and so great a swelling Sea out of the West South-west, that wee could doe nothing. So one watch and an halfe wee droue North foure-leagues and an halfe, and foure watches and an halfe South and by East halfe a point East twelue leagues. The eighteenth, reasonable weather but close and cloudie, and an hard gale of wind, and a great Sea. The winde being at the North-west, wee lay to the Southward, and made our drift South and by West, fiue leagues. The after-noone prooued little wind, and the night part calme. The nineteenth, in the fore-noone faire weather and calme. In the morning we set the piece of our fore mast, and set our fore corse.

The one and twentieth, faire Sun-shining weather, but much wind and a great Sea. We split [ 40] our fore saile at ten of the clocke; then we laid it a trie * 2.352 with our mayne sayle, and continued so all day. In the night it fell to be little wind. This day our heigth was 45. degrees 48. minutes.

The two and twentieth, very faire Sun-shining weather, and calme all the after-noone. At noone we made a very good obseruation, and found our heigth 44. degrees 58. minutes. At eight of the clocke at night wee had a small gale of winde at South-east. And wee steered away West for Newfound Land. The true Compasse varied one point East.

The three and twentieth, thicke weather with much wind and some raine. At eight of the clocke in the morning, the wind came to the West South-west, and West so stiffe a gale, that we were forced to take our top-sayle, and steered away North North-west vntill foure of the clock in the after-noone. Then we tact to the Southward the winde at West North-west. At eight [ 50] of the clocke at night wee tooke in our top-sayles, and laid it a trie with our mayne sayle, the winde at West.

The foure and twentieth, a stiffe gale of wind, varying betweene the West and North North-west, we tried till sixe of the clocke: at which time we set our foresaile, and steered way West and by South by our Compasse eight leagues in foure watches: and wee tried away South in one watch and an halfe.

The fiue and twentieth, faire Sun-shining weather, the wind at North North-west and North, we steered away West by South by our Compasse till twelue of the clocke: at which time we had sight of a sayle, and gaue her chafe but could not speake with her. She stood to the Eastward; and we stood after her till sixe of the clocke in the after-noone. Then wee tact to the [ 60] Westward againe, and stood on our course. It was faire all night, and little wind sometimes.

The six and twentieth, all the fore-part of the day very farre weather and hot, but at foure of the clocke in the after-noone it grew to bee much winde and raine: the winde was at South South-east. At noone wee obserued and found our heigth to bee 44. degrees 33. minutes. At eight of the clocke at night, the wind came to South-west, and West South-west. Wee steered

North-west, one Watch, and at twelue in the night, to the West, and West and by South, very much wind. So we could lye but North North-west.

The seuen and twentieth, very much winde and a soare storme, the wind Westerly. In the morning at foure of the clocke, wee tooke in our fore-corse, and layd it a trie with our mayne-corse low set; and so continued all the day and night, two watches to the Northward. At eight of the clocke at night, we tackt to the Southward.

The eight and twentieth, faire sun-shining weather, the wind at West and by South; we lay a trie to the Southward till eight of the clocke in the morning. Then wee set our fore-corse, and stood to the Southward a stiffe gale of wind, but faire weather and a great Sea, out of the Wester∣boord, and so continued all night.

The nine and twentieth, faire sun-shining weather, the wind at West and by South; we stood [ 10] to the Southward vntill sixe of the clocke at night, and made our way South and by East, foure leagues. Then the winde came to the South-west, and wee cast about to the VVestward, and made our way VVest North-west all night. At noone, I found the height 43. degrees 6. mi∣nutes. The variation one point VVest.

The thirtieth, faire sun-shining weather, the winde at South-west and by VVest, we steered North-west and by VVest. And made our way so, by reason of the variation of the Compasse. At noone, I found the height to bee 43. degrees 18. minutes; wee continued our course all night, and made our way North-west and by VVest, halfe a point VVesterly, fiue and twentie leagues.

* 2.353The first of Iuly, close, mystie and thicke weather, but a faire gale of wind at South-west, and [ 20] South-west by South. We steered away North-west and by West, Westerly, and made our way so, by reason of the variation of the Compasse. At eight of the clocke at night, wee sounded for the Banke of New-found Land, but could get no ground.

The second, thicke mystie weather, but little wind, and that at West, and West and by South. At eight of the clocke in the morning,* 2.354 we cast about to the Southward, and when our ship was on stayes, we sounded for the Banke, and had ground in thirtie fathoms, white sand and shells, and presently it cleered: and we had sight of a sayle, but spake not with her. In the night we had much Rayne, Thunder and Lightning, and wind shifting.

The third, faire Sun-shining weather, with a faire gale of wind at East North-east, and wee steered away West South-west by our Compasse,* 2.355 which varyed 17. degrees Westward. This [ 30] morning we were among a great Fleet of French-men, which lay Fishing on the Banke; but we spake with none of them. At noone wee found our heighth to bee 43. degrees 41. minutes. And we sounded at ten of the clocke, and had thirtie fathoms gray sand. At two of the clocke wee sounded, and had fiue and thirtie fathoms gray sand. At eight of the clocke at night, we sounded againe, and had eight and thirtie fathoms gray sand, as before.

The fourth, at the fore-part of the day cleere, with a faire gale of wind, but variable betweene the East North-east, and South and by East, wee held on our course as before. The after-noone was mystie, the wind shifting betweene the South and the West, till foure of the clocke. Then we tooke in our top-sayle and sprit-sayle, and sounded and had no ground in seuentie fathoms. The winde shifted still vntill eight of the clocke, then it came to the North North-east, and [ 40] North-east and by North,* 2.356 and we steered away West North-west, by our varyed Compasse, which made a West way halfe point North. The Compasse varyed 15. degrees from the North to the West.

The fift, faire sun-shining weather, the wind at North-east and by North, we steered away West North-west, which was West halfe a point North. At noone we found our heighth to be 44. degrees 10. minutes, and sounded, and had no ground in one hundred fathoms. The after-noone proued calme sometimes, and somtimes little wind, vntill nine of the clocke in the night. Then the wind came to the East, and we held on our course. At mid-night I obserued and found the height to bee 44. degrees 10. minutes, by the North Starre and the Scorpions heart. The Compasse varyed 13. degrees.* 2.357 [ 50]

The sixth, the fore-part of the day faire weather▪ and a stiffe gale of wind, betweene South South-east, and South-west, wee steered West and by North, and West North-west. The after-part of the day from two of the clocke, was all foggie and thicke weather; the wind a hard gale, varying betweene South-west and by South,* 2.358 and West and by North, we made our way North-west halfe a point Northerly, nineteene leagues, vpon many points foure Watches. At night at eight of the clocke, we sounded and had no ground at one hundred fathoms.

The seuenth, faire sun-shining weather, the wind varying betweene West and by North, and West and by South. At foure of the clocke in the morning, we cast about to the Southward, and stood so till one in the after-noone. At noone we found our height to be 44. degrees 26. minutes. At seuen of the clocke, we tackt to the Northward. At eight at night, we tackt to the South∣ward, [ 60] and sounded, and had nine and fiftie fathoms, white sand.

The eight, in the fore-noone faire weather, but the morning foggie till seuen of the clocke. At foure of the clocke in the morning we sounded, and had fiue & fortie fathoms, fine white sand, and we had runne fiue leagues South and by West. Then wee stood along one Glasse, and went

one league as before. Then we stood one Glasse and sounded, and had sixtie fathoms. Then wee takt and stood backe to the Banke, and had fiue and twentie fathoms; and tryed for Fish,* 2.359 and it fell calme, and we caught one hundred and eighteene great Coddes, from eight a clocke till one, and after Dinner wee tooke twelue, and saw many great Scoales of Herrings. Then wee had a gale of wind at South, and it shifted to the West North-west, and we stood three Glasses and sounded and had sixtie fathomes, and stood two Glasses, and had two and fortie fathoms, red stones and shells. So wee sounded euery Glasse and had seuerall soundings 35.33.30.31.32.33. and 34. fathoms.

The ninth, faire calme weather, we lay becalmed all day and caught some Fish, but not much, [ 10] because we had small store of salt. At three of the clocke in the after-noone, wee had a gale at South-east, and South South-east, and we steered away Westerly, our Compasse was West and by South halfe a point South. At foure of the clocke, we sounded and had but fifteene, seuenteene, and nineteene fathoms on a fishing Banke; and we founded euery Glasse. Then we could get no ground in fiue and twentie fathoms, and had sight of a sayle on head off vs. At noone our height was 44. degrees 27. minutes. We stood to the Westward all night, and spake with a French-man, which lay Fishing on the Banke of Sablen, in thirtie fathoms, and we saw two or three more.

The tenth, very mystie and thicke weather, the wind at South-west, a faire gale. We stood to the South-ward, and made our way South-east and by East. At twelue of the clocke we soun∣ded, and had eight and fortie fathoms: againe at two we sounded, and had fiftie fathoms. And [ 20] at sixe of the clocke we sounded: and had eight and fortie fathoms on the end of the Banke. A∣gaine, at eight of the clocke at night wee sounded, and had no ground in eightie fathomes, and were ouer the Banke. So wee stood along till mid-night.* 2.360 The Compasse varyed 17. degrees to the Westward.

The eleuenth, very thicke and mystie weather. At twelue of the clocke at night, we cast a∣bout to the Westward, and stood so all day, and made our way West North-west. We sounded at twelue of the clocke, but had no ground; so we stood to the Westward all the fore-part of the night, and sounded but could get no ground in fiftie or sixtie fathoms till mid-night. Then I sounded and had ground at fifteene fathoms, white sand.

The twelfth, was very foggie, we stood our course all the morning till eleuen of the clocke; at [ 30] which time we had sight of the Land, which is low white sandie ground, right on head off vs;* 2.361 and had ten fathoms. Then we tackt to the Southward, and stood off foure Glasses: then we tackt to the Land againe, thinking to haue rode vnder it, and as we came neere it, the fog was so thicke that we could not see; so wee stood off againe. From mid-night to two of the clocke, we came sounding in twelue, thirteene, and foureteene fathoms off the shoare. At foure of the clocke, we had 20 fathoms. At eight of the clocke at night 30. fathoms. At twelue of the clocke 65. fathoms, and but little winde, for it deeped apace, but the neerer the shoare the fairer shoalding.

The thirteenth, faire sun-shining weather, from eight of the clocke in the fore-noone all day after, but in the morning it was foggie. Then at eight of the clocke we cast about for the shoare, but could not see it; the wind being at South by our true Compasse, wee steered VVest and by [ 40] North. At noone we obserued, and found our height to bee 43. degrees 25. minutes;* 2.362 so we stee∣red away VVest and by North all the after-noone. At foure of the clocke in the after-noone, we sounded and had fiue and thirtie fathoms. And at sixe of the clocke, wee had sight of the Land, and saw two sayles on head off vs. The land by the waters side is low Land, and white san∣die Bankes rising full of little Hils. Our soundings were 35.33.30.28.32.37.33. & 32. fathoms.

The foureteenth, full of mysts flying and vading, the wind betweene South and South-west, we steered away West North-west, and North-west and by West. Our soundings were 29.25.24.25.22.25.27.30.28.30.35.43.50.70.90.70.64.86.100. fathoms, and no ground.

The fifteenth, very mystie, the winde varying betweene South and South-west, wee steered West and by North, and VVest North-west. In the morning we sounded, and had one hundred fathoms, till foure of the clocke in the after-noone. Then we sounded againe, and had seuentie [ 50] fiue fathoms. Then in two Glasses running, which was not aboue two English miles, we sounded and had sixtie fathoms, and it shoalded a great pace vntill we came to twentie fathoms. Then we made account we were neere the Ilands that lie off the shoare. So we came to an Anchor, the Sea being very smooth and little wind, at nine of the clocke at night. After supper, we tryed for Fish, and I caught fifteene Cods, some the greatest that I haue seene, and so we rode all night.

The sixteenth, in the morning it cleered vp, and wee had sight of fiue Ilands lying North,* 2.363 and North and by VVest from vs, two leagues. Then wee made ready to set sayle, but the myst came so thicke, that we durst not enter in among them.

The seuenteenth, was all mystie, so that wee could not get into the Harbour. At ten of the clocke two Boates came off to vs, with sixe of the Sauages of the Countrey,* 2.364 seeming gl••d of our [ 60] comming. VVe gaue them trifles, and they eate and dranke with vs; and told vs, that there were Gold, Siluer, and Copper mynes hard by vs; and that the French-men doe Trade with them; which is very likely, for one of them spake some words of French. So wee rode still all day and all night, the weather continuing mystie.

The eighteenth, faire weather, wee went into a very good Harbour, and rode hard by the shoare in foure fathoms water. The Riuer runneth vp a great way, but there is but two fathoms hard by vs.* 2.365 VVe went on shoare and cut vs a fore Mast, then at noone we came aboord againe, and found the height of the place to bee in 44. degrees 1. minute;* 2.366 and the Sunne to fall at a South South-west Sunne. VVe mended our sayles, and fell to make our fore-Mast. The Harbour lyeth South and North, a mile in where we rode.

The nineteenth, we had faire sun-shining weather, we rode still. In the after-noone wee went with our Boate to looke for fresh water, and found some; and found a shoald with many Lobsters on it, and caught one and thirtie. The people comming aboord, shewed vs great friend∣ship, but we could not trust them. The twentieth, faire sunne-shining weather, the winde at South-west. In the morning, our Scute went out to catch fresh Fish halfe an houre before day, [ 10] and returned in two houres, bringing seuen and twentie great Coddes, with two hookes and lines. In the after-noone wee went for more Lobsters, and caught fortie, and returned aboord. Then wee espied two French Shallops full of the Countrey people come into the Harbour, but they offered vs no wrong,* 2.367 seeing we stood vpon our guard. They brought many Beauer skinnes, and other fine Furres, which they would haue changed for redde Gownes. For the French trade with them for red Cassockes, Kniues, Hatchets, Copper, Kettles, Treuits, Beades, and other trifles.

The one and twentieth, all mystie, the wind Easterly, wee rode still and did nothing, but a∣bout our Mast. The two and twentieth, faire Sun-shining weather, the winde all Northerly, we rode still all the day. In the after-noone our Scute went to catch more Lobsters, and brought [ 20] with them nine and fiftie. The night was cleere weather.

The three and twentieth, faire sun-shining weather and very hot. At eleuen of the clocke, our fore Mast was finished, and we brought it aboord, and set it into the step, and in the after-noone we rigged it. This night we had some little myst and rayne.

The foure and twentieth, very hot weather, the winde at South out of the sea. The fore-part of the day wee brought to our sayles. In the morning, our Scute went to take Fish, and in two houres they brought with them twentie great Coddes, and a great Holibut, the night was faire also. We kept good watch for feare of being betrayed by the people, and perceiued where they layd their Shallops. [ 30]

The fiue and twentieth, very faire weather and hot. In the morning wee manned our Scute with foure Muskets,* 2.368 and sixe men, and tooke one of their Shallops and brought it aboord. Then we manned our Boat & Scute with twelue men and Muskets, and two stone Pieces or Murderers, and draue the Saluages from their Houses, and tooke the spoyle of them, as they would haue done of vs. Then wee set sayle, and came downe to the Harbours mouth, and rode there all night, because the winde blew right in, and the night grew mystie with much rayne till mid-night. Then it fell calme, and the wind came off the Land at West North-west, and it began to cleere. The Compasse varyed 10. degrees North-west.

The sixe and twentieth, faire and cleere sunne-shining weather. At fiue of the clocke in the morning, the winde being off the shoare at North North-west, we set sayle and came to sea, and [ 40] by noone we counted our ship had gone foureteene leagues South-west. In the after-noone, the winde shifted variably betweene West South-west, and North-west. At noone, I found the height to bee 43. degrees 56. minutes. This Eeuening being very faire weather, wee obserued the variation of our Compasse at the Sunnes going downe,* 2.369 and found it to bee 10. degrees from the North to the VVestward.

The seuen and twentieth, faire sun-shining weather, the winde shifting betweene the South-west, and West and by North, a stiffe gale, we stood to the Southward all day, and made our way South and by West, seuen and twentie leagues. At noone, our height was 42. degrees 50. minuts. At foure of the clocke in the after-noone, wee cast about to the Northward. At eight of the clocke, we tooke in our top-sayles and our fore-bonnet, and went with a short sayle all night. [ 50]

The eight and twentieth, very thicke and mystie, and a stiffe gale of wind, varying betweene South South-west, and South-west and by VVest; we made our way North-west and by VVest, seuen and twentie leagues, wee sounded many times and could get no ground. At fiue of the clocke, we cast about to the Southward, the wind at South-west and by VVest. At which time we sounded, and had ground at seuentie fiue fathoms. At eight, wee had sixtie fiue fathoms. At ten,* 2.370 sixtie. At twelue of the clocke at mid-night, fiftie sixe fathoms, gray sand. The Compasse varyed 6. degrees the North point to the VVest.

The nine and twentieth, faire weather, we stood to the Southward, and made our way South and by VVest a point South, eighteene leagues. At noone, we found our height to bee 42. de∣grees 56. minutes, wee sounded oft, and had these 60.64.65.67.65.65.70. and 75. fathoms. At [ 60] night,* 2.371 wee tryed the variation of our Compasse by the setting of the Sunne, and found that it went downe 37. degrees to the North-ward of the VVest, and should haue gone downe but 31. degrees. The Compasse varyed 5. 1/••. degrees.

The thirtieth, very hot, all the fore-part of the day calme, the wind at South South-east, wee

steered away VVest South-west and sounded many times, and could find no ground at one hun∣dred and seuentie fathomes. VVe found a great current and many ouer-falls. Our current had deceiued vs. For at noone we found our height to be 41. degrees 34. minutes.* 2.372 And the current had heaued vs to the Southward fourteene leagues. At eight of the clocke at night, I sounded and had ground in fiftie two fathomes. In the end of the mid-night watch, wee had fiftie three fa∣thomes. This last obseruation is not to be trusted.

The one and thirtieth, very thicke and mystie all day, vntill tenne of the clocke. At night the wind came to the South, and South-west and South. We made our way West North-west nineteene leagues. Wee sounded many times, and had difference of soundings, sometimes little stones, and sometimes grosse gray sand, fiftie six, fiftie foure, fortie eight, fortie [ 10] seuen, fortie foure, fortie six, fiftie fathomes; and at eight of the clocke at night it fell calme, and we had fiftie fathomes. And at ten of the clocke we heard a great Rut, like the Rut of the shoare.* 2.373 Then I sounded and found the former Depths; and mistrusting a current, seeing it so still that the ship made no way, I let the lead lie on the ground, and found a tide set to the South-west, and South-west by West, so fast, that I could hardly vere the Line so fast, and presently came an hur∣ling current, or tyde with ouer-fals, which cast our ship round;* 2.374 and the Lead was so fast in the ground, that I feared the Lines breaking, and we had no more but that. At mid-night I soun∣ded againe, and we had seuentie fiue fathomes; and the strong streame had left vs.

The first of August, all the fore-part of the day was mystie, and at noone it cleered vp. We found that our height was 41. degrees 45. minutes, and we had gone nineteene leagues. The after-noon [ 20] was reasonable cleere. We found a rustling tide or current, with many ouer-fals to continue still, and our water to change colour, and our sea to bee very deepe, for wee found no ground in one hundred fathomes. The night was cleere, and the winde came to the North, and North North-east, we steered West.

The second, very faire weather and hot: from the morning till noone we had a gale of wind, but in the after-noone little wind. At noone I sounded and had one hundred and ten fathomes; and our height was 41. degrees 56. minutes. And wee had runne foure and twentie leagues and an halfe. At the Sun-setting we obserued the variation of the Compasse, and found that it was come to his true place. At eight of the clocke the gale increased, so wee ranne sixe leagues that watch, and had a very faire and cleere night.

[ 30] The third, very hot weather. In the morning, we had sight of the Land, and steered in with it, thinking to goe to the North-ward of it. So we sent our shallop with fiue men, to found in by the shore: and they found it deepe fiue fathomes within a Bow-shot of the shoare;* 2.375 and they went on Land, and found goodly Grapes, and Rose trees, and brought them aboord with them, at fiue of the clocke in the Eeuening. We had seuen and twentie fathomes within two miles of the shoare; and we found a floud come from the South-east, and an ebbe from the North-west, with a very strong streame, and a great hurling and noyses. At eight of the clocke at night, the wind began to blow a fresh gale, and continued all night but variable. Our sounding that wee had to the Land, was one hundred, eightie, seuentie foure, fiftie two, fortie sixe, twentie nine, twentie seuen, twentie foure, nineteene, seuenteene, sometimes Oze, and sometimes [ 40] gray sand.

The fourth, was very hot: we stood to the North-west two watches, and one South in for the Land, and came to an Anchor at the Norther end of the Headland, and heard the voyce of men call. Then we sent our Boat on shoare, thinking they had beene some Christians left on the Land: but wee found them to bee Sauages, which seemed very glad of our comming. So wee brought one aboord with vs, and gaue him meate, and he did eate and drinke with vs.* 2.376 Our Ma∣ster gaue him three or foure glasse Buttons, and sent him on Land with our shallop againe. And at our Boats comming from the shoare he leapt and danced, and held vp his hands, and pointed vs to a riuer on the other side: for we had made signes that we came to fish there. The bodie of this Headland lyeth in 41. degrees 45. minutes. We set sayle againe after dinner, thinking to haue got [ 50] to the Westward of this Headland, but could not; so we beare vp to the Southward of it, & made a South-east way; and the Souther point did beare West at eight of the clocke at night. Our soundings about the Easter and Norther part of this Headland, a league from the shoare are these: at the Easterside thirtie, twentie seuen, twentie seuen, twentie foure, twentie fiue, twentie. The North-east point 17. degrees 18. minutes, and so deeper. The North-end of this Headland, hard by the shoare thirtie fathomes: and three leagues off North North-west, one hundred fa∣thomes. At the South-east part a league off, fifteene, sixteene, and seuenteene fathomes. The people haue greene Tabacco, and pipes, the boles whereof are made of Earth, and the pipes of red Copper. The Land is very sweet.

[ 60] The fift, all mystie. At eight of the clocke in the morning, wee tact about to the Westward, and stood in till foure of the clocke in the after-noone; at which time it cleered, and wee had sight of the Head-land againe fiue leagues from vs. The Souther point of it did beare West off vs: and we sounded many times, and had no ground. And at foure of the clocke we cast about, and at our staying wee had seuentie fathomes. Wee steered away South and South by East all

night, and could get no ground at seuentie and eightie fathomes. For wee feared a great Riffe, that lyeth off the Land, and steered away South and by East.

The sixth, faire weather, but many times mysting. Wee steered away South South-east, till eight of the clocke in the morning; Then it cleered a little, and wee cast about to the Westward. Then we sounded and had thirtie fathomes, grosse sand, and were come to the Riffe. Then wee kept our Lead, and had quicke shoalding, from thirtie, twentie nine, twentie seuen, twentie foure, twentie two, twentie and an halfe, twentie, twentie, nineteene, nineteene, nineteene, eighteene, eighteene, seuenteene; and so deeping againe as proportionally as it shoalded. For we steered South and South-east till we came to twentie sixe fathomes. Then we steered South-west for so the tyde doth set. By and by it being calme we tryed by our Lead; for you shall [ 10] haue sixteene or seuenteene fathomes, and the next cast but seuen or six fathomes. And farther to the Westward you shall haue foure and fiue foot water, and see Rockes vnder you; and you shall see the Land in the top. Vpon this Riffe we had an obseruation, and found that it lyeth in 40. degrees 10. minutes.* 2.377 And this is that Headland which Captaine Bartholomew Gosnold discoue∣red in the yeere 1602. and called Cape Cod; because of the store of Cod-fish that hee found there∣about. So we steered South-west three leagues, and had twentie, and twentie foure fathomes. Then we steered West two Glasses halfe a league, and came to fifteene fathomes. Then we stee∣red off South-east foure Glasses, but could not get deepe water; for there the tyde of ebbe laid vs on; and the streame did hurle so, that it laid vs so neere the breach of a shoald, that wee were forced to Anchor. So at seuen of the clocke at night, wee were at an Anchor in tenne fathomes: [ 20] And, I giue God most heartie thankes, the least water wee had was seuen fathomes and an halfe. We rode still all night, and at a still water I sounded so farre round about our ship as we could see a light; and had no lesse then eight, nine, ten, and eleuen fathomes: The myst continued being very thicke.

The seuenth, faire weather and hot, but mystie. Wee rode still hoping it would cleere, but on the floud it fell calme and thicke. So we rode still all day and all night. The floud commeth from the South-west, and riseth not aboue one fathome and an halfe in nepe streames. Toward night it cleered, and I went with our shallop and sounded, and found no lesse water then eight fathomes to the South-east off vs: but we saw to the North-west off vs great Breaches.

The eight, faire and cleere weather. In the morning, by sixe of the clocke at flake water wee [ 30] weighed; the wind at North-east, and set our fore-sayle and mayne top-sayle, and got a mile o∣uer the Flats.* 2.378 Then the tyde of ebbe came, so we anchored againe till the floud came. Then wee set sayle againe, and by the great mercie of God, wee got cleere off them by one of the clocke this after-noone. And wee had sight of the Land from the West North-west, to the North North-west. So we steered away South South-east all night; and had ground vntill the middle of the third watch. Then we had fortie fiue fathomes, white sand, and little stones. So all our soundings are twentie, twentie, twentie two, twentie seuen, thirtie two, fortie three, fortie three, fortie fiue. Then no ground in seuentie fathomes.

The ninth, very faire and hot weather, the wind a very stiffe gale. In the morning, at foure of the clocke, our shallop came running vp against our sterne, and split in all her stemme; So we [ 40] were faine to cut her away. Then wee tooke in our mayne sayle, and lay atrie vnder our fore-sayle vntill twelue of the clocke at mid-day. Then the wind ceased to a faire gale, so wee stood away South-west. Then we lay close by, on many courses a South by West way fifteene leagues; and three watches South-east by East, ten leagues. At eight of the clocke at night, wee tooke in our top-sayles, and went with a low sayle; because we were in an vnknowne sea. At noone we obserued and found our heigth to be 38. degrees 39. minutes.

The tenth, in the morning some raine and cloudie weather: the winde at South-west, wee made our way South-east by East, ten leagues. At noone, wee obserued and found our heigth to bee 38. degrees 39. minutes. Then wee tackt about to the Westward, the wind being at South and by East, little wind. At foure of the clocke it fell calme, and we had two Dolphines about [ 50] our ship, and many small fishes. At eight of the clocke at night, wee had a small lingring gale. All night we had a great Sea out of the South-west, and another great Sea out of the North-east.

The eleuenth, all the fore-part of the day faire weather, and very hot. VVee stood to the VVest South-west till noone. Then the wind shorted, and we could lye but South-west and by South. At noone, wee found our heigth to bee 39. degrees 11. minutes. And that the current had laid vs to the Northward thirtie two minutes contrary to our expectation.* 2.379 At foure of the clocke in the after-noone there came a myst, which endured two houres. But wee had it faire and cleere all night after. The Compasse varied the North point to the VVest one whole point.

The twelfth, faire weather, the wind variable betweene the South-west and by South, and the North little wind. In the morning we killed an extraordinary fish, and stood to the West∣ward [ 60] all day and all night. At noone we found our heigth to be 38. degrees 13. minutes. And the obseruation the day before was not good. This noone, we found the Compasse to vary from the North to the West ten degrees.* 2.380

The thirteenth, faire weather and hot: the wind at North-east. Wee steered away West and

by our Compasse two and twentie leagues. At noone wee found our height to bee 37. de∣grees 45. minutes, and that our way from noone to noone was West South-west, halfe a point Southerly. The Compasse was 7. degrees and a halfe variation; from the North point to the West.

The fourteenth, faire weather, but cloudie, and a stiffe gale of wind, variable betweene North-east and South-west, wee steered away West by South, a point South all day vntill nine of the clocke at night; then it began to Thunder and Lighten, whereupon we tooke in all our sayles, and layd it a hull, and hulled away North till mid-night, a league and a halfe.

The fifteenth, very faire and hot weather, the winde at North by East. At foure of the [ 10] clocke in the morning we set sayle, and stood on our course to the Westward. At noone wee found our height to bee 37. degrees 25. minutes. The after-noone proued little wind.* 2.381 At eight of the clocke at night, the winde came to the North, and wee: steered West by North, and West North-west, and made our way West. The Compasse varyed 7. degrees from the North to the West.

The sixteenth, faire-shining weather, and very hot, the wind variable betweene the North and the West, wee steered away West by North. At noone wee found our height to bee 37. degrees 6. minutes. This morning we sounded and had ground in ninetie fathomes,* 2.382 and in sixe Glasses running it shoalded to fiftie fathoms, and so to eight and twentie fathoms, at foure of the clocke in the after-noone. Then wee came to an Anchor, and rode till eight of the clocke at [ 20] night, the wind being at South and Moone-light, we resolued to goe to the Northward to finde deeper water. So we weighed and stood to the Northward, and found the water to shoald and deepe, from eight and twentie to twentie fathomes.

The seuenteenth, faire and cleere Sun-shining weather, the winde at South by West, wee steered to the Northward till foure of the clocke in the morning, then wee came to eighteene fa∣thomes. So we Anchored vntill the Sunne arose to looke abroad for Land, for wee iudged there could not but be Land neere vs, but we could see none. Then we weighed and stood to the West∣ward till noone. And at eleuen of the clocke wee had sight of a low Land, with a white sandie shoare. By twelue of the clocke we were come into fiue fathomes, and Anchored;* 2.383 and the Land was foure leagues from vs, and wee had sight of it from the West, to the North-west by [ 30] North. Our height was 37. degrees 26. minutes. Then the wind blew so stiffe a gale, and such a Sea went, that we could not weigh; so we rode there all night an hard rode.

The eighteenth, in the morning faire weather, and little winde at North North-east and North-east. At foure of the clocke in the morning, we weighed and stood into the shoare to see the deeping or shoalding of it, and finding it too deepe, we stood in to get a rode; for wee saw as it were three Ilands. So wee turned to windward to get into a Bay, as it shewed to vs to the Westward of an Iland. For the three Ilands did beare North off vs. But toward noone the wind blew Northerly, with gusts of wind and rayne. So we stood off into the Sea againe all night; and running off we found a Channell, wherein we had no lesse then eight, nine, ten, eleuen, and twelue fathomes water. For in comming ouer the Barre, wee had fiue, and foure fathomes and a [ 40] halfe, and it lyeth fiue leagues from the shoare, and it is the Barre of Virginia. At the North end of it, it is ten leagues broad, and South and North, but deepe water from ninetie fathoms to fiue,* 2.384 and foure and a halfe. The Land lyeth South and North. This is the entrance into the Kings Riuer in Virginia, where our English-men are. The North side of it lyeth in 37. degrees 26. mi∣nutes, you shall know when you come to shoald water or sounding; for the water will looke Greene or thicke, you shall haue ninetie and eightie fathomes, and shoalding a pace till you come to ten, eleuen, nine, eight, seuen, ten, and nine fathomes, and so to fiue, and foure fathomes and a halfe.

The nineteenth, faire weather, but an hard gale of winde at the North-east, wee stood off till noone, and made our way South-east by East, two and twentie leagues.* 2.385 At noone wee cast [ 50] about to the Westward, and stood till sixe of the clocke in the after-noone, and went fiue leagues and a halfe North-west by North. Then wee cast about againe to the Eastward, and stood that way till foure the next morning.

The twentieth, faire and cleere weather, the winde variable betweene East North-east, and North-east. At foure of the clocke in the morning, wee cast about to the Westward, and stood till noone; at which time I sounded; and had two and thirtie fathomes. Then we take to the Eastward againe; wee found our height to bee 37. degrees 22. minutes.* 2.386 We stood to the East∣ward all night, and had very much wind. At eight of the clocke at night we tooke off our Bon∣nets, and stood with small sayle.

The one and twentieth, was a sore storme of winde and rayne all day and all night, wherefore [ 60] wee stood to the Eastward with a small sayle: till one of the clocke in the after-noone. Then a great Sea brake into our fore-corse and split it; so we were forced to take it from the yard and mend it; wee lay a trie with our mayne-corse all night. This night our Cat ranne crying from one side of the ship to the other, looking ouer-boord, which made vs to wonder; but we saw nothing.

The two and twentieth, stormy weather, with gusts of rayne and wind. In the morning at eight of the clocke we set our fore-corse, and stood to the Eastward vnder our fore-sayle, mayne-sayle and misen, and from noone to noone, we made our way East South-east, fourteene leagues. The night reasonable drie but cloudie,* 2.387 the winde variable all day and night. Our Compasse was varyed 4. degrees Westward.

The three and twentieth, very faire weather, but some Thunder in the morning, the winde variable betweene East by North. At noone wee tackt about to the Northward, the winde at East by North. The after-noone very faire, the wind variable, and continued so all night. Our way we made East South-east, till noone the next day.

The foure and twentieth, faire and hot weather, with the wind variable betweene the North and the East. The after-noone variable winde. But at foure of the clocke, the wind came to [ 10] the East and South-east; so wee steered away North by West, and in three Watches wee went thirteene leagues. At noone our height was 35. degrees 41. minutes, being farre off at Sea from the Land.

The fiue and twentieth, faire weather and very hot. All the morning was very calme vntill eleuen of the clocke; the wind came to South-east, and South South-east; so wee steered away North-west by North, two Watches and a halfe, and one Watch North-west by West, and went eighteene leagues. At noone I found our height to bee 36. degrees 20. minutes, being without sight of Land.

The sixe and twentieth, faire and hot weather, the winde variable vpon all the points of the [ 20] Compasse. From two of the clocke in the morning vntill noone, wee made our way North by East, seuen leagues. In the after-noone the wind came to the North-east, and vering to the East South-east, wee steered away North-west fifteene leagues, from noone till ten of the clocke at night. At eight of the clocke at night wee sounded, and had eighteene fathomes, and were come to the Banke of Virginia,* 2.388 and could not see the Land. Wee kept sounding, and steered a∣way North, and came to eight fathomes, and Anchored there; for the wind was at East South-east, so that wee could not get off. For the Coast lyeth along South South-west, and North North-east. At noone our height was 37. degrees 15. minutes. And wee found that we were returned to the same place, from whence we were put off at our first seeing Land.

The seuen and twentieth, faire weather and very hot, the winde at East South-east. In the [ 30] morning as soone as the Sunne was vp, wee looked out and had sight of the Land. Then wee weighed, and stood in North-west two Glasses, and found the Land to bee the place, from whence wee put off first. So wee kept our loofe, and steered along the Land, and had the Banke lye all along the shoare;* 2.389 and wee had in two leagues off the shoare, fiue, sixe, seuen, eight, nine, and ten fathomes. The Coast lyeth South South-west, and is a white Sandie shoare, and sheweth full of Bayes and Points. The streame setteth West South-west, and East North-east. At sixe of the clocke at night, wee were thwart of an Harbour or Riuer, but we saw a Barre lye before it; and all within the Land to the Northward, the water ranne with many Ilands in it. At sixe of the clocke we Anchored, and sent our Boate to sound to the shoare-ward, and found no lesse then foure and a halfe, fiue, sixe, and seuen fathomes. [ 40]

The eight and twentieth, faire and hot weather, the winde at South South-west. In the morning at sixe of the clocke wee weighed, and steered away North twelue leagues till noone, and came to the Point of the Land;* 2.390 and being hard by the Land in fiue fathomes, on a sud∣den wee came into three fathomes; then we beare vp and had but ten foote water, and ioy∣ned to the Point. Then as soone as wee were ouer, wee had fiue, sixe, seuen, eight, nine, ten, twelue,* 2.391 and thirteene fathomes. Then wee found the Land to trend away North-west, with a great Bay and Riuers. But the Bay wee found shoald; and in the offing wee had ten fathomes, and had sight of Breaches and drie Sand. Then wee were forced to stand backe againe; so we stood backe South-east by South, three leagues. And at seuen of the clocke wee Anchored in eight fathomes water; and found a Tide set to the North-west, and North North-west, [ 50] and it riseth one fathome,* 2.392 and floweth South South-east. And hee that will throughly Dis∣couer this great Bay, must haue a small Pinnasse, that must draw but foure or fiue foote water, to sound before him. At fiue in the morning wee weighed, and steered away to the Eastward on many courses,* 2.393 for the Norther Land is full of shoalds. Wee were among them, and once wee strooke, and wee went away; and steered away to the South-east. So wee had two, three, foure, fiue, sixe, and seuen fathomes, and so deeper and deeper.

The nine and twentieth, faire weather, with some Thunder and showers, the winde shifting betweene the South South-west, and the North North-west. In the morning wee weighed at the breake of day,* 2.394 and stood toward the Norther Land, which we found to bee all Ilands to our sight, and great stormes from them, and are shoald three leagues off. For we comming by them, [ 60] had but seuen,* 2.395 sixe, fiue, foure, three, and two fathoms and a halfe, and strooke ground with our Rudder, we steered off South-west, one Glasse, and had fiue fathoms. Then wee steered South-east three Glasses, then wee found seuen fathomes, and steered North-east by East, foure leagues, and came to twelue and thirteene fathoms. At one of the clocke, I went to the top-mast

head, and set the Land, and the bodie of the Ilands did beare North-west by North. And at foure of the clocke, wee had gone foure leagues East South-east, and North-east by East, and found but seuen fathoms, and it was calme, so we Anchored. Then I went againe to the top-mast head, to see how farre I could see Land about vs, and could see no more but the I∣lands. And the Souther point of them did beare North-west by West, eight leagues off. So wee rode till mid-night. Then the winde came to the North North-west, so wee waighed and set sayle.

The thirtieth, in the morning betweene twelue and one, we weighed, and stood to the East-ward, the winde at North North-west, wee steered away and made our way East South-east. From our weighing till noone, eleuen leagues. Our soundings were eight, nine, ten, eleuen, [ 10] twelue, and thirteene fathomes till day. Then we came to eighteene, nineteene, twentie, and to sixe and twentie fathoms by noone. Then I obserued the Sunne, and found the height to bee 39. degrees 5. minutes, and saw no Land. In the after-noone,* 2.396 the winde came to North by West; So wee lay close by with our fore-sayle: and our mayne-sayle, and it was little winde vntill twelue of the clocke at mid-night, then wee had a gale a little while. Then I sounded, and all the night our soundings were thirtie, and sixe and thirtie fathomes, and wee went little.

The one and thirtieth, faire weather and little wind. At sixe of the clocke in the morning we cast about to the Northward, the wind being at the North-east, little wind. At noone it fell calme, and I found the height to bee 38. degrees 39. minutes. And the streames had deceiued vs,* 2.397 [ 20] and our sounding was eight and thirtie fathoms. In the afternoone I sounded againe, and had but thirtie fathoms. So we found that we were heaued too and fro with the streames of the Tide, both by our obseruations and our depths. From noone till foure of the clocke in the after-noone, it was calme. At sixe of the clocke wee had a little gale Southerly, and it continued all night, sometimes calme, and sometimes a gale; wee went eight leagues from noone to noone, North by East.

The first of September, faire weather, the wind variable betweene East and South,* 2.398 we steered away North North-west. At noone we found our height to bee 39. degrees 3. minutes. Wee had soundings thirtie, twentie seuen, twentie foure, and twentie two fathomes, as wee went to the Northward. At sixe of the clocke wee had one and twentie fathomes. And all the [ 30] third watch till twelue of the clocke at mid-night, we had soundings one and twentie, two and twentie, eighteene, two and twentie, one and twentie, eighteene, and two and twentie fathoms, and went sixe leagues neere hand North North-west.

The second, in the morning close weather, the winde at South in the morning; from twelue vntill two of the clocke we steered North North-west, and had sounding one and twentie fa∣thoms, and in running one Glasse we had but sixteene fathoms, then seuenteene, and so shoalder and shoalder vntill it came to twelue fathoms. We saw a great Fire, but could not see the Land, then we came to ten fathoms, whereupon we brought our tackes aboord, and stood to the East∣ward East South-east, foure Glasses. Then the Sunne arose, and we steered away North againe, and saw the Land from the West by North, to the North-west by North, all like bro∣ken [ 40] Ilands, and our soundings were eleuen and ten fathoms. Then wee looft in for the shoare,* 2.399 and faire by the shoare, we had seuen fathoms. The course along the Land we found to be North-east by North. From the Land which we had first sight of, vntill we came to a great Lake of water, as wee could iudge it to bee, being drowned Land, which made it to rise like Ilands, which was in length ten leagues. The mouth of that Lake hath many shoalds, and the Sea brea∣keth on them as it is cast out of the mouth of it. And from that Lake or Bay, the Land lyeth North by East, and wee had a great streame out of the Bay; and from thence our sounding was ten fathoms, two leagues from the Land. At fiue of the clocke we Anchored, being little winde, and rode in eight fathoms water, the night was faire. This night I found the Land to hall the Compasse 8. degrees. For to the Northward off vs we saw high Hils. For the day before [ 50] we found not aboue 2. degrees of Variation. This is a very good Land to fall with, and a plea∣sant Land to see.

The third, the morning mystie vntill ten of the clocke, then it cleered, and the wind came to the South South-east, so wee weighed and stood to the Northward. The Land is very pleasant and high, and bold to fall withall. At three of the clocke in the afeer-noone,* 2.400 wee came to three great Riuers. So we stood along to the Northermost, thinking to haue gone into it, but we found it to haue a very shoald barre before it, for we had but ten foot water. Then wee cast about to the Southward, and found two fathoms, three fathoms, and three and a quarter, till we came to the Souther side of them, then we had fiue and sixe fathoms, and Anchored. So wee sent in our [ 60] Boate to sound, and they found no lesse water then foure, fiue, sixe, and seuen fathoms, and re∣turned in an houre and a halfe. So wee weighed and went in, and rode in fiue fathoms, Ozie ground, and saw many Salmons, and Mullets, and Rayes very great. The height is 40. de∣grees 30. minutes.

The fourth, in the morning as soone as the day was light, wee saw that it was good riding

farther vp. So we sent our Boate to sound, and found that it was a very good Harbour; and foure and fiue fathoms,* 2.401 two Cables length from the shoare. Then we weighed and went in with our ship. Then our Boate went on Land with our Net to Fish, and caught ten great Mullets, of a foot and a halfe long a peece, and a Ray as great as foure men could hale into the ship. So wee trimmed our Boate and rode still all day. At night the wind blew hard at the North-west, and our Anchor came home, and wee droue on shoare, but tooke no hurt, thanked bee God, for the ground is soft sand and Oze.* 2.402 This day the people of the Countrey came aboord of vs, seeming very glad of our comming, and brought greene Tabacco, and gaue vs of it for Kniues and Beads. They goe in Deere skins loose, well dressed. They haue yellow Copper. They desire Cloathes, and are very ciuill. They haue great store of Maiz or Indian Wheate, whereof they make good [ 10] Bread. The Countrey is full of great and tall Oakes.

The fifth, in the morning as soone as the day was light, the wind ceased and the Flood came. So we heaued off our ship againe into fiue fathoms water, and sent our Boate to sound the Bay, and we found that there was three fathoms hard by the Souther shoare.* 2.403 Our men went on Land there, and saw great store of Men, Women and Children, who gaue them Tabacco at their com∣ming on Land. So they went vp into the Woods, and saw great store of very goodly Oakes, and some Currants.* 2.404 For one of them came aboord and brought some dryed, and gaue me some, which were sweet and good. This day many of the people came aboord, some in Mantles of Feathers, and some in Skinnes of diuers sorts of good Furres. Some women also came to vs with Hempe. They had red Copper Tabacco pipes, and other things of Copper they did weare [ 20] about their neckes. At night they went on Land againe, so wee rode very quiet, but durst not trust them.

The sixth, in the morning was faire weather, and our Master sent Iohn Colman, with foure o∣ther men in our Boate ouer to the North-side,* 2.405 to sound the other Riuers, being foure leagues from vs. They found by the way shoald water two fathoms; but at the North of the Riuer eighteen, and twentie fathoms, and very good riding for Ships; and a narrow Riuer to the Westward be∣tweene two Ilands. The Lands they told vs were as pleasant with Grasse and Flowers, and goodly Trees, as euer they had seene, and very sweet smells came from them. So they went in two leagues and saw an open Sea, and returned; and as they came backe, they were set vpon by two Canoes, the one hauing twelue, the other fourteene men. The night came on, and it began to rayne, so that their Match went out; and they had one man slaine in the fight, which was an [ 30] English-man,* 2.406 named Iohn Colman, with an Arrow shot into his throat, and two more hurt. It grew so darke that they could not find the ship that night, but labored too and fro on their Oares. They had so great a streame, that their grapnell would not hold them.

The seuenth, was faire, and by ten of the clocke they returned aboord the ship, and brought our dead man with them, whom we carryed on Land and buryed, and named the point after his name,* 2.407 Colmans Point. Then we hoysed in our Boate, and raised her side with waste boords for defence of our men. So we rode still all night, hauing good regard to our Watch.

The eight, was very faire weather, wee rode still very quietly. The people came aboord vs, and brought Tabacco and Indian Wheat, to exchange for Kniues and Beades, and offered vs no [ 40] violence. So we fitting vp our Boate did marke them, to see if they would make any shew of the Death of our man; which they did not.

The ninth, faire weather. In the morning, two great Canoes came aboord full of men; the one with their Bowes and Arrowes, and the other in shew of buying of Kniues to betray vs; but we perceiued their intent.* 2.408 Wee tooke two of them to haue kept them, and put red Coates on them, and would not suffer the other to come neere vs. So they went on Land, and two other came aboord in a Canoe: we tooke the one and let the other goe; but hee which wee had ta∣ken, got vp and leapt ouer-boord. Then we weighed and went off into the channell of the Ri∣uer, and Anchored there all night.

The tenth, faire weather, we rode still till twelue of the clocke. Then we weighed and went ouer, and found it shoald all the middle of the Riuer, for wee could finde but two fathoms and a [ 50] halfe, and three fathomes for the space of a league; then wee came to three fathomes, and foure fathomes, and so to seuen fathomes, and Anchored, and rode all night in soft Ozie ground. The banke is Sand.

The eleuenth, was faire and very hot weather. At one of the clocke in the after-noone, wee weighed and went into the Riuer, the wind at South South-west, little winde. Our soundings were seuen, sixe, fiue, sixe, seuen, eight, nine, ten, twelue, thirteene, and fourteene fathomes. Then it shoalded againe, and came to fiue fathomes. Then wee Anchored, and saw that it was a very good Harbour for all windes,* 2.409 and rode all night. The people of the Countrey came aboord of vs, making shew of loue, and gaue vs Tabacco and Indian Wheat, and departed for that night; but we durst not trust them. [ 60]

The twelfth, very faire and hot. In the after-noone at two of the clocke wee weighed, the winde being variable, betweene the North and the North-west. So we turned into the Riuer two leagues and Anchored. This morning at our first rode in the Riuer, there came eight and

twentie Canoes full of men, women and children to betray vs: but we saw their intent, and suffered none of them to come aboord of vs. At twelue of the clocke they departed.* 2.410 They brought with them Oysters and Beanes, whereof wee bought some. They haue great Tabacco pipes of yellow Copper, and Pots of Earth to dresse their meate in. It floweth South-east by South within.

The thirteenth, faire weather, the wind Northerly. At seuen of the clocke in the morning, as the floud came we weighed, and turned foure miles into the Riuer. The tide being done wee anchored. Then there came foure Canoes aboord: but we suffered none of them to come into our ship. They brought great store of very good Oysters aboord, which we bought for trifles. [ 10] In the night I set the variation of the Compasse, and found it to be 13. degrees.* 2.411 In the after-noone we weighed, and turned in with the floud, two leagues and a halfe further, and anchored all night, and had fiue fathoms soft Ozie ground, and had an high point of Land, which shewed out to vs, bearing North by East fiue leagues off vs.

The fourteenth, in the morning being very faire weather, the wind South-east, we sayled vp the Riuer twelue leagues, and had fiue fathoms, and fiue fathoms and a quarter lesse; and came to a Streight betweene two Points, and had eight, nine, and ten fathoms: and it trended North-east by North, one league: and wee had twelue, thirteene and fourteene fathomes. The Ri∣uer is a mile broad: there is very high Land on both sides. Then wee went vp North-west,* 2.412 a league and an halfe deepe water. Then North-east by North fiue miles; then North-west [ 20] by North two leagues, and anchored. The Land grew very high and Mountainous.* 2.413 The Riuer is full of fish.

The fifteenth, in the morning was misty vntill the Sunne arose: then it cleered. So wee weighed with the wind at South, and ran vp into the Riuer twentie leagues, passing by high Mountaines. Wee had a very good depth, as sixe, seuen, eight, nine, ten, twelue, and thirteene fathoms, and great store of Salmons in the Riuer. This morning our two Sauages got out of a Port and swam away. After we were vnder sayle, they called to vs in scorne. At night we came to other Mountaines, which lie from the Riuers side. There wee found very louing people,* 2.414 and very old men: where wee were well vsed. Our Boat went to fish, and caught great store of very good fish.

[ 30] The sixteenth, faire and very hot weather. In the morning our Boat went againe to fishing, but could catch but few, by reason their Canoes had beene there all night. This morning the people came aboord, and brought vs eares of Indian Corne, and Pompions, and Tabacco:* 2.415 which wee bought for trifles. Wee rode still all day, and filled fresh water; at night wee weighed and went two leagues higher, and had shoald water: so wee anchored till day.

The seuenteenth, faire Sun-shining weather, and very hot. In the morning as soone as the Sun was vp, we set sayle, and ran vp sixe leagues higher,* 2.416 and found shoalds in the middle of the channell, and small Ilands, but seuen fathoms water on both sides. Toward night we borrowed so neere the shoare, that we grounded: so we layed out our small anchor, and heaued off againe. Then we borrowed on the banke in the channell, and came aground againe; while the floud ran [ 40] we heaued off againe, and anchored all night.

The eighteenth, in the morning was faire weather, and we rode still. In the after-noone our Masters Mate went on land with an old Sauage, a Gouernour of the Countrey; who carried him to his house, and made him good cheere. The nineteenth, was faire and hot weather: at the floud being neere eleuen of the clocke, wee weighed, and ran higher vp two leagues aboue the Shoalds, and had no lesse water then fiue fathoms: wee anchored, and rode in eight fathomes. The people of the Countrie came flocking aboord, and brought vs Grapes, and Pompions,* 2.417 which wee bought for trifles. And many brought vs Beuers skinnes, and Otters skinnes, which wee bought for Beades, Kniues, and Hatchets. So we rode there all night.

The twentieth, in the morning was faire weather. Our Masters Mate with foure men more [ 50] went vp with our Boat to sound the Riuer, and found two leagues aboue vs but two fathomes water, and the channell very narrow; and aboue that place seuen or eight fathomes. Toward night they returned: and we rode still all night. The one and twentieth, was faire weather, and the wind all Southerly: we determined yet once more to goe farther vp into the Riuer, to trie what depth and breadth it did beare; but much people resorted aboord, so wee went not this day. Our Carpenter went on land, and made a Fore-yard. And our Master and his Mate deter∣mined to trie some of the chiefe men of the Countrey, whether they had any treacherie in them. So they tooke them downe into the Cabbin, and gaue them so much Wine and Aqua vitae, that they were ••ll merrie: and one of them had his wife with him, which sate so modest∣ly, as any of our Countrey women would doe in a strange place. In the end one of them was [ 60] drunke, which had beene aboord of our ship all the time that we had beene there: and that was strange to them; for they could not tell how to take it. The Canoes and folke went all on shoare: but some of them came againe, and brought stropes of Beades: some had sixe, seuen, eight, nine, ten; and gaue him. So he slept all night quietly.

The two and twentieth, was faire weather: in the morning our Masters Mate and foure more

of the companie went vp with our Boat to sound the Riuer higher vp. The people of the Coun∣trey came not aboord till noone: but when they came, and saw the Sauages well, they were glad. So at three of the clocke in the after-noone they came aboord, and brought Tabacco, and more Beades,* 2.418 and gaue them to our Master, and made an Oration, and shewed him all the Coun∣trey ••ound about. Then they sent one of their co••panie on land, who presently returned, and brought a great Platter full of Venison, dressed by themselues; and they caused him to eate with them: then they made him reuerence, and departed all saue the old man that lay aboord. This night at ten of the clocke, our Boat returned in a showre of raine from sounding of the Riuer; and found it to bee at an end for shipping to goe in.* 2.419 For they had beene vp eight or nine leagues, and found but seuen foot water, and vnconstant soundings.

The three and twentieth, faire weather. At twelue of the clocke wee weighed, and went [ 10] downe two leagues to a shoald that had two channels,* 2.420 one on the one side, and another on the other, and had little wind, whereby the tide layed vs vpon it. So, there wee sate on ground the space of an houre till the floud came. Then we had a little gale of wind at the West. So wee got our ship into deepe water, and rode all night very well.

The foure and twentieth was faire weather: the winde at the North-west, wee weighed, and went downe the Riuer seuen or eight leagues; and at halfe ebbe wee came on ground on a banke of Oze in the middle of the Riuer, and sate there till the floud. Then wee went on Land,* 2.421 and gathered good store of Chest-nuts. At ten of the clocke wee came off into deepe water, and anchored.

The fiue and twentieth was faire weather, and the wind at South a stiffe gale. We rode still, [ 20] and went on Land to walke on the West side of the Riuer, and found good ground for Corne, and other Garden herbs,* 2.422 with great store of goodly Oakes, and Wal-nut trees, and Chest-nut trees, Ewe trees, and trees of sweet wood in great abundance, and great store of Slate for houses, and other good stones.

The sixe and twentieth was faire weather, and the wind at South a stiffe gale, wee rode still. In the morning our Carpenter went on Land with our Masters Mate, and foure more of our companie to cut wood. This morning, two Canoes came vp the Riuer from the place where we first found louing people, and in one of them was the old man that had lyen aboord of vs at the other place. He brought another old man with him, which brought more stropes of Beades, and [ 30] gaue them to our Master, and shewed him all the Countrey there about, as though it were at his command. So he made the two old men dine with him, and the old mans wife: for they brought two old women, and two young maidens of the age of sixteene or seuenteene yeeres with them, who behaued themselues very modestly. Our Master gaue one of the old men a Knife, and they gaue him and vs Tabacco. And at one of the clocke they departed downe the Riuer, making signes that wee should come downe to them; for wee were within two leagues of the place where they dwelt.

The seuen and twentieth, in the morning was faire weather, but much wind at the North, we weighed and set our fore top-sayle, and our ship would not flat, but ran on the Ozie banke at halfe ebbe. Wee layed out anchor to heaue her off, but could not. So wee sate from halfe [ 40] ebbe to halfe floud: then wee set our fore-sayle and mayne top-sayle, and got downe sixe leagues. The old man came aboord, and would haue had vs anchor, and goe on Land to eate with him: but the wind being faire, we would not yeeld to his request; So hee left vs, being very sorrowfull for our departure. At fiue of the clocke in the after-noone, the wind came to the South South-west. So wee made a boord or two, and anchored in fourteene fathomes water. Then our Boat went on shoare to fish right against the ship. Our Masters Mate and Boat-swaine, and three more of the companie went on land to fish, but could not finde a good place. They tooke foure or fiue and twentie Mullets, Breames, Bases, and Barbils; and returned in an houre. We rode still all night.

The eight and twentieth, being faire weather, as soone as the day was light, wee weighed at [ 50] halfe ebbe, and turned downe two leagues belowe water; for, the streame doth runne the last quarter ebbe: then we anchored till high water. At three of the clocke in the after-noone we weighed, and turned downe three leagues, vntill it was darke: then wee anchored.

The nine and twentieth was drie close weather: the wind at South, and South and by West, we weighed early in the morning, and turned downe three leagues by a lowe water, and ancho∣red at the lower end of the long Reach; for it is sixe leagues long. Then there came certaine Indians in a Canoe to vs, but would not come aboord. After dinner there came the Canoe with other men, whereof three came aboord vs. They brought Indian Wheat, which wee bought for trifles. At three of the clocke in the after-noone wee weighed, as soone as the ebbe came, and turned downe to the edge of the Mountaines, or the Northermost of the Mountaines, and [ 60] anchored:* 2.423 because the high Land hath many Points, and a narrow channell, and hath many eddie winds. So we rode quietly all night in seuen fathoms water.

The thirtieth was faire weather, and the wind at South-east a stiffe gale betwene the Moun∣taynes. We rode still the after-noone. The people of the Countrey came aboord vs, and brought

some small skinnes with them, which we bought for Kniues and Trifles. This a very pleasant place to build a Towne on. The Road is very neere, and very good for all winds,* 2.424 saue an East North-east wind. The Mountaynes looke as if some Metall or Minerall were in them. For the Trees that grow on them were all blasted, and some of them barren with few or no Trees on them. The people brought a stone aboord like to Emery (a stone vsed by Glas••ers to cut Glasse) it would cut Iron or Steele: Yet being bruised small, and water put to it,* 2.425 it made a colour like blacke Lead glistering; It is also good for Painters Colours. At three of the clocke they depar∣ted, and we rode still all night.

The first of October, faire weather, the wind variable betweene the West and the North. In [ 10] the morning we weighed at seuen of the clocke with the ebbe,* 2.426 and got downe below the Moun∣taynes, which was seuen leagues. Then it fell calme and the floud was come, and wee anchored at twelue of the clocke. The people of the Mountaynes came aboord vs, wondring at our ship and weapons. We bought some small skinnes of them for Trifles. This after-noone, one Canoe kept hanging vnder our sterne with one man in it, which we could not keepe from thence, who got vp by our Rudder to the Cabin window, and stole out my Pillow, and two Shirts, and two Bandeleeres. Our Masters Mate shot at him, and strooke him on the brest, and killed him. Whereupon all the rest fled away, some in their Canoes, and so leapt out of them into the water. We manned our Boat, and got our things againe. Then one of them that swamme got hold of our Boat, thinking to ouerthrow it. But our Cooke tooke a Sword, and cut off one of his hands, and [ 20] he was drowned. By this time the ebbe was come, and we weighed and got downe two leagues, by that time it was darke. So we anchored in foure fathomes water, and rode well.

The second, faire weather. At breake of day wee weighed, the wind being at North-west, and got downe seuen leagues; then the floud was come strong, so we anchored. Then came one of the Sauages that swamme away from vs at our going vp the Riuer with many other, thinking to betray vs. But wee perceiued their intent, and suffered none of them to enter our ship.* 2.427 Whereupon two Canoes full of men, with their Bowes and Arrowes shot at vs after our sterne: in recompence whereof we discharged sixe Muskets, and killed two or three of them. Then a∣boue an hundred of them came to a point of Land to shoot at vs. There I shot a Falcon at them, and killed two of them: whereupon the rest fled into the Woods. Yet they manned off another [ 30] Canoe with nine or ten men, which came to meet vs. So I shot at it also a Falcon, and shot it through, and killed one of them. Then our men with their Muskets, killed three or foure more of them. So they went their way, within a while after, wee got downe two leagues beyond that place, and anchored in a Bay, cleere from all danger of them on the other side of the Riuer, where we saw a very good piece of ground: and hard by it there was a Cliffe, that looked of the colour of a white greene, as though it were either Copper, or Siluer Myne:* 2.428 and I thinke it to be one of them, by the Trees that grow vpon it. For they be all burned, and the other places are greene as grasse, it is on that side of the Riuer that is called Manna-hata. There we saw no peo∣ple to trouble vs: and rode quietly all night, but had much wind and raine.

The third, was very stormie; the wind at East North-east. In the morning, in a gust of wind [ 40] and raine our Anchor came home, and we droue on ground, but it was Ozie. Then as we were about to haue out an Anchor, the wind came to the North North-west, and droue vs off againe. Then we shot an Anchor, and let it fall in foure fathomes water, and weighed the other. Wee had much wind and raine, with thicke weather: so we roade still all night.

The fourth, was faire weather, and the wind at North North-west, wee weighed and came out of the Riuer, into which we had runne so farre. Within a while after, wee came out also of The great mouth of the great Riuer, that runneth vp to the North-west,* 2.429 borrowing vpon the Norther side of the same, thinking to haue deepe water: for wee had sounded a great way with our Boat at our first going in, and found seuen, six, and fiue fathomes. So we came out that way, but we were deceiued, for we had but eight foot & an halfe water: and so to three, fiue, three, and [ 50] two fathomes and an halfe. And then three, foure, fiue, sixe, seuen, eight, nine and ten fathomes. And by twelue of the clocke we were cleere of all the Inlet. Then we tooke in our Boat, and set our mayne-sayle and sprit-sayle, and our top-sayles, and steered away East South-east,* 2.430 and South-east by East off into the mayne sea: and the Land on the Souther-side of the Bay or In∣let, did beare at noone West and by South foure leagues from vs.

The fift, was faire weather, and the wind variable betweene the North and the East. Wee held on our course South-east by East. At noone I obserued and found our height to bee 39. degrees 30. minutes. Our Compasse varied sixe degrees to the West.

We continued our course toward England, without seeing any Land by the way, all the rest of this moneth of October: And on the seuenth day of Nouember, stilo nono, being Satur∣day: [ 60] by the Grace of God we safely arriued in the Range of Dartmouth in Deuonshire, in the yeere 1609.

CHAP. XVII. An Abstract of the Iournall of Master HENRY HVDSON, for the Discouerie of the North-west Passage, begunne the seuenteenth of A∣prill, 1610. ended with his end, being treacherously exposed by some of the Companie.

* 2.431THe seuenteenth of Aprill, 1610. we brake ground, and went downe from Saint Ka∣tharines Poole, and fell downe to Blacke-wall: and so plyed downe with the [ 10] ships to Lee, which was the two and twentieth day.

The two and twentieth, I caused Master Coleburne to bee put into a Pinke, bound for London, with my Letter to the Aduenturers, importing the reason wherefore I so put him out of the ship, and so plyed forth.

The second of May, the wind Southerly, at Eeuen we were thwart of Flamborough Head.

* 2.432The fift, we were at the Iles of Orkney, and here I set the North end of the Needle, and the North of the Flie all one.

The sixt, wee were in the latitude of 59. degrees 22. minutes, and there perceiued that the North end of Scotland,* 2.433 Orney, and Shotland are not so Northerly, as is commonly set downe. The eight day, wee saw Farre Ilands, in the latitude of 62. degrees 24. minutes. The eleuenth [ 20] day, we fell with the Easter part of Island, and then plying along the Souther part of the Land, we came to Westmony, being the fifteenth day, and still plyed about the mayne Iland, vntill the last of May with contrary winds, and we got some Fowles of diuers sorts.

* 2.434The first day of Iune, we put to Sea out of an Harbour, in the Westermost part of Island, and so plyed to the Westward in the latitude of 66. degrees 34. minutes, and the second day plyed and found our selues in 65. degrees 57. minutes, with little wind Easterly.

The third day, wee found our selues in 65. degrees 30. minutes, with winde at North-east, a little before this we sayled neere some Ice.

* 2.435The fourth day, we saw Groneland ouer the Ice perfectly, and this night the Sunne went downe due North, and rose North North-east. So plying the fift day, we were in 65. degrees, [ 30] still encombred with much Ice, which hung vpon the Coast of Groneland.

* 2.436The ninth day, wee were off Frobishers Streights with the winde Northerly, and plyed vnto the South-westwards vntill the fifteenth day.

The fifteenth day, we were in sight of the land, in latitude 59. degrees 27. minutes, which was called by Captayne Iohn Dauis, Desolation, and found the errour of the former laying downe of that Land:* 2.437 and then running to the North-westward vntill the twentieth day, wee found the ship in 60. degrees 42. minutes, and saw much Ice, and many Riplings or Ouer-fals, and a strong streame setting from East South-east,* 2.438 to West North-west.

The one and twentie, two and twentie, and three and twentie dayes, with the winde variable, we plyed to the North-westward in sight of much Ice, into the height of 62. degrees [ 40] 29. minutes.

* 2.439The foure and twentie, and fiue and twentie dayes, sayling to the West-ward about mid-night, wee saw Land North, which was suddenly lost againe. So wee ranne still to the West-ward in 62. degrees 17. minutes.

* 2.440The fift of Iuly, wee plyed vp vpon the Souther side, troubled with much Ice in seeking the shoare vntill the fift day of Iuly, and we obserued that day in 59. degrees 16. minutes. Then we plyed off the shoare againe, vntill the eight day, and then found the height of the Pole in 60. degrees no minutes. Here we saw the Land from the North-west by West, halfe Norther∣ly vnto the South-west by West, couered with snow, a Champaigne Land, and called it, De∣sire prouoketh.* 2.441 [ 50]

We still plyed vp to the Westward, as the Land and Ice would suffer vntill the eleuenth day; when fearing a storme, we anchored by three Rockie Ilands in vncertayne depth, betweene two and nine fathomes; and found it an Harbour vnsufficient by reason of sunken Rockes, one of which was next morning two fathomes aboue water.* 2.442 Wee called them the Iles of Gods Mercies. The water floweth here better then foure fathomes. The Floud commeth from the North, flowing eight the change day. The latitude in this place is 62. de∣grees 9. minutes. Then plying to the South-westward the sixteenth day, wee were in the latitude of 58. degrees 50. minutes, but found our selues imbayed with Land, and had much Ice: and we plyed to the North-westward vntill the nineteenth day, and then wee found by obseruation the height of the Pole in 61. degrees 24. minutes, and saw the Land, which I na∣med,* 2.443 [ 60] Hold with Hope. Hence I plyed to the North-westward still, vntill the one and twentieth day, with the wind variable. Heere I found the Sea more growne, then any wee had since wee left England.

The three and twentieth day, by obseruation the height of the Pole was 61. degrees 33. mi∣nutes.

The fiue and twentieth day, we saw the Land; and named it Magna Britannia. The sixe and twentieth day, wee obserued and found the latitude in 62. degrees 44. minutes.* 2.444 The eight and twentieth day, we were in the height of 63. degrees 10. minutes, and plyed Southerly of the West. The one and thirtieth day, plying to the Westward, at noone wee found our selues in 62. degrees 24. minutes.

The first of August, we had fight of the Northerne shoare, from the North by East to the West by South off vs: the North part twelue leagues, and the Wester part twentie leagues from vs:* 2.445 and we had no ground there at one hundred and eightie fathomes. And I thinke I saw Land on the Sunne side, but could not make it perfectly, bearing East North-east. Here I found the lati∣tude [ 10] 62. degrees 50. minutes.

The second day, we had sight of a faire Head-land, on the Norther shoare six leagues off, which I called Salisburies Fore-land: we ranne from them West South-west, fourteene leagues: In the mid-way of which wee were suddenly come into a great and whurling Sea,* 2.446 whether caused by meeting of two streames, or an Ouer-fall, I know not. Thence sayling West and by South se∣uen leagues farther, we were in the mouth of a Streight and sounded, and had no ground at one hundred fathomes: the Streight being there not aboue two leagues broad, in the passage in this Wester part: which from the Easter part of Fretum Danis, is distant two hundred and fiftie leagues there abouts.

The third day, we put through the narrow passage, after our men had beene on Land, which [ 20] had well obserued there, That the Floud did come from the North, flowing by the shoare fiue fa∣thomes. The head of this entrance on the South side, I named Cape Worsenholme;* 2.447 and the head on the North-wester shoare, I called Cape Digs. After wee had sailed with an Easterly winde, West and by South ten leagues, the Land fell away to the Southward, and the other Iles and Land left vs to the Westward. Then I obserued and found the ship at noone in 61. degrees 20. minutes, and a Sea to the Westward.

A larger Discourse of the same Voyage, and the successe thereof, [ 30] written by ABACVK PRICKET.

WE began our Voyage for the North-west passage; the seuenteenth of Aprill, 1610. Thwart of Shepey, our Master sent Master Colbert backe to the Owners with his Let∣ter. The next day we weighed from hence, and stood for Harwich, and came thither the eight and twentieth of Aprill. From Harwich we set sayle the first of May, along the Coast to the North, till we came to the Iles of Orkney, from thence to the Iles of Faro,* 2.448 and from thence to Island: on which we fell in a fogge, hearing the Rut of the Sea ashoare, but saw not the Land whereupon our Master came to an Anchor. Heere we were embayed in the South-east part of the Land. Wee weighed and stood along the Coast, on the West side towards the [ 40] North: but one day being calme, we fell a fishing, and caught good store of fish, as Cod and Ling, and Butte, with some other sorts that we knew not. The next day, we had a good gale of wind at South-west, and raysed the Iles of Westmonie, where the King of Denmarke hath a Fortresse, by which we passed to rayse the Snow Hill foot,* 2.449 a Mountayne so called on the North-west part of the Land. But in our course we saw that famous Hill, Mount Hecla, which cast out much fire, a signe of foule weather to come in short time. Wee leaue Island a sterne of vs, and met a Mayne of Ice, which did hang on the North part of Island, and stretched downe to the West, which when our Master saw, he stood backe for Island to find an Harbour, which we did on the North-west part, called * 2.450 Derefer, where wee killed good store of Fowle. From hence wee put to Sea againe, but (neither wind nor weather seruing) our Master stood backe for this Har∣bour againe, but could not reach it, but fell with another to the South of that, called by our [ 50] Englishmen, Lousie Bay: where on the shoare we found an hot Bath, and heere all our Englishmen bathed themselues: the water was so hot that it would scald a Fowle.* 2.451

From hence the first of Iune we put to Sea for Groneland, but to the West wee saw Land as we thought, for which we beare the best part of a day, but it proued but a foggie banke. So wee gaue it ouer, and made for Gronland, which we raysed the fourth of Iune. Vpon the Coast there∣of hung good store of Ice, so that our Master could not attayne to the shoare by any meanes. The Land in this part is very Mountaynous, and full of round Hils, like to Sugar-loaues, couered with snow. We turned the Land on the South side, as neere as the Ice would suffer vs. Our course for the most part was betweene the West and North-west, till we raysed the Desolations, which is a great Iland in the West part of Groneland. On this Coast we saw store of Whales,* 2.452 [ 60] and at one time three of them came close by vs, so as wee could hardly shunne them: then two passing very neere, and the third going vnder our ship, wee receiued no harme by them, pray∣sed bee God.

From the Desolations our Master made his way North-west, the wind being against him, who

else would haue gone more to the North: but in this course we saw the first great Iland or Moun∣tayne of Ice, whereof after we saw store. About the latter end of Iune, we raysed Land to the North of vs, which our Master tooke to bee that Iland which Master Dauis setteth downe in his Chart. On the West side of his Streight, our Master would haue gone to the North of it, but the wind would not suffer him: so we fell to the South of it, into a great Rippling or ouer∣fall of current, the which se••teth to the West. Into the current we went, and made our way to the North of the West, till we met with Ice which hung on this Iland. Wherefore our Ma∣ster casting about, cleered himselfe of this Ice, and stood to the South, and then to the West, through store of floting Ice, and vpon the Ice store of Seales. We gained a cleere Sea, and con∣tinued our course till wee meete Ice; first, with great Ilands, and then with store of the smaller [ 10] sort. Betweene them we made our course North-west, till we met with Ice againe. But, in this our going betweene the Ice, we saw one of the great Ilands of Ice ouerturne, which was a good warning to vs, not to come nigh them, nor within their reach. Into the Ice wee put ahead, as betweene two Lands.* 2.453 The next day we had a storme, and the wind brought the Ice so fast vpon vs, that in the end we were driuen to put her into the chiefest of the Ice, and there to let her lie. Some of our men this day fell sicke, I will not say it was for feare, although I saw small signe of other griefe.

The storme ceasing, we stood out of the Ice, where wee saw any cleere Sea to goe to: which was sometime more,* 2.454 and sometime lesse. Our course was as the Ice did lye, sometime to the North, then to the North-west, and then to the West, and to the South-west: but still inclo∣sed [ 20] with Ice. Which when our Master saw, he made his course to the South, thinking to cleere himselfe of the Ice that way: but the more he stroue, the worse he was, and the more inclosed, till we could goe no further. Here our Master was in despaire, and (as he told me after) he thought he should neuer haue got out of this Ice, but there haue perished. Therefore hee brought forth his Card, and shewed all the company, that hee was entred aboue an hundred leagues further then euer any English was:* 2.455 and left it to their choice, whether they would proceed any further; yea, or nay. Whereupon, some were of one minde, and some of another, some wishing them∣selues at home, and some not caring where, so they were out of the Ice: but there were some who then spake words, which were remembred a great while after.

There was one who told the Master, that if he had an hundred pounds, hee would giue foure∣score [ 30] and ten to be at home:* 2.456 but the Carpenter made answere, that if hee had an hundred, hee would not giue ten vpon any such condition, but would thinke it to be as good money as euer he had any, and to bring it as well home, by the leaue of God. After many words to no purpose, to worke we must on all hands, to get our selues out, and to cleere our ship. After much labour and time spent, we gained roome to turne our ship in, and so by little and little, to get cleere in the Sea a league or two off, our course being North and North-west.

In the end, we raysed Land to the South-west, high Land and couered with Snow. Our Ma∣ster named this Land,* 2.457 Desire prouokes. Lying here, wee heard the noyse of a great ouer-fall of a tyde, that came out of the Land: for now we might see well, that wee had beene embayed be∣fore, and time had made vs know, being so well acquainted with the Ice, that when night, or [ 40] foggie, or foule weather tooke vs, we would seeke out the broadest Iland of Ice, and there come to anchor and runne, and sport, and fill water that stood on the Ice in Ponds, both sweete and good. But after we had brought this Land to beare South of vs, we had the tyde and the cur∣rent to open the Ice,* 2.458 as being carried first one way, and then another: but in Bayes they lye as in a pond without mouing. In this Bay where wee were thus troubled with Ice, wee saw many of those Mountaynes of Ice aground, in sixe or seuenscore fathome water. In this our course we saw a Beare vpon a piece of Ice by it selfe, to the which our men gaue chase with their Boat: but before they came nigh her, the tyde had carried the Ice and the Beare on it, and ioyned it with the other Ice: so they lost their labour, and came aboord againe.

We continued our course to the North-west, and raysed Land to the North of our course, to∣ward [ 50] which we made, and comming nigh it, there hung on the Eastermost point, many Ilands of floting Ice, and a Beare on one of them, which from one to another came towards vs, till she was readie to come aboord. But when she saw vs looke at her, she cast her head betweene her hin∣der legges, and then diued vnder the Ice: and so from one piece to another, till she was out of our reach. We stood along by the Land on the Southside ahead of vs, wee met with Ice that hung on a point of Land that lay to the South, more then this that we came vp by: which when our Master saw,* 2.459 he stood in for the shoare. At the West end of this Iland (for so it is) we found an Harbour, and came in (at a full Sea) ouer a Rocke, which had two fathome and an halfe on it, and was so much bare at a low water. But by the great mercie of God, we came to an Anchor cleere of it:* 2.460 and close by it, our Master named them, the Iles of Gods Mercie. This is an Har∣bour [ 60] for need, but there must be care had how they come in. Heere our Master sent me, and o∣thers with me, to discouer to the North and North-west: and in going from one place to ano∣ther, we sprung a Couey of Partridges which were young: at the which Thomas Woodhouse shot,* 2.461 but killed only the old one. This Iland is a most barren place, hauing nothing on it but

plashes of water and riuen Rockes, as if it were subiect to Earthquakes. To the North there is a great Bay, or Sea (for I know not what it will proue) where I saw a great Iland of Ice aground, betweene the two Lands, which with the Spring-tide was set afloat, and carried into this Bay or Sea to the North-westward, but came not backe againe, nor within sight. Here wee tooke in some Drift wood that we found ashoare.

From hence we stood to the South-west, to double the Land to the West of vs,* 2.462 through much floting Ice: In the end wee found a cleere Sea, and continued therein, till wee raysed Land to the North-west. Then our Master made his course more to the South then before: but it was not long ere we met with Ice which lay ahead of vs. Our Master would haue doubled this Ice to the North, but could not; and in the end put into it downe to the South-west through much [ 10] Ice, and then to the South, where we were embayed againe. Our Master stroue to get the shoare, but could not, for the great store of Ice that was on the coast. From out of this Bay, we stood to the North, and were soone out of the Ice: then downe to the South-west, and so to the West, where we were enclosed (to our fight) with Land and Ice. For wee had Land from the South to the North-west on one side, and from the East to the West on the other: but the Land that was to the North of vs, and lay by East and West, was but an Iland. On we went till we could goe no further for Ice: so we made our ship fast to the Ice which the tide brought vpon vs, but when the ebbe came, the Ice did open, and made way; so as in seuen or eight houres we were cleere from the Ice, till we came to weather; but onely some of the great Ilands, that were car∣ried along with vs to the North-west.

[ 20] Hauing a cleere Sea, our Master stood to the West along by the South shoare, and raysed three Capes or Head-lands, lying one aboue another. The middlemost is an Iland,* 2.463 and maketh a Bay or Harbour, which (I take) will proue a good one. Our Master named them Prince Henries Cape, or Fore-land. When we had layd this we raised another,* 2.464 which was the extreme point of the Land, looking towards the North: vpon it are two Hills, but one (aboue the rest) like an Hay-cocke; which our Master named, King Iames his Cape. To the North of this,* 2.465 lie cer∣taine Ilands, which our Master named, Queene Annes Cape, or Fore-land. Wee followed the North shoare still. Beyond the Kings Cape there is a Sound or Bay, that hath some Ilands in it: and this is not to be forgotten, if need be. Beyond this, lieth some broken Land, close to [ 30] the Mayne, but what it is I know not: because we passed by it in the night.

Wee stood to the North to double this Land, and after to the West againe, till wee fell with Land that stretched from the Mayne, like a shewer from the South to the North, and from the North to the West, and then downe to the South againe. Being short of this Land, a storme tooke vs, the wind at West, we stood to the North, and raised Land: which when our Master saw, he stood to the South againe; for he was loath at any time that wee should see the North shoare. The storme continuing, and comming to the South shoare againe,* 2.466 our Master found him∣selfe shot to the West, a great way, which made him muse, considering his Leeward way. To the South-west of this Land, on the Mayne, there is an high Hill, which our Master named Mount Charles. To the North and beyond this, lieth an Iland, that to the East hath a faire head,* 2.467 [ 40] and beyond it to the West other broken Land, which maketh a Bay within, and a good Road may be found there for ships. Our Master named the first, Cape Salsburie.* 2.468

When we had left this to the North-east, we fell into a Rippling or Ouer-fall of a Current, which (at the first we tooke to bee a Shoald: but the Lead being cast, wee had no ground. On we passed still in sight of the South shoare, till we raised Land lying from the Mayne some two leagues. Our Master tooke this to bee a part of the Mayne of the North Land; but it is an I∣land, the North side stretching out to the West more then the South. This Iland hath a faire Head to the East, and very high Land, which our Master named Deepes Cape:* 2.469 and the Land on the South side, now falling away to the South, makes another Cape or Head-land, which our Master named, Worsenhams Cape. When wee were nigh the North or Iland Cape, our Master sent the Boat ashoare, with my selfe (who had the charge) and the Carpenter, and diuers others, [ 50] to discouer to the West and North-west, and to the South-west: but we had further to it then we thought; for the Land is very high, and we were ouer-taken with a storme of Raine, Thun∣der and Lightning. But to it we came on the North-east side, and vp we got from one Rocke to another, till we came to the highest of that part. Here we found some plaine ground, and saw some Deere; as first, foure or fiue, and after, a dozen or sixteene in an Herd,* 2.470 but could not come nigh them with a Musket shot.

Thus, going from one place to another, wee saw to the West of vs an high Hill aboue all the rest, it being nigh vs: but it proued further off then we made account; for, when wee came to it, the Land was so steepe on the East and North-east parts, that wee could not get vnto it. To [ 60] the South-west we saw that wee might, and towards that part wee went along by the side of a great Pond of water, which lieth vnder the East side of this Hill:* 2.471 and there runneth out of it a streame of water, as much as would driue an ouer-shot Mill; which falleth downe from an high Cliffe into the Sea on the South side. In this place great store of Fowle breed, and there is the best Grasse that I had seene since we came from England. Here wee found Sorell, and that

which wee call Scuruy-grasse, in great abundance. Passing along wee saw some round Hills of stone, like to Grasse cockes, which at the first I tooke to be the worke of some Christian. Wee passed by them, till we came to the South side of the Hill; we went vnto them, and there found more; and being nigh them, I turned off the vppermost stone, and found them hollow within, and full of Fowles hanged by their neckes.* 2.472 Then Greene, and I, went to fetch the Boat to the South side, while Robert Billet and hee got downe a Valley to the Sea side, where wee tooke them in.

Our Master (in this time) came in betweene the two Lands, and shot off some Peeces to call vs aboord; for it was a fogge. Wee came aboord, and told him what we had seene, and per∣swaded him to stay a day or two in this place, telling him what refreshing might there bee had: [ 10] but by no meanes would he stay, who was not pleased with the motion. So we left the Fowle, and lost our way downe to the South-west, before they went in sight of the Land, which now beares to the East from vs, being the same mayne Land that wee had all this while followed. Now, we had lost the sight of it, because it falleth away to the East, after some fiue and twenty or thirty leagues. Now we came to the shallow water, wherewith wee were not acquainted since we came from Island; now we came into broken ground and Rockes, through which we passed downe to the South. In this our course we had a storme, and the water did shoald apace. Our Master came to an anchor in fifteene fathoms water.

Wee weighed and stood to the South-east, because the Land in this place did lie so. When we came to the point of the West Land (for we now had Land on both sides of vs) we came to [ 20] an anchor. Our Master sent the Boat ashoare, to see what that Land was, and whether there were any way through. They soone returned, and shewed that beyond the point of Land to the South, there was a large Sea. This Land on the West side, was a very narrow Point. Wee weighed from hence, and stood in for this Sea betweene the two Lands, which (in this place) is not two leagues broad downe to the South, for a great way in sight of the East shoare. In the end we lost sight thereof, and saw it not till we came to the bottome of the Bay, into sixe or seuen fathomes water. Hence we stood vp to the North by the West shoare, till wee came to an Iland in 53. where we tooke in water and ballast.

From hence wee passed towards the North: but some two or three dayes after (reasoning concerning our comming into this Bay,* 2.473 and going out) our Master tooke occasion to reuiue old [ 30] matters, and to displace Robert Iuet from being his Mate, and the Boat-swaine from his place, for words spoken in the first great Bay of Ice. Then hee made Robert Billet his Mate, and Wil∣liam Wilson our Boat-swaine. Vp to the North wee stood, till we raised Land, then downe to the South,* 2.474 and vp to the North, then downe againe to the South: and on Michaelmasse day came in, and went out of certaine Lands: which our Master sets downe by the name of Michael∣masse Bay, because we came in and went out on that day. From hence wee stood to the North, and came into shoald water; and the weather being thicke and foule, wee came to an anchor in seuen or eight fathome water, and there lay eight dayes: in all which time wee could not get one houre to weigh our anchor. But the eight day, the wind beginning to cease, our Master would haue the anchor vp, against the mind of all who knew what belonged thereunto. Well, [ 40] to it we went, and when we had brought it to a peake, a Sea tooke her, and cast vs all off from the Capstone,* 2.475 and hurt diuers of vs. Here wee lost our Anchor, and if the Carpenter had not beene, we had lost our Cable too: but he (fearing such a matter) was ready with his Axe, and so cut it.

From hence we stood to the South, and to the South-west, through a cleere Sea of diuers sounding, and came to a Sea of two colours, one blacke, and the other white, sixteene or seuen∣teene fathome water,* 2.476 betweene which we went foure or fiue leagues. But the ••••ght comming, we tooke in our Top-sayles, and stood afore the wind with our Maine-sayle and Fore-sayle, and came into fiue or sixe fathomes, and saw no Land for it was darke. Then we stood to the East, and had deepe water againe, then to the South and Southwest, and so came to our Westermost [ 50] Bay of all, and came to an anchor neerest to the North shorae. Out went our Boat to the Land that was next vs, when they came neere it, our Boat could not flote to the shoare it was so shallow:* 2.477 yet ashoare they got. Here our men saw the footing of a man and a Ducke in the snowy Rockes, and Wood good store, whereof they tooke some and returned aboord. Being at anchor in this place, we saw a ledge of Rockes to the South of vs, some league of length; It lay North and South, couered at a full Sea; for a strong tide setteth in here. At mid-night wee weighed, and stood to goe out as we came in; and had not gone long, but the Carpen••er came and told the Master, that if he kept that course he would be vpon the Rockes: the Master con∣ceiued that he was past them,* 2.478 when presently wee ranne on them, and there stucke fast twelue houres: but (by the mercy of God) we got off vnhurt, though not vnscarred. [ 60]

Wee stood vp to the East and raysed three Hills, lying North and South: wee went to the furthermost, and left it to the North of vs, and so into a Bay, where wee came to an anchor. Here our Master sent out our Boat, with my selfe and the Carpenter to seeke a place to winter in: and it was time; for the nights were long and cold, and the earth couered with Snow. Ha∣uing

spent three moneths in a Labyrinth without end, being now the last of October, we went downe to the East, to the bottome of the Bay:* 2.479 but returned without speeding of that we went for. The next day we went to the South, and the South-west, and found a place, whereunto we brought our ship, and haled her aground: and this was the first of Nouember. By the tenth thereof we were frozen in: but now we were in, it behooued vs to haue care of what we had;* 2.480 for, that we were sure of; but what we had not, was vncertaine.

Wee were victualled for sixe moneths in good proportion, and of that which was good: if our Master would haue had more, he might haue had it at home and in other places. Here we were now, and therefore it behoued vs so to spend, that wee might haue (when time came) to bring vs to the Capes where the Fowle bred, for that was all the hope wee had to bring vs home. [ 10] Wherefore our Master tooke order, first for the spending of that wee had, and then to increase it, by propounding a reward to them that killed either Beast, Fish, or Fowle, as in his Iournall you haue seene. About the middle of this moneth of Nouember, dyed Iohn Williams our Gunner:* 2.481 God pardon the Masters vncharitable dealing with this man. Now for that I am come to speake of him, out of whose ashes (as it were) that vnhappy deed grew which brought a scandall vpon all that are returned home, and vpon the action it selfe, the multitude (like the dog) running after the stone, but not at the caster: therefore, not to wrong the liuing, nor slander the dead, I will (by the leaue of God) deliuer the truth as neere as I can.

You shall vnderstand, that our Master kept (in his house at London) a young man, named Hen∣rie Greene, borne in Kent, of Worshipfull Parents,* 2.482 but by his leud life and conuersation hee had [ 20] lost the good will of all his frinds, and had spent all that hee had. This man, our Master would haue to Sea with him, because hee could write well: our Master gaue him meate, and drinke, and lodging, and by meanes of one Master Venson, with much adoe got foure pounds of his mother to buy him clothes, wherewith Master Venson would not trust him: but saw it laid out himselfe. This Henrie Greene was not set downe in the owners booke, nor any wages made for him. Hee came first aboord at Grauesend, and at Harwich should haue gone into the field, with one Wilkinson. At Island the Surgeon and hee fell out in Dutch, and hee beat him a shoare in English, which set all the company in a rage; so that wee had much adoe to get the Surgeon aboord. I told the Master of it, but hee bade mee let it alone, for (said hee) the Surgeon had a tongue that would wrong the best friend hee had. But Robert Iuet (the [ 30] Masters Mate) would needs burne his finger in the embers, and told the Carpenter a long tale (when hee was drunke) that our Master had brought in Greene to cracke his credit that should displease him: which words came to the Masters eares, who when hee vnderstood it, would haue gone backe to Island, when he was fortie leagues from thence, to haue sent home his Mate Robert Iuet in a Fisher-man. But, being otherwise perswaded, all was well. So Henry Greene stood vpright, and very inward with the Master, and was a seruiceable man euery way for manhood: but for Religion he would say, he was cleane paper whereon he might write what hee would. Now, when our Gunner was dead, and (as the order is in such cases) if the company stand in need of any thing that belonged to the man deceased, then is it brought to the Mayne Mast, and there sold to them that will giue most for the same: This Gunner had a gray cloth [ 40] gowne, which Greene prayed the Master to friend him so much as to let him haue it, paying for it as another would giue: the Master saith hee should, and thereupon hee answered some, that sought to haue it, that Greene should haue it, and none else, and so it rested.

Now out of season and time,* 2.483 the Master calleth the Carpenter to goe in hand with an house on shoare, which at the beginning our Master would not heare, when it might haue beene done. The Carpenter told him, that the Snow and Frost were such, as hee neither could, nor would goe in hand with such worke. Which when our Master heard, hee ferreted him out of his Cabbin to strike him, calling him by many foule names, and threatning to hang him. The Carpenter told him that hee knew what belonged to his place better then himselfe, and that hee was no House Carpenter. So this passed, and the house was (after) made with much labour, but to [ 50] no end. The next day after the Master and the Carpenter fell out, the Carpenter tooke his Peece and Henry Greene with him, for it was an order that none should goe out alone, but one with a Peece, and another with a Pike. This did moue the Master so much the more against Henry Greene, that Robert Billet his Mate must haue the gowne, and had it deliuered vnto him; which when Henry Greene saw, he challenged the Masters promise: but the Master did so raile on Greene, with so many words of disgrace, telling him, that all his friends would not trust him with twenty shillings, and therefore why should he? As for wages he had none, nor none should haue, if he did not please him well. Yet the Master had promised him to make his wages as good, as any mans in the ship; and to haue him one of the Princes guard when we came home. But you [ 60] shall see how the deuil out of this so wrought with Green, that he did the Master what mischief•• hee could in seeking to discredit him, and to thrust him and many other honest men out of the Ship in the end. To speake of all our trouble in this time of Winter (which was so cold,* 2.484 as it la∣med the most of our Company, and my selfe doe yet feele it) would bee too tedious.

But I must not forget to shew, how mercifully God dealt with vs in this time: for the

space of three moneths wee had such store of Fowle of one kinde (which were Partridges as white as milke) that wee killed aboue an hundred dozen,* 2.485 besides others of sundry sorts: for all was fish that came to the net. The Spring comming, this Fowle left vs, yet they were with vs all the extreame cold. Then in their places came diuers sort of other Fowle, as Swanne,* 2.486 Geese, Duck, and Teale, but hard to come by. Our Master hoped they would haue bred in those broken grounds, but they doe not: but came from the South, and flew to the North, further then we were this Voyage; yet if they be taken short with the wind at North, or North-west, or North-east, then they fall and stay till the winde serue them, and then flye to the North. Now in time these Fowles are gone, and few or none to bee seene. Then wee went into the Woods, Hilles, and Valleyes, for all things that had any shew of substance [ 10] in them, how vile soeuer: the mosse of the ground, then the which I take the powder of a post to bee much better, and the Frogge (in his ingendring time as loathsome as a Toade) was not spared.* 2.487 But amongst the diuers sorts of buds, it pleased God that Tho∣mas Woodhouse brought home a budde of a Tree, full of a Turpentine substance. Of this our Surgeon made a decoction to drinke,* 2.488 and applyed the buddes hot to them that were troubled with ach in any part of their bodies; and for my part, I confesse, I receiued great and present ease of my paine.

About this time, when the Ice began to breake out of the Bayes, there came a Sauage to our Ship,* 2.489 as it were to see and to bee seene, being the first that we had seene in all this time: whom our Master intreated well, and made much of him, promising vnto himselfe great matters by [ 20] his meanes, and therefore would haue all the Kniues and Hatchets (which any man had) to his priuate vse, but receiued none but from Iohn King the Carpenter, and my selfe. To this Sauage our Master gaue a Knife, a Looking-glasse, and Buttons, who receiued them thankefully, and made signes that after hee had slept hee would come againe, which hee did. When hee came, hee brought with him a Sled, which hee drew after him, and vpon it two Deeres skinnes,* 2.490 and two Beauer skinnes. Hee had a scrip vnder his arme, out of which hee drew those things which the Master had giuen him. Hee tooke the Knife and laid it vpon one of the Beauer skinnes, and his Glasses and Buttons vpon the other, and so gaue them to the Master, who receiued them; and the Sauage tooke those things which the Master had giuen him, and put them vp into his scrip againe. Then the Master shewed him an Hatchet, for which hee would haue giuen the Master one of his Deere skinnes, but our Master would [ 30] haue them both, and so hee had, although not willingly. After many signes of people to the North, and to the South, and that after so many sleepes he would come againe, he went his way, but neuer came more.

Now the Ice being out of the Sounds, so that our Boat might go from one place vnto another, a company of men were appointed by the Master to go a fishing with our net; their names were as followeth:* 2.491 William Wilson, Henry Greene, Michael Perce, Iohn Thomas, Andrew Moter, Bennet Mathewes, and Arnold Lodlo. These men, the first day they went, caught fiue hundred fish, as big as good Herrings, and some Troutes: which put vs all in some hope to haue our wants supplied, and our Commons amended: but these were the most that euer they got in one day, for many dayes they got not a quarter so many. In this time of their fishing, Henry Green and William Wil∣son, [ 40] with some others, plotted to take the net and the shallop, which the Carpenter had now set vp, and so to shift for themselues. But the shallop being readie, our Master would goe in it him∣selfe, to the South and South-west, to see if hee could meete with the people; for, to that end was it set vp, and (that way) wee might see the Woods set on fire by them. So the Ma∣ster tooke the Sayue and the Shallop, and so much victuall as would serue for eight or nine dayes, and to the South hee went. They that remained aboord, were to take in water, wood, and ballast, and to haue all things in a readinesse against hee came backe. But hee set no time of his returne; for he was perswaded, if he could meet with the people, hee should haue flesh of them, and that good store: but hee returned worse then hee went forth. For, hee could by no meanes meete with the people, although they were neere them, yet they would set the [ 50] woods on fire in his sight.

Being returned, hee fitted all things for his returne, and first, deliuered all the bread out of the bread roome (which came to a pound a piece for euery mans share) and deliuered also a Bill of Returne, willing them to haue that to shew, if it pleased God, that they came home: and he wept when hee gaue it vnto them. But to helpe vs in this poore estate with some reliefe, the Boate and Sayue went to worke on Friday morning, and stayed till Sunday noone: at which time they came aboord, and brought fourescore small Fish, a poore reliefe for so many hungry bellies. Then we wayed, and stood out of our wintering place, and came to an Anchor without, in the mouth of the Bay: from whence we wayed and came to an anchor without in the Sea, where our bread being gone,* 2.492 that store of cheese we had was to stop a gap, whereof there were fiue, whereat the [ 60] company grudged, because they made account of nine. But those that were left, were equally diui∣ded by the Master, although he had counsell to the contrarie: for there were some who hauing it, would make hast to bee rid thereof, because they could not gouerne it. I knew when Henrie

Greene gaue halfe his bread, which hee had for fourteene dayes, to one to keepe, and prayed him not to let him haue any vntill the next Munday: but before Wednesday at night, hee neuer left till hee had it againe, hauing eaten vp his first weekes bread before. So Wilson the Boat∣swaine hath eaten (in one day) his fortnights bread, and hath beene two or three dayes sicke for his labour. The cause that moued the Master to deliuer all the Cheese, was because they were not all of one goodnesse, and therefore they should see that they had no wrong done them: but euery man should haue alike the best and the worst together, which was three pounds and a halfe for seuen dayes.

The wind seruing, we weighed and stood to the North-west, and on Munday at night (the [ 10] eighteenth day of Iune) wee fell into the Ice, and the next day the wind being at West, we lay there till Sunday in sight of Land. Now being here, the Master told Nicholas Simmes, that there would be a breaking vp of chests, and a search for bread, and willed him (if hee had any) to bring it to him, which hee did, and deliuered to the Master thirty cakes in a bagge. This deed of the Master (if it bee true) hath made mee maruell, what should bee the reason that hee did not stop the breach in the beginning, but let it grow to that height, as that it ouerthrew himselfe and ma∣ny other honest men: but there are many deuices in the heart of man, yet the counsell of the Lord shall stand.

Being thus in the Ice on Saturday, the one and twentieth of Iune at night,* 2.493 Wilson the Boatswayne, and Henry Greene came to mee lying (in my Cabbin) lame, and told mee that they [ 20] and the rest of their Associates, would shift the Company, and turne the Master, and all the sicke men into the shallop, & let them shift for themselues. For, there was not fourteen daies victual left for all the Company, at that poore allowance they were at, and that there they lay, the Master not caring to goe one way or other: and that they had not eaten any thing these three dayes, and therefore were resolute, either to mend or end, and what they had begun they would goe through with it, or dye. When I heard this, I told them I maruelled to heare so much from them, considering that they were married men, and had wiues and children, and that for their sakes they should not commit so foule a thing in the sight of God and man, as that would bee; for why should they banish themselues from their natiue Countrie? Henry Greene bad me hold my peace, for he knew the worst, which was, to be hanged when hee came home, and therefore of the two [ 30] he would rather be hanged at home then starued abroad: and for the good will they bare me, they would haue mee stay in the Ship. I gaue them thankes, and told them that I came into her, not to forsake her, yet not to hurt my selfe and others by any such deed. Henry Greene told me then, that I must take my fortune in the Shallop. If there bee no remedie (said I) the will of GOD bee done.

Away went Henry Greene in a rage, swearing to cut his throat that went about to disturbe them, and left Wilson by me, with whom I had some talke, but to no good: for he was so perswa∣ded, that there was no remedie now, but to goe on while it was hot, least their partie should faile them, and the mischiefe they had intended to others should light on themselues. Henry Greene came againe, and demanded of him what I said. Wilson answered, He is in his old song, still pati∣ent. [ 40] Then I spake to Henry Greene to stay three dayes, in which time I would so deale with the Master, that all should be well. So I dealt with him to forbeare but two dayes, nay twelue houres; there is no way then (say they) but out of hand. Then I told them, that if they would stay till Munday, I would ioyne with them to share all the victuals in the ship, and would iustifie it when I came home; but this would not serue their turnes. Wherefore I told them, it was some worse matter they had in hand then they made shew of, and that it was bloud and reuenge hee sought, or else he would not at such a time of night vndertake such a deed. Henry Greene (with that) ta∣keth my Bible which lay before me, and sware that hee would doe no man harme, and what hee did was for the good of the voyage, and for nothing else; and that all the rest should do the like. The like did Wilson sweare.

Henry Greene went his way, and presently came Iuet, who because hee was an ancient man,* 2.494 [ 50] I hoped to haue found some reason in him; but hee was worse then Henry Greene, for hee sware plainely that he would iustifie this deed when he came home. After him came Iohn Thomas, and Michel Perce, as birds of one feather: but because they are not liuing, I will let them goe, as then I did. Then came Moter and Bennet, of whom I demanded, if they were well aduised what they had taken in hand. They answered, they were, and therefore came to take their oath.

Now, because I am much condemned for this oath, as one of them that plotted with them, and that by an oath I should bind them together to performe what they had begun, I thought good heere to set downe to the view of all, how well their oath and deedes agreed: and thus it was. You shall sweare truth to God, your Prince and Countrie: you shall doe nothing,* 2.495 but to the glory of [ 60] God, and the good of the action in hand, and harme to no man. This was the oath, without ad∣ding or diminishing. I looked for more of these companions (although these were too many) but there came no more. It was darke, and they in a readinesse to put this deed of darknesse in exe∣cution. I called to Henry Greene and Wilson, and prayed them not to goe in hand with it in the darke, but to stay till the morning. Now, euerie man (I hope) would goe to his rest, but wic∣kednesse

sleepeth not; for Henry Greene keepeth the Master company all night (and gaue mee bread, which his Cabbin-mate gaue him) and others are as watchfull as he. Then I asked Henrie Greene, whom he would put out with the Master? he said, the Carpenter Iohn King, and the sicke men. I said, they should not doe well to part with the Carpenter, what need soeuer they should haue. Why the Carpenter was in no more regard amongst them, was; first, for that he and Iohn King were condemned for wrong done in the victuall. But the chiefest cause was, for that the Master loued him, and made him his Mate, vpon his returne out of our wintering place, thereby displacing Robert Billet, whereat they did grudge, because hee could neither write nor read. And therefore (said they) the Master and his ignorant Mate would carry the Ship whither the Master pleased: the Master forbidding any man to keepe account or reckoning, hauing taken from all men whatsoeuer serued for that purpose. Well, I obtained of Henrie Greene and Wilson, [ 10] that the Carpenter should stay,* 2.496 by whose meanes I hoped (after they had satisfied themselues) that the Master, and the poore man might be taken into the Ship againe. Or, I hoped, that some one or other would giue some notice, either to the Carpenter Iohn King, or the Master; for so it might haue come to passe by some of them that were the most forward.

Now, it shall not bee amisse to shew how we were lodged, and to begin in the Cooke roome; there lay Bennet and the Cooper lame; without the Cooke roome, on the steere-board side, lay Thomas Wydhouse sicke; next to him lay Sydrack Funer lame, then the Surgeon, and Iohn Hudson with him; next to them lay Wilson the Boatswaine, and then Arnold Lodlo next to him: in the Gun-roome lay Robert Iuet and Iohn Thomas; on the Lar-boord side, lay Michael Bute and A∣dria Moore, who had neuer beene well since wee lost our Anchor; next to them lay Michael [ 20] Perce and Andrew Moter. Next to them without the Gun-roome, lay Iohn King, and with him Robert Billet: next to them my selfe, and next to me Francis Clements: In the mid-ship, betweene the Capstone and the Pumpes, lay Henrie Greene and Nicholas Simmes. This night Iohn King was late vp, and they thought he had been with the Master, but he was with the Carpenter, who lay on the Poope, and comming downe from him, was met by his Cabbin-mate, as it were by chance, and so they came to their Cabbin together. It was not long ere it was day: then came Bennet for water for the Kettle, hee rose and went into the Hold: when hee was in, they shut the Hatch on him (but who kept it downe I know not) vp vpon the Deck went Bennet.

In the meane time Henrie Greene, and another went to the Carpenter, and held him with a talke, till the Master came out of his Cabbin (which hee soone did) then came Iohn Thomas and [ 30] Bennet before him,* 2.497 while Wilson bound his armes behind him. He asked them what they meant? they told him, he should know when he was in the Shallop. Now Iuet, while this was a doing, came to Iohn King into the Hold, who was prouided for him, for he had got a sword of his own, and kept him at a bay, and might haue killed him, but others came to helpe him: and so he came vp to the Master. The Master called to the Carpenter, and told him that he was bound; but, I heard no answere he made. Now Arnold Lodlo, and Michael Bute rayled at them, and told them their knauerie would shew it selfe. Then was the Shallop haled vp to the Ship side, and the poore, sicke, and lame men were called vpon to get them out of their Cabbins into the Shallop. The Master called to me, who came out of my Cabbin as well as I could, to the Hatch [ 40] way to speake with him: where, on my knees I besought them, for the loue of God, to remem∣ber themselues, and to doe as they would be done vnto. They bad me keepe my selfe well, and get me into my Cabbin; not suffering the Master to speake with me. But when I came into my Cabbin againe, hee called to me at the Horne, which gaue light into my Cabbin, and told mee that Iuet would ouerthrow vs all; nay (said I) it is that villaine Henrie Greene, and I spake it not softly.

Now was the Carpenter at libertie, who asked them, if they would bee hanged when they came home: and as for himselfe, hee said, hee would not stay in the Ship vnlesse they would force him:* 2.498 they bad him goe then, for they would not stay him: I will (said hee) so I may haue my chest with mee, and all that is in it: they said, hee should, and presently they [ 50] put it into the Shallop. Then hee came downe to mee, to take his leaue of mee, who perswaded him to stay, which if he did, he might so worke that all should bee well: hee said, hee did not thinke, but they would be glad to take them in againe. For he was so perswaded by the Ma∣ster, that there was not one in all the ship, that could tell how to carrie her home; but (saith he) if we must part (which wee will not willingly doe, for they would follow the ship) hee prayed me, if wee came to the Capes before them, that I would leaue some token that wee had beene there, neere to the place where the Fowles bred, and hee would doe the like for vs: and so (with teares) we parted. Now were the sicke men driuen out of their Cabbins into the Shallop; but Iohn Thomas was Francis Clements friend, and Bennet was the Coopers, so as there were words betweene them and Henrie Greene, one saying, that they should goe, and the other swea∣ring [ 60] that they should not goe, but such as were in the shallop should returne. When Henrie Greene heard that, he was compelled to giue place, and to put out Arnold Lodlo, and Michael Bute, which with much adoe they did.

In the meane time, there were some of them that plyed their worke, as if the Ship had beene

entred by force, and they had free leaue to pillage, breaking vp Chests, and rifling all places. One of them came by me, who asked me, what they should doe. I answered, hee should make an end of what hee had begun; for I saw him doe nothing but sharke vp and downe. Now, were all the poore men in the Shallop, whose names are as followeth; Henrie Hudson, Iohn Hudson, Arnold Lodlo, Sidrack Faner, Phillip Staffe, Thomas Woodhouse, or Wydhouse, Adam Moore,* 2.499 Henrie King, Michael Bute. The Carpenter got of them a Peece, and Powder, and Shot, and some Pikes, an Iron Pot, with some meale, and other things. They stood out of the Ice, the Shallop being fast to the Sterne of the Shippe, and so (when they were nigh out, for I cannot say, they were cleane out) they cut her head fast from the Sterne of our Ship, then out with their Top-sayles, and towards the East they stood in a cleere Sea. In the end they tooke in their Top-sayles, [ 10] righted their Helme, and lay vnder their Fore-sayle till they had ransacked and searched all pla∣ces in the Ship. In the Hold they found one of the vessels of meale whole, and the other halfe spent, for wee had but two; wee found also two firkins of Butter, some twentie seuen piece of Porke, halfe a bushell of Pease, but in the Masters Cabbin we found two hundred of bisket Cakes, a pecke of Meale, of Beere to the quantitie of a Butt, one with another. Now, it was said, that the Shallop was come within sight, they let fall the Main-sayle, and out with their Top-sayles, and flye as from an Enemy.

Then I prayed them yet to remember themselues: but William Wilson (more then the rest) would heare of no such matter. Comming nigh the East shoare they cast about, and stood to the West and came to an Iland, and anchored in sixteene or seuenteene fathome water. So they sent [ 20] the Boat, and the Net ashoare to see if they could haue a Draught: but could not for Rocks and great stones. Michael Perse killed two Fowle, and heere they found good store of that Weede, which we called Cockle-grasse in our wintering place, whereof they gathered store,* 2.500 and came a∣board againe. Heere we lay that night, and the best part of the next day, in all which time we saw not the shallop, or euer after. Now Henrie Greene came to me and told mee, that it was the Companies will, that I should come vp into the Masters Cabbin, and take charge thereof. I told him it was more fit for Robert Iuet: he said, he should not come in it, nor meddle with the Ma∣sters Card, or Iournals. So vp I came, and Henrie Greene gaue me the Key of the Masters Chest, and told me then, that he had laid the Masters best things together, which hee would vse him∣selfe when time did serue: the bread was also deliuered me by tale.

[ 30] The wind seruing, we stood to the North-east, and this was Robert Billets course, contrarie to Robert Iuet, who would haue gone to the North-west. We had the Easterne shoare still in sight, and (in the night) had a stout gale of wind, and stood afore it, till wee met with Ice, into the which we ranne from th••ne to thicke, till we could goe no further for Ice, which lay so thicke ahead of vs (and the wind brought it after vs asterne) that wee could not stirre backward, nor forward: but so lay imbayed fourteene daies in worse Ice, then euer wee met to deale withall, for we had beene where there was greater store, but it was not so broad vpon the water as this: for this floting Ice contained miles, and halfe miles in compasse, where we had a deepe Sea, and a Tide of flood and ebbe, which set North-west and South-east. Heere Robert Iuet would haue gone to the North-west, but Robert Billet was confident to go through to the North-east, which [ 40] he did. At last, being cleere of this Ice, he continued his course in sight of the Easterne shoare, till he raised foure Ilands which lay North and South: but we passed them sixe or seuen leagues,* 2.501 the wind tooke vs so short. Then wee stood backe to them againe, and came to an Anchor be∣tweene two of the most Northermost. We sent the Boat ashoare, to see if there were any thing there to be had, but found nothing, but cockle Grasse, whereof they gathered store, and so retur∣ned aboard. Before we came to this place, I might well see, that I was kept in the ship against Henry Greenes minde, because I did not fauour their proceedings better then I did. Then hee be∣gan (very subtilly) to draw me to take vpon me to search for those things, which himselfe had stolne: and accused me of a matter no lesse then Treason amongst vs,* 2.502 that I had deceiued the company of thirtie Cakes of bread. Now they began to talke amongst themselues, that Eng∣land [ 50] was no safe place for them, and Henry Greene swore, the shippe should not come into any place (but keepe the Sea still) till he had the Kings Majesties hand and Seale to shew for his safe∣tie. They had many deuices in their heads, but Henry Greene in the end was their Captaine, and so called of them.

From these Ilands we stood to the North-east and the Easter Land still in sight: wee raysed those Ilands, that our Master called Rumnies Ilands. Betweene these Ilands and the shallow ground to the East of them, our Master went downe into the first great Bay. We kept the East shoare still in our sight, and comming thwart of the low Land, wee ranne on a Rocke that lay vnder water, and strooke but once; for if shee had, we might haue beene made Inhabitans of that [ 60] place: but God sent vs soone off without any harme that wee saw. Wee continued our course and raysed Land a head of vs, which stretched out to the North: which when they saw, they said plainly, that Robert Billet by his Northerly course had left the Capes to the South, and that they were best to seeke downe to the South in time for releife, before all was gone: for we had small store left. But Robert Billet would follow the Land to the North, saying, that he hoped in

God to find somewhat to releeue vs that way, as soone as to the South. I told them that this Land was the Mayne of Worsenhome Cape, and that the shallow rockie ground, was the same that the Master went downe by, when he went into the great Bay. Robert Iuet and all said, it was not possible, vnlesse the Master had brought the ship ouer Land, and willed them to looke into the Masters Card, and their course how well they did agree. We stood to the East, and left the mayne Land to the North, by many small Ilands into a narrow gut betweene two Lands, and there came to an Anchor. The Boat went ashoare on the North side, where wee found the great Horne, but nothing else. The next day wee went to the South side, but found nothing there,* 2.503 saue Cockle grasse of which we gathered. This grasse was a great releefe vnto vs, for with∣out it, we should hardly haue got to the Capes for want of victuall. The wind seruing we stood out, but before we could get cleane out, the wind came to the West, so that we were constray∣ned [ 10] to anchor on the North side.

The next day, wee weighed and doubled the point of the North Land, which is high Land, and so continueth to the Capes, lying North and South, some fiue and twentie or thirtie leagues. To the North we stood to see store of those Fowles that breed in the Capes, and to kill some with our shot, and to fetch them with our Boat. We raised the Capes with joy, and bare for them, and came to the Ilands that lie in the mouth of the streight: but bearing in betweene the Rockie Iles,* 2.504 we ranne on a Rocke that lay vnder water, and there stucke fast eight or nine houres. It was ebbing water when we thus came on, so the floud set vs afloat, God guiding both wind and Sea, that it was calme, and faire weather: the ebbe came from the East, and the floud from the West.* 2.505 When wee were afloat, wee stood more neere to the East shoare, and there [ 20] anchored.

* 2.506The next day being the seuen and twentieth of Iuly, we sent the Boat to fetch some Fowle, and the ship should way and stand as neere as they could: for the wind was against vs. They had a great way to row, and by that meanes they could not reach to the place where the Fowle bred: but found good store of Gulls, yet hard to come by, on the Rocks and Cliffes, but with their Peeces they killed some thirtie, and towards night returned. Now we had brought our ship more neere to the mouth of the Streights, and there came to an anchor in eighteen or twentie fathom water, vpon a R••ffe or shelfe of ground: which after they had weighed their Anchor, and stood more neere to the place where the Fowle bred, they could not find it againe, nor no place like it: but were faine to turne to and fro in the mouth of the Streight, and to be in danger of Rockes, [ 30] because they could not find ground to let fall an Anchor in, the water was so deepe.

* 2.507The eight and twentieth day, the Boat went to Digges his Cape for Fowle, and made direct∣ly for the place where the Fowle bred, and being neere, they saw seuen Boates come about the Easterne point towards them▪ When the Sauages saw our Boate, they drew themselues toge∣ther, and drew their lesser Boats into their bigger: and when they had done, they came rowing to our Boat, and made signes to the West, but they made readie for all assayes. The Sauages came to them, and by signes grew familiar one with another, so as our men tooke one of theirs into our Boate, and they tooke one of ours into their Boate. Then they carried our man to a Coue where their Tents stood toward the West of the place, where the Fowle bred: so they carried him into their Tents, where he remayned till our men returned with theirs. Our Boat went to [ 40] the place where the Fowle bred, and were desirous to know how the Sauages killed their Fowle: he shewed them the manner how, which was thus, They take a long Pole with a snare at the end,* 2.508 which they put about the Fowles necke, and so plucke them downe. When our men knew that they had a better way of their owne, they shewed him the vse of our Peeces, which at one shot would kill seuen or eight. To be short, our Boat returned to their Coue for our man, and to deliuer theirs. When they came they made great joy, with dancing and leaping, and stroking of their brests: they offered diuers things to our men, but they only tooke some Morses Teeth, which they gaue them for a Knife, and two glasse buttons: and so receiuing our man they came aboard, much rejoycing at this chance, as if they had met with the most simple and kind people of the World. [ 50]

And Henry Greene (more then the rest) was so confident, that (by no meanes) we should take care to stand vpon our Guard:* 2.509 God blinding him so, that where hee made reckoning to receiue great matters from these people, he receiued more then he looked for, and that suddenly by being made a good example for all men: that make no conscience of doing euill, and that we take heed of the Sauage people, how simple soeuer they seeme to be.

The next day, the nine and twentieth of Iuly, they made haste to be ashoare, and because the ship rid too farre off, they weighed and stood as neere to the place where the Fowle bred, as they could: and because I was lame, I was to go in the Boat, to carrie such things, as I had in the Cabbin of euery thing somewhat: and so with more haste then good speed (and not without swearing) away we went, Henry Greene, William Wilson, Iohn Thomas, Michael Perse, Andrew, [ 60] Moter, and my selfe. When we came neere the shoare, the people were on the Hils, dancing and leaping: to the Coue we came, where they had drawne vp their Boates: wee brought our Boate to the East side of the Coue, close to the Rockes. Ashoare they went, and made fast the

Boat to a great stone on the shoare, the people came, and euery one had somewhat in his hand to barter: but Henry Greene swore they should haue nothing, till he had Venison, for that they had so promised him by signes.

Now when we came, they made signes to their Dogges (whereof there were many like Mongrels, as bigge as Hounds) and pointed to their Mountaine, and to the Sunne,* 2.510 clapping their hands. Then Henry Greene, Iohn Thomas, and William Wilson, stood hard by the Boate head, Mi∣chael Perse, and Andrew Moter were got vp vpon the Rocke, a gathering of Sorrell: not one of them had any weapon about him, not so much as a sticke, saue Henry Greene only, who had a piece of a Pike in his hand: nor saw I any thing that they had wherewith to hurt vs.* 2.511 Henry [ 10] Greene and William Wilson had Looking-glasses, and Iewes Trumps, and Bels, which they were shewing the people. The Sauages standing round about them, one of them came into the Boats head to me to shew me a Bottle: I made signes to him to get him ashoare, but he made as though he had not vnderstood me, whereupon I stood vp, and pointed him ashoare. In the meane-time, another stole behind me to the sterne of the Boat, and when I saw him ashoare, that was in the head of the Boat, I sate downe againe: but suddenly I saw the legge and foote of a man by mee. Wherefore I cast vp my head, and saw the Sauage with his Knife in his hand, who strooke at my brest ouer my head: I cast vp my right arme to saue my brest, he wounded my arme, and strooke [ 20] me into the bodie vnder my right Pappe. He strooke a second blow which I met with my left hand, and then he strooke me into the right thigh, and had like to haue cut off my little finger of the left hand. Now, I had got hold of the string of the Knife, and had woond it about my left hand, he striuing with both his hands, to make an end of that he had begunne, I found him but weake in the gripe (God enabling me) and getting hold of the sleeue of his left arme, so bare him from me. His left side lay bare to me, which when I saw, I put his sleeue off his left arme into my left hand, holding the string of the Knife fast in the same hand: and hauing got my right hand at libertie, I sought for somewhat wherewith to strike him (not remembring my Dagger at my side) but looking downe I saw it, and therewith strooke him into the bodie, and the throate.

Whiles I was thus assaulted in the Boat, our men were set vpon on the shoare.* 2.512 Iohn Thomas and William Wilson had their bowels cut, and Michael Perse and Henry Greene being mortally [ 30] wounded, came tumbling into the Boat together. When Andrew Moter saw this medley, hee came running downe the Rockes, and leaped into the Sea, and so swamme to the Boat, hanging on the sterne thereof, till Michael Perse tooke him in, who manfully made good the head of the Boat against the Sauages, that pressed sore vpon vs. Now Michael Perse had got an Hatchet, wherewith I saw him strike one of them, that he lay sprawling in the Sea.* 2.513 Henry Greene crieth Coragio, and layeth about him with his Truncheon: I cryed to them to cleere the Boat, and An∣drew Moter cryed to bee taken in: the Sauages betooke them to their Bowes and Arrowes, which they sent amongst vs, wherewith Henry Greene was slaine out-right, and Michael Perse receiued may wounds, and so did the rest. Michael Perse cleereth the Boate, and puts it from the shoare, and helpeth Andrew Moter in: but in turning of the Boat, I receiued a cruell wound in [ 40] my backe with an Arrow: Michael Perse and Andrew Moter rowed the Boate away, which when the Sauages saw, they ranne to their Boats, and I feared they would haue launched them, to haue followed vs, but they did not, and our ship was in the middle of the channell, and could not see vs.

Now, when they had rowed a good way from the shoare, Michael Perse fainted, and could row no more: then was Andrew Moter driuen to stand in the Boat head, and waft to the ship, which (at the first) saw vs not, and when they did, they could not tel what to make of vs, but in the end they stood for vs, and so tooke vs vp. Henry Greene was throwne out of the Boat into the Sea, and the rest were had aboard, the Sauage being yet aliue, yet without sense.* 2.514 But they died all there that day, William Wilson swearing and cursing in most fearefull manner. Michael Perse liued two dayes after, and then died. Thus you haue heard the Tragicall end of Henry Greene and his [ 50] Mates, whom they called Captaine, these foure being the only lustie men in all the ship.

The poore number that was left, were to ply our ship too and fro, in the mouth of the streight, for there was no place to anchor in neere hand: besides, they were to goe in the Boate to kill Fowle, to bring vs home, which they did, although with danger to vs all. For if the wind blew, there was an high Sea, and the eddies of the Tydes would carrie the ship so neere the Rockes, as it feared our Master, for so I will now call him. After they had killed some two hundred Fowle, with great labour on the South Cape, wee stood to the East: but when wee were sixe or seuen leagues from the Capes, the wind came vp at East. Then wee stood backe to the Capes againe, and killed an hundred Fowle more. After this, the wind came to the West, so wee were driuen to goe away, and then our Master stood (for the most) along by the North shoare, till he fell in∣to [ 60] broken ground about the Queenes Fore-land, and there anchored. From thence wee went to Gods Mercies, and from thence to those Ilands, which lye in the mouth of our Streight, not see∣ing the L••nd, till we were readie to runne our Bosprite against the Rockes in a fogge. But it cleered a little, and then we might see our selues inclosed with Rockie Ilands, and could find no

ground to anchor in. There our Master lay atrie all night, and the next day the fogge continu∣ing, they sought for ground to anchor in, and found some in an hundred and odde fathomes of water. The next day we weighed and stood to the East, but before wee came heere, we had put our selues to hard allowance, as halfe a foule a day with the pottage: for yet we had some meale left, and nothing else. Then they beganne to make triall of all whatsoeuer: wee had ••layed our Fowle,* 2.515 for they wil not pull: and Robert Iuet was the first, that made vse of the skins by burning of the Feathers: so they became a great dish of meate, and as for the garbidge, it was not throwne away.

After we were cleere of these Ilands, which lie out with two points, one to the South-east, and the other to the North, making a Bay to the sight as if there were no way through, we con∣tinued [ 10] our course East South-east, and South and by East, to raise the Desolations, from thence to shape our course for Ireland. Thus we continued diuers dayes: but the wind comming against vs, made vs to alter our course, and by the meanes of Robert Iuet who perswaded the company, that they should find great reliefe in Newfound Land, if our Country-men were there, and if they were gone before we came, yet should we find great store of bread and fish left ashoare by them: but how true, I giue God thankes, we did not trie. Yet we stood to the South-west, and to the West, almost to fiftie seuen degrees: when (by the will of God) the winde came vp at South-west. Then the Master asked me, if he should take the benefit of this wind, and shape his course for Ireland. I said it was best to goe, where we knew Corne grew, and not to seeke it, where it was cast away, and not to be found. Towards Ireland now wee stood, with prosperous winds for [ 20] many dayes together: then was all our Meale spent, and our Fowle restie and dry: but (being no remedie) we were content with the Salt broth for Dinner, and the halfe Fowle for Supper. Now went our Candles to wracke, and Bennet our Cooke made a messe of meate of the bones of the Fowle,* 2.516 frying them with Candle-grease, till they were crispe, and with Vineger put to them, made a good dish of meate. Our Vineger was shared, and to euery man a pound of Can∣dles deliuered for a weeke, as a great daintie. Now Robert Iuet (by his reckoning) saith, wee were within sixtie or seuentie leagues of Ireland, when wee had two hundred thither. And sure our course was so much the longer, through our euill steeredge: for, our men became so weake, that they could not stand at the Helme, but were faine to sit.

* 2.517Then Robert Iuet dyed, for meere want, and all our men were in despaire, and said wee were [ 30] past Ireland, and our last Fowle were in the steep-tub. So, our men cared not which end went for∣ward, insomuch as our Master was driuen to looke to their labour, as well as his owne: for some of them would sit and see the fore-sayle, or mayne-sayle flie vp to the tops, the sheetes being ei∣ther flowne or broken, and would not helpe it themselues, nor call to others for helpe, which much grieued the Master. Now in this extremitie it pleased God to giue vs sight of Land, not farre from the place, our Master said he would fall withal, which was the Bay of Galloway, and we fell to the West of the Derses, and so stood along by the coast, to the South-west. In the end, there was a joyful cry, a sayle, a sayle, towards which they stood, then they saw more, but to the neerest we stood,* 2.518 and called to him: his Barke was of Fowy, and was at anchor a Fishing: he came to vs, and brought vs into Bere Hauen. Here we stayed a few dayes, and delt with the Irish, to supply [ 40] our wants, but found no reliefe: for in this place there was neither Bread, Drinke, nor mony to be had amongst them. Wherfore they aduised vs to deale with our Country-men, who were there a fishing, which we did: but found them so cold in kindnesse, that they would doe nothing without present money, whereof we had none in the Ship. In the end, we procured one Iohn Waymouth, Master of the Barke that brought vs into this Harbour, to furnish vs with money, which hee did, and receiued our best Cable and Anchor in pawne for the fame. With this money, our Master with the helpe of Iohn Waymouth, bought Bread, Beere, and Beefe.

Now, as wee were beholding to Waymouth for his money, so were wee to one Captaine Tay∣lor, for making of our contracts with Waymouth, by whose meanes hee tooke a Bill for our Cable and Anchor, and for the mens Wages, who would not goe with vs, vnlesse Waymouth wold passe [ 50] his word for the same: for they made shew, that they were not willing to goe with vs for any wages. Whereupon Captaine Taylor swore hee would presse them, and then, if they would not goe, hee would hang them.

In conclusion, wee agreed for three pound ten shillings a man, to bring our Ship to Plimouth, or Dartmouth, and to giue the Pilot fiue pound: but if the winde did not serue, but that they were driuen to put into Bristow, they were to haue foure pound ten shillings a man, and the Pi∣lot sixe pound. Omitting therefore further circumstances, from Bere Hauen wee came to Pli∣mouth,* 2.519 and so to an anchor, before the Castle: and from Plimouth, with faire winde and weather without stop or stay, wee came to the Downes, from thence to Grauesend, where most of our men went a shoare, and from thence came on this side Erith, and there stopped: where our Master Robert Billet came aboord, and so had mee vp to London with him, and so wee came to Sir Tho∣mas [ 60] Smiths together.

Forasmuch as this report of Pricket may happely bee suspected by some, as not so friendly to Hudson, who returned with that Companie which had so cruelly exposed Hudson and his, and therefore may seeme

to lay heauier imputation, and rip vp occasions further then they will beleeue; I haue also added the re∣port of Thomas Widhouse, one of the exposed Companie, who ascribeth those occasions of discord to Iuet. I take not on mee to sentence, no not to examine; I haue presented the Euidence iust as I had it: let the Bench censure, hearing with both eares, that which with both eyes they may see in those, and these notes; to which, I haue first prefixed his Letter to Master Samuel Macham.

MAster Macham, I heartily commend me•• vnto you, &c. I can write vnto you no newes, though I haue seene much, but such as euery English Fisherman haunting these Coasts can report better [ 10] then my selfe.

Wee kept our Whit sunday in the North-east end of Island; and I thinke I neuer fared better in Eng∣land then wee feasted there. They of the Countrey are very poore, and liue miserably: yet we found there∣in store of fresh Fish and daintie Fowle. I my selfe in an after-noone killed so much Fowle,* 3.1 as feasted all our Companie, being three and twentie persons at one time, onely with Partridges; besides Curlue, Plo∣uer, Mallard, Teale, and Goose. I haue seene two hot Bathes in Island, and haue beene in one of them. Wee are resolued to trie the vttermost, and lye onely expecting a faire winde, and to refresh our selues to auoyd the Ice, which now is come off the West Coasts, of which wee haue seene whole Ilands,* 3.2 but God bee thanked, haue not beene in danger of any. Thus I desire all your prayers for vs. From Island this thir∣tieth of May, 1610.

[ 20]

A note found in the Deske of Thomas Wydowse, Student in the Mathe∣matickes, hee being one of them who was put into the Shallop.

THe tenth day of September, 1610. after dinner, our Master called all the Companie together, to heare and beare witnesse of the abuse of some of the Companie (it hauing beene the request of Ro∣bert Iuet) that the Master should redresse some abuses and slanders, as hee called them, against this I∣uet: which thing after the Master had examined and heard with equitie what hee could say for him∣selfe, [ 30] there were prooued so many and great abuses, and mutinous matters against the Master, and action by Iuet, that there was danger to haue suffred them longer: and it was fit time to punish and cut off far∣ther occasions of the like mutinies.

It was prooued to his face, first with Bennet Mathew our Trumpet vpon our first sight of Island, and hee confest, that hee supposed that in the action would bee man-slaughter, and proue bloodie to some.

Secondly, at our comming from Island, in hearing of the companie, hee did threaten to turne the head of the Ship home from the action, which at that time was by our Master wisely pacified, hoping of a∣mendment.

Thirdly, it was deposed by Philip Staffe our Carpenter, and Ladlie Arnold, to his face vpon the holy Bible, that hee perswaded them to keepe Muskets charged, and Swords readie in their Cabbins, for they [ 40] should bee charged with shot, ere the Voyage were ouer.

Fourthly, wee being pestered in the Ice, hee had vsed words tending to mutinie, discouragement, and slander of the action, which easily tooke effect in those that were timorous; and had not the Master in time preuented, it might easily haue ouerthrowne the Voyage: and now lately beeing imbayed in a deepe Bay, which the Master had desire to see, for some reasons to himselfe knowne, his word tended altogether to put the Companie into a fray of extremitie, by wintering in cold: Iesting at our Masters hope to see Bantam by Candlemasse.

For these and diuers other base sl••nders against the Master, hee was deposed; and Robert Bylot, who had shewed himselfe honestly respecting the good of the action, was placed in his stead the Masters Mate.

Also Francis Clement the Boatson, as this time was put from his Office, and William Wilson, a [ 50] man thought more fit, preferred to his place. This man had basely carryed himselfe to our Master and to the action.

Also Adrian Mooter was appointed Boatsons mate: and a promise by the Master, that from this day Iuats wages should remaine to Bylot, and the Boatsons ouerplus of wages should bee equally diuided betweene Wilson and one Iohn King, to the owners good liking, one of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Masters, who had very well carryed themselues to the furtherance of the businesse.

Also the Master promised, if the Offenders yet behaued themselues henceforth honestly, hee would bee a meanes for their good, and that hee would forget iniuries, with other admonitions.

These things thus premised touching Hudsons exposing, and Gods iust iudgements on the Ex∣posers, as Pricket hath related (whom they reserued as is thought, in hope by Sir Dudley Digges [ 60] his Master to procure their pardon at their returne) I thought good to adde that which I haue further receiued from good Intelligence, that the Ship comming aground at Digges Iland, in 62. degrees 44. minutes, a great flood came from the West and set them on floate: an argument of an open passage from the South Sea to that, and consequently to these Seas. The Weapons and

Arts which they saw, beyond those of other Sauages are arguments hereof. Hee which assaul∣ted Pricket in the Boate, had a weapon broad and sharpe indented of bright Steele (such they vse in Iaua) riueted into a handle of Morse tooth.

[ 10]

CHAP. XVIII. The Discoueries of M. M. NICOLO, and ANTONIO ZENI, gathered out of their Letters, by FRANCISCO MARCOLINO: whereto is added QVIRINO his Ship-wracke.

IN the yeere 1380. Master Nicolo Zeno being wealthy, and of a haughtie spirit, desiring to see the fashions of the world,* 3.3 built and furnished a Ship at his owne charges, and passing the Straits of Gibralter, held on his course Northwards, with intent to see England and Flanders. But a violent tempest assailing him at Sea, hee was carried hee knew not whither, till at last his Ship was carried away vpon the Ile of Frisland; where the m••n and most part of the goods were saued. In vaine seemes that deliuerie,* 3.4 that deliuers vp presently to another Executioner. The Ilanders like Neptunes, hungry groomes, or his base and blacke Guard, set vpon the men whom the Seas had spared: but heere also they found a second escape, by meanes of a Prince named Zichmui, [ 20] Prince of that and many Ilands thereabouts: who being neere hand with his Armie, came at the out-crie, and chasing away the people, tooke them into protection.

This Zichmui had the yeere before giuen the ouerthrow to the King of Norway, and was a great aduenturer in feates of Armes. He spake to them in Latine, and placed them in his Nauie, wherewith hee wonne diuers Ilands. Nicolo be haued himselfe so well, both in sauing the Fleet by his Sea-skill, and in conquest of the Ilands by his valour, that Zichmui made him Knight and Captaine of his Nauie.

After diuers notable exploits, Nicolo armed three Barkes, with which hee arriued in Engrone∣land:* 3.5 where hee found a Monasterie of Friers of the Preachers Order, and a Church dedicated to Saint Thomas, hard by a Hill, that casteth out fire like Vesuni••s and Aetna. There is a Fountaine [ 30] of hot water, with which they heate the Church of the Monasterie, and the Friers chambers. It commeth also into the Kitchin so boyling hote, that they vse no other fire to dr••sse their meate; and putting their Bread into brasse Pots without any water, it doth bake as it were in an hot O∣uen. They haue also small Gardens, which are couered ouer in the Winter time, and being wa∣tered with this water, are defended from the violence of the Frost and cold, and bring forth Flow∣ers in their due seasons. The common people astonished with these strange effects, conceiue highly of those Friers, and bring them presents of Flesh and other things. They with this Water, in the extremitie of the cold, heate their Chambers, which also (as the other buildings of the Monasterie) are framed of those burning stones, which the mouth of the Hill casts foorth. They cast water on some of them, whereby they are dissolued, and become excellent white Lime, and [ 40] so tough, that being contriued in building, it lasteth for euer. The rest, after the fire is out, serue in stead of stones to make walls and vaults, and will not dissolue or breake, except with some Iron toole.

Their Winter lasteth nine moneths: and yet there is a faire Hauen, where this water falleth into the Sea, not frozen: by meanes whereof there is great resort of wild Fowle and Fish, whch they take in infinite multitudes. The Fishers Boates are made like to a Weauers shuttle, of the skinnes of Fishes, fashioned with the bones of the same Fishes, and being sowed together with many doubles, they are so strong, that in foule weather they will shut themselues within the same, not fearing the force either of Sea or winde. Neither can the hard-hearted Rockes breake these yeelding Vessels. They haue also as it were a Sleeue in the bottome thereof, by which with [ 50] a subtill deuice, they conuey the water foorth, that soaketh into them. The most of these Friers spake the Latine tongue.

A little after this, Nicolo returned and dyed in Friesland, whither his brother Antonio had be∣fore resorted to him▪ and now succeeded both in his goods and honour; whom Zichmui employ∣ed in the Expedition 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Estotiland:* 3.6 which happened vpon this occasion. Sixe and twentie yeeres before, foure Fisher-Boates were apprehended at Sea by a mightie and tedious storme; wherewith after many dayes, they were brought to Estotiland, aboue a thousand miles West from Friesland: vpon which, one of the Boates was cast away, and sixe men that were in it, were taken and brought to a populous Citie; where, one that spake Latine, and had been cast by chance vpon that Iland, in the name of the King asked them what Country-men they were; and vnder∣standing [ 60] their case, hee acquainted the King therewith. They dwelt there fiue yeeres, and found it ••o bee an Iland very rich, being little lesse then Iseland, but farre more fruitfull. One of them said hee saw Latine bookes in the Kings Librarie, which they at this present doe not vnder∣stand.

They haue a peculiar Language, and Letters or Characters to themselues. They haue mines of Gold and other Mettals, and haue Trade with Engroneland. They sow Corne, and make Beere and Ale. They build Barkes (but know not the vse of the Compasse) and haue ma∣ny Cities and Castles. The King sent these Fisher-men with twelue Barkes Southwards, to a Countrey which they call Drogio: in which Voyage escaping dreadfull tempests at Sea, they encountred with Canibals at Land, which deuoured many of them.* 3.7 These Fishers shewing them the manner of taking Fish with Nets, escaped, and for the presents which they made of their Fish to the chiefe men of the Country, were beloued and honoured. One of these (more expert it seemeth then the rest) was holden in such account, that a great Lord made warre with their Lord [ 10] to obtaine him: and so preuayled, that he and his companie were sent vnto him. And in this or∣der was hee sent to fiue and twentie Lords, which had warred one with another to get him, in thirteene yeeres space: whereby hee came to know almost all those parts; which, he said, was a great Countrey, and (as it were) a new World. The people are all rude, and voide of goodnesse: they goe naked, neither haue they wit to couer their bodies with the Beasts skinnes which they take in Hunting, from the vehement cold. They are fierce, and eate their enemies, hauing diuers Lawes and Gouernours. Their liuing is by hunting.

Further to the South-west, they are more ciuill, and haue a more temperate ayre: They haue [ 20] Cities and Temples dedicated to Idols, where they sacrifice Men, and after eate them; and haue also some vse of Gold and Siluer.

Hee fledde away secretly, and conueying himselfe from one Lord to another, came at length to Drogio, where hee dwelt three yeeres. After this time finding there certaine Boates of Esto∣tiland, hee went thither with them: and growing there very rich, furnished a Barke of his owne, and returned into Friesland: where hee made report vnto his Lord of that wealthy Coun∣trey. Zichmui prepared to send thither: but three dayes before they set foorth, this Fisherman dyed. Yet taking some of the Marriners which came with him in his stead, they prosecuted the Voyage, and encountred after many dayes an Iland; where ten men of diuers Languages, were brought vnto them, of which they could vnderstand none, but one of Iseland. Hee told them, that the Iland was called Icaria, and the Knights thereof called Icari, descended of the ancient pedigree of Dedalus, King of Scots, who conquering that Iland, left his Sonne there for King, and left them those Lawes, which to that present they retayned. And, that they might keepe [ 30] their Lawes inuiolate, they would receiue no Stranger. Onely they were contented to receiue one of our men, in regard of the Language, as they had done those ten Interpreters.

Zichmui sayling hence, in foure dayes descried Land, where they found abundance of Fowle, and Birds egges, for their refreshing. The Hauen they called Cap Trin. There was a Hill, which burning, cast out smoake: where was a Spring, from which issued a certayne water like Pitch, which ranne into the Sea. The people of small stature, wilde, and fearefull, hid themselues in Caues. Zichmui built there a Citie, and determining to inhabite, sent Antonio backe againe, with the most of his people to Friesland.

This Historie I haue thus inserted at large, which perhaps, not without cause in some things,* 3.8 [ 40] may seeme fabulous; not in the Zeni, which thus writ, but in the relations which they receiued from others. Howsoeuer, the best Geographers are beholden to these Brethren, for that little knowledge they haue of these parts; of which none before had written: nor since haue there beene any great in-land Discoueries.

The Ship-wracke of Master PIERO QVIRINO, described by CHRI∣STOFORO FIORAVANTI, and NICOLO DI MI∣CHIEL * 3.9, who were present there: heere contracted.

[ 50]

IT semeth to bee a conuenient dutie to make a memoriall, and not suffer to bee buryed in obli∣uion, that most lamentable, and cruell Voyage full of innumerable and extreame miseries, which befell a Venetian Ship, wherein wee carryed aboue seuen hundred Buttes of Wine, Spices, Cottons, and other Merchandises of great value, furnished in Candia with threescore and eight men, to goe towards the * 3.10 West. The Master whereof was Master Piero Quirini, a Venetian Gentleman, in the yeare 1431. Who after many troubles * 3.11, misfortunes, and wants befalne him, after his departure from Candia towards the West, on the sixth of Nouember, in the fore∣said yeere of the Lord, by chance came into the mouth of the Channels of Flanders, and went farre beyond them, by a storme from the South, towards the North-west, about one hundred and [ 60] fortie miles, running still vpon the Iland of Vssenti, where, by agreement, wee Christo∣foro Fiorauanti, and Nicolo Michiel, say, that at noone wee founded the bottome of the

Sea with the Lead, and found our selues in fiue and fiftie fathome of water, and afterward toward the Euening wee sounded, and found our selues in ninetie fathomes and more, but the storme and furie of the windes was so great, that it brake fiue of the hinges off our rudder.

On the twelfth, in the morning, the storme not ceasing, but increasing euery houre more and more, beat vpon our weake rudder with so great violence and furie, that it broke away all that held it, in such sort, that it hung on the one side, where, for the last remedie, wee fastened a great Cable vnto it, with the which, for three dayes wee drew it after vs, not being able to doe it o∣therwise, in which time in our iudgement, wee thought wee had runne two hundred miles and more, against our wills.

Afterward we tooke away the two Rudders, and with many pieces of Timber we made an∣other, which might rather be called a shadow then a true Rudder, and wee put it in his place to [ 10] guide and direct the ship. But it could not endure longer, then till the six and twentieth of No∣uember, when the violence of the Sea carried it all away: so that then wee remayned depriued of all hope of gouernment and direction. On the fourth of December, the furie of the winde grew so outragious againe, that it carried away all this third sayle, and so being spoyled and bereft of Sayle and Rudder, we went at aduenture vntill the eight day, alwayes wandering, not knowing by any meanes how to prouide for our safetie. Afterward the winde alwayes increasing from the East, and with so great violence and furie, that the Sea beganne to swell so high, that the waues seemed Mountaynes, and farre greater then we had euer seene be∣fore, with the darknesse of the extreame long night, so that we seemed to goe in the bottomlesse depth of Hell: whereby you may imagine how great the anguish and trembling of our hearts [ 20] was, because although we were liuing, yet at that instant wee seemed to bee dead, expecting death euery houre, which we saw present: In this darknesse the Heauen was sometimes seene to open with the lightnings and sudden flashes of fire so bright, that they tooke away the fight of our eyes. And sometimes we seemed to touch the starres, the ship mounted so aloft, and then againe we saw our selues buried in Hell, insomuch as being all astonished, we had lost our strength and force. And being in this miserable case we did nothing else, but with pittie behold one an∣other: & running with so great violence for many houres, in the end a surge of the Sea came ouer the ship vnder the wind with such furie, that the water entred into it, filled it almost halfe full, whereby being now much weakened, it was readie to sinke, and turned vp the Keele. And sure∣ly that was the last houre, and our end, and truly we had beene swallowed vp of the Sea, if our [ 30] Lord Iesus Christ had not beene, who forsaketh not them that religiously call vpon him, who put such power and strength into our afflicted minds, that seeing the ship in so dangerous a case, full of water, as it could not be cast out by any humane force, we determined to cut downe the mayne Mast, and cast it together with the mayne Yard and Tackling into th•• Sea, and so wee did, whereby the ship being disburdened, paused awhile, and we then taking courage, beganne to cast out the water, which with our great trouble and labour we ouercame in the end. In this manner wee went scouring away all that long night. Now when the day was almost come, they agreed to make readie the Boat and the Schiffe, with that little prouision of victuall which was remayning, equally parted. And the Patron said, With your consent I command you Ni∣colo [ 40] di Michiel the Notary, that you set downe in a note the names of those that are willing to enter into the Schiffe and Boat▪ so presently he gaue him fortie fiue persons in a note, who were willing to enter into the Schiffe, which was capeable but of one and twentie men only, and therefore it was necessary to cast Lots who should goe therein: and so it was done, and they prepared it, and set it in order, and did the like to the Boate, into the which the Master with fortie seuen men entred. The one and twentie persons to whom the lot fell, entred the Schiffe,* 3.12 and a rate was giuen them according to the proportion of the victuall which was remayning of Bisket, and also of Frisoppi, three hundred pound weight, of Cheese of Candia eightie pounds, of dried Bacon eight pounds, of Tallow to trim their Schiffe fortie pounds, of Oyle about two pound waight and no more: but besides wee bestowed there [ 50] seuen Carrattells of Tyrian Wine, which is a kind of Maluasie, for the Pinnasse or Schiffe would hold no more. In like manner fortie seuen men, reckoning the Master, entred into the Boate or Pinnasse, vnto whom rateably fell their proportion of victuals, adding thereto a little Greene Ginger in Sirrope, and Sirrope of Limons, with some small quantitie of Spices, which wee had taken. We were (in our iudgement) distant from the neerest Iland or Land about fiue hun∣dred miles or more, from the point of Land to Lee-ward of the North part, and we sayled with these Conserues in a quiet and calme Sea, that little time of the day together with our one and twentie companions, comforting our selues in that which we had seene the beginning of so faire a fortune. But when the night came, a darke mist rose, which was a token of the euill suc••esse and end,* 3.13 which our companions of the Schiffe were to haue, of whom we had now lost the sight, so that we neuer saw them any more. [ 60]

The ninteenth day, the morning appearing, and not seeing any token of the Schiffe, it made vs suspitious of their death, whereupon our mindes were much troubled, doubting what might befall them, because the windes raged in such manner, that a waue of the Sea mounted with so

great violence into the Pinnasse, behinde the Poope, where wee Christopher and Nicholas were set downe, that through the force of the furie thereof, two stayes were battered and bent, which left a token of vnsupportable trouble and griefe, by meanes that the Pinnasse was more charged with the weight of the water, then with her owne burthen. Wherefore to remedie it, wee ranne all to lade it out with our hands, and being constrained through feare and necessitie, for the free∣ing of her, wee were faine to cast out all that, whether with water or without, which came most fit and ready to our hands. The Pinnasse becomming drie againe, presently in this storme, wee agreed to cast ouer-boord the greatest part of the Wine, and wee found our selues in so great extremitie, that if wee would taste thereof to comfort our troubled senses, no more then one gob∣let [ 10] of Wine apeece fell to euery mans share for the whole day, and who so would drinke more, was constrayned to take the Sea-water:* 3.14 and this measure and quantitie of Wine held out eight dayes, and no more.

And afterward being driuen to greater necessitie, wee brought our selues to a greater extremi∣tie, by restrayning our proportion to halfe a goblet a day, and none of vs could securely sleepe; for the diuers doubts and dangers, wherein wee alwayes presently stood. Wee continued euery day and night, foure or sixe of vs at the Helme, and those that were at the Pumpe, stood alwayes firme and vpright changing their courses, where wee endured cold beyond comparison farre greater then that, which not many yeeres since was in Venice,* 3.15 when all the Channels were fro∣zen, so that from Margara to Venice, not onely Men and Women, but Oxen, Horses, Carts, [ 20] and Waggons, went ouer vpon the Ice in great multitudes, to the admiration of all the people, because that Region is (without comparison) much colder then the Countrey of Italy. Now consider what our case was, being without Clothes to couer vs, and not hauing any thing to eate, or drinke, or other necessary thing for the maintenance of mans life, except a few Frisoppi which were left, and the nights one and twentie houres long, and also darke. Through the which cold,* 3.16 wee began to lose the feeling of our feete, and by little and little, the cold becomming more ve∣hement, possessed the whole body, procuring a dogged and raging appetite and hunger, so that euery one sought to deuoure that which was hid in a corner, and whatsoeuer hee had next at hand, wheresoeuer hee could finde it, as well as hee might, with that weake and little strength which hee had remayning. Afterward, death seasing vpon them, you might see them shake the [ 30] head, and fall downe presently dead.

In the which Diseases, of seuen and fortie men (which wee found in that case) sixe and twen∣tie yeelded vp the ghost, and it was not any wonder,* 3.17 considering wee could not haue any suc∣cour, nay, it is a diuine miracle that any one remayned aliue. And those few of vs that are re∣mayning, liue onely to commend to memorie, and highly to exalt the great power of God. Those sixe and twentie dyed, from the three and twentieth of December vntill the fifth of Ianuary, now one, now two, and sometimes more, in one day, whom we buryed in the Sea.

The one and thirtieth of December, our Wine being wholly spent, and hauing seene the cru∣ell and lamentable experience of our sixe and twentie Companions, who dyed with drinking of the Sea-water, necessities gaue vs a good stomacke, that is to say, to take our owne water to [ 40] quench our thirst. Now, there were some of the companie exceedingly troubled with giddinesse:* 3.18 for, wanting the abundant plentie of Wine, they were not able to indure thirst, nor to expell it, but they accounted it a great fauour to bee able to obtayne of their companions, whereof there were some who denyed it to their dearest friend, to keepe it for themselues. It is true, that some of vs warily mortified it, by mingling a little sirrop of greene Ginger, or Limons there∣with, which by chance we had remayning. During this time, vntill the fifth of Ianuary, we were euery houre more accustomed to greater extremities.

The third of Ianuary, 1431. wee had sight of the first Land, which gaue vs great hope, al∣though it so fell out, that it was very farre distant,* 3.19 where wee saw certayne Rockes to weather∣ward couered to the top with infinite heapes of Snow, to the which, the windes being con∣trary, [ 50] wee were not able to approach with the sayles, and much lesse with Oares, because our armes were exceedingly weakened: wherefore wee stro••e to come neere them with the winde, but passing beyond them through the current of the water, wee lost sight of them altogether.

And after difficult escape from the Rockes, sayling forward towards a very high Rocke, wee had sight of a Valley scituated betweene the two next Mountaynes, into the which desiring to enter about the fourth houre of the night, the cruell and outragious windes would not suffer vs. Notwithstanding, inflamed through an exceeding great desire to goe on Land, wee tooke cou∣rage and strength, and (through force of the Oares, and the helpe of God) entred into the sayd Valley, at a point of Land in the least doubtfull and dangerous place, as it were at the very be∣ginning [ 60] and entrie thereof, in the which, as soone as they perceiued the Pinnasse to touch vpon the sand, fiue of our companie being more desirous of drinke,* 3.20 then of any other refreshing and re∣creation, leaped into the water without any regard, although it were very deepe, and went their way toward the Snow, and so glutted themselues therewith, that it was an incredible

thing. And afterward, they brought a great quantitie thereof vnto vs, who remayned in the Pinnasse, to defend it from the beating of the Sea, of the which wee also with great greedinesse, receiued without measure.

And running according to our iudgement, as wee had runne in this Pinnasse for eighteene dayes, from the day that wee departed from the ship, vntill this sixth of Ianuarie, sayling al∣wayes betweene the North-east and the East, and not with lesse winde then after sixe miles an houre, wee had runne about two thousand fiue hundred miles and more, without euer seeing any Land.

* 3.21On the sixth of Ianuary, at the time of the solemne day of the Epiphanie, nineteene of vs went on land in this desolate and drie place, called the Iland of the Saints, in the Coast of Norway, [ 10] subiect to the Crowne of Denmarke, leauing two other to looke to the weake Pinnasse, that it might not bee broken with the beating of the Sea. And being landed there by meanes of an Oare, we endeauoured to kindle fire, and with a tynder boxe and steele to strike fire, wee retired our selues into the closest place from the winde, and at the sight of the fire, nature thereby re∣ceiued a little strength.

Finding this Iland not inhabited, and seeking to goe in the Pinnasse to another Iland fiue miles off, shee so leaked, that part of vs landing, as it were all in the water, and some of vs vp to the middle in shallower water, wee stroue to draw her on land, and despairing to bee euer able to goe in her againe, wee determined to fit her in such sort, that shee might serue our turne to couer vs, after the best manner that wee could. Wee broake her into two parts: and of the greater wee made a shelter, or Cottage for thirteene of vs, and of the lesser a shedde, capable of fiue men, [ 20] vnder the which wee entred couering them with part of our sayles, and with the rest, and the cordage of the sayd Pinnasse, wee made continuall fire to preserue our liues.

Now being vtterly destitute of all sustenance of meate and drinke, wee went wandring vp∣on the Sea shoare, where Nature gaue vs food to maintayne life, with certrine Perewinckles, or Shel-fish and Barnacles. And of these, not as many nor when wee would, but in very small quantitie. And remouing the Snow in some places, wee found a certayne Herbe, which toge∣ther with the Snow wee cast into the Caldron, and when wee thought it was boyled, wee eate it. Nor could wee satisfie our selues therewith, and thus wee liued for thirteene dayes toge∣ther, with small charitie amongst vs, by reason of the great scarcitie of all thinges and extreame famine, leading rather a brutish life, then the life of men. [ 30]

Continuing in this rude and homely kinde of life, it happened, that through the intolle∣rable wants foure of our companions of the greater retiring place, failed euen where the afflicted Master was, with those remedies and slender comforts for their soules and bodies: so that you may thinke their bodies remayning neere vnto vs, who being very weake had lost all our strength, wee were not able to remooue them two yardes out of sight: and yet I will say more, that wee had no sooner taken the frozen or warme water in our mouthes, but presently Nature of it selfe cast it vp againe, wee not beeing able to abstaine from it, nor almost to stand on our feete.

* 3.22The cold season of the yeere had brought vs to such necessitie, that (to warme vs) wee stood close thronged, in such sort, that wee seemed (as it were) to bee sewed together. Wherefore I [ 40] entred vnder the sayles, which couered both our Cottages round about downe to the ground, the smoake not being able to issue foorth, which proceeded (as I thinke) from the Pitch which was within certaine peeces of the Pinnasse, which we burned, so that our eyes were swolne that wee could not see:* 3.23 neuerthelesse wee indured all, that wee might bee warme. And our gar∣ments which wee neuer put off, were full of vermine, and the Lice swarmed in such number, that taking them from our backes, wee cast them by whole handfuls into the fire, and they had entred into the flesh in such manner through the skinne, euen to the bones, that finally they brought a young man of our company (that was a Notarie) euen vnto death, so that hee was neuer able to defend himselfe from so loathsome a litle vermine.* 3.24 A thing of most manifest exam∣ple, to abase and abate our pride, and haughtinesse of minde. [ 50]

Now concord sayling among vs, euery one vsed his owne proper aduise, whereupon part of our companie wandring through the Sauage and vn-inhabited place, came to the knowledge of a solitarie and ancient retiring place made by the Shepherds heretofore, for the time of their abode, and it was seated on the highest part of the Coast of the sayd Iland towards the West, distant from ours about a mile and a halfe. Vnto the which, sixe of the companie of the number of those eight, which were found in that first and greater retiring place, determined to remooue themselues to that new-found solitarie habitation, for their lesse inconuenience leauing the other two, their other companions alone, in an abandoned and forsaken place, as well because they were not able to trauell, as also for that wee were altogether vnable to con∣duct them. [ 60]

It came to passe, that those sixe through the gracious goodnesse and gift of God, found an exceeding great Fish,* 3.25 to the which I know not what name to giue, whether Whale, or Por

pisse of the Sea, which wee are to thinke was sent from the Diuine and excellent bountie to feed vs. And considering that wee saw it cast vp by the Sea vpon the shoare, dead, fresh, good and great, and at the time of our so great necessitie, wee rendred thankes vnto our most gracious Lord God, who at that time would sustayne our so weake and diseased bodies, with that foode, appeased peraduenture through the prayers of some vigilant and de∣uout soule.

With this Fish, wee fedde our selues for nine dayes sufficiently. And as it happened, those ve∣ry nine dayes were so tempestuous with windes, rayne and snow, that by no meanes the cruell storme would haue suffered vs to goe one pace out of our Cottage.

The miraculous Fish being spent, the furious tempest was somewhat asswaged, wherefore [ 10] not hauing wherewith to maintayne life, like Wolues that oppressed with famine, goe to seeke out other places of abode, wee arose out of the Cottage, and went wandring through the desert Rockes to finde any succour to sustayne our life with Perewinckles of the Sea and Barna∣cles; with the which wee were of necessitie to bee contented, although they were very little thinges, and so wee maintayned our selues vntill the last of Ianuary, 1431. and therefore wee were leane, pale, afflicted, and but halfe aliue.* 3.26 In which time finding certayne dung of Oxen scorched and dryed with the cold and winde, (whereof wee gathered euery day to make a fire) wee certainely knew that place to bee frequented by Ox∣en: which thing gaue vs assured hope of some good end, and through this perswasion wee indu∣red part of our grieuous cares and sorrowes.

[ 20] In the end the houre came, wherein our benigne Creator and most gracious Lord, purposed to conduct his little flocke so much afflicted, into the Hauen of their safetie: and it was in this manner. Two young Heifers of a Fisher-man neere vnto this Iland within fiue miles, beeing strayed the former yeere from the place where hee vsed to dwell,* 3.27 and neuer vnderstanding any newes of them within the yeere, nor hauing any hope to finde them againe, on the very first day of February, 1431. at night, one of the Sonnes of the said Fisher-man of Rustene (for so the said Iland was called) being of the age of sixteene yeeres, dreamed that certainly the two Heifers were escaped, and gone vp to the Iland of Saints distant from them, where wee were lodged, at the point of the West part, vpon the which no man durst euer goe at the low water. Whereupon the Sonne who had such a vision or dreame, prayed the Father, and an [ 30] elder Brother of his, that they would accompany him to goe to seeke them.

And so, all three in a Fisher-boate tooke their way towards the sayd Iland, and came to the point where wee were, and the sayd young men landing there, left their Father to looke to the Boate, and hauing ascended a little vpon the Cliffe, they saw a smoake arise in the ayre, from their retiring place which they had formerly vsed. Whereupon through feare and asto∣nishment they maruelled, and that not a little, how, whence, and by what meanes it might come to passe. Wherefore, they stood a long time much amazed. And desiring to know the cause, they began to talke one with another. And although wee perceiued the noyse, and heard the voyce; yet wee could not conceiue whence it should bee, but rather iudged it to bee the crying of Crowes, then the voyce of men. And wee were the rather induced there∣unto, [ 40] because some few dayes before, wee had seene (vpon the miserable Carkasses of our eight companions cast to the winde) multitudes of Crowes, that rent the ayre with their croking, feeding themselues vpon them: whereupon wee thought it could bee no other.

But continuing from good to better, the voyces of the children of God sent to saue vs, wee cleerely perceiued that they were the voyces of Men, and not the crying of Fowles. And at that instant Christophor•• Fiorauanti arose out of the Cottage, and seeing the two young striplings, crying with a loude voyce came towards vs, saying, Reioyce, behold two come to seeke vs. Whereupon, inflamed with an earnest desire, wee raysed our selues on our feete, go∣ing rather with the heart then with the feete, and drawing neere vnto them, wee perceiued that through the sudden and extreame strangenesse of the matter, they were afraid, and their [ 50] countenances began to waxe pale. But contrarily wee cheered our selues, and being comfor∣ted with an assured hope, shewed with actions and gestures of humilitie, that wee came not to offend them in any wise. Diuers thoughts came in our mindes, whether wee should detaine one of them or both, or whether one or two of vs should goe with them. The first determina∣tion was against vs, because wee knew not with whom, nor with how many wee had to doe, for that wee vnderstood not them, nor they vs.

But being aduised by the holy Ghost, wee went downe to their Boate, in the best and most amiable manner that wee could, where the Father was, who expected them: and when he saw vs, hee also remayned astonished and amazed. In this meane space, wee looked whether there were any thing in their Boate to succour our necessities, to maintayne life: but wee found [ 60] nothing there. So, they moued through pitie, seeing vs affamished▪ by signes and actions which wee made vnto them, were contented to carrie with them Ghirardo da Lione, a Sewer, and Cola di Otranto, a Marriner, who had some knowledge, and were able to speake the French and the high Dutch, leauing vs in great hope of present safetie and helpe.

Their Boate comming to Rustene with our two companions, all the people flocked together, and seeing the countenance and habite of our companions, astonished at so great and strange a matter, they demanded among themselues, whence, & how such like fellowes as these appeared, or from what place they landed: and that they might be the better aduertised, they attempted to speake vnto them in diuers Languages, but in the end an Almaine Priest of the Order of the Preachers,* 3.28 spake with one of the said companions in the high Dutch, and by that meanes, they were certified what wee were, from whence, and how wee had arriued there. The which mat∣ter the morning following, which was the second day of Februarie dedicated to the glorious Mother of Christ, the said Priest published to all the people of Rustene, exhorting them, that through our misfortune, they would bee mooued to pitie and to helpe vs, according to [ 10] their abilitie.

In this meane space, through the Catholike remembrance of the Almaine Priest, on the third day of February, 1431. at the very instant of the day of Saint Biagio, the curteous and pittifull Inhabi∣tants of Rustene came vnto vs with great plentie of all sustenance, which they vse for their pro∣uision, to feed vs and preserue vs, being desirous to conduct vs to their kinde habitations, to re∣fresh our weake bodies. And so wee were guided and receiued into Rustene vpon the sayd day, where wee had great restoratiues, which were rather hurtfull for vs, through the exceeding a∣bundance thereof, because wee could neuer satisfie our selues with eating, and our weake stomackes not being able to indure it, it made our hearts to grieue, so that wee thought wee should haue dyed. [ 20]

There were remayning in the first and greater of our two retiring places, two of the companie which were impotent and weake, who knew nothing of this our so miraculous succour. Where∣fore giuing these Catholike Countrey people notice of them, and likewise of the other eight that were dead and vnburied, assembling themselues together, they went with the Priest sin∣ging Psalmes and Hymnes, as well to burie those eight that were dead, as to conduct to the Ha∣uen of safetie the two that were remayning behinde, and arriuing at the Iland of Saints, they performed a worke of mercy to the eight that were dead, to the which number, one of the two remayning was added, whom they found dead. Now imagine, how the other could continue being depriued of companie and all humaine sustenance, and yet hee was brought to Ru∣stene with some little shew of life, where, at the end of two dayes hee departed this tran∣sitorie [ 30] life.

Eleuen of vs being come to Rustene, wee landed and went into the house of our Guide, Host, and Lord, as hee and the rest desired, whereinto our most prudent Master, Master Piero Quirini entring, vsing his wisedome and discretion, performed an action of exceeding great humilitie, as soone as hee saw the companion of our Conductor and Sergeant Maior, declaring by semblance that hee would acknowledge her to bee the Mistresse of the house, hee cast himselfe downe at her feet: but shee refused and lifted him vp from the ground, embracing him and bringing him to the fire, and with her owne hand gaue him somewhat to eate.

In this Iland there are twelue little Houses, with about one hundred and twentie persons, for the most part Fishermen,* 3.29 and they are by nature indued with vnderstanding to know how to [ 40] make Boates, Buckets, Tunnes, Baskets, Nets of all sorts, and euery other thing necessarie for their vse and trade. And they are very curteous one toward another and seruiceable, desirous to please rather for loue, then for hope of any gift or good turne to bee done them againe. Fishes called Stock-fish, in all their payments and bartering, are vsed in stead of coyned money, and they are all as it were of one bignesse and measure,* 3.30 of the which euery yeere they drie an infinite number in the winde: and in the time of May fraight themselues with them, carrying them through the Realmes of Denmarke, that is to say, Sweden, Denmarke, and Norway, being all Sub∣iect to the King of Dacia: where they barter and exchange the said Fish, for Leather, Cloathes, Iron, Pulse and other things, whereof they haue scarcitie.

Few other things for maintenance of life are found there, except Fish, yet at certaine times, [ 50] they haue some small quantitie of Beefe, and Milke of Kine, of the which, with Rice, and I know not what other mixture, they make Bread of a naughtie taste. Their Drinke is sowre Milke,* 3.31 displeasing vnto them, who haue not beene accustomed thereunto. They vse also Ale, that is to say, Wine drawne out of Rie. Wee eate of the Plaice or Halibut fish, which are exceeding great,* 3.32 so that you would not beleeue it. Wee saw some of them somewhat longer then sixe feete of the common Venetian measure, aboue two foote broad vpon the Chine, and more then three quarters of a foote in thicknesse: a wonderfull thing to bee spoken. They cloath the men with redde Hides, and likewise blacke, able to defend them from the water, and they vse cloathes very course, of azure, redde, and ash-colour, brought from Denmarke, of small price and estimation. [ 60]

These Countrey people vse much to frequent the Church, because they are very deuout, and yeeld great reuerence to the worship and seruice of God. Auarice, is as it were altogether ex∣tinguished,* 3.33 for, they vnderstand not in any sort, nor know not what thing of anothers may be∣come theirs, but by barter: and therefore they vse not to locke Doore, House, nor Win∣dowes,

nor any Chest for feare to bee robbed, but onely by reason of the wilde Beasts.

The Inhabitants of this place both young and old, are of so great simplicitie of heart,* 3.34 and o∣bedient to the Commandement of God, that they neither vnderstand, know, nor imagine in any wise, what Fornication, or Adulterie may bee: but vse Marriage according to Gods Comman∣dement. And to giue you a true proofe hereof I Christoph••r•• say, that we were in the house of our foresaid Host, and slept in one and the same Cottage, m 3.35 where hee also and his Wife slept, and successiuely in one Bed neere adjoyning, were their Daughters and Sonnes of ripe age toge∣ther, neere to the which Beds we also slept, almost close adjoyning to them: so that when they went to sleepe, or when they arose, or when they stripped themselues naked, and wee in like [ 10] manner, we indifferently saw one another, and yet with that puritie, as if wee had beene little children. But I will tell you more, that for two dayes together, our said Host, with his elder Sonnes arose to goe a fishing, euen at the time of the most delightfull houre of sleepe, leauing his Wife and Daughters in the Bed, with that securitie and puritie, as if he had properly left them in the armes and embracements of the Mother, not returning to his home in lesse time then the space of eight houres.

The Inhabitants of this Iland, especially the elder ••ort, are found so vnited in their wils to the will of God, that in euery casualtie of naturall death, which befalleth Father, Mother, Husband, Wife, Children, or whatsoeuer other Kinsman, or Friend, when the houre of their passage vnto another life appeareth, presently without any griefe of heart and complaining, they [ 20] assemble themselues together vnto the Cathedrall Church, to thanke and prayse the Heauenly Creator, who hath permitted such an one to liue so many yeeres, and at that present, as his crea∣ture vouchsafed to call him, or her into his gracious fauour, and neere vnto him: and at the ap∣pointed houre they cause them to be washed cleane, to haue them pure and neate, as they were borne. Whereupon rejoycing and contenting themselues with his infallible will and pleasure, they giue him prayse and glorie, not shewing any passion either in words or gestures, as if proper∣ly they had but slept. Surely we may say, that from the third of February 1431. vntill the four∣teenth of May 1432. which amounteth to an hundred dayes and one, we were within the circuit of Paradise, to the reproch and shame of the Countries of Italie.

There at the beginning of May we saw great varietie and alteration. First, their women vse [ 30] to goe vnto the Bathes, which are very neere and commodious, as well for puritie, as for the custome they obserue, which they hold agreeable vnto Nature: they vse to come forth of their houses starke naked, as they came out of their Mothers wombe, going without any regard to their way, carrying only in their right hand an heape of grasse, in manner of a broome, as they say, to rub the sweat from their backe, and the left hand they hold vpon their hip, spreading it as it were for a shadow to couer their hinder parts, that they should not much appeare: where hauing twice seene them, we passed away by them, as easily as their owne people, the Countrey was so cold, and the continuall seeing of them, that it caused vs to make no account thereof. On the contrary part, these very women were seene on the Sunday to enter into the Church in long and comely Garments. And that they might not by any meanes be seene in the face, they weare [ 40] on their head a thing like a compleat Morion with a Gorget, which hath an hole to see through at the end, like the hole of a Pipe, through the which they behold within that, no further off from their eyes then the hole is long, so that they seeme to haue it in their mouthes to pipe: and worse then that, they can neither see nor speake, vnlesse they turne themselues a yard or more, from the hearer. I thought good to note these two extreame varieties, as worthy to bee vn∣derstood.

From the twentieth of Nouember, vntill the twentieth of February, the night continueth and lasteth there about one and twentie houres or more, the Moon neuer wholly hiding her bodie or her rayes at least. And from the twentieth of May vntill the twentieth of August, either the whole Sunne is alwayes seene, or else his beames neuer faile.

[ 50] In this Countrey there is infinite plentie of white Birds, in their Language called Muxi, but we called them Cockes of the Sea, which by nature conuerse, and willingly abide where men inhabit, whether they find them in Barkes or on the Land. And they are so domesticall and tame, as House-doues are with vs.

In this Iland, and in the Countries of Succia, we saw very white skins of Beares as white as Armelins, much longer then twelue Venetian feete. Wee abode in Rustene three moneths and eleuen dayes, expecting a fit time to passe with our Host into Sueden, with his vsuall fraight of Stock-fish, which is in the time of May, when these Countrey people depart, carrying with them infinite plentie thereof through the Realmes of the aforesaid King of Dacia.

On the fourteenth day of May 1432. came the houre so much desired, to turne our faces to∣wards [ 60] our amiable and beloued Countrey, as our minde and desire alwayes was, and leaue the charitable place of Rustene, which was the last succour and refreshing to our miseries. So wee tooke our leaue of our Domesticall friends of the House, and of our Mistresse and Hostesse, to whom in token of our loue we left, not that whereunto we were in dutie bound, but what wee had remayning: and that was certayne small trifling things of little value in our opinion, as

Goblets, Girdles, and small Rings. And likewise wee tooke leaue of the Neighbours, and the Priest, and generally of all, shewing them by signes and words, as the Interpeter might vnder∣stand then, that we acknowledged our selues bound vnto them all. And hauing performed due salutations, we entred into a Barke of the burthen of twentie tunnes, or thereabouts, laden with the said fish, guided by our Patrone and Host, with three of his Sonnes, and certayne of their Kindred.* 3.36 And we departed on the said day bending our course towards Bergie, which is the first conuenient and fit Hauen for the dispatch and riddance of such fish, which place is distant from Rustene, about some thousand miles. So we conducted the said Barke through certaine direct and safe channels, rowing most commodiously and at ease.

* 3.37But after we were about two hundred miles off from Rustene, wee found certaine Relikes of the plankes and ribs of our Skiffe, whereby we plainly knew, that our companions which were [ 10] in it, were perished and drowned, the first night that they departed from vs.

* 3.38The nine and twentieth of May 1432. we arriued with the said Barke at Trondon, vpon the Coast of Norway, the Princely Seate of the King of Denmarke, where the Honourable bodie of glorious Saint Olaus resteth.* 3.39 There wee stayed ten dayes to waite for passage, and a fit time for our Voyage: but not finding it, because we would lose no more time, wee tooke leaue of our be∣loued Host, his Sonnes and the rest, to proceed on our journey by Land.

The ninth of Iune we departed from Trondon, trauelling on foot, going towards Vastena, a place subject to the King of Denmarke,* 3.40 within the Prouince of Sweden, where the cheek-bone and part of the bone of the head of Saint Bridget remayneth. Being there, wee vnderstood by the Vene∣tians, [ 20] that the Inhabitants for the reuerence of their glorious King Saint Olaus, vnto whom (as they well knew) our Signiorie of Venice did great fauour in his going and returning from his Voyage to Hierusalem, were disposed with deeds to prouide for vs by their counsell, helpe and money. And first, they aduised vs not to goe the direct way into Dacia, by reason of the dan∣gers of wilde beasts, which might befall vs, but to addresse our selues to goe directly to Stichim∣borgi, to find out a valiant Venetian Knight called M. Giouan Francho, from whom wee should receue fauour and helpe in plentifull manner, for loue of our Countrey, although the way were thirtie dayes iourney, quite contrary to our direct way. On the eighteenth day we came to the Court of the said Cauallier M. Giouan Francho, an Honourable Baron, and highly esteemed of the Crowne of Dacia, where (with great joy) we found our two straggling companions. [ 30]

* 3.41The valorous Knight being now informed of our comming, with a cheereful conntenance de∣clared well vnto vs how great the loue of his Countrey was, and especially knowing the cala∣mitie and penurie of vs his Countrey-men, and being easily able to releeue it. And therefore he could not sufficiently satisfie himselfe in honouring, clothing and feeding vs, but gaue vs money for our necessities, and furnishing vs afterward with good Horses, in his owne proper person, to∣gether with his only Sonne M. Mapheo, with an hundred and twentie Horses of his owne Ser∣uants he accompanied vs many dayes journeyes through his Territories, trauelling alwayes at his owne charge. Afterward, vpon his limits and bounds wee tooke our leaue to depart, than∣king him with the most reuerent and kind speeches that possibly we could. Whereupon he being departed, left vs for our Guide, his said sonne M. Mapheo with twentie seruants on Horse-backe, [ 40] who kept vs company vnto Vastena, the place from whence about fortie dayes before we had departed, vnto the which place, for the auoyding of two monethes trauell, wee were faine to returne: so that on the thirtieth day of Iuly wee entred into Vastena, where wee abode vntill the second of August, being alwayes accompanied, and our charges borne by the said M. Mapheo.

On the second of August, we tooke our leaue of the foresaid M. Mapheo, yeelding him such thankes as we could.* 3.42 And being departed from him wee went to Lodese, where wee arriued the eleuenth of the said moneth: in which place we found two passages, the one for England, and the other for the Low Countries: and there we voluntarily diuided our selues into two parts.

The two and twentieth of August 1432. we Christophoro Fiorauante, one of the Councell of [ 50] the vnfortunate ship, together with Girardo da Lione, the Sewer, and Nicolo di Michiel of Ve∣nice the Notarie, now Writer of this present Discourse, departed from the other eight of our companions, they going towards London and we to Venice, by the way of Rostoch, pretending to goe to Rome for a Pardon: and after many troubles and molestations, passing ouer Mountaynes, Valleyes, Riuers, sometimes on foot, and sometimes on Horse-backe, through the helpe of the Omnipotent God, we came vnto our so much desired Countrey of Venice, on the twelfth of October, 1432. safe and sound, leauing the said Girardo da Lion at Vasen••ch, who from thence went vnto his Countrey: and those that went into * 3.43 England were these; Master Francesco Quirini, Sonne of Master Iacomo a Venetian Gentleman, being Merchant of the vnhappie ship. Master Piero Gradenico, Sonne of Master Andrea, of the age of eighteene yeeres, a young Mer∣chant, [ 60] Bernardo da Caghire, Pilot of the ship, whose Wife being young, aswell through the long delay of time passed, as for that it was many times certainly reported, that the said ship with all them that were therein, were in great danger, and no token at all appearing to the contrary, being aduised more hastily, then vpon mature consideration, as is the manner of needie women,

she married her selfe at Tri••iso. But hearing of our comming, and the certayne newes of her li∣uing and true Husband, she presently separated the bond of the second Marriage, and shut her selfe vp in an honest Monasterie, aswell to declare the Integritie of her minde, as to expect the returne of her true Husband, who about some three moneths after came to Venice safe and sound, and tooke her againe vnto him, &c.

[ 10]

CHAP. XIX. Ancient Commerce betwixt ENGLAND and NORWAY, and other Northerne Regions.

GReat Alexander is said in ••earing a Flatterers Historie of his conquest••, making them (how great soe••er in themselues) farre greater the•• they were, to haue cau∣sed that booke to bee throwne into the Sea, with iust indignation exclaiming, that those incredibilities would make that which hee had indeed done, seeme in∣credible to posteritie. And a Liar (said Alexanders Master, Aristotle) gets this by lying, that when he speakes truth he cannot be beleeued. So hath it fared with that Brittish worthy, King Arthur, whose Great Acts by great Flatterers, seeking to light can∣dles [ 20] to the Sunne, haue made others suppose it to be night, and his worth to be a worke of dark∣nesse and lyes. Neither doth the later posteritie know how to distinguish the one from the other; and the Writers for and against the truth of three British storie, as Ieffery of Moumouth and William of Newbridge of old, and others since, haue seemed to me to let the truth (as in altercation is vsuall) to fall downe betwixt them, for others more moderate spirits to take vp▪ Although therefore many things related of Art•••••• are absurd, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 so are not all, nor that altogether which is spoken of his Northerne conquests, eleuen hundred yeeres since, and of commerce a 〈…〉〈…〉 not some kind of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 acknowledgment, of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the King of Ireland, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the Orcades, Malu••sius of Island,* 3.44 Dolda••i•• of Got••and, Asc••il•••• of the Danes, and Lo•• King of [ 30] Norway. Some * 3.45 adde, that King Arthur left people to inhabite the Ilands, and that the Nor∣wegian Nobles tooke them Brittish wiues, and that the Norwegians 〈◊〉〈◊〉 their Brittish 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪ and liking Englands fertilitie better then that their own sterilit••e and rockie barrennesse, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by force of warres often to conquer that which would not be peaceably yeelded; till King Ed∣ward, a maintainer of peace, with consent of the Kingd••me; permitted them to dwell heere at pleasure, as sworne brethren to the English Octher,* 3.46 subiect and seruant to King Alfr••d aboue se∣uen hundred yeeres since, related to his said Lord▪ 〈◊〉〈◊〉 voyage from He••gola•••• (where he then dwelt) to the North Cape, and (as probable circumstances argue) along the coast to the Bay of Saint Nicolas.

Aedgar, that famous founder of Monasteries, is said by Ranulphu•• Cest••ensis to haue in annuall [ 40] vse foure thousand ships, and by Flores Historiarum foure thousand eight hundred 〈◊〉〈◊〉 yeerely to compasse this Iland, with his Nauie quadripartite, twelue hundred in the East, as many in the West, and like proportions on the North, and on the South coasts, to secure the Seas and secure his subiects: And in the Charter of the foundation of the Cathedrall Church of Worcester, he vseth these words; Mihi autem concessit propitia diuinitas 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Anglorum Imperio, omnia Regn•• Insula∣rium Oceani cum suis fercissimis Regibus vsque Norwegia••••, Maximamque partem Hyberniae,* 3.47 cum sua nobilissima ciuitate Dubli••ia, Anglorum Regno subi••g••re &c. Hee also stiles himselfe King and Emperour of the Ocean, and the Hands about Britaine, beginning, Ego Aedg••rus Anglorum Basi∣leus, om••i••mque Regum, Insularum, Oceani•••••• Britannium circumiacentis cunctarumque Nationum quae infra eam includuntur, Imperator & Dominus. So potent was he first of the English Kings (for Arthur was a Briton) by his strong shipping, and well manned and mannaged Nauie.

[ 50] Florentius Wigorniensis stileth him, ••los & dec••••s antecess••rum Regum, Pacificus Rex Aedgarus non min•••• memorab••lis Anglis quàm Romul••s Rowanis, Cyrus Persis, Alexander Macedonibus, Ar∣saces Parthis, Carolus Magnus Francis: and addeth, as before is notified, 〈…〉〈…〉 3600. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sibi congregauerat naues, ex quibus Paschali emensa 〈…〉〈…〉 Anno 1200.* 3.48 In orientali, 1200. in occidental••, 1200. in Sep••••••trionali insulae plaga coadunare & ad occidental•••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 o∣rientali classe, & illa remissa ad borealem cum occidentali, ipsaque rem••ssa cum boreali ad orien••alem classem remigare, eoque modo totam insulam omni aestate consueuerat cincumnauigare, viriliter hoc a∣gens ad defensionem contra exteros Regni sui, & suum sisorumque ad bellicos vsus exercitium. Both Florentius and Malmesbury, and Mat. Westminster record, that hee sitting at the Sterne, was [ 60] rowed by eight Kings his Tributaries; Kined King of Scots, Macolm of Cumberland, Macon of Man and many Ilands, Dufnal of D••metia, Siferth and Howel Kings of Wales, Iacob King of Gal∣wales, and Iukil of Westmar, hauing the same day there met at his summons, and sworne fealtie and assistance to him by Sea and Land. These rowed him in the Riuer Dee, to the Monastery from his Palace, and thence after seruice backe againe: So rightly did he instile himselfe in his Charter

to Malmesbury, Ego Aedgarus totius Albionis Basileus, nec non 〈…〉〈…〉 Regum circumhabitantium, &c.

This Sunne being set, darke and stormy times followed, by reason of D••••ish incursions. These Danes (as M. Ca••d••n recordeth) began to be knowne to the world,* 3.49 about the yeere of Christ 570. for their piracies called Wiccings; of them Dudo de S. Quintino hath this testimony, Da••i •• Scan∣za (that is, Scandia) velut examen apum è canistro & gladius è vagina, diuersitate multimoda, &c. The [ 10] Danes, like a swarme of Bees out of their hiue, and a sword out of a sheath, in diuersifyed manner and barbarous custome leaped forth from Scanza (or Scandia) after that with petulant lust they had multiplied their innumerable generations.* 3.50 These being growne, contended with their parents and progenitors about their possessions, and ouerflowing their natiue Bankes, a multitude of them (according to their ancient cu∣stome) are compelled by lot to seeke forraine places, where by force they might plant themselues. In the con∣summating this expulsion or expedition, they anciently sacrificed to Thur, not with beasts, but the bloud of men, esteeming that the most precious Holocaust. Their Priest vsed to diuine with yokes of Oxen, the heads of each chosen by l••t being clo••••n asunder by one stroke the heart 〈◊〉〈◊〉 on the left side being searched, and with the bloud thereof the heads of theirs being anointed, they presently set s••yle. Dum••rus, somewhat ancienter then D••d••, mentioneth a place, called Leder••••, where euery ninth yeere in Ianuary, they all assembled and sacrificed ninetie nine Men, and as many Horses, with Dogs and Cocks, in stead of Haukes, to pacifie their Gods. Hereby wee see that by Danes, in our English stories, are intended not onely those which now we properly so call, but * 3.51 Norwegians also, Gottes, Vandals, [ 20]

[illustration] map of Norway and Sweden

HONDIVS his Map of NORVVEGIA and SVETIA.

SVECIA ET Norwegia 〈◊〉〈◊〉

Frieslanders, and the Inhabitants generally of those North-easterne parts; three Ships of whom, in the yeere 787. landed in the West parts,* 3.52 slew the Reeue of Beorhtricke King of the West Sax∣ons, and were by the Countrie people forced backe to their Ships. Ann. 795. a few Ships of them made the like assay in Scotland, and soone after some of them entred Tynemouth Hauen, in the [ 60] North part of England, and returned with the spoyles of the Churches of Hercenes and Tynmouth. This was in the yeere 800.* 3.53 Thirtie three yeeres after, in the reigne of Egbert, they were beaten at Dunmoth, but spoyled Sh••epie, with murthers and robberies, entring Thames with thirtie fiue

sayle. The next yeere they preuailed in battell against King Egbert, and after that ioyned with the Welshmen to inuade and destroy this Kingdome, but were both chased by the victorious pow∣er of the King; and An. 836. another hoast of them was beaten. Another Fleet of thirtie foure Ships landed at South-Hamton, An. 838. and slew Duke Aethelhelm: after which they proceeded with continuall incursions (two Hydras heads still succeeding, when any English Hercules had cut off one) that it breeds horror to read or thinke of the spoyles, rapes, fires, murthers, barbarisme, heathenisme, desolation and destruction, which they brought euery where with them. And al∣though Alfred, Edward, and Adelstane somewhat healed the Land of that pestilence; yet in Ethel∣dreds time such a mortall relapse happened, that first he charged the people with an insupportable tribute of Danegelt, arising to 48000. pounds yeerely (euen after the account of those times) and [ 10] buying herewith nothing but perfidie on their part, and beggerly on his,* 3.54 by the aduice of one Hu∣na the Generall of his Armie, he wrote Letters to all places, that on Saint Brices day (which is the morrow after Saint Martins night, the Danes not hauing digested that drunken solemnitie should be all massacred, which accordingly was effected on man, woman, and child, not sparing those which fled to the Altars. A few in London escaped, and caused Sweyne with a Danish Army and vnspeakable crueltie to repay that butcherie. Etheldred fled with his wife and children into Normandie (the seed of a new Conquest) so that Suanus * 3.55 hauing made the sheepefold a shambles and shepheardlesse, proclaimed himselfe King of England, which Canutus or Cunto and his two sonnes, Harold and Hardi••an••••••, held after him some thirtie yeeres space.

And such was the Danish tyranny, that euery Dane was stiled Lord Dane, and had at his com∣mandement [ 20] the wiues, daughters, and the whole houshold where hee became. But after the death of Hardicanutus, that title was turned into the reproachfull terme of Lurdane, and the day of his death * 3.56 (as the Roman Fugalia) was celebrated with open pastime and feasting in the streets, called Hocktide or Hucktide, as if England (then absolutely freed) made a mocke or scorne of her enemies. Canutus by treason of Eadrike Streona obtained the Kingdome, first as part∣ner with Edmund Ironside, and after his death the whole by other perfidie, slaying Eadwy brother of King Edmund, and sending Edmunds two sonnes, Edward and Edmund, to the King of Sweden to be there made away. But hee hating such crueltie, sent them to Salomon King of H••ngary to bring vp, where Edmund dyed, and Edward married Agatha daughter of Henry the Emperour, by whom hee had Aedgar Athling, and Margaret married to Malcolm King of Scots (the mother [ 30] of Maud wife to Henry the first) and Christine a Nun.

Canutus diuided the Kingdome into foure parts, of which hee reserued West Saxonie to him∣selfe, East England hee committed to Earle Turkill, Mercia to Duke Edrike, and Northumberland to Earle Erike. Soone after, he caused Duke Edrike (which treacherously had aduanced him to the Crowne) to bee slaine, (a iust reward of treason) and then banished Earle Turkill and Earle Erike picking quarrell with them (weary of any stalking horses) the former of which was presently af∣ter his landing in Denmarke slain. And now did Canutus seeke to win the fauour of the English by building and endowing Monasteries, making good Lawes, and marrying Emma the relict of King Ethelred. Thus hauing Denmarke by inheritance, and England by conquest & treachery, his ambi∣tion next aimed at Sweden, where first he had the worse, but after compelled Vlf and Eiglaf the [ 40] Kings of that Countrie to composition with him, Earle Godwin, the Generall of the English, pro∣uoking and animating the English to recouer their pristine glory,* 3.57 and by solid vertue to ouercome them, who had ouercome their new Lord, whose fortune had subiected the English. Thus Canu∣tus preuailed by Godwines policie and English valour, they by night without the Kings know∣ledge, or assistance of the Danish Armie, assaulting and ouerthrowing the Swedens: hee, the next day, missing the English, and fearing they had turned to the Enemy, till giuing the onset with his Danes vpon the forsaken Campe of the Enemy, he found there nothing but carkasses and spoyle.

Anno 1027. hauing intelligence that the Norwegians contemned their King Olaue for his simplicitie, he sent great summes of Gold and Siluer to the Grandes of Norway, to corrupt them,* 3.58 [ 50] and caused them to reject Olaue, and to choose him for their King. For peruerted with gifts they sent him word to come to them, whom he should find readie to entertayne him. An. 1028. he went with a fleet of fifty sayle to Norway, and expelled Olaue, subjecting that Kingdome to himselfe. Olaue which had beene the King, Doctor, Preacher and Apostle of the Norwegians, (as Florilegus stileth him) the sonne of Harald King of Norway, was slayne, Anno 1030. and cruelly butchered by his treacherous Norwegians with an Axe or Hatchet, for disanulling their Pagan superstitions, and hee since is there superstitiously worshipped for a Saint, whom then trayterously they permitted not to reigne or breathe. The same yeere perished at Sea, or (as some say) was slayne in one of the Orcades, Earle Hacun, whom Canutus fearing had banished in co∣lour [ 60] of sending him Embassadour.

His greatnesse (hauing to wife his sisters daughter) made him grow suspicious: And accor∣ding to the deuotion of that time. Anno 1031. Canutus or Cunto went to Rome on Pilgrimage, and there made magnificent Offerings, and obtayned diuers Immunities of the Emperour and Pope. After his returne he inuaded the Scots, and ouercame King Malcolme with two other

Kings. He going from Rome to Denmarke, sent a Letter to his English subjects thus beginning: Canutus Rex totius Angliae,* 3.59 & Danemerciae, & Norreganorum, & partis Suanorum, Aethelnotho Metropolitan•• & Alfrico Eboracensi Archiepiscopo, omnibusque Episcopis & Primatibus & toti An∣glorum genti, tam nobilibu•• quam plebeijs, salutem. Notifico vobis me nouiter iuisse Romam, oratum pro redemptio••e peccaminum meorum & pro salute Regnorum, quique meo subiacent regimini populo∣rum. Hanc quidem profectionem Deo iam olim deuoueram: sed pro negotijs Regni & causis impedien∣tibus huc vsque perficere non potui. Nunc autem ipsi Deo meo Omnipotenti valdè humiliter gratias a∣go, qui mihi concessit in vita mea Sanctos Apostolos suos Petrum & Paulum, & omne Sanctuarium quod iuxta vrbem Romam aut extra addiscere potui expetere, & secundum desiderium meum presentia∣liter venerari & adorare. Ob id ergo maximè hoc patrau••, quia à sapientibus didici sanctum Petrum A∣postolum magnam potestatem à Domino accepisse ligandi at{que} soluendi, clauigerum{que} esse Regni Celestis, [ 10] & ideo speciale eius patrocinium apud Dominum diligenter expetere valdè vtile duxi, &c.

[illustration] map of Denmark

HONDIVS his Map of Denmarke.

DANIAE REGNŪ

Canutus before his death set his Sonne Suanus in possession of Norway, and Hardecanutus his Sonne ouer the Danes. Harald and Hardecanutus diuided England betwixt them after his death. Anno 1035. and Harald dying, Anno 1040. that quarrell was ended; and soone after, by the o∣thers death the Danish Empire in England; the small space of King Edward interceding that, and [ 60] another Conquest of the Normans, descended also of like Northerne, namely of Norwegian Ori∣ginall. Canutus his Daughter Cunilda was married to Henry the Emperour, and being accused of Adultery, against a Giantly Champion appeared in her defence a childish English Dwarffe which serued her, who slue the Giant and presented his head to the Ladie, who thereupon diuorced

herselfe, and became a Nunne. Su••n•• King of Norway after fiue yeeres deceased, and Canutus his ill-gotten English and Norwegian wings were quickly not only pulled, but cut off.

The English had occasion of further inuasion to and from Norway. For Suanus decessing, the Norwegians chose Magnus the Sonne of Saint Olaue for their King;* 3.60 which when Hardeca∣nutus vnderstood (as the Danish Storie set forth by Erpold Lind••nbruch testifieth) hee inuaded Norway with his English and Danish forces, where he and Magnus came to composition that the Suruiuour should enjoy both Kingdomes. When Hard••canu•••• was dead, Su•••••• the Sonne of Estrid his Sister, succeeded, and Magnus King of Norway fought with Su•••••• to obtayne his co∣uenanted Kingdome of Denmarke, and ouercame him▪ Su•••••• fled into Sweden,* 3.61 and there abode till the death of Magnus, after which he recouered his Danish Scepter. Flore••tius writeth that [ 10] Suanus sent to King Edward the Confessor, intreating his side with a Nauie against M••gnus; Earle Godwine counselled to send fiftie ships, but Earle Leofrike and the people refused; and Magnus with a great Nauie fought with Su••••us, and expelled him his Kingdome, which hee af∣ter recouered.

Harald Haruager the Sonne of Si••ard King of Nor••ay and Brother by the Mothers side to Saint Olaue obtayned Norway after his Nephew Magnus, and sent an Embassage to King Ed∣ward, whereby Peace and Amitie was concluded betwixt both the Kings. He (after King Ed∣wards death) inuaded England with a great Nauie m 3.62 of three hundred ships, and discomfited [ 20] the Earles Edwine and M••rcar neere Yorke; but fiue dayes after Harold then King (Sonne of Earle Godwin) slue his Brother Tosti and Haruagre at Stamford Bridge, permitting his Sonne O∣laue to returne vpon conditions to Norway. But whiles he conuerted the spoyle to his owne pro∣per vse, he gaue such disgust to the English, that a few dayes after in the battayle with William Earle of Normandie, they were lesse zealous of his cause; where a new Norman period beganne:* 3.63 those Northerne quarrels hauing had no other end but this succession.

I shall not need to adde what followed (the Norman Acts in Italie, Palestina and other pla∣ces I haue handled else-where) little occurring of Mars, but Mercurie,* 3.64 of which I haue by me Letters from King Henry the Third, the first yeere of his Reigne to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 or Haqu••n, then King of Norway, for mutuall Trafficke betwixt both their subjects. It is remarkable that the Nor∣therne humour of spoile, slaughter and bloud continued whiles they were Pagans, and expired in manner with their Paganisme both in Norwegians and Danes: as if God would first by them [ 30] punish the vices of those times, and withall conquer the Conquerours,* 3.65 with the Religion of the conquered, and by so strange a way bring the Northerne World (by this way of destroying) to saluation. Since that time, the State of Norway, Island and other parts hath decayed in numbers of shipping, courage of men, and other meanes of Earthly greatnesse. Somewhat yet for Hi∣story and an Historians sake, I will adde of Matth•••• ••ari•• an Englishman his Voyage to Norway.

In the yeere 1247. Matthew Paris recordeth, that on the day of Saint Olaue, a famous Saint in the Regions and Ilands of Norway, Ha••on was crowned King,* 3.66 and solemnely anointed at Berga by the Bishop of Sabine then Legate (from the Pope) in those parts. For the honour whereof the said King gaue the Pope 15000. Markes sterling, besides inualuable Gifts which [ 40] the Legate himselfe had; and fiue hundred Markes by him extorted (saith our Author) from the Church of that Kingdome.* 3.67 The King also receiuing the Crosse for the Holy Land Expe∣dition, obtayned of the Pope the third part of the Ecclesiasticall Reuenues of that Kingdome towards his charges. Which Lewis the French King knowing, writ in friendly termes to Ha∣con, to beare him company in the said Expedition, offering him full power (in regard of his Sea-skill) ouer his Nauie, and ouer the French Army. This Letter was carried by our Authour Mat∣thew Paris, to whom King Hacon answered that he gaue great thankes to that deuour King: but knew in part the nature of the French, & as saith the Poet, 〈…〉〈…〉, and I say, Omnis{que} superbus, Impati••us cons••rtis erit. My people is impe••uous, indiscreet, and impatient of wrongs, which might occasion irreparable damage; and therefore it is fitter for [ 50] each to goe by himselfe. But I haue written to the King for quiet passage thorow his Countrey, and prouisions as need required. The Kings Answere thereto and Letter•• Patents were also deli∣uered to him by this our Author in this forme.

Ludonicus Dei gratia Francorum Rex, vniuersi 〈◊〉〈◊〉 & fid••libus 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Balli••is, Maio••ibus,* 3.68 & Praepositis, ad quos praes••ntes liter•• p••ruanerint, salutem. Cum clarissimus noster Illustris Hacon Rex Norwegiae in subsidium T••rrae sancta transfretare proponat, sicut nobis per suas literas intima••it, vobis mandamus, quatenus si cundem Regem vel ipsius Nauigium per mare co••tiguum terrae nostra tran••ir•• contingat, vel in Terram nostram, vel in fe••da nostra alicubi applicar••, ipsum & suos benignè & hono∣rificè recipiatis, permittentes eosdem in terra nostra a victualia 〈◊〉〈◊〉, & sibi p••r forum legitimum de sibi necessarijs prouidere. Actum apud Sanctum Germanum in Laia, A. D. 1248.

[ 60] When the King of Norway had read this (for hee is a discreet, and modest, and well lear∣ned man) hee reioyced much, and was gratefull to the bearer,* 3.69 respecting him with Royall and bountifull gifts. Thus writeth Matthew Paris of himselfe, and his employment. The cause of his going into Norway he further relateth, that King Cnuto (or Canutus) hauing founded a fa∣mous

Monastery of Saint Bennet, of Holm in Norway (of which title and order hee had founded another in England) it happened that the said Abbie, with the appurtenances was almost ruined by an impious Abbat, who forsaking his Order, and stealing away priuily the Seale of the Chapi∣ter, either sold, or by forged writings fraudulently engaged almost all the possessions thereof: wherein hee had the Sacrist, the keeper of the Seale, his copartner, both in this fugitiue apostacie and treacherie. Heereupon the Archbishop of Nidrosia, in whose Diocesse the said Abbie was situate, seised the same and the appurtenances into his hands, alledging that the Monkes had only the habite,* 3.70 but were altogether ignorant of Monastike order, and Saint Bennets rule, some of them also theeues and fugitiues. The Monkes appealed to the Pope (which caused the Archbishop to suspend his proceedings) and the Prior recouering somewhat, and gathering together a summe of [ 10] money, went to the Roman Court, where the Abbat had beene a little before, and intangled by writings the said house in fiue hundred markes; which caused the Prior to returne frustrate and full of griefe. But in his way, hearing that the said Abbat was dead, in the Abby of Saint Al∣ban in Selio (in Norway) he and the Couent made choice of an Abbat, and this Prior, with ano∣ther Monke, and three hundred markes in mony, together with the Kings letter, being sent to Matthew Paris to take paines for their freedome, it was procured happily that the temporal∣ties of the said house were freed from the Caursines (the Popes Vsurers) then residing at London, within one yeeres space. But their Spiritualities were much maimed, they by bribes purchasing delayes, lest the Archbishop should take possession of the Iland which wholly belonged to the Abby, and of it also, expelling the Monkes. [ 20]

Now the Cardinall Bishop of Sabine then comming Legate into Norway, the Monkes sought to him for succour, and hee counselled them to go and petition the Pope to prouide them of an Instructor and Reformer, and he would write in their behalfe.

The Abbat therefore and Prior went with Letters from the King and Legate to the Pope, who gaue them leaue to chuse any man of whatsoeuer Region or Monasterie to be their Instru∣cter. They answered the next day, that all the World had not Monkes of that Order liuing in more composed order then England, nor England any comparable by report, to Saint Albans: of which House they desired Matthew to be their Reformer, of whose wisdome and faithfulnes they had had experience; a man also almost familiar and friendly to their King, and able by his meanes to order the rebellious and vnruly. Hereupon the Pope gaue them this Briefe to the Ab∣bat [ 30] of Saint Albans,

Innocentius, &c. Dilecto Filio Abbati Sancti Albani in Anglia Ordinis S. Benedicti, &c. Cum si∣cut ex parte dilecti filij Abbatis Monasterij de Hol••s, Ordinis S. Benedicti Nistorsiensis Diocesis, fuit propositum coram nobis; idem Monasterium propter Pradecessorum suorum negligentiam, sit in his quae ad Monasticum Ordinem pertinent deformatum; nec inueniator in illis partibus aliquis qui statuta & obseruantias eiusdem Ordinis bene sciat: Nos ad supplicationem eiusdem Abbatis, discretionem tuam rogamus, attentius & hortamur per Apostolica tibi scripta mandantes, quatenus dilectum filium Fra∣trem Mattheum Monachum tuum, qui dicitur probeta vitae ac religionis expertae, ad idem Monasterium vt dictum Abbatem & Monachos suos in regularibus disciplinis & statutis quae ad eundem ordinem per∣tinent, informet & instruat, transmittere pro diuina & Apostolicae sedis ac nostra reuerentia non post∣ponas. [ 40] Datum Lugduni, &c. Hereto the Abbat obeying, and Matthew to his Abbat, the busi∣nesse luckily succeeded, and Monkerie both in that of Hol••s, and other Norwegian Monasteries was reformed.

I might here shew l 3.71 the great stirres which in the first Ages after the Conquest the Norwe∣gians haue caused in Ireland, Wales, Man, Anglesey, the Hebrides, and Orcades: as also of Ha∣rald (whom the Conquerour slue) his two sonnes and daughter fleeing to Sueno King of Den∣marke, who gaue the daughter in Marriage to Ieruslaus, or Waldemarus King of Russia: and of Nicolas de Lynna,* 3.72 a Franciscan Frier and Mathematician of Oxford, before mentioned, of whom Iacobus Cuoyen saith in his Iournall that he learned of a Priest who had descended of those which King Arthur had left to people the Ilands of Norway, Anno 1364. that in the yeere 1360. the said Frier had comne into those Ilands, and proceeding further by Art Magicke, had described [ 50] those A••••ike parts (as the n 3.73 Map presents) with foure Whirl-pooles or In-draughts. Yea (as Master Dee addeth) at the Northerne Ilands, the Record whereof at his returne he gaue to the King of England,* 3.74 the Booke being called Inuentio fortunata or fortunae, contayning a description from fif∣tie foure degrees to the Pole. I might also adde out of Th••mas of Walsingham, the Trauels of Henrie Earle of Darbie,* 3.75 (afterwards Henrie the Fourth, King of England) into Prussia and Let∣tow, or Lithuania, where by his helpe especially was taken Vilna the chiefe Citie (Sk••rgalle the King of Lettow, hauing fled thither for refuge) his Colours being first aduanced on the walls, foure thousand slaine, of which the King of Polands Brother, and three thousand captiued. Also I might adde the Voyage of Thomas of Woodstocke Duke of Glocester, sonne to King Edward the Third,* 3.76 along the Coasts of Denmarke, Norway, and Scotland. Other Letters likewise of King [ 60] Edward the Second to Haquin or Hacon, King of Norway in behalfe of English Merchants there arrested: with Entercourses betwixt the English and the Dutch Knights in Liefland. But ha∣uing only briefe mentions of these, and them or the most of them recorded by Master Hakluyts

industrie before, I doe here but Index-wise referre the Reader thither. I rather choose to giue new things and rare: and such may seeme these Notes which Anno 1605. I writ from the mouth of Master George Barkeley.

[illustration] map of the North Pole

HONDIVS his Map of the Arctike Pole, or Northerne World.

POLUS ARCTICUS cum vicinis re∣gionibus.

CHAP. XX. A briefe Memoriall of the great Trauells by Sea and Land, of Master GEORGE BARKLEY Merchant of London, in Europe, Asia, Africa, and America, [ 50] and their Ilands.

BEing a childe, he was transported into the East Countries, and the first place of his landing was Schagen, from thence vnto Elsen••re,* 3.77 a Towne as bigge as Brent∣wood, where the Danish Custome is taken; and where he hath seene at one time the Dane making stay of all shipping fourteene dayes, for ostentation to a for∣reigne Nobleman, seuen hundred sayle. From thence to Coppenhagen,* 3.78 thence to Bornholme, thence to Danske, a Towne subject to the Pole,* 3.79 being in continuall buildings, if by any meanes they may fortifie themselues against the Hilles ouer-looking the [ 60] Towne, a Rill running betweene, whence they haue their fresh water: they spare no time Sunday nor other. There lyeth here in the Sea by casting vp of sands a long Iland called Frish∣nering, where alongst, as on Samaiden, is gathered by the Danske Officers there, and here by the Iewes, that farme it of the Pole, Amber, cast vp by the Sea in great abundance,* 3.80 pieces as bigge as a pecke, more or lesse. The Bores that find it and gather, haue so many firkins of some other

meane commoditie: and if they keepe and sell it, they dye for it. Hee hath seene one piece of Amber taken vp, in the middest whereof was to be seene through the transparent Amber a Frog in similitude and full proportion:* 3.81 (Master Vassall, his brother, a friend of mine, told me of a piece of Timber in the keele of a ship, where by occasion of a sliuer, one cutting nine inches within the Timber e∣uery way, he found a great liuing Tode in the hollow thereof at Woolwich) betwixt this Frishnering and the Land is a great water Frisbh••ff, where at Saint Georges day they begin to fish, of which there is exceeding plentie, and for three halfe pence one may buy a cast as much as they shall draw the next time. One here in his Net drew vp a company or heape of Swallowes as bigge as a bushell fastned by the legs and bills in one,* 3.82 which being carried to their stoues, quickned and slew, and comming againe suddenly in the cold Aire dyed.

From Danske he went to Marienberg, a Towne also standing on the Vistle, whereby it run∣ne••h [ 10] in another channell, and betwixt both these makes an Iland wherein stands Nerdeich, which Iland is compassed with a wall to fortifie it against the comming downe of the Vistle in the Spring at the thaw of the snowes,* 3.83 &c. This wall seemeth in some places as high as Paules Steeple, and other-where as high as Paules Church, where yet it hath sometime beene ouer∣flowne: full it is of Hoffes and Villages belonging to the Lords of Danske.

Marienberg is a free Towne for Religion (Danske then professing only Lutheran) saue cer∣tayne Friers and Nunnes liuing in Cloysters closely.* 3.84 There a Lutheran when he preacheth must make an end at his houre, and then a Iesuit preacheth to the Rom. Catholikes as long, the former both company, and Preacher being auoyded of himselfe, or by force. It was built by the Kreitz∣herne (Dei-parini milites) Knights of the Crosse,* 3.85 who hauing lost their footing in the Holy Land, [ 20] m 3.86 by consent of the Empire assaulted and conquered Prussia, being in this Conquest sixtie foure

[illustration] map of Prussia

HONDIVS his Map of BORVSSIA, or PRVSSIA.

PRUSSIA

yeeres, who after carried themselues so tyrannously, that the people yeelded themselues to the Pole, and destroyed the Kreitzherne, saue those that made a head about the North parts, with whom after some doubtfull fights, was made a league, that This Order should cease; Their Cap∣tayne should be married, and should haue seuentie two Townes in Prussia, to him and his Heires Males, and in defect of such Heires to returne to the Pole. His Townes are not adjoyned toge∣ther, but the Poles Townes betwixt. Kinningsburge is the Dukes Court.

Thence he went to Elbing, a faire Towne, where our Trade is now for Flaxe, which was be∣fore at Danske, thence remoued for their insolencies. Here our men only pay Custome: others are free, and this they did voluntarily, and haue in this respect very much authoritie amongst [ 10] the Lords there: the Towne still flourisheth with buildings, &c.

Thence he went to Bransperg, (the Poles Towne) where is a Colledge of Iesuites:* 3.87 From this place to Kinningsberg, and thence to Liba in Curland, thence to Samaiden, and thence to Rica, or Rie in Liefland also. (This Rica is vnder the Pole) thence to Derpt, and thence to Reuel. At Derpt he went to schoole three yeeres: it is vnder the Pole. Liuonia is exceedingly distracted betwixt

[illustration] map Livonia

HONDIVS his Map of LIVONIA or LIEFLAND.

LIVONIA

the Sweden, Russe, and Pole. King Stephen recouered part from the Russe, who before had partly [ 60] killed, and partly carried captiue the Handicrafts men, in such desolate manner, that the Townes are ruinate,* 3.88 the stone walls of Houses and Churches standing with trees of great bignesse grow∣ing through their vncouered roofes; the Woods (whereof they haue excellent stately) being strowed with bones of dead carkasses; and himselfe did once in one of those Woods eate Honey out of a Mans skull wherein a swarme of Bees were, and bred as it hanged on a Tree. Hee con∣quered

all saue Reuell: against which he made a Castle with water and straw, the frost binding them together as fast as they were laid.* 3.89 The Countrey is inhabited with the ancient Indigenae, called Momese, and others of the Dutch called by them Sac's. Who by occasion of shipwracke being cast on these Countries,* 3.90 did buy of the simple Inhabitants so much ground as a Rose hide, &c. so building in one place Reuel, in another farre distant Rie, and so other Townes; by this meane commanding and subduing all the Countrie. Derpt was one Turfe of ground bought as before.

The Momeses are almost Saluadoes, retaining still their old superstitions, as to worship the Sun,* 3.91 or the first Beast they meet with, and especially they haue in religious reckoning their Leaue.

This which they call Se-leaue, or the Groues, is a company of Trees, which it is religious to [ 10] touch; and he knew a Dutchman, Martin Yekell of Derpt, who breaking a bough was swelled a yeere together as big as his skinne would hold. Heere at Marriages and Burialls they pray, but without Image.* 3.92 Their marriage is thus. The man and his Bride are set stridling on a Horse, and blinded; and so led into Se-leaue, there taken downe and married by their Rites; then set vp a∣gaine, blinded as before, and conueyed with their company, and Musicke to their house, singing Kosoku Kosoku Coniku seamoha: there taken downe and had to bed, still blinded till the next mor∣row, in the meane while they rest drinking, &c.

They mourne when one is borne, reioyce and make merry at death. Their mourning (in Cur∣land) is then, and when they walke alone, or fetch wood, Yerow, yerou yerou, masculine babe: the words themselues vnderstand not, but thinke it to haue remained since that Babylonish Towre. [ 20] When the Momeses die, they are buried in their Leaues, with their knife vnder their arme, and their coate hanging ouer the graue. The Momeses are very ignorant, and aske who learne the Hares in the woods their prayers. At Rie the women haue a thing of Red veluet on their heads, made like a Ship with the keele vpward, at each end a lock of hayre.

The women of the Sacs differ in their fashion of attire each City from other, a pleted Petti∣cote, with a damaske Vpper body, a veluet Square on their heads, and thereon a Cloke, &c. The maid vncouered, if she haue had a child and refuse to goe couered, she is brought to the Pillory, her haire cut off,* 3.93 and there nayled, and a Kerchiefe put on. Here and in Norway, and in White Russia, &c. strangers pay nothing for entertainment, but salute, sit downe, and expect the Hosts expen∣ces. Their bed they must bring with them, which is commonly a Beares skin, or else they there haue a locke of straw. To offer money is a disgrace, which yet might seeme to arise of the [ 30] basenesse of the coyne.* 3.94 Their houses are all of Timber beames laid square, and others laid on them in notches, so till they come to the roofe, which they couer with straw, diuided in two roomes; the inner being the Parlour or stoue, where they haue as it were one Ouen ouer another: the middle hearth being of stones set grate-wise, the fire is put in on the Back-side or Hal-side, & there also the Sinke issueth. Before that mouth in the Stoue is set a vessell of water, which, when they wil haue the heat exceeding, they besprinkle on those hot stones. A fire lasteth a day, at night they renew it. Sometimes the old Prusees on the borders of Curland, according to their old hea∣thenish Rites do sacrifice their Priest in fire.

From Derpt hee went to the Peibus, whereinto runne seuentie two Riuers making a great Lake full of Fish.* 3.95 In the Peibus betweene Plesk•• and Narue, the Ships (whereof are many, and [ 40] some an hundred Tunne, with one Mast) are sowed together with Osiers, hauing no Iron workes,* 3.96 called Boidacks. They goe to Markets in Sleds, where comming to a wal∣led Towne, and waiting the opening of the Gates, the Sled is drawne in sometime, with his Ma∣ster sitting as before starke dead with cold. Thence he went to Narue, which runneth out of this Lake, w••ere the Riuer being twice so bigge as the Thames, hath a fall a mile steepe on a Rocke. Here the Sweden (as is reported) made a Bridge ouer with the bodies of Russes, as the Russe had done before with his owne people about 40000. hence to Iuanogrod. These 40000. were one∣ly bearded men slaine, &c. not women or children; these hee dashed by the heeles, the dryed braines whereof hee hath seene on the wals, &c. these all out of two Townes, Narue and Iuano∣grod. [ 50] The Castle of Iuanogrod is so fortified, that it must bee thrice conquered before conquered, and built in a yeere, of Stone, which none else is in Russia. Hence hee went to Yeraslaue, where he and his companion were apprehended by the Russes, for trauelling without licence, and as they came at any Towne, blinded, and after some feares sent thence into Letto, or Lithuania: passing through Woods full of Beasts,* 3.97 Beares, &c. none hurtfull but en luxe, a kind of ounce or Cat-a-mountaine, with a tayle a handfull long, spotted, as big as a Dogge, in forme like a Cat, which would from off a tree leap on Trauellers and kill them.* 3.98 Here they came to the Weild or Vilna, the chiefe Citie where the old Dutchesse a Caluinist (whom therefore they called the English Queen) kept her Court. Her two sons being summoned to the Parliament in Poland, went garded with 30000. Here they vsually steale their wiues; a man viewing one to his content comes with [ 60] his company to the place where she dwels, and lies in ambush till night when she comes forth to make water, and then they catch her, and on a Sled carry her away, &c. her friends not knowing what is become of her perhaps a moneth, and yet know what to suspect because of the custome. Their Churches are thin, and in the Villages they haue a Crosse of Wood, with a Pentise, and a

[illustration]

[illustration] map of Lithuania

HONDIVS his Map of LITHVANIA.

LITHUA∣NIA

Crucifixe, and there say they their prayers once perhaps in a quarter, hauing a Priest come to them, or they goe to him in their Church twenty miles off. They worship also a Snake, which [ 40] they keepe vp in their houses, saying, they haue reason for it, because it keepes their children: these Snakes goe often into the Woods, and thence returne, and before the fire vomit vp milke, which the men eate. Here they hunt the Vrochs, and other beasts. When the Lord will hunt, his Tenants or Slaues (as they are heere, and in Sweden, Poland, &c.) doe make fires in the Woods,* 3.99 bringing the beasts into a corner, & there they assault them. From Vilna he went to Grodno in the Mase, where are the best Poles souldiers, & they are Roman Catholikes. From hence to Cracouia. From thence to Warsonia, where is a Bridge (couered ouer with a Pentice, where toll is paid, twice so long as London Bridge) ouer Vistula, which soone after he was passed ouer, brake, and there were drowned many Polonish Gentlemen that came thither to the Parliament at that time there assembled.

[ 50] To this Parliament came a Tartar to sue for his two daughters, taken captiue by the Christians: but not speeding he returned; and with him went our Author Master George Berkley, and stayed with him sixe moneths.* 3.100 This Tartar liued with his hord of about a thousand housholds of a kindred. They sowed a three square graine (Totarke) had cattle, liued at ease, euery day hunting; these worshipped Mahomet. Their manner is to make sudden Inrodes on the Christians, and prey on them, who therefore are readie for such assaults: the Polonish Gentleman at dinner ha∣uing his two Peeces by him, and his Seruing-men, which are Souldiers with their Peeces also, when the Christians make head against them, they cannot most what find them. They are reso∣lute, and wil ride with their Bowes in face of a Peece. If this Tartar could haue gotten his daugh∣ters, [ 60] he would haue bestowed one on him, &c. if he would haue liued with him, and he said he ne∣uer liued in all his life so pleasantly as with these Tartars. Hee returned into Poland againe. In Poland all are Gentlemen and Slaues. Punishable it is not for their Gentlemen to keepe Concu∣bines, whose children they bring vp as their other, saue that they doe not inherit. There is freedome of religion. So many Cranes feathers as they weare in their Hats, so many Tartars or

[illustration]

[illustration] map of Poland and Silesia

HONDIVS his Map of POLONIA.

POLONIA et SILESIA

Turkes are holden to be slaine by them. No Townes very strong but Cammeniecx built within a Rocke, the light let in at holes. The Turke went ouer it but could not win it.

The Polanders had a great murraine of beasts attributed to the Iewes: two Iewes comming to a [ 40] woman offered her mony for some of her milke, she answered, her child but then sucked, they left their glasse there, promising to fetch it anon and to satisfie her: her husband meane while com∣ming home and seeing so strange a thing as a glasse, asked from whence it came, and why; being answered two Iewes had left it there for milke for a medicine, bid her fleet Cowes milke and fill the glasse: which the Iewes receiuing, and hauing entertained a Boy, caused him to climbe vp one of the Ladders which there stand together with their three square gallowes made of stone, with woodden rafters crosse, and to poure it into the mouth of one of the dead men (which there alway hang after execution) his mouth, who presently cryed like a beast, as the boy reuealed, and they thereupon cryed they were cosined: a murren followed which should haue been a plague. Ma∣ny Iewes executed for it; which yet the Iewes said to bee a pretence for their money. The Iewes that farmed the Custome at Samaiden in Curland, killed a Polonish Merchant without [ 50] punishment,* 3.101 beating out his braines for delaying to open his packe. Hee returned out of Poland into Prussia to Torne, the first place obtained by the Kreitzherne, where they built a Castle about an Oake which standeth there still, but is dead. Thence along the Vistle (where the Poles haue their Masts, &c. with wares three miles together tyed downe the streame) to Dantzike; thence into Pomerland farre more barren then Prussia, to Cassubia, Cosslin, Colberg. Thence to Statin, euery way exceeding pleasant and good. Thence to Rostock in Mockelberg. Thence to Lu∣beck, a fairer Citie then Danske, so to Oldsloe, to Hamberg, to Breme, to Limenberg, to Mansuelt, to Bamberg, and thence through Bohemia into Silesia, to Bresslaw, where hee went to schoole three yeeres:* 3.102 whence into Polonia againe, and thence to Pruss. Thence home into England. [ 60]

Hee went againe into Norway, to Nilus, Bashus, &c. It is a barren soyle, as being nothing but Rockes and Valleyes: the Rockes are couered with grasse, and the ground betweene they digge and sow with Corne, which yet is not able to satisfie the Country. The difference betweene the

Gentlemen and Bore, is in his command, being otherwise, as raggedly apparrelled as hee, with twentie patches on his breech, and barefoot in winter.* 3.103

In Sweden he was, at Stockholm the chiefe Citie. These now * 3.104 vnder Duke Charles, hold warre with their King, yet all things passing vnder his name, but so hating the Poles, that though of an∣other Nation, neither the long attire, neither their Curb, or hooked Sword can passe safely a∣mong the Bores for suspition of being Poles: and the rather because they were made beleeue that the Pole was ayded against them by the Tartars that were man-eaters. They are strong in ship∣ping and had giuen the Dane the ouerthrow at the battle at Bornaholm, had he not beene assisted by the Lubeckers with money, &c. One also of whose Ships with a shot fired and blew vp the Admirall of the Sweden. The Lubeckers therefore pay no custome to the Danes, and for their [ 10] costs hold Boraholm till they be satisfied out of the Reuenewes thereof.

In Sweden (as in Friesland and other those Countries) the Lord holdeth the other his Tenants as Villaines and Slaues, and at his pleasure ships their Horses and Daughters to Reuell, and there sells them; a bushell and halfe a Culmet of Salt for a woman, which yet is of person and com∣plexion very comely, and very able to doe worke. He came againe to Leefland; and thence to Finland, where hee was with an English Captaine in a Castle: and thence into Liuonia, and so in∣to Russia, &c.

Besides those his Easterne trauels, he hath bin in our neerer neighbor places, as in Belgia, France,* 3.105 [ 02] Spaine, Portugall, &c. and passed to the West Indies by the Ilands of Cape Verd: in three of which S. S. Ant on. Vincent, Lucie, the Inhabitants cannot prosper nor liue long, saue in those Ilands which yet are vnkind to other forrainers. He hath also beene in Guinea, in Barbary, in the Straits, at Carthage, where the old ruines remaine, and the stones of Marble, &c. worth the bringing home, in Italy, Slauonia, Morea, at Venice often, at Ferrara, Padua, Mat. Angelo, thence to Fermo,* 3.106 to Loretto (where he visited the Ladie of Loretto) it is one street, walled about, the Temple faire, and in the Temple of our Ladies house, inscriptions innumerable of diuers languages, affirming it to haue fled the Turkes conquests from Iury into Sclauonia, and from thence also hither. Here forsooth it was placed in a piece of ground belonging to two Brethren, which because of this new quest and request could not agree on the proprietie: and to auoyde further suite, in the night it was found remooued to a vacant place by the high-way, and there this Temple built whither resort Pilgrimes in troopes, as to a Mart from diuers Nations. The street on one side all [ 30] Innes, on the other makers of Images, Beades, and such other holy bables heere sanctified by touch of Madonne.

The Temple is hanged about with Monuments of her exploits, vpon vowes conceiued in distres of Warres, Diseases, &c. heere hang the old Swords, &c. There are two Vestries of incre∣dible wealth, and Priests of diuers Nations for their proper Pilgrimes. The House low and meane builded with white Brickes, such as in Barbarie they burne in the Sun. There are two roomes, in one whereof the Chimney where shee dressed her meate, and her dishes, &c. In the other her selfe, or statue with a Childe, aloft of blacke colour: to whom one whose office it is, on a staffe like a Musket-rest doth lift vp Beades, &c. by her touch to bee hallowed. The French Queene sent [ 40] her a Present to hang about her necke, which present would pull her in peeces by the weight. It is round, two foot in diameter made like a Sunne, in the center a Carbuncle, the rest set with Diamonds, the rayes pointed with orient Pearles, the Brickes (miraculously) cannot bee re∣mooued, to which end they report of a Bishops superstitious steale: who was not able to passe without restitution.

Trauelling in diuers places of Italy, Rome, &c. hee returned by the Alpes, from Venice to Me∣stre, thence to Treuise, so to S••raualle, a Towne of Blade-smithes, which with Water-workes grinde and hammer their Mettals: thence vp the Alpes by a passage so narrow cut out of the Rocke, that sometime the Horse hoofe hung ouer, it beeing a steepe mile high,* 3.107 a Riuer running vnder. Thus to Basill, thence backe to Tiroll.

After all ihese trauels in these parts of Europe better knowne, and those others in the more vnknowne, [ 50] and in Africa and America, hee much affecting the Virginia businesse and especially that of Bermuda, went thither to order publike affaires. And after all this (as you haue heard) went in place of Cape Merchant to the East Indies, and being Captaine of the English House at Bantam, there and thence trauelled to his long home. This I thought good to adde to the former relations, which I receiued many yeeres since from his owne mouth, beeing my louing and familiar friend, and for a generall Traueller by Sea and Land, in hote and cold Countries of the old and new world, not easily matchable. Had hee liued, I would haue better perfected these short Notes; but Death it selfe hath not taken from mee his loue, shall not from the world his memory; I rather chusing to giue the world these vnpolished Notes, as his, then either to burie them with him, or by refining and illustrating to make them mine. The best illustra∣tion seemes that of Mappes, some of which out of Hondius I haue added.

[ 60]

CHAP. XXI. Collections out of MARTIN BRONIOVIVS de Biezerfedea sent Am∣bassadour from STEPHEN King of Poland, to the Crim Tartar: Contayning a Description of Tartaria, or Chersonesus Taurica, and the Regions subiect to the Perecop or Crim Tartars, with their Customes priuate and publike in Peace and Warre.

BRaslaw is a Towne in Podolia with a Castle, numbreth aboue fiue hundred Inha∣bitants,* 3.108 [ 10] good Gunners, and well exercised in Tartarian skirmishes. They are good Guides in the Playnes to auoyde the Tartars and Kozackes. From thence thorow Woods not very thicke, after some miles journey to the small Riuer Sil∣nica, where the Braslawens keepe good guard alwayes against the Excursions of the Tartars and Walachians. Downe the Riuer Bogus or Hipanis, you may goe almost to Oczacow. In the way are the Riuers Tristenet, Bersad, Olsank, Sauran (whence they are called the Fields of Sauran) a stone Bridge and Bathe sometimes belonging to Vitoldus, Great Duke of Lithuania, ruines and graues, Sinawod Riueret, the strong rockie Ile Probite, a good re∣fuge for ours against the Tartars (the Braslawens in May and Iune, vse there and in the other many Ilands of Bogus to fish, armed with their Pieces) Certelna Riuer the greater and the lesse, [ 20] and that of Capcacley, and Hancocricus (the Tartars call it Cham) and the Lake Berezania. That Field is fiftie miles,* 3.109 or as they call it seuen dayes journey to a speedie traueller, from Braslaw to Oczacow. There are wilde Beasts, Bisonts, Elkes, Horses, Harts, Rammes with one horne, Goates, Swine, Beares: which ten yeeres since were sayd to bee killed with the sharpnesse of the Winter, and huge heapes of their bones are found in the fields. They had also innumera∣ble herds of Horses, Turkish and Tartarian; Kine and Sheepe which fedde there, by the borde∣rers of Russia, Volsinia, Ki••w, Podolia, and Moldauia, not long since destroyed. The hills called Mogili, are testimonies of Burials and Warres. The Field is fertile, rich of pasture and pleasure.

[ 30]

[illustration] map of the Crimea

HONDIVS his Map of TAVRICA CHERSONESVS.

Taurica Cherso∣nesus

Passing ouer Prut or Hieras, a Riuer of Moldauia, you come to Stepanouetia or Iassi, chiefe Towne of Valachia; or righter to Prutum Technia, a Towne and Fort of the Turkes,* 3.110 not long since fortified on the Nester; and there are found some Moldauian passages in the Nester, right into the champaines. It diffuseth it selfe into the Lake Vidouo or Obidouo (so called, as some fabulou∣sly conceiue of Ouidius) and soone after disembokes into the Euxine Sea, ouer against Bialogrod (named by the antients Moncastrum) not long since taken by the Turkes, from the Valachian or Moldauian Princes, & holden by them. In the very mouth of Tyras or Nester, bearing name of Ne∣optolemus as may seeme by Strabo, who there-awayes placeth Nicouia on the right hand, and O∣phiusa on the left hand of the Riuer.

[ 10] After followeth Beriboneum with deepe and large ditches neere the Sea,* 3.111 washed by the Lake where sometimes was a good Port. Adzigoli hath three Ditches, many salt Lakes nigh the Sea, where many Cozaks resort and often kill each other in mutuall warres and quarrels, which makes it terrible to Trauellers. Then follow Domnina Doluia, and the Lake Berezania, and the Bay Care••••tus. Strabo placeth fiue hundred furlongs in the Sea, from the mouth of Tyras the Iland Leuca sacred to Achilles.

Oczacouia called antiently Olbia, Olbis, and Olbiopolis, is seated on Boristhenes or the Carcenite Bay; sometimes builded by the Meletians: the Tower is of Stone, the Towne but meane,* 3.112 is sub∣iect to the Turkes. Boristhenes or Neper, a deepe, wide and swift streame,* 3.113 runneth from the North into the Bay, and neere to Oczacouia into the Euxine. Foure miles higher Bogus empties [ 20] it selfe into Boristhenes. There the Turkes exact Customes. The Isthmus betwixt Boristhenes and the Sea, is a dayes iourney, ouer sandie plaines, with Hills, Lakes, Salt-pits; with Deeres, Beares, Goates, w••lde Swine well stored. It is extended to Perecopia aboue thirtie miles in length, con∣taining Medowes, Riuers,* 3.114 and Tartarian Cottages (which they call vlusi) made of small pieces of wood, daubed with mud or myre and dung of beasts, and thatched with reed. The Tartars liue not in them in Summer and Autumne, but in April begin their progresse, with their wiues, chil∣dren, slaues, and houses which are round, couered with clothes, scarsly commodious for foure or fiue men, carried on two-wheeled carts, with one or two Camels or Oxen, together with their houshold. They carry with them Camels, Horses, Flockes, and Herds innumerable, leauing o∣thers in commodious pastures. They goe towards Perecopia, and sometimes into Taurica,* 3.115 or [ 30] ouer against Perecopia, to Ossow or Azaph, as the Turkes call it, a Towne by the Don (Tanais, a great and swift Riuer) sometimes fortified by the Greekes, and since by the Genuois; where the Turkes now haue a Garrison, and a Commander. They alway trauell into the Isthmus, or the large Plaines which are betwixt Boristhenes, and the Lake Meotis, and the Pontike Sea, where they find best pastures. In October the raines, colds, and perpetuall windes force them to returne to their Cottages. For they are afraide of our Nizouian Cozaks, which passe downe the streame in Boats, and the Gunners, which then make incursions on them. Neper is frozen ouer in Winter. Ptolemey calls that Isthmus, Zenos Chersonesus, and Strabo writes that the Roxans and Roxo∣lans (whom we call Russians) pastured those Fields twixt Tana••s and Boristhenes (describing their life like that of these later Tartars)

[ 40] Perecopia (antiently called Eupatoria, Pompeiopolis, Holy Groue, Achilles Race, Gracida, Hera∣clea) is seated in the confines of Taurica, or the Scythian Chersonesus,* 3.116 the Towne obscure and small, the Tower of stone, not well fortified; in which the Tartar Chans haue their perpetuall Palatine or Beg, which keepeth the Marches and passages of Boristhenes and Don, with all the bor∣ders, and is Generall Lieutenant ouer all the Tartars in the Playnes adioyning. Strabo writes that there was a deepe Ditch made, whence the Towne had, and still in the Tartarian and Tur∣kish language hath the name. When Sachinbgierei raigned there (hee ouerthrew the Nagay Tar∣tars at Perecopia with a memorable victory) there were seuenteene stone Forts raised in that Ditch, some of them of the Skuls of the ••layne, and the ditch repayred. Heere the Tartars keepe continuall Guard, permitting no Stranger thence to passe without the Chans Letters. And there [ 50] in occasions of Warres is their principall assembling.

Coslow is seuen miles distant on the right hand, on the shore,* 3.117 where the Chan hath a perpetuall garrison. Ingermenum is hence twelue miles or more: it hath a stone Fort, a Temple, and Vaults vnder the Castle and ouer against it, with wonderfull Art cut in the stone, being situate in a great and high Mountaine; and therefore the Turkes giue it the name of the Vaults. It hath beene a wealthy Towne. Ouer against it the Promontorie trendeth some furlongs bread, and three or foure miles long. There appeare euident signes in the stonie Mountaines, that the anci∣ent Greekes thence cut huge stones and carried them by Ships to build Chersona a Citie in those times famous, as the Greeke Christians still report.* 3.118 The Heraclians of Pontus sent thither a Colo∣ny. The Fort of Ingermenum was also built by the Greekes, as appeareth by Greeke Inscriptions [ 60] and Scutcheons therein: and thorow all the Isthmus to the walls were sumptuous buildings, and innumerable Wells digged. There were also two great High-wayes or Causies of stone. There were many good Vineyards and Gardens, now called Belbec, and possessed by Greeke Christians, or Italians, and Iewes, and a few Turkes. Of the ruines the Turkes and Tartars make great Stalls and Enclosures for their beasts. This Cheronesus, Corsunum, or Chersona the Turkes called Sari

Germenum, or Yellow Tower of the colour of that Tract; whereof admirable ruines remaine to testifie the quondam splendor. There are channells or conduits of hewen stone vnder ground foure miles to the Citie walls, still containing cleere water. From a place where is a Village of note, and not farre off, neere the Sea is a Greeke Monastery of Saint George, with anniuersarie de∣uotion frequented of the Greekes remaining in Taurica with great concourse. The Citie hath not beene inhabited these many ages; the Walls and Towers sumptuously built are yet seene entire. But the Turks carry thence excellent Marble, and Serpentine Columnes and great stones by Sea, for the vse of their publike and priuate buildings. Of the Temples the very ruines, are vtterly ruined, and the houses lye buried in that Monument and Selfe-sepulchre.

The walls of a Greeke Monasterie remayne very large, but without roofe, and the ornaments [ 10] spoyled. The Russian and Polonian Chronicles relate that Volod••mir, great Duke of the Russians or Kiou,* 3.119 carried thence two doores of Corinthian Brasse, and some artificiall Greeke Images which Broleslaus the second King of Poland translated from Kiou to Gnesna, there yet in the great Church to be seene. Volodimir tooke that Citie from Iohn Zemisca the Constantinopolitan Empe∣rour: but after, marrying Anna the sister of Emperour Basilius, and being baptized in that Mo∣nastery after the Greeke Rites by a certayne Patriarch, hee restored it, as is still related by the Christian remainders in those parts.* 3.120 Before the Citie was the Promontorie Parthenium with a Temple and Image of that Goddesse, and other Antiquities by Strabo related.

* 3.121That which the Greekes called Iamboli, the Turkes haue stiled Balachei, as the Towre of fishes, in regard of the plentie in that Sea. It was fortified in a high, great and stonie Mountayne by [ 20] the Genuois, whiles the proud cowardly Grecians which held that part of Taurica quarrelling amongst themselues, lost it to them. There they had a notable Port, a strong and sumptuous Fortresse; and there the Towres, houses and walls with the Genuois Ensignes and Inscriptions, lye ruined. It is now inhabited of a few Greekes, Iewes and Turkes, and frequented by fewer Merchants and strangers by Sea.

* 3.122Marcopia stretcheth further to the Mountaynes, and Woods, and is not so neere the Sea: it hath had two Castles, Greeke Temples and Houses sumptuous, with many cleere Rils running out of the stone: but eighteene yeeres after that the Turkes had taken it (as the Greeke Christians affirme) it was destroyed by a sudden and horrible fire. Neither hath any thing remayned of note but the higher Fort, in which is a goodly Gate, adorned with Greeke writing and store of [ 30] Marble, and a high house of stone. Into that house the Messengers of the Muscouites are by the barbarous Chans sometimes thrust, and there endure hard keeping. There remaynes the Greeke Church of Saint Constantius, and another meane one of Saint George. One Greeke Priest and some Iewes and Turkes dwell there; Obliuion and Ruine hath deuoured the rest; nor are there men or Stories of the quondam Inhabitants, which I with great care and diligence euery-where sought in vaine. An old Priest which I saw there, said that a little before the Turkes besieged it, two Greeke Dukes of the Imperiall bloud of Constantinople or Trapezond, there resided, which were after carried aliue into Constantinople, and by Selim the Turkish Emperour slaine. In the Greeke Churches on the walls are painted Imperiall Images and Habits. The Tower and Citie Marcopia is nigh to Cercessigermenum a new Turkish Fort taking name from Cercessium;* 3.123 but the [ 40] Turkes, and Tartars, and Greekes also haue now lost the name. The Greeke Dukes are said to haue there committed much wickednesse. And in that stony Hill whereon it is seated, it hath houses cut with admirable Artifice in the Rocke,* 3.124 which still for the most part remayne entire, although the place be become wooddie. A Temple adorned with Marble and Serpentine Pillars, now laid prostrate on the ground, testifie the quondam glorie.

The Palaces or Houses of the Chans reach vnto the Mediterranean Taurica (as Strabo cals it.) It hath a famous Towne,* 3.125 and a principall Store-house, called Baccasaray, wherein he perpetual∣ly resideth. That Towne is situated betweene two Mountaynes, and a little Riuer flowes be∣tweene, whereof the Towne is named. There is a stone Mosche, and the Chans Sepulchres built within the Townes Liberty of the Christians ruines. Not farre also from that Towne there is a Mahometan Monasterie▪ and very many Tartarian Graues curiously raysed out of the Grecian [ 50] ruines. In the further end of that Towne, there is another Towne called Salaticum, adorned with faire buildings by the Turkes there inhabiting.* 3.126 The Royall Seate or Mansion of the Chans is sumptuously garnished by the ancient Tartarian Princes with Houses, Temples, Sepulchres, and exquisite Baths. When the Princes with their Wiues, oft giue themselues to ease, pastimes, pleasures, and recreation, they go thither. For that place or Region is commodious for huntings, it hath Orchards, Vineyards, Gardens, and many store of good grounds, and it is watered with Chrystaline streames. There are Mountaynes and store of Woods, wherein are seene very many ruines of Houses, and large Forts and Cities, yet they remayne desert, and are of few or none inhabited.

Almassaray at the meeting of the Riuer Alma, is a house of the Kings, where he is woont [ 60] not often to reside,* 3.127 because he liues not there so commodiously, as in other places, and cannot lodge there with his Court: for there is only one base Village. There are some more obscure bor∣dering Townes and Fortresses, where they are woont to maintayne their Wiues. Also not a few

Castles where the Sultans, the Chans brothers, or their sonnes and wiues perpetually dwell. That part of Chersonesus, which the Chan with his Tartars possesse from Perecopia,* 3.128 toward the Fenne or Lake to the Citie Cremum, is cultiuated, plaine, champi••n, fertile, and plentifull of grasse; but toward the Sea and the Palace of the Chan, and his Townes, Castles, and Villages, the Countrey is Mountaynous, woodie, well husbanded, and very fruitfull. The Mountaynes in that Coast are huge and remarkable. But the greatest is the highest of all, and hath in the top a Lake of no small quantitie. And although I did not ascend it, yet it is well discerned many miles off, and demonstrates no ordinary height and greatnesse. Plentie of Riuers and no small ones runne from those Mountaynes. Also they haue much fish, but not of any greatnesse (for the Riuer is shallow) yet very sauourie and daintie. But because the Tartars doe not often feed on [ 10] fish, the Christians only and our strangers when they come thither take paines to catch them. There is also abundance of delicious Fowles, which sometimes Christian or Turkish Gunners are woont to seeke after, seldome our strangers. There is much game of Harts, Goates, Boares, and Hares neere the Sea vnder the Tartars and Turkes. Oftentimes also the Chan himselfe is wont to hunt some dayes there, but more often he goes into the champion with Turkish and Tar∣tarian hunting Dogges.

Sortassus is a Tartarian Village adjoyning to the Chans Regall Mansion,* 3.129 wherein the Lettow and Muscouie Ambassadors doe often lodge; it is spacious and delightsome. But when Tauri∣ca [ 02] or the Peninsula beganne subiect to the Chans Dominion, diuers Italian Gentlemen Genuois after Capha was taken by the Turkes, or Tartar Princes, hauing their Charters written and sea∣led of their right and proprietie (which I haue seene among them) they held that Village with speciall Priuiledges, or purchased it with that Gold which they carried with them out of their Countrey, or with their seruice to the Chans. In going Ambassador to Christian Princes, it was permitted them to build a Catholike Temple in that Village, wherein I sometimes entred while I abode there. There was in that Temple one Priest a Franciscan Fryer, whom those Christians had then redeemed with their money from Turkish slauerie.

Cremum, or as the Tartars call it Crimum, is a Citie and a Castle much vnlike in the antiquitie, magnitude, and height of the wall, amplenesse and renowme, to the other Cities of Taurica;* 3.130 It is vnlike the Mediterranean (for so Ptolomie cals it) perhaps this was called by Ptolomie Taphros, but by Plinie Taphrae. Now in these latter times before the comming of the Genoes into Taurica, [ 30] it seemes to haue beene husbanded and inhabited by a great Mahometan Nation, who remooued thither out of Asia. For there are seene ancient Mosches or Mahometan Temples not only in the Citie it selfe, but also beyond the Citie very many with Chaldaicke Characters engrauen in great stones. There are very few Turkish or Tartar Inhabitants, yet the Greekes are fewer, who re∣port this, that their Ancestors haue constantly deliuered, that that Citie was whilome dwelt in by the Persian Nation, and that it was a quondam noble and excellent Store-house of Mechanick Mysteries. A man may certainly conjecture by the ruines and largenesse of the place that it hath beene a famous Citie and a great Colonie of people. The Tartars are now vulgarly nomi∣nated from that place Crims. They haue a Mint in that Citie.* 3.131 In the Towre which is the grea∣test [ 40] in the Citie, the Chans wiues are alway kept and spend their liues.

Sidagios of the Greekes, but Sudacum of the Genoes, was called a Castle and Citie. The Tartars are vtterly ignorant of it.* 3.132 In a loftie rockie and spacious Mountaine standing neere the Sea in the top of it, it hath a higher Towre, a second indifferent, and a third of baser esteeme. The Greekes or Italian Genoes founded their Castles enuironed and fortified with Walls and Towres. There are seene innumerable Grecian Churches, and seeme but few, as though they were Chap∣pels, not a few vndemolished, but very many are ruinated, and lye ouerturned in the dust. The haughtie dissentious and idle Greekes being ouerthrowne and weakened by the Italian Genoes, lost that Citie. There are seene no contemptible signes of the Genoes much more illustrious then those of the Greekes.

But it is euident by the ruines, that it was once a famous place, & so it is reported by the Greek, [ 50] Christians, of whom there are a very few Relikes. Moreouer, many Christians haue erected a mul∣titude of Temples which they report to haue beene some hundreds. There are three great Ca∣tholike Churches, Houses, Walls, Gates, and faire Towres with Arrace and Ensignes of the Ge∣noes, are seene in the lower Castle. I heard from a certayne Metropolitane a Greeke and an honest man, who then came thither from the Grecian Iles to visit their Priests, and entertayned mee, That when the most barbarous Nation of the Turks had besieged that Citie with a great Armada, it was valiantly and manfully defended by the Genoes: but when the Genoes could no more hold out the daily siege and famine, neither could longer sustaine the violence of such a great Armie of Turkes, some hundreds, or, as hee auouched, about a thousand stout-hearted men conueyed themselues into the greatest Church which yet abides entire, and some dayes hardly and coura∣giously [ 60] preseruing themselues in the lower Towre, into which the Turkes forceably entred, ha∣uing made a notorious and memorable slaughter of the Turkes, at the length they were all slaine in that Temple. The doores and windowes of that Temple being stopt vp with a wall by the Turkes, the slaine bodies lye vnburied to this day. I was prohibited by the Saniak of Capha some∣times

a Turke, that I should not enter into that Temple. The Custome of the Citie is not meane: it hath very fruitfull Vineyards and Orchards, which doe extend aboue two miles, now ma∣nured by Caphaes, Turkes, Iewes, and Christians: For the best Wine of all Taurica growes there; all that tract abounds with pleasant Riuers, which runne downe from the highest and middle Mountaynes and Woods, which are there very frequent.

Hauing now passed ouer those vpper Cities, and at the last Sudaco, also as farre as Theodosia, which the Italian Genoes call Capha, the banke of Taurica i•• in Longitude a thousand furlongs, craggie, mountaynous, and tempestuous with North windes. Before the Citie the Promontorie that is there seene, doth hang out into the Sea on the South-side toward Paphlagonia, and the Citie Amastrum, and Strabo relates, that it is called of the Greekes, Orium and Oxon, the [ 10] Rammes forehead.* 3.133 And there is another Promontorie Carambis of the Paphlagonians opposite to it, whereby the Euxine Sea is diuided into the double Sea, and Euripus straightens them both. Strabo sayth, that Carambis is distant from the Citie of the Cherenesitay, two thousand fiue hundred furlongs, but from the Rammes forehead, a farre lesser quantitie. Behind that hilly Countrey, as Strabo calls it, hee affirmes the Citie Theodosia to bee founded, and that it hath large Fields notable for fertilitie, and a Hauen able to receiue a hundred Ships, and that that Limit was assigned to the territorie of the Bosphorines and Taurikes.

Capha or Theodosia, is the excellentest and best defensed Citie of all Taurica. It was built by the Italian Genoes,* 3.134 and is placed by the Sea. It hath a Hauen alway frequented. It is perspicu∣ous, that in the times of the Genoes, it was a wealthy and populous Citie. But after it was taken [ 20] from the Genoes by the Turkes aboue a hundred yeeres since, the Italian Christian•• were brought into such a straight, that there are but a very few and obscure remaines of them left. The Citie hath in a manner lost her pristine splendour. The Romish Churches of Christians are demolished, the Houses cast downe, the Walls and Towers, wherein are seene many tokens of honour of the Genoes and Latine inscriptions, are fallen. Onely two Catholicke Temples and two Armenian remayne whole, in which it is granted them of the Turke, after their owne custome to maintaine their proper Priests, and to bee present at their publike deuotions. It is replenished with Turkes, Armenians, Iewes, but very few Italian and Greeke Christian inhabitants: Now also it is famous ouer all that part of Taurica for Nauigation and the Hauen. It hath almost innumerable Vine∣yards, Orchards and Gardens. Men sayle often to Capha, from all the bordering and remote I∣lands [ 30] of Greece, but oftner from the Citie Constantinople; for with a prosperous winde they come thither by Ship, in the space of two dayes or little more.

The Petigoren Prouince, or Colchis is inlarged, as farre as the Caspian or Hircan Sea, and is much subiect to Mountaines and very large Woods,* 3.135 which are now seene in these Confines. It is a very free people, and hath many braue Commanders, to whom all the Nations and Families obey. Moreouer they professe themselues Christians, and it is manifest in the time of the Genoes very many of them were Christians, but now wanting Priests and Churches, they onely retayne the opinion of Religion.* 3.136 Most and the greatest part of them are Idolaters, amongst them∣selues rapacious and cruell, but to Strangers hospitall and free-hearted. The Parents, al∣though they bee of the more Noble or of the Rustickes, sell their owne Children, their Sonnes [ 40] for Slaues, their Daughters for Wiues to the Turkes and Tartars, also to many Christians, and those which they are wont to steale secretly among themselues, they sell closely beyond the Sea to barbarous strangers after a more then barbarous manner.

Betweene Perecopia, Cremum, and Customa, are Townes on the North. Taurica or the Peninsula is exceeding plaine, not very hilly, and altogether champaine. It hath a very fertile soyle, in great part stonie, but great scarcitie of good water. Yet there are found in diuers places very many extraordinarie deepe Fountaynes or Wells of a wonderfull profunditie and difficultie, in times past digged and made by the elder Greekes,* 3.137 or those great and antique Nations, who inha∣bited the Peninsula before the Greekes.

From Perecopia the space of a mile, there is a great Lake congealed naturally of admirable Salt, [ 50] from whence the purest and best Salt is continually gathered, as if it were frozen; it hath many other Salt lakes.* 3.138 In certayne commodious and in very many places, in Mountaynes and Groues are found in great number, ancient huge Grecian ruines of Castles, Cities, Temples and Monaste∣ries, which while they haue many ages beene destitute of inhabitants, by reason of their anti∣quitie, haue lost their names. All Taurica or that Peninsula, from the West and North is plaine and champaine, and hath few Townes, many Villages; extends in length the summe of fiftie miles. But from the South and East, it is mountaynous and wooddie, and hath euery where mar∣uellous high, large, stony Mountaynes. In which, betweene Cremum and Capha, it is reported that veynes of Gold and Siluer, and the best Iron, were whilom found by the Inhabitants. It hath a very fruitfull ground, Floods, delightsome Riuers, Fishes, Meadowes, Pastures, abundance [ 60] of wilde Beasts, Harts, Goates, Boares, Beares, Vineyards, Orchards, Territories, Champaines, Townes, Villages, Hamlets, many and large Granges. Taurica or the Peninsula, is spread in La∣titude after a sort into a circle; in some places, the distance of one or two dayes journey, but in most places about the quantitie of one.

The Castles and Sea-cities, and the rest of all the Peninsula, which are described in their or∣der, with many Villages and Hamlets of Greeke Christians, except the Holds and Sea-townes, and many lesse suspected walled Townes in Perecopia and Cas••louia, and a few Villages of Greeke Christians, are subiect to the Turkish Emperour, and all obey his behests, and are kept with a sure Garrison. The Peninsula, which lyes in the middle from the East and South against Pere∣copia, hath a milde winter and temperate ayre. For in the end of December is the beginning of winter, but in the midst of Februarie the sharpenesse of winter, which is more snowie then cold, or subiect to Ice, neither yet doth that endure aboue three dayes together, neither continues it a∣ny longer then to the beginning of March. Therefore about the beginning of the Spring, and al∣way in a hot Autumne the ayre is very contagious.

[ 10] In Bratislauia, the Sauranen, Oczacouien, and Bialodogroden, Plaines are situate be∣tweene Hipanis or Bogus, Tyra or Nester. From the North toward Neper or Boristhenes and Bogas, are somewhat plaine and champion grounds, but from the West towardes the Riuer Nester and Pruth or Hierasus, more wooddie and hilly. Podolia, Camenecia, and Moldauia betweene the streames Nester and Pruth, euery where border on the middle Tachuia and Bialo∣grod, which is by the Lake Vidouo or Obidouo, and the Euxine Sea, on the West confine on the Plaines, and on the Euxine Sea, on the South Bralogrod, Kibia, and the Riuer Danubius. Oczaco∣uia hath on the North Boristhenes, (into which Bogus there dischargeth it selfe) and spatious Plaines, on the South the Euxine Sea, and the ouerflowing Salt meere Berezania, from the West the adioyning Riuer Nester.

[ 20] Further, that Continent which is betweene Oczacouia and Boristhenes in the fashion of an Ile, hath into the West Boristhenes, as though it were betweene Boristhenes, the Fen Meotis, and the Euxine Sea; on the North the Riuers Tanais or Donum, on the South the Euxine Sea, and that Isthmus or Continent, but beyond Oczacouia and Boristhenes, as far as Perecopia, that Continent is verie narrow in many places: but beyond Perecopia to the Castle Ossonum, a ranke soyle, and all champion and plaine: For in that neck of Land almost all the Perecopian and Osso∣uen Tartars feed their Flockes and Cattle, and liue there all Summer and Autumne. That Conti∣nent or Isthmus from Oczacouia, as farre as Ossonum, for there it is limitted, is stretched out in Longitude, as is manifest out of the Tartars Diaries more then a hundred miles, but in Latitude not after an equall manner. For it is larger, as well beyond Perecopia, as toward Oczacouia, or [ 30] Boristhenes.

The Taurican or Chersonesen Tartars, who are now called Perecopen or Crims, doe certainely seeme by the ancient Writers of the Schythians to haue been the Iauolgenses, and to haue had their originall and appellation from Rha, or the Riuer Volga. Moreouer between the famous, deepe, and great Riuers of the North Tanais, or Don and Boristhenes, it manifestly appeare that they passed by little and little into the Plaines, and a hundred and sixtie yeeres since, or very little more to haue come into Taurica or the Peninsula.

The stocke of the Chans, or of their Tartar Princes was anciently called Cyngis race,* 3.139 from whom was Lochtonus a certaine Chan, of whom all the Chans take their originall. Hee was the first Emperour of Taurica or Chersonesus in Taurica, or the Peninsula. They haue procreated [ 40] the Sirinen, Bachinien, Manguten, and other Kiuazij or Dukes, from whom are the Caiacei, who are the Chans Counsellours and chiefe Officers, who also marry the Chans daughters and sisters. The Vlani, which are anciently descended of the Chans bloud, and (if the lawfull posteritie faile) succeed in the Regall Throne. It is very true that the Mursies are the noblest of each, now also their posteritie remaine & other warlike Tartars▪ of whom it is certaine he had diuers Hords, of some ten thousand a piece in his company passed into Taurica, or the Peninsula with him.

The Chans predecessors sincerely and constantly much esteemed the Grecian Chiefetaines, who inhabited at Mancopia, and Ingermene, and the Italian Genoes, who dwelt at Iambold and Capha, as also the other people they found in the Peninsula, with whom they had friendship, peace, and league, vntill they were ouercome by the Turkes, and consumed in warre: they had also many [ 50] yeeres common mony which I haue seene there.

But Selim, Emperour of the Turkes,* 3.140 compelled and subiugated Mechmet Gererius Chan to his Empire. Those Nations being weakned, almost all the Castles and Cities of the Maritime Penin∣sula, being taken and possessed: Sachmates the Prince of the Iauolgan Tartars put him to flight, with a singular and memorable slaughter hauing destroyed his Armie of a hundred thousand.* 3.141 Since which time the Chans acknowledge, as chiefe, the Empire of the Turkes. The Vice∣royes, or Princes of the Tartars of Taurica, or the Peninsula are constituted by them, they re∣ceiue thence a Banner, and giue their sonnes and brothers Soldans for perpetuall pledges to the Turkes.

Notwithstanding, after the ancient custome of their Nation,* 3.142 they make a Galga or successor [ 60] to the Empire (as the French doe their Dolphines) the brother or eldest sonne and more sufficient, who hath the greatest sway in peace and warre, but the Chans themselues perpetually depute and elect them, but with the approbation of the Tartar Nobles. And if also any dissention or war be raised betweene the Soldans or the Chan about the Empire, the Turkish Emperour neglects not to

dispatch the Soldans pledge, with an Armie and Standard into Taurica or the Peninsula: and it is sufficient for him to be Prince, the Chan and Sultan being appeased or forced to goe away by warre, for which cause he hath alwaies many Ianizaries in Taurica, or the Peninsula.

* 3.143The election of the Chans, after the ancient custome of the Nation, did whilelome consist in the free suffrages of the Dukes, Mursies, and noblest Tartars. Furthermore, for their frequent dis∣cord and hidious warres which were occasioned by the Nogaien Tartars bordering on Taurica, or the Peninsula about the Empire,* 3.144 Sachibgiereius and Dealetigereius, being Chans ouer the Tartars, hauing by subtilty destroyed the more noble and potent Tartars, and cast them into fetters, began absolutely to domineere ouer the Tartars, and by force to draw the election to their posteritie, the Emperour of the Turkes ayding them. [ 10]

But if the Chan will not constitute his brother Galga, but his owne sonne, as it of∣ten fortunes, by reason of those discords and reciprocall butcheries among themselues, hee circumuents craftily and subtilly all the Soldans brothers, and couertly makes them away. Yet most of them flye to the Turke, of whom they are bountifully entertained and comforted, and receiue a perpetuall stipend of him.

The Soldans younger sonnes of the Chans are educated and tutered by the Tartars, or more noble Mursies, lest that when they are at mans estate, by reason of their pluralitie, dissentions, or warres might arise: for each Chan acknowledge a supreme Dominion, and when they are growne vp, those that are fit are set ouer certaine Tartar troupes, and allure many voluntary Tartars vnto them, notwithstanding they make leaders of the Nogaien Tar∣tars, [ 20] and remunerate with monyes and horses most of their parents, whom they esteeme more speciall and substantiall. Very often also through feare of treacheries or seditions among them∣selues, being ayded by their Gardians fauour, they flye vnto the Christian or bordering Princes of their people.

The Chan hath Attalike Councellours, whom they so terme from the care of their women, pa∣rents,* 3.145 or their wiues, by whom those Sultans also are continually from their youth educated and prouided for:* 3.146 hee hath Hamiatts, who are the Agents for exotick Princes affaires with him, and also perpetuall Court Officers. But especially hee conuocates to him the Dukes, Coracei, Vlani, and the nobler Mursi, and alwayes vseth to consult with them in weightie affaires. Hee hath principall and meet men Ministers of his Court, whose seruice hee vseth in his Ambassages, and in his diuers other necessary businesses and imployments, who also are exalted to Counsellours and [ 30] Court Officers. He alwayes maintaines those who are chosen out of the more renowned and illustrious Tartarian youth, who are conuersant in his Court by moneths interchangeably, and when they are made fit, are honoured with those dignities. Yet hee is chiefly and most delighted with the Cercesins, Nogaiens and Petogorens, who are very industrious, valiant, bold, and warlike. On the principall hee bestowes honourable gifts and annuall pensions, and of these his Court is alwayes replenished. In the Princes Court, the better reputed and nobler Tartars, are very rich∣ly and ciuilly decked, not to pride or superfluous luxurie, but for necessitie and decencie. For they are so inriched by the lazie cowardise, and especially by the irreligious impiety of the neigh∣bouring Christians, through making often inrodes, and getting rich booties, that the greater no∣bler of them in priuate wealth and domestick splendor,* 3.147 are little inferiour to the Turkes. They [ 40] may haue as many women by the Mahometicall Law as they will, and for the most part, they buy wiues of the Petigorens, which although they sustaine and maintaine, not proudly, but very comely and ciuilly according to the countrey guise, but those by whom they haue issue very ho∣nourably and gorgeously.* 3.148 They deliuer their sonnes in their infancie to be instructed in the Ara∣bike Letters, but they keepe not their daughters at home, but commit them to the neerest in bloud to be prouided for. They place their sonnes growne to mans age in the Chans or Sultans seruice, their mariageable daughters in wedlock to the more honourable and nobler Tartars or Turkes.

Those Tartars are Mahometans, and haue Priests and Mosches, they vse the Chaldaick or Ara∣bike Letters,* 3.149 which they haue receiued somewhat corrupted from the Turks, although before they [ 50] came into Taurica or the Peninsula, they seeme to haue beene a sauage and brutish Nation, and of very sauage conditions, which now also is very perspicuous by the rusticks: for they wan∣ted then altogether those Lawes, Rites, Letters, and Manners. But the Tartars being taught by the Turks humanitie, and that false worship, the more nobler now generally practise hospitality.

* 3.150Law or Iustice, is administred in the Towns or Cities of the Chan & other Sultans among the Tartars after the Mahometane Law. There are alwayes presbiterall Cadi or Iudges in the Villages. Begi or Iustices, who heare and decide particular iniuries: but causes of life, bloud, theft, which we call Criminall, or of Land, which we call Ciuill or Officiall; the Chan himselfe decideth with his Counsellours.* 3.151 In resoluing of which they need no Lawyer, nor vse tricks of law, calumnies, ex∣cusations nor procrastinations. The Tartars or Strangers, of meane condition, lay open them∣selues [ 60] very freely their wrongs before the Iudges and Chan, of whom they are alwayes heard and speedily discharged, for at any time any may haue accesse to him. When hee comes in pub∣like, men of the basest degree are not excluded, but being seene of the Chan are examined, to wit,

if they haue any suit, that they relate it. For they doe not onely performe great obedience to the Lawes: they adore and venerate their Princes in Gods steed. All spirituall Iudges (after Mahomets Law) are accounted among them for Saints, men of all equitie and integritie, fidelitie and opinion.* 3.152 The Princes and Magistrates execute and dispatch whatsoeuer is bidden or com∣manded suddenly and faithfully, with alacritie, promptnesse, and great feare. They are far from controuersies, criminations, iustices, vnnecessary and personall brawlings, enuy, hatred, filthy ex∣cesse, luxury, and ambition in their victualls and array. I abode their nine moneths, neither heard I Criminall or Ciuill Act to haue happened among them, or any composition by reason of enmitie.

[ 10] In the Princes Court they weare not, nor at home Swords, neither Bowes nor any other weapon; except Wayfarers and Trauellers,* 3.153 to whom they are very courteous and friend∣ly. They are alwayes secure from Spoylers; but except they keepe perpetuall watch, they are lesse safe from High-way-theeues, and Night-robbers, who steale nothing from them but their Horses.

Although they haue a rich soyle, yet very few Gentlemen, or Plebeians prouide for the hous∣hold estate, for many neither till nor sow their ground: they abound with Horses, Camels, Oxen, Kine, Sheepe and Flockes of all Cattle, and thereof liue. Yet the Gentlemen haue bread, flesh, meate, distilled * 3.154 wine and Metheglin; but the rusticks want bread, but vse stampt Millet, and macerated with milke and water, which they vulgarly call Cassa, for meate (and for drinke [ 20] they vse Mares milke) and cheese. They feed on Camels, Horses, and Oxen vnprofitable for burthen, and kill them when they are about to dye, sometimes eate sheeps flesh. The Gentle∣men dwell not in the Plaines, but in the Villages of Taurica or the Peninsula. They which are neere Woods liue in them, although many doe not possesse proper Villages; yet they haue pecu∣liar Lands and Manors. They vse the Vngarian, Russian, Moschouian, Valachian,* 3.155 or Moldauian slaues, which they keepe, and whereof they haue great plentie, as beasts to euery worke. Their houses are of Timber, much after the Turkish fashion: but the Greeke Christians, who are in a few Townes, labour and till their grounds as beasts. The Tartars serue the Chan or Tartarian Nobles, being hired at no price, but onely that they may haue meate and apparell: but the rest, and the greatest part of them are alwayes idle. In the Cities or Townes are very few Merchants: but [ 30] some few practise Mechanick crafts, and some Merchants or Artificers are found there,* 3.156 either Christian Slaues or Turkes, Armenians, Iewes, Cercessians, Petigorens, (which are Christians) Phy∣listins, or Cyngans, men of obscure and lowest degree. Those Tartars, which liue in the Plaines beyond Perecopia, or in the Peninsula haue no woods, euery where digge Wells. They vse in stead of Wood Beasts dung, which their Bond-men gather in the Fields, and dry in the Sunne, and hou∣ses of the same forme, whereof mention is made in the former description. Those Tartars, which are Slaues and Subiects of the Chans, Sultans, and other Noble-men, are drudges,* 3.157 and alwayes keepe and pasture their Lords innumerable Herds of Cattle; and although they goe from place to place, into the Plaines and Pastures, in seuerall Streets, Hamlets, Townes, or Villages, by separated troupes (or hords) whereof they beare the Names, and of their Masters, so that men [ 40] may easily find there, those Tartars Slaues which they seeke to buy.

The Chan hath alwayes by the leagues and agreements,* 3.158 an annuall Donatiue of the King of Polonia, the great Dukedome of Lituania, the Palatine of Moldauia, and Cercasian,* 3.159 and Nogaien Tartars. The Legats, Orators, Messengers, Truchmen of those Princes come to him yeerely, whom sometimes he entertaines benignely and bountifully, but sometimes receiues, misuses, and detaynes a great while after a more then brutish manner. When therefore they come into Pe∣recopia, one of the Chans men meets them in the Summer, in the Medow or Plaine, where they rest vnder a Tent: in the Winter they are opportunely and commodiously conuayed into the Village of Alma, or Bacchasanium more safely bordering on the Towne of the Kings Palace.* 3.160 But after they are lodged there, they are saluted by the Counsellours or Seruants of the Court in the Chans name, which procure them refreshing or victuals, two oxen, or one, some sheep, bread, wine, [ 50] and barley, not liberally, but in a kind of hospitalitie, and moderately sufficient for once. But when they are called to the Chan, hee heares them, the Soldans, Tuians, Vlans, Marzies, chiefe Counsellours, and many other Ministers of his Court and principall Tartars being present,* 3.161 they are conducted onely by one man to the Chans gate, but are brought in by two Counsellours. When as therefore they are entred in, they reuerence the Chan, after the ancient custome of the Nation, and hauing saluted him on bended knees declare their message, and are admitted to eate with him. They are honoured with cups and goblets gilded and embossed with gems, filled with Mead or Methegline reached from the Chans hand, after the order of that people, in signe of cle∣mencie and beneuolence, which they drinke on bended knees. And when they are dispatched, [ 60] the Chan inuites them againe to a Feast. The Feast being ended, they goe backe a little from the Palace doores, and are rewarded with Silke Vests wouen with Gold as low as the anckles, prepa∣red after the guise of the Nation, with one Horse or two, not seldome with Captiues of their owne people. And so attired with those Vests they returne againe to the Chan, and render thankes to him for his hospitalitie and liberalitie, and hauing saluted him, depart from the Ban∣ket.

Sometimes a small prouision is procured for them by one of the Chans men in his Domi∣nions when he takes his iourney, and he is conuayed by him as farre as Boristhenes.

The Turkish Emperours haue made that authoritie constant to the Chan, in Taurica, or the Peninsula, so that when the Bassa of Capha, or the Saniak dye, he rules all the Signiories in the Pe∣ninsula,* 3.162 vntill the Turke hath sent thither another Saniak, or whom he will preferre ouer Capha. The Chan hath a common Custome-house with the Turke, at Perecopia, Casslouia, Capha, and o∣ther Cities of Taurica, or the Peninsula, which are of the Turkish Empire. Hee demands annually a contribution of the Tartars, Armenians, Iewes, Cercasians, Petigorens, and Grecian Christians, of whom he hath very few in his Dominion; the Turkes are only excepted: euery day are paid for a perpetuall stipend out of the Turkes Exchequer twentie fiue Dollers to the Chan, twelue [ 10] Dollers and a halfe to the Galga, to the Soltan pledge two and a halfe, and to the same Hostage, Villages, and ample Farmes neere Adrianople, called Ianbolu, are giuen by the Turke. To the Dukes, Caiaks, Vlans, and Murzies, and many others which take pay, are giuen constant wages according to each of their estates. Notwithstanding the Chan alwayes payes euery yeere to the Turkish Emperour Captiues taken in warre of both sexes, the most excellent and precious Furs, and also baser, Butter and Salt, wherewith Taurica or the Peninsula abounds. And into whatso∣euer warre he shall bee sent or called,* 3.163 he may refuse, neither may hee wage warre with any, but the Duke of Moscho, without the Emperour of the Turkes leaue or knowledge. The Chan ex∣acts annuall pecuniarie Rents from the better sort of Captiues taken in warre, three pieces of Gold; of the raskalitie one Doller, and a tenth of them; but from each of the Fountaines, which [ 20] are many in his Dominions, in the Plaines of Taurica, or the Peninsula, one Horse of the Tartars; but any necessitie enforcing the Chan, all the Tartars decree a certaine contribution to him. The Tartars Nobles, alwayes at home, and in warre also, yeeld him sustenance of diuers sorts; for hee neither tills nor sowes. Hee hath alwayes proper Herds of Horses, Camels, Oxen, and infinite Flockes of Sheepe. Hee hath a peculiar money of base Copper, which is coyned in Crimum, a Towne of his Dominion,* 3.164 round money, whereof tenne are esteemed at a Turkish Siluer Aspe••, which makes one Polonian Groat or lesse. But I being present, there were stamped greater Cop∣per money siluered ouer, which was valued at fiue Aspers. In coyning it he hath a great and plen∣tifull gaine; for in three or foure yeeres, of the same money, which is carried by all the Tartars or Strangers into the Mint, new inuented money is alway stamped. For in all Taurica, or the Pe∣ninsula, [ 30] it is lawfull for none (Tartar or stranger) euen in the Cities of the Turkes Dominion, vn∣der a capitoll punishment and confiscation of goods, of what estate soeuer hee bee, to exchange Turkish pieces of Gold, or the Doller of Strangers, or the Turkes Siluer Asper into Tartar coyne of the other value. Neither is it lawfull to buy with Gold or Siluer coyne, but Tartarian, which all strangers (none excepted) perpetually receiue by the Chans Edict.

* 3.165When the Chan is about to go to any war, he first signifies to all the Tartars of his Dominions by the Seruitors of his Court, and commands them that they prepare themselues for war, within three (or at the most) in foure weekes, and that they prouide for themselues victualls for three or foure moneths. That sustenance is carried in Leather-bags, and those Bags among the Gen∣tlemen are carried on Horses. And they carrie with them food of Millet parched in the fire, or [ 40] stamped, or ground; for they haue Mills, and thereof steeped in water, the most make meate or drinke. They carry Cheese and Flesh, and Mares-flesh dried in the Sun: they cut them in pieces boyled or drie, and taking out the bones put them in Sackes. They liue with Mares-milke and Cheese, and sowre milke, which they tempering with a certaine Art, hold an excellent food. The Chan hath only one Chariot with him for any danger of sicknesse; also a few Camels, wher∣on is carried for his owne person Aquauitae, or some other prouision wherewith he is easily satis∣fied. But the Tartars seuerally set meat before him and his Courtiers, the gentlemen (yet very few of them) not seldome carry a little drie bread, and a little Aquauitae on Camels, or in lighter Carts.

But after the Chan hath determined any warlike Expedition, he prepares very speedily some exercised men in an indifferent number, and chooseth them sometimes Tartars, but more fre∣quently [ 50] Cercesians, Petigorens, and those which are accounted spies of Regions and Prouinces of other Princes, and expert Way-leaders, they verie well know each particular passage of Places and Borders, and Fords of Riuers. And when they come into the Marches, they goe into the neere confining circuits,* 3.166 and each in sundrie places view all things, and diligently seeke for Captiues, which when they haue intercepted, they returne with them speedily to the Chan, of whom, vsing interrogatories, the Chan quickly is acquainted with the estate of those Pro∣uinces where his skouts haue beene. Forthwith therefore hee assignes the day of progres∣sion to the Tartars, wherein hee stirres alone, and premiseth speedily some seruants of his Court, through all that Hord or Prouince. They constraine and inforce to goe to warre and follow the Chan all Tartars and Christians of his gouernment, men and youth, if they can but sit on horses (be∣sides [ 60] impotent old men and children) who although they want Armes and Horses, yet are accom∣modated by the welthier in hope of spoyle. But in eight, or at the vtmost in ten dayes after the Chans departure, al of them follow him into certain new defined places, which are beyond Pereco∣pia toward Boristhenes; the Galga, Soltans, Dukes, Murzies, & the most approued valiant and chiefe

Warriours and Souldiers, being gathered and conuocated together: and they being called to his Councell, first the later Captiues and priuie Searchers also are examined, at length they suddenly consult of the seasonablenesse of time, places, occasion of well ordering the matter, and whether the warre be then commodiously to be prosecuted. And mutuall consent and counsell being made and determined; yet none of these things is confusedly diuulged to the multitude.

From the same place therefore the Ministers of the Court of the Chan, Galga, and Soltans go∣ing before the companies of the Dukes, Murzons and other Tartarian Nobles (which they lead and rule according to the ancient claime of their kindred, and call them by various appellations in their Language) ••he Chan moues the Armie vnder the Ensignes, following in a meane order [ 10] after the ancient custome of the Nation: but after they haue set foot in their enemies Land, a∣gaine he sends before a certaine number of the most experienced and skilfullest Espials. They goe before the Armie, and send backe to the Chan whatsoeuer Countreymen or others they shall take and meet with; from whom hee may bee certified of the condition and armie of the ene∣mies. But when the Chan is certainly informed that no armie of enemies comes out against him, he againe makes a Campe-councell with his Nobles and Peeres, how farre and wide he ought to endamage his enemies Dominions. Then at length he goeth slowly forward in a perfect order with all his Hoast, and commands vpon penaltie of their heads to kill all the obuious Rustickes, lest [ 20] after they should be taken by the Tartars, they should peraduenture make an escape, and certifie his enemies of his bands to the hurt of his men. Moreouer, they kill not women nor children, nor lay hold on them, nor dare lay hands of any of the prey, lest his armie should be surcharged with it, and cause some stay in his proceeding.

But when the Chan comes with his armie to the Castles, Townes, Villages, Hamlets and ma∣nured places, he elects ten, or at the most fifteene thousand Souldiers with their Dukes, Mur∣zons, and chiefe of his Court, and most notable, best tryed, and principall men of Armes of all his Hoast, and leaues them in his owne jurisdiction in his standing Campes, or in the siege of some Fortresse; then he makes ready the Galga, other Soltans, Dukes, Murzons, and the rest of the Armie, which then is mustred some thousands. And that Armie being spread abroad in diuers bands, ouer each of which the best esteemed and ablest men are made Captaynes, is extended in longitude more then ten miles, and in latitude as much. And as they assemble among them∣selues at the farthest in seuen or eight dayes, but at the soonest in three or foure running about in [ 30] troupes through diuers places, and leading straying preyes, and wasting with fire and Sword whatsoeuer they meet with, returne to the Campe: but if they come not backe at the prefixed day to the fortified Campe, they waite not for them, but all the Armie with wonderfull celeri∣tie moue in their arrayes, out of the standing Campe.

And when as then also the Chan is truly signified that no Armie pursues him, he prouides for places not medled with by his troupes, an Armie of some thousands of selected Horsemen, and as yet vnwearied. He employes as many more also in ambushes in diuers places neere the Townes and Castles obuious to the Tartars, lest that Armie might without delay fall into the lying in waite on any of their companies. But if he bee certified by his Scouts of any numerous hoast of [ 40] Enemies, he neuer commits the matter to an vniuersall fight, but goes forward slowly and cau∣telously with his bands: but if the Chan be certainly assured that the Troups of his Aduersaries are many and valiant, he retires a little, and seekes for the better husbanded and peaceabler pla∣ces, and with wonderfull agilitie in his precipitious flight, spoyles them with fire and sword, and intends to returne home with the bootie that hee had hastily driuen away. But if then hee hopes his enemies cannot ouertake him, he marcheth with his Armie, yet not too securely, al∣most in the order to his confines.

But assoone as the Chan is entred into his Borders,* 3.167 he takes the tenth of the principall Cap∣tiues throughout all the Armie. But the Captaynes of companies, and they which haue brought a greater number of captiues, cull out of each Band the principall for themselues. The other Tartars of the promiscuous multitude diuide the Prisoners among their troupes. Notwithstan∣ding [ 50] before they come to that partition, they first satisfie all those which running about by Bands haue lost Horses, Garments, or any thing else. They sell to the Tartars both Noble and Ignoble captiues, if they shall appoint no price whereby they may free themselues, because the Chan being vitiated with the Merchants gifts hath set a great value on them.

The condition of captiues is very miserable among the Tartars,* 3.168 for they are grieuously op∣pressed by them with hunger and nakednesse, and the Husbandmen with stripes, so that they ra∣ther desire to dye then to liue. Many of them moued with the present calamitie, and follie, tell the Tartars that they are Gentlemen, and haue wealthy and rich parents and friends. They promise of their owne accord a great and almost inestimable ransome, which the barbarous, im∣pious, couetous, hungry, and cruell Nation seekes almost daily to increase with all kind of sub∣tilties [ 60] and Examinations, tyes them in fetters, vseth them therefore more hardly. But when they vnderstand that an Agent of their people is come to the Chan, they meete him with their captiues, of whom sometimes they require the price falsly nominated by themselues, or some∣times

promised by the Prisoners: but the Agent who wel knowes the craft and deceitfulnesse of the Tartars, finds fault with the captiues foolishnesse, and tell the Tartars that they are neither noble nor rich,* 3.169 and that they knew not, nor will euer be able to pay the price, and as though they were neither moued with Pietie nor Religion reject them. Yet the Agent is diligent that they be inscribed in the Catalogue, and if they haue a purpose to ransome any with their own mony, they hold it expedient to suborne Iewes or Tartars, and other Merchants being corrupted with mony:* 3.170 by whom, being as it were neglected and rejected by the Agent, they are released at a far easier rate. Nothing therefore is more frequent to the captiues, then to promise and offer to the Tartars this price, for which they are sold to the Turkes, Iewes, and stranger Merchants, and others beyond the Sea, or a little more, or twice so much, if they bee able to per∣forme [ 10] it: but if they cannot learne of the Rustickes or others what they are, as the Tar∣tars are for the most part, went often to enquire of their captiues, they are content with little. Neither doe they sell them to strangers, but rather to the Agent of their Nation: but if they are not redeemed by the Agent, they command them to write to their Parents or Kins∣folke. Also many captiues are deliuered with the exchange of Tartar captiues, in prouiding for and freeing of whom, the Tartars exhibite and shew farre greater pietie, friendli∣nesse and care, then our Christians. For disrepecting all price, they first demand their Tar∣tar captiues in exchange of ours, which often promising the same and not able to performe it, vse to bring vpon themselues a farre greater discommoditie. For they aske of them almost an vnualuable summe, wherewith they prize their Tartars, which when they are not able to pay, [ 20] they sell them to barbarous Nations ouer the Sea for perpetuall slaues, for as great a price as they can, and very often at an excessiue rate, or if the Tartars are wealthy, they condemne them to perpetuall slauery.

The Chan hath all his Tartar Armie gathered of Horsemen, except some hundred Gunners Ianizaries, Footmen, which are either Turkish Auxiliaries, or some of his owne which he main∣taynes. He is accustomed to carrie with him some smaller Ordnance to warre. From Taurica or the Peninsula the Perecopens, and Crims, Ossouiens, Nogariens, Cercessians, are Tributaries and Souldiers for aide, the Duke of the Cercessians, Petigorens are Stipendaries and Mercenaries, and are wont to goe voluntaries to the Chans warres. The Oczacouiens and Bialogrodens, also they who by the continuall couenants which they haue with the Turkish Emperour, sometimes also [ 30] the Dobru••en Tartars and Inhabitants of Danubius, by the command of the Emperour of the Turkes follow him to warre. All that Hoast collected out of those Tartars, is wont to make the number of a hundred and twentie thousand, sometimes also thirtie thousand more, but not sel∣dome to exceed that Summe. I haue bin truly informed by many credible Christians, which often follow the Chans warres, and by some captiued Gentlemen of our Nation, who haue many times seene his Armie.

* 3.171All haue according to their vse Tartarian Horses, neat, excellent, stomackfull, swift, and in∣different good and commodious to vndergoe great labours. The Chan, most of the Soltans, and Tartar Nobles vse in warre Turkish, Caramanian, Arabian, and other Asian, Tartarian, and the best Out-landish Horses. The swiftest Horses are accounted among them at a great and almost ine∣stimable [ 40] price. They alwayes feed them Summer and Winter in the Plaines of Taurica or the Peninsula, but very often as farre as the Riuers Boristhenes and Tanais: the Gentlemen nourish at home very few Horses, only for their vrgent occasions, not for any arrogancie or luxurie. They seldome put their Iades and vnprofitable Horses for riding in the Waggon, for they doe all their businesse with Camels and Oxen.

* 3.172The Tartars vse their ancient weapons, a two-edged Sword, or Tartarian Cymiter some∣what long, and a Turkish Dart, or a Persian, shorter and broader of the best Iron, and well wrought; a peculiar Tartarian Bow, along Arrow, and swift, a Quiuer, sometimes a short Speare after the old guize of their people. They goe with Brest-plates and Helmets, and in Persian or Moscouian Armes, wherewith they abound being enriched by the spoyle of Christians. They [ 50] haue ancient Saddles and Bridles after the custome of the Nation, very fitting, not for pride or superfluitie: the Nobles haue them prepared very elegantly, strongly and compendiously for their vse. But most in the Tartar Armie are altogether vnarmed and cowards, and they carrie with them to warre by reason of their great Hoast, almost an infinite number of Horses. For a Tartar euen of the basest condition will scarcely be content with one or two Horses,* 3.173 but three, foure, and more, which he may haue alwayes readie with him at his hand. Therefore the Armie of the Tartars is made so numerous, great and terrible, which when it is seene afarre off, is dee∣med by our men almost an infinite and innumerable Hoast.

Now when the Tartarian Armie is come into their enemies Country, the Tartars ranke not themselues in bands or troupes, but all set forward and proceed leisurely. They dispose many [ 60] Watchmen in all parts throughout their companies, which they make greater or lesser for their supply,* 3.174 but after that the foremost of them haue descryed their enemy, they counterfeit a flight, that they may more easily allure them into those troupes, which they haue laid in ambushments,

and so ouer-charge him. But when they espie a great Armie of enemies, they make a retraite quickly and speedily to their Armie, Rankes, and Banners.

There is great celeritie in constituting and gouerning their troupes, seeing that they are not ruled onely by the aduertizements of the Generals and Praefects of their Regiments, but also by the shew of Whips, as is the long continued practice of the Nation:* 3.175 and they are subject so to a becke, that they are very easily brought into their Ranges, whensoeuer it is necessary.

The Chan is alwayes fortified in warre,* 3.176 with a band of some thousands of noble and coura∣gious Tartars in number, some hundreds of Ianizaries, Footmen, and some small Ordnance. In the Chans Regiment a very great white Mares tayle, and a piece of Greene and Red Silke of [ 10] the Turkish Emperour is carryed before on a great Pike for the Standard. There appeare in the troupes of the other Tartars, many Ancients and Ensignes of various colours.

The more famous Souldiers, and they which are notable in reputation, dexteritie and war-like Prowes, and haue atchieued in warre some Noble Seruice and Enterprize, are greatly ho∣noured by the Chan, Soldans, Kiniazons, and Murzons. And that respect is had to them, that the Chan doth not only reward them with certayne great benefits and such liberalitie, as he can shew them, but also is so mindfull of their deserts and 〈◊〉〈◊〉, that he assignes them and their suc∣cessors in the Assembly, and as the fashion is, at his Table a perpetuall place of honour among his more noble Murzons. That dignitie among the Tartars is the greatest and Hereditary, for they going to warre able and experienced men which possesse that place, are dignified by the Chan, [ 20] with the glorie of leading the Troupes. The Chan also frees some Tartar captiues with the permutation of captiues, and in ransoming others he largely powres out his owne Treasure, and willingly comforts them as he is able.

CHAP. XXII. DITHMAR BLEFKENS his Voyages, and Historie of Island and Groenland.

[ 30]

IN the yeere 1563. m 3.177 two Hamburg Merchants ships determined to sayle to Island, the Mariners, by an ancient custome, desirous to haue a Minister of Gods Word with them, commend this care to the Ministers of the Church of Ham∣burg, and intreat them to prouide them a Minister. One Doctor Paulus ab Etzen was then Superintendent of the Church of Hamburg. While therefore I stayd at Hamburg, expecting my Library from Rostoch, I entred into some familiaritie with Paulus, and the rest of the Ministers. This Office was bestowed vpon me, which I vndertooke the more willingly, because I had a longing desire to know strange things, and diuers Countries, yeelding to their perswasion. Taking ship therefore the tenth of Aprill, wee sayled vpon the Coast of England and Scotland, and passing beyond the Ilands Orcades, in number fifteene, whereof the [ 40] most part lye vnmanured for the barrenesse; Ferow and Hitland are inhabited: Here wee saw a very high Rocke, which in the top representeth the head of a cooled Monke, where also there is a safe Harbour against all winds, and this Monke deliuereth many from present dangers. The fourteenth of Iune we descryed Island, which seemes afarre off, like winter clouds. The next day we attayned the Land and Hauen of Haffenefordt toward the South.

Iseland is a rough, hilly and snowie Land, which is supposed to bee twice bigger then Sicilia: it is thought to be a hundred leagues in length, which also Olaus Magnus testifieth in his eleuenth Booke. It hath the name of the perpetuall Ice, and coldnesse of the Ayre, which is there most sharpe: for eight whole moneths it is troubled with Ice: It burneth notwithstanding with heat and inward fire in many places. The extremitie of cold increaseth this heate in the bowels of [ 50] the earth, which cold continueth the greater part of the yeere (a few Summer moneths excep∣ted) and so bindeth the pores in the vpper part of the Earth, that it can haue no free vent. And this Iland hath so great a Latitude from the Aequator, that the Arctick Circle diuides it in the middest, that is to say, sixtie fiue degrees and a halfe. The Ilands called Ebudae, are obiect to the North part of this Iland. But whether that be of these, which Ptolemie, and ancient Writers call Thule, or rather Iseland, that great Iland, I dare neither affirme, nor altogether denie, because there is no Iland found where Ptolemie set Thule. Now, the later Writers make another manner of longitude about Scotland, and the bordering Ilands, then Ptolemie euer thought.

I will draw the Descent of this Nation from their first originall, following the truth of the Iseland Chronicles. In the yeere of Christ 900. in the time of Alebrand Bishop of 〈◊〉〈◊〉, cer∣tayne [ 60] of the Nobilitie of East Frisia, and of the Countrey of Breme, desirous to discouer strange Countries toward the North, set sayle from Weser, and passing beyond the Orcad••s, found this Iland almost in the vtmost skirts of Europe, yet habitable, but full of Snow: which they called Iseland, for the coldnesse and roughnesse thereof. And when they had sayled further to∣wards the North about two hundred leagues, they found another Iland, which (by contraries)

[illustration]

[illustration] map of Iceland

HONDIVS his Map of ISLAND.

ISLAND

they named Groneland. Endeauouring to sayle further towards the North, through the frozen or congealed Sea,* 3.178 being long hindred by the Ice, at length with great labour getting out, they fell into whirle-pooles of the Sea, and thicke darkenesse.

In these whirle-pooles and darknesse, this Fleet (one onely Ship excepted) perished. They [ 40] that were preserued,* 3.179 after many long labours and perils, sayling through the Tartarian Sea, came into a very hote Countrey, and entring into a large Bay, they went on shoare vpon the next Land. And when the Inhabitants had hid themselues in secret places, by reason of the great heate and scorching of the Sunne, they saw Gold, and other precious things set heere and there, without a guard. And when they had carryed away asmuch as they would, and hasted to the Ship, they saw some pursue them with Dogs of strange bignesse. One, who was hindred and la∣den with a prey that hee could not escape, was torne in peeces of the Dogges. The rest, after long sayling, shunning these Whirle-pooles, arriued in Muscouia, thence by the Balticke Sea returning vnto Breme, they brought backe these tidings to Alebrand the Bishop, with part [ 50] of the prey.

Much about this time, the Noruegians, by example of the Heluetians in Iulius Caesars time, are supposed to haue come out of Norway, who then long time possessed that part of France, which now also is call Normandie. And when they had performed great attempts by Sea and Land a∣gainst the Britaines, they did not onely scoure the Sea by hostile incursions, but also expelled the Saracens, who at that time came into Italy, and sought to seat themselues in Calabria and Apulia. After they brought Colonies Northward into Hitland, Ferow, and Island: which way, they learned of the Bremians, by meanes of the Nobilitie of Frisia aforesaid. And euen the very pro∣prietie of their speech doth testifie, that they came out of Norway: for the pronunciation of the Iselanders doth agree with the antient Inhabitants of Norway. For vpon the Sea coast of Nor∣way, especially where the famous Hauen and Citie of Bergen is, by reason of the resort and fami∣liaritie [ 60] with the Germaines and Danes, the Language is changed.

Of the Iselanders Religion.

IN the yeere of Christ 1398. Woldemarus, the second of that name gouerned the Danish King∣dome, whereunto Norway was added, whose posteritie held it, vntill Ericus Duke of Pome∣rania, and Christopher Banar. Vnto this Waldemarus all the Arctoian Colonies obeyed, so that now, vnder that Woldemarus, the Iselanders were first instructed in the Christian Religion, when before they had worshipped strange Gods. And when almost all Christian people, in that la∣mentable darkenesse and title of a Church, as it were by Witchcraft deceiued, were detayned in most deepe bonds of superstition; it could not bee but they, who were furthest remoued from the [ 10] societie of Learned men, and dwelling vnder an vnciuill and barbarous Climate, should fall into most foule Idolatrie, when sometimes (as hereafter shall bee declared) they had Deuils to serue them, as familiar as domesticall seruants. But after Luther began to bee knowne,* 3.180 Christianus the King of Denmarke procured purer Doctrine to himselfe, and purged the Churches in the King∣dome of Denmarke, Norway, and all the Ilands subiect vnto him; sending Ministers into Iseland, to sow the seede of the Gospell there. Hee sent a Printer also out of Denmarke, to set forth the Bible, the common places of Philip Melancthon, the Workes of Vrbanus Regius and others, in the vulgar Tongue, to the Pastors who were ignorant of the Latine, as at that time al∣most all of them were. And also sent for fit and apt young men out of Iseland, whom hee maintayned in the Haff••ian Vniuersitie at his owne costs, and gaue them charge ouer Churches [ 30] and Schooles.

King Woldemare, as soone as they should professe Christian Religion in Iseland, ordayned them two Bishops, one in Scalholden in the East part, and another in Hollen in the West,* 3.181 whose Suc∣cessours at this day retayne nothing but a shadow, and a bare Title, for they haue no other reue∣nues but Butter and Fish. But when that reformation (whereof I spake) was made by King Christian in the Churches of Iseland, one of the Bishops in Scalholden, conspiring with the peo∣ple, reiects the Doctrine of the Gospell, and making a rebellion they kill the Kings Lieutenant. The yeere following, which was 1535. the King sent a Noble man of the Order of Knight∣hood, one Paul Hitfelt (whom I saw an old man in Denmarke) furnished with a Fleet, Souldiers, and Munition into the Iland. The seditious being slaine, hee renueth the reformation of the [ 30] Doctrine of the Gospell, and returneth into Denmarke, leauing a certayne Noble man to take charge of the Church and Iland.

The greatest man in Iseland at that time was one Tadde Bonde. Hee, after the Kings Armie was departed,* 3.182 conspiring with the principall men (whom by his Authoritie hee drew to take his part) reuolted from his Allegiance, and perswaded the rest of the Ilanders to follow. They meete together in a place called Waloe, and conspiring to rebell, and cast off the Kings subiection,* 3.183 they impart their counsels together, and Tadde had his poss••ssions not in one place, and many re∣tayners, and for these causes hee thought they could not easily bee suppressed. The Bishop who dwelt in the East, had a speciall care to acquaint the Kings Lieutenant with all that was done (for the Lieutenant was absent in the West part of that Iland) and the Bishop hated Tadde a long [ 40] time. For in that first Rebellion, hee had falsly accused him to the Lieutenant as guiltie, and au∣thor of the Rebellion. This accusation onely brought great and extreame calamitie vpon him.

The Lieutenant being certified what was done, hee perswadeth by fit instruments, some of the Complices of the faction, to continue in their Allegiance, propounding rewards and punish∣ments. Then many of them when they saw the greatnesse of the danger, leauing him, came hum∣bly to the Lieutenant, and begge pardon, and obtayne it. Tadde therefore is adiudged an Ene∣mie, both of the King and of his Countrey, they promise therefore by an Oath and giuing of their Faith, that they will pursue him.

Then hee, through feare of the danger, with a few of his Domestickes which hee had gathe∣red together, kept himselfe at the foote of Hekelueld, but being circumuented they were all [ 50] slaine, and hee taken. They that tooke him, brought him to the Bishop, to commit him to Pri∣son, but hee refused to receiue him. Therefore they draw him to another certaine man▪ of those who had the chiefe place in Iustice, neither would hee receiue him, fearing the hatred of the people. There was at that time there a certayne Iselander, Ionas by name, a man of courage. I know (sayth hee) to whom I will commit him, that will diligently keepe him, and foorthwith hee slew him and buryed him. And so the Sedition was appeased. And from that time vntill this day, the Word of God is taught amongst Barbarous men, after the manner of the Confession of Augusta.

[ 60] The Life and Manners of the Iselanders.

IN the whole Iland, there are three sorts of men, who are held in any reckoning and account:* 3.184 for the common people, by reason of the scarcitie of Ships wherewith they fish, make them∣selues slaues to the richer. Of those three sorts, the first is of them whom they call Loshmaders,

that is to say, Men of Iustice: for Loch in their language, signifieth Law. These men administer Iustice, and there are many of them, but twelue of them onely haue the yeerely charge of Iustice. All men obey their Iudgement and Decrees.* 3.185 Another sort is of them, who are called Bonden: They are in the place of Nobles, and as euery one of them is richest in Shipping, and Cattle, so hee hath most Fishers, and followers. This onely power they know. The third sort is of Bi∣shops and Ministers of the word of God, of the which many are found euery where throughout the whole Iland.

There are many of the Iselanders very proud and high minded, especially by reason of the strength of body which they haue.* 3.186 I saw an Iselander, who easily put an Hamburg Tunne full of Ale to his mouth, drinking off it as if hee had had but one small measure.

Both Sexes in Iseland haue the same habite, so that by the garments you shall not easily di∣scerne [ 10] whether it bee Man or Woman. They want Flaxe, except it bee brought vnto them by our Countrey-men.* 3.187 The Women-kinde there are very beautifull, but ornaments are wanting.

The whole Nation of the Islanders is much giuen to Superstitions, and they haue Spirits fami∣liarly seruing them.* 3.188 For they onely are fortunate in Fishing, who are raised vp by night of the Deuill to goe a fishing.

And although the Ministers of the Gospell vse all diligence in disswading them from this im∣pietie;* 3.189 yet this wickednesse hath taken roote, and sticketh so deepely in their mindes, and they are so bewitched of Sathan, that they can admit no sound Doctrine and Dehortation. Yea, by the Deuils meanes, if you offer them money, they promise a prosperous wind and performe it, which [ 20] I know, as hereafter shall bee spoken. The like Olaus Magnus writeth of the Finlanders in his third Booke. They hold Ships also by inchantment almost immoueable, and that in a prosperous wind. And truely it is a wonder that Sathan so sporteth with them.* 3.190 For hee hath shewed them a re∣medie in staying of their Ships, to wit, the Excrements of a Maide being a Virgin: if they an∣noynt the Prow, and certaine planckes of the Ship, hee hath taught them that the Spirit is put to flight, and driuen away with this stinke.

In the rest of the carriage of their life, they thus behaue themselues. The Parents teach their male Children (euen from their child-hood) letters and the Law of that Iland, so that very few men are found throughout the whole Iland, but they know Letters, and many Women vse our letters,* 3.191 and haue also other characters, with the which they expresse some whole words of [ 30] theirs, which words can hardly bee written with our letters. They giue themselues to hardnesse, and fishing from their Infancie; for all their life consists in Fishing. They exercise not Husban∣drie, because they haue no Fields, and the greatest part of their foode consisteth in Fish, vnsauerie Butter,* 3.192 Milke and Cheese. In stead of Bread they haue Fish bruised with a Stone. Their Drinke is Water or Whay.* 3.193 So they liue many yeeres, without medicine or Physitian. Many of them liue till they bee one hundred and fiftie yeeres old. And I saw an old man who sayd hee had then liued two hundred yeeres.* 3.194 Nay, Olaus Magnus in his twentieth Booke sayth, that the Iselanders liue three hundred yeeres.

The greater part of Iselanders hath neuer seene Bread, much lesse tasted it. If our men at any time sell them Meale or Corne,* 3.195 they mingle it with Milke, and lay it vp for a long time, as de∣licates [ 40] for Nobles. They call this sauce or mixture, Drabbell.

The Germaines that trade in Iseland haue a place in the Hauen of Haffenefordt fenced by Na∣ture, where vnder Tents they set their Mercbandise to sale, as Shooes, Garments, Glasses, Kniues, and such kinde of Merchandise of no price. The Iselanders haue Oyle molten out of the bowels of Fishes,* 3.196 knowne to our Tanners and Shoomakers: they haue Fish, Brimstone, white Foxe skinnes, Butter and other things. They barter all these for our Commodities, nor is the bargaine ratified, before they bee well stuffed with our Meat, Wine or Beere, together with their Wiues and Children whom they bring with them, how many soeuer they haue.

Comming into the Hauen, they haue their Daughters with them which are marriage-able: they after they haue inquired of our companie,* 3.197 whether they haue Wiues at home, or not, they promise a nights lodging for Bread, Bisket, or any other trifling things. Sometimes the Parents [ 50] yeeld their Daughters freely, euen for a whole moneth, or as long as they stay. If shee prooue with Child by that lying with her, the parents loue their Daughter better then before, and the Child being borne, they bring it vp some yeeres, while either the Father returne, or they giue it to their Sonne in law that shall bee, for a Dowrie with their Daughter, who doth not despise it, because it is borne of the Germaine blood. If any Virgin haue familiaritie with a Germaine, shee is honoured among them, and therefore shee is sought of many Suiters. And the time was before this, that Whoordome, which was without the degrees of Consanguinitie and Affinitie, had no Infamie. And although Preachers crie out against it, and the offenders are seuerely puni∣shed, yet they hardly abstaine.

* 3.198They lay not vp Wine and Beere which they buy of our Countrey-men, but quaffe it vp [ 60] house by house by course one with another, and that freely or for nothing. While they drinke, they sing the heroicall acts of their ancestors, not with any certaine composed order or melodie, but as it commeth in euery mans head. Neither is it lawfull for any one to rise from the Table to

make water, but for this purpose the daughter of the house, or another maid or woman atten∣deth alwayes at the Table, watchfull if any becken; to him that beckeneth shee giues the cham∣ber-pot vnder the Table with her owne hands; the rest in the meane while grunt like Swine, least any noise bee heard. The water being powred out, hee washeth the Bason, and offereth his seruice to him that is willing, and hee is accounted vnciuill who abhorreth this fashion.* 3.199 They entertaine them that come vnto them with a kisse, and they behold and looke each on other, if paraduenture they may see Lice creeping on their garments, which greatly trouble them for want of linnen: if thy see any, each taketh them from the other, and as often as he taketh away one, so often doth he thanke him, with his head discouered, and this they doe one to the other, as long as they see one.

[ 10] By night the Master of the house, with all his family, his wife and children lye in one roome,* 3.200 couered with a cloth made of Wooll which they make. And the like clothes they lap vnder them, without straw or hay put vnder. All of them make water in one chamber-pot, with the which in the morning they wash their face, mouth, teeth, and hands; they alledge many reasons thereof, to wit, that this makes a faire face, maintaineth the strength, confirmeth the sin∣newes in the hands, and preserueth the teeth from putrifaction. If Cat••le perish in the waters or snow (which often commeth to passe) they say, they are killed of God, and are accounted a∣mong the delicates. And it happened in the yeere 1564. in a place called Ackermisse, that in the [ 20] month of Ianuary some Kine strayed in the darke, and the fogge was so great, and the depth of snow, that they could not be found. In the moneth of April they were first found vntainted, and without any euill smell, and being distributed among the neighbours, some part was brought to the Gouernour, with whom I liued at that time, which was not lawfull for him to despise, yet he commanded it to bee giuen to the poore.

In the Winter time, before and after the Solstitium, when the Sunne declineth, and being in Sagitarius, Capricornus, and Aquarius, it departeth from them,* 3.201 neither doth it ascend aboue the Horizon, while it touch Pisces, therefore they haue no light but of the Moone and Starres. In like manner about the Summer Solstitium, when the Sunne ascendeth to Gemini, Cancer, and Leo, it neuer goeth downe vnder the Horizon, therefore at that time they haue no Night. In the Winter time, they keepe their Beds many dayes, and exercise themselues in the game of Chesse,* 3.202 the inuention wherof is due to Xerxes the Philosopher: the meane while the seruants bring them [ 30] their meate dressed to their beds. They keepe Lampes of the oyle of Fish continually burning, others burne Tallow candles.

In the moneth of Februarie, as soone as the Sunne ascends aboue the Horizon, by little and lit∣tle the dayes grow longer, then they begin to Fish, whereof there is so great plentie, that it is scarce credible, for the Fishes which for three whole moneths swamme in the darke, as soone as they see a fish of Tinne fastened to an Iron, they ranne to it in schoales, that they are not onely drawne vp by the jawes, but wheresoeuer the Iron toucheth them. Hauing taken them, they plucke out the bones, and lay vp their bowels, and make Fat or Oyle of them. They heape vp their Fish in the open ayre, and the puritie of the ayre is such there, that they are hardened one∣ly with the winde and Sunne, without Salt, better surely then if they were corned with salt.* 3.203 [ 40] And if they kill any Beasts, they preserue the flesh without stinke or putrifaction, without salt, hardened onely with the winde.

Of the wonderfull standing Pooles, Lakes and Fountaynes in Iseland.

IN diuers places almost throughout the wh••le Iland are Bathes and scalding Fountaynes,* 3.204 which flow out in great abundance. This water as soone as it begins to coole, hath a Sulphurie sub∣stance in the top thereof. In these scalding waters, wherein I could scarse dippe my finger, red Diue-doppers are seene afarre off, if you come neerer, they vanish, if you depart, they appeare a∣gaine, so all day long (if any please) they play boe-peepe with men.* 3.205 Whether they bee Diue-doppers [ 50] indeed, I leaue it to others to decide.

At the West of this Iland, there is a huge smoakie Lake, and very cold, which turneth all things that are cast into it into stones, and that in few dayes,* 3.206 and (which is worthy of great ad∣miration) if you put a sticke vpright into the bottome, the lower part which is stucke into the earth, hath the resemblance and hardnesse of Iron after two dayes, that which was in the water hath the hardnesse and shew of a Stone, the vpper part which remayned aboue the water, kee∣peth his wonted forme: And I twice proued the truth of this thing,* 3.207 but when I put the lower part (which represented Iron) to the fire that it might melt, it burned like a Coale.

There are two Fountaynes of most different qualitie, in a place vpon the Sea coast, which is called Turlocks Hauen, the one cold, the other hot; these Fountaynes by pipes are drawne into [ 60] one place, and tempered for bathing, they make a most wholesome Bath. Not farre from these Fountaynes, there is a certaine other Fountayne, which bubbles foorth liquor like Wax,* 3.208 which notably cureth the French disease, which is very common there.

Not farre from the Hauen Haffnefordt, there is a cleft in a Rocke like to a Fountayne of vn∣measurable

depth. If you looke into it, you cannot see the water, but if you cast in a stone, halfe an houre after you shall heare it falling, as if it fell into brazen Vessels, and forthwith the water ariseth, and it is filled to the top of the Wels brimme, and it is a most cleere water, which not∣withstanding no man dare touch, nor taste, neither doth it flow out, but so long after, as the stone which is cast in, sinketh to the bottome. There is another Lake in the middle of the Iland, which casteth forth a pestiferous fume, insomuch as it killeth Birds flying ouer it with the poy∣son thereof.

Of the wonderfull Mountaynes in Island.

[ 10]

THere are three Mountaynes in Island very admirable, the one is called the Mountayne of the Crosse, the other Sneuelsiockell. These two pierce the cloudes with their heigth, whose heads, or tops no man euer saw, nor are they euer seene without Ice and Snow; in those, Light∣nings and horrible Thunders are daily heard, when neuerthelesse, in the neighbouring Valleyes the Aire is faire and cleere, as in Summer time. The third Mountayne lyeth on the North of the Iland, and not very high, but it hath burned very many yeeres; with what fire or matter, it is vnknowne; but seeing Brimstone is digged out of the Earth throughout the whole Land, it see∣meth, that the Sulphurie matter is sometime inflamed. This Mountayne is not farre from the Sea, and the Sea on one side beates vpon it: it is called Hecla, sometimes it casteth forth flame, sometimes fierie water,* 3.209 then blacke ashes and Pumis stones, in so great abundance, that it darke∣neth [ 20] the Sunne. No man also can dwell neere it by sixe mile, neither are there any pastures a∣bout it. Sometimes bold men, and such as regard not their liues, cast stones into the hollow pla∣ces; for sometimes there is a wonderfull calme in the Mountayne; especially when the Westerne wind blowes,* 3.210 it casteth backe the stones flung into it with an horrible noyse and sound: the common people thinke the soules of the damned to be tormented heere: it is certayne that di∣uers and horrible spirits are obserued in this Mountayne and about it; for if a Battaile be fought in any place, the Islanders, especially they that sayle and fish in the Sea neere to Hecla, know the day of the Battaile fought, although they know not where it be done: for they see (as they re∣port) wicked spirits going forth, and returning, and bringing soules with them. And such a sto∣rie is rep••rted all Island ouer. [ 30]

A Fisherman sayling by Hecla, met with another ship, both had a prosperous wind, and when (after the manner of Saylers) he was demanded who hee was and of what place, hee answered, that hee had the Bishop of Breme in his ship,* 3.211 whom hee would conuay to Hecla: and it was knowne that the Bishop dyed the same day, which notwithstanding, I would not set downe for truth. If any perish by Sea, or otherwise dye, sometimes leauing their Friends and Acquain∣tance, they appeare very heauie, being demanded whither they goe, and from whence, they answere they are brought to Hecla, vnder a cruell Master the Deuill, and so vanish. And they are so bewitched of Satan, that they thinke them the soules of the departed.

But because no man that is well in his wits, will thinke that Hell is in this Mountayne, yet it may be demanded, whence the Hill hath this matter, whereby it should bring forth so many [ 40] yeeres flames, so many ashes, and such abundance of Pumis stones? For wee see the most sollid and firme bodies, and all things to be consumed by fire: and for that cause some thinke, that it shall come to passe that these flames shall once be extingished? for the cause fayling, they deny that any effects can follow. But heere (what I thinke) I will freely speake, yet sauing other mens judgements. It is manifest by watry Meteors, that there is a continuall generation of water, by the vapours gathered together in the cauities of the Earth; which issueth forth by Fountayns; but the efficient and materiall causes abiding perpetually, the effects also continually remayne: so also in the bowels of the Earth, there are certayne places, which by their owne nature draw vn∣to them a hote and dry exhalation, and that it resolues it into flames, ashes, and Pumis stones, which may easily be done in this Mountayne, by reason of the Sulphur matter, which is found in [ 50] Island throughout the whole Land. And as Fountaynes send forth more abundance of water in the Winter time, then in the Summer, nay, some of them are dry, because matter failes; so is it with this Mountayne: for sometimes matter failing, it hath neither flames, nor smoke, and all is quiet, whereby it appeareth that the matter and efficient cause faile. Howeuer it bee, I know this, that no man may come to the foot of the Mountayne without danger and feare, as hereafter shall be declared.

* 3.212The same yeere I was in Island, the nine and twentieth of Nouember, about midnight in the Sea, neere Hecla, there appeared a flame, which gaue light to the whole Iland, so that all of vs astonished, wondred, and carefully expected the issue thereof: the elder sort and such as were skilfull in this matter, said, that this light came from Hecla: an houre after, the whole Iland [ 60] trembled, as it should haue beene moued out of the place: after the Earthquake followed a hor∣rible cracke, that if all warlike Ordnance had beene discharged, it had beene nothing to this ter∣rour. It cannot be thought, much lesse expressed by word, how horrible it was. Wee thought that the whole frame of the World would fall, and that the last Day was at hand: but it was

knowne afterwards that the Sea went backe two leagues in that place, and remayned dry.

About the beginning of Iuly, at a certayn time of the yeere great store of Ice suddenly floteth to the Iland about Hecla, and there goes a rumour through the whole Iland, nay it is beleeued, that the damned soules are tormented in this Ice by course, in the Flame, in the Mountayne, and after in the Ice. This Ice for three whole moneths swimmeth only about Hecla.* 3.213 If you take a∣ny part of this Ice out of the Sea, and wrap it in a linnen cloth, and lay it vp in a Chest, it re∣mayneth so long vnmelted, as it swimmeth in the Sea; but if the Ice in the Sea vanish, which suddenly in one night happeneth, this appeareth not, nor leaueth any signe of moysture in the linnen cloth, which is not a hard thing for Satan to doe, to take away the Ice without moysture, [ 10] to increase their incredulitie. Olaus Magnus maketh mention of this Ice in his eleuenth Booke. But because I determined to search out all things diligently, I sayled not without great feare vnto this Ice, and I obserued, that this Ice was violently cast against the Rockes by force of the winds, and so made a mournfull sound afarre off, as if miserable howlings were heard there. Hereupon the Islanders thinke the soules of the damned are tormented in this Ice.

Of the Riches of the Islanders.

I Haue said that Island was a rough and snowie Countrey, and besides, it is full of Rockes and stones; and so truly, that there is not a field in the whole Iland: they haue not so much as [ 20] Gardens, wherein they may haue Pot-herbes or Pulse: they know no kinde of Corne nor Ap∣ples, Peares, nor Cheries, nor any fruit of Trees. And, which is almost incredible, they neither vse Bread nor Salt, yet they are well liking, and strong. There is no Citie in the whole Iland:* 3.214 they seldome haue two or three dwellings together. They haue their Cottages on the Sea side for fishing, and vnder ground by reason of the fierce windes.

There is no lone of money among them, for wares are changed for wares. Brimstone groweth on the South part, and almost throughout the whole Iland,* 3.215 which is digged out in great abun∣dance: they sell this stuffe purged for a small price. Mines of Gold or Siluer, nor of any other mettall they haue none. They vse Iron, but such as is brought vnto them. You shall scarse finde a man, who hath not Iron Nayles in a Bagge, wherewith Horse-shooes are fastened.

All their houses are vnder ground, for they haue no matter for building. There is not a [ 30] tree in the whole Iland, except the Birch-tree, and that in one place,* 3.216 which also excee∣deth not the stature of a man in length, and that by reason of the vehemencie of the winds, that it cannot grow higher. This Birch-tree after the Summer Solstitium beginnes first to bud, the leaues haue a most sweet smell, and of so fragrant a sauour, that the Germanes put them in their Tents, and vpon their meats for a singular delight. Yet sometimes great abundance of Firre-trees from Tartaria, or else-where carried by force of the waues and the Ice, arriued in Island. The chiefe vse of them is in building Cabbins vnder the ground: you shall scarsly find a house out of the earth, by reason of the strong winds, which sometimes ouerthrow Horses and their Ri∣ders. They haue great plentie of Butter, for the fatnes of the grasse: for the Island gras••e is so fat,* 3.217 [ 40] that Oxen after a certaine time are to be driuen from the Pastures, lest they burst. And it is of so pleasing a sent, that our men lay it vp in their Chests with singular care for their garments.* 3.218 The most part (for scarcitie of Vessels) lay their Butter aside in the corners of their Houses, (as we doe Lime or other matter) and that without Salt. They haue domesticall cattle, as kine; but many of them are without hornes. Al their Horses are amblers & very fit for carrying of burdens.* 3.219 They haue very great sheepe, they keepe not a Hogge nor a Hen, for want of graine, if fodder or hay faile them in the Winter, they feed their cattle with fish. They haue rough Dogs bred with∣out tayle and eares for their pleasure, which they sell deere and greatly esteeme, when notwith∣standing they offer their children to any that will aske them, and that freely. Besides, this Iland hath white Foxes, and huge Beares of the same colour. They haue no Birds but water-fowle, whereof there are diuers kinds and sorts found there, vnknowne vnto vs. Crowes sometimes [ 50] are changed white; and excellent Falcons, and some among them white, which being taken and gotten, with the great cost of the Spaniards and Portugals, are also carried away in great number, which thing was done, while I was in Island, to my great profit. Island also hath white Par∣tridges. There are also euery where through the whole Iland most pleasant Riuers,* 3.220 which yeeld the Inhabitants fish in great plentie, Salmon Trowts, and Sturgeons. There is one only bridge in all the Iland, made of the bones of a Whale.* 3.221 They that goe from one part of the Iland to another by the Continent, haue no way which they may follow, for the solitarinesse thereof: but as Say∣lers in the Sea, so they by the helpe of the Load-stone performe their journeyes. The depth of the Sea neere Island is very exceeding. In these gulfs there are Whales of wonderful bignes, and many [ 60] Sea-monsters which cannot bee killed or taken of men, the Ice only through the force of the winds dasheth them against the Rockes, and killeth them. I saw such a Monster cast vpon the shoare dead, whose length was thirty ells, his heigth more then a very long Warlike Pike.

A Whale being dead or killed, the Inhabitants make Buildings and Dwellings of the bones thereof with great dexteritie and skill, they make also seates, benches, tables,* 3.222 and other

vtensils, smoothing them so that they seeme like Iuory. They that sleepe in these houses, are said alwayes to dreame of shipwrack.* 3.223 And although it bee a huge and fearfull creature, and haue great strength, yet notwithstanding oftentimes he is not onely withstood, but ouercome of his capitall enemie (not so great) which is called Orca;* 3.224 this fish hath the shape of a ship turned vp∣side-downe, and vpon his backe very sharpe and long finnes, wherewith hee woundeth the soft of the belly of the Whale, and killeth him, and the Whale so feareth this fish, that in shunning him, he often dasheth himselfe against the shoare.

The Iseland Sea hath a Monster also, whose name is vnknowne. They iudge it a kinde of Whale at the first sight, when hee shewes his head out of the Sea, hee so scarreth men that they fall downe almost dead.* 3.225 His square head hath flaming eyes, on both sides fenced with long [ 10] hornes, his body is blacke, and beset with blacke quills; if he be seene by night, his eyes are fie∣ry, which lighten his whole head, which he putteth out of the Sea, nothing can either bee pain∣ted or imagined more fearfull. Olaus Magnus maketh mention of this Monster in his twentieth Booke, and saith, that it is twelue cubits long. Such a Monster at that time tore in pieces with his teeth a Fisher-boate, wherein there were three Fisher-men, so that they were drowned, one of them, who held in his hand a little cord, wherewith hee vsed to draw the hooke, and the fishes, laid hold of the boord which floted in the Sea; so he was saued getting out of the bottom vpon the planke and swam foorth, and declared this to the Kings Gouernour in my presence, adding moreouer that he was saued from heauen, that he might get maintenance for his children, who otherwise were readie to perish with hunger, when the other two though married, yet were [ 20] without children.

Another Monster also is often there seene and taken, of ten or twelue elles long, it is cal∣led Hacfal,* 3.226 it is all fat; it is taken after a wonderfull manner: they haue a very long pike wher∣unto they fasten an Iron with a forked point, that it cannot goe backe, vnto the staffe a cord of a maruailous length is fastned; they sticke this speare in the Monster, which swimmeth vnto it for prey, perceiuing a man in the little boates; as soone as the Monster feeles himselfe stroo∣ken and wounded, forthwith he hides himselfe in the Deepe, and there (his bloud being pow∣red out) dyes, afterward the Fishers draw him to the land by the long cords fastned to the speare.

* 3.227Besides, it hath diuers Sea Monsters: a Dogge fish, which putting his head out of the Sea bar∣keth, and receiueth his whelps sporting in the Sea againe into his belly, while they come to more growth. It hath Horses and Kine, and what not? and it is a maruell, how skilfull Nature sports, [ 30] in expressing the shape of all earthly Creatures and Fowles in the Sea. Neither should any man perswade me that these things are true,* 3.228 although ten Aristotles should affirme them vnto me, vn∣lesse I had seene most of them with mine eyes. Let no man therefore presently cry out, that what he knowes not is fabulous.

The men of Lubeck, Hamburg, and Breme, were often wont to goe to this Iland, and leaue their seruants in the winter lodgings; but now it is prouided by the Kings authoritie, that no Germaine, either by reason of trading or learning of the language, leaue his seruants there in the winter; but vpon what occasion this came to passe, the matter standeth thus. In the yeere of Christ 1561. there was a Citizen of Hamburg, one Conradus Bloem, left by an other in Iseland in the winter lodgings with the Bishop in Scalholden, for trading and learning of the tongue: the [ 40] Bishops fishers find a whole Vnicornes horne in the Ice, brought out of Groneland (as it is thought) where yet at this day Vnicorns are said to be,* 3.229 & thinking it to be a Whales tooth, nor did the Bi∣shop beleeue otherwise, they bring it to their Master, who gaue it to Conradus begging it; he being somewhat craftie, sold it after at Antwerp for some thousands of Florins. When this thing came to the King of Denmarks eares, he forbad that no Germaine should winter in Iseland in any cause.

Of the iudgement of the Iselanders.

THere is a most pleasant place almost in the midst of the Iland, you would say it were a Para∣dise in the Spring time, where sometimes there was a high Mountaine, which burned with inward fire, as Hecla doth at this day; which matter after it was consumed, made a Plaine, but [ 50] the Rocks which were erected about the Mountaine, stand yet, therefore this place is so fenced by Nature, that they that enter it, must goe one by one. This place is famous for two great falls of water, where two Riuers from the highest Rocks cast themselues steepe downe one against the other, with an astonishing and horrible dashing of the waters against the Rocks. These Ri∣uers meete together in the middle of the field, and by a great whirlepoole are swallowed vp into the ground.

Heere yeerely the nine and twentieth of Iune, the Inhabitants who haue any controuersie, meete together:* 3.230 for in no other place or time Iustice is administred: after they are entred, stan∣dings are placed by the Gouernours guard, who admit all that desire to come in, no man hath li∣bertie to goe out, without the consent and authoritie of the Gouernour. When they are come [ 60] thither, the Gouernour offreth his Charter to bee publikely read, whereby hee procureth credit to his Office, and hauing spoken before somewhat of the Kings goodwill, and his owne towards the Ilanders, he exhorteth them to communicate Iustice vnto all, without respect of persons, hee

after departeth, and keepes himselfe in his Tent, hauing heard a godly Sermon, the twelue men, whom they call Lochmaders, as it were men of Iustice, sit downe on the ground,* 3.231 each of them hath a Booke in his hand, contayning the Law of that Iland, written in the vulgar tongue. Ac∣cusation and answer being made, they goe apart into seuerall places, euery one reades ouer his Booke diligently, going afterwards againe to his place, without Scribe, without replication or doubling, and iuglings of such brabling Lawyers, they conferre of the sentence and pronounce it: If any thing bee worthy of deliberation, it is brought to the Gouernour for consultation and for his honours sake, when notwithstanding they leaue no power of deciding it to him.

There are many accusations of Theft and Adulteries, they make no question of their Bonds, of their Fees, their Hereditarie fields, or any summe of money: there are no controuersies there. [ 10] These twelue men, ouer which one is chiefe, are greatly honoured amongst them. These doe de∣termine, and diligently inquire of all publike Controuersies. If there bee any wicked Act com∣mitted that yeere, if Murther bee committed any where, if Theft, if Adulterie, if Cattle be stol∣len away (which vseth oft to bee done) then these men set downe the punishment.* 3.232 They that are condemned to dye, are beheaded: the rest, who are any way to bee punished, they burne with a marke, this punishment with them is most grieuous: for they are marked in the forehead: they that are so marked are accounted in the number of wicked men: others are beaten with roddes: and I saw when the Father and the Sonne for theft (for they were Cattell stealers) were held Captiues, that the Father was compelled to beate his Sonne with roddes, and hee after∣wards beheaded.

[ 20]

Of Groneland.

ISeland by Nature is somewhat long, it hath Norway on the East, the Orcades and Scotland on the South, Groneland on the West, and the Hyperborean or Congealed Sea vpon the North. Although I purposed to passe ouer Groneland with silence, yet seeing I touched vpon the Land, and saw some few things, I thought it was to bee added. There was in a certaine Monasterie in Iseland called Helgafiel, a certayne blinde Monke left (for the Abbot of the Monasterie had con∣uerted the Reuenues to the Kings vse) who liued miserably there: hee was borne in Groneland, of [ 30] a darke complexion and broad face. The Gouernour commanded him to bee brought vnto him, that hee might know some certaintie of the state of Groneland. Hee sayd, there was a Monaste∣rie of Saint Thomas in Groneland, into the which his Parents thrust him when he was but young, and after that, hee was taken out by the Bishop of Groneland, when hee was thirtie yeeres of age, to saile with him into Norway, to the Archbishop to Nidrosia (or Dronten) to whom the Ise∣land Bishops are subiect: in his returne hee was left in a Monasterie by the Bishop, whose Coun∣trey Groneland was: this was done (as hee sayd) 1546. Hee said, that Iland was called Grone∣land, Antiphrastically. For that it seldome or neuer waxeth greene, and that there is so great cold there throughout the whole yeere, except Iune, Iuly and August, that being clothed and couered with Furres, they could scarse bee warme; and that they had at home certayne round [ 40] peeces of wood, which being continually mooued with the feete, kept their feet warme. Hee sayd, it aboundeth as Iseland doth with Fishes, and that they had Beares and white Foxes, nay Pigmies, and Vnicornes, and that day did not appeare, till the Sunne had runne through Pisces.* 3.233

This Monke told vs maruellous strange things: that there was in the Monasterie of Saint Tho∣mas (where hee liued) a Fountayne▪ which sent forth burning and flaming water, that this wa∣ter was conueyed through pipes of stone, to the seuerall Cells of the Monkes, and that it made them warme, as Stoaues doe with vs; and that all kinde of meates might bee boyled in this Fountayne and fierie water, no otherwise, then if it had beene fire indeed. Hee added moreo∣uer, that the walls of the Monasterie were made of Pumice stones, out of a certayne Mountayne (not farre from the Monasterie) like to Hecla: for if yee powre these burning Waters vpon the Pumice stones, there will follow a slimie matter, which in stead of Lime they vse for Morter.

[ 50] After the Gouernours conference with the Monke, I came priuatly vnto him, to demand certayne particular things touching the Pigmies and other things; hee had little skill in the La∣tine tongue, hee vnderstood mee speaking Latine, but answered by an Interpreter. Hee sayd, the Pigmies represent the most perfect shape of Man,* 3.234 that they are hairy to the vttermost joynts of the fingers, and that the Males haue beards downe to the knees. But although they haue the shape of men, yet they haue little sense or vnderstanding, nor distinct speech, but make shew of a kinde of hissing, after the manner of Geese; that his Abbot kept two of them in his Mona∣sterie, male and female, but they liued not long, and that they were vnreasonable Crea∣tures, and liue in perpetuall darknesse. That some say, they haue warre with the Cranes, that [ 60] hee knew not.* 3.235

He affirmed, that the same maner of food was in Groneland, as in Island, to wit, of fish but not of cattle, because they haue no cattle, & that the country is not populous. Forth with from Island be∣gins the Hyperborean Sea, which beats vpon Groneland, and the Country of the Pigmies, which at this day is called Noua Zembla, & there the frozen Sea hath a Bay which is called the White Sea,

or Mare Album, and there are there certayne passages whereby they sayle into the Schythian O∣cean, if they can for Ice. And the Gouernour had the King of Denmarkes Ship, furnished with all necessaries: but when hee heard (by the Monke) of these passages, and short cut into the Kingdome of China, hee affected this commendation, that hee might open these passages and Ice vnto the Kingdome of China by the Tartarian Sea, which had often beene attempted by o∣thers, but in vaine.

The last day therefore of March, in the yeere 1564. hee commanded that Ship to sayle to those places,* 3.236 and mee also together with them, being willing of mine owne accord: and enioyned me to marke diligently the scituation of the places, and whatsoeuer wee met with worthy of sight or report. Wee were in the Ship threescore and foure men, as well Danes as Iselanders, and the twentieth day of Aprill wee arriued at a certayne Promontorie of Groneland, and when wee [ 10] found no Hauen, to the which wee might safely commit our selues, and letting downe the lead, wee had sounded the depth of the Sea, it was such as wee could not anchor there, and the abun∣dance of Ice was so great, that it was neither safe nor possible to sayle neerer to the Rocks; foure and twentie therefore of vs armed, with great labour and danger went on shoare in our Skiffes among whom I also was) to trie whether wee could finde a harbour, and what kinde of men Groneland had. In the meane time, the great Ship floated in the Sea and Ice, in a great calme, halfe of our companie abode in the shoare to keepe the Skiffe; another part (and I with them) ranne abroad to discouer: they that were left on shoare to keepe the Skiffe, going hither and thither, found a little man dead with a long beard, with a little Boate, and a crooked Hooke of [ 20] the bone of a Fish, and a leather cord: foure fish Bladders were bound vnto the Boate (as is sup∣posed) that it should not bee drowned, whereof three were sunke and fallen flat: This Boate (because it was very vnlike ours) the Gouernour sent to the King of Denmarke.

Olaus Magnus in his first Booke writeth, that there is a Rocke in the middest of Iseland and Grone∣land, called Hutisocke, which wee sayled by, and that there they haue Ships of leather, which hee testifi∣eth hee saw, but it was not such an one: but Petrus Bembus in his seuenth Booke, in the Venetian Hi∣storie,* 3.237 describeth a Ship, which was like vnto this, where hee writeth thus: While a French Ship kept her course not farre from Britaine, shee tooke a Boate built of Osiers the middest beeing cut out, and the so∣lid barke of Trees ioyned together, wherein there were seuen men of a middle stature, somewhat darke co∣loured, of a large and broad face, marked with strange scarres and violet colour; these had their gar∣ments [ 30] of Fishes skinnes▪ full of spots, they bore a painted Crowne of reede wouen in, as it were with seuen eares; they did eate raw Flesh, and drunke Blood, as wee doe Wine; their speech could not bee vnderstood, sixe of them dyed,* 3.238 one young man was brought aliue to the Aulercos, where the King was.

It is not vnlikely to bee true, that this Ship with these seuen men, were driuen out of Grone∣land, into the Britaine Ocean: seeing the description of Bembus his Ship agreeth with that found in Groneland.

Wee wandred in the meane season, in a Land vnknowne vnto vs, which was couered with Snow and Ice, wee found neither footing of men, not any habitation, nor fit Port, but the Sea was closed and fenced on euery side with craggie Rockes. Yet we met with a great white Beare, which neither feared vs,* 3.239 nor could bee driuen away with our cryes, but came full vpon vs, as to [ 40] his certaine prey, and when hee came neere vnto vs, being twice shot through with a Gunne, hee stood bolt vpright with his fore-feet as a man standeth, till hee was shot through the third time, and so fell downe dead: his Skinne was sent to the King of Denmarke. We agreed amongst our selues before wee went on shoare, if wee found a fit Harbour, or else had need of their helpe, that wee should plucke vp our standerd, which wee carried out with vs for that purpose, and that they, if they would call vs backe, should signifie the same with their Ordnance. A tem∣pest arising in the meane while, the Master of the Ship giues vs a signe to returne, by the dis∣charging of a piece of Ordnance, and calls vs backe vnto the Ship: all of vs therefore returned with great labour after three dayes vnto the Ship with the Beares skinne; wee sayled therefore to the other side of the Iland toward the North, to the Countrey of the Pigmies or Noua Zem∣bla, [ 50] that by the mouth of the White Sea, wee might come into the Scythian, or Tartarian Sea, from whence (they say) there is a passage to the Kingdome of China, and Cathay; but beeing hindred by the Ice, wee could not passe the mouth of that Sea: therefore without doing any thing, wee returned into Iseland the sixteenth of Iune.

* 3.240I sayd before, that the Iselanders the nine and twentieth of Iune yeerely came together almost in the middle of the Iland to Iudgement, and after our returne, the Gouernour went thither, and I with him. Some of the next inhabitants of Hecla then came to Iudgement, whom the Gouernour inuited twice or thrice to dinner and supper. These men while they were at supper, reported wonderfull things of the Mountayne Hecla, and other things; I was foorthwith in∣flamed with a desire to see and heare all. Wherefore the Gouernour commended mee to these [ 60] men, that they should bring mee thither, and commanded all things should bee shewed me, which they knew there worthy to bee seene. This Gouernour was a Dane, a Noble man, and excellent∣ly well learned: to this man surely I am much bound for his great liberalitie towards m••e, in

that he caused me to be conueighed at his charge to diuers places of the Iland, where any notable thing was to be seene. I accompanied with two Islanders, and a certaine Dane, who carried pro∣uision, and a Tent on Horse-backe, spent foure whole dayes, while we go through rough places, Hilly and desolate vnto this Mountayne. For some Miles about Hecla, all was full of blacke ashes and Pumis stones. The Islanders aduised me that I should goe no neerer, leading away the Horse, which they had lent me.

I, because I purposed to see, and search out all things diligently; accompanied with the Dane, came neerer, as though I went to climbe the Hill, and although at the first sight we were afraid, yet I would not leaue off my purpose, and by reason of my young yeeres, not vnderstanding [ 10] the danger, I went through the ashes and Pumis stones alone to Hecla, leauing the Dane. There was there at that time a wonderfull calme, so that I saw neither fire nor smoke. But behold, sud∣denly in the bowels of the Earth, a great noyse was heard, after this, followed flames of a greene colour, which had almost killed me with their Sulphurie and filthy stinke, so that I scarse es∣caped to my forsaken horses and companions. Vpon that sudden astonishment I fell into a sick∣nesse, and vehement cogitation, seeing these horrible flames were alwayes present before mine eyes: insomuch that my Island companions were compelled to carry me away vnto their house, with whom I lay sicke two whole monethes: while in the meane time the Dane returned to the Gouernour, and to the Hamburgers, and acquainted them with my state. I liued miserably amongst the Barbarians, sicke and vnknowne; they had Bisket which I steeped in Milke, and [ 20] and so for that time, I indured hunger, while (being stronger) I might returne to the Gouernour.

The Hamburgers, by reason of the time of the yeere, least they should loose the opportunitie of sayling, despairing now of my returne, set sayle (for they depart before the foure and twentieth of August, lest being hindered after by the Ice, they cannot get out) yet with speciall care com∣mended me to the Gouernour (if at any time I did returne) leauing Bisket, Wine, and Beere. The Gouernour hath a dwelling fit enough for the manner and fashion of this Countrey, on the South of this Iland, not farre from the Hauen of Hafnefordt, the place is called Bestede.* 3.241 I was brought hither of the Islanders, to the Gouernour, who, for our common studies, entertayned me willingly and honorably. But although wee were plentifully furnished with all necessaries, yet being very wearie of that life in such darknesse, I expected the ships out of Germany the [ 30] next yeere with great desire.

There grew then warre betweene Ericus of Suetia, and Fredericke the Second King of Den∣marke; which was continued with great courage for ten yeeres after. The Lubekers were Con∣sorts and Confederates of Warre vnto the Dane. So most part of the Cities on the Sea-coast, vpon the Balthicke Sea, hindred or intangled with this Warre, intermitted their sayling into Island this yeere, therefore wayting in vaine, I must stay. The yeere following, when I had wayted till the end of Iune, all hope of returning into Germany that yeere was taken away, and which was worse, the yeerely ship came not from Denmarke: and bread and Wine failed vs al∣most foure monethes.

There lay Portugals at anchor at that time in Island in a small ship; who came thither to fowle, [ 40] they caried away excellent Falcons, and white ones among them, in great number. I thought good rather to crosse ouer into Portugall with them, then to wayte another yeere, either for Danes or Germanes. And when they gaue the Gouernour his Custome, he dealt with them in my behalfe concerning the charge, that I might passe with them, and he liberally paid the charges, and honorably sent me away with a worthy Present. Not far from the Kings house, there was a certayn Minister, Ionas by name, he familiarly saluted me before I departed: for the time I was in Island, I had some familiaritie with him, to whom also I left my Bookes when I departed: he for friendships sake, knit three knots in a handkerchiefe, and promised me a prosperous wind, say¦ing, if by chance the winds at any time grow contrary at Sea, open these knots, and then remem∣ber me. When therfore about the twentieth of September we had sayled,* 3.242 and now Spaine was in [ 50] our view, there was so great a calme, that we felt not a breath of wind, and that for three whole dayes. In this calme my friends promise came into my minde, and I desired to proue it. I loosed the first knot, by and by, after one houre, there arose a very prosperous winde, but blowing very gently, I vntye the second and the third, forthwith a Tempest beganne more and more to grow, so truly that after two dayes we ridde in the Riuer Tagus, which beateth vpon Lisbone.

[ 60]

CHAP. XXIII. Extracts of ARN••RIM IONAS * 3.243 an Islander, his Chrymogaea or Historie of Island: published, Anno Dom. 1609.

[ 10]

§. I. Of Island, the Situation, Discouerie, Plantation and Language.

ISland is an Iland of the North, compassed about with the huge Ocean: whose Gosmographicall latitude towards the North, to wit, at Hola, the Episcopall Seat of North Island, is 65. degrees, and 44. minutes: and the longitude 13. de∣grees and 30. minutes, or thereabouts: for I will not precisely affirme the same, by reason of that scruple, arising from the Paralaxis of the Moone in the obser∣uation of the Eclipses to be doubted: which only way of finding out the longitude, that most [ 20] famous man, Gudbrandus Thorlacius, now Bishop of North Island, hath hitherto shewed: who hath imparted vnto vs this longitude and latitude of his Sea: and was the first, that I know, among our Countreymen, who hath deliuered any certaintie in Writing, concerning this matter.

And surely, that which at this day, and so from the first entrance of Inhabitants, beareth the name of Island, (while as yet it remayned barren and desolate) had diuers names allotted or gi∣uen vnto it from diuers Discouerers: whereof three are mentioned.

For first of all it was called Snaelandia. For a certaine Pyrate called Naddocus, going towards the Fareusian Ilands (commonly called Faerenar, for the multitude of Egges) was brought vnto the shoares of East Island, through a Tempest, not farre from the Mountayne Reidarfiall, (so cal∣led afterward) to the Bay Reidarfiard: who ascending the Mountayne, and beholding the bor∣dering Countrey farre and neere, found it all Desert. And departing from the Coast about Au∣tumne, [ 30] he perceiued the higher tops of the Mountaynes to bee couered with exceeding much Snow; and therefore, as the present case required, he called the Iland Snaelandia, that is to say, The Snowie Countrey.

Another following him, one Gardarus the sonne of Suanarus a Suecian borne, perswaded through the report which Naddocus had brought concerning Snaelande,* 3.244 went to seeke it: he found it, who arriued also neere the Easterne shoare, and from thence being carried about the Iland, he abode in the Bay of North Island called Skialfanda, and wintered there in the yeere of Christ 864. and called the name of the Hauen, Husawich, from the wintering places, or houses built there.* 3.245 But the Spring beginning, Gardarus being about to depart into Norway, the ship Boat was driuen away by a tempest, into an Hauen neere vnto the former, and in the same Boat [ 40] there was a certayne Mariner called Natrare: from whom also this hauen had the name of Narfa∣rawicke. Moreouer, Gardarus returning to his friends, called that new Countrey Gardarsholme, as it were,* 3.246 the Iland of Gardarus, neglecting the name of Snaelandae.

Moreouer, the desire also of visiting a Countrey newly discouered, possessed many. For the third also,* 3.247 one Floco, and he a most famous Pirate purposing to visit Gardarsholme, set sayle out of an Hauen of Norway, which lyeth neere the watch-towre or rather Pharus Flokawarda, situate in the limits of the Prouinces of Hordaslandia, and Rogaelandia: and passing by Hietlandia, (mis∣named by some Schetlandia) called a certayne Hauen by the name of Flokawogur, and there the deepest part of the Sea (where Geirhilda the daughter of Floco by chance was drowned) was caled Geirhildarwata, from her: no otherwise then that Sea was called Hellespontus, wherein by [ 50] misfortune Phryxus lost his sister Helle. There was yet no vse of the Mariners Compasse: where∣fore Floco leauing Hietlandia, tooke certayne Rauens vnto him: and when hee thought hee had sayled a great way, he sent forth one Rauen, which flying aloft, went backe againe to Hietlande, which she saw behind. Whereupon Floco perceiuing that he was yet neerer to Hietland then o∣ther Countryes,* 3.248 and therefore couragiously going forward, he sent forth another Rauen: which because she could see no Land, neither before nor behind, light into the ship again. But lastly, the third Rauen was sent forth by Floco, and hauing for the most part performed his Voyage, through the sharpnesse of her quicke sight attayning the Land, which the Mariners desired, she speedily flew thither: whose direction Floco following, beheld first the Easterne side of the Iland, as his Predecessors did: and from thence directing his course to the South, found a very wide and open [ 60] Bay twelue Islandish miles broad, betweene the two Promontories or high Lands, afterwards called Renkanes, and Snaefelsnes. And hearing by a certayne Mariner (whom he had with him) a Scot borne, named Faxa, that the Bay they now met with, was the huge mouth of a Riuer or

Floud; Floco to reproue the folly of Faxa, supposing so huge a Bay of the Sea to be the mouth of a Riuer, called the name of the Bay inclosed betweene the foresaid Promontories, Faxaos, which signifieth the mouth of Faxa. This Bay, by reason of the multitude of Hauens, was afterwads cal∣led Hafnafiordur: which name Hafnafiordur at this day is more specially vsed of a most safe Ha∣uen of the same Bay.

After this, Floco sayling along the West side of the Iland, entred somewhat within the Bay Breidafiord, remaining in a certaine Hauen of the Prouince Bardestraund, called Watnsfiordur (for I vse the names giuen them afterwards) and there preparing wintering places, he liued very commodiously and well with fish of diuers kindes, wherewith that Bay doth abound. But ha∣uing the Spring time here very vntemperate through cold, hee found a Bay (which entreth this [ 10] part of the Land on the North) to be filled with Ice of the Sea, which wee call Gronelandish Ice. From which Ice, Floco deuised the third name for the Iland, and called it Island.* 3.249 Moreouer also Floco turning to the South side, passed another Winter in Island: and returning into Norway (from the Rauens, which hee vsed in stead of the Mariners Compasse) he allotted it the surname of Rafnafloke.

And Island surely obtained these names consequently from the finders, or discouerers thereof.* 3.250 For as touching the fourth, Thule, imposed vpon this Land by some, I cannot bee perswaded to beleeue, it is true; chiefly by this argument; That Thyle, or Thule among the ancient Writers, [ 20] was often in the mouth and writings not onely of Pliny in his second booke of Naturall Histo∣ries 75. Chapter and fourth booke, and sixteenth Chapter (and Pliny flourished about the eigh∣tieth yeere of Christ) and of him who was more ancient then Pliny, Pythias Massiliensis: bu•• also of Pub. Virgilius, who liued not aboue fourteene yeeres after Christ: but Island, till the yeere of Christ 874. remained altogether desert, as hereafter I shall speake. Thule therefore, which Vir∣gil said should serue Augustus (Geor. 1. tibi seruiat vltima Thule: where euen euery child knoweth that Thule is Synecdochically spoken, for the Inhabitanes of Thule) not onely inhabited in the times of Augustus and Virgil, but also knowne to the Romanes, is not Island, which many ages af∣ter began first to be inhabited. Besides, Plinie himselfe seemeth in the later place recited to reckon Thule with the Ilands of Britaine: for, saith hee, Vltima omnium quae memorantur est Thule:* 3.251 to wit, of the Brittish Ilands, for hee speaketh of them. It is likely also that Virgil meant the same, who said Thule was the last, in the place before recited: and likewise, Penitus toto diuisos orbe [ 30] Britannos: that is to say, the last. Let me yet vrge the same argument further, from the age of Claudianus Alexandrinus, and Pub. Papinius Statius, farre more ancient then he. For Claudianus about the yeere of Christ 390. writeth thus concerning the successe of the Getick Wars atchieued by Theodosius.

Famaque ingrantes succincta panoribus alas, Secum cuncta trahens, à Gadibus vsque Brita••••um Terruit Oceanum: & nostro procul axe remotam Insolito Belli, tremefecit murmure Thulen.

Then blackwing'd Fame Feare girt, frights all the World with Warre. [ 40] From Cades to Britaine, from Our World shakes Thule farre.

But did Report and Fame cause Island not inhabited, and desert to tremble? And Statius more ancient by three hundred yeeres then Claudian, in his third Booke Sylua, writeth thus.

Quanquam etsi gelidas irem mansurus ad Ar••tos, Velsuper Hesperia vada caligantia Thules.

Though I should dwel in Artike frosts, Or mystie shelues of Thules West coasts.

You heare, not onely a slight report of Thule came to Statius eares, but that the shallow places, quicke sand, or shelues found in approching to the Iland were sufficiently knowne vnto him, by [ 50] the often relation of Nauigators: of which sort in the circuit of Island, there are none that I know,* 3.252 which experience speaketh: but in comming to the Ilands of Britaine they are very ordinarie and common, as they say.

The Longitude thereof from the East vnto the West, hath not hitherto beene expressed by a∣ny certaine or assured measure that I know, nor yet the Latitude from North to South; saue that in an ancient Codicall or Writing I found that the Longitude was twentie dayes iour∣ney: and the Latitude (where it is broadest) foure dayes, but the iourneyes, as elsewhere, so also with vs are not alike, (yet here I vnderstand Pyngmanualeid twentie, in the Authors owne hand-writing it is Dagleider) nor is it expressed whether of Horse-men or Foot-men. But the [ 60] Latitude it selfe is not euery where the same; by reason of Bayes on both sides, to wit, from the Sotth and North entring the Land it selfe with vnequall distances. The Easterly bound is Austurhorn: the Westerne Randesandur (for the Promontory Sua-felloues lyeth more toward

the South-west) but the North bound is Langanes, and the South Reikranes. The Iland also from the foure quarters of the World, is diuided into North, South, East and West, and the Promon∣torie Langanes diuideth North Island from East Island; from West Island, the Bay Rutafiordur: from South Island, the vast and huge deserts of rough, and inaccessable places extended the whole length of the Iland. But Sout•• Island, opposite to the North, through these rough and inaccessable places lying betweene the Riuer Ioculsu, running through the deserts of Solseimasande, diuideth from East Island: from West Island also, a famous Riuer, named Albis, emptying it selfe into the Bay Borgarfiord: So that, if it pleased me to represent the Iland in humane shape, East Island should haue the proportion of the head. The two more famous Promontories Langanes and Reikranes, or bounds; the one Northerly, the other Southerly (as hath been said) should serue in stead of armes. And the deserts extended the whole length of the Iland should make the backe, or backe bone: [ 10] then North and South Island, the shoulders with the sides; the two opposite Bayes Borgarfiord••, and Ratafiordar, the one on the South, the other on the North, should diuide the forepart about the short ribs, from both the thighes or hips. But West Island should resemble the rest of the parts of a mans bodie, from the forepart about the short ribbes: which the Bay Breidifiordur comming in from the West, should contract and straighten into the right and left foot.

The circuit also of the Iland, is no more certainely knowne; yet an ancient rumour and opinion (as in another place where it is noted) reckoneth one hundred and fortie foure Noruegian miles (as I thinke) that is to say,* 3.253 two hundred eightie eight Germane miles, Chytraeus accounting the Noruegian mile, to equall two Germane miles, sayling from one Promontorie to the other, not by [ 20] the Bayes: whereof North Island is esteemed to haue eleuen, East Island, twentie one, South Island sixe, and West Island seuentie.

Haraldus Pulcricomus * 3.254 swaying the Scepter in Norway, much neglected the chiefe Nobilitie of Norway: which the Noruegian Historie setteth downe at large, yet particular Histories of noble Families expulsed by Pulcricomus, more largely prosecute the same, as hereafter wee pur∣pose to write. For Pulcricomus not contented with Kingly authoritie, or chiefe soueraignetie, that is to say, with the right of Lawes, Magistracie, and appeale of Warre and Peace, challenged all vnto himselfe, by the right of a proprietarie. Insomuch, as very many chose rather to leaue their Countrey and rich inheritances, then to exchange their Generositie for slauerie and tri∣butes: for they thought it altogether vnworthy and ill beseeming their owne valour and their [ 30] ancestours. Hence, for the most part arose mutuall iniuries against the King, or the Kings par∣takers; as murdering of the Kings friends, allyes, or faction; then the exercises both at Sea and Land were rapines and robberies. From these noble Families therefore, refusing the violence of Harald, this our Island, with the neighbouring Ilands began first to be inhabited, and that almost by these steps and voyages.

* 3.255In the yeere of our Redemption 874. a certaine Inhabitant of Norway, one Ingulfus, going out of his Countrey, following the steps of Naddocus, Gardarus, and Floco mentioned before, was made Standard-bearer of the Inhabitants which were to bee conueyed into Island, and that vpon this occasion. Ingulfus was famous for his parentage and riches, whose father, called Orne, which signifieth an Eagle, was Duke of Fyrdafylce in Norway; the sister of Ingulfus was [ 40] Helga, a Virgin indued with all womanly ornaments, and his cousin germaine Leifus; who for a notable sword, which through his singular warlike prowesse he got in Ireland, was named Hior∣leifus. For Hir is a Sword. Moreouer, at that time among the Nobilitie of Norway, there were three naturall brothers, Hallstenn, Holmsten, and Herstenn; the sonnes of Atlas, or Atlantes, a certaine Baron of Norway: who bore certaine priuie grudges to the foresaid Ingulfus and Hiorlei∣fus; which presently after brake forth into cruell and bloudie slaughters. For when by chance they feasted together, after the manner of that age, they inioyned euery one to make some so∣lemne Vow. Herstenus therefore first vowed, that he would take Helga, Ingulfus sister to wife, or marrie none. Then presently Ingulfus vowed, that hee would admit none into his Fathers Inheritance with him, saue only Hiorleifus: meaning thereby that his sister Helga, by his consent should marry none but Hiorleifus (contrary to the vow of Herstenus for the marrying of her on∣ly.) [ 50] After that Helmstenus vowed, that if he were chosen Arbitrator betweene the aduerse par∣ties, he would by no meanes be compelled, to suffer an vniust sentence. And so the rest after them. Not long after succeeded the Vow of Ingulfus, for Hiorleifus tooke his Cousin Germane Helga to wife. For at that time the Marriages of Cousin Germanes were lawfull. From hence arose the extreame hatred, and enmitie of Herstenus, against the foresaid Hiorleifus, and Ingul∣fus:* 3.256 who therefore joyning with his Brother Holmstenn, with sixe ships filled with Souldiers, set vpon Hiorleifus vnawares, hauing but three ships only, preparing his Voyage into forreine Countreyes. Whose violence Hiorleifus a long time, and stoutly sustayning, holpen by a certayne friend comming in the meane-while, hauing slaine Herstenus got the vpper hand. But Holmste∣nus prouiding for himselfe by flight, and not a little exasperated and grieued through the violent [ 60] death of his Brother, after some few monethes, came with an armed power to Ingulfus and Hiorleifus to surprize them suddenly at home. Whereof they being certified by Spies, receiue him with an armed force, and kill him. Halstenus the third brother, wiser then the rest, who

consorted not with the vnjust routes of his Brethren, remayned yet aliue; to whose arbitrement Ingulfus with Hiorleifus commit the whole matter to be determined, holding him mindfull of his Vow, concerning equitie not so be violated. Halstenus therefore pronounceth his brother Her∣stenus to be iustly slaine: But not Hol••stenus who compelled through bitter griefe, desired to re∣uenge the death of his brother, by any slaughter whatsoeuer. For killing therefore of him, he com∣manded them both to be banished out of the Prouince of Fyrdafilse. They readily obey his award, to whom they willingly committed the censure, & with a purpose to leaue their Countrey, they sell their Lands and Possessions for mony and Merchandizes, and conceiue in their minds a worthy attempt of planting a strange people in a strange Country: and that not to gratifie Halstenus (with whom through this agreement they returned into fauour; with whom they might otherwise [ 10] easily haue contended in strength) but also for feare of Pulcricomus himselfe, raging against his Countrey, and innocent Countreymen, for the obtayning (as hath beene said) not only of the Monarchie, but Pampesia, of all their Possessions: nor was that to bee doubted, concerning the violence and oppression of Harald: for in the Historie of Haquinus Adalstenius his succeeding Sonne it is expresly read, that he was contented with Kingly authoritie, and restored to euery one their owne, which his Father vnjustly challenged vnto himselfe.

It was the yeere of Christ 870. wherein Ingulfus with Hiorleifus first visit Island, but they in∣habit it not presently, but foure yeeres after, in the yeere 874. as hath beene said:* 3.257 bringing ma∣ny Families thither.

Moreouer Ingulfus comming within view of the Iland, casteth the postes of the houses which [ 30] he had in Norway into the water, after the manner of Ethnickes accounting it for an Oracle, that that place was fatally chosen for his Habitation,* 3.258 which the postes cast out vpon the shoare should note or signifie. That custome many of the Norwegians retayned by turning vp the ground. But Ingulfus arriued not where he cast in the postes, but at the Promontorie of the South shoare (else-where erroniously, the West shoare) called by his name Ingulfhofde. Yet notwithstanding wanting the postes of the houses three whole yeers, at length he found them in that place, which is named Reychiarwich, and there he erected his Habitation. But Hiorleifus more estranged from Ethnick superstition, seated himselfe in the Promontorie Hirleifshofda; so called likewise from his name. There he built great houses: one of one hundred twentie six,* 3.259 and another of one hundred thirtie fiue feet long: who, the first yeere being ended, began to till the ground and sow seed. [ 30] In which worke, when he had exercised ten seruants or slaues, which hee brought with him out of Island, they fayned that Hiorleifus his labouring beast was slaine by a wilde Beare (for it was afterwards manifestly knowne, that Island hath no Beares, but such as came thither by chance) which when Hiorleifus (with a purpose of reuenge) sought in the next neighbouring Wood, he was deceitfully slaine by these slaues lying in ambush: together with some other companions which he tooke with him: the Seruants aswell rauishing the Wiues as spoyling the goods of the slaine; and flying into the Ilands not very farre distant from the shoare: which after of the same slaues, were called Westmafyar, because they were of Ireland. The Norwegians call the Irish, English, and Scots Westmen, that is, men of the West: seeing those Countries are distant from Norway, to the West. Ingulfus pursuing these Murtherers, set vpon them suddenly, and de∣stroyed [ 40] them euery man in the same Ilands, being much grieued in minde for the vntimely and cruell death of his deere friend and allyes.

But Ingulfus found and possessed Island altogether barren and desolate; on euery side beset with very thicke Woods, and scarsly fertile of any but Birches,* 3.260 so that hee was faine euery∣where to open the Woods with the Axe, for journeyes and habitation. Yet in the meane space, we might gather by certayne signes, I know not what Mariners had sometimes touched vpon certayne shoares of the Countrey, but not inhabited them. For Ingulfus found little sacring Bels and wooden Crosses,* 3.261 and other things made by the workmanship and arte of the Irish and Britaynes: but no tokens of culture, or habitation. Whereupon it is likely, that Irish, or Scottish Fishermen (as also the English at this day) accustomed to fish neere Island▪ as sometimes it com∣meth [ 50] to passe, went ashoare, and so by chance left sacring Bells and Crosses, the Vtensils of Chri∣stian Religion. For at that time the Irish were instructed in Christianisme as they sa••. And those whosoeuer were the ancient Islanders, they called Papa, or Papas: from whom, as seemeth probable to me, the Iland of East Island called Papey, deriued the name; because they were of∣ten wont to touch there: or their Monuments (such as I sayd) were chiefly found there.

This side of Island, to such as sayle from England, Ireland, and Scotland, is most exposed to∣wards the North-west. Moreouer, what and from whence these Papae, or Pappae came, I cannot sufficiently speake: vnlesse peraduenture from the Ilands of Scotland, whereof one is named Pappa, and another Westrapappa▪ as we may see in the Mappes: vnto which conjecture let euery [ 60] one giue what credit he pleaseth. Furthermore, very many of the Norwegians, afterwards bold∣ly following the steps of Ingulfus going into Island, with their wiues and children, and great mul∣titudes of their Kindred and friends, restored themselues to libertie. Whose names and large Families are recited in the Chronicles; as by the second Booke is vnderstood. Besides, it is there recounted what coasts, what shoares, what middle-land places euery one possessed: and at what

time: and also how the first Inhabitants gaue name to Straights, Bayes, Hauens, narrow straights of Land, Ferryes, Clyffes, Rockes, Mountaines, Hills, Vallies, rough and inaccessi∣ble Places, Fountaines, Flouds, Riuers, Villages, Farmes or Habitations: whereof at this day many are yet retained and in vse. Which Topography, supposing it would bee tedious, especial∣ly to a forraine Reader, I haue here omitted; applying my selfe rather to the description of the Inhabitants, who in sixtie yeeres space so replenished with their multitudes, the habitable parts of Island now possessed.

* 3.262Concerning the language of the Islanders, the matter it selfe speaketh, that it is the Norue∣gian; I say, that old and naturall speech, deriued from the ancient Gothish, which onely the Islanders now vse vncorrupted: and therefore we call it Islandish. Of the letters of which tongue [ 10] we will first speake somewhat: and afterwards in the Chapter following there shall be a short discourse of the originall thereof.

And surely that language seemeth to haue double letters: to wit, the Old, and New. The New, which commonly wee vse at this day, are common almost to all Europe together with vs. Which, when they first began to bee vsed is not certainely knowne. Surely as yet, some crosses written in ancient letters,* 3.263 are yet seene among our Country-men, which letters also ma∣ny yet know, and both reade, and write: and this naturall language it selfe is contained in the same, nothing at all changed. Moreouer it seemed good to mee, thus to present the name and shape of the ancient Characters, such surely as was offered vnto mee, placing the New or Com∣mon ouer against them, expressing the validitie thereof, adding also the agreement and discre∣pancie [ 20] of ours, with those of Vlphila, the Bishop of the Gothes: whom Iohannes Theodorus, and Iohannes Israel, brethren and Citizens of Francofurt, report to haue inuented these letters: by whose relation hee agreeth with vs in all things, saue where the disagreement shall bee noted here. Moreouer also, I thought it not amisse to set downe in writing the letters of certaine other Nations, to some of our Country letters, out of the same Francofurt copie, which the Types or Fi∣gure subscribed will demonstrate.

A	Ar	〈☐〉〈☐〉
b	Biarkan	〈☐〉〈☐〉
z	Knesol	〈☐〉〈☐〉 [ 30]
d	Stunginntyr	〈☐〉〈☐〉 or 〈☐〉〈☐〉 and Vlphila thus 〈☐〉〈☐〉.
e	Stunginn Is	〈☐〉〈☐〉
f	Fe	〈☐〉〈☐〉
g	Stunginn kaun	〈☐〉〈☐〉
h	Hagall	〈☐〉〈☐〉
i	Is	〈☐〉〈☐〉
k	Kaun	〈☐〉〈☐〉 [ 40]
l	Langur	〈☐〉〈☐〉 or 〈☐〉〈☐〉: Vlphila thus 〈☐〉〈☐〉: it is also 〈☐〉〈☐〉, the Moscouit L.
m	Madur	〈☐〉〈☐〉
n	Nand	〈☐〉〈☐〉 Vlphila thus 〈☐〉〈☐〉
o	Os	〈☐〉〈☐〉
p	Plastur	〈☐〉〈☐〉 Vlphila thus 〈☐〉〈☐〉
r	Reid	〈☐〉〈☐〉
s	Sol	〈☐〉〈☐〉 Vlphila thus 〈☐〉〈☐〉 [ 50]
t	Tyr	〈☐〉〈☐〉 Vlphila thus 〈☐〉〈☐〉
u	Vr	〈☐〉〈☐〉 Vlphila thus 〈☐〉〈☐〉
y	Yr	〈☐〉〈☐〉 Vlphila thus 〈☐☐〉〈☐☐〉 th. tha. of the Arabians
p	Puss	〈☐☐〉〈☐☐〉 the aethiopian 〈☐〉〈☐〉 d. dha. of the Arabians

Here wee see twentie one Characters, but the ancient numbred onely sixteene. And the third 〈☐〉〈☐〉, they would not acknowledge for theirs: because z. of the Greekes, that is to [ 60] say ts. or ds. (as they would haue it) they might write it in their language with distinct let∣ters. But the fourth 〈☐〉〈☐〉 from the eighteenth, they distinguish with some point, or an ouer∣thwart line, almost thus 〈☐〉〈☐〉: otherwise it is altogether the same in shape and name, Tyr, but d. Stungiun tyr, that is to say, pointed Tyr, as P▪ kaun. k. and pointed kaun P. g. So Is pointed for e.

but Plastur resembleth B. with both the bellies open aboue and beneath. Besides these, the rest are numbred sixteene, as I said. For they reckoned the Diphthongs to the Syllables.

Moreouer, it retained the last new Consonant of the old Alphabet, changed in name, but not in shape: which is p. This being set after a vowell in the same syllable, hath the sound of d. as Blap for Blad, which is a leafe: which kind of writing was more vsuall with the ancient, but at this day is almost growne out of vse: but being set before a vowell, it hath a peculiar force and pronunciation, not altogether Th▪ but sounding somewhat more grosly, as it were Tzh. putting forth the tongue almost between the fore-teeth: as pa, that is to say, then. In times past it had the name of Puss: at this day it is called Porn, or Thorn, if you put p. for th: and therefore it can∣not [ 10] be written or pronounced at all, but by it selfe.

They also of later time write the Consonant f. after this manner β. The Moderne Writers also doe sometimes aspirate L. N. R. the ancient very seldome, and almost neuer: as Hlutur in old time Lutur, that is, a thing. H••ijfur in times past (as also sometimes at this day) Kuijfur; that is to say, a Knife. Hru••ur▪ in old time Rutur, that is to say a Ram. In like manner sometimes Iod, and Vaf, or I. and n▪ Consonants: as Hiel, that is, a Wheele: Hualur, that is, a Whale: which also I thinke the ancient did concerning Iod, and Vaf.

In Vowels and Diphthongs, as also abbreuiations proper to this language, the varietie is farre [ 20] greater, which I purpose not to touch. Moreouer also, the due handling of the letters, as of the rest of the Etymologie and Syntaxis of this tongue, would bee the copious matter of a peculiar worke, especially if any would adde the Poetrie, purposing to write the Grammer of the Islandish tongue, which would bee no more difficult, then that wee haue seene done, concerning the Germane and French tongue, besides others.

About the yeere of the Lord 1216. one of our Country-men wrote in his Countrey language,* 3.264 concerning the letters of the proper, or mother tongue: where hee affirmeth these ancient Cha∣racters to be peculiar to this language, and handleth them both, as well new as old after a legiti∣mate and due manner of tractation, by his definitions and diuisions of the letters into Vowels and Consonants, and of the fiue Latine Vowels, maketh eighteene of his language, distinguished in sound and pronunciation: He diuideth the Consonants naturally into halfe Vowels, and Mutes, and those into Liquids and Firmes, these into open and shut; performing the part of a pretie Lo∣gician. And in deliuering the force and pronunciation of the letters, hee artificially assumeth for [ 30] euery definition all the Instruments of framing the voyce, as well the lungs and throat, as the auxiliary parts of the mouth and tongue. The letter p. also, he calleth the, peraduenture in imi∣tation of the Greeke Theta (which almost, as we said, although not altogether it expresseth) or Tau of the Hebrewes, which Hebrew letter, if th. or t. of the Latines rightly expresse, as is reported by some, Thau shall come nothing neerer to our p. then Theta. The same Country-man of ours, from absolute letters, proceedeth to set downe in writing, the figures of the word and sentence in the Mother tongue, and illustrate them with examples of our language, retaining the Greeke titles of the Figures, or names of Epizeusis, Anadiplosis, &c.

And from this Writer of our Countrey, we receiued the Types of the old Alphabet:* 3.265 for there [ 40] are Historicall fragments yet extant, concerning Norus the Name-giuer of Norway, and founder of the Kingdome, and those Toparchi, or little Kings, whom hee vanquished before hee obtained the Monarchie.

§. II. A discourse of the first Inhabitants of the Northerne World, supposed to be Giants expelled from Canaan. Of the Islanders Houses, Fewell, Victuall.

[ 50]

MOreouer concerning some of the ancestors of Norus:* 3.266 among whom his father Porre (whom they call Thorro) King of Gotland, Finland, and Kuenland: an excellent Prince of his age, from whom the moneth of the old Noruegians, and now Islanders hath the name of Thorre, which in the Iulian Calender beginneth the 10.11.12.13.14.15. or 16. of Ianuary: for it hath a moueable beginning after the manner of their Calender. And seeing King Thorro this month accustomed to sacrifice vnto his gods; the Kuenones instituted yerely sacrifices in the same month to him, being dead, as to a certaine god, in token of an happy yeere, which they began with the winter, after the maner of the old Lacedemonians; & called the same month Porre, [ 60] of Thorro; no otherwise then the Lacedemonians gaue diuine honor to Lycurgus being dead▪ building a Temple in memory of him, where hee was honoured for a god; to whom his familiar friends instituted set Feasting-dayes, and solemne assemblies which remained a long time, and the daies wherein the assemblies were celebrated, they called Lycurgidae: concerning which matter looke Cragius in his third booke of the Common-wealth of the Lacedemonians.

Of the Ancestors also of Norus, all are mentioned euen to his Great-grandfather, who was Fermotus King of Finland:* 3.267 Moreouer, one of the three sonnes of Fermotus, and therefore Great vncle of Norus, called Logie, which signifieth a flame; who for the excellencie of his beautie was called Halogie, that is to say, an high or excellent flame. Hee was Monarch of the Halongi∣ensian Prouince, bordering vpon the Prouince of Nidrosia.

* 3.268Goe also the daughter of Thorro, by the sister of Norus, is there recorded, for recouerie of whom, being stolne away (as Cadmus was sent by his father Agenor to seeke his daughter Europa) Norus was sent by his father Thorro: which, that it might more happily succeed, Thorro institu∣ted new sacrifices to the Gods, in the moneth next following the former (afterwards called Thorra) and intituled the same moneth with the name of Goa, after the name of his daughter [ 10] Goe: which name of the moneth likewise the Islanders that now liue doe yet retaine. Further∣more, ancient Histories make mention of Gorus, the naturall brother of Norus: as also the nephew of Gorus,* 3.269 named Gyluns, hauing the soueraigne authoritie in Suecia, in whose time Odinus hap∣pened to come (others call him Othinus) Standerd-bearer of the Asian Immigration, made in the foure and twentieth yeere before Christ was born, which we mentioned before: and Gyluns had a father called Geiterus, and an Vncle Beiterus, the sonnes of Gorus; from Beiterus, the Hauen neere the Citie Nidrosia, is named Beitstod.

I thought good to exhibit these things in a Table. [ 20]

• Fermotus King of Finland,
  • H••ur. The same also is Agier, which other-wise signifieth the Sea; hee is supposed an∣other Neptune, to haue do∣minion ouer the Sea.
  • Kare. That is to say, the Winde, for in the number of the Gods, af∣ter death, he is thought to be another Aeolus, to rule the Windes.
    • Froste. Otherwise called Iokul, both from the Frost and Cold.
      • ...Suaer.
  • Logi••. Signifieth a Flame, honoured in stead of Vulcan after death (as hauing power ouer the Fire) and for the excellency of his beautie was called Halogie, so named of the Prouince of Ha∣logaland•• [ 30] in Norway.

That is to say, S••••we: surnamed the Ancient, because hee is reported to haue liued three hundred yeeres▪ he left one sonne, and three daughters.

• Dryfa. A snowy shower.
• Porre. King of Goth∣land, Kuenland, and Finland.
  • Goe. A daughter.
  • Nor. Of whom Norway is named, and the first Monarch.
  • ...Gor. Beiter-Geiter.
    • Gylui. The said Asian immi∣gration happened in the time of this Gylui.
• Fanun. Signifieth Snowe ga∣thered together in thicke heapes by a Tempest.
• Miol. Is thin Snowe descending [ 40] without winde.

From this Norus, Haraldus Pulcricon••us is the twelfth of them that descended from the right Line, whom some make the first Monarch of Norway, but amisse, being ignorant of Antiquitie: seeing hee was the third Restorer of the Monarchy of Norway: for betweene him and [ 50] Norus, Hemngus the sonne of Odinus * 3.270 obtayned the Monarchy also.

These (I say) besides many other things, are the manifest tokens of the Inhabitants of the Northerne World, farre more ancient then the immigration of Odinus: of whose originall not∣withstanding, there is not one word. But because it is most repugnant to a Christian man, know∣ing the Bookes of Moses concerning Originals, to affirme themselues to be Autoch••••••a, as both others, but especially the Greekes did concerning their Ancestors (yet with better leaue then the rest of the people of Europe: who next to the Chaldoes, Egyptians, and Iewes, might worthily boast of Antiquitie in comparison of other people.) It were better truly to confesse the vnknown originall of Ancestors,* 3.271 then to be carried away with the opinion and error of Earth-bred men: [ 60] left surely wee should heare some such thing, as sometimes one wittily vpbraided the Grecians with, so much boasting by reason of their pretended selfe-originall, to wit, that Moses the Law giuer of the Iewes, was more ancient then the Gods of the Grecians.

In the meane space, because through the onely confession of ignorance or doubt, truth doth

not so soone appeare; some what is to be alleaged touching the proposed question: that the hi∣storicall Reader may haue some thing here which hee may either confu••e or confirme. Wee are therefore by probable reasons to inquire, who were the first inhabitants of the Northerne World, and from whence they came: then, when they began to inhabit this our World: that from hence some coniecture may arise concerning the originall of the language. And that I may here acquit my selfe without circumstances; I thinke the first inhabitants of the Northerne World, were of the number of Giants, nay, mere Giants; men that inhabited the mountaines of an huge and sometimes a monstrous body, and of monstrous and exceeding strength:* 3.272 and that they were the posteritie and remnant of the Canaanites, expulsed from the Territories of Pale∣stina, about the yeere of the World 2500. by Iosua and Caleb remoouing into Palestina through [ 10] Gods pleasure and direction: and that this Countrey of the World euen vntill those times, or peraduenture longer, remayned altogether not inhabited.

For thus Saxo Grammaticus argueth in the Preface of his Dania. But (sayth he) the stones of ex∣ceeding bignesse fastened to the Tombes and Caues of the ancient, testifie that the Countrey of Den∣marke was sometimes troubled with the inhabiting of Giants. But if any doubt, that it was done by monstrous strength; let him looke vp to the high tops of certayne Mountaynes, and say, if he know it well, who hath brought Rockes of such huge greatnesse to the tops thereof? For euery one that considereth this Miracle, shall perceiue that it is beyond common opinion, that the simple labour of mortalitie, or v∣suall force of humane strength should rayse so huge a weight (hardly, or not at all moueable vpon the plaine ground) to so high a top of mountaynous sublimitie.

[ 20] This Saxo writeth, who shall be a sufficient Author vnto vs concerning the first Inhabitants of Denmarke, that is to say, his owne Countrey. So concerning Norway and Suecia, and the bor∣dering Countreyes, as whatsoeuer is most ancient; so it most resembleth a Giant-like disposi∣tion and nature. Whereof examples are to be taken out of Histories,* 3.273 which would bee tedious here. For that I may omit ancient examples, those things are knowne of late memory to haue beene done: Concerning the Giant Doffro, inhabitant of the Mountayne Doffraefiall in Nor∣way; and Foster-father of Haraldus Pulcricomus King of Norway. Also concerning Dunubo who liued in the time of Droffon: from whom the Bay Boddick or Bothnicke: in time past was called Dumbshaff, who in a Sea-fight, encountring eighteene Giants alone, sent twelue of them [ 30] first to Hell before he himselfe was slaine. Of thirtie Giants at once destroyed by fire, by Dum∣bos Sonnes left, in reuenge of their Fathers death. There is yet a later example of certayne Giants of Norway, destroyed by authoritie of Olaus Triggo King of Norway, about the yeere of Christ 995. But the latest in the yeere 1338. Magnus the Sonne of Ericus,* 3.274 being King of Nor∣way, that a Giant of fifteene Cubits was slaine by foure men: as it is found recorded in the Chro∣nicles. Hereunto adde, that a certayne Prouince of Norway, or bordering vpon Finmauchia, in ancient time was called Risalande, that is to say, the Land of Giants (for En R••se, and Rese, sig∣nifie a Giant) from whence Iotum Heimar, that is, the habitation of Giants is not farre dissonant (whereupon as yet, En Iaet, is said to be a Giant) that I may speake nothing heere of Iotumland: by which name, that which at this day is called Iijtland,* 3.275 was sometimes called by our Countrey [ 40] men, and very many other also, the Land of the Cimbri, or Chersonesus: the same name also be∣ing giuen it of Kemper, that is, fighting Giants of Nephilheimar, and Karnephill, else-where, and peraduenture by others shall be spoken, as also of the Gotthes, and Getts (peraduenture also Ietts) and such like others. Moreouer, the remnant of the Giants came into Island, whose Names, Habitations, worthy Acts and Enterprizes, are sufficiently knowne, and before our eyes. See∣ing therefore Giants first inhabited this our World; it is demanded, when, or whence they came?

Gilb. Genebrand. Chronol. Lib. 1. The first Age, sayth hee, (from the Creation of the World vnto the Floud) seemeth to haue beene passed and spent within the mid-lands of the World, and that they came not to the borders of Asia, Africa, and Europe. Bodinus sayth, that Moses wrote the Historie of the whole World (he meaneth inhabited) euen to the yeere of the World, 2450. [ 50] And Genebrand againe, Lib. 1. Chronol. pag. 11. As the first Originall of Mankind was in Ar∣menia, Mesopotamia, Chaldaea, and Syria: and men before the Floud dwelt only there: so other Coun∣treyes themselues, were first inhabited after the Floud. Also Genebrand sayth yet further, ibid. pag. 35. Before three thousand yeeres (for hee wrote in the yeere of Christ 1597.) almost all Europe was emptie, that is, about the yeere of the World 2541. which is chiefly to bee vnderstood of the Northerne World, if of the rest of Europe. But hee said, almost, not altogether, that hee might not take away the migrations of the Nations then presently beginning after the yeere of the World 2500. wee doe not therefore tye the time (wherein this further Europe began to bee inhabited) to the yeere of the World 2500. But wee say, that that troublesome time wherein [ 60] the Nations (and among them the Giants of Canaan) were cast out of their places and dwel∣lings, and compelled to seek new habitations, euen in Europe, happened in this yeere; as was pro∣posed by vs in the beginning. And that Europe receiued her Inhabitants from hence, among the Ancient, Procopius is my Author, a Writer borne at Caesaria of Palaestina, Collector of the wor∣thy Acts of Iustinianus, about the yeere of the Lord 530. who to proue this very thing, allea∣geth

diuers Writers of the Historie of the Phoenicians. The words of Procopius are these, in his fourth Booke of the Warres of the Vandalls, not in one place only, cited by D. Cythraeus: out of the which, among other things, I gather mine opinion. The Hebrewes (saith Procopius) af∣ter they returned out of Egypt, and remayned still in the borders of Palaestina, Moses (who led them in their iourney) dieth: whom Iosua the sonne of Nun succeeded, who also brought the people into Palaestina, and shewing strength and courage far beyond the nature of man, obtayned the Country; where∣by destroying Nations, he easily vanquished many Cities, seeming inexpugnable vnto all. Then therefore all the Countrey vpon the Sea-coast, from Sidon euen to the borders of Egypt, was called Phoenicia: ouer which one long since raigned; as all witnesse, who writ the ancient History of the Phoenicians; here great multitudes of people dwelt: the Gergasites, Iebusites, and others named in the Hebrew Volumes, [ 10] who when they saw the Armie of the strangers to be inexpugnable, leauing their Country bounds went into Egypt next adioyning, and there increasing in number and posteritie, when they found not sufficient, and conuenient place for so grat a multitude, they entred into Africa, where inhabiting very many Cities, they possessed all that Coast, euen vnto the Pillers of Hercules, vsing the halfe Phoenician Tongue and Dia∣lect, and built the Towne Tingen in Numidia, most strongly fortified in the situation thereof: where two Pillers of white stone are erected neere the great Fountayne, whereon in the Phoenician Language these Letters are ingrauen. Nos sumus Cananaei, quos fugauit Iesus Latro. For Iosua in the Hebrew is Iesus. This Procopius writeth, to which purpose the Historians of the Hebrewes are cited by Ge∣nebrand: Iosua (saith he) partly expelled the Canaanites; and partly slue them. The remnant of these are reported to haue gone into Germany, Sclauonia, and the next adioyning Countreyes, &c. Into Se∣der [ 20] Olam, &c. Also: And surely in that Age, that the whole West was emptie and vnpeopled, saue that the Nations of the East came by little and little into the Countreyes thereof, it appeareth by the often in∣fusions. This Genebrand writeth. And Bodinus Method. Hist. chap. 9. The Canaanites being cast out of the Land of Palaestina, by the Hebrewes, went into Illyricum and Pannonia (to wit, by those migrations and remoues, which out of the place before alleadged by Procopius, wee vnderstand) as Rabbi Dauid Kimchi witnesseth at the end of Abdias.

* 3.276The ancient Islander seeme to haue beene ordayned for great frugalitie, wherein first their habitations or buildings are briefly to be touched, next their food and manner of apparell: and lastly, the rest of the exercises of their common life.

For first as touching their habitations, the Islanders haue followed the first and most ancient [ 30] manner of dwelling. To wit, not by Cities and Townes; but as Tacitus speaketh of the Ger∣manes of his time, they dwelt asunder, as a Field, as a Fountayne, as a Wood, as an Hill, or Val∣ley, Shoare, or Bay of the Sea pleased them: Not only imitating here the example of the first Age of the World, but also of the latter Age: as the people of Athens and Laconia, in the begin∣ning dwelt by Villages (as they write) not together or by Cities: and as in the time of Tacitus, about the yeere of Christ 120. with the Germanes there was no vse of Mortar nor Tyles: (whereupon any man may rather judge the like concerning the Northerne World) so, nor after, with the Islanders, but they built their houses with Timber and Turffe. Nor surely was it mo∣mentany worke which lasted but a while,* 3.277 nor yet deformed in shew, the walls were sometimes made only of Turffe, sometimes of rough Stones, adding Turffe in stead of Mortar: which af∣terwards [ 40] they couered with workmanship of plankes, as also the raftering it selfe; especially in more notable buildings. And so you might see the Roofe with the walls before mature old age ouer-growne with greene grasse euery yeere, for you must vnderstand, that the Roofe and walls were couered with greene Turfe. Windowes were made in the Roofe, seldome in the walls, and certayne Roofes not very high, such as is reported the building of houses with the Easterne people was wont to be. The Inhabitants had store of Timber, cast vpon the shoare by the swel∣ling of the waues of the Sea; through the miraculous testimonie of Gods Prouidence, conside∣ring their Woods at home yeelding plentie, as I thinke only of Birches, were not sufficient for their huge houses: which yet were a great helpe also; with those which the Inhabitants, as oft as they would, fetched out of bordering Norway, and peraduenture also out of Groneland: for the [ 50] Islanders sayled yeerely to both a long time. Euery one therefore had the houses of their Villa∣ges almost joyning together on their ground: besides the stalls of their Herds, seated some di∣stance from the houses themselues.* 3.278 Also certayne piles of fuell, not altogether joyning together, to auoid the danger of fire: peraduenture also certayne store-houses, which being solitary, might better receiue the Ayre and drying winds.

Some maintayned their fires with home-growing Wood: others with clammie Turfe (as I thinke H. Iunius aptly calleth it) whereof there are two kindes with vs:* 3.279 the one soft and spongie, growing vnder the superficies of the Earth; which wee call Su••rd••r: Another more thicke, and therefore more weightie; which peraduenture wee may very well call digged Turfe, by the opinion of the same Iunius: because it is taken out of the deepe Quarries or Mines, dig∣ged [ 60] a great depth out of the Earth. And both kindes of Turfe (but this much more) must bee first baked with the Sunne and winde, before it be fit to burne. This latter kind we, as also some of the Germanes call it Torff: the inuentor whereof in the Orchades a certayne Orchadensian Duke is said to be; one Einarus the Sonne of Rangu••aldus a Norwegian Duke of M••re, in the

time of Pulcricomus King of Norway, who was therefore called Torffeinarus. He had a brother called Rolfuo, whom Crantzius nameth Rollo, who possessed part of France, afterwards called Normandie of the Normans, or Noruegians. The Inhabitants chiefly wanted fewell to expell the distemper of cold, besides other vses sufficiently knowne: especially in the Winter time,* 3.280 when Hot-houses and Chimneyes are in vse, heaped together of Rocks and stone, through which the flame might easily breake forth; which as soone as through the force of the fire they were throughly heat, and when the Hot-house began now to leaue smoking, the cold parts of the Chimney were besprinkled with hote glowing stones: by which meanes heate vseth effectually to disperse it selfe throughout the whole house, which also is very well so preserued by the wall, [ 10] and Roofe couered with Turfe.

Yet lest the Islanders might seeme through meere pouertie or want of knowledge, to haue v∣sed rude buildings and poore houses;* 3.281 I can cal to remembrance certayne houses of an hundred and twentie sixe foot long, and some of one hundred thirie fiue, as I haue before declared concerning the buildings of Ingulfus: and some of one hundred and twentie feet in length, and sixtie feet broad: whereof we shall hereafter speake; some also, whose hollowed rafters, and boarded seeling of the walls carued by art, report the ancient Histories, of worthy and memorable Acts. They therefore inclosed their habitations built after this manner, with certayne spaces of fruit∣full fields ordayned for tillage, which spaces through toylesome labour, they afterwards com∣passed about with a banke cast vp, to keepe out the Heards of cattle. Moreouer, suff••cient huge [ 20] pastures were assigned to euery Farme or plot of ground, diuided by certayne limits, or inclo∣sures from others, whereof we shall speake in the eight Chapter. And euery Farme or Habita∣tion for the most part, and in like manner euery plot of ground receiued the name from the first Founders: sometimes also from some other: so Mountaynes and Riuers as hath beene aduer∣tized before; so that by this meanes the places themselues, euen by their names only declared to all posteritie their first Inhabitants, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

I proceede from buildings to their victuals, and tillage of the field and ground,* 3.282 which part∣ly succeeded well to the first Inhabitants, to procure Corne and fruit from thence: but I know not whether euery where alike. Yet in the meane space, that Hiorleifus mentioned before, exerci∣sed his slaues in tillage of the ground: and one Gunnerus of Lidarenda, sowing his Seed,* 3.283 was [ 30] wounded by the enemie on the ball of the cheeke: and likewise Hoschuldus Huitarnesgode busi∣ly imployed in sowing the Seed, was slaine. Hence from the fields there are proper names of cer∣tayne places. Hence came that Law concerning the gathering together, and carrying of Corne after Haruest (where they speake of the seruices which the Lawyers call praediall.) All which are manifest tokens of the tillage of the ground, amongst the first Islanders: which also, euen vnto this day, I heare, is practised by some Inhabitants of South Island, but with lesse increase: the ground and temper of the Ayre degenerating from the first goodnesse thereof after so many Ages: peraduenture also the care of the Husbandmen beeing lesse diligent, may bee the cause; since Corne comming from forreigne parts began more to be in vse. And because that tillage of the ground seemed in the beginning either not vsed of all, or lesse [ 40] fruitfull for Corne, and all manner of graine; a peculiar manner of tillage of the ground pre∣sently began: whereby they compassed with dunge those fields or spaces, which I said they in∣closed within their owne circuit, especially with kowes dunge, at the mowing of the best hay, to the intent they may the betterfeed the Heards; and especially the Kine, that they might yeeld the more plenty of Milke. Which tillage of the ground is yet retayned: and they only exercise thesame for the most part, almost by mid-land Inhabitants: seeing such as dwel vpon the Sea-coast liue most by fishing: whither also those more remote or mid-land people yeerely send their Seruants to fish▪ Both Plaines, that is to say, the ground and the Sea, was to bee ploughed after a sort by the Islanders, for the comforts of life. To whom besides insteed of victuals, Sheep, Oxen, Swine and Kiddes, sufficiently abounded: and also fishes of diuers kindes, besides Sea-fish out of the Flouds, Lakes and Riuers, they met with euery where:* 3.284 so that they [ 50] might take them as it were out of a certayne weele, especially in that Age: also Milke and White-meate, with goodly plentie of Butter from the Heards of cattle. Besides Fowle in great number, some tame, as Hennes and Domesticall Geese, or Fowle of another kind liuing in the open Ayre, wandring also solitarily in Mountaynous places: which the posses∣sors marked in the feet, that euery-one might more easily demand his owne. They had others also not tame, which they tooke by certayne ginnes: as Geese and Duckes of the Medow, Par∣tridges, and Swannes: and very many Sea-fowle, whose names and properties I doe not know. But Fowle of either kind tame or wilde, they either presented their Egges or themselues, or both, for the vse of men. Besides the naturall Drinke or pressed Whay of Milke (where∣of [ 60] the great plentie is so much the better, as the Milke is more excellent:* 3.285 so that halfe an ounce of water mixed with an ounce of Whay, doth not wholly diminish the taste thereof; but that it relisheth more of the Whay then of the water) they also boyled Barley Flowre, some∣times adding thereto the Honey Combe, or Water mingled with Honey: sometimes also a Liquour made of certayne Berries growing heere. Moreouer, the ancient Islanders,* 3.286

brought in drinke made of Corne, from forreigne parts, as also all manner of graine, and other things: for they were furnished with ships of their owne, wherewith they yeerely visited at their pleasure, Denmarke, Norway, Suecia, Scotland, Saxonie, England, and Ireland.

Our ancient Islanders wanted not honest Banquetings and meetings: and that surely with∣out miserable sparing, whether we respect the number of the guests, or the time of the Ban∣quets exhibited. For Theodorus and Thorualdus, brethren, and Citizens of Hialtaedat of North Island, solemnizing the Funerals of their Father Hialta, made a Banquet for fourteene dayes to∣gether, of twelue hundred persons, presenting the men of better note with some gift. And an Inhabitant of West Island, surnamed Olaus Pa, with his two brethren, were at the charge to banquet nine hundred men, euen for fourteene dayes space; not sending the chiefe men away [ 10] without reward.

I find money was not vsuall with the Islanders, I meane, those of ancient time: but siluer was weighed by the ballance: and bartering of Merchandizes was very commonly vsed. Moreouer, Rings of Gold, and Bracelets, were both often sent for tokens of remembrance from Superiours to priuate men, or from one friend to another.

§. III. Of their Politie, and Religion in old times. [ 20]

THe Islanders going about to establish an Aristocratie, or State of Nobilitie (consi∣dering they dwelt scattered in the Countrey,* 3.287 and not together) first diuided their Citie into Fourths or Tetrades, named from the foure principall quarters of the World, and distinguis••ed besides by setting of bounds (such also as was the Geographicall partition of the Iland it selfe, mentioned before at the end of the first Chapter) diuided into North, East, South, and West quarter. And againe, they diuided the Fourths into Thirds, except the North quarter: For this, as it was larger then the rest, was parted into Fourths. But these Thirds they subdiuided againe into their parts: some Tenths and others somewhat otherwise. For the which not finding a fit name, I haue retay∣ned the proper name of the Countrey, that which with them is Hreppar, wee may counterfeit∣ly [ 30] call Reppae: vnto the which also we may imagine no vnapt Etymon, from the word Repo. For here was the first 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 of them that executed any publike Office, for equitie ei∣ther of opinion and judgement, and the equall ballancing of mindes, to be preserued in the rest of the Magistrates, worthily ought to begin there, vnlesse any would rather thinke they had re∣spect heere vnto Reeb, that is to say, Coards, with the which the diuision was made, after the most ancient manner of the Hebrewes themselues. Euery Reppa regularly contayned twentie In∣habitants at the least (for oftentimes it contayned more) limited by a certayne increase of the wealth of their Family, vnder which they might not be reckoned to the poorer Reppes; to the richer they might.

Moreouer in euery Third, as also in the Fourths of the North Tetrade, (which Iurisdictions [ 40] in times past they called Pyng, at this day also Syslu herad) they appointed three more famous places consecrated to the Seat of Iustice and Iudgements; besides also dedicated to Ethnicke Sa∣crifices,* 3.288 which they call Hoff: we call them Holy Places, and Temples. Euery Chappell after the manner of this Countrey was sumptuously built: whereof wee reade of two, of one hun∣dred and twentie foot long. One in the Iurisdiction of Washdall of North Island: the other in Rialarnes of South Island: and this surely sixtie foot broad. Moreouer, euery such holy place had a kind of Chappell adjoyning. This place was most holy. Heere stood the Idols and Gods made with hands,* 3.289 vpon a low stoole or a certayne Altar; about which the cattle which were to be sacrificed vnto them, were orderly placed. But the chiefe and middlemost of the Gods was Iupiter, by them called Por, from whom these Northerne Kingdomes yet call Thors day Thors∣dagh.* 3.290 [ 50] The rest of the Gods were collateral vnto it; whose certayne number, and names I haue not heard. Yet in the ancient forme of oath (whereof mention shall be made hereafter) three besides Thorus, are specially noted by name: Freyr, Niordur and As: whereof the third, to wit As, I thinke to be that famous Odinus, not accounted the last among those Ethnicke Gods (of whom I made mention before) Synecdochically called As: because hee was the chiefe of the people of Asia, who came hither into the North: for in the singular number they cal∣led him As, which in the plurall they called Aesar, or Aeser. This Odinus, as aforesaid, for his notable knowledge in Deuillish Magicke; whereby like another Mahomet, hee affected a Diuinitie after his death, was reckoned among the number of the Gods: from whom at this day, Wednesday, is called Odens Dagur, the day of Odinus: whereupon peraduen∣ture, [ 60] I shall not vnaptly call Odin Mercurie, as Thor Iupiter. Yet the ancients honou∣red Odin in the place of Mars: and such as were slaine in the warres, they say were sacri∣ficed to Odin. And the companions, or Sonnes of Odin were Freyr and N••ordur: who

through the same artes which their Father or Prince Odinus practised, obtayned an opinion of Diuinitie. I haue before aduertised you, that chiefly in the North Countrey, Kings, after their death, are honoured for Gods. But the worshipping of them hath not yet come vnto the Islan∣ders: wherefore we will speake nothing of them in this place.

Before that seate of the Gods placed in the foresaid Temples, stood an Altar erected,* 3.291 couered aboue with Iron, that it might not be hurt with fire, which must bee continually there. A Cal∣dron also or brasen vessell was set vpon the Altar, to receiue the bloud of the sacrifices,* 3.292 with an holy water sticke or sprinkle, to bedew the standers by with the bloud of the sacrifices.

Besides, on the Altar a siluer Ring was kept (or of copper) of twentie ounces, which being anointed with the bloud of the sacrifices, they who executed any office pertayning to Iustice,* 3.293 [ 10] being now readie to take their oath, religiously handled while they were sworne. Foure-footed beasts, for the most part, were appointed for sacrifices;* 3.294 to bee conuerted to the food of the Sa∣crificers. Although in the meane space, I finde (a lamentable matter) that the blinde Ethnicks in the foresaid place of Rialarnes vsed also humane sacrifices: where at the doore of the Temple,* 3.295 was •• very deepe Pit, wherein the humane sacrifices were drowned; which Pit was called Blotkell∣da, from the Sacrifice.

Also in West Island, in the Prouince of Thornsthing: in the middle of the Market place there was a round circle, into the which, men appointed to be sacrificed to the Gods, were gathered:* 3.296 who being violently smitten against an exceeding great stone set there, were cruelly slaine. The indignitie whereof, that stone is reported to haue declared many ages after, by the bloudy co∣lour, [ 30] which no shower of raine, or water, could euer wash away. An abominable crueltie surely, yet not wanting examples, deriued euen from the most ancient times. I omit those of later time, and found in the neare bordering Countries, as the humane sacrifices of the French, whereof Ci∣cero pro Fonteio, speaketh: and also the custome of nearer bordering Countries. I doe not menti∣on the Roman sacrifices: among which, Luperca Valeria, appointed to be sacrificed, was deliue∣red from present death by an Eagle. Let the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and sacrificing of noble Virgins of the Greekes, not be rememb••ed: with whom Helena was likewise freed from imminent perill of sa∣crificing, by the benefit of an Eagle. But who is it, that can be ignorant of Benhennon or Gehen∣non of the Hebrewes, and their crueltie farre greater then this, exercised not vpon slaues or guiltie persons, but euen vpon their dearest children? Concerning which matter I thought good to set [ 30] downe the wordes of Christoph. Adricomus Delphus. Gehennon, saith he, was a place in the sub∣urbs of Ierusalem ouer against the East, vnder the Mountayne of Offence, neare the Fish poole of the Fuller, most pleasant, like Tempe. In this Valley stood a Pauilion, and the brasen Idol of Moloch, cun∣ningly wrought in the shape of a King, b••llow within; whose head resembling a Calfe, the other parts a man, had armes stretched forth to sacrifice children: who through the vehement heat of the Idol, were burned amidst those cursed embracements: For when by the fire put vnder in the concauity of the Idoll, it became all fiery, then the most wicked parents, with incredible crueltie, deliuered their dearest chil∣dren, to wit, their Sonnes and Daughters to be burned within these detestable embracements. And least the miserable cry of the children in horrible torment being heard, might moone the bowels of the parents, the Priests of Moloch filled the ayre and skie on euery side with the harsh sound of Trumpets,* 3.297 and striking [ 40] vp of Drummes, so long as the sacrifice continued. Whereupon also the place was named Tophet, which signifieth a Drumme. This Adricomus writeth. And least any might thinke, that the common people onely of the Iewes became thus blinde; behold Kings: Ahaz, 2. King. 16. 2. Paralip. 28. Manasses there in the 21. and 33. where also the ancient custome of the Nations may bee alleaged.

But that crueltie, and those sacrifices of Saturne seeme not to haue continued long with the Islanders: and surely, they were vsed no where else, saue in the two places assigned. Nor yet of all the Inhabitants of that Prouince, where it was exercised. For it is reported of Hi••rleifus, the companion of ••ugulfus before mentioned, that he altogether abhorred the worshipping of Idols. And Helgo also surnamed Biola, descended from the Barons of Norway, an inhabitant of the Pro∣uince [ 50] of Rialarues fauoured the Ethnick Religion but a little: for he receiued an Irish man, a ba∣nished Christian, into his neighbourhood; one named Ornulfus, with his families (which came with him:) and did not onely receiue him, but also permitted him to build a Church consecra∣ted to Saint Columbe, in the Village of Escuberg. A yong man also of the same Prouince, called Buo, destroied that most accursed Temple of humane sacrifices with fire, and burned all the Gods, although afterward it was repaired by the Proprietors.

Moreouer, Torchillus surnamed Mane (it may bee because hee honoured the Moone, called Mane, and the rest of the Starres, with more Religion then the rest) a man of a very vpright life, and famous among the Nobilitie of Island, a little before the agonie of death, caused him∣selfe [ 60] to bee set forth ouer against the Sunne, and openly admiring the workmanship of Heauen, and the whole World, commended his Soule departing when he was readie to die, to that God who created the Sunne, and the rest of the Starres. He liued about the yeere of Christ 970. The same, or the like may be reported of very many others, while Ethnicisme yet continued. As of Hallerus a certaine inhabitant of South Island: who, because hee followed not the worship of

Idols, was called Godlaus, that is to say, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as was also his sonne Helgo.

* 3.298The publique Offices, some of them are distinguished from hence; others haue their originall from some other place. Those which are taken from hence, are a Reppagogie (that I may deuise a word) and the administration of Prouinces, to wit, as that partition into Reppes, and Prouinces, ended as it were in sundrie species, but both had some kinde of gouernment ioyned with it. For aswell the Reppagogi (for so I may call the Masters of Reppes) as the prouinciall Gouernours, pro∣claimed Assemblies, established Iudgements (euery one in their Court) and punished the guiltie: whereby it is euident that they also vsed the Law of Appeale in forren Causes (for in their own, euen priuate men had libertie of Appeale) so that I need not doubt that the Reppagogi also were comprehended vnder the Title of a Magistrate. Who is defined by Bodinus to bee Hee, that hath [ 10] part of a publique gouernment.* 3.299 Metho. hist. cap. 16. I added, saith he, the word Publique, that it might be distinguished from the gouernment of a Master, or a Father. If therefore any would desire a more perfect distinction of a Magistrate, it should be such: A Magistrate is inferior, or superior. The inferior is a Reppagogie or Gouernour of fiue men, which fiue inhabitants chosen for gouernment of the Reppes, vsed in euery Reppe, whom we are here compelled to call Reppago∣gie, and The fiue men, they call them Hreppflior ar, appointed first for their wisedome and inte∣gritie, next for the possession of immoueable goods; vnlesse concerning this latter, it seeme good to doe otherwise, by the common opinion.

* 3.300Moreouer, the Office of the Reppagogi, is limited by the care of the Poore. But that which the care of the Poore required, euery one within the bounds of their Reppe, endeuored to attaine [ 20] by these two meanes. First, that they should prouide, that none should bee suddenly brought to extreme pouertie: as much surely as consisteth in mans pollicy. Secondly, how they might prouide for such as were become Beggars, to be maintayned by the common aide.

And surely, they attempted the first part of their office three manner of wayes: first, by ma∣king Lawes against such as through their owne fault (speaking after the manner of men) be∣came beggars:* 3.301 of which sort are those, titul. de exhaeredandis, cap. 3. Parentibus mendicis natus, & ipse h••stiatim victum quaerendo educatus (nisi morbo affectus) hareditatem nullam adito &c. that is to say, So long as he liueth from doore to doore: The 18. chapter of the same; and the first three yeere, next from the time of begging, cap. 20. Least any vnder a feigned shew of vertue, should deceiue and abuse the Lawes. Also, Altera lex de eiusmodi mendicis impunè castrandis, e∣tiamsi [ 30] cum eorundem nece coniunctum foret, titul. de pupillis, cap. 33. to wit, Lest liuing from doore to doore, they might beget children like vnto the parents, which afterwards should be a burden to the Commonwealth. Also, a third Law, De ijsdem mendicis non alendis, titul. de mendicis cap. 39.63. (not repugnant to the commandement of the Apostle, Hoe that laboureth not, let him not eate, 2. Thes. 3.) and of not receiuing them, so much as into their house, cap. 45. of the same: a grieuous penaltie being inflicted, if any offended against this Law; in the same place.

By which Decree, what other thing I pray you is meant, then the custome of the Athenians in times past? among whom the Areopagitae inquired of the particular Citizens, by what art e∣uery one liued; and prouided to haue them called in question, who gaue themselues to filthy and slothfull idlenesse? What other thing, I say, then what was meant by the Decree of the [ 40] Massilienses, who forbad them to enter their Citie, who knew no arte whereby to sustaine their life? and lest any should practise either vnprofitable or dishonest artes: they gaue no place to Players, counterfeit Iesters, laughing Companions, sawcy Scoffers and Iugglers. To conclude, What other thing, then what the Decree of Solon meant, who ordayned a Law, that the chil∣dren should owe no thanks nor fauour to their parents, by whom they had beene instructed in no honest arte to get their liuing? The ancient World had so great and vehement prouocations vnto Vertue, euen with our Countrimen, which in this last age (ah, too degenerate) you may finde wanting with griefe; all these Constitutions being taken away. Wherefore the number 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (that I may vse the word of Paul) is more abundantly increased,* 3.302 that is to say, of them, who being void of all discipline, liue infamous to themselues, and grieuous and trouble∣some [ 50] to their common Countrey, in slothfull and filthy idlenesse, inuerting and changing that order instituted by God himselfe. The care of which thing, if the Magistrate would yet vnder∣take, surely many should fare the better.

The second meanes and way of preuenting pouertie, was a Law or Edict, concerning those who desired to be admitted into a Reppe, or become Citizens of Reppes. For none was to be recei∣ued into a Reppe, vnlesse hee had first gone vnto the solemne assembly of that Reppe, and desired that he might be admitted;* 3.303 which they might not iustly denie, vnlesse to one conuicted of theft, or otherwise of some other crime, or so poore, that therefore hee was vnfit for the Reppes, and that hee could not sustaine himselfe and his family without the common almes of the beggars. But if any could not be present at this assembly, hee was bound to intreat leaue of cohabitation [ 60] of fiue inhabitants, hauing lands of their owne, and next vnto him, whom hee was about to goe vnto. If any of honest fame and rich in abilitie, would notwithstanding goe into the Reppes without demanding leaue, he retayned his habitation, but yet was excluded from the Law and priuiledges of the Reppes. But if any wicked and dishonest person had thrust himselfe in with∣out

leaue (although he had lawfully hired void and emptie land from the Lord and Owner ther∣of) the same was to be expelled by force: Titulus de Reppis cap. 48. To the same purpose apper∣taineth that Edict concerning seruants taken out of the Rep. cap. 47. of the same.

The third Statute against pouertie was, concerning the restitution of priuate losse in the title recited before cap. 47. whereof an example shall bee giuen, first in houses by chance consumed by fire: and those of foure sorts. For if a Store-house, Kitchin, Bed-chamber, or Bed, and Chappel had been burned; the losse receiued was to be valued within fourteene dayes, by fiue of the next neighbours, as well of the house it selfe, as of the most necessary things contained therein: as of the prouision of victuals, apparell, and houshold-stuffe daily vsed onely, properly belonging to the Master of the family, excluding other mens goods, as treasures, and other things more precious; [ 10] because a man might bee a sufficient Citizen of Reppes without these. Then the halfe part of the losse valued by the whole Reppe, was to bee restored within an appointed time, by Subsidies con∣tributed in common, according to the abilitie of euery Inhabitant. Another example of this li∣beralitie enioyned by the Lawes, is, concerning Cattle destroyed by the Murren or Rot: for if the fourth part of any mans Cattle, or more dyed, the losse likewise being valued within four∣teene dayes after the Murren ceased, was to bee releeued by common supplies for the halfe part, as the former was. But concerning both, there was a caution added, that this benefit should not be performed the fourth time; least any thing through too much carelesnesse, and retchlesse negli∣gence, should procure damage to himselfe, De Reppis cap. 47. & 48.

The other part of the Office of the Reppagogi was imployed about the care of the poore, con∣cerning [ 20] the maintaining of such with certaine contribution of almes as were now become beg∣gers, either through sicknesse or age, or other casualties not in their owne power: and also concer∣ning the excluding of others, who should not appertaine vnto the almes, and diuers cases there∣unto belonging. This almes was either priuate or publike. Priuate, for the which a law was made concerning the receiuing of the beggers, into the number of their family by their kindred,* 3.304 or cousins, one or more, inabled by a certaine increase of wealth limitted by law, and to bee maintained by certaine lawes, according to the degree of hereditarie succession: For as any was next to the inheritance of the begger, if hee possessed goods, so was hee accounted the first that should sustaine him. But the next degree failing, or the same being poore, or not hauing where∣with [ 30] to maintaine himselfe and his, besides that begger, that necessitie was imposed vpon the se∣cond, or third degree of kindred, &c. to be releeued.

Publike almes was, as often as the kindred or cousins of the beggar failed, they liued by the helpe and reliefe of the Reppes: euery one was to bee maintained in his Repp; whereof there are prescript constitutions of lawes, to wit, what beggars should belong to what Repp, and what not; and concerning the driuing away and expelling of them by processe of law, who appertaine not thereunto. Therefore the Reppagogi partakers of a publike Office limited with these bounds, proclaimed assemblies: Some surely both in time and place, standing, or ordinary: others not standing, or extraordinary; that is to say, as often as any new matter came pertaining to their charge to bee determined. Also priuate men might call extraordinary assemblies, to wit, they [ 40] who had any cause worthy of an assembly and iudgement. But the signe and token of hauing an assembly (after the thousand yeere, when they had now sworne to the Christian Faith, perad∣uenture before Iupiters Hammer and battle Axe, Hamor pors) was according to the religion of that time, a woodden Crosse, which euery Inhabitant carryed to his neighbour at the day, place, and occasion of the assembly proclaimed, of which signe intermitted or neglected, a certaine pe∣naltie was inflicted. There therefore the Reppagogi, concerning the matters appertaining to their charge, consulted according to equitie and right, determined them, and punished the guiltie: There the guiltie person, if the iniury were priuate, was cited into the Court of Iustice by him that was iniured, euen without publike authoritie (which also wee reade was vsed by the Spar∣tanes:) but if the iniury were publike (or if the partie iniured in a priuate offence would not cite the guiltie person, or could not) then was hee cited by some of the Rappagogi. Priuate men also [ 50] had libertie and power to sue the Reppagogi negligent in their Office, or otherwise iuiurious: where a penaltie of money fell to the Citizens of the Reppes: all which, and other things here be∣longing are handled, in codice legum de Reppagogijs, cap. 43. And concerning the inferiour Magi∣strates, that is to say, the Reppagogi onely, to wit, the first species of the Ciuill Magistrate.

Now followeth the superiour Magistracie, which is distinguished into Gouernours of Prouin∣ces, and Iustices. They were each of them Gouernours in euery Prouince (which before I called Thirds, to wit, of euery Tetrade) executing as well the publike Offices of the Courts of Iustice, as of holy mysteries: or they were Interpreters of the Law, and matters of Religion: (although afterward the interpretation of the Law belonged more to the Iustices.) As with the Romanes, the Aediles also vsurped part of the Praetorian Iurisdiction. Among the ancient Hebrewes also the [ 60] High Priests: also among the Romanes the High Priests were sacrificers. Whereupon Horatius carm. lib. 3. Ode 23. Victima Pontificum secures ceruice tingit.

These Gouernours therefore, in that they had the charge of holy Mysteries, were Priests: in that they had to doe with the Court of Iustice and Iudgement, they were Iudges: we call them

Noble-men in this place, and the state of the Common-wealth gouerned by their ouersight, an Aristocratie. The same are called by our Country-men Godar, and Hoffsgodar; from the Church or Temple (which is Hoff) as it were Ouer-seers of the Church, and their Office or Dignitie was called Godord; to wit, their name being next deriued from their Ethnick gods, which they cal∣led God: that euen by the name it selfe, they (who almost represented the Name and Office of the Gods) might bee put in minde of the Vertues, Wisdome, and Iustice, &c. requisite in such a Gouernour.

And that they might shew themselues such, I suppose the same place was appointed to iudge∣ments of the seate of Iustice, which was ordained for Sacred Mysteries; to wit, at the foresaid Temples. And also therefore, because the place of holy Mysteries, was religiously thought fitter [ 10] for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or the taking of good counsell, whereof there is especiall vse in the Court of Iustice. Moreouer, the Prouinciall Gouernours had their two-fold assemblies, as the Rappagogi had; yeere∣ly or ordinary meetings, and proclaimed: or extraordinary, any necessitie requiring (those for∣mer assemblies, containing many dayes: vid. Ka••pb. cap. 8. Torn. Log.) and that, as it is likely, assembled by some signe of holding a meeting; as we haue already said of Reppagogies: which sure∣ly, what it was in times past, is not well knowne; vnlesse it were that, which afterwards, and yet remaineth in vse; the forme of a Noruegian axe of Wood, carried about after the same man∣ner, among the prouinciall Citizens: as we said a little before, of the woodden crosse. This to∣ken of the Iudiciall Court, is called Bod in our language, which signifieth a message.

Moreouer, euery one paid some yearely tribute or reuenue to the Temples: whereof the Guar∣dian [ 20] or Ouerseer of the Church was the Collector: for speaking of holy mysteries pertaining to the Church, I call euery Noble man so. To him also came the penaltie of the Temple, and Court of Iustice prophaned: who likewise ought to maintaine the Temple, or keepe it in reparations, at his owne charge. Lastly, the necessity, and specially care to amend and make good whatsoeuer damage done vnto the Prouince, or to foresee and preuent it being imminent, vsing the helpe of the Prouincials, lay wholly vpon him: so that, for the destroying of Theeues and publique Rob∣bers, you may finde some who were prodigall of their owne life. Contrarily, it is a lamentable case, how at this day we see it euery where come to passe, where they make a great conscience to condemne a notorious Theefe by the Law, or any other conuicted once or twice of any capitall crime, much more to put him to death. These are the Gouernours of Prouinces: The Nomophy∣laces [ 30] or Iustices follow. The Nomophylax was the other kinde of the superiour Magistrate, some∣what later then these: of which sort, in the whole auncient Citie of Island (for we yet describe it) at one and the same time, there was onely one: who of pronouncing or deliuering the Law, was called Logmann and Logsogumann. For the Commonwealth began not suddenly, but by little and little to be framed: therefore the Prouinciall Lawes were first, of the like meaning, though peraduenture not euery where the same, before they had them compact, and gathered into one body: which when they attained, for the custody and preseruation of the same, they admitted trustie and wise men, whom I call Nomophylaces; and whose Office I shall very well describe in the words of D. Nicolaus Cragius, declaring the Office of the Spartan Nomophylaces. The Office of the Nomophylaces (saith D. Cragius Li. 2. cap. 6. de Repub. Lacedaem.) was, as we perceiue by the [ 40] matter it selfe, to haue charge of the custody and preseruation of Lawes, for the benefit of the Common∣wealth; and that they should not suffer them to be abolished, changed, or taken away by any. Moreouer, they indeuoured that the force of the Lawes might not grow out of vse, or the memory thereof be forgot∣ten: but they compelled the Magistrates to the often obseruation of them, and execution of their dutie. And further, we may thinke these very men were the interpreters of Lawes, if peraduenture any thing doubtfully set downe, or hardly vnderstood, should come in disputation. This Cragius writeth: the same which I doe of ours: adding this, that they had some manner of authority in their power, toge∣ther with the rest of the Nobility, of changing, renewing Lawes, and also inlarging them, as it were Orators and Counsellours; the consent of the people being added. Therefore the No∣mophylaces or chiefe Iustices, tooke nothing away from the forme of an Aristocratie: but were, [ 50] as hath beene said before, Interpreters, and preseruers of the Law, armed with publique au∣thority for this purpose, in whose power also the custody of the Booke of the Lawes re∣mained.

But I dare proceede no further with our Author in his Law Suites and Courts, lest I be therein detained with Demurs and tedious delaies. I am a Traueller, and howsoeuer I haue (not so much for Island, as for the knowledge of the Arctoan antiquities) waded thus farre: I will not tire the Reader further, but remit the more curious to the Author himselfe, who hath added much of their Lawes, and a whole Booke of their auncient Grands, and another of their Kings, both here omitted. The Kings of Norway began to haue dominion in Island, A. 1261. diuers immunities reserued: which Kingdome des∣cending vpon Margaret, by her was linked with that of Denmarke, and so hath continued aboue 200. [ 60] yeares.

Notes

• * 1.1

  I haue in some places contracted, in others mollifi∣ed the biting or more bitter stile, which the Author v∣seth of the Rus∣sian Gouern∣ments that I might doe good at home, without harme abroad.
• * 1.2

  Chap. 1. The descripti∣on of the Countrey of Russia, with the bredth, length, and Names of the Shires.
• * 1.3

  Strabo in his 7. booke of Geoge.
• * 1.4

  Gen. 10. Ioseph. l. 1. c. 14▪
• * 1.5

  The borders of Russia.
• * 1.6

  The Shires of Russia.
• * 1.7

  The Prouinces or Countries got by Con∣quest.
• * 1.8

  The breadth and length of the Countrey.
• * 1.9

  Chap. ••.
• * 1.10

  Of the Soyle and Climate▪
• * 1.11

  Difference of Russia in diffe∣rent seasons.
• * 1.12

  The Cold of Russia.
• * 1.13

  M. Cole Mini∣ster to Sir Ie∣rome Bowes told me of a lickorish fel∣low, which ta∣king a Pewter dish of some sweet sawce from his Ma∣sters Table in the next room, licked it, and payd the skin of his tongue for that sweet taste: a sower sawce to sweet sawcinesse. The case alte∣red.

  Effect of snow.
• * 1.14

  Russia well wa∣tered.
• * 1.15

  The chiefe Ri∣uers of Russia.
• * 1.16

  Chap. 3. The Natiue Commodities of the Coun∣trey.
• * 1.17

  Rye.
• * 1.18

  The chiefe commodities of the Coun∣trey.
• * 1.19

  1▪ Furre.
• * 1.20

  3. Waxe.
• * 1.21

  ••. Honey.
• * 1.22

  4. Tallow.
• * 1.23

  5. Hide.
• * 1.24

  6. Trane Oyle. The manner of hunting the Seale-fish.
• * 1.25

  7. Ickary.
• * 1.26

  8. Hempe and flaxe.
• * 1.27

  9. Salt.
• * 1.28

  10. Tarre.
• * 1.29

  11. Ribazuba.
• * 1.30

  12. Slude.
• * 1.31

  13. Salt peeter and Brimstone
• * 1.32

  14. Iron.
• * 1.33

  The strange beasts, fish, foule &c. that breed in Russia
• * 1.34

  Deare Horses:
• * 1.35

  Sheepe. I haue seene some of them in Eng∣land breed twice a yeere; the Ram hath foure hornes, &c.
• * 1.36

  Fresh-water fish.
• * 1.37

  Chap. 4. The chiefe Ci∣ties of Russia.
• * 1.38

  Mosko.
• * 1.39

  Berosus, a su∣spected author, or rather that which now beareth his name.
• * 1.40

  Mosko ••red.
• * 1.41

  Nouograd.
• * 1.42

  Pleasant Hi∣storie.
• * 1.43

  Like lips, like lettice.
• * 1.44

  Iaruslaue▪
• * 1.45

  The manner of Russe buil∣ding.
• * 1.46

  Chap. 5. Of the house or stocke of the Russe Em∣perour.
• * 1.47

  The house Bea∣la not naturall Russe. See sup. 56. where the Tartars de∣stroyed these Countreyes then called Bulgaria maior, many fled into Hungarie: and after Ba••hus death, bo••h Hungarie and this Bulgaria had better meanes to recouer themselues, and perhaps either by Hungarian affinitie with their Princes, or taking a Prince from Hungar••e th••n assisted with Germans, they began to recouer of that Tartarian disease, whereof still some Symtomes remayne.
• * 1.48

  The aduance∣ment of the house of Beala.
• * 1.49

  Viz. A. D. 1588.

  Since the Sce∣pter hath been in diuers Fa∣milies, with manifold com∣bustions.
• * 1.50

  The Emperor vnfortunatly killed his son.
• * 1.51

  We haue since had two which haue assumed to be this De∣metrius, and haue obtayned the State; thereof and of their liues dis∣possessed as Counterfeits.
• * 1.52

  Chap. 6. Of the man∣ner of crow∣ning or inau∣guration of the Russe Empe∣rours.
• * 1.53

  Chap. 7. The State or forme of their Gouernment. The Russe Go∣uernment ty∣rannicall.
• * 1.54

  Gauill-kind giue-all-kind tenure.

  Absolute So∣uereigntie.
• * 1.55

  Magistracies.
• * 1.56

  He succeeded him.

  Iurisdiction.
• * 1.57

  Iuan Vasilowich cruell.
• * 1.58

  Appeales and Pardons.
• * 1.59

  Ancient No∣bilitie.
• * 1.60

  Chap. 8. The manner of holding the Parlia∣ments.

  The States of Parliament.
• * 1.61

  The order of the summons or assembling.
• * 1.62

  Friday respect.
• * 1.63

  Their discourse at Parliament.
• * 1.64

  Chap. 9. Of the Nobili∣tie, and by what meanes it is kept in an vnder propor∣tion agreeable to that State. The Vdelney Knazey chiefe of the Nobi∣litie.
• * 1.65

  The faction of Oppressini and Zempskey deui∣sed by the Em∣perour
• * 1.66

  Pomestnoy tenure
• * 1.67

  Names of the greatest Hou∣ses of the Russe Nobilitie.
• * 1.68

  The second degree of No∣bilitie.
• * 1.69

  Lord Borris af∣ter this Empe∣rour.
• * 1.70

  The third sort of Nobilitie.
• * 1.71

  Title Vich.
• * 1.72

  The second degree of per∣sons.
• * 1.73

  The third de∣gree.
• * 1.74

  Chap. 10. Of the Go∣uernment of their Prouin∣ces and Shires.
• * 1.75

  The Commis∣sion of the Dukes or Pre∣sidents of Shires.
• * 1.76

  Dukes and Dy∣acks: many of them vniust oppressors, and Spunges pres∣sed againe.
• * 1.77

  The gouern∣ment of Mosko.
• * 1.78

  An hard mat∣ter to alter the State of Russia.
• * 1.79

  Chap. 11. Of the Empe∣rours Counsel.
• * 1.80

  The number and names of the Councel∣lours of State.
• * 1.81

  Foure Secre∣taries.
• * 1.82

  Chap. 12. Of the Empe∣rors Customs and other Re∣uenues.

  The Offices of Receit.

  The Steward Receiuer of the Crowne-land Rents.
• * 1.83

  The Office of Chetfird.
• * 1.84

  Tagla and Po∣dat.
• * 1.85

  Yeere begins with Septem∣ber.

  The Office of Bulsha Prechod or great In∣come.
• * 1.86

  The Emperors Custome.
• * 1.87

  The whole re∣ceit of the Bul∣sha Prechod or great Income.
• * 1.88

  Rents out of the Iudiciall Offices.

  Mulcts or fines.
• * 1.89

  The Emperors treasure house within his Ca∣stle of Mosko.
• * 1.90

  The sum of the Emperors rent money.
• * 1.91

  Vnderstand these politike courses of the times when the Author writ. Gods chastise∣ment hath since beene heauy to sweep such ills from among them.
• * 1.92

  A strange prac∣tice to get mo∣ney.
• * 1.93

  Chap. 13. Of the state of th•• Common∣naltie, or vul∣gar sort of the people in the Countrey of Russia.

  The seruile and miserable estate of the Russe people.
• * 1.94

  Miserie of those times, manners and men.
• * 1.95

  Rich Russian Merchants.
• * 1.96

  Russes not per∣mitted to tra∣uell.
• * 1.97

  The iealousie of the Empe∣rour concer∣ning his state.
• * 1.98

  Sclauonia and the Language.
• * 1.99

  Chap. 14. Of their pub∣like Iustice, and manner of proceeding in Ciuill, and Criminall matters.

  Courts of Ci∣uill Iustice three.

  The Dukes and Dyacks Court.

  The high Court of Mosko.
• * 1.100

  Their manner of proceeding in Ciuill mat∣ters.
• * 1.101

  Ending of controuersies by kissing the Crosse.
• * 1.102

  Iudgement by lot.
• * 1.103

  Shi••-beating.
• * 1.104

  Terrible terms
• * 1.105

  The forme of Russe Bills or Bonds.
• * 1.106

  Proceeding in Criminall matters.
• * 1.107

  Pudkey whip∣ping.
• * 1.108

  Rosting.
• * 1.109

  Executions.
• * 1.110

  Rituall (not right-all) Booke.
• * 1.111

  Chap. 15. Their forces for the warres, with the chiefe Officers and salaries.

  The onely Gentlemen. Souldiers by birth and inhe∣ritance.
• * 1.112

  Emperours Guard.
• * 1.113

  Degrees of Horsemen. 1. Pretoriani, or such as attend the Emperors person, 15000▪
• * 1.114

  Two other troupes to the number of 65000.
• * 1.115

  Horsemen in continuall pay 80000.
• * 1.116

  Footmen in continuall pay 12000.
• * 1.117

  Strangers mercenaries in pay 4300.
• * 1.118

  The chiefe Captaines or Leaders.
• * 1.119

  1. The Voiauod or Generall.
• * 1.120

  2. Lieutenant generall.
• * 1.121

  3. Marshals of the field, foure.
• * 1.122

  4. Marshal•• Deputies 8.
• * 1.123

  5. Coronels Vnder-cap∣taines.
• * 1.124

  6. Masters of the Artillerie.
• * 1.125

  The walking Captayne.
• * 1.126

  Chap. 16. Of their mu∣stering, and le∣uying of for∣ces, manner of Armour, and prouision of victuall for the Warres.

  Their order for mustering.
• * 1.127

  The Horse-mans Furni∣ture.
• * 1.128

  Shooting for∣ward and backward.

  The footmans Furniture. Prouision of victuall.
• * 1.129

  Prouisions.
• * 1.130

  Honos alit artes.
• * 1.131

  Chap. 17. Of their mar∣ching char∣ging, and other Martiall Dis∣cipline.

  George-ensigne, Horse-mens Drummes.
• * 1.132

  The horsemans manner of charging.
• * 1.133

  The footmans charge.
• * 1.134

  The walking Castle.
• * 1.135

  Store of Mu∣nition.
• * 1.136

  Reward for valour.
• * 1.137

  Chap. 18. Of their Colo∣nies, an main∣tayning of their conquests or purchases by force.
• * 1.138

  Lituania.
• * 1.139

  Narue.
• * 1.140

  The Deuillie was.
• * 1.141

  Permia and Pe∣chora.
• * 1.142

  Chap. 19. Of the Tartars and other bor∣derers to the countrey of Russia, with whom they haue most to doe in war and peace.

  Th•• Polonians called Laches by the Russe. The Chrim Tartar.

  The firing of Mosko by the Chrim Tartar, in the yeere 1575.
• * 1.143

  Homage done by the Russe to the Chrim Tar∣tar.

  See the first booke of Ba∣thay and of the Tartars Con∣quests.
• * 1.144

  The manner of the Tartars fight, and Ar∣mour.
• * 1.145

  Apparell.
• * 1.146

  Mirzohs or Morseis.
• * 1.147

  The subtiltie of the Tartar.
• * 1.148

  Tartars resolu∣tion.
• * 1.149

  Captiues.
• * 1.150

  The Tartars Religion.
• * 1.151

  Idols.
• * 1.152

  Sorcerie.
• * 1.153

  Marriage.
• * 1.154

  The Tartar Nobilitie.
• * 1.155

  The Tartar dyet.
• * 1.156

  The Tartars dwelling.
• * 1.157

  Moueable Ci∣tie and Court.
• * 1.158

  Tartars per∣sons described.
• * 1.159

  Speach. Song. Shooting.
• * 1.160

  Diuers kindes of Tartars.
• * 1.161

  The Nagay Tartar the cru∣ellest.

  The Chircasce the ciuillest Tartars.

  The Cheremis∣sen Tartar.
• * 1.162

  The Mordwit Tartar the most barba∣rous of the rest.
• * 1.163

  Shalcan.
• * 1.164

  Derbent.
• * 1.165

  Tartars gene∣rall Rules.
• * 1.166

  Chap. 20. Of the Permi∣ans, Samoits, and Lappes. The Permians.
• * 1.167

  The Samoits.
• * 1.168

  The Samoits Religion. Slata Baba or the Golden Hag.
• * 1.169

  The Samoits habite and be∣hauiour.
• * 1.170

  The Lappes.
• * 1.171

  No Bread.
• * 1.172

  Wilde Lappes.
• * 1.173

  Witches.
• * 1.174

  Wardhuyse.
• * 1.175

  Cola.
• * 1.176

  Sleds drawne with Deere.
• * 1.177

  Chap. 21. Of their Ec∣clesiasticall state, with their Church Offices.
• * 1.178

  The Church Officers.
• * 1.179

  The Patriarch.
• * 1.180

  Patriarch of Sio, or Chio.
• * 1.181

  The translati∣on of the Pa∣triarchicall sea from Constanti∣nople or Sio, to Mosko.
• * 1.182

  The Patriarch∣ship of Constan∣tinople transla∣ted to Mosko.
• * 1.183

  As they doe and euer since haue done.
• * 1.184

  Kalender pre∣tence.
• * 1.185

  The Patri∣archs Iurisdi∣ctition.
• * 1.186

  Two Metropo∣lites.
• * 1.187

  Foure Arch∣bishiops.
• * 1.188

  Sixe Bishops.
• * 1.189

  Ecclesiasticall Iurisdiction.
• * 1.190

  Their Gentle∣men commis∣saries.
• * 1.191

  The Church reuenues.
• * 1.192

  The Election of Bishops.
• * 1.193

  The learning and exercise of the Russe Clergie.
• * 1.194

  Priests.
• * 1.195

  The Russe Priests can marry but once.
• * 1.196

  The Priests maintenance.
• * 1.197

  Their Priests attyre.
• * 1.198

  Friers.
• * 1.199

  Their manner of shiring Friers.
• * 1.200

  The Friers Learning.
• * 1.201

  Nunneries▪
• * 1.202

  Eremites.
• * 1.203

  Strange hardi∣nesse.
• * 1.204

  Basileo the Ere∣mite.
• * 1.205

  Lame Miracle▪
• * 1.206

  Nichola the Eremite▪
• * 1.207

  Chap. 22. Of their Ly∣turgie, or form of Church-seruice, and their manner of admini¦string the Sa∣craments. Their mor∣ning Seruice.
• * 1.208

  Legend.
• * 1.209

  Candles.
• * 1.210

  Compline.
• * 1.211

  Their euening Seruice.
• * 1.212

  The manner of the Russe Baptisme.
• * 1.213

  Oyle and Salt.
• * 1.214

  Presented.
• * 1.215

  Cutting off haire.
• * 1.216

  Proselyte-paines.
• * 1.217

  Tartars choose to die rather then turne Christians.
• * 1.218

  Rebaptising.
• * 1.219

  The admini∣string of the Lords Supper. Confession.
• * 1.220

  Communion in both kinds.
• * 1.221

  Chap. 23. Of the Do∣ctrine of the Russe Church, & what errors it holdeth.
• * 1.222

  1. Their disal∣lowing of cer∣taine parts of the Canonical Scriptures.
• * 1.223

  2. Traditions equall to the holy Scripture.
• * 1.224

  3. The Church to haue soue∣raigne autho∣ritie in inter∣preting the Scriptures.
• * 1.225

  4. The holy Ghost to pro∣ceed from the Father onely.
• * 1.226

  5. Christ not sole Mediator of intercession Saint Nicolas his 300. Angels
• * 1.227

  Images.
• * 1.228

  6. Iustification by workes.
• * 1.229

  7. Saluation vncertaine.
• * 1.230

  8. Auricular confession.
• * 1.231

  9. Three Sa∣craments.
• * 1.232

  10. All damned that die with∣out Baptisme.
• * 1.233

  11. Anabap∣tisme.
• * 1.234

  12. Difference of meates.
• * 1.235

  13. Marriage for some per∣sons vnlawfull.
• * 1.236

  Inquisition.
• * 1.237

  Chap. 24. Of the manner of solemni∣zing their Marriages.
• * 1.238

  The manner of indowment for Wiues.
• * 1.239

  Ceremonies in Marriages.
• * 1.240

  Ring.
• * 1.241

  Loafe.
• * 1.242

  Mead.
• * 1.243

  Corne.
• * 1.244

  Silence▪
• * 1.245

  Chap. 25. Of the other Ceremonies o•• the Russe Church.

  The signe of the Crosse how it crosseth out other deuoti∣ons.
• * 1.246

  Holy-water.
• * 1.247

  Hallowing of Riuers.
• * 1.248

  Drinking of Holy-water.
• * 1.249

  Cruell blind∣nesse of ••uper∣stition.
• * 1.250

  Brewing with Holy-water.
• * 1.251

  Palm-sunday.
• * 1.252

  Fasts.
• * 1.253

  Vigils.
• * 1.254

  Burialls.
• * 1.255

  Mon••hs minds
• * 1.256

  Chap. 26. Of the Empe∣rours dome∣sticke, or pri∣uate behauior.
• * 1.257

  His priuate Prayer.
• * 1.258

  The Emperour giueth pre∣sence euery morning.
• * 1.259

  The Emperors Seruice at his Table.
• * 1.260

  Beare bay••ing.
• * 1.261

  Emperour Theodore de∣scribed.
• * 1.262

  Pilgrimage.
• * 1.263

  Chap. 27. Of the Empe∣rors priuate, or houshold Of∣ficers.

  Master of the Horse.
• * 1.264

  The Lord Steward. The Lord Treasurer. Comptroller. Chamberlaine Tasters. Harbengers.
• * 1.265

  Gentlemen of the Chamber. The Guard.
• * 1.266

  Groomes.
• * 1.267

  Chap. 28. Or the priuate behauiour, or qualitie of the Russe people. Constitution of their bodies.
• * 1.268

  Their Dyet.
• * 1.269

  Drinking and kissing. Sleeping.
• * 1.270

  Bath-stoues▪
• * 1.271

  Extremities.
• * 1.272

  Women-daw∣bers.
• * 1.273

  The Noble∣mans attyre.
• * 1.274

  The Gentle∣mans apparell. The Noble∣womans at∣tire.
• * 1.275

  The Mousicks or common mans attire.
• * 1.276

  Their wits and capacities.
• * 1.277

  Crueltie of the Russe people.
• * 1.278

  Intemperancy.
• a 1.279

  H. G. A. in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the En••••••sh as∣sertion ••or W••l∣loughby, sayth, Il est ••ien v••ay que nos Mari∣niers n'ont trou∣ve au die lieu de 72. degrees aul∣cun Pays.

  72. in Sir Hugh Willoughbies Booke perhaps was mistaken for 77. their fi∣gure of 7. and that of 2. in old writing, being very like each other, ••o that the last 7. with a little touch of the running Pen might appeare. 2. His hand, I am sure, is of the old fashion of that time, as appeares by a Will I haue with his hand, and perhaps all of his hand. Some Engl••sh Maps haue made an Iland in that height where none is: and the Dutch Willeb••rd Iles (which they say are eight in 73.) haue small like••i∣hood: perhaps Sir Hugh Wil∣loughbie might misreckon, by not knowing the variation of the Compas and Sea ••ules: which I take to be most lik••ly, and H. G. A. confesseth also.
• b 1.280

  Sebastian Cabota the English Columbus, sonne of Iohn a Venetian, bred heere, and Discouerer for Henry the Seuenth, of America; and first Gouernour of the Moscouie Companie.
• c 1.281

  In the said Map is Queene Elizabeths Picture, with Neptune yeelding his Trident, and Triton sounding her Fame, with these Verses, Te Deus aequoreusdonat Regina Tridente, Et Triton laudes efflat vbique tuas.
• * 1.282

  Sir F. Drake first finder of the S. Sreights, cal∣led Maires.
• * 1.283

  W. Gemeticensis de Ducib. Nor∣man.
• * 1.284

  Hans Townes.
• * 1.285

  Cathay. See l. 2. cap. 1. of this whole Voyage. 212.
• * 1.286

  An errour in the lati∣tude, the Land stands in 77.
• * 1.287

  Greenland discouered by Sir Hugh Willoughbie. This Voyage was writ∣ten by Sir H. Will. and found in his ship. In Ianuarie after he was aliue, as appeares by a Will of Gab. Will. his kinsman, subscribed by Sir Hug. Willoughbie which Will I now haue, and keepe as a Relike of that wor∣thie discouerer and first finder of King Iames his New-land.
• * 1.288

  See Hackl. V▪ tom. 1. pag. 274.
• * 1.289

  1576.
• * 1.290

  Sir M. Frobisher Hakl. tom. 3.29. & seqq.
• * 1.291

  1578.
• * 1.292

  1580.
• * 1.293

  Pet and Iack∣man. Hak. to. 1. p. 445.
• * 1.294

  1583.
• * 1.295

  Sir H. Gilbert Hak. to. 3. p. 143.
• * 1.296

  1585.
• * 1.297

  Master Dauis Hak. to. 3. p. 98. & seq.
• * 1.298

  1586.
• * 1.299

  1587.
• * 1.300

  Fretum Dauis.
• * 1.301

  Hak. Tom. 1. pag. 297.
• * 1.302

  25.
• * 1.303

  1553.
• * 1.304

  1578.
• * 1.305

  25.
• * 1.306

  1594.
• * 1.307

  These Voiages follow.
• * 1.308

  1595.
• * 1.309

  1596.
• * 1.310

  I haue by me a French Storie of Spitsbergh, published 1613 by a Dutchman which writeth against this English allega∣tion, &c. but hotter argu∣ments then I am willing to answer.

  William Hudson Discouereth to 81. Degrees. Whale Bay. Hackluits Headland. Hudsons Tout∣ches.
• * 1.311

  Thomas Welden.
• * 1.312

  1609.
• * 1.313

  Thomas Edge the Author.
• * 1.314

  1610.
• * 1.315

  Ionas Poole first Namer of Greenland.
• * 1.316

  See B••ffins North-west Discouerie, Vnicorne, a Sea fishes Horne.
• * 1.317

  1611.
• * 1.318

  First Whale-killing.

  Biscayners v∣sed.
• * 1.319

  500. Morses killed.
• * 1.320

  Shipwracke by Ice.
• * 1.321

  Hull Ship.
• * 1.322

  Cherie Iland.
• * 1.323

  Ship ouer set.
• * 1.324

  1612.
• * 1.325

  Hollanders.
• * 1.326

  Allen Sallowes.
• * 1.327

  Spanish Ship.
• * 1.328

  Woodcocke Im∣prisoned.
• * 1.329

  1613.
• * 1.330

  Beniamin Ioseph
• * 1.331

  Fifteene ships Int••rlop••rs.
• * 1.332

  Hope Iland.
• * 1.333

  1614.
• * 1.334

  Thirteen ••h••ps and two Pin∣n••ss••s armed. Eighteene Dutch ships.
• * 1.335

  80. Degrees discouered. Sherwin and Baffin.
• * 1.336

  1615.
• * 1.337

  Fast in Ice, in Iune four∣teene dayes.
• * 1.338

  King of Den∣marke demands Toll.
• * 1.339

  Vn-English English to serue Dutch, Spanish, Dane, against their owne.
• * 1.340

  1616.
• * 1.341

  Edges Iland.
• * 1.342

  1617.
• * 1.343

  Witches Iland.
• * 1.344

  Hull men.
• * 1.345

  1618.
• * 1.346

  Zelanders.
• * 1.347

  Marmaduke.
• * 1.348

  Sir Iohn Cun∣ningham.
• * 1.349

  East India Ad∣uenturers ioyne▪
• * 1.350

  Dutch▪ assault the English.
• * 1.351

  1619.
• * 1.352

  1620.
• * 1.353

  1621.
• * 1.354

  1622.
• * 1.355

  Shipwracke▪
• * 1.356

  The ordina∣rie growne Whale. Finnes.
• * 1.357

  Small eyes. Some kinds haue greater. Stow mentions one taken on Tenet shoare, the eye of which was a Cart-loade, a man might stand in the hole vpright: The like wee may ghesse of the throat, &c. Nature being herein luxuri∣ant, and diuer∣sified.
• * 1.358

  You may see this Story of the Whale-kil∣ling presented liuely in the Map, which Captaine Edge hath liberally added to this Relation.
• * 1.359

  Whale Finnes▪
• * 1.360

  Eight kinds of Whales known
• * 1.361

  1. Grand bay Whale.
• * 1.362

  2. Sarda.
• * 1.363

  3. Trumpa.
• * 1.364

  Spermacoete.
• * 1.365

  4. Otta Sotta.
• * 1.366

  5. Gibarta.
• * 1.367

  6. Sedeua.
• * 1.368

  7. Sedeua Negro.
• * 1.369

  8. Sewria.
• * 1.370

  Antiphrastical appellation. I haue found this description of Greenland, with other notes, written by Ro. Fotherby. Deere.
• * 1.371

  Yet in China euen neere the Sea, and farre neerer the Sun, betwixt 30. and 40. the Winters are extreme. ••. Foth.
• * 1.372

  Prolegomena. ad Hudsoni De∣tect. edit. Am∣stelodami per Hos. Gerard. 1611.
• * 1.373

  A thing not continued, cannot bee effected. All things are effected in conuenient time.
• * 1.374

  The first fin∣ding is hard, but the second attempt is easier.
• * 1.375

  A comparison of the heate vnder the line, with the cold vnder the North Pole.
• * 1.376

  The resolu••e intent and opi∣nions of Wil∣liam Barents.
• * 1.377

  Iune 5.
• * 1.378

  The particu∣lars beeing knowne to many of our Mariners, I omit.
• * 1.379

  Langenes.
• * 1.380

  Lombsbay.
• * 1.381

  Admirals Iland
• * 1.382

  Cape Negro. Black point.
• * 1.383

  Williams Iland.
• * 1.384

  Sea-horses, o•• Morses.
• * 1.385

  Beeren-fort white Beare, terrible.
• * 1.386

  Iland of Crosses
• * 1.387

  Cape Nassaw.
• * 1.388

  Cape Trust.
• * 1.389

  Ice point. Gold Stones.
• * 1.390

  Orange Ilands.
• * 1.391

  Morses descri∣bed.
• * 1.392

  There returne backe againe.
• * 1.393

  Oliuer Brunell.
• * 1.394

  Blacke Iland.
• * 1.395

  Crosse-point.
• * 1.396

  Saint Lauren•••• Bay.
• * 1.397

  Sconce point.
• * 1.398

  Colgoyen.
• * 1.399

  Matfloe and Delgoy.

  They meet with their companie.
• * 1.400

  States Iland.
• * 1.401

  Iames Hems∣kerke famous for the Gibral∣ter exploit.
• * 1.402

  Image point. Samoyeds land. Traen Bay.
• * 1.403

  They goe o•• Land.
• * 1.404

  Images.
• * 1.405

  They speake with Samoyeds.
• * 1.406

  Sea open.
• * 1.407

  Samoyeds ap∣parell.
• * 1.408

  Haire, person, stature.
• * 1.409

  Their King.
• * 1.410

  Their Sleds.
• * 1.411

  Departure.
• * 1.412

  Image.
• * 1.413

  Hundreds of ill shapen Ima∣ges.
• * 1.414

  States-Iland▪
• * 1.415

  A Beare kill•• two men.
• * 1.416

  Her stoutnesse▪
• * 1.417

  They kill the Beare.
• * 1.418

  Twist-point.
• * 1.419

  Matfloe and Delgoy.
• * 1.420

  Iune. Three Sunnes and foure Rain-bowes. The like hath beene seene in England about the time this worke entred the Presse.
• * 1.421

  Ice.
• * 1.422

  Greene water.
• * 1.423

  Beares, or Che∣rie-Iland.
• * 1.424

  Egges.
• * 1.425

  Danger esca∣ped.
• * 1.426

  Variation of the Compasse.
• * 1.427

  Great white Beare.
• * 1.428

  Fight with her.
• * 1.429

  Beares skin 12. foot long.
• * 1.430

  Dead Whale.
• * 1.431

  80. Degrees and 11 minuts.
• * 1.432

  Another fight with a white Beare.
• * 1.433

  Beares skin 13. foot long.
• * 1.434

  Red Geese Egges.
• * 1.435

  Red Geese breed their young Geese, vnder 80. De∣grees in Green∣land.

  Fable of Bar∣nacles.
• * 1.436

  Note.
• * 1.437

  Beare assaults them.
• * 1.438

  Variation of the Compasse 16. Degrees.
• * 1.439

  Store of Birds.
• * 1.440

  Iuly. Cherie-Iland.
• * 1.441

  They part companie.
• * 1.442

  Willoughbies Land concei∣ted from some Maps.
• * 1.443

  Noua Zembla.
• * 1.444

  Admirals Iland.
• * 1.445

  Crosse Iland in 76. degrees 20. minutes.
• * 1.446

  Two Beares. Their sent.
• * 1.447

  Variation 26. degrees, per∣haps 16.
• * 1.448

  August.
• * 1.449

  Point Nassaw.
• * 1.450

  Trust-point.
• * 1.451

  Ice 52. fathom deepe.
• * 1.452

  Snow.
• * 1.453

  Beares assault.
• * 1.454

  Icie thunder.
• * 1.455

  Beare killed.
• * 1.456

  Orange Iland▪
• * 1.457

  Point Desire.
• * 1.458

  Earth on the top of Azure Ice.
• * 1.459

  Boat broken with Ice.
• * 1.460

  Inclosed with Ice.
• * 1.461

  Escape of three men.
• * 1.462

  Ship lifted vp, and beset with Ice.
• * 1.463

  Another dan∣ger.
• * 1.464

  Rother broken
• * 1.465

  September.
• * 1.466

  Riuer of fresh water, and Wood.
• * 1.467

  Ship fastned in Ice.
• * 1.468

  They deter∣mine to winter there.
• * 1.469

  How God in our extremest need, when we were forced to lie all the Win∣ter vpon the Land, sent vs Wood to make vs a house, and to serue vs to burne in the cold Winter.
• * 1.470

  Three Beares.
• * 1.471

  It freezeth in the salt water two fingers thicke in •• night.
• * 1.472

  House builded.
• * 1.473

  Hard and vio∣lent frost.
• * 1.474

  Ground not to be thawed.
• * 1.475

  May-pole of Snow.
• * 1.476

  Extreme Snow
• * 1.477

  Hence it may seeme, that the course of the Tides and Sea is from the North.
• * 1.478

  Beere melted▪
• * 1.479

  Sea couered with Ice.
• * 1.480

  Beare assault•• the ship▪
• * 1.481

  Barrels and I∣ron hoopes broken with Ice.
• * 1.482

  All come to the House.
• * 1.483

  Fight with Beares.
• * 1.484

  White Foxe.
• * 1.485

  Beares fat for Lampe.
• * 1.486

  Nouember.
• * 1.487

  Sun & Moone.
• * 1.488

  Sun riseth South South-east, and goeth downe South South-west, not full aboue the Earth.

  Foxes succeed Beares.
• * 1.489

  They see the Sun no more after the third of Nouember, Stilo nouo, or our Octob. 24.
• * 1.490

  Moone conti∣nually seene in the Sunnes ab∣sence.
• * 1.491

  Darknesse.
• * 1.492

  Bread shared and Beere.
• * 1.493

  Beere strength lesse with frost.
• * 1.494

  Ship ballast couered with water.
• * 1.495

  Fox-trap.
• * 1.496

  Wine shared. Drinke water.
• * 1.497

  Ill washing.
• * 1.498

  Bathing and purging.
• * 1.499

  Store of Snow.
• * 1.500

  Fox-skin-caps.
• * 1.501

  December.
• * 1.502

  Lye still in Ca∣bins.
• * 1.503

  Stone heated to heat them. Cold and Smoake.

  Ice cracking noyse.
• * 1.504

  Ice in the House.
• * 1.505

  Clock frozen.
• * 1.506

  Doore digged open.
• * 1.507

  Cold stronger then fire and Sacke.
• * 1.508

  Sea-coale fire.
• * 1.509

  Swounding & stifling by the Cole-vapour and closenesse.
• * 1.510

  Benefit of cold
• * 1.511

  Shooes on feet frozen within. They weare no shooes.
• * 1.512

  Clothes on their backes frozen.
• * 1.513

  Cold blisters▪
• * 1.514

  Extreame and terrible free∣zing.
• * 1.515

  Sunnes com∣fort.
• * 1.516

  House inclo∣sed with snow.
• * 1.517

  Sun in Tropicus Capricorni. 24. Decem. Stilo nouo.
• * 1.518

  Cold Christ∣masse.
• * 1.519

  Ill signe in∣deed.
• * 1.520

  Cold inuinci∣ble.
• * 1.521

  Burne before, freeze behind.
• * 1.522

  Snow higher then the house
• * 1.523

  Snow-steps.
• * 1.524

  Fire conque∣red, heat smelt before felt.
• * 1.525

  An. Dom. 1597.
• * 1.526

  Ianuary.
• * 1.527

  Vane.
• * 1.528

  Three Kings of Cullen.
• * 1.529

  King of Noua Zembla.
• * 1.530

  Day-light espied.
• * 1.531

  Beares in the ship.
• * 1.532

  Oculus Tauri.
• * 1.533

  Aurora blusheth to lie so long in bed.
• * 1.534

  Cold relenteth
• * 1.535

  Sunne appea∣reth againe, Ian. 24.
• * 1.536

  Sun fully seen.
• * 1.537

  How the Sun which they had lost the 4. of Nouember did appeare to them againe vpon the 24. of Ianuary, which was very strange, and contrary to all learned mens opinions.
• * 1.538

  Difference of longitude be∣twixt Venice and their win∣tring place.
• * 1.539

  Note for deg. of longitude.
• * 1.540

  Beares returne with the Sun.
• * 1.541

  Sicke man dieth.
• * 1.542

  The Summer▪
• * 1.543

  Beare.
• * 1.544

  February.
• * 1.545

  They goe out at the chim∣ney.
• * 1.546

  Heat of the Sunne.
• * 1.547

  Beare slaine.
• * 1.548

  100. Pound of fat taken out of a Beare, vse∣full for Lamps.
• * 1.549

  March.
• * 1.550

  Note.
• * 1.551

  Sol in Aries.
• * 1.552

  Shoots of Felt and Rugge.
• * 1.553

  Aprill.
• * 1.554

  Beare assault the house.
• * 1.555

  Beares Den.
• * 1.556

  May.
• * 1.557

  Burgers of No∣ua Zembla.
• * 1.558

  Bucke.
• * 1.559

  Beares Liuer venomous.
• * 1.560

  Iune.
• * 1.561

  Beare slayne.
• * 1.562

  They depart▪
• * 1.563

  The Letter is omitted. It was subscribed by Iacob Hems∣kerke, Peter Pe∣terson Vos, Ma∣ster Hans Vos, Laurence Wil∣limson, Peter Cornelison, Iohn Remarson, Wil∣liam Barents, Gerrat de Veer, Leonard Hen∣drickson, Iacob Iohnson Schea∣dam, Iacob Iohn∣son Sterrenburg. Orange Iland. Open Scutes.
• * 1.564

  Dangerous at∣tempt to draw the Boat ouer the Ice.
• * 1.565

  W. Barents dieth.
• * 1.566

  Enclosed again with Ice:
• * 1.567

  and againe.
• * 1.568

  Trust-point.
• * 1.569

  Extreame cold
• * 1.570

  The stretching of the Land from the house where we win∣tred, along by the North-side of Noua Zem∣bla, to the Straights of Wey-gats, where we past ouer to the Coast of Russia, and ouer the entrie of the white Sea to Cola, accor∣ding to the Card here in∣suing.
• * 1.571

  Three Beares.
• * 1.572

  One Beare carryeth ano∣ther in his mouth and eat it.
• * 1.573

  Strong Beare.
• * 1.574

  Iuly.
• * 1.575

  Huge Beare.
• * 1.576

  Admirals Iland.
• * 1.577

  Cape Plancio▪
• * 1.578

  Langenes.
• * 1.579

  Cape Cant.
• * 1.580

  Strange Bird•• breeding in strong cold.
• * 1.581

  Two Russian Lodies or Lod∣gies.
• * 1.582

  No Raine.
• * 1.583

  Scuruy-grasse, or Leple leaues cure their scowring and Scorbuti∣call infirmitie.
• * 1.584

  August.
• * 1.585

  Pitzora: Compasse de∣ceiueth by ill Neighbour∣hood.
• * 1.586

  Russian Com∣passe.
• * 1.587

  Lapland.
• * 1.588

  Russian Houses.
• * 1.589

  Laplanders mi∣••rable life.
• * 1.590

  Slutterie a fast breaker.
• * 1.591

  Kilduin.
• * 1.592

  September.
• * 1.593

  Trees a rare sight.
• * 1.594

  Coola.
• * 1.595

  Th••ir Scute and Boat layd vp for a Monu∣ment: how much more worthily then the old worlde Argo.
• * 1.596

  Intelligence from Samoyeds.
• * 1.597

  1595. Barkes going from Pechora to Gielhsidi: wintering there.

  Gielhsidi won from the Tar∣tars 1592.
• * 1.598

  1592. No Ebbe not Floud.
• * 1.599

  September 9.
• * 1.600

  Gombornse-skare. The long North bottom.
• * 1.601

  Swafster.
• * 1.602

  Whitsarke. Hernoldus Hooke. Sound Hauen in Groneland.
• * 1.603

  Skagen Ford.
• * 1.604

  Beare Ford.
• * 1.605

  A great fishing for Whales.
• * 1.606

  A great Swalth
• * 1.607

  Allabong Sound
• * 1.608

  Store of Oxen.
• * 1.609

  The Icie Mountayne. The Hauen of Fendebother. Note.
• * 1.610

  Corse Hought. An hunting of white Beares. More Easterly all Desart.
• * 1.611

  The Towne from Hernoldus Hooke West-ward.

  The Towne of Godo••ford.

  A great Church with a white Crosse on it.

  Peters Wike. Wartsdall. Boy in the Nors•• tongue signifi∣eth a Towne. A Monasterie Rompnes Ford. A Nunnerie. Wegen Kerke. Hot waters in Groneland.

  A place called Vose, belon∣ging to the King.

  Saint Nicolas Church.

  Emestnes Ford. Southwoders Wicke. Bloming. Granwicke. Daleth Garden, A great Wood Oxen, Kine, and Horses.
• * 1.612

  Excellent Stone, that fire cannot hurt.
• * 1.613

  Eight great Orchards be∣longing to the Cathedrall Church. Swalster Ford.
• * 1.614

  Ericks Hought.
• * 1.615

  Skogel Kerke.
• * 1.616

  Fossa Sound.
• * 1.617

  Breda Ford. Larmut Ford. Ice Dorpe.
• * 1.618

  The Skerlen∣gers.

  Many Horses, Oxen, and Kine.
• * 1.619

  Iuer Boty the Author.
• * 1.620

  A great Wil∣dernesse called Hemel Hatsfelt, to the North of the West land.

  Mines of Sil∣uer, white Beares, white Hawkes, all sorts of Fish. Groneland not so cold as Ise∣land or Norway. Fruits.
• * 1.621

  Punu•• and Pot∣barse.
• * 1.622

  Trolebothon.
• * 1.623

  Trolebothon, a great Wilder∣nesse.

  The Commo∣dities of Gron∣land.
• * 1.624

  Good counsell for trauelling to Gronland.
• * 1.625

  Tynder-boxes for fire.
• * 1.626

  Courses for Gronland.
• * 1.627

  A storme in the North. Whitsarke. Ericks Ford.
• * 1.628

  A storme in the South·
• * 1.629

  The first and second Para∣graphs were published in Latine by Hessell Gerar∣dus An. 1612. here a little contracted: the last I found in M. Hakluyts Papers.

  Arica or Oneeko Wichida.

  White Sea to the North of Russia. Samoieds.

  Oysel and Vstiug Mart Townes for the Sa∣moieds.

  The first Voy∣age vnto the Samoieds coun∣treyes.
• * 1.630

  The second Voyage.
• * 1.631

  Many Deserts and diuers great Riuers. Riuer Obi. Great wealth to be gotten by the Tr••de to the Riuer of Obi.

  Conditions of the people. Gou••rnment. Dy••t.

  No Bread. Shooting. Apparell. Houses.
• * 1.632

  Great wealth obtayned by continuance of this Voyage.
• * 1.633

  L. Boris, that Theodore Em∣perour. The Russes pro∣nounce th as ph.
• * 1.634

  Imperiall pri∣uiledge.
• * 1.635

  The first Voy∣age set out by Boris Godonoua.
• * 1.636

  They submit themselues to the Moscouite••▪
• * 1.637

  Trau••il be∣yond Obi.
• * 1.638

  Elkes or L••shes.
• * 1.639

  Raine Deere. Dogs equal in swiftnesse to Harts.
• * 1.640

  Samoieds shoo∣ting.
• * 1.641

  Stiuer.
• * 1.642

  Castles buil∣ded.
• * 1.643

  Sinke of bad people.
• * 1.644

  Siberia and Siber.
• * 1.645

  Then Male∣factors of Am∣sterdam at the Prison, &c.
• * 1.646

  This Iournall to the North-east was hard∣ly obtayned by some friends in Court.

  The great dan∣ger for impar∣ting this Iour∣ney.
• * 1.647

  Osoil.
• * 1.648

  Iauinis 17. daies iourney distant from Osoil, a∣gainst the streame.

  Iugoria.

  Riuer Petsora. Neem Riuer 3. weekes iour∣ney from Iaui∣nis.
• * 1.649

  From Neem to Wisera 5. dayes iourney.

  From Wisera to Soil Camscoy 9. dayes.

  Volga by the Tartars called Etil.
• * 1.650

  Soil Camscoy.
• * 1.651

  The Riuer Soiba.

  The Riuer Cosna.

  Mountaines in three parts.

  Coouinscoy Ca∣men.

  Cirgniscoy Ca∣men.

  Poduinscoy Ca∣men.
• * 1.652

  Vergateria.
• * 1.653

  Toera Riuer.
• * 1.654

  Vergateria the first Towne of Siberia.
• * 1.655

  1590. Russian Gouer∣nour.
• * 1.656

  Fiue dayes iourney to Iaphanis.
• * 1.657

  Tabab a migh∣ty Riuer 200. leagues from Toera.

  From Iaphanis to Tinna 12. dayes iourney by sled.

  Many trauell farre beyond Oby toward the East & South. Tobolsca the chiefe Towne of Siberia.
• * 1.658

  Tobolsca on the Riuer Yrtis.
• * 1.659

  Tobol Riuer. Tassa Riuer.
• * 1.660

  Pohemy a Towne.
• * 1.661

  Yrtis Riuer.
• * 1.662

  Olscoygorod razed.
• * 1.663

  Zergolta a town builded in an Iland of the Riuer Oby.
• * 1.664

  Noxinscoy Castle 200. leagues aboue Zergolta.
• * 1.665

  They trauell 400. leagues into the In∣land beyond Noxinscoy.

  The Reigne of Boris Godonoua.
• * 1.666

  The Citie Tooma.
• * 1.667

  Tartar King.
• * 1.668

  Ostachies a people.
• * 1.669

  Tara a Towne. Iorgoetum. Besobia, Mangansoiscoi∣gorod.

  Narim and Tooma beyond Obi.

  Reyne Deere and exceeding swift Dogs vsed insteed of Horses, and fed with Fishes.

  Telta Riuer to the East be∣yond Obi. Comgof-scoi Castle.

  Ten weekes trauell East∣ward from Obi. wherein the Tingoesies were first discoue∣red.

  Tingoesie a peo∣ple dwelling in Companies vpon the great Riuer Ieniscè. The Tingoesies deformed with swellings vnder their throats: a dis∣ease attending drinkers of Snow-water. Mountaines on the East side of Ieniscè casting out fire and brimstone. The ouerflow∣ing of Ieniscè in the spring: as it may seem from melted Snow.

  Reason why Waygats is stop∣ped with Ice. Ice 60. or 50. fathoms thicke in the Streight of Waygats.
• * 1.670

  The fi••st voy∣age Eastward beyond the Ri∣uer Ienisce. Many Nations dwell toward the South▪ which are in warre one with another. Such are the Zagatay Tartars, as be∣fore in Goes is seene.

  The second voyage. East beyond the Riuer Ienisce.

  Certaine peo∣ple taken. The Riuer Pisida.

  Bells.
• * 1.671

  The descripti∣on of the peo∣ple dwelling vpon the Ri∣uer Pisida. Such are the people of the East both Tartars and Chinois. The third voy∣age beyond Ienisce East∣ward.
• * 1.672

  The ••owling of brazen Bells: of which they haue in China, and per∣haps in the North parts aboue it.

  Horses in Pisi∣da.

  Vessels sayling downe Pisida with square sayles.

  They came not home till Autumne. The plesant∣nesse of this Countrey in Aprill and May.
• * 1.673

  The opinion of th•• Author of this Story The fourth Voyage to the Riuer P••sida.
• * 1.674

  The ••owling of Brazen Bells. Mountaynes casting out flames of fire. The fift Voy∣age by Obi and the sea-coast to the Riuer Ieniscé.
• * 1.675

  Lucas Captain of the Disco∣uerie by Sea.
• * 1.676

  Taes Riuer fal∣leth into Obi. The Riuer Torgalfe falleth into Ieniscé An Ouer-hall of two leagues only.
• * 1.677

  The right way to discouer the North-east parts. Note.
• * 1.678

  Mezen. Pechora. Mont••aia Reca. The Voloc, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Ouer-hall. Zelena Reca. Obi Riuer. Taes Riuer and Castle·

  Toorou-hansko ••eemouia.

  Tingo••sie Riuer. Y••nisey Riuer. The Boulashies. Seeahee.

  Yenisey the greater and lesse. Imbaki. Ostaki.

  [ 10]

  Geta Riuer. Summers tra∣uell from Tin∣gosey to Geta. Vessels of greater bur∣then drawne with the Rope a thing vsed in China.
• * 1.679

  Cherie Iland.
• * 1.680

  Ionas Poole.
• * 1.681

  Six Biscainers. Crosse Road.
• * 1.682

  May. Bigs Hole. Kildin in Lappia Olena.
• * 1.683

  Iune. Cape Comfort. A ship of Am∣sterdam.
• * 1.684

  Callinos.
• * 1.685

  They goe on shoare.

  Ten Lodias of Pinega bound for Noua Zem∣bla.
• * 1.686

  A good Har∣bour.

  Stephen Burrow
• * 1.687

  Three Lodias of Pinega.

  Sharkai Gooba, which is the great Bay of Hayuburi.
• * 1.688

  They land the third time.

  A great Riuer.
• * 1.689

  Flote-wood.
• * 1.690

  A sore tyde vp∣on the shoare.
• * 1.691

  Cape Swetinos.
• * 1.692

  William Gour∣dan goeth on shoare.

  Two Russe Crosses.
• * 1.693

  A deepe Bay Westward of Cape Swetinos They goe on Land againe. An house of Wood.
• * 1.694

  They goe on Land the sixth time.

  A••undance of Muskitos.
• * 1.695

  Crosses found and cer••ayne Russes at the mouth of Pe∣chora.

  The depth of the B••••re of the Riuer of Pechora.

  They passe o∣uer the Barre, and ride in six fathoms w••ter. They ••oe vp the Riuer of Pechora, ouer The D••y Sea. D••lgoi is seuen leagues vp from the Barre
• * 1.696

  The Boluan, or East head land of the Riuer Pechora.

  The channell trendeth South-west.
• * 1.697

  An Iland neere the mouth of the Riuer.

  They find one of the chiefest entrances of the Riuer.
• * 1.698

  They come to a Ferme house of a principall man of the Towne.
• * 1.699

  The Towne is called Pusto∣zera.
• * 1.700

  Pechora run∣neth through Siberia, and far∣ther.

  Two Coches or Lodias, bound for Mougunzea. He buyeth two Falcons.

  The stocke of goods left in Pustozera.
• * 1.701

  24. Lodias bound for Mu∣gunzea, which is to the East∣ward of Ob.
• * 1.702

  They safely passe the Barre of Pechora.
• * 1.703

  Colgoien•• Iland 69. degrees. 20. minutes.
• * 1.704

  Falcons.
• * 1.705

  70 degrees 40. minutes.

  72. degrees 34 minutes.

  74. degrees 30. minutes.
• * 1.706

  74. degrees 57. minutes.
• * 1.707

  They arriue at Cherie Iland.
• * 1.708

  30. Lodias.
• * 1.709

  50. Cayucks or fishing Boats, haun••ing the Riuer Pechora.
• * 2.1

  They arriue in the Port of Pe∣chora ••he ninth of Iuly.
• * 2.2

  Two Crosses standing on the sand. Pinega.
• * 2.3

  Ship endange∣red by Ice.
• * 2.4

  Our men ar∣riue at Towne of Pechora. People afraid of the English.
• * 2.5

  White Par∣tridges and Foxes.
• * 2.6

  Commodities.
• * 2.7

  The Fleet of Mongosey of 26. Lodias. Or Mongal.
• * 2.8

  From Pechora to Colmogro is a moneths trauel by Riuer.
• * 2.9

  Small Pewter Dishes, a great commoditie.
• * 2.10

  August 1.
• * 2.11

  Huge Ice.
• * 2.12

  Omeli Fishing.
• * 2.13

  They land on the Ile of Col∣goiene. Geese.

  Two Hawkes taken.
• * 2.14

  Cherie Iland.
• * 2.15

  Thomas Edge. See sup. c. 2.
• * 2.16

  Morses feare∣full.
• * 2.17

  August 26.
• * 2.18

  Pechora.
• * 2.19

  Oustiug.
• * 2.20

  A Poud is 37. pound, or the third part of a hundred weight. An Alteen is fiue of their Pence, a Groat of ours.
• * 2.21

  A great fishing of Salmons, beginning the first of August.
• * 2.22

  Trauelling Deere.
• * 2.23

  Fish in stead of Bread.
• * 2.24

  Oust Zilma.
• * 2.25

  Perm.
• * 2.26

  Elephants teeth, whence, and which way.
• * 2.27

  Dolgoie Iland in the Soosoie Mo∣ra.
• * 2.28

  The Boluanou.
• * 2.29

  Matpheyoue O∣stroue.
• * 2.30

  Youhorskoie Share.

  The Meedanet∣skoie Zauorot: where Hainbu∣rie is.

  The two I∣lands called Zelentsee, or the Greene I∣lands.

  Dolgoie Ostroue, or the Long I∣land.
• * 2.31

  Karskoie Gooba, Meastnoy O∣stroue, or Meast∣noy Iland.

  A Riuer.

  Mootnoya Reca, or the Thicke or troubled Ri∣uer.
• * 2.32

  Two Lakes.
• * 2.33

  The N••uoloke, or Ouer-hall.
• * 2.34

  Zelenoy Osera, or The Greene Lake.
• * 2.35

  Zelenoya Reca, or The Greene Riuer falleth into Ob.
• * 2.36

  The Riuer Ob.
• * 2.37

  The Zauorot in the Riuer of Ob.

  Tawze Reca.
• * 2.38

  Taes. Tawze Gorodoc, or Castle.
• * 2.39

  Mongosey.
• * 2.40

  The Samoyede on the Mayne, ouer against Vaygats, trauell in the Winter to Mongosey. We may learn of these Samoy∣eds, the trade of Mongosey at Mezen more perfectly.

  Mezen a Town of great traf∣fick for Furres.
• * 2.41

  Mezen.
• * 2.42

  Peozareca.
• * 2.43

  Peaskanoy Na∣uoloc.
• * 2.44

  Oust-selma. Pustozera. The Boluanou. Pechora.
• * 2.45

  The former part of the Voyage is omitted, to auoide tedious repetition. Toxar.
• * 2.46

  Pustozera.
• * 2.47

  Iuly.
• * 2.48

  Cola in Lappia.
• * 2.49

  Arkania.
• * 2.50

  Molgomsey.
• * 2.51

  Pole baptized Russe.
• * 2.52

  Frost in Au∣gust.
• * 2.53

  Slobodca Mart.
• * 2.54

  Iugoria.
• * 2.55

  Sunne retur∣neth.
• * 2.56

  Generall Fast for three dayes very strict.
• * 2.57

  Russes fraud.
• * 2.58

  February.
• * 2.59

  Samoyeds quarrell.
• * 2.60

  Variation.
• * 2.61

  The report of a Russe, a great Traueller of the way from Pechora to Ob. Medemskoy Zo∣uorot.

  Zyelensa two Ilands.

  Breit-vinnose. Socolia Lowdia. A long Point. From Medem∣skoy Zauorot to Ob is 16. dayes sayling.

  An Iland. Ob is full of I∣lands, broad and shoald.
• * 2.62

  The people of Pechora, and the Russes are vnwilling that we should goe to Ob.

  The Riuer Yenisce. Samoyeds. Horses. Ploughes.

  The Riuer of the Tingusseys.
• * 2.63

  Tangut menti∣oned by Polo, a large Kingdom Northward from Cathay, or China.

  The Riuer P••sida.

  Gunnes. March.
• * 2.64

  P••stozera in 68. degrees 30. or 35. minutes.
• * 2.65

  Aprill.
• * 2.66

  The report of a Permack. Yenissey: be∣yond it the land trendeth due East.

  Pesida Riuer. Catonga Riuer runneth out of Cathay.

  Stones like Gold and Sil∣uer in the mid-way betweene Pisida and Ca∣tonga. May.
• * 2.67

  The Riuer Ice breakes vp.
• * 2.68

  Foure dayes iourney be∣tweene Pusto∣zer and Oust-zilma.

  Oust-zilma is in 66. degrees 30. minutes, & there grow faire Barley and Rie. Iune.

  17. Soymas de∣part for Mol∣gomsey. Iuly.

  Tom combu∣stion.
• * 2.69

  Intelligence of the Countrey. Course of Pe∣chora.

  Modeneskoy zauorot. Meastnoy Ostroue.
• * 2.70

  Scola Lowdia. Yowgarkoy shar. Carskoy Gouba. Mowtnoy a Ri∣uer.

  Sharrappa Shar. Yowcozoua. Naromzia Ri∣uer.

  Ob. Zylena Riuer. Taz Zauorot. Taz Riuer. An Iland in the mouth of Taz.

  The Towne. Powre Riuer. An Iland called Trowgan.

  The Riuer H••utike run∣ne••h out of Ca∣thay.
• * 2.71

  August. They depart from Pustozera.
• * 2.72

  Gloubocke in 69 degrees 12. minutes.
• * 2.73

  Collocolcoua. Mezyou Sharry.
• * 2.74

  Oliuer Brunell.
• * 2.75

  Indiga.
• * 2.76

  September.
• * 2.77

  Knocke Iohn.
• * 2.78

  Danieloue Stolbe
• * 2.79

  Churua Nose. Arkania. Colmogro.
• * 2.80

  This piece of an Elephants Tooth was sent into Eng∣land.

  The Sea Na∣romzie.
• * 2.81

  In another Letter from Pechora, Au∣gust 16.
• * 2.82

  Chrystall vpon the Vaygats. Yowgorsky Shar. Cara Reca. Moetnaia Reca. The Voloc or necke of Land. Zelena Reca. Obi Riuer. Taes Riuer. Yenissey Riuer.
• * 2.83

  Tinguissey a people.

  A White Citie. Great ringing of Bels.
• * 2.84

  Horses. People in Ar∣mour.

  They are not farre from Ca∣taia and China.
• * 2.85

  They were first receiued into a Permacks House.
• * 2.86

  August.
• * 2.87

  Nouember. His Voyage o∣uer-land to Slobotca and Colmogro.

  Mountaynes & Cameni, or Rockes.
• * 2.88

  He arriueth at Slobotca, the 9. of December in 16. dayes. Thomas Ligon.
• * 2.89

  He arriueth at Colmogro, the 12. of Decemb.
• * 2.90

  Snow bette∣reth their Tra∣uell.
• * 2.91

  The fourth of Ianuarie.
• * 2.92

  Mosse food for the Deere.
• * 2.93

  The manner of trauelling with the Sa∣moieds.
• * 2.94

  Their Tents.
• * 2.95

  Hard-soft lod∣ging.
• * 2.96

  Poore Samoieds
• * 2.97

  Dangerous Wolues.
• * 2.98

  Slobotca.
• * 2.99

  Trade with the Samoieds of Ou∣goria.

  Eight or nine hundred Sa∣moieds come to Pustozera.
• * 2.100

  The false sug∣gestions of the Russes against vs.
• * 2.101

  March.
• * 2.102

  Aprill, 1612.
• * 2.103

  May 20. the Ice brake vp.
• * 2.104

  Our men in∣treated to win∣ter at Oust-zilma.
• * 2.105

  Oust-zilma.
• * 2.106

  Iune 3.
• * 2.107

  Sixteene Soy∣mas depart for Molgomsey.
• * 2.108

  Fishing for Bealugos vnder the Boluan.
• * 2.109

  Manner of kil∣ling them.

  The Russes vp∣on the Ice vse to kill the Morse as they doe their Bea∣lugo: but their rope is longer, and a barre•••• made fast at one end to buoy it.

  Samoieds po∣uertie.

  Bealugo made meate in Italie
• * 2.110

  Iuly 13. A Boate sent by Riuer to Pustozera, to fetch home Master Logan and his Com∣pany into Rus∣sia.

  August. The Gloubuc.
• * 2.111

  Promoi Coskoi.
• * 2.112

  September.
• * 2.113

  North-west windes cause high Tides on this Coast. Much Snow.
• * 2.114

  Candinos.
• * 2.115

  Danilo Stolb in Lapland.
• * 2.116

  Archangel.
• * 2.117

  Colmogro,
• * 2.118

  Medeniskoie Barre.

  Vaygats Iland. The Riuer Ob. The Riuer Tas
• * 2.119

  Molgomsey a great Mart.
• * 2.120

  Ougoria and Naromzai.
• * 2.121

  Store of Mors∣ses.

  They returne from Ougoria in Ianuarie.
• * 2.122

  Moetnaia Reca.
• * 2.123

  Zelenai Reca. Ob Reca. Tas Riuer. An Iland in the mouth of Tas, A Towne. A necke of Land.
• * 2.124

  The Riuer To∣rowhan.

  The Riuer Hawtick.
• * 2.125

  The Riuer of the Tingussies. Two or three Riuers from Tingussie to the mouth of Ye∣nisce.
• * 2.126

  The Riuer Pisi∣da.

  The Riuer Ca∣towga.
• * 2.127

  Ships with two or three sailes▪
• * 2.128

  Horses about the Riuer Ca∣towga.
• * 2.129

  Bereseua.
• * 2.130

  Verchio-towria.
• * 2.131

  Tumen. Tobolsca. Surgout. Tom.
• * 2.132

  Many Nations come downe the Riuer Ob, from the South to trade at Surgout and Tobolsca.
• * 2.133

  The Country of King Alteen.
• * 2.134

  An Altine is six pence, a Din∣go is a penie.
• * 2.135

  Hawkes as white as snow.
• * 2.136

  Russe Money.
• * 2.137

  A course Ham∣borough Cloth.
• * 2.138

  Nouember. 1614. His Iourney within 30. leagues of Ob, and neere to Bersoma.

  The Riuer Coy, falling into Pe∣chor••.
• * 2.139

  The Riuer Shapkina, fal∣ling into Pe∣chora.
• * 2.140

  The Riuer Nougorotka, fal∣ling into Shap∣kina.

  Habeaga Riuer, falling into Pe∣chora.
• * 2.141

  December.
• * 2.142

  The Riuer Ha∣ryena, falling into Coluoy.
• * 2.143

  The Riuer Col∣uoy, falling in∣to Ouse.
• * 2.144

  Saint Nicholas Bay.
• * 2.145

  A small Riuer falling into Sandauets.
• * 2.146

  Terrible Frost.
• * 2.147

  The Riuer Ho∣seda, falling in∣to Azua.
• * 2.148

  The Riuer A∣zua, falling in∣to Ouse.

  The Mountain Yangoda.

  The Riuer Ro∣gauaya Mensha, falling into Ouse.
• * 2.149

  The Riuer Ro∣gauaya Bolsha, falling into Ouse.
• * 2.150

  Altitude and Variation.
• * 2.151

  Ianuarie. Returne.
• * 2.152

  Wilde Deere.
• * 2.153

  Aprill. Riuer increa∣sing. May.
• * 2.154

  Oust-zilma.
• * 2.155

  Glouboka is 67. degrees 55. minutes.
• * 2.156

  Iuly.
• * 2.157

  Apparell of Sa∣moyeds.
• * 2.158

  Sleds.
• * 2.159

  Deere swift∣nesse.
• * 2.160

  Women.
• * 2.161

  Tent and Chappell.
• * 2.162

  Superstition.
• * 2.163

  No Townes.
• * 2.164

  Marrie Wiues, bought and sold.

  Marriages.
• * 2.165

  Rings and Bels.
• * 2.166

  Diuorce.
• * 2.167

  Religion.
• * 2.168

  Funerals.
• * 2.169

  Their yeere but halfe a yeere.
• * 2.170

  Iudgement or Oath.
• * 2.171

  Their persons.
• * 2.172

  Diuination.
• * 2.173

  Womens har∣dinesse.
• * 2.174

  This was Master Bennets second Voy∣age thither. His first Voy∣age thither A. 1603. I haue added at the end of this Chapter, after Pooles Relati∣ons: this be∣ing set before I saw that.
• * 2.175

  A Morse.
• * 2.176

  Cherie Iland described.
• * 2.177

  Store of fowles.
• * 2.178

  Morses roring
• * 2.179

  Abundance of Sea-fowles found on shoare.
• * 2.180

  Small 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 74. 〈…〉〈…〉 minutes. Not••.
• * 2.181

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 2.182

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Teeth.
• * 2.183

  Abundance of Drift Wood.
• * 2.184

  A thousand Morses found.
• * 2.185

  1603. Lead Vre was found. Pechingo.
• * 2.186

  Cola.
• * 2.187

  Why the Iland was called Che∣rie Iland.
• * 2.188

  Assumption.
• * 2.189

  Iuly 2. Cherie Iland.
• * 2.190

  Many Morses killed with shot and Iaue∣lings.
• * 2.191

  The fight of the Morse.
• * 2.192

  Oyle made of the fat of the Morses.

  Eleuen tuns of Oyle.
• * 2.193

  A M••ne of Lead.
• * 2.194

  Extreame cold the 25. of Iuly.
• * 2.195

  Abundance of driuing Ice.
• * 2.196

  Mount Misery▪
• * 2.197

  A monstrous fogge.
• * 2.198

  August. 24. A Ship and Pinnasse set forth.
• * 2.199

  The Assump∣tion.

  Much Ice 55. leagues from the North Cape.
• * 2.200

  Ice within 45. leagues of the North Cape. A Beare on Ice 27. leagues from any land. Iuly 2.
• * 2.201

  Part of Cherie Iland in 74. de∣grees, and ••5. minutes. The floud commeth from the South-west. The thirteenth of Iuly.

  The nature of the Morses.
• * 2.202

  A great white Beare.
• * 2.203

  Seuen or eight hundred beasts slayne in sixe houres.

  A great Frost the 24. of Iuly.
• * 2.204

  May 21. Ward-house,
• * 2.205

  Tipany.
• * 2.206

  Iune 13.
• * 2.207

  Cherie Iland.
• * 2.208

  A Beare slaine.
• * 2.209

  Another Beare slayne.
• * 2.210

  Great he••te the 20. and 21. of Iune.
• * 2.211

  1000. Morses killed in seuen houres.
• * 2.212

  Iuly 3. A Voyage set out by Master Duppa to Cherie Iland, 1607.
• * 2.213

  A liuing Morse brought into England.
• * 2.214

  Lofoot. Zenam. May 2.
• * 2.215

  They arriue at Cherie Iland the 8. of May,
• * 2.216

  Fowle.
• * 2.217

  Three Beares.
• * 2.218

  Qualitie of Beares.

  Feare a Trai∣tor.
• * 2.219

  A Beare slaine.
• * 2.220

  17. Beares in sight.
• * 2.221

  Young Beare-whelps.
• * 2.222

  A Beare slayn, the skin wher∣of was 13. foot. A third Beare slayne.
• * 2.223

  The tenth day.
• * 2.224

  Sixe Beares slayne.

  All the Beares fl••yed.
• * 2.225

  Frost the 16. of May.
• * 2.226

  Snow.
• * 2.227

  Snow.
• * 2.228

  Fiue Seales.
• * 2.229

  Snow.
• * 2.230

  A ship of Hull.
• * 2.231

  Frosty wether.
• * 2.232

  Snow & frost.
• * 2.233

  26. Seales.
• * 2.234

  A Beare killed on the Ice. Two young white Beares brought into England. Iune 1.
• * 2.235

  Frost.
• * 2.236

  The Hull man. 20. leagues North-west off the Iland.
• * 2.237

  No fog in a moneths space
• * 2.238

  The first thaw.
• * 2.239

  Fogges.
• * 2.240

  The Beares slaine on the North side.
• * 2.241

  Three Beares slaine, powde∣red, and eaten.
• * 2.242

  Possession ta∣ken of Cherie Iland for the Muscouie Company.
• * 2.243

  Drift wood on the East side.
• * 2.244

  The Coue.
• * 2.245

  They feed on Beares flesh. Nine Foxes found.
• * 2.246

  Three Mynes of Lead found on Gull-Iland.
• * 2.247

  Good Sea-coles found on the Iland. Two Beares slaine.
• * 2.248

  An huge com∣passe of Ice.
• * 2.249

  Another Beare slaine.
• * 2.250

  Another Beare slaine.
• * 2.251

  Their Ship got in the se∣cond time.
• * 2.252

  The Matthew.
• * 2.253

  The Marie Margarite.
• * 2.254

  Iuly.
• * 2.255

  Logan and Edge.
• * 2.256

  Fowle their chiefest food in extreamitie.
• * 2.257

  A Beare slaine.
• * 2.258

  Another Beare slaine.
• * 2.259

  Snow and Frost.

  Some Minerall Lead digged. Aboue twentie Foxes eaten.
• * 2.260

  Dangers by the Ice.
• l 2.261

  A warpe, is a Rope (com∣monly a Haw∣ser) vsed to warpe a ship, that is, with an Anchor bent to the Hawser and layd out to hale the ship forward▪ which is done when they want wind to carrie out, or into a Har∣bour.
• m 2.262

  A Bitter, is a turne of the Cable about the Bitts, for when they come to An∣chor, they take a turne with it about the Bitts (two mayne square pieces of Timber, which stand Pillar wise in the loose of the ship, to make fast the Cable vnto) that they may by little and little vere it out at ease: o∣therwise, if a stopper faile, the Cable would runne out end for end, that is al∣together; but thus stopped, the shippe is said to bee brought to a Bitter. The Bitter end is that end of the Cable within boord at the Bites.
• * 2.263

  August.
• * 2.264

  Note.
• * 2.265

  An Iland.
• * 2.266

  May. The Iles of Shotland. No variation. 61. degrees 11. minutes.

  The inclinati∣on of the Needle. Iune.
• * 2.267

  65. degrees 27. minutes.

  67. degrees 30. minutes.
• * 2.268

  Youngs Cape. The Mount of Gods mercie. Snow.
• * 2.269

  Note. Land on their Larboord.
• * 2.270

  Many Fowles. Much drift Ice.
• * 2.271

  To loofe, is to keepe close to the wind: roo∣mer co••t.
• * 2.272

  To tacke the ship, is to bring her head about to lye the o∣ther way.
• * 2.273

  Land not co∣uered with Snow.
• * 2.274

  The Land of Hold with Hope in 73. degrees.
• * 2.275

  A mayne high Land.
• * 2.276

  75. Degrees: Land not farre off.
• * 2.277

  76. degrees 38. minutes.
• * 2.278

  Greenland or Newland disco∣uered.
• * 2.279

  78. Degrees.
• * 2.280

  Vogel Hooke.
• * 2.281

  Temperat•• ayre.
• * 2.282

  Iuly.
• * 2.283

  78. degrees 4••. minutes.
• * 2.284

  The great In∣l••t.
• * 2.285

  78. Degrees 56. Minutes.

  78. degrees 33. minutes.
• * 2.286

  The shroudes and sayles fro∣zen.

  The mouth of the Inlet. 77. degrees 30. minutes.
• * 2.287

  78. degrees. The end of the Sacke. A Blacke and o∣pen Sea.
• * 2.288

  Much Drift-wood.
• * 2.289

  Many Seales. Morses.
• * 2.290

  From hence it seemeth i•• ta∣ken out of Hen. Hudsons owne Notes.

  Blue and Greene Seas.
• * 2.291

  79. degrees 17. minutes.
• * 2.292

  Sick of Beares flesh vnsalted.
• * 2.293

  80. degrees.
• * 2.294

  Newland or Greenland, of which the Hol∣landers hath made a little Discouerie by Barents, as be∣fore is deliue∣red, but nei∣ther so farre, nor so exact, nor so vsefull: nor first as be∣fore is obser∣ued of Sir H. Willoughbies English exactet Discoueries finding the Whale and Morse benefit, they also en∣terloped.

  Greene Sea fre∣est of Ice, and the Blue Sea Icie.

  Collins Cape. Whale danger:
• * 2.295

  A Sound is a greater and deeper in∣draught then a Bay.

  Heat beyond 80. degrees.
• * 2.296

  Sunne 10. de∣grees 40. min. high, about mid-night.
• * 2.297

  81. degrees.
• * 2.298

  Land stretch∣ing into 82. de∣grees.
• * 2.299

  They returned
• * 2.300

  Abundance of Seales.
• * 2.301

  77. degr. 26. m.
• * 2.302

  Danger esca∣ped.
• * 2.303

  Whales Bay.
• * 2.304

  Cherie Iland.
• * 2.305

  I haue Robert Iuets Iournall also, for breui∣tie omitted.
• * 2.306

  Aprill.
• * 2.307

  May.
• * 2.308

  Lowfoot.
• * 2.309

  Sun 5. degrees 35. minutes at mid-night.
• * 2.310

  Iune.
• * 2.311

  North Cape.
• * 2.312

  Variation west 11. degrees.
• * 2.313

  Needles incli∣nation 84. de∣grees and a halfe.
• * 2.314

  74. degrees 30. minutes.
• * 2.315

  Darke blue Sea.
• * 2.316

  Mermaide seene, and de∣scribed.
• * 2.317

  Current.
• * 2.318

  Needles incli∣nation 89. de∣grees and a halfe, in 75. de∣grees 22. min.
• * 2.319

  Beares roaring
• * 2.320

  Store of Seals.
• * 2.321

  Sunne at mid-night high 7. degrees 40. mi∣nutes, in 74. degrees 33. mi∣nutes.

  Iuets notes tell of a sudden va∣riation of the Compasse, from the North to the East one point, which had been two ime∣diately before.
• * 2.322

  No passag•• that way. Swart Cliffe••
• * 2.323

  They goe a•• shoare.
• * 2.324

  Riuer and Iland.
• * 2.325

  Iuly.
• * 2.326

  His purpose altered.
• * 2.327

  Stron•• ••••ream.
• * 2.328

  Herd of white Deere.
• * 2.329

  The Riuer searched.
• * 2.330

  Noua Zembla pleasant to the eye.
• * 2.331

  Cause of much Ice in those Seas, which make no naui∣gable passage.
• * 2.332

  Willoughbies Land, a con∣ceit of Card-makers: it see∣ming to be no other then Newland or Greenland (as is before obser∣ued cap. 2.) as Costing Sarch of Brunell is to others Noua Zembla. Note.
• * 2.333

  Greene Sea.
• * 2.334

  Thunder.
• * 2.335

  No night in ten weekes.
• * 2.336

  See Hak. 10.3.
• * 2.337

  May 5. stilo nouo.
• * 2.338

  Beala 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Wardhouse. They doubled the North Cape.

  Assumption Point.
• * 2.339

  Zen••••.
• * 2.340

  Lofoote.
• * 2.341

  No variatio••▪
• * 2.342

  A great cur∣rent setting to the North-east.
• * 2.343

  Farre Iles set 14. leagues to farre West.
• * 2.344

  Stromo.
• * 2.345

  Iune.
• m 2.346

  The Bitta∣cle is a close place in which the Compasse standeth.

  Busse Iland. Their first sight of stars: for further North, they 〈◊〉〈◊〉 continuall Sun-light. Change of wa∣ter.

  A strange cur∣rent out of the South-west.
• * 2.347

  Note well.
• * 2.348

  Bonets are those which are laced and eeked to the sayles to en∣large them: with reference whereto the mayne course, missen course, fore course, is vnderstood of those sayles without their Bonets.
• * 2.349

  A current from the North.

  Variation one point East.
• * 2.350

  Latitude 48. degrees 6. mi∣nutes.
• * 2.351

  To spend the Mast, is vnder∣stood of brea∣king it by foule weather only.
• * 2.352

  That is, bare no more sayle but the mayne sayle, &c. Variation.
• * 2.353

  Iuly.
• * 2.354

  The Banke of New found Land
• * 2.355

  Variation west 17. degrees. French-men Fi∣shing on the Banke.
• * 2.356

  Variation 15. degrees North-west.
• * 2.357

  Variation 13. degrees.
• * 2.358

  Foggie and thick weather.
• * 2.359

  Many great Cods taken. Many great Scoales of Her∣rings.

  To sound is to trie the depth by Line and Lead, or Pole, &c.
• * 2.360

  Variation 17. degrees.
• * 2.361

  Land, being low, white and sandie.
• * 2.362

  43. degrees 25. minutes. Sight of Land againe, and of two Ships.
• * 2.363

  Fiue Ilands.
• * 2.364

  Sixe Saluages come aboord them.
• * 2.365

  A large Riuer.
• * 2.366

  44. Degrees 10. minutes.
• * 2.367

  The trade of the French with the Saluages.
• * 2.368

  They spoyle Houses of the Saluages.
• * 2.369

  Variation 10. degrees toward the North-west
• * 2.370

  Variation 6. degrees to the West.
• * 2.371

  Variation 5. & a halfe degrees.
• * 2.372

  A great cur∣rent and ma∣ny ouer-fals.
• * 2.373

  A great Rut.
• * 2.374

  A current to the South-west and South-west by West, with ouer-fals▪ August.
• * 2.375

  They goe on Land neere Cape Cod.
• * 2.376

  Sauages.
• * 2.377

  This dange∣rous Riffe is in 41. degrees 10 minutes, and lyeth off East from Cape Cod into the Sea.
• * 2.378

  The Flats.
• * 2.379

  A current set∣ting to the North.

  Variation one point.
• * 2.380

  Variation 10. degrees.
• * 2.381

  37. Degrees 25. minutes.
• * 2.382

  37. Degrees 6. minutes.
• * 2.383

  A low Land with a white sandie shoare▪ 37. degrees 26. minutes.
• * 2.384

  Barre of Virgi∣nia.

  Kings Riuer.
• * 2.385

  Note.
• * 2.386

  37. degrees 22. minutes.
• * 2.387

  Variation 4. degrees West∣ward.
• * 2.388

  The Banke of Virginia.

  The Coast ly∣eth South South-west, and North North-west. Latitude 37. degrees 15. mi∣nutes.
• * 2.389

  This agreeth with Robert Tyndall.
• * 2.390

  The Point of the Land.
• * 2.391

  A great Bay and Riuers.
• * 2.392

  A small Shal∣lop needfull.
• * 2.393

  The Norther Land is full of shoalds.
• * 2.394

  Many Ilands.
• * 2.395

  They strike.
• * 2.396

  Latitude 39. degrees 5. mi∣nutes.
• * 2.397

  Latitude 38. degrees 39. mi∣nutes.

  Deceitfull streames.
• * 2.398

  September. Latitude 39. degrees 3. mi∣nutes.
• * 2.399

  The Land like broken Ilands. The course a∣long the Land from the mouth of one Riuer, to the mouth of the Norther Bay or Lake.

  Variation 8. degrees neere the Hills.

  2. degrees va∣riation off at Sea.
• * 2.400

  High and a bold shoare. Three great Riuers.

  The Norther∣most barred. An excellent Riuer.

  Latitude 40. degrees 30. mi∣nutes.
• * 2.401

  A very good Harbour.
• * 2.402

  The people of the Countrey come aboord, they are very ciuill.

  Yellow Cop∣per.

  Tall Oakes.
• * 2.403

  The great Bay in 40. degrees and 30. minut••.
• * 2.404

  Dryed Cur∣rants.

  Mantles of Feathers, Furs, Hempe.

  Red Copper.
• * 2.405

  Another Riuer foure leagues to the North∣ward.

  A narrow Ri∣uer to the Westward.
• * 2.406

  Colman slaine, and two more hurt.
• * 2.407

  Colmans Point.
• * 2.408

  Treacherous Sauages.
• * 2.409

  Good Harbour
• * 2.410

  28. Canoes full of men.

  Oysters and Beanes.

  Copper Pipes.
• * 2.411

  Variation 13. degrees.
• * 2.412

  The Riuer a mile broad.
• * 2.413

  Very high and mountainous Land.
• * 2.414

  Very louing people.
• * 2.415

  Maiz, Pompi∣ons and Ta∣bacco.
• * 2.416

  Shoalds and small Ilands.
• * 2.417

  Grapes and Pompions: Beauers and Otters skins.
• * 2.418

  Oration.
• * 2.419

  End of the Ri∣uers N••uiga∣blenesse.
• * 2.420

  They returne downe the Riuer.
• * 2.421

  Store of Chest-nuts.
• * 2.422

  Okes, Wal-nut trees, Chest-nut trees, Ewe trees, Cedar trees, &c.
• * 2.423

  Mountaines.
• * 2.424

  Small skins. A pleasant place to build a Towne on.
• * 2.425

  Likelihood of Minerals.
• * 2.426

  October▪
• * 2.427

  Treacherie of these Sauages. A skirmish and slaughter of the Sauages.
• * 2.428

  A Myne of Copper or Siluer.

  The Countrey of Manna-hata.
• * 2.429

  The great mouth of the great Ri∣uer.
• * 2.430

  They leaue the Coast of Virginia.
• * 2.431

  Aprill 17.
• * 2.432

  May. The Iles of Orkney.
• * 2.433

  Note. Farre Ilands 62 degrees 24. minutes. Westmony.
• * 2.434

  Iune.
• * 2.435

  Groneland.
• * 2.436

  Frobishers Streights.
• * 2.437

  Desolation.
• * 2.438

  A current West North-west.
• * 2.439

  East entrance into the Streights.
• * 2.440

  Iuly.
• * 2.441

  Desire prouoketh.
• * 2.442

  Iles of Gods Mercies.
• * 2.443

  Hold with Hope. A mightie growne Sea.
• * 2.444

  Magna Britan∣nia.
• * 2.445

  August.
• * 2.446

  Salisburies fore-land: A great and whurling Sea: A Streight which led vs into the deepe Bay of Gods great Mercies.
• * 2.447

  Cape Worsen∣holme.

  Cape Digs.
• * 2.448

  Orkney. Farre Iles. Island.

  The South-east part of Island.
• * 2.449

  Westmonie Iland.

  Mount Hecla casteth out fire. A mayne of Ice.
• * 2.450

  Or Diraford.
• * 2.451

  Lousie Bay. An hot Bath. The first of Iune.
• * 2.452

  Iland of Deso∣lation. Store of Whales.
• * 2.453

  Iland of Ice o∣uerturneth.
• * 2.454

  Danger by Ice.
• * 2.455

  Hudson entred 100. leagues further then any had been.
• * 2.456

  Discontents.
• * 2.457

  Desire prouokes.
• * 2.458

  Exercises of pleasure and profit on the Ice.

  Difference of Tydes and Bayes.

  Ice aboue 100. fathome.
• * 2.459

  A dangerous Rocke.
• * 2.460

  Iles of Gods Mercie.
• * 2.461

  Partridges.
• * 2.462

  Drift-wood.
• * 2.463

  Three Capes.
• * 2.464

  Prince Henries Cape.
• * 2.465

  King Iames his Cape.

  Queene Annes Cape.
• * 2.466

  Note.
• * 2.467

  Mount Charles.
• * 2.468

  Cape Salsburie.
• * 2.469

  Deepes Cape. Worsenhams Cape.
• * 2.470

  Deere.
• * 2.471

  Store of fowle and grasse. Sorell and Scuruy grasse.
• * 2.472

  Fowles han∣ged.
• * 2.473

  Discord: see Widhouse his Relations fol∣lowing.
• * 2.474

  Michaelmasse Day, and Bay.
• * 2.475

  Anchor lost.
• * 2.476

  Sea of two co∣lours.
• * 2.477

  Footing of a man.
• * 2.478

  Sticke on a Rocke.
• * 2.479

  Last of Octo∣ber.
• * 2.480

  Nouember the tenth frozen in.
• * 2.481

  Iohn Williams dyeth.
• * 2.482

  Henry Greenes bad conditions
• * 2.483

  Greenes con∣spiracie.
• * 2.484

  Their hand wintring.
• * 2.485

  Store of Par∣tridg••s.
• * 2.486

  Other Fowles succeeding in their seasons.
• * 2.487

  Miserable diet
• * 2.488

  Medicinable budde.
• * 2.489

  A Sauage.
• * 2.490

  Turke.
• * 2.491

  Fishing.
• * 2.492

  Belly straits.
• * 2.493

  Wilson & Green, their wicked∣nesse.
• * 2.494

  Robert Iuet. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Widhouses notes.
• * 2.495

  Oath abused.
• * 2.496

  The Carpen∣ter spared.
• * 2.497

  They bind the Master.
• * 2.498

  The Carpen∣ter let goe.
• * 2.499

  The names of the company exposed in the Shallop,
• * 2.500

  L••st sight of the Shallop.
• * 2.501

  Foure Ilands▪
• * 2.502

  The wicked flee where none pursueth
• * 2.503

  Cockle grasse.
• * 2.504

  A Rocke.
• * 2.505

  Note.
• * 2.506

  Iuly 27.
• * 2.507

  Sauages.
• * 2.508

  Sauages man∣ner of fowling.
• * 2.509

  Greenes confi∣dence.
• * 2.510

  Sauages dogges.
• * 2.511

  Sauages tre∣cherie.
• * 2.512

  Trecherie iust to vniust Tray∣tors.
• * 2.513

  Greene slaine.
• * 2.514

  Wicked and wretched end of wretched wicked men.
• * 2.515

  Miserie pursu∣eth the rest.
• * 2.516

  Poore Diet.
• * 2.517

  Robert Iuets death.
• * 2.518

  A sayle of Fowy Bere Hauen in Ireland.
• * 2.519

  They arriue at Plimouth.
• * 3.1

  Ilanders poore.
• * 3.2

  The cause of their stay as Island.
• * 3.3

  They are rela∣ted by Master Hakluit, in his 3. vol pag 121.
• * 3.4

  Friesland.
• * 3.5

  Saint Thomas Monasterie in Greenland.

  Hote Spring and the strange effects thereof.
• * 3.6

  Estotiland.
• * 3.7

  Drogio.
• * 3.8

  Abrah. Ortel. Chart. 6. Hak. vol. 3. Botero. Maginus. Hondius, &c.
• * 3.9

  There is also the relation hereof by Qui∣rino himseife, extant toge∣ther with this in R••musio, Tom. 2. Out of which I haue heere added diuers annota∣tions.
• * 3.10

  The Italians call the sayling into the Medi∣terranean, the Leuant or East; and thence int•• the Spanish O∣cean, and these parts the Ponent or West.
• * 3.11

  These are particularly related by Quirino the Patron or Owner. They lost their Rud∣der on a Rocke, not farre from Cales in Spaine, and were faine to make thither to repaire it: and other diast••rs followed.
• * 3.12

  They leaue the ship.
• * 3.13

  The Schiffe lost.
• * 3.14

  Hard dyet.
• * 3.15

  Great Frost a•• Venice.
• * 3.16

  Extreame cold
• * 3.17

  The death of sixe and twen∣tie.
• * 3.18

  Great thirst.
• * 3.19

  Sight of Land.
• * 3.20

  Hot strong sto∣mackes to cold small drinke.
• * 3.21

  They goe on Land.

  Iland of Saints or Santi, bea∣ring off the coast of Nor∣way. See Orte∣lius his Map of Scandia: hee placeth Santi and Rustene in 74. degrees, but too Norther∣ly then they are from the North Cape, from which this Rocke (saith Quirino) bare West∣ward 70. miles other Rockes: not farre di∣stant, some in∣habited some not. This is off Rustene three miles in com∣passe, and cal∣led in their Language for the extreame remotenesse, The arse of the World.

  Foure dye and others after.
• * 3.22

  Great weake∣nesse.
• * 3.23

  Miserable cold
• * 3.24

  Abundance of Lice.
• * 3.25

  They finde a Fish.
• * 3.26

  1432. in Fo∣raine account.
• * 3.27

  Ile of Rustene.
• * 3.28

  A Germaine Priest.
• * 3.29

  Rustene descri∣bed.
• * 3.30

  Stock-fish in stead of mony.
• * 3.31

  Their drinke and bread.
• * 3.32

  Halibuts very great.
• * 3.33

  Sinceritie.
• * 3.34

  Simplicitie. Thus the Ita∣lians thought in regard of their differing iealousie, which scarsly permits the growne Sonne or Brother to sleepe vnder the same roofe with the Mo∣ther or Sister.
• m 3.35

  Quirino faith in the same Cham∣ber, their hou∣ses being built of timber in round forme, with one light in the top, which in win∣ter by reason of the vnsup∣portable cold is couered wi••h skinnes of great fishes, which cast a great lustre. Their chil∣dren after foure daies old are set vnder the same for the snow to fal on them, that they may bee hardned for the cold.

  From the fi••t of Febr. to the 14. of May, it almost alway snow••d. Their garments are of course clo••h of London, &c. more then of Lether.

  Funerall. Bathing. Long nights. Quirino saith, that it is three moneths night with continual light of the Moone: and three others day with con∣tinuall sight or light at least of the Sunne. Birds, M••xi. They returne.
• * 3.36

  B••rga.
• * 3.37

  Tokens of the Skiffe drow∣ned.
• * 3.38

  Trondon.
• * 3.39

  Saint Olaus.
• * 3.40

  Vastena.
• * 3.41

  Venetian Knight.
• * 3.42

  Lodese.
• * 3.43

  Quirino saith when he set foot on Eng∣land, hee see∣med to bee comne out of Hell and re∣uiued.

  Hee came to C••mbridge, an Vniuersitie where a Bene∣dictinè gaue him sixteene Crownes, thence to Lon∣don, where he stayed two moneths, &c.
• * 3.44

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 3.45

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 3.46

  Octhers voyage see Hak. ••••••1.
• * 3.47

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 3.48

  〈…〉〈…〉 4000.

  Matthew West∣minster hath 4800. viz 1200. for the South coast also.
• * 3.49

  Danes Wi••cinga Sig. a Pirate.
• * 3.50

  Scanza is the Chersonesus, containing the Country of Norway, Swe∣den, &c.

  Men sacrificed to Thur.
• * 3.51

  Mat. West.
• * 3.52

  Lamberts per∣ambulation of Kent.
• * 3.53

  Mat. Westminst.
• * 3.54

  Danegelt con∣tinued till Ed∣ward the Con∣fessor. A. 1012.
• * 3.55

  This Swan••s, or Sueno had killed his fa∣ther.
• * 3.56

  A. 1042. Hocktide I haue seene kept with publi••e fea∣sting in the street, the wo∣men also ••in∣ding men, or compelling them to some ransome▪ the Tuesday for••∣night after Easter.
• * 3.57

  English Con∣quest in Swe∣den. A. 1024.
• * 3.58

  Saint Olaue.
• * 3.59

  Romish Pilgri∣mage a prote∣ction for ty∣rannous vsur∣pation of Nor∣way & England, without resti∣tution to the right Heires: as if Peters pre∣tēded key were a Pick-locke to open Heauen to whomsoe∣uer.
• * 3.60

  Historia Danica.
• * 3.61

  Second English Expedition in∣to Norway.
• m 3.62

  Trecenti•• coggonibu••.
• * 3.63

  From 787. to 1065.
• * 3.64

  vid. sup. l. 8. c. 6. ••. 1.
• * 3.65

  Note.
• * 3.66

  Ma. Peri•• p. 981:
• * 3.67

  The Pope and his Le∣gates deere friends to all Kingdomes. Saint Lewis his offers.
• * 3.68

  His Lett••r.
• * 3.69

  M. Par. his voy∣age to Norway. Iohn Abbie.
• * 3.70

  Monkes igno∣rant of their owne order. Popes long hands and Lime-fingered Appeales.
• l 3.71

  Of these s••e Hak. tom. 1.
• * 3.72

  King Haralds children.
• n 3.73

  See pag. seq.
• * 3.74

  Frier of Linne.
• * 3.75

  Hen. 4.
• * 3.76

  T. of Woodstock.
• * 3.77

  Sch••gen. Elsenore.
• * 3.78

  Coppenhagen.
• * 3.79

  Dantzik.
• * 3.80

  Amber. Sak.
• * 3.81

  A Frogge in a piece of Am∣ber.
• * 3.82

  Strange re∣port of Swal∣lowes.

  The Vistle.
• * 3.83

  High wall.
• * 3.84

  Marienberg.
• * 3.85

  Dutch Knights of our Ladie.
• m 3.86

  See Tom. 1. lib. 8.
• * 3.87

  Bransperg. Rigat••.
• * 3.88

  Russian cruelty.
• * 3.89

  Reuell. Straw Castle.
• * 3.90

  Momese & Sac's
• * 3.91

  Idolatry.
• * 3.92

  Marriage.
• * 3.93

  Hospitalitie.
• * 3.94

  Houses.
• * 3.95

  Peibus.
• * 3.96

  Sowed Ships.
• * 3.97

  Letto.
• * 3.98

  Vilna.
• * 3.99

  Hunting.
• * 3.100

  His going into Tartaria.
• * 3.101

  Torne.
• * 3.102

  Norway.
• * 3.103

  Sweden.
• * 3.104

  When he was there.
• * 3.105

  His other trauells.
• * 3.106

  Loretto.
• * 3.107

  Alpes.
• * 3.108

  The fields Sau∣ramenses and Oczacouiens••s, betwixt the Ri∣uers Bogus and Nester.
• * 3.109

  Long miles in those parts: and so vnder∣stand in the rest of this storie.

  Sharpe winter.
• * 3.110

  Part of Mo••da∣uia or the low∣er Valachia, cal∣led sometim••s Bessarabia.

  Lake Vidouo in Necster. Bialogrod.
• * 3.111

  Beriboneum. Adrigoli.

  Dommina Bere∣zania, Carcini∣tus Leuca.
• * 3.112

  Oczacauia.
• * 3.113

  Boresthenes or Neper. Bogus. The Isthmus.
• * 3.114

  Their houses and pasture-progresse.
• * 3.115

  Tanais or Don.
• * 3.116

  Perecopia.
• * 3.117

  Cosslow. Ingermanum.
• * 3.118

  Chers••na.
• * 3.119

  Kiou.
• * 3.120

  Parthenium.
• * 3.121

  The Citie Ba∣lachei, or Iam∣boli.
• * 3.122

  Marcopia, or Mangat a City.
• * 3.123

  Cercessigerme∣num.
• * 3.124

  Admirable Vaults.
• * 3.125

  Baccasaray.
• * 3.126

  Salaticum.
• * 3.127

  Almassarai.
• * 3.128

  Perecopia. Cremum.
• * 3.129

  Sor••••ssus.
• * 3.130

  Cremum.
• * 3.131

  Crim Tartars why so called.
• * 3.132

  Sidagios or Su∣dacum.
• * 3.133

  Orium and Oxon.
• * 3.134

  Theodosia, now Capha.
• * 3.135

  Petigorenses or Colchis.
• * 3.136

  Idolaters.
• * 3.137

  Deepe Wells.
• * 3.138

  Salt Lake.
• * 3.139

  Cyngis. Lochton.
• * 3.140

  Selim. Ger••y Chan.
• * 3.141

  Sachmates.
• * 3.142

  The Galba or heyre appa∣rant.
• * 3.143

  Election of the Chan.
• * 3.144

  Sachibgiereius.
• * 3.145

  Attalici.
• * 3.146

  Hamiati.
• * 3.147

  Wiues and children.
• * 3.148

  Arabike letters
• * 3.149

  Mahometan Religion.
• * 3.150

  Gouernment and Lawes. The Cadi and Begs.
• * 3.151

  No Atturnies nor Lawyers: they plead their owne cause.
• * 3.152

  Great peace∣ablenesse to the shame of alway lawing Gospellers.
• * 3.153

  No daily vse of weapons.
• * 3.154

  Aquauitae. Meat and drinke.
• * 3.155

  Slaues.
• * 3.156

  Merchants.
• * 3.157

  Tartar slaues.
• * 3.158

  Tribute.
• * 3.159

  Embassadors.
• * 3.160

  Alma. Bacchasanium.
• * 3.161

  Audience.
• * 3.162

  Bassa of Capha.
• * 3.163

  Warres.
• * 3.164

  Money.
• * 3.165

  Prouision for warre.
• * 3.166

  Manner and Art of warre.
• * 3.167

  The Chans tenth.
• * 3.168

  Misery of Captiues.
• * 3.169

  Manner of redemption.
• * 3.170

  Ars deluditur arte.
• * 3.171

  Their Horses.
• * 3.172

  Their Armes.
• * 3.173

  Store of Hor∣ses.
• * 3.174

  Flight fayned.
• * 3.175

  Their Disci∣pline.
• * 3.176

  His strength. The principall Ensigne a Mares tayle.
• m 3.177

  He publi∣shed this Book Anno 1607.
• * 3.178

  Groneland. Mists ordinary in those Seas.
• * 3.179

  See of Island originall the next Chapter. Antiquities are often my∣stical, or mythi∣cal & fabulous
• * 3.180

  The Christian care of King Christian.
• * 3.181

  Two Bishops in Iseland.
• * 3.182

  Tadde Bonde.
• * 3.183

  Waloe.
• * 3.184

  Three sorts of people.
• * 3.185

  Twelue Iusti∣ces each yeere
• * 3.186

  Strength.
• * 3.187

  H••bite.
• * 3.188

  Superstition and Witch∣craft.
• * 3.189

  Night Rauens.
• * 3.190

  Sweet sacrifice for the Deuill, letice sutable his lips.
• * 3.191

  Learning▪
• * 3.192

  Fiwing & fish.
• * 3.193

  Drinke.
• * 3.194

  An old man or a loud lie.
• * 3.195

  Bread.
• * 3.196

  Commodities.
• * 3.197

  Whoores.
• * 3.198

  Drinking and singing.
• * 3.199

  Louing wormes. Lousie loue.
• * 3.200

  Lodging.
• * 3.201

  Long night.
• * 3.202

  Chesse.
• * 3.203

  Dryed Fish.
• * 3.204

  Hot Bathes.
• * 3.205

  Diue-doppers.
• * 3.206

  Stone-making water.
• * 3.207

  Note.
• * 3.208

  French disease.
• * 3.209

  Hecla a bur∣ning Hill.
• * 3.210

  Conceit of Purgatorie.
• * 3.211

  Collusions of men, or Illusi∣ons of Deuils. A••ngim Ionas an Islander scoffes at 〈◊〉〈◊〉 as fabu∣lous.
• * 3.212

  Strange Story.
• * 3.213

  Another won∣der.
• * 3.214

  No fruits.
• * 3.215

  Bartar. Brimstone▪
• * 3.216

  Birch-tree.
• * 3.217

  Great winds.
• * 3.218

  Fat grasse.
• * 3.219

  Their kine, horses, and sheepe.

  Dogs of more price then children. Beares and Foxes.

  White Crowes
• * 3.220

  Riuers.
• * 3.221

  Whale-bone-bridge.

  Trauell by compasse. Whales.
• * 3.222

  Hug•• Whal••
• * 3.223

  Note.
• * 3.224

  Orca.
• * 3.225

  A Sea-mon∣ster.
• * 3.226

  Hacfal another Monster.
• * 3.227

  Dog-fish.
• * 3.228

  Note.
• * 3.229

  Horne of a Sea-fish. See Ionas Poole and Baffin, l. 4.
• * 3.230

  Islanders terme
• * 3.231

  Manner of trials and suites.
• * 3.232

  Sentence and execution.
• * 3.233

  Their Pigmies are Beasts and Vnicornes▪ Fishes.
• * 3.234

  Pigmies, our men haue no•• seene such.
• * 3.235

  Of this the English Disco∣u••ri••s in this and the next Booke wi••l giue bett••r light▪
• * 3.236

  The Authors Voyage for Discouerie.
• * 3.237

  In Sir Thomas Smiths Hall in London is a kind of Boate somwhat like, of Barke sowed
• * 3.238

  Seales skins.
• * 3.239

  A Beare.
• * 3.240

  The Authors Iourney to Mount Hecla.
• * 3.241

  Hafnefordt. His abiding there two win∣ters.
• * 3.242

  His Nauigati∣ons on the Coast of Afri∣ca, &c. hee mentions in his Preface, which I haue for breuitie omitted.
• * 3.243

  This learned Islander publi∣shed A. 1593. one Booke of Island, which M. Hak. trans∣lated and set forth in the first Tome of his Voyages. This worke is larger in three Books out of which I haue taken some things which I held conducent to our purpose▪ In the former worke he con∣futeth the er∣rours of diuers Authors which write fasly many things of his Countrey. Hola in 65. de∣grees 44. mi∣nutes.

  Diuers names of ••sland. Snaeland.

  Naddoc first Discouerer. Farre Ilands.
• * 3.244

  Gardar second Discouerer.
• * 3.245

  A.D. 864.
• * 3.246

  Gardarsholme.
• * 3.247

  Floco third Discouerer.
• * 3.248

  Rauen Guides.
• * 3.249

  The name Island of Ice.
• * 3.250

  Island is not Thule.
• * 3.251

  Thule furthest of the Brittish Iles.
• * 3.252

  The Author proceedeth in this disputati∣on, further then our Rea∣der perhaps would permit vs. The lear∣ned and curi∣ous may there find enough: and more yet in Ortelius his both▪ Thesaurus and Theatrum, who proueth out of Pompenius, Ptolemaeus, and Procopius, that Island is not Thule but (as the name sounds) Tylemarke, a Region in Norway, or all Scandia, of which that is a part, still retaining the name.
• * 3.253

  The Circuit.
• * 3.254

  Harald Hare∣fagre finding many p••ttie Princes made an absolute Monarchy of Norway, wher∣upon some sought to free themselues by new discoue∣ries: and hence arose the plan∣tation of Island
• * 3.255

  A.D. 874. Ingulfus.
• * 3.256

  Rash vowes and bloudie quarrells en∣suing.
• * 3.257

  Island first in∣habited, A 874
• * 3.258

  Superstition.
• * 3.259

  First houses. Island had an∣ciently fairer houses then now; (hauing Timber from Norway, &c.) & likewise Til∣lage was then in vse.

  Hiorleifus slain. Westmafrar and Westmen.
• * 3.260

  Woods.
• * 3.261

  Bels and Crosses.
• * 3.262

  Chap. 3. Of the lan∣guage of the Nation.

  Islanders only retaine the ancient Gottish
• * 3.263

  Two kindes of letters.
• * 3.264

  Island Gram∣marian.
• * 3.265

  Norus of whom Norway is named.
• * 3.266

  Chap. 4. Of the first Inhabitants of the North parts of the world. Thorro.
• * 3.267

  Fermotus.
• * 3.268

  Goe.
• * 3.269

  Gorus.
• * 3.270

  This Odinus is said to haue made his plan∣tation with his Asian follow∣ers, about four and twentie yeeres before Christ was borne.
• * 3.271

  Earth-bred or Land-sprung men, which had their ori∣ginall in that Land.
• * 3.272

  Giants first in∣habiters of the Northerne parts of the World.

  Their originall from the Ca∣nanites.

  A long dis∣course of the Authour to proue that there haue bin Giants, i•• o∣mitted.
• * 3.273

  Giants in the time of Har∣aldus Hare∣fayre and since.
• * 3.274

  1338. a Giant reported of 15. Cubits.
• * 3.275

  Iu••land.
• * 3.276

  Chap. 5. Of their Cu∣stomes and manner of life. Separate dwel∣lings.
• * 3.277

  Houses.
• * 3.278

  Fewell.
• * 3.279

  Turfes of two sorts, both vsed in England; the one in fennie, the other in heath grounds. Einarus the In∣uenter of Turfe-fewel in the Orcades.
• * 3.280

  Stoues.
• * 3.281

  Greater hou∣ses in Island▪ in old times.
• * 3.282

  Victuals and Husbandry.
• * 3.283

  Tillage anci∣ently in vse:
• * 3.284

  Beasts. Fowle. Fish.
• * 3.285

  Drinke. Whay.
• * 3.286

  Mead. Ale.
• * 3.287

  Chap. 6. Of their Com∣mon-wealth & Religion.
• * 3.288

  Seats of Iu∣stice and Re∣ligion.
• * 3.289

  Idols.
• * 3.290

  Por and Thors day.

  Freyr Niordur and As.

  Odinus the same that Wo∣den in our Saxon storie. Odinus, Odin, or Oden by his Sorcery (which made him a Deuill) made a God.

  Wodnesday, or Wednesday.
• * 3.291

  The Altar.
• * 3.292

  Holy water sprinkle.
• * 3.293

  Holy Ring.
• * 3.294

  Sacrifices.
• * 3.295

  Humane-inhu∣mane sacrifices
• * 3.296

  Deuill-circle.
• * 3.297

  Of this place and these cries of the children confused with sounds of in∣struments and the vnnaturall horror, Hell was called Ge∣henna and To∣phet.
• * 3.298

  Chap. 7. Of Magistrates and Courts.
• * 3.299

  A Magistrate, who.
• * 3.300

  Care of the Poore.
• * 3.301

  Lawes against Beggars.
• * 3.302

  Inordinate men.
• * 3.303

  Our tithings and hundreds in their origi∣nall, had some resemblance thereof.
• * 3.304

  Lawes of Almes.