Purchas his pilgrimes. part 3 In fiue bookes. The first, contayning the voyages and peregrinations made by ancient kings, patriarkes, apostles, philosophers, and others, to and thorow the remoter parts of the knowne world: enquiries also of languages and religions, especially of the moderne diuersified professions of Christianitie. The second, a description of all the circum-nauigations of the globe. The third, nauigations and voyages of English-men, alongst the coasts of Africa ... The fourth, English voyages beyond the East Indies, to the ilands of Iapan, China, Cauchinchina, the Philippinæ with others ... The fifth, nauigations, voyages, traffiques, discoueries, of the English nation in the easterne parts of the world ... The first part.

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CHAP. I. The beginning of English Discoueries towards the North, and North-east, by Sir HVGH WILLOVGHBY, RICHARD CHANCEL∣LOR, and others; of the Muscouie Trade, as also Voya∣ges by Russia, ouer the Caspian Sea, and thorow diuers Regions of Tartaria.

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§. I. The first Voyage for Discouerie with three ships, set forth vnder the charge of Sir HVGH WILLOVGHBY Knight, in which he died; and Moscouia was discouered by Captaine CHANCELLOR.

IN the yeere of our Lord 1553. the seuenth of the Raigne of King Edward the sixth of famous memorie, Sebastian Cabota [ 50] was Gouernour of the Mysterie and Companie of the Mer∣chants Aduenturers for the discouerie of Regions, Dominions,* 1.1 I∣lands, and places vnknowne. Certaine instructions were agreed on by him and the said Companie,* 1.2 subscribed by Master Ca∣bota, the ninth of May; the Kings Letters also procured vnto remote Princes in diuers languages, and a fleet of three Ships set forth at that time vnder the command of Sir Hugh Wil∣loughby Knight, Captaine generall▪ which went in the Bona Esperanza Admirall, a ship of an hundred and twenty tunnes, hauing with her a Pinnace and a Boat: William Gefferson was [ 60] Master of the said ship. The Edward Bonauenture was of an hundred and sixty tunnes, and had with her a Pinnace and a Boat, in which went Richard Chan∣cellor, Captaine and Pilot Maior of the fleet, and Stephen Burrough Master. The Bona Confidentia of ninety tunnes, had with her a Pinnace and a Boat, of which Cornelius Durfoorth was Master.

The Captaines and Masters were sworne to doe their true intent, and the ships prouided of ne∣cessaries set forth on the tenth of May,* 1.3 1553. for the discouerie of Cathay, and diuers other Re∣gions, Dominions, Ilands, and places vnknowne. The fourteenth of Iuly they discouered Land Eastward, and went on shoare with their Pinnace, and found thirty little houses, the Inhabi∣tants fled. The Land was full of little Ilands, called as they after learned, Aegeland * 1.4 and Hal∣geland, in 66. degrees. The distance betweene Orfordnesse and Aegeland two hundred and fifty leagues. Then we sayled from thence twelue leagues North-west, and found many other Ilands, and there came to anchor the nineteenth day, and manned our Pinnace, and went on shoare to the Ilands, and found people mowing and making of Hay, which came to the shoare and wel∣commed vs. In which place were an innumerable sort of Ilands, which were called the Iles of [ 10] Rost, being vnder the Dominion of the King of Denmarke: which place was in latitude 66. de∣grees and 30. minutes. The winde being contrarie, we remayned there three dayes, and there was an innumerable sort of Fowles of diuers kindes, of which we tooke very many.

The two and twentieth day, the winde comming faire, wee departed from Rost, sayling North North-east, keeping the Sea vntill the seuen and twentieth day, and then we drew neere vnto the Land, which was still East off vs: then went forth our Pinnace to seeke harbour, and found many good harbours, of the which we entred into one with our ships, which was called Stanfew,* 1.5 and the Land being Ilands, were called, Lewfoot, or Lofoot, which were plentifully in∣habited, and very gentle people, being also vnder the King of Denmarke: but wee could not learne how farre it was from the mayne Land: and we remayned there vntill the thirtieth day, [ 20] being in latitude 68. degrees, and from the foresaid Rost about thirtie leagues North North-east.

The thirtieth day of Iuly about noone, wee weighed our anchors, and went into the Seas, and sayled along these Ilands North North-east, keeping the Land still in sight vntill the second of August:* 1.6 then hailing in close aboord the Land, to the intent to know what Land it was, there came a Skiffe of the Iland aboord of vs, of whom wee asked many questions, who shewed vnto vs,* 1.7 that the Iland was called Seynam, which is the latitude of seuenty degrees, and from Stanfew thirty leagues, being also vnder the King of Denmark, & that there was no merchandise there, but only dried fish, and Trane-oile. Then we being purposed to goe vnto Finmarke, enquired of him, if we might haue a Pilot to bring vs to Finmarke, and he said, that if we could beare in, we should haue a good Harbour, and on the next day a Pilot to bring vs to Finmarke, vnto the Ward∣house, [ 30] which is the strongest Hold in Finmark, & most resorted to by report. But when he would haue entred into an Harbour, the Land being very high on euery side, there came such flawes of wind and terrible whirle-winds, that we were not able to beare in, but by violence were con∣strained to take the sea againe, our Pinnace being vnshipt: we sailed North and by East, the wind encreasing so sore, that we were not able to beare any sayle, but tooke them in, and lay adrift, to the end to let the storme ouer-passe. And that night by violence of winde, and thicknesse of mists, we were not able to keepe together within sight, and then about midnight wee lost our Pinnace,* 1.8 which was a discomfort vnto vs. As soone as it was day, and the fogge ouer-past, we looked about, and at the last wee descried one of our ships to lee-ward off vs: then wee spred an hullocke of our fore-sayle, and bare roome with her, which was the Confidence, but the Ed∣ward [ 40] we could not see. Then the flaw something abating, wee and the Confidence hoysed vp our sayles the fourth day, sayling North-east and by North, to the end to fall with the Ward-house, as we did consult to doe before, in case we should part companie. Thus running North-east and by North, and North-east fifty leagues, then wee founded, and had one hundred and sixty fa∣thoms, whereby we thought to be farre from Land, and perceiued that the Land lay not as the Globe made mention. Wherefore we changed our course the sixth day, and sayled South-east and by South, eight and forty leagues, thinking thereby to finde the Ward-house.

The eighth day much winde rising at the West North-west, we not knowing how the coast lay, strooke our sayles, and lay adrift, where sounded and found one hundred and sixty fathoms as before. The ninth day, the winde bearing to the South South-east, we sayled North-east fiue [ 50] and twenty leagues. The tenth day we sounded, and could get no ground, neither yet could see any Land, whereat we wondered: then the winde comming at the North-east, we ran South-east about eight and forty leagues. The eleuenth day the winde being at South, wee sounded and found forty fathoms, and faire sand. The twelfth day, the winde being at South and by East, we lay with our sayle East, and East and by North thirty leagues.

The fourteenth day early in the morning wee descried Land, which Land wee bare withall, hoysing out our Boat to discouer what land it might be: but the Boat could not come to Land, the water was so shallow, where was very much Ice also, but there was no similitude of habi∣tation,* 1.9 and this Land lieth from Seynam East and by North, one hundred and sixty leagues, being in latitude 72. degrees. Then we plyed to the Northward, the fifteenth, sixteenth, and seuen∣teenth dayes. [ 60]

The eighteenth day, the winde comming at the North-east, and the Confidence being trou∣bled with bilge water, and stocked, wee thought it good to seeke harbour for her redresse: then wee bare roome the eighteenth day South South-east, about seventy leagues. The one

and twentieth day wee sounded, and found ten fathoms, after that wee sounded againe, and found but seuen fathoms, so shallower and shallower water, and yet could see no Land, whereat we maruelled greatly: to auoide this danger, we bare roomer into the Sea all that night North-west and by West.

The next day we sounded, and had twenty fathoms, then shaped our course, and ranne West South-west vntill the three and twentieth day: then we descried lowe Land, vnto which wee bare as nigh as we could, and it appeared vnto vs vnhabitable. Then we plyed Westward along by that Land, which lieth West South-west, and East North-east, and much winde blowing at the West, we haled into the Sea North and by East thirtie leagues. Then the winde comming [ 10] about at the North-east, wee sayled West North-west: after that, the winde bearing to the North-west, wee lay with our sayles West South-west, about fourteene leagues, and then de∣scried Land, and bare in with it, being the eight and twentieth day, finding shallow water, and bare in till we came to three fathom, then perceiuing it to be shallow water, and also seeing drie sands, we haled out againe North-east along that Land, vntill we came to the point there∣of. That Land turning to the Westward, we ranne along sixteene leagues North-west: then comming into a faire Bay, we went on Land with our Boat, which place was vninhabited, but yet it appeared vnto vs that the people had beene there, by crosses, and other signes: from thence we went all along the coast Westward.

The fourth day of September we lost sight of Land, by reason of contrarie windes,* 1.10 and the [ 20] eighth day we descried Land againe. Within two dayes after we lost the sight of it: then run∣ning West and by South about thirtie leagues, we gat the sight of Land againe, and bare in with it vntill night: then perceiuing it to bee a lee shoare, we gat vs into the Sea, to the end to haue Sea roome. The twelfth of September wee haled to shoare-ward againe, hauing then indiffe∣rent winde and weather: then being neere vnto the shoare, and the tide almost spent, wee came to an anchor in thirtie fathoms water. The thirteenth day we came along the coast, which lay North-west and by West, and South-east and by East. The fourteenth day we came to an an∣chor within two leagues off the shoare, hauing sixtie fathoms. There wee went ashoare with our Boat, and found two or three good Harbours, the Land being rocky, and high, but as for people could we see none. The fifteenth day we ran still along the coast vntill the seuenteenth day: then the winde being contrarie vnto vs, we thought it best to returne vnto the Harbour [ 30] which we had found before, and so we bare roomer with the same, howbeit wee could not ac∣complish our desire that day. The next day being the eighteenth, we entred into the Hauen, and there came to an anchor at six fathoms. This Hauen runneth into the Mayne, about two leagues,* 1.11 and is in bredth halfe a league, wherein were very many Seale-fishes, and other great fishes, and vpon the Mayne wee saw Beares, great Deere, Foxes, and diuers strange beasts, as * 1.12 Guloines, and such other which were to vs vnknowne, and also wonderfull. Thus remayning in this Ha∣uen the space of a weeke, seeing the yeere farre spent, and also very euill weather, as Frost, Snow, and Hayle, as though it had beene the deepe of Winter, wee thought best to winter there. Wherefore we sent out three men South South-west, to search if they could finde peo∣ple, who went three dayes iourney, but could finde none: after that, we sent other three West-ward [ 40] foure dayes iourney, which also returned without finding any people.* 1.13 Then sent we three men South-east three dayes iourney, who in like sort returned without finding of people, or any similitude of habitation.

The Riuer or Hauen wherein Sir Hugh Willoughby with the companie of his two ships peri∣shed for cold, is called Arzina in Lapland, neere vnto Kegor. But it appeareth by a Will found in a ship that Sir Hugh Willoughby, and most of the companie were aliue in Ianuary, 1554.

A Letter of RICHARD CHANCELLOR, written to his Vncle Master [ 50] CHRISTOPHER FROTHINGAM, touching his discouerie of Moscouia.

FOrasmuch as it is meet and necessarie for all those that minde to take in hand the trauell into strange Countries, to endeauour themselues not onely to vnderstand the orders, commodities, and fruitfulnesse thereof, but also to apply them to the setting forth of the same, whereby it may incourage others to the like trauell: therefore haue I now thought good to make a briefe rehearsall of the orders of this my tra∣uell in Russia, and Muscouia, and other Countries thereunto adioyning; because it was my chance to fall with the North parts of Russia, before I came towards Moscouia, I will partly declare my knowledge therein. Russia is very plentifull both of Land and People, and also wealthie for such commodities as they [ 60] haue. They be very great fishers for Salmons and small Cods: they haue much Oyle which wee call Trane Oyle, the most whereof is made by a Riuer called D••ina. They make it in other places, but not so much as there. They haue also a great trade in seething of salt water.* 2.1 To the North part of that Countrey are the places where they haue their Furres, as Sables, Marterns, greesse Beuers, Foxes white, blacke, and red, Minkes, Ermines, Miniuer, and Harts. There are also a fishes teeth, which fish is

called a Morsse. The takers thereof dwell in a place called Postesora, which bring them vpon Harts to Lampas to sell,* 2.2 and from Lampas carrie them to a place called Colmogro, where the high Market is holden on Saint Nicolas day. To the West of Colmogro there is a place called Gratanoue, in our language Nouogorode, where much fine Flaxe and Hempe groweth, and also much Waxe and Honie. The Dutch Merchants haue a Staple-house there. There is also great store of Hides, and at a place called Plesco: and thereabout is great store of Flaxe, Hempe, Waxe, Honie; and that Towne is from Colmogro one hundred and twentie miles.

* 2.3There is a place called Vologda; the commodities whereof are Tallow, Waxe, and Flaxe: but not so great plentie as is in Gratanoue. From Vologda to Colmogro there runneth a Riuer called Duina, and from thence it falleth into the Sea. Colmogro serueth Gratanoue, Vologda, and the Mosco, with all the Countrey thereabout with Salt and salt Fish.* 2.4 From Vologda to Iereslaue is two hundred miles: [ 10] which Towne is very great. The commodities thereof are Hides, and Tallow, and Corne in great plen∣tie, and some Waxe, but not so plentifull as in other places.

The Mosco is from Ieraslaue two hundred miles. The Countrey betwixt them is very well repleni∣shed with small Villages, which are so well filled with people, that it is wonder to see them: the ground is well stored with Corne, which they carrie to the Citie of Mosco in such abundance that it is wonder to see it. You shall meet in a morning seuen or eight hundred Sleds comming or going thither, that carrie Corne, and some carrie fish. You shall haue some that carrie Corne to the Mosco, and some that fetch Corne from thence, that at the least dwell a thousand miles off: and all their carriage is on Sleds. Those which come so farre dwell in the North parts of the Dukes Dominions, where the cold will suffer [ 20] no Corne to grow, it is so extreme. They bring thither Fishes, Furres, and Beasts skinnes. In those parts they haue but small store of Cattell.

* 2.5The Mosco it selfe is great: I take the whole Towne to be greater then London with the Suburbes: but it is very rude, and standeth without all order. Their houses are all of timber very dangerous for fire. There is a faire Castle, the walls whereof are of bricke, and very high: they say they are eighteene foot thicke, but I doe not beleeue it, it doth not so seeme; notwithstanding, I doe not certainly know it: for no stranger may come to view it. The one side is ditched, and on the other side runneth a Riuer, called Mos••ua, which runneth into Tartarie, and so into the Sea, called Mare Caspium: and on the North side there is a base Towne, the which hath also a Bricke wall about it, and so it ioyneth with the Castle wall.* 2.6 The Emperour lieth in the Castle, wherein are nine faire Churches, and therein are Reli∣gious [ 30] men. Also there is a Metropolitan with diuers Bishops, I will not stand in description of their buildings, nor of the strength thereof, because we haue better in all points in England. They be well fur∣nished with Ordnance of all sorts.

The Emperours or Dukes house neither in building nor in the outward shew, nor yet within the house is so sumptuous as I haue seene. It is very lowe built in eight square, much like the old building of Eng∣land, with small windowes, and so in other points.

Now to declare my comming before his Maiestie: After I had remayned twelue dayes, the Secre∣tarie which hath the hearing of strangers did send for mee, aduertising me that the Dukes pleasure was to haue me to come before his Maiestie, with the King my Masters Letters: whereof I was right glad, and so I gaue mine attendance.* 2.7 And when the Duke was in his place appointed, the Interpreter came [ 40] for mee into the outer Chamber, where sate one hundred or moe Gentlemen, all in cloth of Gold very sumptuous, and from thence I came into the Counsell-chamber, where sate the Duke himselfe, with his Nobles, which were a faire companie: they sate round about the Chamber on high, yet so that he himselfe sate much higher then any of his Nobles, in a Chaire gilt, and in a long garment of beaten Gold, with an Imperiall Crowne vpon his head, and a Staffe of Crystall and Gold in his right hand, and his other hand halfe le••ning on his Chaire. The Chancellour stood vp with the Secretarie before the Duke. Af∣ter my dutie done, and my Letter deliuered, he bade me welcome, and enquired of mee the health of the King my Master, and I answered, that he was in good health at my departure from his Court, and that my trust was, that he was now in the same. Vpon the which he bade me to dinner. The Chancellor pre∣sented my Present vnto his Grace bare-headed (for before they were all couered) and when his Grace [ 50] had receiued my Letter, I was required to depart: for I had charge not to speake to the Duke, but when he spake to mee. So I departed vnto the Secretaries Chamber, where I remayned two houres, and then I was sent for againe vnto another Palace, which is called, The golden Palace, but I saw no cause why it should be so called; for I haue seene many fairer then it in all points: and so I came into the Hall, which was small and not great as is the Kings Maiesties of England, and the Table was coue∣red with a Table-cloth; and the Marshall sate at the end of the Table with a little white rod in his hand, which Boord was full of vessell of Gold: and on the other side of the Hall did stand a faire Cup∣boord of Plate.

* 2.8From thence I came into the dining Chamber, where the Duke himselfe sate at his Table without Cloth of estate, in a Gowne of Siluer, with a Crowne Imperiall vpon his head, he sate in a Chaire some∣what [ 60] high: there sate none neere him by a great way. There were long tables set round about the cham∣ber, which were full set with such as the Duke had at dinner: they were all in white. Also the places where the tables stood were higher by two steps then the rest of the house. In the middest of the cham∣ber stood a Table or Cupboord to set Plate on: which stood full of Cups of Gold: and amongst all the

rest there stood foure maruellous great Pots or Crudences as they call them, of Gold and Siluer: I thinke they were a good yard and a halfe high. By the Cupboard stood two Gentlemen with Napkins on their shoulders,* 2.9 and in their hands each of them had a Cup of Gold set with Pearles and Precious Stones, which were the Dukes owne drinking Cups: when hee was disposed, hee drunke them off at a draught. And for his seruice at meate it came in without order, yet it was very rich seruice: for all were serued in Gold; not onely be himselfe, but also all the rest of vs, and it was very massie: the Cups also were of Gold and very massie. The number that dined there that day was two hundred persons,* 2.10 and all were serued in Golden Vessell. The Gentlemen that wayted were all in Cloth of Gold, and they serued him with their Caps on their heads. Before the seruice came in, the Duke sent to euery man a [ 10] great shiuer of Bread, and the Bearer called the party so sent to by his name aloude, and said, Iohn Basiliuich Emperour of Russia, and great Duke of Moscouia, doth reward thee with Bread: then must all men stand vp, and doe at all times when those words are spoken. And then last of all hee giueth the Marshall Bread, whereof he eateth before the Dukes Grace, and so doth reuerence and de∣parteth. Then commeth the Dukes seruice of the Swans all in pieces, and euery one in a seuerall dish: the which the Duke sendeth as he did the Bread, and the Bearer saith the same words as hee said before. And as I said before, the seruice of his meate is in no order, but commeth in Dish by Dish: and then af∣ter that the Duke sendeth drinke, with the like saying as before is told.* 2.11 Also before Dinner he changed his Crowne, and in Dinner time two Crownes; so that I saw three seuerall Crownes vpon his head in one day. And thus when his seruice was all come in, hee gaue to euery one of his Gentlemen Wayters [ 20] meate with his owne hand, and so likewise drinke. His intent thereby is, as I haue heard, that euery man shall know perfectly his seruants. Thus when Dinner is done hee calleth his Nobles before him name by name, that it is wonder to heare how he could name them, hauing so many as hee hath. Thus when Din∣ner was done I departed to my Lodging, which was an houre within night.

I will leaue this, and speake no more of him nor his Houshold: but I will somewhat declare of his Land and people, with their nature and power in the Warres.* 2.12 This Duke is Lord and Emperour of ma∣ny Countries, and his power is maruellous great. For hee is able to bring into the field two or three hun∣dred thousand men: he neuer goeth into the field himselfe with vnder two hundred thousand men: And when hee goeth himselfe, hee furnisheth his Borders all with men of Warre, which are no small number. He leaueth on the Borders of Liefland fortie thousand men, and vpon the borders of Letto, sixtie thou∣sand [ 30] men, and toward the Nagayan Tartars sixtie thousand, which is wonder to heare of: yet doth hee neuer take to his Warres neither Husbandman nor Merchant. All his men are Horse-men: hee vseth no Foot-men, but such as goe with the Ordnance and Labourers, which are thirtie thousand. The Horse-men are all Archers, with such Bowes as the Turkes haue, and they ride short as doe the Turkes.* 2.13 Their Armour is a Coate of Plate, with a skull on their heads. Some of their Coates are couered with Veluet or Cloth of God: their desire is to be sumptuous in the field, and especially the Nobles and Gen∣tlemen: as I haue heard their trimming is very costly, and partly I haue seene it, or else I would scarcely haue beleeued it: but the Duke himselfe is richly attyred aboue all measure: his Pauilion is couered ey∣ther with Cloth of Gold or Siluer, and so set with stones that it is wonderfull to see it. I haue seene the Kings Maiesties of England and the French Kings Pauilions, which are faire, yet not like vnto his. [ 40] And when they be sent into farre or strange Countries, or that strangers come to them, they be very gor∣geous. Else the Duke himselfe goeth but meanly in apparell: and when hee goeth betwixt one place and another hee is but reasonably apparelled ouer other times. In the while that I was in Mosco, the Duke sent two Ambassadours to the King of P••leland, which had at the left fiue hundred Horses; their sumptuousnesse was aboue measure, not onely in themselues, but also in their Horses, as Veluet, Cloth of Gold, and Cloth of Siluer set with Pearles, and not scant. What shall I further say? I neuer heard of nor saw men so sumptuous: but it is no daily guize, for when they haue not occasion, as I said before,* 2.14 all their doing is but meane. And now to the effect of their Warres:* 2.15 They are men without all order in the field. For they run hurling on heaps, and for the most part they neuer giue battayle to their Enemies: but that which they do, they do it all by stealth. But I beleeue they be such men for hard liuing as are not vnder [ 50] the Sunne: for no cold will hurt them. Yea, and though they lye in the field two moneths,* 2.16 at such time as it shall freeze more then a yard thicke, the common Souldier hath neither Tent nor any thing else ouer his head: the most defence they haue against the weather is a Felt, which is set against the wind and weather, and when Snow commeth he doth cast it off, and maketh him a fire, and layeth him downe thereby. Thus doe the most of all his men except they be Gentlemen which haue other prouision of their owne. Their lying in the field is not so strange as is their hardnesse: for euery man must carrie and make prouision for himselfe, and his Horse for a moneth or two, which is very wonderfull. For hee himselfe shall liue vpon water and Oate-meale mingled together cold, and drinke water thereto: his Horse shall eate greene wood, and such like baggage, and shall stand open in the cold field without couert▪ and yet will hee labour and serue him right well. I pray you amongst all our boasting Warriours how many [ 60] should we find to endure the field with them but one moneth. I know no such Region about vs that bea∣reth that name for man and beast. Now what might bee made of these men if they were trayned and broken to order and knowledge of Ciuill Warres: if this Prince had within his Countries such men as could make them to vnderstand the things aforesaid, I doe beleeue that two of the best or greatst Princes in Christendome were not well able to match with him, considering the greatnesse of his power and the

hardnesse of his people, and straight liuing both of people and Horse, and the small charges which his Wars stand him in: for he giueth no wages, except to strangers. They haue a yearely stipend and not much. As for his owne Countreymen, euery one serueth of his owne proper costs and charges, sauing that hee giueth to his Harquebusiers certayne allowance for Powder and shot: or else no man in all his Countrey hath one penie wages.* 2.17 But if any man hath done very good seruice, he giueth him a Ferme, or a piece of Land: for the which he is bound at all times to be readie with so many men as the Duke shall appoint: who considereth in his minde, what that Land or Ferme is well able to find: and so many shall he be bound to furnish at all and euery such time as Warres are holden in any of the Dukes Dominions. For there is no man of liuing, but he is bound likewise, whether the Duke call for eyther Souldier or Labourer, to furnish them with all such necessaries as to them belong.

* 2.18Also, if any Gentleman or man of liuing doe dye without Issue Male, immediately after his death the [ 10] Duke entreth his Land, notwithstanding he haue neuer so many Daughters, and peraduenture giueth it forth-with to another man, except a small portion that he spareth to marry the Daughters withall. Also, if there be a Rich man, a Fermour, or man of Liuing, which is stricken in age or by chance is maymed, and be not able to doe the Duke seruice, some other Gentleman that is not able to liue and more able to doe seruice, will come to the Duke and complaine, saying, your Grace hath such an one, which is vn∣meete to doe seruice to your Highnesse, who hath great abundance of wealth, and likewise your Grace hath many Gentlemen which are poore and lacke liuing, and we that lacke are well able to doe good ser∣uice, your Grace might doe well to looke vpon him, and make him to helpe those that want. Immediate∣ly the Duke sendeth forth to inquire of his wealth: and if it be so proued, hee shall be called before the [ 20] Duke, and it shall bee said vnto him, Friend, you haue too much liuing, and are vnseruiceable to your Prince, lesse will serue you, and the rest will serue other men that are more able to serue. Whereupon immediately his liuing shall be taken away from him, sauing a little to find himselfe and his Wife on, and he may not once repine thereat: but for answere hee will say, that hee hath nothing, but it is Gods and the Dukes Graces, and cannot say, as wee the common people in England say, if wee haue any thing; that it is Gods and our owne. Men may say, that these men are in wonderfull great awe, and obedience, that thus one must giue and grant his goods which he hath beene scraping and scratching for all his life to be at his Princes pleasure and commandement. Oh, that our sturdie Rebels were had in the like sub∣iection to know their dutie toward their Princes. They may not say as some Snudges in England say, I would find the Queene a man to serue in my place, or make his Friends tarrie at home if many haue the [ 30] vpper hand. No, no it is not so in this Countrey: for he shall make humble sute to serue the Duke. And whom he sendeth most to the Warres hee thinketh he is most in his fauour: and yet as I before haue said, he giueth no wages.* 2.19 If they knew their strength, no man were able to make match with them: for they that dwell neere them should haue any rest of them. But I thinke it is not Gods will: For I may com∣pare them to a young Horse that knoweth not his strength, whom a little Child ruleth and guideth with a bridle, for all his great strength: for if he did, neither Child nor man could rule him. Their Warres are holden against the Crimme Tartarians, and the Nagayans.

I will stand no longer in the rehearsall of their power and Warres. For it were to tedious to the Rea∣der.* 2.20 But I will in part declare their Lawes, and Punishments, and the execution of Iustice. And first I will begin with the Commons of the Countrey, which the Gentlemen haue rule on: And that is, that [ 40] euery Gentleman hath Rule and Iustice vpon his owne Tenants. And if it so fall out that two Gentle∣mens Seruants or Tenants doe disagree, the two Gentlemen examine the matter, and haue the parties before them,* 2.21 and so giue the Sentence. And yet cannot they make the end betwixt them of the Con∣trouersie, but e••ther of the Gentlemen must bring his Seruant or Tenant before the high Iudge or Iustice of that Countrey, and there present them, and declare the matter and case. The Plaintiffe saith, I re∣quire the Law; which is granted: then commeth an Officer and arresteth the partie Defendant, and v∣seth him contrary to the Lawes of England. For when they attach any man, they heate him about the legs, vntill such time as he findeth Sureties to answere the matter: And if not, his hands and necke are bound together, and hee is led about the Towne, and beaten about the legs, with other extreme punish∣ments till he come to his Answere: And the Iustice demandeth if it bee for Debt, and sayth: Owest [ 50] thou this man any such Debt? He will, perhaps, say nay. Then saith the Iudge: Art thou able to deny it? Let vs heare how? By Oath, saith the Defendant. Then he commandeth to leaue beating him till further tryall be had.

* 2.22Their order in one point is commendable. They haue no man of Law to plead their Causes in any Court: but euery man pleadeth his owne Cause, and giueth Bill and Answere in writing: contrary to the order in England. The Complaint is in manner of a Supplication, and made to the Dukes Grace, and deliuered him into his owne hand, requiring to haue Iustice as in his Complaint is alleaged. The Duke giueth sentence himselfe vpon all matters in the Law. Which is very commendable, that such a Prince will take paines to see ministration of Iustice. Yet notwithstanding it is wonderfully abused: and thereby the Duke is much deceiued. But if it fall out that the Officers be espied in cloking the truth, they haue most condigne punishment. And if the Plaintiffe can nothing proue, then the Defendant must take [ 60] his Oath vpon the Crucifixe, whether he be in the right or no. Then is demanded, if the Plaintiffe bee any thing able further to make proofe: if he be not; then sometimes he will say, I am able to proue it by my body and hands,* 2.23 or by my Champions body, so requiring the Campe. After the other hath his Oath,

it is granted as well to the one as to the other. So when they goe to the field, they sweare vpon the Cru∣cifixe, that they bee both in the right, and that the one shall make the other to confesse the truth before they depart foorth of the field: and so they goe both to the battell armed with such weapons as they vse in that Countrey: they fight all on foot, and seldome the parties themselues doe fight, except they bee Gen∣tlemen, for they stand much vpon their reputation, for they will not fight, but with such as are come of as good an house as themselues. So that if either partie require the combate, it is granted vnto them, and no Champion is to serue in their roome; wherein is no deceit; but otherwise by champions there is. For al∣though they take great oathes vpon them to doe the battell truely, yet is the contrary often seene: because the common Champions haue no other liuing. And assoone as the one partie hath gotten the victorie, hee [ 10] demandeth the debt, and the other is carryed to Prison, and there is shamefully vsed till hee take order.

There is also another order in the Law, that the plaintiffe may sweare in some causes of debt. And if the partie defendant bee poore, hee shall be set vnder the Crucifixe, and the partie plaintiffe must sweare ouer his head, and when hee hath taken his oath, the Duke taketh the partie defendant home to his house, and vseth him as his bond-man, and putteth him to labour,* 2.24 or letteth him for hire to any such as neede him, vntill such time as his friends make prouision for his redemption: or else hee remayneth in bondage all the dayes of his life. Againe, there are many that will sell themselues to Gentlemen or Merchants, to bee their bond men, to haue during their life, meate, drinke and cloath,* 2.25 and at their comming to haue a piece of money; yea, and some will sell their wiues and children to be bawds and drudges to the buyer. Also they haue a Law for Fellons and pickers contrary to the Lawes of Eng∣land. For by their Law they can hang no man for his first offence; but may keepe him long in Prison, [ 20] and oftentimes beate him with whips and other punishment: and there hee shall remaine vntill his friends bee able to bayle him. If hee be a picker or a cut-purse, as there bee very many, the second time he is taken, hee hath a piece of his Nose cut off, and is burned in the fore-head, and kept in prison till he finde sureties for his good behauiour. And if hee be taken the third time, he is hanged. And at the first time hee is extreamely punished and not released, except he haue very good friends, or that some Gen∣tleman require to haue him to the warres: And in so doing, hee shall enter into great bonds for him: by which meanes the Countrey is brought into good quietnesse. But they bee naturally giuen to great de∣ceit, except extreame beating did bridle them.* 2.26 They bee naturally giuen to hard liuing as well in fare as in lodging. I heard a Russian say, that it was a great deale merrier liuing in Prison then foorth, but for the great beating. For they haue meate and drinke without any labour, and get the charitie of [ 30] well disposed people: But being at libertie they get nothing. The poore is very innumerable,* 2.27 and liue most miserably: for I haue seene them eate the pickle of Herring and other stinking Fish: nor the Fish cannot bee so stinking nor rotten, but they will eate it and praise it to bee more wholesome then other fish or fresh meate. In mine opinion there bee no such people vnder the Sunne for their hardnesse of liuing. Well, I will leaue them in this point, and will in part declare their Religion.

They doe obserue the Law of the Greekes with such excesse of superstition,* 2.28 as the like hath not beene heard of. They haue no grauen Images in their Churches, but all painted, to the intent they will not breake the Commandement: but to their painted Images they vse such Idolatrie, that the like was neuer heard of in England.* 2.29 They will neither worship nor honour any Image that is made foorth of their owne Countrey. For their owne Images (say they) haue Pictures to declare what they bee, and how they be [ 40] of God, and so be not ours: They say, looke how the Painter or Caruer hath made them, so wee doe wor∣ship them, and they worship none before they bee Christened. They say wee be but halfe Christians: be∣cause we obserue not part of the old Law with the Turkes. Therefore they call themselues more holy then vs. They haue none other learning but their mother tongue,* 2.30 nor will suffer no other in their Coun∣trey among them. All their seruice in Churches is in their mother tongue. They haue the old and new Testament, which are daily read among them: and yet their superstition is no lesse.* 2.31 For when the Priests doe reade, they haue such trickes in their reading, that no man can vnderstand them, nor no man giueth eare to them. For all the while the Priest readeth, the people sit downe and one talke with ano∣ther. But when the Priest is at seruice no man sitteth, but gaggle and ducke like so many Geese. And as for their prayers they haue but little skill, but vse to say, As bodi pomele: As much to say,* 2.32 Lord haue [ 50] mercie vpon me. For the tenth man within the Land cannot say the Pater noster. And as for the Creed, no man may bee so bold as to meddle therewith but in the Church:* 2.33 for they say it should not be spo∣ken of, but in the Churches. Speake to them of the Commandements, and they will say they were giuen to Moses in the Law, which Christ hath now abrogated by his precious Death and Passion:* 2.34 there∣fore, (say they) wee obserue little or none thereof. And I doe beleeue them. For if they were examined of their Law and Commandements together, they should agree but in few points. They haue the Sacra∣ment of the Lords Supper in both kindes, and more ceremonies then we haue.* 2.35 They present them in a dish in both kinds together, and carrie them round about the Church vpon the Priests head, and so doe minister at all such times as any shall require. They bee great offerers of Candles, and sometimes of money, which [ 60] wee call in England, Soule pence, with more ceremonies then I am able to declare.* 2.36

They haue foure Lents in the yeere, whereof our Lent is the greatest. Looke as wee doe begin on the Wednesday, so they doe on the Munday before: And the weeke before that they call the Butter-weeke:* 2.37 And in that weeke they eate nothing but Butter and Milke. Howbeit I beleeue there bee in no other Countrey the like people for Drunkennesse. The next Lent is called Saint Peters Lent, and begin∣neth

alwayes the Munday next after Trinitie Sunday, and endeth on Saint Peters Eeuen. If they should breake that Fast, their beliefe is, that they should not come in at Heauen gates. And when any of them dye, they haue a testimoniall with them in the Coffin, that when the soule commeth to Heauen gates it may deliuer the same to Saint Peter, which declareth that the partie is a true and holy Russian. The third Lent beginneth fifteene dayes before the later Lady day, and endeth on our Lady Eeuen. The fourth Lent beginneth on Saint Martins day, and endeth on Christmas Eeuen: which Lent is fasted for Saint Philip, Saint Peter, Saint Nicholas, and Saint Clement. For they foure bee the principall and greatest Saints in that Countrey.* 2.38 In these Lents they eate neither Butter, Egges, Milke, nor Cheese; but they are very straightly kept with Fish, Cabbages, and Rootes. And out of their Lents, they obserue truely the Wednesdayes and Fridayes throughout the yeere: and on the Saturday they doe eate flesh. Furthermore, they haue a great number of Religious men: which are blacke [ 10] Monkes, and they eate no Flesh throughout the yeere, but Fish, Milke and Butter. By their order they should eate no fresh-Fish, and in their Lents they eate nothing but Col••w••rts, Cabbages, salt Cucumbers, with other rootes, as Radish and such like. Their drinke is like our peni•• Al••, and is called Quass. They haue Seruice daily in their Churches; and vse to goe to seruice two houres before day, and that is ended by day light. At nine of the clocke they goe to Masse: that ended, to Dinner: and after that to ser∣uice againe: and then to Supper. You shall vnderstand that at euerie dinner and supper they haue de∣clared the exposition of the Gospell that day:* 2.39 but how they wrest and twine the Scripture and that to∣gether, by report it is wonderfull. As for wheredome and Drunkennesse there bee none such liuing▪ and for Extortion, they bee the most abominable vnder the Sunne. Now iudge of their holinesse. They haue twise as much Land as the Duke himselfe hath, but yet hee is reasonable euen with them, [ 20] as thus:* 2.40 When they take bribes of any of the poore and simple, hee hath it by an order. When the Abbot of any of their Houses dyeth, then the Duke hath all his goods mooueable and vn∣mooueable: so that the Successour buyeth all at the Dukes hands: and by this meane they bee the best Fermers the Duke hath. Thus with their Religion I make an end, trusting hereafter to know it better.

Some additions for better knowledge of this Voyage, taken by CLEMENT ADAMS, Schoole-master to the Queenes Henshmen, from the mouth [ 30] of Captaine CHANCELOR.

RIchard Chancelor with his Ship and companie being thus left alone, and become very pensiue,* 2.41 heauie, and sorrowfull, by this dispersion of the Fleet, hee (according to the order before taken,) shapeth his course for Ward-house in Norway, there to expect and abide the arriuall of the rest of the Ships. And being come thither, and hauing stay∣ed there the space of seauen dayes, and looked in vaine for their comming, hee determined at length to proceed alone in the purposed voyage. And as hee was preparing himselfe to depart, it happened that hee fell in companie and speech with certaine Scottish-men: who hauing vn∣derstanding [ 40] of his intention, and wishing well to his actions, began earnestly to disswade him from the further prosecution of the discouerie, by amplifying the dangers which hee was to fall into, and omitted no reason that might serue to that purpose. But he holding nothing so igno∣minious and reproachfull, as inconstancie and leuitie of minde, and perswading himselfe that a man of valour could not commit a more dishonourable part, then for feare of danger to auoyd and shun great attempts, was nothing at all changed or discouraged with the speeches and words of the Scots, remayning stedfast and immutable in his first resolution: determining either to bring that to passe which was intended, or else to dye the death.

And as for them which were with Master Chancelor in his Ship, although they had great cause of discomfort by the losse of their companie (whom the foresaid tempest had separated [ 50] from them,) and were not a little troubled with cogitations and perturbations of minde, in re∣spect of their doubtfull course: yet notwithstanding, they were of such consent and agreement of minde with Master Chancelor, that they were resolute, and prepared vnder his direction and gouernment, to make proofe and tryall of all aduentures, without all feare or mistrust of future dangers. Which constancie of minde in all the companie did exceedingly increase their Cap∣taines carefulnesse: for hee being swallowed vp with like good will and loue towards them, feared left through any errour of his, the safetie of the companie should bee indangered. To con∣clude, when they saw their desire and hope of the arriuall of the rest of the Ships to bee euery day more and more frustrated, they prouided to Sea againe, and Master Chancelor held on his course towards that vnknowne part of the world, and sayled so farre, that hee came at last to the place where hee found no night at all, but a continuall light and brightnesse of the Sunne shi∣ning [ 60] cleerely vpon the huge and mightie Sea.* 2.42 And hauing the benefite of this perpetuall light for certaine dayes, at the length it pleased God to bring them into a certaine great Bay, which was of one hundreth miles or there about ouer. Whereinto they entred, and somewhat farre

within it cast anchor, and looking euery way about them, it hapned that they espyed a farre off a certaine Fisher-boate, which Master Chancelor, accompanied with a few of his men, went to∣wards to common with the Fishermen that were in it, and to know of them what Countrey it was, and what people, and of what manner of liuing they were: but they being amazed with the strange greatnesse of his ship, (for in those parts before that time, they had neuer seene the like) began presently to auoyd and to flee: but hee still following them, at last ouertooke them, and being come to them, they (being in great feare, as men halfe dead) prostrated themselues before him, offering to kisse his feete: but hee (according to his great and singular courtesie,) loo∣ked pleasantly vpon them, comforting them by signes and gestures, refusing those duties and reuerences of theirs, and taking them vp in all louing sort from the ground. And it is strange [ 10] to consider how much fauour afterwards in that place, this humanitie of his did purchase to himselfe. For they being dismissed, spread by and by a report abroad of the arriuall of a strange Nation, of a singular gentlenesse and courtesie: whereupon the common people came together, offering to these new-come ghests victuals freely, and not refusing to traff••que with them, ex∣cept they had beene bound by a certaine religious vse and custome, not to buy any forraine com∣modities, without the knowledge and consent of the King.

By this time our men had learned, that this Countrey was called Russia, or Muscouie, and that Iuan Vasiliwich (which was at that time their Kings name) ruled and gouerned farre and wide in those places. And the barbarous Russes asked likewise of our men whence they were,* 2.43 and what they came for: whereunto answer was made, that they were English-men sent into [ 20] those coasts, from the most excellent King Edward the sixt, hauing from him in commande∣ment certaine things to deliuer to their King, and seeking nothing else but his amitie and friend∣ship, and traff••que with his people, whereby they doubted not, but that great commoditie and profit would grow to the subiects of both Kingdomes.

The Barbarians heard these things very gladly, and promised their ayde and furtherance to acquaint their King out of hand, with so honest and a reasonable a request. In the meane time Master Chancelor intreated victuals for his money, of the Gouernour of that place (who toge∣ther with others came aboord him) and required hostages of them likewise, for the more assu∣rance of safetie to himselfe and his companie. To whom the Gouernours answered, that they [ 30] knew not in that case the will of their King, but yet were willing in such things as they might lawfully doe, to pleasure him: which was as then to affoord him the benefit of victuals.

Now, while these things were a doing, they secretly sent a messenger vnto the Emperour, to certifie him of the arriuall of a strange Nation,* 2.44 and withall to know his pleasure concerning them. Which message was very welcome vnto him, insomuch that voluntarily he inuited them to come to his Court. But if by reason of the tediousnesse of so long a iourney, they thought it not best so to doe, then hee granted libertie to his Subiects to bargaine, and to traffique with them: and further promised, that if it would please them to come to him, hee himselfe would beare the whole charges of poste Horses. In the meane time the Gouernours of the place, differred the matter from day to day, pretending diuers excuses, and saying one while, that the consent of all [ 40] the Gouernours, and another while, that the great and weightie affaires of the Kindome com∣pelled them to differ their answer: and this they did of purpose, so long to protract the time, vn∣till the messenger (sent before to the King) did returne with relation of his will and pleasure.

But Master Chancelor, (seeing himselfe held in this suspense with long and vaine expectation, and thinking that of intention to delude him, they posted the matter off so often,) was very in∣stant with them to performe their promise: Which if they would not doe, hee told them that he would depart and proceed in his voyage. So that the Muscouites (although as yet they knew not the minde of their King) yet fearing the departure indeed of our men, who had such wares and commodities as they greatly desired, they at last resolued to furnish our people with all things necessarie, and to conduct them by land to the presence of their King. And so Master Chancelor began his iourney, which was very long and most troublesome, wherein he had the vse [ 50] of certaine sleds, which in that Countrey are very common, for they are carried themselues vp∣on sleds, and all their carriages are in the same sort, the people almost not knowing any other manner of carriage, the cause whereof is, the exceeding hardnesse of the ground congealed in the Winter time by the force of the cold, which in those places is very extreame and horrible, whereof hereafter wee will say something.

But now they hauing passed the greater part of their iourney, met at last with the Sled-man (of whom I spake before) sent to the King secretly from the Iustices or Gouernours, who by some ill hap had lost his way, and had gone to the Sea-side, which is neere to the Countrey of the Tartars, thinking there to haue found our ship. But hauing long erred and wandered out of his way, at the last in his direct returne, hee met (as he was comming) our Captaine on the [ 60] way. To whom hee by and by deliuered the Emperours letters, which were written to him with all courtesie and in the most louing manner that could bee:* 2.45 wherein expresse commande∣ment was giuen, that post Horses should be gotten for him and the rest of his company without any money. Which thing was of all the Russes, in the rest of their iourney so willingly done,

that they began to quarrell, yea, and to fight also in striuing and contending which of them should put their poste horses to the Sled: so that after much adoe, and great paines taken in this long and wearie iourney, (for they had trauelled very neere fifteene hundred miles) Master Chancelor came at last to Mosco, the chiefe Citie of the Kingdome, and the seate of the King.

[illustration] map of Russia

HONDIVS his Map of Russia.

Russia cum Confinijs

* 2.46Touching the Riphean Mountaines, whereupon the Snow lyeth continually, and where hence in times past it was thought that Tanais the riuer did spring, and that the rest of the wonders of nature, which the Grecians fained and inuented of old, were there to bee seene: our men which lately came from thence, neither saw them, nor yet haue brought home any perfect relation of them, although they remayned there for the space of three moneths, and had gotten in that time some intelligence of the language of Moscouie. The whole Countrey is plaine and champion, [ 50] and few hils in it: and towards the North, it hath very large and spacious Woods, wherein is great store of Firre trees, a wood very necessarie, and fit for the building of houses: there are also wilde beasts bred in those woods, as Buffes, Beares, and blacke Wolues, and another kinde of beast vnknowen to vs,* 2.47 but called by them Rossomakka: and the nature of the same is very rare and wonderfull: for when it is great with young, and ready to bring foorth, it seeketh out some narrow place betweene two stakes, and so going through them, presseth it selfe, and by that meanes is eased of her burthen, which otherwise could not bee done. They hunt their Buffes for the most part a horse-backe, but their Beares a foot, with woodden forkes. The North parts of the Countrey are reported to bee so cold, that the very Ice or water which distilleth out of the moyst wood which they lay vpon the fire, is presently congealed and frozen: the diuersitie [ 60] growing sodainly to bee so great, that in one and the selfe-same fire-brand, a man shall see both fire and Ice. When the winter doth once begin there, it doth still more and more increase by a perpetuitie of cold:* 2.48 neither doth that cold slake, vntill the force of the Sunne beames doth dis∣solue the cold, and make glad the earth, returning to it againe. Our Mariners which wee left in

the ship in the meane time to keepe it, in their going vp onely from their cabbins to the hatches, had their breath oftentimes so suddenly taken away, that they eft-soones fell downe as men ve∣ry neere dead, so great is the sharpenesse of that cold Climate: but for the South parts of the Countrey, they are somewhat more * 2.49 temperate.

The Copie of the Duke of Moscouie and Emperour of Russia his Letters, sent to King EDWARD the Sixth, by the hands of [ 10] RICHARD CHANCELOVR.

THe Almightie power of God, and the incomprehensible holy Trinitie, rightfull Christian Beliefe,* 3.1 &c. We great Duke Iuan Vasiliuich, by the Grace of God great Lord and Emperour of all Rus∣sia, great Duke of Volodemer, Mosco, and Nouograd, King of Kazan, King of Astracan, Lord of Plesko, and great Duke of Smolensko, of Twerria, Ioughoria, Permia, Vadska, Bulghoria, and others, Lord and great Duke of Nouograd in the Low Countrey, of Chernigo, Rezan, Polotskoy, Rostoue, Yaruslaueley, Bealozera, Liefland, Oudoria, Obdoria, and Conden∣sa, Commander of all Siberia, and of the North parts, and Lord of many other Countries, greeting. Before all, right, great and worthy of honour Edward King of England, &c. according to our most [ 20] heartie and good zeale, with good intent and friendly desire, and according to our holy Christian Faith, and great Gouernance, and being in the light of great vnderstanding, our Answere by this our Honou∣rable Writing vnto your Kingly Gouernance, at the request of your faithfull Seruant Richard Chance∣lour, with his company, as they shall let you wisely know is this. In the strength of the twentieth yeare of our Gouernance, be it knowne, that at our Sea-coasts arriued a ship, with one Richard, and his com∣pany, and said, that he was desirous to come into our Dominions, and according to his request, hath seene our Maiestie, and d 3.2 our eyes: and hath declared vnto vs your Maiesties desire, as that wee should grant vnto your Subiects, to goe and come, and in our Dominions, and among our Subiects, to frequent free Marts, with all sorts of Merchandizes, and vpon the same to haue warre•• for their returne. And they haue also deliuered vs your Letters which declare the same request. And hereupon wee haue gi∣uen [ 30] order, that wheresoeuer your faithfull Seruant Hugh Willoughbie, land or touch in our Domini∣ons, to be well entertayned, who as yet is not arriued as your Seruant Richard can declare.

And we with Christian beliefe and faithfulnesse, and according to your Honourable request, and my Honourable commandement will not leaue it vndone: and are furthermore willing that you send vnto vs your ships and Vessels, when and as often as they may haue passage, with good assurance on our part to see them harmlesse. And if you send one of your Maiesties counsell to treate with vs whereby your Coun∣trey Merchants may with all kindes of Wares, and where they will make their Market in our Domi∣nions, they shall haue their free Mart with all free Liberties through my whole Dominions, with all kinde of Wares, to come and goe at their pleasure, without any let, damage, or impediment, accor∣ding to this our Letter, our Word and our Seale which wee haue commanded to be vnder sealed. Written in [ 40] our Dominion, in our Citie and our Palace in the Castle of Mosco, in the yeare 7060. the second Moneth of Februarie.

This Letter was written in the Moscouian Tongue, in Letters much like to the Greeke Let∣ters, very faire written in Paper, with a broad Seale hanging at the same, sealed in Paper vpon Waxe. This Seale was much like the Broad Seale of England, hauing on the one side the Image of a man on Horse-backe in complete Harnesse fighting with a Dragon. Vnder this Letter was another Paper written in the Dutch Tongue, which was the Interpretation of the other writ∣ten in the Moscouian Letters. These Letters were sent the next yeare after the date of King Edwards Letters, 1554.

After this, entercourse of Letters and Embassages passed betwixt King Philip and Queene Marie, [ 50] and the Moscouite: and the Moscouie Company was instituted and receiued Priuiledges both from their owne and that Forraine Prince, a second Voyage beeing set forth in May, 1555. and Master George Killingworth was made their first Agent: the particulars whereof are found at large in Master Hakluyts first Tome of Voyages, as also other things touching that Trade then setled: which heere I omit, and come to Master Ienkinsons Voyage to Mosco, and thence to Tartaria.

[ 60]

§. II. The first * 3.3 Voyage made by Master ANTHONIE IENKINSON, from the Citie of London, toward the Land of Russia, begunne the twelfth of May, in the yeare 1557.

FIrst, by the grace of God, the day and yeare aboue mentioned, I departed from the said Citie, and the same day at Grauesend, embarked my selfe in a good ship, named the Primrose, being appointed, although vnworthy, chiefe Captaine of the same, and also of the other three good ships, to say, the Iohn Euangelist, the Anne, and the [ 10] Trinitie, hauing also the conduct of the Emperour of Russia, his Ambassadour named Osep Nopea Gregoriwich, who passed with his company in the said Primrose. And thus our foure tall ships being well appointed, as well for men, as victuals, as other necessary furniture, the said twelfth day of the moneth of May, we weighed our Anchors, and departed from the said Grauesend, in the after-noone, and plying downe the Thames, the wind being Easterly, and faire weather, the thirteenth day we came a ground with the Primrose, vpon a sand called the blacke tayle, where wee sate fast vntill the fourteenth day in the morning, and then God bee praysed, shee came off: and that day we plyed downe as farre as our Ladie of Holland, and there came to an Anchor, the winde being Easterly, and there remayned vntill the twentieth day: then wee weyed and went out at Goldmore gate, and from thence in at Balsey slade, and so into Orwell wands, where [ 20] we came to an Anchor: but as we came out at the said Goldemore gate, the Trinitie came on ground on certayne Rockes, that lye to the North-ward of the said gate, and was like to be bil∣ged and lost. But by the ayde of God, at the last she came off againe, being very leake: and the one and twentieth day the Primrose remaining at an Anchor in the wands, the other three ships bare into Orwell Hauen, where I caused the said Trinitie to be grounded, searched, and repayred. So we remayned in the said Hauen, vntill the eight and twentieth day: and then the wind be∣ing Westerly, the three ships that were in the Hauen, weighed and came forth, and in comming forth the Iohn Euangelist came on ground vpon a Sand, called the Andros, where she remayned one tyde, and the next full Sea she came off againe without any great hurt, God be praysed.

The nine and twentieth day in the morning all foure ships weighed in the Wands, and that [ 30] tyde went as farre as Orfordnesse, where we came to an Anchor, because the wind was Norther∣ly: And about sixe of the clocke at night, the wind vered to the South-west, and we weighed Anchor, and bare cleere of the Nesse, and then set our course North-east and by North vntill mid-night, being then cleare of Yarmouth sands. Then wee winded North and by West, and North North-west, vntill the first of Iune at noone, then it waxed calme, and continued so vn∣till the second day at noone:* 3.4 then the wind came at North-west, with a tempest, and much raine, and we lay close by, and caped North North-east, and North-east and by North, as the wind shifted, and so continued vntill the third day at noone: then the winde vered Westerly againe, and we went North our right course, and so continued our way vntill the fourth day at three of the clocke in the after-noone, at which time the winde vered to the North-west [ 40] againe and blew a fresh gale, and so continued vntill the seuenth day in the morning, wee lying with all our ships close by, and caping to the Northwards: and then the winde vering more Northerly, we were forced to put roomer with the Coast of England againe, and fell ouer∣thwart New-castle, but went not into the Hauen, and so plyed vpon the Coast the eight day and the ninth.

The tenth day the wind came to the North North-west, and wee were forced to beare roo∣mer with Flamborow head, where we came to an Anchor, and there remayned vntill the seuen∣teenth day. Then the wind came faire, and we weighed, & set our course North and by East, time and so continued the same with a merry wind vntill the one and twentieth at noone, at which we took the Sunne, and had the latitude in sixtie degrees. Then we shifted our course, and went [ 50] North North-east, & North-east and by North, vntill the fiue and twentieth day. Then we dis∣couered certain Ilands,* 3.5 called Heilick Ilands, lying from vs Northeast, being in the latitude of sixty sixe degrees, fortie minutes. Then we went North and by West, because we would not come too nigh the Land, and running that course foure houres, we discouered, and had sight of Rost Ilands, joyning to the mayne Land of Finmarke. Thus continuing our course along the Coast of Norway and Finmarke, the seuen and twentieth day we tooke the Sunne, being as farre shot as Lofoot, and had the latitude in sixtie nine degrees. And the same day in the afternoone appeared ouer our heads a Rain-bow, like a Semicircle, with both ends vpward. Note, that there is betweene the said Rost Ilands and Lofoot,* 3.6 a Whirle-poole called Malestrand, which from halfe ebbe vntill halfe flo••d, maketh such a terrible noyse, that it shaketh the Rings in the doores of the Inhabi∣tants [ 60] Houses of the said Ilands ten miles off. Also if there commeth any Whale within the cur∣rent of the same, they make a pittifull cry. Moreouer, if great Trees be carryed into it by force of streames, and after with the ebbe be cast out againe, the ends and boughes of them haue beene so beaten, that they are like the stalkes of Hempe that is bruized. Note, that all the Coast of

Finmarke is high Mountaynes and Hils, being couered all the yeare with Snow. And hard aboard the shoare of this Coast, there is one hundred, or one hundred and fiftie fathomes of water in depth. Thus proceeding and sayling forward, we fell with an Iland called Zenam,* 3.7 being in the latitude of seuentie degrees. About this Iland wee saw many Whales, very monstrous, about our ships, some by estimation of sixtie foote long: and being the ingendring time they roa∣red and cryed terribly. From thence we fell with an Iland, called Kettlewicke.* 3.8

This Coast from Rost vnto Lofoot lyeth North and South, and from Lofoot to Zenam North-east and South-west, and from Zenam to Kettelwicke, East North-east and West South-west. From the said Kettelwicke we sayled East and by North ten leagues, and fell with a Land called Inger sound, where we fished, being becalmed, and tooke great plentie of Cods.* 3.9 Thus plying a∣long [ 10] the Coast, we fell with a Cape, called the North Cape, which is the Northermost Land that we passe in our Voyage to Saint Nicholas, and is in the latitude of seuentie one degrees and ten minutes, and is from Inger sound East, and to the North-wards fifteene leagues. And being at this North Cape the second day of Iuly, wee had the Sunne at North foure degrees a∣boue the Horizon. The third day we came to Wardhouse, hauing such mists that wee could not see the Land.* 3.10 This Wardhouse is a Castle standing in an Iland two miles from the mayne of Fin∣land, subject to the King of Denmarke, and the Eastermost Land that he hath. There are two other Ilands neere adjoyning vnto that, whereon the Castle of Wardhouse standeth. The Inha∣bitants of those three Ilands liue onely by fishing, and make much Stock-fish, which they dry with Frost: their most feeding is fish; bread and drinke they haue none, but such as is brought [ 20] them from other places. They haue small store of Cattle, which are also fed with fish.* 3.11 From Wardhouse we sayled South South-east ten leagues, and fell with a Cape of Land called Kegor, the Northermost part of the Land of Lappia. And betweene Wardhouse, and the said Cape is a great Bay, called Dommes haff,* 3.12 in the South part whereof is a Monastery of Monkes of the Russes Religion, called Pechinchow. Thus proceeding forward and sayling along the Coast of the said Land of Lappia, winding South-east, the fourth day through great mists and darknesse we lost the company of the other three ships, and met not with them againe, vntill the seuenth day, when we fell with a Cape or head-land called Swetinoz, which is the entring into the Bay of Saint Nicholas. At this Cape lyeth a great s••one, to the which the Barkes that passed there∣by, were wont to make Offerings of Butter, Meale, and other Victuals, thinking that vnlesse [ 30] they did so, their Barkes or Vessels should there perish, as it hath beene oftentimes seene: and there it is very darke and mystie. Note, that the sixt day wee passed by the place where Sir Hugh Willoughby with all his company perished, which is called Arzina reca, that is to say,* 3.13 the Riuer Arzina.

The Land of Lappia is an high Land, hauing snow lying on it commonly all the yeere. The people of the Countrey are halfe Gentiles: they liue in the Summer time neere the Sea side, and vse to take fish, of the which they make bread, and in the Winter they remoue vp into the Countrey into the Woods, where they vse hunting, and kill Deere, Beares, Wolues, Foxes, and other beasts, with whose flesh they be nourished, and with their skins apparelled in such strange [ 40] fashion, that there is nothing seene of them bare but their eyes.* 3.14 They haue none other habita∣tion, but only in Tents, remouing from place to place, according to the season of the yeere. They know no arte nor facultie, but onely shooting, which they exercise daily, as well men as wo∣men, and kill such beasts as serue them for their food. Thus proceeding along the coast from Swetinoz aforesaid, the ninth day of Iuly wee came to Cape Grace, being in the latitude of 66. degrees and 45. minutes, and is at the entring in of the Bay of Saint Nicolas. Aboard this Land there is twentie or thirtie fathoms water, and sundry grounds good to anchor in. The current at this Cape runneth South-west and North-east.* 3.15 From this Cape wee proceeded along vntill we came to Crosse Iland, which is seuen leagues from the said Cape South-west: and from this Iland, wee set ouer to the other side of the Bay, and went South-west, and fell with an Head-land, called Foxenose, which is from the said Iland fiue and twentie leagues.* 3.16 The entring [ 50] of this Bay from Crosse Iland to the neerest Land on the other side is seuen leagues ouer. From Foxenose proceeding forward the twelfth day of the said moneth of Iuly, all our foure ships arri∣ued in safety at the Road of Saint Nicolas, in the Land of Russia, where we anchored, and had sayled from London vnto the said Road seuen hundred and fiftie leagues. The Russian Ambassa∣dour and his companie with great ioy got to shoare, and our ships heere forthwith discharged themselues: and being laden againe, and hauing a faire winde, departed toward England the first of August.* 3.17 The third of the said moneth I with other of my companie came vnto the Citie of Colmogro, being an hundred verstes from the Bay of Saint Nicolas, and in the latitude of 64. de∣grees 25. minutes. I tarried at the said Colmogro vntill the fifteenth day: and then I departed in a l••ttle Boat vp the Riuer of Duina, which runneth very swiftly, and the selfe same day passed [ 60] by the mouth of a Riuer called Pinego, leauing it on our left hand fifteene verstes from Colmogro.* 3.18 On both sides of the mouth of this Riuer Pinego is high Land, great Rockes of Alabaster, great Woods, and Pine-apple trees lying along within the ground, which by report haue lyen there since No••s flood. And thus proceeding forward the nineteenth day in the morning, I came in∣to

a Towne called Yemps, an hundred verstes from Colmogro. All this way along they make much Tarre,* 3.19 Pitch, and ashes of Aspen trees. From thence I came to a place called Vstiug, an ancient Citie, the last day of August. At this Citie meet two Riuers: the one called Iug, and the other Sucana, both which fall into the aforesaid Riuer of Duina. The Riuer Iug hath his spring in the Land of the Tartars, called Cheremizzi, ioyning to the Countrey of Permia: and Sucana hath his head from a Lake not farre from the Citie of Vologda. Thus departing from Vstiug, and passing by the Riuer Sucana, we came to a Towne called Totma. About this place the water is very shallow, and stonie, and troublesome for Barkes and Boats of that Countrey, which they call Nassades,* 3.20 and Dosneckes, to passe that way: wherein merchandise are transported from the aforesaid Colmogro to the Citie of Vologda. These vessels called Nassades, are very long builded, broad made, and close aboue, flat bottomed, and draw not aboue foure foot water, and will car∣rie [ 10] two hundred tunnes: they haue no Iron appertayning to them but all of Timber, and when the winde serueth, they are made to sayle. Otherwise they haue many men, some to hale and draw by the neckes with long small ropes made fast to the said Boats, and some set with long poles. There are many of these Barkes vpon the Riuer of Duina: And the most part of them belongeth vnto the Citie of Vologda: for there dwell many Merchants, and they occupie the said Boats with carrying of Salt from the Sea side vnto the said Vologda. The twentieth of September I came vnto Vologda, which is a great Citie, and the Riuer passeth through the midst of the same. The houses are builded with wood of Firre trees, ioyned one with another, and round without: the houses are foure square without any Iron or stone worke, couered with Birch barkes, and wood ouer the same: Their Churches are all of wood, two for euery Parish, [ 20] one to be heated for Winter, and the other for Summer. On the tops of their houses they lay much earth, for feare of burning: for they are sore plagued with fire. This Vologda is in 59. degrees 11. minutes, and is from Colmogro, one thousand verstes.

All the way I neuer came in house, but lodged in the Wildernesse, by the Riuers side, and car∣ried prouision for the way.* 3.21 And he that will trauell those wayes, must carrie with him an Hat∣chet, a Tinder boxe, and a Kettle, to make fire and seethe meat, when he hath it: for there is small succour in those parts, vnlesse it be in Townes.

The first day of December, I departed from Vologda in poste in a Sled, as the manner is in Winter. And the way to Moscua is as followeth. From Vologda to Commelski, seuen and twen∣tie verstes; so to Olmor fiue and twentie verstes, so to Teloytske twentie verstes, so to Vre thir∣tie [ 30] verstes, so to Voshansk•• thirtie verstes, then to Yeraslaue thirtie verstes, which standeth vp∣on the great Riuer Volga, so to Rostoue fiftie verstes, then to Rogarin thirtie verstes, so to Pera∣slaue ten verstes, which is a great Towne, standing hard by a faire Lake. From thence to Dowb∣nay thirtie verstes, so to Godoroke thirtie verstes, so to Owchay thirtie verstes, and last to the Mosco fiue and twentie verstes,* 3.22 where I arriued the sixt day of December.

There are fourteene Posts called Yannes, betweene Vologda and Mosco, which are accounted fiue hundred verstes asunder.

The tenth day of December, I was sent for to the Emperours Castle by the said Emperour, and deliuered my Letters vnto the Secretarie, who talked with mee of diuers matters, by the commandement of the Emperour. And after that my Letters were translated, I was answered [ 40] that I was welcome, and that the Emperour would giue mee that I desired.

The fiue and twentieth day, being the day of the Natiuitie, I came into the Emperours pre∣sence, and kissed his hand, who sate aloft in a goodly Chaire of estate, hauing on his head a Crowne most richly decked, and a staffe of Gold in his hand, all apparelled with Gold, and gar¦nished with Precious stones. There sate distant from him about two yards his Brother, and next vnto him a Boy of twelue yeeres of age, who was Inheritor to the Emperour of Casan, conquered by this Emperour eight yeeres past. Then sate his Nobilitie round about him, richly apparelled with Gold and stone. And after I had done obeysance to the Emperour, he with his owne mouth calling me by my name, bade me to dinner, and so I departed to my lodging till din∣ner time, which at sixe of the clocke, by Candle light. [ 50]

* 3.23The Emperour dined in a faire great Hall, in the midst whereof was a Pillar foure square, ve∣ry artificially made, about which were diuers Tables set, and at the vppermost part of the Hall sate the Emperour himselfe, and at his Table sate his Brother, his Vncles sonne, the Metropo∣litan, the young Emperour of Casan, and diuers of his Noblemen, all of one side. There were diuers Embassadours, and other strangers, as well Christians as Heathens, diuersly apparelled, to the number of sixe hundred men, which dined in the said Hall, besides two thousand Tartars, men of warre, which were newly come to render themselues to the Emperour, and were ap∣pointed to serue him in his warres against the Lief-landers, but they dined in other Halls. I was set at a little Table, hauing no stranger with mee, directly before the Emperours face. Being [ 60] thus set and placed, the Emperour sent mee diuers bowles of Wine, and Meade, and many dishes of Meate from his owne hand, which were brought mee by a Duke, and my Table serued all in Gold and Siluer, and so likewise on other Tables, there were set bowles of Gold, set with Stone, worth by estimation 400. pounds sterling one cup, besides the Plate which serued the tables.

There was also a Cupboord of Plate, most sumptuous and rich, which was not vsed: among the which, was a piece of Gold of two yards long, wrought in the top with Towers,* 3.24 and Dra∣gons heads, also diuers barrels of Gold and Siluer, with Castles on the bungs, richly and artifi∣cially made. The Emperour, and all the Hall throughout was serued with Dukes: and when dinner was ended, the Emperour called mee by name, and gaue me drinke with his owne hand, and so I departed to my lodging. Note, that when the Emperour drinketh, all the companie stand vp, and at euery time he drinketh, or tasteth of a dish of meate he blesseth himselfe. Ma∣ny other things I saw that day, not here noted.

The fourth of Ianuarie, which was Twelf-tide with them, the Emperour,* 3.25 with his brother [ 10] and all his Nobles, all most richly apparelled with Gold, Pearles, Precious stones, and costly Furres, with a Crowne vpon his head, of the Tartarian fashion, went to the Church in Proces∣sion, with the Metropolitan, and diuers Bishops and Priests. That day I was before the Em∣perour againe in Russe apparell, and the Emperour asked if that were not I, and his Chancellour answered, yea. Then he bad me to dinner: then came hee out of the Church, and went with the Procession vpon the Riuer, being all frozen, and there standing bare-headed, with all his Nobles, there was a hole made in the Ice,* 3.26 and the Metropolitan hallowed the water with great solemnitie and seruice, and did cast of the said water vpon the Emperours sonne, and the Nobi∣litie. That done, the people with great thronging filled pots of the said water to carrie home to their houses, and diuers children were throwne in, and sicke people, and plucked out quickly a∣gaine, [ 20] and diuers Tartars christned: all which the Emperour beheld. Also there were brought the Emperours best Horses, to drinke at the said hallowed water. All this being ended,* 3.27 hee re∣turned to his Palace againe, and went to dinner by Candle light, and sate in a woodden house, very fairely gilt. There dined in the place, aboue three hundred strangers, and I sate alone as I did before, directly before the Emperour, and had my Meat, Bread, and Drinke sent mee from the Emperour.

The Citie of Mosco is great, the houses for the most part of wood, and some of stone,* 3.28 with windowes of Iron, which serue for Summer time. There are many faire Churches of stone, but more of wood, which are made hot in the Winter time. The Emperours lodging is in a faire and large Castle, walled foure square of Bricke, high, and thicke, situated vpon an Hill, two [ 30] miles about, and the Riuer on the South-west side of it, and it hath sixteene gates in the walls, and as many Bulwarkes. His Palace is separated from the rest of the Castle, by a long wall go∣ing North and South, to the Riuer side. In his Palace are Churches, some of stone, and some of wood, with round Towres fairely gilded. In the Church doores, and within the Churches are Images of Gold: the chiefe Markets for all things are▪ within the said Castle, and for sundry things sundry Markets, and euery science by it selfe. And in the Winter there is a great Mar∣ket without the Castle, vpon the Riuer being frozen, and there is sold Corne, earthen Pots, Tubs, Sleds, &c. The Castle is in circuit two thousand and nine hundred paces.

The Countrey is full of marish ground, and Playne, in Woods and Riuers abundant,* 3.29 but it bringeth forth good plentie of Corne. This Emperour is of great power: for he hath conquered [ 40] much, as well of the Lieflanders, Poles, Lettoes, and Swethens, as also of the Tartars, and Gentiles, called Samoeds, hauing thereby much inlarg••d his Dominions. Hee keepeth his people in great subiection: all matters passe his iudgement, bee they neuer so small. The Law is sharpe for all offenders.

The Metropolitan dealeth in matters of Religion, as himselfe listeth,* 3.30 whom the Emperour greatly honoureth. They vse the Ceremonies and Orders of the Greeke Church. They worship many Images painted on Tables, and specially the Image of Saint Nicholas. Their Priests bee married, but their wiues being dead, they may not marry the second time, and so become Monks, whereof there are a great number in the Land. They haue foure Lents in the yeere, and the weeke before Shrouetide, they call the Butter weeke, &c.

[ 50] They haue many sorts of meats and drinks,* 3.31 when they banket and delight in eating of grosse meates, and stinking fish. Before they drinke they vse to blow in the Cup: their greatest friend∣ship is in drinking: they are great Talkers and Lyars, without any faith or trust in their words, Flatterers and Dissemblers. The Women be there very obedient to their Husbands, and are kept straightly from going abroad, but at some seasons.

At my being there, I heard men and women that drunke away their children, and all their goods at the Emperours Tauerne, and not being able to pay, hauing impawned himselfe,* 3.32 the Ta∣uerner bringeth him out to the high way, and beats him vpon the legs: then they that passe by, knowing the cause, and hauing peraduenture compassion vpon him, giue the money, and so hee is ransomed. In euery good Towne there is a drunken Tauerne, called a Cursemay, which the [ 60] Emperour sometime letteth out to farme, and sometimes bestoweth for a yeere or two on some Duke or Gentleman, in recompence of his seruice: and for that time hee is Lord of all the Towne, robbing and spoyling, and doing what pleaseth him: and then hee being growne rich, is taken by the Emperour, and sent to the warres againe: where hee shall spend all that which he hath gotten by ill meanes: so that the Emperour in his warres is lttle charged, but all the

burden lyeth vpon the poore people. They vse saddles made of wood and sinewes, with the tree gilded with damaske worke,* 3.33 and the seat couered with cloth, sometimes of gold, and the rest Saphian leather, well stitched. They vse little drummes at their saddle bowes, by the sound whereof their horses vse to runne more swiftly.

* 3.34The Russe is apparelled in this manner: his vpper garment is of cloth of gold, silke, or cloth, long, downe to the foot, and buttoned with great buttons of siluer, or else laces of silke, set on with Brooches, the sleeues thereof very long, which he weareth on his arme, ruffed vp. Vnder that he hath another long garment, buttoned with silke buttons, with a high coller standing vp of some colour, and that garment is made straight. Then his shirt is very fine, and wrought with red silke, or some gold, with a coller of pearle. Vnder his shirt he hath linnen breeches, vpon his [ 10] legs, a paire of hose without feet, and his bootes of red or yellow leather. On his head hee wea∣reth a white Colepeck, with buttons or siluer, gold, pearle, or stone, and vnder it a black Foxe cap, turned vp very broad. When he rideth on horse-back to the warres, or any iourney, he hath a sword of the Turkish fashion, and his Bowe and Arrowes of the same manner. In the Towne he weareth no weapon, but onely two or three paire of kniues, hauing the hafts of the tooth of a Fish, called the Morse.

In the Winter time, the people trauell with Sleds, in Towne and Countrey, the way being hard, and smooth with snow: the waters and Riuers are all frozen, and one horse with a Sled, will draw a man vpon it foure hundred miles in three dayes: but in the Summer time, the way is deepe with myre, and trauelling is very ill. [ 20]

The Russe, if he be a man of any abilitie, neuer goeth out of his house in the winter, but vpon his Sled, and in summer vpon his Horse: and in his Sled he sits vpon a Carpet, or a white Beares skin: the Sled is drawne with a Horse well decked, with many Foxes and Woolues tailes at his necke, and is conducted by a little boy vpon his backe: his seruants stand vpon the taile of the Sled, &c.

§. III. Notes taken out of another mans Relation of the same Voyage, touching [ 30] the Russian Rites.

ON Christmasse day we were all willed to dine with the Emperors Maiestie, where for bread, meate, and drinke, we were serued as at other times before: but for good∣ly and rich Plate, we neuer saw the like or so much before. There dined that day in the Emperors presence aboue fiue hundred strangers, and two hundred Russes, and all they were serued in vessels of Gold, and that as much as could stand one by another vpon the Tables. Besides this, there were foure Cup-boards garnished with goodly Plate both of gold and siluer. Among the which there were twelue barrels of siluer, contayning aboue twelue gal∣lons a piece, and at each end of euery Barrell were six hoopes of fine gold: this dinner conti∣nued [ 40] about six houres.

* 3.35Euery yeere vpon the twelfth day, they vse to blesse or sanctifie the Riuer Moscua, which runneth through the Citie of Mosco, after this manner. First, they make a square hole in the Ice about three fathoms large euery way, which is trimmed about the sides and edges with white boords. Then about nine of the clocke they come out of the Church with procession towards the Riuer in this wise.

First and foremost there goe certaine young men with waxe Tapers burning, and one carrying a great Lanthorne: then follow certaine Banners, then the Crosse, then the Images of our Lady, of Saint Nicholas, and of other Saints, which Images men carry vpon their shoulders: after the Images follow certaine Priests to the number of one hundred or more: after them the Metropo∣litan [ 50] who is led betweene two Priests, and after the Metropolitan came the Emperour with his Crowne vpon his head, and after his Maiestie all his Noble men orderly. Thus they followed the Procession vnto the water, and when they came vnto the hole that was made, the Priests set themselues in order round about it. And at one side of the same Poole there was a Scaffold of boords made, vpon which stood a faire Chaire in which the Metropolitan was set, but the Em∣perours Maiestie stood vpon the Ice.

After this the Priests began to sing, to blesse and to sense, and did their seruice, and so by that time that they had done, the water was holy, which being sanctified, the Metropolitan tooke a little thereof in his hands, and cast it on the Emperour, likewise vpon certaine of the Dukes, and then they returned againe to the Church with the Priests that sate about the water: but that prease that there was about the water when the Emperour was gone, was wonderfull to behold, [ 60] for there came aboue fiue thousand Pots to be filled of that water: for that Moscouite which hath no part of that water, thinks himselfe vnhappy. And very many went naked into the water, both Men and Women and Children: after the prease was a little gone, the Emperours Iennets

and Horses were brought to drinke of the same water, and likewise many other men brought their Horses thither to drinke, and by that meanes they make their Horses as holy as themselues. All these ceremonies being ended, we went to the Emperour to dinner, where we were serued in vessels of siluer, and in all other points as we had beene beforetime.

The Russes begin their Lent alwayes eight weeks before Easter: the first weeke they eate Egs,* 3.36 Milke, Cheese and Butter, and make great cheare with Pan-cakes, and such other things, one friend visiting another, and from the same Sunday vntill our Shroue-sunday, there are but few Russes sober, but they are drunke day by day, and it is accounted for no reproach or shame a∣mong them.

The next weeke being our first weeke in Lent, or our cleansing weeke, beginning our Shroue-sunday, [ 10] they make and keepe a great Fast. It is reported, and the people doe verily beleeue that the Metropolitan neither eateth nor drinketh any manner of thing for the space of seuen dayes, and they say that there are many Religious men which doe the like. The Emperours Maiestie eateth but one morsell of bread, and drinketh but one draught of drinke once in the day during that weeke, and all men that are of any reputation come not out of their houses during that time, so that the streets are almost voide of companie, sauing a few poore folkes which wander to and fro. The other sixe weekes they keepe as we doe ours, but not one of them will eate ei∣ther Butter, Cheese, Egs, or Milke.

On Palme-sunday they haue a very solemne Procession, in this manner following. First,* 3.37 they haue a Tree of a good bignesse which is made fast vpon two Sleds, as though it were growing [ 20] there, and it is hanged with Apples, Raisins, Figs, and Dates, and with many other fruits abun∣dantly. In the midst of the same Tree stand fiue Boyes in white vestures, which sing in the Tree, before the Procession: after this there followed certaine young men with Wax Tapers in their hands burning, and a great Lanthorne that all the light should not goe out: after them followed two with long Banners, and sixe with round plates set vpon long staues: the plates were of Copper very full of holes, and thinne: then followed sixe, carrying painted Images vpon their shoulders, after the Images followed certaine Priests, to the number of one hundred or more, with goodly vestures, whereof ten or twelue are of white Damaske, set and embroidered round about with faire and orient Pearles, as great as Pease, and among them certaine Saphires and other stones. After them followed the one halfe of the Emperours Noblemen: then commeth the Em∣perours [ 30] Maiestie and the Metropolitan, after this manner.

First, there is a Horse couered with white linnen cloth downe to the ground,* 3.38 his eares being made long with the same cloth, like to an Asses eares. Vpon this Horse the Metropolitan sit∣teth side-long like a woman: in his lappe lieth a faire Booke, with a Crucifixe of Gold-smiths worke vpon the couer, which he holdeth fast with his left hand, and in his right hand he hath a Crosse of Gold, with which Crosse he ceaseth not to blesse the people as hee rideth. There are to the number of thirtie men which spread abroad their garments before the Horse, and as soone as the Horse is past ouer any of them, they take them vp againe and runne before, and spread them againe, so that the Horse doth alway goe on some of them. They which spread [ 40] the garments are all Priests sonnes, and for their labours the Emperour giueth vnto them new garments.

One of the Emperours Noblemen leadeth the Horse by the head, but the Emperour himselfe going on foot, leadeth the Horse by the end of the reyne of his Bridle with one of his hands, and in the other of his hands hee had a branch of a Palme tree: after this followed the rest of the Emperours Noblemen and Gentlemen, with a great number of other people. In this order they went from one Church to another within the Castle, about the distance of two flight shot: and so returned againe to the Emperours Church, where they made an end of their seruice. Which being done, the Emperours Maiestie, and certaine of his Noblemen went to the Metro∣politan his house to dinner, where of delicate fishes and good drinkes there was no lacke. The rest of this weeke vntill Easter day they kept very solemnely, continuing in their houses for the [ 50] most part, and vpon Munday or Thursday the Emperour doth alwaies vse to receiue the Sacra∣ment, and so doe most of his Nobles.

Vpon Good-friday they continue all the day in contemplation and prayers, and they vse eue∣ry yeere on Good-friday to let loose a Prisoner in the stead of Barrabas. The night following they goe to the Church, where they sleepe vntill the next morning, and at Easter they haue the Resurrection, and after euery of the Lents they eate flesh the next weeke following, Friday, Sa∣turday and all.

They haue an order at Easter, which they alwaies obserue, and that is this: euery yeere a∣gainst Easter to dye or colour red with Brazell a great number of Egges, of which euery man and woman giueth one vnto the Priest of their Parish vpon Easter day in the morning. And [ 60] moreouer, the common people vse to carrie in their hands one of their red Egges, not onely vp∣on Easter day, but also three or foure dayes after, and Gentlemen and Gentlewomen haue Egges gilded which they carrie in like manner. They vse it, as they say, for a great loue, and in token of the Resurrection, whereof they reioyce. For when two friends meet during the Easter holy

dayes, they come and take one another by the hand: the one of them saith, the Lord or Christ is risen,* 3.39 the other answereth, it is so of a truth, and then they kisse and exchange their Egges both men and women, continuing in kissing foure dayes together.

His Majestie heareth all Complaints himselfe, and with his owne mouth giueth sentence, and judgement of all matters, and that with expedition: but Religious matters hee medleth not withall, but referreth them wholly vnto the Metropolitane. His Majestie retayneth and well rewardeth all strangers that come to serue him, and especially men of Warre. He delighteth not greatly in Hawking, Hunting, or any other pastime, nor in hearing Instruments or Musicke, but setteth all his whole delight vpon two things: First, to serue God, as vndoubtedly hee is very deuout in his Religion, and the second, how to subdue and conquer his enemies.

He hath abundance of Gold and Siluer in his owne hands or Treasurie: but the most part of [ 10] his know not a Crowne from a Counter, nor Gold from Copper, they are so much cumbred therewithall, and he that is worth two, three, or foure Grotes, is a rich man.

They haue both Monkes, Friers, and Nunnes, with a great number of great and rich Mona∣steries:* 3.40 they keepe great Hospitalitie, and doe releeue much poore people day by day. I haue bin in one of the Monasteries called Troietes, which is walled about with Bricke very strongly like a Castle, and much Ordnance of Brasse vpon the walls of the same. They told mee themselues that there are seuen hundred Brethren of them which belong vnto that House. The most part of the Lands, Townes, and Villages which are within fortie miles of it, belong vnto the same. They shewed me the Church,* 3.41 wherein were as many Images as could hang about, or vpon the [ 20] wals of the Church round about, and euen the Roofe of the Church was painted full of Images. The chiefe Image was of our Ladie, which was garnished with Gold, Rubies, Saphirs, and o∣ther rich Stones abundantly. In the midst of the Church stood twelue Waxe Tapers of two yards long, and a fathome about in bignesse, and there stands a Kettle full of Waxe with about one hundred weight, wherein there is alwayes the wicke of a Candle burning, as it were a Lampe which goeth not out day nor night.

They shewed me a Coffin couered with Cloth of Gold, which stood vpon one side within their Church,* 3.42 in which they told me lay a holy man, who neuer eate or dranke, and yet that he liueth. And they told me (supposing that I had beleeued them) that he healeth many Diseases, and giueth the blind their sight, with many other Miracles, but I was hard of beliefe, because I saw him worke no miracle whilst I was there. [ 30]

After this they brought me into their Sellers, and made me taste of diuers kinds of Drinkes, both Wine and Beere, Meade and Quassie, of sundry colours and kinds. Such abundance of Drinke as they haue in their Sellers,* 3.43 I doe suppose few Princes haue more, or so much at once. Their Barrels or Vessels are of an vnmeasurable bignesse and size: some of them are three yards long and more, and two yards and more broad in their heads: they contayne sixe or seuen tuns a piece: they haue none in their Sellers of their owne making that are lesse then a tunne. They haue nine or ten great vaultes which are full of those Barrels which are seldome remooued: for they haue trunkes which come downe through the Roofe of the vaults in sundry places, through which they powre drinke downe, hauing the Caske right vnder it to receiue the same, for it [ 40] should be a great trouble to bring it all downe the staires.

* 3.44They giue Bread, Meate, and Drinke vnto all men that come to them, not onely while they are at their Abbey, but also when they depart, to serue them by the way. There are a great number of such Monasteries in the Realme, and the Emperours Majestie rideth oftentimes from one to another of them, and lyeth at them three or foure dayes together.

The same Monkes are as great Merchants as any in the Land of Russia, and doe occupie buy∣ing and selling as much as any other men,* 3.45 and haue Boates which passe to and fro in the Riuers with Merchandize from place to place where any of their Countrey doe traffique.

* 3.46They eate no flesh during their liues as it is reported: but vpon Sunday, Munday, Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday, it is lawfull for them to eate Egges, Butter, Cheese, and Milke, and at [ 50] all times to eate fish, and after this sort they lead their liues. They weare all blacke Garments, and so doe none other in all the Land, but at that Abbey onely.

They haue no Preachers, no not one in all the Land to instruct the people, so that there are many,* 3.47 and the most part of the poore in the Countrey, who if one aske them how many Gods there be, they will say a great many, meaning that euery Image which they haue is a God: for all the Countrey and the Emperours Majestie himselfe will blesse and bow, and knocke their heads before their Images, insomuch that they will cry earnestly vnto their Images to helpe them to the things which they need. Al men are bound by their Law to haue those Images in their Houses, and ouer euery gate in all their Townes and Cities are Images set vp, vnto which the people bow and bend, and knocke their heads against the ground before them: as often as [ 60] they come by any Church or Crosse they doe in like manner. And when they come to any House, they blesse themselues three or foure times before they will salute any man in the House.

They reckon and hold it for great sinne to touch or handle any of their Images within the

Circle of the board where the painting is, but they keepe them very daintily, and rich men deck them ouer and about with Gold, Siluer, and Stones,* 3.48 and hang them ouer and about with Cloth of Gold.

The Priests are marryed as other men are, and weare all their Garments as other men doe, except their Night-caps, which is cloth of some sad colour,* 3.49 being round and reacheth vnto the eares: their crownes are shauen, but the rest of their haire they let grow, as long as Nature will permit, so that it hangeth beneath their eares vpon their shoulders: their Beards they neuer shaue: if his Wife happen to dye, it is not lawfull for him to marry againe during his life.

They minister the Communion with Bread and Wine after our order,* 3.50 but hee breaketh the [ 10] Bread and putteth it into the Cup vnto the Wine, and commonly some are partakers with them: and they take the Bread out againe with a Spoone together with part of the Wine, and so take it themselues, and giue it to others that receiue with them after the same manner. They will not permit any Nation but the Greekes to be buried in their sacred Burials, or Church-yards. All their Churches are full of Images, vnto the which the people when they assemble, doe bow and knocke their heads, as I haue before said, that some will haue knobs vpon their fore-heads with knocking, as great as Egges. All their seruice is in the Russie Tongue, and they and the com∣mon people haue no other Prayers but this, Ghospodi Iesus Christos esine voze ponuloi nashe.* 3.51 That is to say, O Lord Iesus Christ, Son of God haue mercie vpon vs: and this is their Prayer, so that the most part of the vnlearned know neither Pater Noster, nor the Beliefe, nor Ten Comman∣dements, [ 20] nor scarcely vnderstand the one halfe of their Seruice which is read in their Churches.

When any child is borne, it is not baptized vntill the next Sunday, and if it chance that it be not baptized then, it must tarry vntill the second Sunday after the birth, and it is lawfull for them to take as many God-fathers and God-mothers as they will, the more the better.

When they goe to the Church, the Mid-wife goeth foremost, carrying the Childe,* 3.52 and the God-fathers and God-mothers follow into the midst of the Church, where there is a small Ta∣ble readie set, and on it an Earthen Pot full of warme water, about the which the God-fathers and God-mothers, with the Childe, settle themselues: then the Clerke giueth vnto euery of them a small Waxe Candle burning, then commeth the Priest, and beginneth to say certayne words, which the God-fathers and God-mothers must answere word for word, among which [ 30] one is, that the Child shall forsake the Deuill, and as that name is pronounced, they must all spit at the word as often as it is repeated. Then he blesseth the water which is in the Pot, and doth breathe ouer it: then he taketh all the Candles which the Gossips haue, and holding them all in one hand letteth part of them drop into the water, and then giueth euery one his Candle againe, and when the water is sanctified, he taketh the Child and holdeth it in a small Tub, and one of the God-fathers taketh the Pot with warme water, and powreth it all vpon the Childes head.

After this he hath many more Ceremonies, as anoynting Eares and Eyes with Spittle, and making certayne Crosses with Oyle vpon the backe, head, and brest of the Childe: then taking the Childe in his armes, carryeth it to the Images of Saint Nicholas, and our Ladie, &c. and spea∣keth vnto the Images, desiring them to take charge of the Childe, that he may liue, and beleeue [ 40] as a Christian man or woman ought to doe, with many other words. Then comming backe from the Images, he taketh a paire of sheares and clippeth the young and tender haires of the Childes head, in three or foure places, and then deliuereth the Childe, whereunto euery of the God-fathers and God-mothers lay a hand: then the Priest chargeth them, that the Childe bee brought vp in the faith and feare of God or Christ, and that it be instructed to clinege, and bow to the Images, and so they make an end: then one of the God-fathers must hang a Crosse about the necke of the Childe, which hee must alwayes weare, for that Russe which hath not a Crosse about his necke they esteeme as no Christian man, and thereupon they say that wee are no Chri∣stians, because we doe not weare Crosses as they doe.

Their Matrimonie is nothing solemnized, but rather in most points abominable, and as neere [ 50] as I can l••arne▪ in this wi••e following.* 3.53

First, when there is loue betweene the parties, the man sendeth vnto the woman a small Chest or Boxe, wherein is a Whip, Needles, Threed, Silke, Linnen Cloth, Sheares, and such ne∣cessaries as she shall occupie when she is a Wife, and perhaps sendeth therewithall Raisins, Figs, or some such things, giuing her to vnderstand, that if she doe offend, she must be beaten with the Whip, and by the Needles, Threed, Cloth, &c. that she should apply her selfe diligently to sew, and doe such things as she could best doe, and by the Raisins or Fruits he meaneth if she doe well, no good thing shall bee with-drawne from her, nor bee too deare for her: and shee sendeth vnto him a Shirt, Hand-kerchers, and some such things of her owne making. And now to the effect.

When they are agreed, and the day of Marriage appointed, when they shall goe towards the [ 60] Church, the Bride will in no wise consent to goe out of the House, but resisteth and striueth with them that would haue her out, and fayneth her selfe to weepe, yet in the end, two wo∣men get her out, and lead her towards the Church, her face being couered close, because of her dissimulation, that it should not be openly perceiued: for shee maketh a great noyse, as though she were sobbing and weeping, vntill she come at the Church, and then her face is vncouered. The

man commeth after among other of his friends, and they carrie with them to Church a great Pot of Wine or Meade: then the Priest coupleth them together much after our order, one pro∣mising to loue and serue the other during their liues together, &c. which being done, they be∣ginnne to drinke, and first the woman drinketh to the man, and when he hath drunke he letteth the cup fall to the ground, hasting immediately to tread vpon it, and so doth she, and whether of them tread first vpon it, must haue the victorie and be Master at all times after, which common∣ly happeneth to the man, for he is readiest to set his foot on it, because he letteth it fall himselfe, then they goe home againe, the womans face being vncouered. The Boyes in the streets cry out, and make a noyse in the meane time, with very dishonest words.

When they come home, the Wife is set at the vpper end of the Table, and the Husband next [ 10] vnto her: they fall then to drinking till they be all drunke, they perchance haue a Minstrell or two, and two naked men, which led her from the Church, dance naked a long time before all the company. When they are wearie of drinking, the Bride and the Bridegroome get them to Bed, for it is in the Euening alwayes when any of them are marryed: and when they are going to Bed, the Bridegroome putteth certayne Money, both Gold and Siluer, if he haue it, into one of his Boots, and then sitteth downe in the Chamber, crossing his legges, then the Bride must pluck off one of his Boots, which she will, and if she happen on the Boot wherein the Money is, shee hath not onely the Money for her labour, but is also at such choice, as she need not euer from that day forth to pull off his Boots, but if shee misse the Boot wherein the Money is, she doth not onely lose the Money, but is also bound from that day forwards to pull off his Boots [ 20] continually.

Then they continue in drinking and making good cheere three dayes following, being ac∣companied with certayne of their friends, and during the same three dayes, he is called a Duke, and she a Dutches, although they be very poore persons, and this is as much as I haue learned of their Matrimony: but one common rule is amongst them, if the woman be not beaten with the Whip once a Weeke, she will not be good, and therefore they looke for it orderly, and the wo∣men say, that if their Husbands did not beate them, they should not loue them.

They vse to marry there very young, their Sonnes at sixteeene and eighteene yeares old, and the Daughters at twelue or thirteene yeares or younger: they vse to keepe their Wiues very closely, I meane those that be of any reputation, so that a man shall not see one of them but at [ 30] a chance, when shee goeth to Church at Christmasse or at Easter, or else going to visit some of her friends.

The most part of the women vse to ride a-stride in Saddles with stirrops, as men doe, and some of them on Sleds,* 3.54 which in Summer is not commendable. The Husband is bound to find the Wife colours to paint her with all, for they vse ordinarily to paint themselues: it is such a common practice among them, that it is counted for no shame: they grease their faces with such colours, that a man may discerne them hanging on their faces almost a flight shoot off: I cannot so well liken them as to a Millers Wife, for they looke as though they were beaten about the face with a bagge of Meale, but their Eye-browes they colour as blacke as I eat. The best pro∣pertie that the women haue, is that they can sewe well, and imbroider with Silke and Gold [ 40] excellently.

* 3.55When any man or woman dyeth, they stretch him out, and put a new paire of shooes on his feet, because he hath a great Iourney to goe: then doe they wind him in a sheet, as wee doe, but they forget not to put a testimonie in his right hand, which the Priest giueth him, to testifie vn∣to Saint Nicholas that he dyed a Christian man or woman. And they put the Corse alwayes in a Coffin of Wood, although the partie be very poore: and when they goe towards the Church, the Friends and Kinsmen of the partie departed carrie in their hands small Waxe Candles, and they weepe, and howle, and make much lamentation. They that bee hanged or beheaded, or such like, haue no testimonie with them: how they are reciued into Heauen, it is a wonder, without their Pasport. [ 50]

There are a great number of poore people among them which dye daily for lacke of suste∣nance, which is a pitifull case to behold: for there hath bin buried in a small time, within these two yeares, aboue eightie persons yong and old, which haue dyed onely for lacke of sustenance, for if they had had straw and water enough, they would make shift to liue: for a great many are forced in the Winter to dry straw and stampe it, and to make bread thereof, or at the least they eate it in stead of bread.* 3.56 In the Summer they make good shift with grasse, herbes, and roots: barkes of Trees are good meat with them at all times. There is no people in the World, as I sup∣pose, that liue so miserably as doe the pouertie in those parts: and the most part of them that haue sufficient for themselues, and also to relieue others that need, are so vnmercifull that they care not how many they see dye of famine or hunger in the streets.

It is a Countrey full of Diseases, diuers, and euill, and the best remedie is for any of them, as [ 60] they hold opinion, to goe often vnto the Hot-houses, as in a manner euery man hath one of his owne, which he heateth commonly twice euery weeke, and all the houshold sweat, and wash themselues therein.

The first and principall Meade is made of the juyce or liquor taken from a Berrie, called in Russia, Malieno, which is of a maruellous sweet taste, and of a Carmosant colour,* 3.57 which Berrie I haue seene in Paris. The second Meade is called Visnoua, because it is made of a Berrie so called, and is like a blacke Gooseberrie: but it is like in colour and taste to the red Wine of France. The third Meade is called Amarodina or Smorodina, short, of a small Berrie much like to the small Raisin, and groweth in great plentie in Russia. The fourth Meade is called Chereunikyna, which is made of the wild blacke Cherrie. The fift Meade is made of Honey and Water, with other mixtures. There is also a delicate Drinke drawne from the Root of the Birch Tree, called in the Russe Tongue Berozeuites, which drinke the Noblemen and others vse in Aprill, May, and [ 10] Iune, which are the three moneths of the Spring-time: for after those moneths, the sap of the Tree dryeth, and then they cannot haue it.

I haue by me a Letter of Master Christopher Hoddesdon, written the seuenteenth of Nouem∣ber 1555. wherein he writes, that it seemes, there is no great punishment for breaking their Re∣gion, some of them aduenturing to eate Milke with him on a Fasting day, which yet others re∣fused. Yarost••sly (so he cals the Towne where he writ) is fairer then Volga, the Riuer almost a mile broad: he was asked seuen Altines for a Sturgeon, he had giuen at Danske nine Mark-sprace for a worser: neither had he seene such abundance of Ling in England, as there of Sturgeons, there being in that dayes Market, about three thousand.

[ 20]

§. IIII. The Voyage of Master ANTHONIE IENKINSON, made from the Citie of Mosco in Russia, to the Citie of Boghar in Bactria, in the yeare 1558. written by himselfe to the Merchants of London, of the Moscouie Company.

THe three and twentieth day of Aprill, in the yeare 1558. (hauing obtayned the Em∣perour [ 30] of Russia his Letters, directed vnto sundry Kings and Princes,* 3.58 by whose Domi∣nions I should passe) departed from Mosco by water, hauing with mee two of your Seruants; namely, Richard Iohnson, and Robert Iohnson, and a Tartar Tolmach, with diuers parcels of Wares, as by the Inuentorie appeareth: and the eight and twentieth day wee came to a Towne, called Collom, distant from the Mosco twentie leagues, and passing one league beyond the said Collom, we came vnto a Riuer, called Occa, into the which the Riuer Mosco falleth, and loseth his name: and passing downe the said Riuer Occa eight leagues, wee came vnto a Castle called Terreuettisko, which we left vpon our right hand,* 3.59 and proceeding for∣ward, the second day of May, wee came vnto another Castle, called Peroslaue, distant eight leagues, leauing it also on our right hand.* 3.60 The third day we came vnto the place where old Re∣zan [ 40] was situate, being now most of it ruined and ouer-growne, and distant from the said Pero∣slaue, sixe leagues: the fourth day we passed by a Castle, called Terrecouia, from Rezan twelue leagues, and the sixt day we came to another Castle, called Cassim,* 3.61 vnder the gouernment of a Tartar Prince, named Vtzar Zegoline, sometime Emperour of the worthy Citie of Cazan, and now subject vnto the Emperour of Russia. But leauing Cassim on our left hand,* 3.62 the eight day we came vnto a faire Towne, called Morom, from Cassim twentie leagues, where wee tooke the Sunne, and found the latitude fiftie sixe degrees: and proceeding forward the eleuenth day, wee came vnto another faire Towne and Castle, called Nyse Nouogrod, situated at the falling of the foresaid Riuer Occa, into the worthy Riuer of Volga,* 3.63 distant from the said Moron fiue and twen∣tie leagues, in the latitude of fiftie sixe degrees eighteene minutes. From Rezan to this Nyse Nouogrod, on both sides the said Riuer of Occa, is raysed the greatest store of Waxe and Honey [ 50] in all the Land of Russia. We tarryed at the foresaid Nyse Nouogrod vntill the nineteenth day,* 3.64 for the comming of a Captaine which was sent by the Emperour to rule at Astracan, who being arriued, and hauing the number of fiue hundred great Boates vnder his conduct, some laden with Victuals, Souldiers, and Munition: and other some with Merchandize, departed altogether the said nineteenth day from the said Nyse Nouogrod, and the two and twentieth wee came vnto a Castle, called Vasiliagorod, distant fiue and twentie leagues, which wee lest vpon our right hand. This Towne or Castle had his name of this Emperours Father, who was called Vasilius, and Gorod in the Russe Tongue is as much to say, as a Castle, so that Vasilia∣gorod is to say, Vasilius Castle:* 3.65 and it was the furthest pl••ce that the said Emperour [ 60] conquered from the Tartars. But this present Emperour his Sonne, called Iuan Vasili∣wich, hath had great good successe in his Warres, both against the Christians, and also the Ma∣hometists, and Gentiles, but especially against the Tartars, inlarging his Empire euen to the Caspian Sea, hauing conquered the famous Riuer of Volga, with all the Countreyes thereabout adjacent. Thus proceeding on our journey, the fiue and twentieth day of May afore-said,

we came to another Castle called Sabowshare, which wee left on our right hand, distant from Vasiliagorod, sixteene leagues. The Countrey hereabout is called Mordouits, and the Habitants did professe the Law of the Gentiles: but now beeing conquered by this Emperour of Russia, most of them are christened, but lye in the Woods and Wildernesse, without Towne or Ha∣bitation.

* 3.66The seuen and twentieth day we passed by another Castle, called Swyasko, distant from Shabow∣share aforesaid, twentie fiue leagues: we left it on our right hand, and the nine and twentieth came vnto an Iland one league from the Citie of Cazan,* 3.67 from which falleth downe a Riuer cal∣led Cazankareca, and entreth into the foresaid Volga. Cazan is a faire Towne after the Russe or Tartar fashion, with a strong Castle situated vpon a high Hill, and was walled round about with [ 10] Timber and Earth, but now the Emperour of Russia hath giuen order to plucke downe the olde wals, and to build them againe of free stone. It hath beene a Citie of great Wealth and Riches, and being in the hands of the Tartars, it was a Kingdome of it selfe, and did more vexe the Rus∣ses in their Warres, then any other Nation: but nine yeares past, this Emperour of Russia con∣quered it, and tooke the King captiue, who being but young is now baptized, and brought vp in his Court with two other Princes, which were also Kings of the said Cazan, and being each of them in time of their Raignes in danger of their Subiects through ciuill discord, came and ren∣dred themselues at seuerall times vnto the said Emperour, so that at this present there are three Princes in the Court of Russia, which had beene Emperours of the said Cazan, whom the Em∣perour vseth with great honour.

We remayned at Cazan till the thirteenth day of Iune, and then departed from thence: and [ 20] the same day passed by an Iland called the Iland of Merchants, because it was wont to be a place where all Merchants,* 3.68 as well Russes and Cazanites, as Nagayans and Crimmes, and diuers other Nations did resort to keepe Mart for buying and selling, but now it is forsaken, and standeth without any such resort thither, or at Cazan, or at any place about it, from Mosco vnto Mare Caspium.

Thus proceeding forward, the fourteenth day we passed by a goodly riuer called Cama, which we left on our left hand.* 3.69 This Riuer falleth out of the Countrey of Permia into the Riuer of Volga, and is from Cazan fifteene leagues: and the Countrey lying betwixt the said Cazan, and the said Riuer Cama on the left hand of Volga is called Vachen,* 3.70 and the Inhabitants bee Gentiles, and liue in the Wildernesse without House or Habitation: and the Countrey on the other side of [ 30] Volga, ouer against the said Riuer Cama, is called the Land of Cheremizes, halfe Gentiles, halfe Tartars, and all the Land on the left hand of the said Volga, from the said Riuer vnto Astracan, and so following the North and North-east side of the Caspian Sea, to a Land of the Tartars called Turkemen,* 3.71 is called the Countrey of Mangat or Nagay, whose Inhabitants are of the Law of Mahomet, and were all destroyed in the yeare 1558. at my beeing at Astracan, through Ci∣uill Warres among them, accompanied with Famine, Pestilence, and such Plagues, in such sort that in the said yeare there were consumed of the people, in one sort and another, aboue one hundred thousand: the like Plague was neuer seene in those parts, so that the said Countrey of Nagay, being a Countrey of great Pasture, remayneth now vnreplenished to the great conten∣tation of the Russes, who haue had cruell Warres a long time together. [ 40]

The Nagayans when they flourished, liued in this manner: they were diuided into diuers companies called Hords, and euery Hord had a Ruler, whom they obeyed as their King, and was called a Murse. Towne or House they had none, but liued in the open fields, euery Murse or King hauing his Hords or people about him,* 3.72 with their Wiues, Children, and Cattell, who hauing consumed the Pasture in one place, remoued vnto another: and when they remooue they haue Houses like Tents set vpon Waggons or Carts, which are drawne from place to place with Ca∣mels, and therein their Wiues, Children, and all their Riches, which is very little, is carried a∣bout, and euery man hath at the least foure or fiue Wiues besides Concubines. Vse of money they haue none, but doe barter their Cattell for apparell and other necessaries. They delight in [ 50] no Art nor Science, except the Warres, wherein they are expert, but for the most part they bee pasturing people, and haue great store of Cattell, which is all their Riches. They eate much flesh, and especially the Horse, and they drinke Mares Milke, wherewith they be oftentimes drunke: they are seditious and inclined to Theft and Murther. Corne they sow not, neither doe eate any Bread, mocking the Christians for the same, and disabling our strengths, saying, wee liue by eating the top of a Weed, and drinke a Drinke made of the same, allowing their great deuouring of flesh, and drinking of Milke to be the increase of their strength. But now to proceed forward to my Iourney.

All the Countrey vpon our right hand the Riuer Volga, from ouer against the Riuer Cama vn∣to the Towne of Astracan,* 3.73 is the Land of Crimme, whose Inhabitants bee also of the Law of [ 60] Mahomet, and liue for the most part according to the fashions of the Nagayes, hauing continuall Warres with the Emperour of Russia, and are valiant in the field, hauing countenance, and sup∣port from the great Turke.

The sixteenth day of Iune we passed by certayne Fishermens Houses, called Petowse, twentie

leagues from the Riuer Cama, where is great fishing for Sturgeon, so continuing our way vntill the two and twentieth day, and passing by another great Riuer called Samar, which falleth out of the aforesaid Countrey, and runneth through Nagay, and entreth into the said Riuer of Volga.* 3.74 The eight and twentieth day we came vnto a great Hill, where was in times past a Castle made by the Crimmes, but now it is ruined, being the just mid-way betweene the said Cazan and A∣strachan, which is two hundred leagues or thereabout, in the latitude of one and fiftie degrees, fortie seuen minutes. Vpon all this shoare groweth abundance of Licoris, whose Root runneth within the ground like a Vine.* 3.75

Thus going forward, the sixt day of Iuly we came to a place called Perouolog, so named be∣cause [ 10] in times past the Tartars carried their Boats from Volga, vnto the Riuer Tanais, otherwise called Don, by Land, when they would rob such as passed downe the said Volga to Astracan, and also such as passed downe by the Riuer Tanais, to Afou, Caffa, or any other Towne situated vpon Mare Euxinum, into which Sea Tanais falleth, who hath his Springs in the Countrey of the Rezan, out of a plaine ground. It is at this streight of Perouolog from the one Riuer to the other, two leagues by Land, and is a dangerous place for Theeues and Robbers, but now it is not so euill as it hath beene by reason of the Emperour of Russia his Conquests.

Departing from Perouolog, hauing the Wildernesse on both sides, wee saw a great Heard of Nagayans pasturing, as is abouesaid, by estimation aboue a thousand Camels drawing of Carts with Houses vpon them like Tents, of a strange fashion, seeming to bee afarre off a Towne: [ 20] that Herd was belonging to a great Murse, called Smille, the greatest Prince in all Nagay, who hath slaine and driuen away all the rest, not sparing his owne Brethren and Children, and ha∣uing peace with this Emperour of Russia, hee hath what hee needeth, and ruleth alone: so that now the Russes liue in peace with the Nagayans, who were wont to haue mortall Warres together.

The fourteenth day of Iuly passing by an old Castle▪ which was Old Astracan, and leauing it vpon our right hand, we arriued at New Astracan, which this Emperour of Russia conquered sixe yeares past, in the yeare 1552. It is from the Mosco vnto Astracan sixe hundred leagues, or thereabout. The Towne of Astracan is situated in an Iland vpon a Hill side,* 3.76 hauing a Castle within the same, walled about with Earth and Timber, neither faire nor strong: The Towne is [ 30] also walled about with Earth: the Buildings and Houses (except it be the Captaines Lodging, and certaine other Gentlemens) most base & simple. The Iland is most destitute and barren of wood and pasture, and the ground will beare no Corne: the A••re is there most infected, by reason (as I suppose) of much fish, and specially Sturgeon, by which onely the Inhabitants liue,* 3.77 hauing great scarsitie of flesh and bread. They hang vp their fish in their streets and Houses to dry for their prouision, which causeth such abundance of flyes to increase there, as the like was neuer seene in any Land, to their great Plague. And at my beeing at the said Astracan, there was a great Famine and Plague among the people, and specially among the Tartars, called Nagayans, who the same time came thither in great numbers to render themselues to the Russes their Ene∣mies, and to seeke succour at their hands, their Countrey being destroyed, as I said before: but [ 40] they were but ill entertayned or releeued, for there dyed a great number of them for hunger, which lay all the Iland through in heapes dead, and like to beasts vnburied, very pittifull to be∣hold: many of them were also sold by the Russes, and the rest were banished from the Iland. At that time it had beene an easie thing to haue conuerted that wicked Nation to the Christian Faith, if the Russes themselues had beene good Christians: but how should they shew compassion vnto other Nations, when they are not mercifull vnto their owne▪ At my being there I could haue bought many goodly Tartars Children, if I would haue had a thousand, of their owne Fa∣thers and Mothers, to say, a Boy or a Wench for a Loafe of bread worth sixe pence in England, but we had more need of victuals at that time then of any such Merchandize.* 3.78 This Astracan is the furthest hold that this Emperour of Russia hath conquered of the Tartars towards the Ca∣spian [ 50] Sea, which he keepeth very strong, sending thither euery yeare prouision of men, and vi∣ctuals, and Timber to build the Castle.

There is a certayne Trade of Merchandize there vsed, but as yet so small and beggerly, that it is not worth the making mention, and yet there come Merchants thither from diuers places. The chiefest Commodities that the Russes bring thither are red Hides, red sheeps skinnes, wood∣den Vessels, Bridles, and Saddles, Kniues, and other Trifles, with Corne, Bacon, and other Vi∣ctuals. The Tartars bring thither diuers kinds of Wares made of Cotton Wooll, with diuers kinds of wrought Silkes: and they that come out of Persia, namely, from Shamacki, doe bring sewing Silke, which is the coursest that they vse in Russeland, Crasso, diuers kinds of pide Silkes for Girdles, Shirts of Male, Bowes, Swords▪ and such like things: and some yeares Corne, and [ 60] Wal-nuts, but all such things in such small quantitie, the Merchants being so begge••ly and poore that bring the same, that it is not worth the writing, neither is there any hope of Trade in all those parts worth the following.

This foresaid Iland of Astracan is in length twelue leagues, and in breadth three, and ly••th East and West in the latitude of fortie seuen degrees, nine minutes: we tarryed there vnti••l th••

sixt day of August, and hauing bought and prouided a Boate in company with certayne Tartars and Persians, wee laded our goods and imbarked our selues, and the same day depar∣ted I, with the said two Iohnsons, hauing the whole charge of the Nauigation downe the said Riuer Volga,* 3.79 beeing very crooked, and full of flats toward the mouth thereof. Wee entred into the Caspian Sea the tenth day of August at the Easterly side of the said Riuer, be∣ing twentie leagues from Astracan aforesaid, in the latitude of fortie sixe degrees, twentie seuen minutes.

* 3.80Volga hath seuentie mouthes or fals into the Sea: and we hauing a large wind, kept the North-east shoare, and the eleuenth day we sayled seuen leagues East North-east, and came vnto an Iland hauing an high Hill therein, called Accurgar, a good Marke in the Sea. From thence [ 10] East ten leagues, we fell with another Iland, called Bawhi••ta, much higher then the other. With∣in these two Ilands to the Northwards,* 3.81 is a great Bay called the Blue Sea. From thence wee sayled East and by North ten leagues, and hauing a contrary wind, wee came to an Anchor in a fathome water, and so rid vntill the fifteenth day, hauing a great storme at South-east, being a most contrary wind, which we rid out. Then the wind came to the North, and wee weighed, and set our course South-east, and that day sayled eight leagues.

Thus proceeding forwards, the seuenteenth day we lost sight of Land, and the same day say∣led thirtie leagues, and the eighteenth day twentie leagues winding East, and fell with a Land called Baughleata,* 3.82 being seuentie foure leagues from the mouth of the said Volga, in the latitude of fortie sixe degrees fiftie foure minutes, the Coast lying neerest East and by South, and West [ 20] and by North. At the point of this Iland lyeth buried a holy Prophet, as the Tartars call him, of their Law, where great deuotion is vsed of all such Mahometists as doe passe that way.

[illustration] map of Tartary

HONDIVS his Map of Tartaria.

TARTA¦RIA

The nineteenth day the winde being West, and wee winding East South-east, we sayled ten leagues, and passed by a great Riuer called Iaic, which hath his spring in the Land of Siberia,* 3.83 nigh vnto the foresaid Riuer Cama, and runneth through the Land of Nagay, falling into this Mare Caspium. And vp this Riuer one dayes iourney is a Towne called Serachicke,* 3.84 subiect to the foresaid Tartar Prince, called Murse Smille, which is now in friendship with the Em∣perour of Russia. Heere is no trade of merchandise vsed, for that the people haue no vse of mo∣ney, and are all Men of warre, and Pasturers of cattell, and giuen much to theft and murther. Thus being at an anchor against this Riuer Iaic, and all our men being on Land, sauing I, who lay sore sicke, and fiue Tartars, whereof one was reputed a holy man, because hee came from [ 10] Mecca, there came vnto vs a Boat with thirtie men well armed and appointed, who boorded vs, and began to enter into our Barke, and our holy Tartar, called Azy, perceiuing that, asked them what they would haue, and withall made a prayer: with that these Rouers stayed, decla∣ring that they were Gentlemen, banished from their Countrey, and out of liuing, and came to see if there were any Russes, or other Christians (which they call Caphars) in our Barke: To whom this Azi most stoutly answered, that there were none, auowing the same by great oaths of their Law, (which lightly they will not breake) whom the Rouers beleeued, and vpon his words departed. And so through the fidelitie of that Tartar, I with all my companie and goods were saued, and our men being come on boord, and the wind faire, we departed from that place, and winding East and South-east, that day being the twentieth of August failed sixteene leagues.

[ 20] The one and twentieth day we passed ouer a Bay of sixe leagues broad, and fell with a Cape of Land, hauing two Ilands at the South-east part thereof, being a good marke in the Sea: and doubling the Cape the Land trended North-east, and maketh another Bay, into which falleth the greater Riuer Yem, springing out of the Land of Colmack. The two and twentieth, three and twentieth, and foure and twentieth dayes, we were at anchor. The fiue and twentieth,* 3.85 the winde came faire, and we sayled that day twentie leagues, and passed by an Iland of lowe land, and thereabout are many flats and sands: and to the Northward of this Iland there goeth in a great Bay, but we set off from this Iland, and winded South to come into deepe water, being much troubled with shoalds and flats, and ranne that course ten leagues, then East South-east, twentie leagues, and fell with the maine Land, being full of copped Hills, and passing along the [ 30] coast twentie leagues, the further we sayled, the higher was the Land.

The seuen and twentieth day we crossed ouer a Bay, the South shoare being the higher Land, and fell with a high point of Land: and being ouerthwart the Cape, there rose such a storme at the East, that we thought verily we should haue perished: this storme continued three dayes. From this Cape we passed to a Port called Manguslaue.* 3.86 The place where we should haue arri∣ued at the Southermost part of the Caspian Sea, ••s twelue leagues within a Bay: but we being fore tormented and tossed with this foresaid storme, were driuen vnto another Land on the o∣ther side the Bay, ouerthwart the said Manguslaue being very lowe Land, and a place as well for the ill commoditie of the Hauen, as of those brute field people, where neuer Barke nor Boat had before arriued, not liked of vs.

[ 40] But yet there we sent certaine of our men to Land to talke with the Gouernour and People, as well for our good vsage at their hands, as also for prouision of Camels to carrie our goods from the said Sea side to a place called Sellyzure, being from the place of our landing fiue and twentie dayes iourney. Our Messengers returned with comfortable words and faire promises of all things.

Wherefore the third day of September 1558. we discharged our Barke, and I with my com∣panie were gently entertayned of the Prince, and of his people.* 3.87 But before our departure from thence, we found them to bee a very bad and brutish people, for they ceased not daily to molest vs, either by fighting, stealing▪ or begging, raysing the price of Horse, and Camels, and Victu∣als, double that it was wont there to be, and forced vs to buy the water that we drinke: which [ 50] caused vs to hasten away, and to conclude wi••h them as well for the hire of Camels, as for the price of such as wee bought, with other prouision, according to their owne demand: So that for euery Camels lading, being but foure hundred weight of ours, we agreed to giue three Hides of Russia, and foure wooden dishes, and to the Prince or Gouernour of the said people one ninth, and two seuenths: namely, nine seuerall things, and twice seuen seuerall things: for money they vse none.

And thus being ready, the fourteenth of September we departed from that place, being a Ca∣rauan of a thousand Camels. And hauing trauelled fiue dayes iourney, wee came to another Princes Dominion, and vpon the way there came vnto vs certaine Tartars on horsebacke, being well armed, and seruants vnto the said Prince called Timor Sultan, Gouernour of the said Coun∣trey [ 60] of Manguslaue, where wee meant to haue arriued and discharged our Barke,* 3.88 if the great storme aforesaid had not disappointed. These aforesaid Tartars stayed our Carauan in the name of the••r Prince, and opened our Wares, and tooke s••ch things as they thought best for their said Prince without money, but for such things as they tooke from mee, which was a ninth (af∣ter much dissention) I rode vnto the same Prince, and presented my selfe before him, requesting

his fauour, and Pasport to trauell thorow his Countrey, and not to be robbed or spoyled of his people: which request he granted me, and entertayned me very gently, commanding me to be well feasted with flesh and Mares milke: for Bread they vse none, nor other drinke except wa∣ter: but money he had none to giue me for such things as he tooke of me, which might be of value in Russe money, fifteene Rubbles, but hee gaue mee his Letter, and a Horse worth seuen Rubbles. And so I departed from him being glad that I was gone: for he was reported to bee a very tyrant, and if I had not gone vnto him, I vnderstood his commandement was, that I should haue beene robbed and destroyed.

This Sultan liued in the fields without Castle or Towne, and sate, at my being with him, in a little round house made of reeds couered without with Felt, and within with Carpets. There [ 10] was with him the great Metropolitan of that wilde Countrey, esteemed of the people, as the Bishop of Rome is in most parts of Europe, with diuers other of his chiefe men. The Sultan with this Metropolitan demanded of mee many questions, as well touching our Kingdomes, Lawes, and Religion, as also the cause of my comming into those par••s, with my further pre∣tence. To whom I answered concerning all things, as vnto me seemed best, which they tooke in good part. So hauing leaue I departed, and ouertooke our Carauan, and proceeding on our iourney,* 3.89 and trauelled twentie dayes in the W••ldernesse from the Sea side without seeing Town or habitation, carrying prouision of victuals with vs for the same time, and were driuen by ne∣cessitie to eate one of my Camels and a Horse for our part, as other did the like: and during the said twentie dayes we found no water, but such as we drew out of old deepe Wells, being very [ 20] brackish and salt, and yet somtimes passed two or three dayes without the same. And the fift day of October ensuing,* 3.90 we came vnto a Gulfe of the Caspian Sea againe, where we found the wa∣ter very fresh and sweet: at this Gulfe the Customers of the King of Turkeman met vs, who tooke custome of euery fiue and twentie one, and seuen ninths for the said King and his brethren, which being receiued they departed, and we remayned there a day after to refresh our selues.

Note, that in times past there did fall into this Gulfe the great Riuer Oxus, which hath his springs in the Mountaines of Paraponisus in India, and now commeth not so fa••re, but falleth in∣to another Riuer,* 3.91 called Ardock, which runneth toward the North, and cons••meth himselfe in the ground, passing vnder the ground aboue fiue hundred miles, and then issueth out againe and falleth into the Lake of Kithay. [ 30]

We hauing refreshed our selues at the foresaid Gulfe, departed thence the fourth day of Octo∣ber,* 3.92 and the seuenth day arriued at a Castle, called Sellizure, where the King, called Azim Can, remayned with three other of his brethren, and the ninth day I was commanded to come be∣fore his presence, to whom I deliuered the Emperours Letters of Russia: and I also gaue him a Present of a ninth, who entertayned me very well, and caused me to eate in his presence as his brethren did, feasting me with flesh of a wilde Horse, and Mares milke without Bread. And the next day he sent for me againe, and asked of me diuers questions, as well touching the affaires of the Emperour of Russia, as of our Countrey and Lawes, to which I answered as I thought good:* 3.93 so that at my departure he gaue mee his Letters of safe conduct.

This Castle of Sellizure is situated vpon an high H••ll, where the King called the Can lieth, [ 40] whose Palace is built of earth very ba••ely, and not strong: the people are but poore, and haue little trade of merchandise among them. The South part of this Castle is low land, but very fruit∣full, where growe many good fruits, among which there is one called a Dynie, of a great bignesse▪ and full of moisture, which the people doe eate after meate in stead of drinke. Also there growes another fruit, called a Carbuse, of the bignesse of a great Cucumber, yellow, and sweet as Su∣gar: also a certaine Corne, called Iegur, whose stalke is much like a Sugar cane, and as high, and the Gra••ne like Rice, which groweth at the top of the cane like a cluster of Grapes; the water that serueth ••ll that Countrey is drawne by ditches out of the Riuer Oxus, vnto the great de∣struction of the said Riuer, for which cause it f••lleth not into the Caspian Sea, as it hath done in time•• past, and in short time all that Land is like to be destroyed, and to become a Wildernesse [ 50] for want of water, when the Riuer of Oxus shall faile.

The fourteenth day of the moneth wee departed from this Castle of Sellizure, and the six∣teenth of the same wee arriued at a Citie called Vrgence,* 3.94 where we payed Custome as well for our owne heads, as for our Camels and Horses. And hauing there soiourned one moneth, atten∣ding the time of our further trauell, the King of that Countrey called Aly Sultan, brother to the fore-named Azym Can, returned from a Towne called Corasan, within the borders of Persia, which he lately had co••q••ered from the Persians, with whom hee and the rest of the Kings of T••rtaria haue continuall warres. Before this King also I was commanded to come, to whom I likewise presented the Emperours Letters of Russia▪ and he entertayned me well▪ and deman∣ded of me diuers questions▪ and at my departure gaue me his Letters of safe conduct.

This Citie or Towne of Vrgence standeth in a plaine ground, with walls of the earth, by esti∣mation [ 60] foure miles about it. The buildings within it are also of earth, but ruined a••d out of good order: it hath one long street that is couered aboue, which is the place of their Market. It hath beene wonne and lost foure times within seuen yeeres by ciuill warres, by meanes whereof there

are but few Merchants in it, and they very poore, and in all that Towne I could not fell aboue foure Kerseys. The chiefest commodities there sold are such wares as come from Boghaer, and out of Persia, but in most small quantitie not worth the writing. All the Land from the Caspian Sea to this Citie of Vrgence, is called the Land of Turkeman, and is subiect to the said Azim Can, and his brethren which bee fiue in number,* 3.95 and one of them hath the name of the chiefe King called Can, but he is little obeyed sauing in his owne Dominion, and where hee dwelleth: for euery one will be King of his owne portion, and one brother seeketh alwaies to destroy an∣other, hauing no naturall loue among them, by reason that they are begotten of diuers women, and commonly they are the children of slaues, either Christians or Gentiles, which the father doth keepe as Concubines, and euery Can or Sultan hath at the least foure or fiue wiues, besides [ 10] young maidens and boyes, liuing most viciously: and when there are warres betwixt these bre∣thren, (as they are seldome without) he that is ouercome if hee be not slaine, fleeth to the field with such companie of men as will follow him, and there liueth in the Wildernesse, resorting to watering places, and so robbeth and spoyleth as many Carauans of Merchants and others, as they be able to ouercome, continuing in this sort his wicked life, vntill such time as he may get power and aide to inuade some of his brethren againe. From the Caspian Sea vnto the Castle of S••llizure aforesaid, and all the Countries about the said Sea, the people liue without Towne or habitation in the wilde fields, remoouing from one place to another in great companies with their Cattell, whereof they haue great store, as Camels, Horses, and Sheepe both tame and wilde. Their sheepe are of great stature with great buttockes, weighing sixtie or eightie pound [ 20] in weight. There are many wilde Horses which the Tartars doe many times kill with their Hawkes, and that in this order.

The Hawkes are lured to seize vpon the beasts neckes or heads, which with chafing of them∣selues, and sore beating of the Hawkes are tyred: then the Hunterr following his game doth slay the Horse with his Arrow or Sword. In all this Land there groweth no grasse, but a certaine brush or heath, whereon the Cattell feeding become very fat.

The Tartars neuer ride without their Bowe, Arrowes, and Sword, although it bee on haw∣king, or at any other pleasure, and they are good Archers both on horse-backe, and on foot also. These people haue not vse of Gold, Siluer, or any other coyne, but when they lacke apparell or other necessaries, they barter their Cattell for the same. Bread they haue none, for they nei∣ther [ 30] till nor sowe: they be great deuourers of flesh, which they cut in small pieces, and eate it by handfuls most greedily, and especially the Horse flesh. Their chiefest drinke is Mares milke sowred, as I haue said before of the Nagayans, and they will bee drunke with the same. They haue no Riuers nor places of water in this Countrey, vntill you come to the foresaid Gulfe, di∣stant from the place of our landing twentie dayes iourney, except it bee in Wells, the water whereof is saltish, and yet distant the one from the other two dayes iourney and more. They eate their meate vpon the ground, sitting with their legs double vnder them, and so also when they pray. Arte or Science they haue none, but liue most idlely, sitting round in great compa∣nies in the fields, deuising, and talking most vainely.

They sixe and twentieth day of Nouember, wee departed from the Towne of Vrgence,* 3.96 and [ 40] hauing trauelled by the Riuer Oxus one hundred miles, wee passed ouer another great Riuer, called Ardocke, where wee payed a certaine petie custome. This Riuer Ardocke is great, and very swift, falling out of the foresaid Oxus, and passing about one thousand mile to the North-ward, it then consumeth it selfe in the ground, and passing vnder the same about fiue hundred miles, issueth out againe, and falleth into the Lake of Kitay, as I haue before declared.

The seuenth of December following, we arriued at a Castle called Kait, subiect to a Sultan called Saramet Sultan, who meant to haue robbed all the Christians in the Carauan,* 3.97 had it not beene for feare of his brother the King of Vrgence, as we were informed by one of his chiefest Counsellours, who willed vs to make him a present, which he tooke, and deliuered: besides, wee payed at the said Castle for Custome, of euery Camell one red hide of Russia, besides petie [ 50] gifts to his Officers.

Thus proceeding in our iourney, the tenth day at night being at rest, and our watch set, there came vnto vs foure Horsemen, which we tooke as Spies, from whom we tooke their weapons, and bound them, and hauing well examined them, they confessed that they had seene the tract of many Horsemen, and no footing of Camels, and gaue vs to vnderstand, that there were Ro∣uers and theeues abroad: for there trauell few people that are true and peaceable in that Coun∣trey, but in companie of Carauan, where there be many Camels: and Horse-feeting new with∣out Camels were to be doubted. Whereupon we consulted and determined amongst our selues, and sent a Poste to the said Sultan of Kaite, who immediatly came himselfe with three hundred [ 60] men, and met these foure suspected men which wee sent vnto him, and examined them so straightly, and threatned them in such sort, that they confessed, there was a banished Prince with fortie men three dayes iourney forward, who lay in wait to destroy vs, if hee could, and that they themselues were of his companie.

The Sultan therefore vnderstanding, that the Theeues were not many, appointed vs eightie

men well armed with a Captaine to goe with vs, and conduct vs in our way. And the Sultan himselfe returned backe again, taking the foure theeues with him. These souldiers trauelled with vs two dayes, consuming much of our victuals. And the third day in the morning very early they set out before our Carauan, and hauing ranged the wildernesse for the space of foure houres, they met vs, comming towards vs as fast as their horse could runne, and declared that they had found the tract of horses not farre from vs, perceiuing well that wee should meete with enemies, and therefore willed vs to appoint our selues for them, and asked vs what wee would giue them to conduct vs further, or else they would returne. To whom wee offered as we thought good, but they refused our offer, and would haue more, and so wee not agreeing they departed from vs, and went backe to their Sultan, who (as wee coniectured) was priuie to the conspiracie. But they being gone, certaine Tartars of our companie called holy men, (because they had beene [ 10] at Mecca) caused the whole Carauan to stay,* 3.98 and would make their prayers, and diuine how we should prosper in our iourney, and whether wee should meet with any ill companie or no: To which, our whole Carauan did agree. And they tooke certaine she••pe and killed them, and tooke the blade bones of the same, and first sod them, and then burnt them, and tooke of the bloud of the said sheepe, and mingled it with the powder of the said bones, and wrote certaine Characters with the said blo••d, vsing many other ceremoni••s and words, and by the same di∣uined and found, that wee should mee••e with enemies and theeues (to our great trouble) but should ouercome them, to which sorcerie, I and my companie gaue no credit, but wee found it true: for within three houres after that the souldiers departed from vs, which was the fifteenth day of December, in the morning, wee escryed farre off diuers horsemen which made towards [ 20] vs, and we (perceiuing them to bee rouers) gathered our selues together, being fortie of vs well appointed, and able to fight, and wee made our prayers together euery one after his Law, pro∣fessing to liue and dye one with another,* 3.99 and so prepared our selues. When the theeues were nigh vnto vs, wee perceiued them to be in number thirtie seuen men well armed, and appointed with bowes, arrowes, and swords, and the Captaine a Prince banished from his Countrey. They willed vs to yeeld our selues, or else to bee slaine, but wee defied them, wherewith they shot at vs all at once, and we at them very hotly, and so continued our fight from morning vntill two houres within night, diuers men, horses and camels being wounded and slaine on both parts: and had it not beene for foure hand-guns,* 3.100 which I and my companie had and vsed, wee had [ 30] beene ouercome and destroyed: for the theeues were better armed, and were also better Archers then wee; But after we had slaine diuers of their men and horses with our Guns, they durst not approach so nigh, which caused them to come to a truce with vs vntill the next morning, which wee accepted, and encamped our selues vpon a hill, and made the fashion of a Castle, walling it about with packes of wares, and layd our Horses and Camels within the same, to saue them from the shot of arrowes: and the theeues also incamped within an arrow shot of vs, but they were betwixt vs and the water, which was to our great discomfort, because neither wee nor our Ca∣mels had drunke in two dayes before.

Thus keeping good watch, when halfe the night was spent, the Prince of the Theeues sent a messenger halfe way vnto vs, requiring to talke with our Captaine, in their tongue, the Cara∣uan [ 40] Basha, who answered the messenger, I will not depart from my companie to goe into the halfe way to talke with thee: but if that thy Prince with all his companie will sweare by our Law to keepe the truce, then will I send a man to talke with thee, or else not. Which the Prince vnderstanding as well himselfe as his company, swore so loude that wee might all heare. And then we sent one of our companie (reputed a holy man) to talke with the same messenger. The message was pronounced aloude in this order.* 3.101 Our Prince demandeth of the Carauan Basha, and of all you that bee Bussarmans, (that is to say, Circumcised) not desiring your blouds, that you deliuer into his hands as many Caphars,* 3.102 that is, vnbeleeuers (meaning vs the Christians) as are among you with their goods, and in so doing, hee will suffer you to depart with your goods in quietnesse, and on the contra∣rie, you shall bee handled with no lesse cruelty then the Caphars, if hee ouercome you, as hee doubteth not. [ 50] To the which our Carauan Basha answered, that hee had no Christians in his companie, nor o∣ther strangers, but two Turkes which were of their Law; and although hee had, hee would ra∣ther dye then deliuer them, and that wee were not afraid of his threatnings, and that should hee know when day appeared. And so passing in talke, the Theeues (contrary to their oath) carri∣ed our holy man a way to their Prince, crying with a loude voyce in token of victorie, Ollo, ollo. Wherewith wee were much discomforted, fearing that that holy man would betray vs: but he being cruelly handled and much examined,* 3.103 would not to death confesse any thing which was to vs preiudiciall, neither touching vs, nor yet what men they had slaine and wounded of ours the day before. When the night was spent, in the morning wee prepared our sel••es to battell againe: which the theeues perceiuing, required to fall to agreement, and asked much of vs: And to bee briefe, the most part of our company being loath to goe to battell againe, and hauing lit∣tle [ 60] to lose, and safe conduct to passe, wee were compelled to agree, and to giue the theeues twen∣tie ninths (that is to say) twentie times nine seuerall things, and a Camell to carrie away the same, which being receiued, the theeues departed into the Wildernesse to their olde

habitation, and wee went on our way forward. And that night came to the Riuer Oxus, where wee refreshed our selues, hauing beene three dayes without water and drinke,* 3.104 and tarri∣ed there all the next day, making merrie with our slaine Horses and Camels, and then departed from that place, and for feare of meeting with the said theeues againe, or such like, wee left the high way which went along the said Riuer, and passed through a wildernesse of sand, and tra∣uelled foure dayes in the same before wee came to water: and then came to a Well,* 3.105 the water being very brackish, and we then as before were in need of water, and of other victuals, being forced to kill our Horses and Camels to eate.

In this wildernesse also, wee had almost fallen into the hands of Theeues: for one night be∣ing [ 10] at rest, there came certaine scouts, and carried away certaine of our men which lay a little separated from the Carauan where with there was a great shoute and crie, and we immediatly la∣ded our Camels, and departed being about midnight, and very darke, and droue sore till we came to the riuer Oxus againe, and then wee feared nothing being walled with the said riuer: and whether it was for that wee had gotten the water, or for that the same theeues were farre from vs when the scouts discouered vs, we know not, but we escaped that danger.

So vpon the three & twentieth day of December,* 3.106 we arriued at the Citie of Boghar in the land of Bactria. This Boghar is situated in the lowest part of all the Land, walled about with a high wall of earth, with diuers Gates into the same: it is diuided into three partitions, whereof two parts are the Kings, and the third part is for Merchants & Markets, and euery Science hath their dwelling and market by thems••lues. The Citie is very great, and the houses for the most part [ 20] of Earth, but there are also many Houses, Temples, and Monuments of stone sumptuously buil∣ded, and gilt, and specially Bath-stoues so artificially built, that the like thereof is not in the world: the manner whereof is too long to rehearse. There is a little riuer running through the midst of the said Citie, but the water thereof is most vnwholesome,* 3.107 for it breedeth sometimes in men that drinke thereof, and especially in them that bee not there borne, a Worme of an ell long, which lyeth commonly in the leg, betwixt the flesh and the skin, and is pluckt out about the Ancle with great art and cunning, the Surgeons being much practised therein, and if shee breake in plucking out, the partie dyeth, and euery day she commeth out about an inch, which is rolled vp, and so worketh till she bee all out. And yet it is there forbidden to drinke any o∣ther thing then water, and Mares milke, and whosoeuer is found to breake that Law, is whip∣ped [ 30] and beaten most cruelly through the open markets, and there are Officers appointed for the same, who haue authoritie to goe into any mans house, to search if hee haue either Aquauita, Wine, or Brag, and finding the same, doe breake the vessels, spoyle the drinke, and punish the masters of the house most cruelly; yea, and many times if they perceiue but by the breath of a man that hee hath drunke, without further examination he shall not escape their hands.

There is a Metropolitane in this Boghar, who causeth this law to be so straightly kept: and he is more obeyed then the King, and will depose the King, and place another at his will and plea∣sure, as hee did by this King that raigned at our being there, and his predecessour, by the meanes of the said Metropolitan: for hee betrayed him, and in the night slew him in his chamber, who [ 40] was a Prince that loued all Christians well.

This Countrey of Boghar was somtime subiect to the Persians,* 3.108 and doe now speake the Per∣sian tongue, but yet now it is a Kingdome of it selfe, and hath most cruell warres continually with the said Persians about their Religion, although they bee all Mahometists. One occasion of their warres is, for that the Persians will not cut the hayre of their vpper lips, as the Bogharians and all other Tartars doe, which they account great sinne, and call them Caphars, that is, vnbe∣leeuers, as they doe the Christians.

The King of Boghar hath no great power or riches, his reuenues are but small, and hee is most maintained by the Citie: for he taketh the tenth penie of all things that are there sold, as well by the Craftsmen as by the Merchants, to the great impouerishment of the people, whom hee keepeth in great subiection, and when hee lacketh money, he sendeth his officers to the Shops [ 50] of the said Merchants, to take their wares to pay his debts, and will haue credit of force, as the like hee did to pay me certaine money that he owed me for nineteene pieces of Kersey. Their money is siluer and copper, for gold their is none currant: they haue but one piece of siluer,* 3.109 and that is worth twelue-pence English, and the copper money are called Pooles, and one hundred and twentie of them goeth to the value of the said twelue-pence, and is more common payment then the siluer, which the King causeth to rise and fall to his most aduantage euery other moneth, and somtimes twise a moneth, not caring to oppresse his people, for that he looketh not to raigne aboue two or three yeeres, before he bee either slaine or driuen away, to the great destruction of the Countrey and Merchants.

The twentie sixth day of the moneth, I was commanded to goe before the said King, to whom [ 60] I presented the Emperour of Russia his letters, who entertained vs most gently, and caused vs to eate in his presence, and d••uers times hee sent for me, and deuised with me familiarly in his se∣cret chamber, as well of the power of the Emperour, and the great Turke, as also of our Coun∣tries, Lawes, and Religion, and caused vs to shoote in hand-guns before him, and did himselfe

practise the vse thereof. But after all this great entertainment, before my departure hee shewed himselfe a very Tartar: for he went to the warres owing me money, and saw me not payed be∣fore his departure.* 3.110 And although indeed hee gaue order for the same, yet wa•• I very ill satisfied, and forced to rebate part, and to take wares as payment for the rest contrary to my expectati∣on: but of a begger better payment I could not haue, & glad I was so to be payd and dispatched.

But yet I must needs praise and commend this barbarous King, who immediately after my ar∣riuall at Boghar, hauing vnderstood our trouble with the Theeues, sent one hundred men well ar∣med, and gaue them great charge not to returne before they had either slaine or taken the sayd theeues. Who according to their commission ranged the wildernesse in such sort, that they met with the said companie of Theeues,* 3.111 and slew part, and part fled, and foure they tooke and [ 10] brought vnto the King, and two of them were sore wounded in our skirmish with our Guns: And after the King had sent for me to come to see them, hee caused them all foure to bee han∣ged at his Palace g••te, because they were Gentlemen, to the example of others. And of such goods as were gotten againe, I had part restored me; and this good Iustice I found at his hands.

There is yeerely great resort of Merchants to this Citie of Boghar, which trauell in great Ca∣ra••ans from the Countries thereabout adioyning, as India, Persia, Balgh, Russia, with diuers o∣thers, and in times past from Cathay, when there was passage: but these Merchants are so beg∣gerly and poore, and bring so little quantitie of wares, lying two or three yeeres to sell the same, that there is no hope of any good trade there to be had worthy the following. The chiefe com∣modities that are brought thither out of these foresaid Countries, are these following. [ 20]

The Indians doe bring fine Whites, which the Tartars doe all roll about their heads, and all other kindes of Whites, which serue for apparell made of Cotton-wooll and Cras∣ca,* 3.112 but Gold, Siluer, precious Stones, and Spices they bring none. I enquired and perceiued that all such trade passeth to the Ocean sea, and the veynes where all such things are gotten are in the subiection of the Portugals. The Indians carrie from Boghar againe wrought Silkes, red Hides, Slaues, and Horses, with such like, but of Kerseis and other cloath, they make little ac∣count. I offered to bartar with Merchants of those Countries, which came from the furthest parts of India, euen from the Countrey of Bengala, and the riuer Ganges, to giue them Kerseis for their commodities, but they would not barter for such commoditie as Cloath.

* 3.113The Persians doe bring thither Craska, Woollen-cloath, Linnen-cloath, diuers kindes of [ 30] wrought pide Silkes, Argomacks, with such like, and doe carrie from thence red hydes with o∣ther Russe wares, and Slaues, which are of diuers Countries, but cloath they will buy none, for that they bring thither themselues, and is brought vnto them as I haue inquired from Aleppo in Syria,* 3.114 and the parts of Turkie. The Russes doe carrie vnto Boghar, red hydes, s••eepe skinnes, woollen cloath of diuers sorts, woodden vessels, brydles, saddles, with such like, and doe carrie away from thence diuers kindes of wares made of cotten-wooll, diuers kindes of silkes, Crasca, with other things, but there is but small vtterance. From the Countries of Cathay are brought thither in time of peace, and when the way is open, Muske, Rubarbe, Satten, Damaske, with diuers others things. At my being at Boghar, there came Carauans out of all these foresaid Coun∣tries,* 3.115 except from Cathay: and the cause why there came none from thence, was the great [ 40] warres that had dured three yeeres before my comming thither, and yet dured betwixt two great Countries and Cities of Tartars,* 3.116 that are directly in the way betwixt the said Boghar and the said Cathay, and certaine barbarous field people, as well Gentiles as Mahometists bordering to the said Cities. The Cities are called Taskent and Caskar, and the people that warre against Taskent are called Cossacks of the law of Mahomet: and they which warre with the said Coun∣trey of Caskar are called Kings,* 3.117 Gentiles and Idolaters. These two barbarous Nations are of great force, liuing in the fields without House or Towne, and haue almost subdued the foresaid Cities, and so stopped vp the way, that it is impossible for any Carauan to passe vnspoyled: so that three yeeres before our being there, no Carauan had gone, or vsed trade betwixt the Coun∣tries of Cathay and Boghar, and when the way is cleare, it is nine moneths iourney. [ 50]

To speake of the said Countrey of Cathay, and of such newes as I haue heard thereof, I haue thought it best to reserue it to our meeting. I hauing made my solace at Boghar, in the winter time, and hauing learned by much inquisition, the trade thereof, as also of all the other Coun∣tries thereto adioyning, and the time of the yeere being come, for all Carauans to depart, and al∣so the King being gone to the warres, and newes come that hee was fled, and I aduertised by the Metropolitan himselfe, that I should depart, because the Towne was like to bee besieged: I thought it good and meete, to take my iourney some way, and determined to haue gone from thence into Persia, and to haue seene the trade of that Countrey, although I had informed my selfe sufficiently therof, as well at Astracan, as at Boghar: and perceiued well the trades not to be much vnlike the trades of Tartaria: but when I should haue taken my iourney that way, it was [ 60] let by diuers occasions: the one was, the great warres that did newly begin betwixt the Sophie, and the Kings of Tartaria, whereby the wayes were destroyed: and there was a Carauan de∣stroyed with rouers and theeues,* 3.118 which came out of India and Persia, by safe conduct: and about ten dayes iourney from Boghar, they were robbed, and a great part slaine. Also the Metropoli∣tan

of Boghar, who is greater then the King, tooke the Emperours letters of Russia from me, without which I should haue beene taken Slaue in euery place: also all such wares as I had re∣ceiued in barter for Cloath, and as I tooke perforce of the King, and other his Nobles, in pay∣ment of money due vnto me, were not vendible in Persia: for which causes, and diuers others, I was constrained to come backe againe to Mare Caspium, the same way I went: so that the eight of March, 1559. wee departed out of the said Citie of Boghar,* 3.119 being a Carauan of sixe hun∣dred Camels: and if wee had not departed when we did, I and my companie had beene in dan∣ger to haue lost life and goods. For ten dayes after our departure, the King of Samarcand came with an armie, and besieged the said Citie of Boghar, the King being absent,* 3.120 and gone to the [ 10] warres against another Prince his kinsman, as the like chanceth in those Countries once in two or three yeeres. For it is maruell, if a King raigne there aboue three or foure yeeres, to the great de∣struction of the Countrey, and Merchants.

The fiue and twentieth of March, we came to the foresaid Towne of Vrgence,* 3.121 and escaped the danger of foure hundred rouers, which lay in wayte for vs backe againe, being the most of them of kindred to that companie of theeues, which wee met with going foorth, as we perceiued by foure spyes, which were taken. There were in my companie, and committed to my charge, two Ambassadors, the one from the King of Boghar, the other from the King of Balke,* 3.122 and were sent vnto the Emperour of Russia. And after hauing tarried at Vrgence, and the Castle of Sellysure, eight dayes for the assembling, and making ready our Carauan, the second of Aprill wee departed from [ 20] thence, hauing foure moe Ambassadours in our companie, sent from the King of Vrgence, and o∣ther Sultans, his brethren, vnto the Emperour of Russia, with answer of such Letters as I brought them: and the same Ambassadours were also committed vnto my charge by the said Kings and Princes: to whom I promised most faithfully, and swore by our Law, that they should bee well vsed in Rusland, and suffered to depart from thence againe in safetie, according as the Emperour had written also in his letters: for they somewhat doubted, because there had none gone out of Tartaria into Russia, of long time before.

The three and twentieth of Aprill, wee arriued at the Mare Caspium againe,* 3.123 where we found our Barke which wee came in, but neither Anchor, Cable, Cocke, nor Sayle: neuerthe∣lesse we brought Hempe with vs, and spun a Cable our selues, with the rest of our tackling, and [ 30] made vs a sayle of cloath of Cotton-wooll, and rigged our Barke as well as wee could, but boate or anchor we had none. In the meane time being deuising to make an anchor of wood of a Cart∣wheele, there arriued a Barke, which came from Astracan, with Tartars and Russes,* 3.124 which had two Anchors, with whom I agreed for the one: and thus being in a readinesse, wee set sayle and departed, I, and the two Iohnsons, being Master and Mariners our selues, hauing in our Barke the said sixe Ambassadours, and twentie fiue Russes, which had beene Slaues a long time in Tartaria, nor euer had before my comming, libertie, or meanes to get home, and these Slaues serued to row when need was. Thus sayling sometimes along the coast, and sometimes out of sight of land. The thirteenth day of May, hauing a contrary winde, we came to an anchor, being three leagues from the shoare, and there arose a sore storme, which continued fortie foure houres, and our ca∣ble [ 40] being of our owne spinning, brake, and lost our anchor, and being off a lee shoare,* 3.125 and hauing no boate to helpe vs, wee hoysed our sayle, and bare roomer with the said shoare, looking for pre∣sent death: but as God prouided for vs, we ranne into a creeke full of Oze, and so saued our selues with our Barke, and liued in great discomfort for a time. For although wee should haue escaped with our liues the danger of the sea, yet if our barke had perished, we knew we should haue been either destroyed, or taken slaues by the people of that Countrey, who liue wildly in the field, like beasts, without house or habitation. Thus when the storme was seased, wee went out of the creeke againe: and hauing set the land with our Compasse, and taken certayn markes of the same, during the time of the tempest, whilest we rid at our anchor, wee went directly to the place where we rid, with our Barke againe, and found our anchor which we lost: whereat the Tartars [ 50] much maruelled, how we did it. While wee were in the creeke, we made an anchor of wood of Cart wheeles, which we had in our Barke, which we threw away, when we had found our Iron anchor againe. Within two dayes after, there arose another great storme, at the North-east, and we lay a trie, being driuen farre into the sea, and had much adoe to keepe our Barke from sinking, the billow was so great: but at the last, hauing faire weather, wee tooke the Sunne, and know∣ing how the Land lay from vs, we fell with the Riuer Yaik, according to our desire, whereof the Tartars were very glad, fearing that wee should haue beene driuen to the coast of Persia,* 3.126 whose people were vnto them great enemies.

Note, that during the time of our Nauigation,* 3.127 we set vp the red Crosse of Saint George in our flagges, for honour of the Christians, which I supposed was neuer seene in the Caspian sea before. [ 60] Wee passed in this voyage diuers fortunes: notwithstanding, the eight and twentieth of May we arriued in safetie at Astracan, and there remayned til the tenth of Iune following, as well to prepare vs small Boates, to goe vp against the streame of Volga, with our goods, as also for the companie of the Ambassadours of Tartarie, committed vnto me, to be brought to the presence of the Emperour of Russia.

This Caspian sea (to say something of it) is in length about two hundred leagues, and in breadth one hundred and fiftie, without any issue to other Seas: to the East part wherof, ioyneth the great desart Countrey of the Tartars, called Turkemen: to the West, the Countries of the Chyrcasses,* 3.128 the Mountaines of Caucasus, and the Mare Euxinum, which is from the said Caspi∣an Sea, a hundred leagues. To the North is the riuer Volga, and the land of Nagay, and to the South part ioyne the Countries of Media and Persia. This Sea is fresh water in many places, and in other places as salt as our great Ocean: It hath many goodly Riuers falling into it, and it a∣uoydeth not it selfe except it bee vnder ground. The notable Riuers that fall into it, are first the great Riuer of Volga, called in the Tartar tongue Edell, which springeth out of a lake in a marrish or plaine ground, not farre from the Citie of Nouogrode in Russia, and it is from the spring to [ 10] the Sea, aboue two thousand English miles. It hath diuers other goodly Riuers falling into it, as out of Siberia, Yaic, and Yem: Also out of the mountaines of Caucasus, the Riuers of Cyrus and Arash, and diuers others.

As touching the trade of Shamakie in Media and Tebris, with other Townes in Persia, I haue enquired, and doe well vnderstand, that it is euen like to the trades of Tartaria, that is little vt∣terance, and small profite: and I haue beene aduertised that the chiefe trade of Persia is into Sy∣ria, and so transported into the Leuant sea. The few ships vpon the Caspian Seas, the want of Mart and port Townes, the pouertie of the people, and the Ice, maketh that trade naught.

At Astracan there were Merchants of Shamakie, with whom I offered to barter, and to giue them Kersies for their wares,* 3.129 but they would not, saying, they had them as good cheape in their Countrey, as I offered them, which was sixe rubbles for a Kersie, that I asked: and while I was [ 20] at Boghar, there were brought thither out of Persia, Cloath, and diuers commodities of our Coun∣tries, which was sold as good cheape, as I might sell ours.

The tenth day of Iune, wee departed from Astracan towards the Mosco, hauing an hundred gunners in our companie at the Emperours charges, for the safe conduct of the Tartar Ambassa∣dours and me. And the eight and twentieth day of Iuly following, we arriued at the Citie of Cazan, hauing been vpon the way from Astracan thither, sixe weekes and more, without any re∣freshing of victuals: for in all that way there is no habitation.

The seuenth of August following, wee departed from Cazan, and transported our goods by water,* 3.130 as farre as the Citie of Morum, and then by land: so that the second of September, wee arriued at the Citie of the Mosco, and the fourth day I came before the Emperours Maiestie, [ 30] kissed his hand, and presented him a white Cowes tayle of Cathay, and a Drum of Tartaria, which hee well accepted. Also I brought before him all the Ambassadours that were commit∣ted to my charge, with all the Russe slaues: and that day I dined in his Maiesties presence, and at dinner, his Grace sent me meate by a Duke, and asked me diuers questions touching the Lands and Countries where I had beene. And thus I remayned at the Mosco about your affaires, vn∣till the seuenteenth day of Februarie that your wares were sent downe: and then hauing licence of the Emperours Maiestie to depart, the one and twentieth day I came to your house to Vologh∣da, and there remayned vntill the breaking vp of the yeere: and then hauing seene all your goods laden into your Boates, I departed with the same, and arriued withall in safetie at Colmogro, the ninth of May 1560. And heere I cease for this time, intreating you to beare with this my large [ 40] discourse, which by reason of the varietie of matter, I could make no shorter, and I beseech God to prosper all your attempts.

I haue certaine notes which seeme to haue beene written at Boghar by some of Master Ienkinsons companie: which containe intelligences there receiued touching Cathay and the wayes thither. But I hope thereof in that which followes to giue better intelligence. It is there said that the people of Comoron are very beautifull, and that they vse Kniues and Forkes of gold and siluer to eate their meate, not tou∣ching it with their hands: that the Musk-beast is as big as a Hound. In Teray they worship the Fire,* 3.131 which is thirtie foure dayes iourney from Cathay. At Cascar is resident the Can. From Cascar to Cocheke is foure weekes; it is the first Land of the Emperour of Cathay: and then to Camche [ 50] fiue dayes by land, and to Cataio eight weekes. In this last iourney is plentie of all things: both Horse to bee had, and Women at too easie ra••e, &c. which as newes to them I haue heere touched, rather then related.

* 3.132I haue also by me, the last Will of Gabriel Willoughbie, kinsman to that honourable Martyr of English Northerne Discoueries Sir Hugh Willoughbie, mentioned in the beginning of this Chapter, and subscribed with his Name, the worth whereof hath caused heere also this subscription. It was found in the Ship where they were frozen.

[ 60]

§. V. Aduertisements and reports of the sixth * 3.133 Voyage into the parts of Persia and Me∣dia, gathered out of sundry Letters written by CHRISTOPHER BVR∣ROVGH; and more especially a voyage ouer the Caspian Sea, and their shipwracke and miseries there endu∣red by the Ice.

FIrst it is to bee vnderstood, that the ships for the voyage to Saint Nicholas in Russia, in [ 10] which the Factors and merchandise for the Persian voyage were transported,* 3.134 de∣parted from Grauesend the nineteenth of Iune, 1579. which arriued at Saint Nicho∣las in Russia, the two and twentieth of Iuly, where the Factors and Merchants lan∣ded, and the merchandise discharged and laden into Doshnikes, that is, barkes of the Countrey, to be carried from thence vp by Riuer vnto Vologda. And the fiue and twentieth day of the said Iu∣ly, the Doshnikes departed from Rose Iland by Saint Nicholas vp the riuer Dwina Peremene, that is to say in poste, by continuall sayling, rowing, setting with poles, or drawing of men, which came to Colmogro the seuen and twentieth day,* 3.135 and departed thence the nine and twentieth of Iuly vp the said riuer Dwina, and came to Vstyoug (which is at the head of the riuer Dwina, and mouth of Sughano) the ninth of August, where they stayed but a small time,* 3.136 prouiding some vi∣ctuals, [ 20] and shifting certaine of their Cossacks or Barkmen, and so departed thence the same day vp the Sughano, and came to Totma (which is counted somewhat more then halfe the way from Vstyoug) the fifteenth day, where they shifted some of their Cossacks, and departed thence the same day, and came to the Citie Vologda the nineteenth of August, where they landed their goods, and stayed at that place till the thirtieth of the same. Hauing prouided at Vologda, Telegas or Waggons, whereupon they laded their goods, they departed thence with the same by land to∣wards Yeraslaue, the said thirtieth of August at eight of the clocke in the morning, and came to the East side of the riuer Volga, ouer against Yeraslaue, with fiue and twentie Telegas laden with the said goods, the seuenth of September at fiue of the clocke afternoone.* 3.137 Then the three stroogs or barkes, prouided to transport the said goods to Astracan, (where they should meete the [ 30] ship that should carrie the same from thence into Persia) came ouer from Yeraslaue vnto the same side of the riuer Volga, & there tooke in the said goods. And hauing prepared the said Barks ready with all necessarie furniture, they departed with them from Yeraslaue down the riuer of Volga, on the fourteenth day of September at nine of the clocke in the morning,* 3.138 and they arriued at Niz∣nouogrod the seuenteenth day at three of the clocke afternoone, where they shewed the Empe∣rours letters to passe free without paying any custome, and tarried there about three houres to prouide necessaries, and then departing, arriued at Cazan (or neere the same Towne) on the two and twentieth of September at fiue of the clocke afternoone, where (through contrary windes,* 3.139 and for prouiding new Cossacks in the places of some that there went from them) they remay∣ned till the sixe and twentieth day, at what time they departed thence about two of the clocke [ 40] after noone, and arriued at Tetushagorod, which is on the Crim side of Volga, and in latitude 55. degrees 22. minutes, the eight and twentieth day at ten in the forenoone, where they anchored, and remained about three houres, and departing thence came to Oueak, which is on the Crims side (on the Westerne side of Volga) the fift of October about fiue of the clocke in the morning. This place is accounted halfe the way betweene Cazan and Astracan: and heere there groweth great store of Liqouris: the soyle is very fruitfull: they found there Apple-trees,* 3.140 and Cherrie-trees. The latitude of Oueak is 51. degrees 30. minuts. At this place had beene a very faire stone Castle called by the name Oueak, and adioyning to the same was a Towne called by the Russes, Sodom: this Towne and part of the Castle (by report of the Russes) was swallowed into the earth by the iustice of God, for the wickednesse of the people that inhabited the same.* 3.141 There re∣mayneth [ 50] at this day to be seene a part of the ruines of the Castle, and certaine Tombes, wherein as it seemeth haue beene layd noble personages: for vpon a tombe stone might be perceiued the forme of a Horse and a man sitting on it with a Bow in his hand, and Arrowes girt to his side: there was a piece of a Scutchion also vpon one of the stones, which had characters grauen on it, whereof some part had been consumed with the weather, and the rest left vnperfect: but by the forme of them that remained, we iudged them to be characters of Armenia: and other characters were grauen also vpon another tombe stone. Now they departed from Oueak the said fift of October at fiue of the clocke after noone,* 3.142 and came to Perauolok the tenth day about eleuen or twelue of the clocke that night, making no abode at that place, but passed alongst by it. This word Perauolok in the Russe tongue doth signifie a narrow straight or necke of land between two [ 60] waters, and it is so called by them, because from the riuer Volga, at that place, to the riuer Don or Tanais, is counted thirtie versts, or as much as a man may well trauell on foot in one day. And se∣uen versts beneath, vpon an Iland called Tsaritsna,* 3.143 the Emperour of Russia hath fiftie Gunners all Summertime to keepe watch, called by the Tartar name Carawool. Betweene this place and A∣stracan are fiue other Carawools or watches.

The First is named Kameni Carawool, and is distant from Perauolok one hundred and twen∣tie verstes. The second named Stupino Carowool, distant from the first fiftie verstes. The third called Polooy Carowool, is one hundred and twentie verstes distant from the second. The fourth named Keezeyur Carawool, is fiftie verstes distant from the third. The fift na∣med Ichkebre, is thirtie verstes distant from the fourth, and from Ichkebre to Astracan is thir∣tie verstes.

* 3.144The sixteenth of October they arriued at Astracan. The ninteenth of Nouember the winde being northerly, there was a great frost, and much Ice in the Riuer: the next day being the twentieth of Nouember, the Ice stood in the Riuer, and so continued vntill Easter day.

The sixth of Ianuarie being Twelfe day (which they call Chreshenia) the Russes of Astracan brake a hole in the Ice vpon the Riuer Volga, and hallowed the water with great solemnitie, ac∣cording [ 10] to the manner of their Countrey, at which time all the Souldiers of the Towne shot off their small Peeces vpon the Ice, and likewise to gratifie the Captaine of the Castle, being a Duke, whose name is Pheodor Michalouich Troiocouria, who stood hard by the ship, beholding them as they were on the Riuer, was shot off all the Ordnance of our ship being fifteene Pee∣ces, viz. two Faulcons, two Faulconets, foure Fowlers, foure Fowlers Chambers, and three o∣other small Peeces made for the Stroogs to shoot Haile-stones, and afterwards the great Ord∣nance of the Castle was shot off.

* 3.145On the one and thirtieth of Ianuarie there happened a great Eclipse of the Moone, which began about twelue of the clocke at night, and continued before shee was cleere an houre and an [ 20] halfe by estimation, which ended the first of Februarie about halfe an houre past one in the mor∣ning: shee was wholly darkned by the space of halfe an houre.

The seuenteenth of Aprill, the variation of the Compasse obserued in Astracan, was 13. de∣grees 40. minutes from North to West.* 3.146 This Spring there came newes to Astracan, that the Queene of Persia (the King being blind) had beene with a great Armie against the Turkes that were left to possesse Media, and had giuen them a great ouerthrow: yet notwithstanding Der∣bent, and the greatest part of Media were still possessed and kept by the Turkes. The Factors of the Companie consulting vpon their affaires, determined to leaue at Astracan the one halfe of their goods with Arthur Edwards, and with the other halfe, the other three Factors would pro∣ceed in the ship on their purposed Voyage to the coast of Media, to see what might bee done [ 30] there: where, if they could not finde safe trafficke, they determined to proceed to the coast of Gilan,* 3.147 which is a Prouince neere the Caspian Sea bordering vpon Persia: and thereupon appoin∣ted the said goods to be laden aboord the ship, and tooke into her also some merchandise of Tisiks or Persian Merchants.

The second of May they weighed, and plyed downe the Riuer Volga, toward the Caspian Sea. The seuenth of May in the morning, they passed by a Tree that standeth on the left hand of the Riuer as they went downe, which is called Mahomet Agatch, or Mahomets Tree, and a∣bout three verstes further, that is to say, to the Southwards of the said Tree, is a place called Vchoog,* 3.148 that is to say, The Russe Weare: (but Ochoog is the name of a Weare in the Tartar tong••e) where are certaine Cotages, and the Emperour hath lying at that place certaine Gun∣ners [ 40] to guard his Fisher-men that keepe the Weare. This Vchoog is counted from Astracan sixty verstes: they proceeded downe the said Riuer without staying at the Vchoog. The ninth and tenth dayes they met with shallow water,* 3.149 and were forced to lighten their ship by the Pauos: The eleuenth day they sent backe to the Vchoog for an other Pauos: This day by mischance the ship was bilged on the grapnell of the Pauos, whereby the companie had sustayned great losses, if the chiefest part of their goods had not beene layd into the Pauos: for notwithstanding their pumping with three Pumps, heauing cut water with Buckets, and all the best shifts they could make, the ship was halfe full of water ere the leake could be found and stopt. The twelfth day the Pauos came to them from the Vchoog, whereby they lighted the ship of all the goods. The thirteenth day in the morning there came to them a small Boat, sent by the Captaine of Astra∣can,* 3.150 [ 50] to learne whether the ship were at Sea cleare off the flats. The fifteenth day by great in∣dustrie and trauell they got their ship cleare off the shoales and flats, wherewith they had beene troubled from the ninth day vntill then: they were forced to passe their ship in three foot wa∣ter or lesse.* 3.151 The sixteenth day they came to the Chetera Bougori, or Iland of foure Hillockes, which are counted fortie verstes from Vchoog,* 3.152 and are the furthest Land towards the Sea. The seuenteenth day they bare off into the Sea, and being about twelue verstes from the Foure hil∣lockes, riding in fiue foot and a halfe water about eleuen of the clocke in the fore-noone, they tooke their goods out of the Pauoses into the ship, and filled their ship with all things necessarie. The eighteenth day in the morning about seuen of the clocke, the Pauoses being discharged de∣parted away towards Astracan, the winde then at South-east, they rode still with the ship, and [ 60] obseruing the eleuation of the Pole at that place,* 3.153 found it to be 45. degrees 20. minutes. The nineteenth day, the winde South-east, they rode still. The twentieth day, the winde at North-west, they set sayle about one of the clocke in the morning, and steered thence South by West, and South South-west, about three leagues, and then anchored in sixe foot and a halfe water, a∣bout

nine of the clocke before noone, at which time it fell calme: the eleuation of the Pole at that place 45. degrees 13. minutes. The one and twentieth, hauing the winde at North-west, they set sayle, and steered thence South by West, and South vntill eleuen of the clocke, and had then nine foote water: and at noone they obserued the latitude, and found it to bee 44. degrees 47. minutes: then had they three fathoms and a halfe water, being cleare off the flats. It is counted from the Foure hillockes to the Sea about fiftie verstes. From the said noone-tide vn∣till foure of the clocke, they sayled South by East fiue leagues and a halfe: then had they fiue fathoms and a halfe, and brackish water:* 3.154 from that till twelue at night they sayled South by East halfe a league, East ten leagues: then had they eleuen fathoms, and the water salter. From [ 10] that till the two and twentieth day three of the clocke in the morning, they sayled three and fiftie leagues, then had they sixteene fathoms water: from thence they sayled vntill noone South and by West seuen leagues and a halfe,* 3.155 the latitude then obserued 43. degrees 15. mi∣nutes, the depth then eight and twentie fathoms, and shallow ground: from that vntill eight of the clocke at night, they sayled South by East fiue leagues and a halfe, then had they three and fortie fathoms shallow ground. From thence till the three and twentieth at foure of the clocke in the morning, they sayled South South-west three leagues and a halfe: then could they get no ground in two and fiftie fathoms deepe. From thence vntill noone they sayled South nine leagues, then the latitude obserued, was 42. degrees 20. minutes. From that till the foure and twentieth day at noone, they sayled South by West seuenteene leagues and a halfe, then the lati∣tude [ 20] obserued, was one and fortie degrees two and thirtie minutes.* 3.156 From noone till seuen of the clocke at night, they sayled South South-west foure leagues, then had they perfect sight of high Land or Hills, which were almost couered with Snow, and the midst of them were West from the ship, being then about twelue leagues from the neerest Land: they sounded but could finde no ground in two hundred fathoms. From thence they sayled South-west vntill mid-night: about three leagues from thence till the fiue and twentieth day, foure of the clocke in the mor∣ning, they sayled West three leagues, being then little winde, and neere the Land, they tooke in their sayles, and lay hulling: at noone the latitude obserued, was 40. degrees 54. minutes:* 3.157 they sounded but could get no ground in two hundred fathoms. At foure of the clocke in the after-noone, the winde North-west, they set their sayles: and from thence till the sixe and [ 30] twentieth day at noone, they sayled East South-east foure leagues. From thence they sayled till eight of the clocke at night South-west three leagues, the winde then at North. From thence they sayled vntill the seuen and twentieth day two of the clocke in the morning, West South-west eight leagues, the winde blowing at North very much. From the said two till foure of the clocke, they sayled South by West one league: then being day light, they saw the Land plaine, which was not past three leagues from them, being very high ragged Land. There were certaine Rockes that lay farre off into the Sea, about fiue leagues from the same Land, (which are called Barmake Tash) they sayled betweene those Rockes and the Land, and about fiue of the clocke they passed by the Port Bilbill, where they should haue put in but could not: and bearing longst the shoare about two of the clocke after noone,* 3.158 they came to Bildih in the Countrey of Media [ 40] or Sheruan, against which place they anchored in nine foot water. Presently after they were at anchor, there came aboord of them a Boat, wherein were seuen or eight persons, two Turkes, the rest Persians, the Turkes vassals, which bade them welcome, and seemed to be glad of their arriuall, who told the Factors that the Turke had conquered all Media, or the Countrey Sheruan, and how that the Turkes Basha remayned in Derbent with a Garrison of Turkes, and that Sha∣maky was wholly spoyled, and had few or no Inhabitants left in it. The Factors then being de∣sirous to come to the speech of the Basha, sent one of the Tisikes (or Merchants that went ouer with them from Astracan, passingers) and one of the Companies seruants Robert Golding, with those Souldiers, to the Captaine of Bachu, which place standeth hard by the Sea,* 3.159 to certifie him of their arriuall, and what commodities they had brought, and to desire friendship to haue quiet [ 50] and safe trafficke for the same. Bachu is from Bildih, the place where they rode, about a dayes iourney, on foot easily to be trauelled, which may be sixe leagues the next way ouer Land: it is a walled Towne, and strongly fortified. When the said Messenger came to the Captaine of Ba∣chu, the said Captaine gaue him very friendly entertaynement.

In the morning very early, hee sent Horse for the rest of the companie which should goe to Derbent, sending by them that went, ten Sheepe for the ship. Whilest they were at breakfast, Master Turnbull, Master Tailb••yes, and Thomas Hudson the Master of the ship, came thither, and when they had all broken their fasts, they went to Bachu. And from Bachu they proceeded to∣wards Derbent, as it was by the Captaine promised, being accompanied on their way for their safe conduct, with a Gentleman, and certaine Souldiers, which had the Captaine of Bachu his [ 60] Letters to the Basha of Derbent, very friendly written in their behalfe. In their iourney to Der∣bent they forsooke the ordinarie wayes, being very dangerous, and trauelled thorow Woods till they came almost to the Towne of Derbent: and then the Gentleman rode before with the Cap∣taines Letters to the Basha, to certifie him of the English Merchants comming, who receiuing the Letters, and vnderstanding the matter, was very glad of the newes, and sent forth to re∣ceiue

them certaine Souldiers Gunners, who met them about two miles out of the Towne, salu∣ting them with great reuerence,* 3.160 and afterwards rode before them: then againe met them other Souldiers, somewhat neerer the Castle, which likewise hauing done their salutations rode be∣fore them, and then came forth Noblemen, Captaines, and Gentlemen, to receiue them into the Castle and Towne. As they entred the Castle, there was a shot of twentie Peeces of great Ordnance, and the Basha sent Master Turnbull a very faire Horse with furniture to mount on, esteemed to be worth an hundred Markes, and so they were conuayed to his presence: who after he had talked with them, sent for a Coat of cloth of Gold, and caused it to be put on Ma∣ster Turnbuls backe, and then willed them all to depart, and take their ease, for that they were wearie of their iourney, and on the morrow he would talke further with them. The next day when the Factors came againe to the presence of the Basha, according to his appointment, they [ 10] requested him that he would grant them his priuiledge, whereby they might trafficke safely in any part and place of his Countrey, offering him, that if it pleased his Maiestie to haue any of the commodities that they had brought, and to write his minde thereof to the Captaine of Ba∣chu, it should be deliuered him accordingly. The Bashaes answere was, that he would willingly giue them his priuiledge: yet for that he regarded their safety, hauing come so farre, and know∣ing the state of his Countrey to be troublesome, he would haue them to bring their commoditie thither, and there to make sale of it, promising he would prouide such commodities as they nee∣ded, and that he would be a defence vnto them, so that they should not be iniured by any: where∣vpon the Factors sent Thomas Hudson backe for the ship to bring her to Derbent. The latitude of Bildih by diuers obseruations is 40. deg. 25. m. the variation of the Compas 10. deg. 40. min. from [ 20] North to West.* 3.161 They arriued at anchor against Derbent East and by South from the said Castle in foure fathom & a halfe water, the two and twentieth of Iune at ten of the clock in the morning: then they tooke vp their Ordnance, which before they had stowed in hold for easing the ship in her rolling. In the afternoone the Basha came down to the water side against the ship, and hauing the said Ordnance placed, and charged, it was all shot off to gratifie him: and presently af∣ter his departure backe, he permitted the Factors to come aboord the ship. The nine and twen∣tieth day their goods were vnladen, and carried to the Bashaes Garden, where hee made choice of such things as he liked, taking for custome of euery fiue and twentie Kersies, or whatsoeuer, one, or after the rate of foure for the hundred. The Factors after his choice made, determined to send a part of the rest of the goods to Bachu, for the speedier making sale thereof. They de∣parted [ 30] from Derbent with the said Barke the nineteenth of Iuly, and arriued at Bildih the fiue and twentieth day. Robert Golding desirous to vnderstand what might bee done at Shamaky, which is a dayes iourney from Bachu, went thither, from whence returning, he was set on by theeues, and was shot into the knee with an Arrow, who had very hardly escaped with his life and goods, but that by good hap he killed one of the theeues Horses with a Caliuer, and shot a Turke thorow both cheekes with a Dag. On the sixt day of August, the Factors being aduer∣tised at Derbent that their ship was so rotten and weake, that it was doubtfull shee would not carrie them backe to Astracan, did thereupon agree and bargaine at that place with an Arme∣nian, whose name was Iacob, for a Barke called a Busse, being of burden about fiue and thirtie tunnes, which came that yeere from Astracan, and was at that instant riding at an Iland called [ 40] Zere,* 3.162 about three or foure leagues beyond, or to the Eastward of Bildih, which Barke for their more safety, they meant to haue with them in their returne to Astracan, and thereupon wrote vnto Wincoll and the rest at Bachu, that they should receiue the same Busse, and lade in her their goods at Bildih, to be returned to Derbent, and to discharge their first Boat, which was obserued by them accordingly. When all their goods were laden aboord the said Busse at Bildih, and being readie to haue departed thence for Derbent, there arose a great storme with the winde out of the Sea,* 3.163 by force whereof the Cables and Halsers were broken, and their Vessell put ashoare, and broken to pieces against the Rockes: euery of them that were in her saued their liues, and part of the goods. But there was a Carobia or Chist, wherein were Dollers, and Gold, which they [ 50] had receiued for the commodities of the Companie, which they sold at Bachu, which at the ta∣king out of the Busse, fell by the Barkes side into the water amongst the Rockes, and so was lost. The packes of Cloth which they could not well take out of the Busse were also lost: other things that were more profitable they saued.

The third day of October all things were brought from the shoare aboord the ship: and that day the Factors went to the Basha to take their leaue of him, vnto whom they recommended those the Companies seruants, &c. which they had sent to Bachu, making account to leaue them behind in the Countrey: who caused their names to be written, and promised they should want nothing, nor be iniured of any. After this leaue taken, the Factors went aboord, purposing pre∣sently to haue set sayle and departed towards Astracan, the winde seruing well for that pur∣pose [ 60] at South South-east: And as they were readie to set sayle, there came against the ship a man, who weued: whereupon the Boat was sent ashoare to him, who was an Armenian sent from William Wincoll, with his writing tables, wherein the said Wincoll had written briefly, the mis-hap of the losse of the Busse, and that they were comming from Bildih towards Derbent,

they, and such things as they saued with a small Boat, forced to put ashoare in a place by the Sea side called the Armenian Village: Whereupon the Factors caused the ship to stay, hoping that with the Southerly winde that then blew,* 3.164 they would come from the place they were at to the ship, but if they could not come with that winde, they meant to sayle with the ship, with the next wind that would serue them, against the place where they were, and take them in, if they could: which stay and losse of those Southerly winds, was a cause of great troubles, that they afterwards sustayned through Ice, &c. entring the Volga as shall be declared.

The latitude of Derbent (by diuers Obseruations exactly there made,* 3.165 is fortie one degrees fif∣tie two minutes. The variation of the Compasse at that place about eleuen degre••s from North [ 10] to West. From Derbent to Bildih by Land fortie sixe leagues. From Derbent to Shamaky by Land, fortie fiue leagues. From Shamaky to Bachu, about ten leagues, which may bee thirtie miles. From Bachu to Bildih fiue or sixe leagues by Land, but by water about twelue leagues. From the Castle Derbent East-wards, there reach two stone wals to the border of the Caspian Sea, which is distant one English mile. Those wals are nine foot thicke, and eight and twentie or thirtie foot high, and the space betweene them is one hundred and sixtie Geometricall paces, that is, eight hundred foot. There are yet to bee perceiued of the ruine of those wals, which doe now extend into the Sea about halfe a mile: also from the Castle West-ward into the Land, they did perceiue the ruines of a stone wall to extend, which wal, as it is reported, did passe from thence to Pontus Euxinus, & was built by Alexand. the great, when the castle Derbent was made.

[ 20] The fift of October about noone, the winde North North-east they weighed Anchor, and set sayle from Derbent, being alongst the Coast to the South-wards to seeke their men: but as they had sailed about foure leagues the winde scanted Easterly, so that they were forced to An∣chor in three fathome water.

The seuenth day about seuen of the clocke in the morning, they set sayle, the wind South-west. They considered the time of the yeare was farre spent, the ship weake, leake, and rotten, and therefore determining not to tarry any longer for Wincoll and his fellowes, but to leaue them behind, bent themselues directly towards Astracan: and sayling North North-east vntill mid∣night about sixteene leagues, the wind then came to the North North-west, and blew much, a very storme, which caused them to take in all their Sayles, sauing the fore Corse, with which they were forced to steere before the Sea, South by West, and South South-west. And on the [ 30] eight day about two of the clocke in the morning, their great Boat sunke at the ships sterne, which they were forced to cut from the ship to their great griefe and discomfort: for in her they ho∣ped to saue their liues if the ship should haue miscarried. About ten of the clocke before noone, they had sight of the Land about fiue leagues to the South of Derbent, and bare alongst the Coast to the South-east-wards vnto Nezauoo, where they came at Anchor in three fathomes, and blacke Ozie, good Anchor hold, whereof they were glad,* 3.166 as also that the winde was shifted to the North-west, and but a meane gale. Wincoll and the rest of his fellowes being in the Arme∣nian Village, which is about eighteene Versts to the West-wards of Nezauoo, the place where against they rode at Anchor, saw the ship as she passed by that place, and sent a man in the night [ 40] following alongst the Coast after her, who came against the ship where shee rode, and with a fire-brand in the top of a Tree made signes, which was perceiued by them in the ship, where∣vpon they boysed out their Skiffe, and sent her ashoare to learne what was meant by the fire: which returned a Letter from Wincoll, wherein he wrote that they were with such goods as they had at the Armenian Village, and prayed that there they might with the same goods bee taken into the ships.

The tenth day they sent their Skiffe to the Armenian Village to fetch those men and the goods they had, with order that if the winde serued,* 3.167 that they could not returne to fetch the ship, they of the ship promised to come for them, against the said Village. But in their want God sent them two Couies of Partridges, that came from the shoare, and lighted in and about their [ 50] ships, whereby they were comforted, and one that lay sicke, of whose life was small hope, re∣couered his health.

Pauoses were sent from Astracan, in which they laded the ships goods, leauing her at Anchor with Russes to keepe her.

The thirteenth of Nouember they departed also in those Lighters, with the goods towards the Chetera Bougori, leauing the ship at Anchor, and in her two Russes, which with three more that went in the Pauoses to prouide victuals for themselues and the rest, and therewith promised to returne backe to the ship with all speed, had offered to vndertake for twentie Rubbles in Mo∣ney, to carrie the ship into some Harbour, where shee might safely winter, or else to keepe her where she rode all Winter, which was promised to bee giuen them if they did it: and the same [ 60] day when with those Lighters they had gotten sight of the foure Ilands, being about eight Ver∣stes South-west from them, the wind then at North-east, did freese the Sea so as they could not row, guide, stirre, or remoue the said Lighters, but as the wind and Ice did force them. And so they continued driuing with the Ice, South-east into the Sea by the space of fortie houres, and then being the sixteenth day, the Ice stood. Whiles they droue with the Ice, the dangers which

they incurred were great: for oftentimes, when the Ice with force of wind and Sea did breake, pieces of it were tossed and driuen one vpon another with great force, terrible to behold, and the same happened at sometimes so neere vnto the Lighters, that they expected it would haue ouer-whelmed them to their vtter destruction: but God who had preserued them from many perils before, did also saue and deliuer them then.

Within three or foure dayes after the first standing of the Ice, when it was firme and strong, they tooke out all their goods, being fortie and eight Bales or Packes of Raw Silke, &c. laid it on the Ice, and couered the same with such prouisions as they had. Then for want of victuals, &c. they agreed to leaue all the goods there vpon the Ice, and to goe to the shoare: and there∣vpon brake vp their Chests and Corobias,* 3.168 wherewith, and with such other things as they could get, they made Sleds for euery of them to draw vpon the Ice, whereon they layed their [ 10] clothes to keepe them warme, and such victuals as they had, and such other things as they might conueniently carrie, and so they departed from the said goods and Pauoses very early, about one of the clocke in the morning, and trauelling on the Ice, directed their way North, as neere as they could judge, and the same day about two of the clocke in the after-noone, they had sight of the Chetera Babbas (foure Hillocks of Ilands so called) vnto the same they directed themselues,* 3.169 and there remayned that night. The goods and Pauoses which they left on the Ice, they judged to be from those Chetera Babbas, about twentie Versts. And the next morning departed thence East-wards, and came to the Chetera Bougories (or foure Ilands before spoken of) before noone (the distance betweene those places is about fifteene Versts) where they remained all that night, [ 20] departing thence towards Astracan: the next morning very early they lost their way through the perswasion of the Russes which were with them, taking to much towards the left hand (con∣trary to the opinion of Master Hudson) whereby wandering vpon the Ice foure or fiue dayes, not knowing whether they were entred into the Crimme Tartars Land or not, at length it fortu∣ned they met with a way that had beene trauelled, which crost back-wards towards the Sea: that way they tooke, and following the same, within two dayes trauell it brought them to a place, called the Crasnoyare (that is to say, in the English Tongue) Red Cliffe, which diuers of the company knew.

There they remayned that night, hauing nothing to eate but one Loafe of Bread, which they happened to find with the two Russes that were left in the ship, to keepe her all the Winter (as [ 30] is aforesaid) whom they chanced to meet going towards Astracan, about fiue miles before they came to the said Crasnoyare, who certified them that the ship was cut in pieces with the Ice, and that they had hard scaping with their liues.* 3.170

In the morning they departed early from Grasnoyare towards the Ouchooge, and about nine of the clocke before noone, being within ten Versts of the Vchooge, they met Amos Riall, with the Carpenter, which he found at Ouchooge, and a Gunner newly come out of England, and also six∣tie fiue Horses with so many Cassacks to guide them, and fiftie Gunners for guard, which brought prouision of victuals, &c. and were sent by the Duke to fetch the goods to Astracan. The mee∣ting of that company was much joy vnto them.

The Factors sent backe with Amos Riall, and the said company to fetch the goods, Thomas [ 40] Hudson the Master, Tobias Paris his Mate, and so they the said Factors and their company mar∣ched on to the Vchooge, where they refreshed themselues that day, and the night following. And from thence proceeded on towards Astracan,* 3.171 where they arriued the last day of Nouem∣ber. These that went for the goods after their departure from the Factors, trauelled the same day vntill they came within ten Versts of the Chetera Babbas, where they rested that night. The next morning by the breake of the day they departed thence, and before noone were at the Che∣tera Babbas, where they stayed all night; but presently departed thence Thomas Hudson with the Carpenter and Gunner to seeeke where the goods lay: who found the same, and the next day they returned backe to their company at the Chetera Babbas, and declared vnto them in what sort they had found the said goods. [ 50]

The third day early in the morning, they departed all from the foure Babbas towards the said goods, and the same day did lade all the goods they could finde vpon the said sleds, and withall conuenient speed returned backe towards Astracan.* 3.172 And when they came to the Chetera Bou∣gori, where they rested the night, in the morning very early before the breake of day, they were assaulted by a great company of the Nagays Tartars Horse-men, which came shouting and hallowing with a great noyse, but our people were so inuironed with the sleds, that they durst not enter vpon them, but ranne by, and shot their Arrowes amongst them, and hurt but one man in the head, who was a Russe, and so departed presently. Yet when it was day, they shewed themselues a good distance off from our men, being a very great troope of them, but did not as∣sault them any more.* 3.173 The same day our men with those carriages, departed from thence to∣wards [ 60] Astracan, where they arriued in safetie the fourth of December, about three of the clock in the after-noone, where our people greatly rejoyced of their great good hap to haue escaped so many hard euents, troubles and miseries, as they did in that Voyage, and had great cause therefore to prayse the Almightie, who had so mercifully preserued and deliuered them.

They remayned the Winter at Astracan, where they found great fauour and friendship of the Duke, Captaine, and other chiefe Officers of that place: but that Winter there hapned no great matter, worth the noting.

In the Spring of the yeere 1581. about the midst of March, the Ice was broken vp, and cleare gone before Astracan.* 3.174

A Letter of Master HENRIE LANE to the worshipfull Master WILLIAM SANDERSON, containing a briefe discourse of that which passed in the [ 10] North-east discouerie, for the space of three and thirtie yeeres.

MAster Sanderson, as you lately requested me, so haue I sought, and though I cannot finde some things that heretofore I kept in writing, and lent out to others, yet perusing at London copies of mine old Letters to content one that meaneth to pleasure many, I haue briefly and as truely as I may, drawne out as followeth: The rough hewing may bee planed at your lea∣sure, or as pleaseth him that shall take the paines.

First, the honourable attempt to discouer by Sea North-east and North-west named for Cathay, being chiefly procured by, priuiledge from King Edward the sixt, and other his Nobilitie, by and at the cost [ 20] and sute of Master Sebastian Cabota, then Gouernour for Discoueries, with Sir Andrew Iudde, Sir George Barnes, Sir William Garrard, Master Anthony Hussie, and a companie of Merchants, was in the last yeere of his Maiesties raigne, 1553.* 3.175 The generall charge whereof was committed to one Sir Hugh Willoughbie Knight, a goodly Gentleman, accompanied with sufficient number of Pilots, Ma∣sters, Merchants, and Marriners, hauing three Ships well furnished, to wit, The Bona Sperança, the Edward Bonauenture, and the Confidentia. The Edward Bonauenture, Richard Chancelor be∣ing Pilot, and Steuen Burrough Master, hauing discouered Ward-house vpon the Coast of Finmark, by storme or fogge departed from the rest, found the Bay of Saint Nicholas, now the chiefe Port of Rus∣sia, there wintred in safetie, and had ayde of the people at a Village called Newnox.

The other two ships attempting further Northwards (as appeared by Pamphlets found after written by [ 30] Sir Hugh Willoughbie) were in September encountred with such extreame cold, that they put backe to seeke a wintring place: and missing the said Bay fell vpon a desa••t Coast in Lappia, entring into a Riuer immediately frozen vp, since discouered, named Arzina Reca, distant East from a Russian Monasterie of Monkes called Pechingho, from whence they neuer returned, but all to the member of seuentie persons perished, which was for want of experience to haue mad•• Caues and Stoues. These were found with the Ships the next Summer, Anno 1554. by Russe-fishermen:* 3.176 and in Anno 1555. the place sent vnto by English Merchants, as hereafter appeareth.

Anno 1554. the said ship Edward Bonauenture (although robbed homewards by Flemings) retur∣ned with her companie to London,* 3.177 shewing and setting foorth their entertainments and discouerie of the [ 40] Countries, euen to the Citie of Mosco, from whence they brought a priuiledge written in Russe with the Kings or great Dukes seale, the other two ships looked for and vnknowne to them where they were.

Anno 1555. the said companie of Merchants for a discouerie vpon a new supply, sent thither againe with two Ships, to wit, the Edward Bonauenture,* 3.178 and another bearing the name of the King and Queene, Philip and Marie, whose Maiesties by their Letters to the said Muscouite, recommended sundry their subiects then passing, whereof certaine, to wit, Richard Chancelor, George Killing∣worth, Henrie Lane, and Arthur Edwards, after their arriuall at the Bay, and passing vp Dwina to Nologda, went first vp to Mosco, where, vpon knowledge of the said Letters, they with their trayne had speciall entertainment, with houses and dyet appointed, and shortly permitted to the Princes presence, they were with Gentlemen brought through the Citie of Mosco, to the Castle and Palace, replenished with numbers of people, and some gunners. They entred sundry roomes, furnished in shew with ancient [ 50] graue personages, all in long garments of sundry colours, Gold, Tissue, Baldekin, and Violet, as our Vestments and Copes haue beene in England, sutable with Caps, Iewels, and Chaines. These were found to bee no Courtiers, but ancient Muscouites, Inhabitants, and other their Merchants of credit, as the manner is, furnished thus from the Wardrobe and Treasurie, waiting and wearing this apparell for the time, and so to restore it.

Then entring into the Presence, being a large roome floored with Carpets, were men of more estate, and richer shew, in number aboue one hundred set square: who after the said English-men came in,* 3.179 do∣ing reuerence, they all stood vp, the Prince onely sitting, and yet rising at any occasion, when our King and Queenes names were read or spoken. Then after speeches by interpretation, our men kissing his hand, and bidden to dinner, were stayed in another roome, and at dinner brought through, where might bee seene [ 60] massie siluer and gilt Plate, some like and as bigge as Kilderkins, and Wash-bowles, and entring the Di∣ning place, being the greater roome, the Prince was set bare-headed, his Crowne and rich Cap standing vpon a pinacle by. Not farre distan•• sate his Metropolitan, with diuers other of his kindred, and chiefe Tartarian Captaines: none sate ouer against him, or any, at other Tables, their backes towards him:

which tables all furnished with ghests set, there was for the English-men, named by the Russes, Ghosti Carabelski, to wit, Strangers or Merchants by ship, a table in the midst of the roome, where they were set direct against the Prince: and then began the seruice, brought in by a number of his young Lords and Gentlemen, in such rich attire, as is aboue specified: and still from the Princes table (notwithstanding their owne furniture) they had his whole messes set ouer all in massie fine Gold, deliuered euery time from him by name to them, by their seuerall Christian names, as they sate, viz. Richard, George, Henrie, Ar∣thur. Likewise Bread and sundry drinkes of purified Mead, made of fine white and clarified Honey. At their rising, the Prince called them to his table, to receiue each one a Cup from his hand to drinke, and tooke into his hand Master George Killingworths beard, which reacheth ouer the table, and pleasant∣ly deliuered it the Metropolitane,* 3.180 who seeming to blesse it, said in R••sse, This is Gods gift. As indeed at that time it was not onely thicke, broad, and yellow coloured, but in length fiue foote and two inches of as∣size. [ 10] Then taking leaue, being night, they were accompanied and followed with a number, carrying pots of drinke, and dishes of meate dressed, to our lodging.

This yeere the two Ships, with the dead bodyes of Sir Hugh Willoughbie, and his people, were sent vnto by Master Killingworth, (which remayned there in Mosco Agent almost two yeeres) and much of the goods and victuals were recouered and saued.

* 3.181Anno 1556. The Companie sent two Ships for Russia, with extraordinarie Masters and Saylers to bring home the two ships, which were frozen in Lappia, in the riuer of Arzina aforesaid. The two ships sent this yeere from England sayling from Lapland to the Bay of Saint Nicholas, tooke in lading with passengers, to wit, a Russe Ambassadour, named Ioseph Napea, and some of his men shipped with Ri∣chard [ 20] Chancelor in the Edward. But so it fell out that the two which came from Lappia, with all their new Master and Marriners, neuer were heard of, but in foule weather, and wrought Seas, after their two yeeres wintring in Lapland, became, as is supposed, vnstanch, and sunke, wherein were drowned also di∣uers Russes Merchants, and seruants of the Ambassadour. A third ship the Edward aforesaid, falling on the North part of Scotland, vpon a rocke was also lost, and Master Chancelor with diuers other, drowned. The said Russe Ambassadour hardly escaping, with other his men, Marriners, and some goods saued, were sent for into Scotland, from the King, Queene, and Merchants, (the messenger being Ma∣ster Doctor Laurence Hussie, and others:) And then, as in the Chronicles appeareth, honorably enter∣tayned and receiued at London.

* 3.182This yeere also the company furnished and sent out a Pinnesse, named the Serchthrift, to discouer the [ 30] Harborowes in the North coast from Norway to Wardhouse, and so to the Bay of Saint Nicholas. There was in her Master and Pilot, Stephen Borough, with his brother William, and eight other. Their discouerie was beyond the Bay,* 3.183 toward the Samoeds, people dwelling neere the Riuer of Ob, and found a sound or sea with an Island called Vaigats, first by them put into the Card or Map. In that place they threw Snow out of their said Pinnesse, with shouels in August, by which extremitie, and lacke of time, they came backe to Russia, and wintred at Golmogro.

* 3.184Anno 1557. The companie with foure good Ships, sent backe the said Russe Ambassadour, and in companie with him, sent as an Agent, for further discouerie, Master Antonie Ienkinson, who after∣ward Anno 1558. with great fauour of the Prince of Muscouia,* 3.185 and his letters, passed the riuer Volga to Cazan, and meaning to seeke Cathay by Land, was by many troupes and companies of vnciuill Tarta∣rians [ 40] encountred, and in danger: but keeping companie with Merchants of Bactria, or Boghar, and Vr∣geme, trauelling with Camels, he with his companie, went to Boghar, and no further: whose entertain∣ment of the King is to be had of Master Ienkinson,* 3.186 which returned Anno 1559. to Muscouie. And in Anno 1560. hee, with Henrie Lane, came home into England: which yeere was the first safe returne, without losse or shipwracke,* 3.187 or dead fraight, and burnings. And at this time was the first trafficke to the Narue in Liuonia, which confines with Lituania, and all the Dominions of Russia: and the Markets, Faires, Commodities, great Townes and Riuers, were sent vnto by diuers seruants: the reports were ta∣ken by Henrie Lane, Agent, and deliuered to the companie, 1561. The trade to Rie, and Reuel, of old time hath beene long since frequented by our English Nation, but this trade to the Narue was hitherto concealed from vs by the Danskers and Lubeckers. [ 50]

Anno 1561. the said Master Antonie Ienkinson went Agent into Russia, who the next yeere after, passing all the riuer of Volga to Astracan, and ouer the Caspian sea, arriued in Persia, and opened the trade thither.

Also betweene the yeeres of 1568. and 1573. sundry Voyages after Master Ienkinsons, were made by Thomas Alcock,* 3.188 Arthur Edwards, Master Thomas Banister, and Master Geffrey Duc∣ket, whose returne (if spoyle neere Volga had not preuented by rouing Theeues) had altogether salued and recouered the Companies (called the old Companies) great losse, charges, and damages: But the saying is true, By vnitie small things grow great, and by contention great things become small. This may bee vnderstood best by the Companie. The frowardnesse of some few, and euill doing of some vniust Factors, was cause of much of the euill successe.

Arthur Edwards was sent againe 1579. and dyed in the voyage at Astracan. About which [ 60] matters, are to bee remembred the Voyages of Master Thomas Randolph Esquire, Ambassa∣dour Anno 1567. And late of Sir Ierome Bowes, Anno 1583. both tending and treating for further Discoueries, Freedomes, and Priuiledges, wherewith I meddle not. But in conclusion, for their paines

and aduentures this way (as diuers doe now adayes other wayes) as worthie Gentlemen sent from Prin∣ces, to doe their Countrey good, I put them in your memorie, with my heartie farewell. From Saint Mar∣garets neere Dartforth in Kent.

To the Reader.

I Haue had much trouble to giue thee this Authour, both for his Language, being Portugall (which for this, and some other parts of this worke, I was forced to get as I could) and for the raritie of his Relations, seeming both in themselues so stupendious, and not seconded in many things, that I say not [ 10] contraried, by other Authours. Besides his booke came not out, till himselfe was gone out of the world. I answere, that Ricius the Iesuite his Relations came not to vs, till himselfe was likewise gone; and that that might rather plead not onely for the Maturitie, but the sinceritie, by that Cassian rule, Cui bono; for whom should a dead man flatter, or for what should hee lye? Yea, hee little spares his owne companie and Nation, but often and eagerly layeth open their vices: and which is more, I finde in him little boa∣sting, except of other Nations; none at all of himselfe, but as if he intended to expresse Gods glorie, and mans merit of nothing but miserie. And howsoeuer it seemes incredible to remember such infinite par∣ticulars as this Booke is full of, yet an easie memorie holdeth strong impressions of good or bad: Scribunt in marmore laesi, is said of one; and of the other, Omnia quae curant senes meminerunt. Nei∣ther [ 20] is it likely but that the Authour wrote Notes, which in his manifold disaduentures were lost otherwise, but by that writing written the firmer in his memorie, especially new whetted, filed, forbushed with so many companions of miserie, whom in that state, Haec olim meminisse juuabat; their best mu∣sicke in their chaines and wandrings being the mutuall recountings of things seene, done, suffered. More maruell it is, if a lyar, that he should not forget himselfe, and contradict his owne Relations; which som∣times he may seeme to doe in the numbers of the yeere of the Lord; yea, and other numbers: but his leaues were left vnperfect at his death, and those numbers perhaps added by others after: and besides, mine owne experience hath often found figures mistaken from my hand, which being by the Compositor set at large,* 3.189 haue runne at large by ten times so much; and girt in otherwhiles as narrow with the tenth place dimini∣shed, or one figure set for another. And none but the Authour, or he which knowes the subiect, can ea∣sily amend that fault, being so great by so small and easie a lapse. The graduations of places I doe con∣fesse [ 30] otherwise then in the Iesuites, and as I suppose not so truely as theirs: for I thinke that he neither had Arte * 3.190 or Instrument to calculate the same, but contented himselfe in the writing of this Booke to looke into the common Maps of China, and to follow them in setting downe the degrees, and so the blind led the blind into errour; no printed Map that I haue seene being true. And perhaps the Chronicler to whom the papers were brought vnfinished might out of those Maps doe it; erring either of ignorance, or (which we haue often seene in Cards of remote places East and West) purposely, to conceale from others that which they haue found sweet and gainfull; the Mariner and Merchant not looking with the gene∣rous eyes of the ingenious, ingenuous Scholer.

For his repute at home; it was dedicated to King Philip the Third of Spaine, which impudence would not haue obtruded (if altogether a tale) on such Maiestie; licenced by the Holy Office, and prin∣ted [ 40] at Lisbon; translated into the Spanish by the Licentiate, Francisco de Herrera Maldonado, Canon of the Church Riall of Arbas, and dedicated to a Clergie-man Senerin de Faria, Printed 1620. at Madrid (and small credit it had beene to the House of the Farias, that one of them should publish in Portugall, and in Castile to another should be dedicated, a friuolous tale and deuised foolerie.) I adde also the Authours stile so religious, and his often protestations: his credit, as Herrera reporteth with King Philip the Second, who spent much time in discourse with him about these things. I might adde the Spanish Translators Apologie at large, and out of him Fr. Andrada the Portugall Chroni∣clers testimonie.

If this moue thee not to beleeue, yet beleeue thus much, that I haue no minde to deceiue thee, but giue [ 50] thee what I found, onely much contracted, and not going all the way with our Authour, whose originall Booke is aboue one hundred and fiftie sheets of paper in folio, but contented with his China and Tarta∣ria Relations: that also too much, if not true. And yet I would not haue an Authour reiected for fit speeches framed by the Writer, in which many Historians haue taken libertie; no, if sometimes he doth mendacia dicere, so as he doth not mentiri; that is, if he be so credulous to beleeue, or so improuident to proffer to others faith, probable falshoods related by others (as I will not sweare but of himselfe hee might mistake, and by others be mis-led, the Chinois here might in relating these rarities to him enlarge, and de magnis maiora loqui) so as he still be religious in a iust and true deliuerie of what himselfe hath seene, and belye not his owne eyes: the former is rashnesse and distastfull, the later is dishonest and detestable. Once, the Sunne Rising hath found many worshippers, but the Westerne Sunne is neerer night: [ 60] and neerer obscuritie and meannesse are our Westerne affaires then those China Raies of the East; and wee were Backes and Owles not to beleeue a greater light then our selues see and vse.* 3.191 All China Au∣thours how diuersified soeuer in their lines, yet concurre in a centre of Admiranda Sinarum, which if others haue not so largely related as this, they may thanke God they payed not so deare a price to see them; and for mee, I will rather beleeue (where reason euicts not an ••••ectione firma) then seeke to see

at the Authours rate; and if he hath robbed the Altars of Truth, as he did those of the Calempluy Idols, yet in Pequin equity we will not cut off the thumbs (according to Nanquin rigour) vpon bare sur∣mise without any euidence against him, Howeuer, cheaper I am sure he is by farre to thee then to mee, who would haue beene loth to be so true a labourer in a lying Authour, willingly or commonly (in my con∣ceit) falsifying his owne sight, though perhaps not seldome deceiued in things taken vp on China mens trust, or entred into their China Bookes, such as he here often citeth. Men refuse not Siluer for the Oare; gather the Rose notwithstanding the prickles; neglect not Haruest mixed with weeds, Wheat with the chaffe, Fruit for the shells, and hate not Honie for the Bees sting; nor will I either in prodiga∣litie of faith beleeue all, or be so penurious as to reiect the most of that which here I present. Vse thou thy freedome, and him at thy pleasure (I say not mee) and if thou wilt not pardon such a briefe [ 10] collection, thou wouldst hardly giue Castilian entertainement to all, and more then all, often yeelding brauadoes and enlarging flourishes of stile, beyond a translation, as if his Authour had not said enough. The variety, if it had beene meerly deuised, presents I know not how many entercourses as interludes of Comicke and Tragicke euents, more worthie the reading then most in this kinde, and as fit to recreate: how much more, where veritie is (as I suppose) the ground and substance, though perhaps inlayed with other phantasies among. That the Iesuites in some things differ, is their authoritie against his, who as more learned and iudicious, and longer experienced, might finde out some truths better then hee; as his various fortunes, and that time, might let him see many particularities which they could not, writing sixtie yeeres after. In many things they both agree: and Gaspar de Cruz hath many the same things; and that his strange Relation of the Crosse in China and the Hungarian of the Mount Sinai, is deli∣uered [ 20] by Lucena, perhaps learned by some of His companie: and these exceptions by mee mentioned, are rather praeoccupations of censorious iudging my iudgement, then my iudiciall sentence, which the iudi∣cious will suspend, and leaue to better experience. Iudicent posteri; veritas Temporis filia.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Seb. Cabota.
• * 1.2

  See the parti∣culars in Ma∣ster Hackluyts printed Voya∣ges, Tom. 1.
• * 1.3

  The first Voy∣age.
• * 1.4

  This dis∣course was found written in the Speranza which winte∣red a Arzina, where all the Companie were frozen to death.

  Rost Ilands.
• * 1.5

  Stanfew har∣bour. Lofoot.
• * 1.6

  August.
• * 1.7

  Seynam in 70. degrees.
• * 1.8

  The Edward lost, or rather the••e two lost; and the Ed∣ward found and entred the Bay of Saint Nicolas.
• * 1.9

  W••lloughby his Land, in 72. degrees.
• * 1.10

  September.
• * 1.11

  In this Hauen they died.
• * 1.12

  Or, Ellons.
• * 1.13

  Heere endeth Sir Hugh Wil∣loughby his note, which was written with his owne hand.
• * 2.1

  Duina.
• * 2.2

  Note.
• * 2.3

  Vologda.
• * 2.4

  Ieraslaue.
• * 2.5

  Mosco.
• * 2.6

  The Castle.
• * 2.7

  Hee commeth before the Duke.
• * 2.8

  Dineth with the Duke.
• * 2.9

  Golden Vessel.
• * 2.10

  Shiuer of Bread.
• * 2.11

  Crowne chan∣ged.
• * 2.12

  Dukes forces.
• * 2.13

  Armour and rich attyre.
• * 2.14

  Extreames.
• * 2.15

  Vndisciplined Souldiers.
• * 2.16

  Hardinesse.
• * 2.17

  Knights Fee.
• * 2.18

  Duke heire Generall.
• * 2.19

  No wages.
• * 2.20

  Centlemen.
• * 2.21

  Suits & tryals.
• * 2.22

  No Lawyer.
• * 2.23

  Combat-triall.
• * 2.24

  Bondage.
• * 2.25

  Punishments for Crimes.
• * 2.26

  Beating.
• * 2.27

  Miserable poore.
• * 2.28

  Superstition.
• * 2.29

  Images and Pictures.
• * 2.30

  Mother tongue
• * 2.31

  Seruice.
• * 2.32

  Prayers.
• * 2.33

  Creed.
• * 2.34

  Commande∣ments.
• * 2.35

  Sacraments.
• * 2.36

  Candles.
• * 2.37

  Foure Lents.
• * 2.38

  Chiefe Saints.
• * 2.39

  Vices.
• * 2.40

  Abbies.
• * 2.41

  I haue this booke of Cle∣ment Adams, in Latine, writ∣ten in a very elegant hand and eloquent stile to King Philip; (as I thinke) the very originall.
• * 2.42

  They arriue in the Bay of Saint Nicholas.
• * 2.43

  The Discoue∣rie of Russia.
• * 2.44

  Messenger sent to the Empe∣rour.
• * 2.45

  The Emperor•• courteous let∣ters to Master Chancelor.
• * 2.46

  Riphean hils, a tale of Anti∣quitie.
• * 2.47

  Rossomakka, a strange beast.
• * 2.48

  The sharpnes of the winter in Moscouie.
• * 2.49

  The rest of M▪ Adams con∣tayning a de∣scription of the Country, &c. is here omitted.
• * 3.1

  Iuan Vasiliuich, that is to say, Iohn the Sonne of Bosilius.
• d 3.2

  That is, come into our presence.
• * 3.3

  Hee made three others after, one as Embassadour from Queene Elizabeth to the Muscouite.
• * 3.4

  Iune.
• * 3.5

  Heilick Ilands in 66. degrees 40. minutes. Rost Ilands.
• * 3.6

  Malestrand a strange whirle poole.
• * 3.7

  Zenam Iland.
• * 3.8

  Kettlewike Iland
• * 3.9

  Inger sound. The North Cape.
• * 3.10

  Ward-hous••.
• * 3.11

  Cattell fed with fish.
• * 3.12

  The Monaste∣rie of Pechin∣chow.
• * 3.13

  Arzina reca the Riuer where Sir Hugh Wil∣loughby was frozen.
• * 3.14

  The Lappian•• couered all sa∣uing their eies.
• * 3.15

  The current at Cape G••ace.
• * 3.16

  The entring of the Bay of Saint Nicolas i•• seuen l••agues broad at the least.
• * 3.17

  August.
• * 3.18

  Pinego Riuer▪
• * 3.19

  The Towne of Yemps. Vstiug.
• * 3.20

  The descrip∣tion of their Nassades.
• * 3.21

  Good counsell for Trauellers. December.
• * 3.22

  Emperour of Casan.
• * 3.23

  Multitude of Guests.
• * 3.24

  Rich seruice.
• * 3.25

  Twelf-tide,
• * 3.26

  Mosco Riuer hallowed.
• * 3.27

  Riuer of holy water for horse and man.
• * 3.28

  Citie of Mosco.
• * 3.29

  The Countrie.
• * 3.30

  The Metropo∣litan.
• * 3.31

  Meats and drinkes.
• * 3.32

  Drunkennesse.
• * 3.33

  Saddlers.
• * 3.34

  Russe apparell.
• * 3.35

  The hallowing of the Riuer of Mosco.
• * 3.36

  The Russes Lent.
• * 3.37

  Palme-sunday Procession.
• * 3.38

  The Emperor leade••h the Metropolitans Horse in Pro∣cession.
• * 3.39

  Kissing vsed in the Greeke Church.
• * 3.40

  Monasteries and Monkes.
• * 3.41

  Images.
• * 3.42

  Miracles.
• * 3.43

  Drinkes and Vessels.
• * 3.44

  The Hospitali∣tie of their Monasteries.
• * 3.45

  Monke Mer∣chants.
• * 3.46

  Dyet and Ap∣parell.
• * 3.47

  Want of Prea∣chers cause of great igno∣rance and Ido∣latrie.
• * 3.48

  Sinnes of Su∣perstition.
• * 3.49

  Priests.
• * 3.50

  Sacraments.
• * 3.51

  All their ser∣uice is in their Mother tongue.
• * 3.52

  Baptisme.
• * 3.53

  Of their Ma∣trimonie.
• * 3.54

  The women of Russia paint their faces.
• * 3.55

  Of their Bu∣riall.
• * 3.56

  Bread made of straw.

  The vnmerci∣fulnesse of the Russes toward the poore. Stoues or Baths vsuall with the Mos∣couites.
• * 3.57

  Diuers sorts of Russian Drinkes, re∣ported by Tho∣mas Bulley.
• * 3.58

  Mosco in 55. de••grees, 10 mi∣nutes.
• * 3.59

  Occa.
• * 3.60

  Rez••n.
• * 3.61

  Cassim.
• * 3.62

  Morom.
• * 3.63

  Nyse Nouogrod.
• * 3.64

  Honey and Waxe.
• * 3.65

  Vasiliagorod▪
• * 3.66

  Swyasko.
• * 3.67

  Cazan stands in 55 degrees 33. minutes.
• * 3.68

  The Iland of M••rchants.
• * 3.69

  The Riuer of Cama.
• * 3.70

  Vachen.
• * 3.71

  Mangat or Na∣gay Tartars.
• * 3.72

  Hords.
• * 3.73

  The Crimme Tartars.
• * 3.74

  The Riuer o•• Samar.
• * 3.75

  Licoris in great plentie. Perouolog. Don or Tanais.
• * 3.76

  Astracan.
• * 3.77

  Store of Stur∣geons, & flyes••
• * 3.78

  Miserable Fa∣mine.
• * 3.79

  They enter in∣to the Caspian Sea.
• * 3.80

  Volga.
• * 3.81

  The Blue Sea.
• * 3.82

  Baughle••ta be∣ing 74. ••eagues from Volga.
• * 3.83

  Iaic Riuer.
• * 3.84

  Serachick••
• * 3.85

  The Countrey of Colmack.
• * 3.86

  The Port of Manguslaue▪
• * 3.87

  They goe on land.
• * 3.88

  The Countrey or Manguslaue▪ It stands in 45.
• * 3.89

  Twentie dayes t••••uell in the Wildernesse, wi••h scarsitie of water.
• * 3.90

  Another Gulfe of the Caspian Sea.
• * 3.91

  Will. de Rubricis describeth this Riuer of Ardok, cap. 4.
• * 3.92

  Sellizure, or Shayzure.
• * 3.93

  Letters of safe conduct.
• * 3.94

  Vrgence, in 42. degr. 18. min.
• * 3.95

  The Countrey of Turkeman.
• * 3.96

  The Riuer of Ardock falleth into the Lake of Kitay.
• * 3.97

  The Castle of Kait.
• * 3.98

  Diuination by sorcerie.
• * 3.99

  Fight with theeues.
• * 3.100

  Hand-guns ve∣ry profitable.
• * 3.101

  A holy man.
• * 3.102

  Bussarmans, or Mus••••mans Ca∣pha••.
• * 3.103

  Fidelitie of an Infidel.
• * 3.104

  The riuer of Oxus.
• * 3.105

  A wildernesse of land.
• * 3.106

  Boghar a Citie of Bactria in 39▪ degrees, 10. minutes.
• * 3.107

  A strange Worme in mens leg••▪
• * 3.108

  These are of the Iese••as Tartars.
• * 3.109

  The Coyne of Boghar▪
• * 3.110

  A very Tart••r.
• * 3.111

  The Kings iu∣stice.
• * 3.112

  Merchandise of India.
• * 3.113

  Merchandise of Persia.
• * 3.114

  Merchandise of Russia.
• * 3.115

  Merchandise of Cathay.
• * 3.116

  Wares.
• * 3.117

  Taskent and Caskar.
• * 3.118

  Carauan de∣stroyed.
• * 3.119

  He returneth the eight of March, 1559.
• * 3.120

  Samarcand.
• * 3.121

  Vrgence.
• * 3.122

  The King of Balke, or Balgh.
• * 3.123

  The Caspian sea.
• * 3.124

  Woodden an∣chor.
• * 3.125

  Dangerous tempest, and vse of the Compasse.
• * 3.126

  Yaik.
• * 3.127

  The English flag in the Cas∣pian sea, the Country 〈…〉〈…〉 46 deg.
• * 3.128

  A notable de∣scription of the Caspian sea.
• * 3.129

  Astracan in 47. deg. 9. minuts.
• * 3.130

  Cazan is in 55. deg. 33. min. His arriuall at Mosco the se∣cond of Sep∣tember.
• * 3.131

  See more cer∣taintie in Goes.
• * 3.132

  Memoriall of Sir H. Willough∣bie.
• * 3.133

  The other voyages are in Master Hakluy••, this I haue for Tartaria and the Caspian sea brought hi∣ther.
• * 3.134

  Saint Nicholas.
• * 3.135

  Colmog••••▪
• * 3.136

  Vstyo••g.
• * 3.137

  Yeraslaue.
• * 3.138

  Niznouogrod.
• * 3.139

  Cazan.
• * 3.140

  Great store of Liquoris.
• * 3.141

  Sodom. Strange iudge∣ment.
• * 3.142

  Perauolok.
• * 3.143

  Tsaritsna.
• * 3.144

  Ice at Astracan for foure mo∣neth.
• * 3.145

  An Eclipse.
• * 3.146

  The variation of the Com∣passe in Astra∣can, was 13. de∣grees 40. min.
• * 3.147

  Gilan.
• * 3.148

  Vchoog.
• * 3.149

  Shallow water.
• * 3.150

  Flats.
• * 3.151

  Chetera Bougori.
• * 3.152

  The Caspian Sea.
• * 3.153

  45. deg. 20. mi∣nutes.

  The first obser∣uation in the Caspi••n Sea.
• * 3.154

  Brackish water farre within the Sea.
• * 3.155

  43. degrees 15. minutes▪
• * 3.156

  41. degrees 32. minutes.
• * 3.157

  40. degrees 54. minutes.
• * 3.158

  Bilbill.
• * 3.159

  Bachu Po••••.
• * 3.160

  The receiuing of the English into Derbent.
• * 3.161

  The latitude of Bildih 40. deg. 25. min. The variation of the Com∣passe 10. deg. 40. min.
• * 3.162

  Zere Iland.
• * 3.163

  The English suffer ship∣wracke.
• * 3.164

  The Armenian Village.
• * 3.165

  The latitude of Derbent 41. degrees 52. mi∣nutes.

  The variation of the Com∣passe.
• * 3.166

  Nezauoo.
• * 3.167

  The particu∣lars of their returne are o∣mitted.

  A strange ac∣cident of pro∣uision for their reliefe▪
• * 3.168

  Trauell vpon the Ice.
• * 3.169

  Chetera Babbas.
• * 3.170

  The English ship cut in pie∣ces with Ice.
• * 3.171

  December.
• * 3.172

  Assaulted by Tartars.
• * 3.173

  Their returne to Astracan.
• * 3.174

  The breaking vp of the Ice.
• * 3.175

  Anno 1553. Master William Burrough was th••n young, and with his brother in this first voyage. Newnox is from the road of S. Nicholas Westward 35. miles.
• * 3.176

  Note.
• * 3.177

  Anno 1554.
• * 3.178

  Anno 1555. The King and Queenes let∣ters.
• * 3.179

  Entertain∣ment by the Duke.
• * 3.180

  Master Killing∣worths beard of a maruel∣lous length.
• * 3.181

  Anno 1556. the disastrous voy∣age.
• * 3.182

  Serchthrift.
• * 3.183

  Stephen Borough
• * 3.184

  Anno 1557.
• * 3.185

  Boghar voyage.
• * 3.186

  Muscouie trade long vnfortu∣nate.
• * 3.187

  1560. The first trade to the Narue. 1560.
• * 3.188

  Alcock slaine in Persia.

  Banister dyed in Media. Edwards dyed at Astracan.
• * 3.189

  Note for num∣bers (if great care bee not had) how ea∣sily, how dan∣gerously mis∣taken.
• * 3.190

  So it seemes by those words of his, fol. 122. Aind a que con∣fesso que me falta o milhor, que be saber & engenho para dar a enten∣der o clima & a Altura d••s graos &c. False gradua∣tions a com∣mon thing in Maps of East and West In∣dies.
• * 3.191

  Valignanus a great Iesuite wrote a booke with that title.