The first-[third] tome of an exact chronological vindication and historical demonstration of our British, Roman, Saxon, Danish, Norman, English kings supreme ecclesiastical jurisdiction from the original planting, embracing of Christian religion therein, and reign of Lucius, our first Christian king, till the death of King Richard the First, Anno Domini 1199 ... / by William Prynne, Esq.

REX Reginaldo de Cornhill, &c. Mandamus vobis, statim visis Literis istis, li∣beretis Magistro Pandulfo Domini Papae Nuncio Johannem Clericum Domini Hereford Episcopi quam habetis in Custodia apud Roffam salvo Custodiendum donec certum fuerit, utrum fuerit Clericus vel Laicus: Et in hujus rei testimo∣nium has literas nostras Patentes vobis mittimus. Teste Domino H. Dublinensi Archiepiscopo apud Chileham Duodecimo die Junnii, Anno regni nostri decimo quinto. Per eundem.

These most * 1.1 unchristian disloyal proceedings of the Pope, his legats, Arch∣bishops, Bishops, and English Clergy against the King, so much alienated his af∣fections from the very Christian Religion they professed with their Mouths, but denyed in their hearts, practises, that (if we credit * 1.2 Matthew Paris, who willing∣ly traduces him upon all occasions) after the death of Geoffery Fitz-Peter cheif Justice of England (the chief pillar and support of the Realm of England) King John conceiving himself absolved from, and that he had liberty to go against all the Oaths, agreements, & extricate himself from the unjust conditions of peace he had made dolenter, with much grief and reluctancy wherewith he was entangled: poenituit ipsum graviter et amarissime, quod ad praedictae pacis consensum inclinaretur. Whereupon thinking to finde better usage from very Turks then from

the Pope, his own Bishops and rebellious subjects, who were Christians, he re∣solved to put himself and his Realm into their hands, and to renounce the Christian Religion, which the premised proceedings of the Pope and Prelates against him made him repute as vain and ineffectual. Such was the fruit of these Antichristian proceedings against him, Misit ergo nuncios secretissimos cum festi∣natione summa, videlicet Thomam Hardentonum, & Radulphum filium Nicholai Milites, & Robertum de Londino clericum, ad Admiralium Murmelium Regem mag∣num Aphricae, Marocchiae, & Hispaniae: significans eidem, quod se et Regnum suum libenter redderet eidem et dederet et deditum teneret ab ipso, si placeret ei, sub tributo. Necnon et legem Christianam quam vanam censuit, relinquens, legi Mahometae fideliter adhaereret. To which message being delivered, Murmelius after a little deliberation returned this modest an∣swer. Modo inspexi librum in Graeco scriptum, cujusdam Graeci sapientis & Christi∣ani, nomine Pauli (the Apostle) cuju•• actus & verba mihi maxime complacent, & accepto: Ʋnum tamen de ipso mihi displicet, quod in lege sub qua natus est non stetit, sed ad alia tanquam transfuga & i••co••st••ns avolvit. Et iddico de domino vestro Anglorum Rege, qui relicta piissima et mundissima lege Christiano∣rum sub qua nascebatur, cereus et instabilis gliscit transmeare. No••it qui nihil ignorat D••us omnipoteks, si exlex essem, illam prae omnibus eligerem, & acceptam amplexar m. Postea vero sciscitabatur, cujus conditionis esset Rex Angliae & regnum ejus. Of which T. Hardenton gave this account of the King, that he was Egregie & ingenue a∣tavis Regibus magnis procreatus: & of the kingdom, terra ejus opulenta & suis contenta bo∣nis, &c. Regnum etiam ab * 1.3 injuncto & coronato gubernatum, ab antiquo liberum esse dignoscitur, ad nullius pr••terquam Dei spectans Dominationem: (the more shame for the Pope to invade & make it Tributary) Ecclesia etiam & nostrae cultus reli∣gionis plus quam in aliqua mundi parte ibidem prosperatur, ac * 1.4 Papalibus & Regiis legibus pacifice gubernatur. Hereupon, Tracto igitur abalto praecordiali suspirio, respondit▪ Rex, Nunquam legi vel audivi, quod aliquis Rex tam prosperum Regnum possidens subjectum et obediens, suum sic vellet sponte pessundaxe Principatum, ut de libero faceret tributarium, de suo alienum, de fae∣lici, miserum; et se alterius sine vulnere victum, dedere voluntati. Quinimo de multis legi & audivi (qui) sibi libertatem (quod laudabile est) compararent: Modo autem audio, quod Dominus vester * 1.5 miser, deses et imbellis, qui nullo nullior est, de libero servus fieri desiderat, qui omnium mor∣talium miserrimus est. Postea vero sed cum contemptu inquisivit cujus aetatis esset, staturae a•• streunitatis: Cui Responsum est quod aetate fuit quinquagena∣rius, & omnino canus, corpore fortis, nec procerus, sed potius compactus, & formae ad robora convenient••s &c. Quod cum audisset Rex, respondit, Virtus ejus juve∣nilis ac virilis tepuit jam & refrigescit. Infradecennium, dato quod tamdiu victurus sit, virtus ejus deficiet antequam arduum quid consummaverit, si nunc inciperet in defectum declinaret, nec aliquid valeret. Quinquagenarius enim decidit occulte, sexagena∣rius manifeste. Pacem de caetero sibi adquirat & quiescat. Colligens ergo omnia inquisita & responsa Nunciorum, post parvum silentium, facta subsannatione, in signum magnae indignationis, sprevit ille Admiralius Regem Johannem, dicens, nullius est Rex ille, sed Regulus jam desipiens & senescens; nec curo de eo: Indignus est mihi confederari; & conspiciens Thomam & Radulphum torvo vultu, Ait, Non redeatis iterum ad meam praesentiam, nec videant oculi vestri amplius faci∣am meam. I ama, sed potius infamia Domini vestri, jam Apostatae desipientis faeto∣rem exhalat in conspectu meo teterrimum. Recedentibus igitur cum Rubore nunciis, intuebatur Rex ille Admiralius Robertum Clericum, qui tertius erat Nun∣ciorum, qui p••rvus erat & niger, unum brachium longius habens reliquo, & digitos inordinatos, scilicet duos sibi Cohaerentes & faciem Judaicam. Perpendens igitur Rex, quod tam despicabilis persona, ad tam arduum negotium declarandum non desti∣naretur, nisi saperet ut callidus & intelligeret, videns ejus coronam & tonsuram, & inde discernens quod esset clericus, jussit eum ad se evocari, quia aliis loquentibus adhuc tacuerat, stans remotus. Ipso igiter retento & spretis aliis, Rex cum eo multa loquebatur secretius quae postea ipse Robertus amicis suis pateficit. Inquisivit autem dictus Rex ab eodem, si Rex Angliae Johannes * aliquibus polleret moribus, &* 1.6 si liberos strenuos procreasset; & si potens esset in vi generativa. Addiditque quod si

Robertus super his interogatis m••nt••retur, nunquam praecipue clerico crederet Christiano. Tunc Robertus sub attestatione legis Christianae se promisit, ad omnia interrogata vera∣citer responsurum. Dixit igitur affirmative * 1.7 quod potius fuit Tyrannus, quam Rex; potius subversor quam gubernator, oppressor suorum, & fautor alienorum. Leo suis subditis, Agnus alienigenis & rebellibus, qui per desidiam suam Normaniae Ducatum, & alias mult as terras amiserat. Etinsuper Angliae Regnum, amittere vel destruere sitie∣bat. Pecuniae extortor insatiabilis, possessionum suorum naeturalium invasor & Destractor. Paucos vel potius nullos strenuos generavit sed patrizantes. Sponsam sibi habet exo••a••, & ipsum odientem, incestam, maleficam, & adulteram, & super haec saepius convictum: unde Rex sponsus ejus comprehensos laqueo jussit super stratum ejus suffocari. Ipse Rex nihilominus multos procerum suorum & etiam consanguineos Zelotipavit violenter, ac filias corrupit nubiles, & sorores, In cultu autem Christiano prout audistis fluctuans & deffusus. Haec cum audisset Rex Admiralius non tamen sicut prius ipsum spre∣vit, sed detestabatur & in sua lege maledixit & Ait; Quare permittunt miseri Ang∣lici talem super ser••gnare & dominari? vere effeminati sunt & serviles. Respondit Rober∣tus patientissimi hominum sunt Anglici donec supra modum offendantur & damnificentur. Nunc autem sicut Leo vel Elephas cum laesum se senserit v••l cruentum, irascuntur, & executere colla de sub jugo opprimentis, etsi sero proponunt & conantur. Et cum haec omnia ipse Rex Admiralius audierat, Anglorum nimiam redarguit patientiam▪ quam formi∣dolositatem recta interpretatione fuisse interpres asseruit qui ad omnia presens extite∣rat. Multosautem praeter hos tractatus, & confabulationes habuit Idem Rex cum eodem Roberto, quae postea Amicis plenius in Anglia declaravit. Collatis igitur ip∣si Roberto, muneribus preciosis in auro & argento, gemmis variis & holosericis ipsum in pace dimisit. Recedentes autem nuncios alios, * 1.8 nec salutavit nec aliquibus mu∣neribus honoravit; Cum{que} autem ad propria remeassent nuncii & quae viderant & audiverant domino suo renuciassent doluit, dominus eorum Rex Iohames ve∣hementer us{que} ad Spiritus Amaritudinem, quod si•• ab ipso Rege Admi∣ralio contemnebatur, et quod in proposito suo impediebatur. Robertus autem de extranels donis sibi collatis Regem liberaliter respexit, ut saltem sic preciperet, quod favorabilius alliis audiretur, licet primo repulsus tacuisset. Unde ipse Rex ipsum plus aliis honoravit, & quasi pro praemio * 1.9 Custodiam Abbatiae potius sancti Albani, quamvis non vacaret, * 1.10 improbus exactor concessit, ut sic de alieno Clericum suum fidei transgressor remuneraret. Ipse igitur Robertus, inconsulto imo invito Abbate, qui protempore fuit, videlicet Johanne de Colla viro religiosissimo & literatissimo, omnia quae in Ecclesia, & Curia fuerunt, pro libitu diripuit, & sibi ap∣propriavit. Et in qualibet Balliva quas obedientias appellamus, constituit (maxime in janua) janitorem omnium diligentem exploratorem & protervum unde plusquam Mille Marcas ab eadem domo asiute nimis emunxit Robertus Clericus memoratus. Hic tamen quosdam Abbatis Ministros praecipuos cum quodam S. Albani Monacho, videlicet Domi∣num Clericum Magistrum Walterum Monachum Pictorem dilexit, & habuit famili∣ares, quibus gemmas suas & * 1.11 alia secreta revelavit, sibi a dicto Admiralio collata & dicta, audiente Matthaeo qui & haec scripsit & ennaravit.

If this Embassy to Admiralius were a real truth, it discovers the transcendent wickednesse and impiety of the Popes, Archbishops, and Bishops Treasons to, cheats put upon King John, which should cast him upon such a temptation and ne∣cessity as this, to trust a Saracen rather then a Christian, and to renounce the Christian Religion as vain: But the whole contexture proves it a most scandalous malicious forgery of this Monke of St. Albars, for sequestring that Abby.

1. It is recorded by no other Historian but himself. 2. All the parts thereof ap∣pear to be a malicious Satyr, Libel, invective against King John, invented by the Historians under the Person of Murmelius and Robert one of the Ambassadors, to render him odious to his subjects, excite them to rebel against him and deprive him of his Crown, as a person unfit and unworthy to raign over them, and to justi∣fy their election of Lewis of France for their King. 4. All the premised passages Glorious Victories, successes of King John, prove him to be a quite contrary per∣son to what was here represented to Admiralius. 5. Had he formerly resigned up his Crown and Kingdom or under an Annual Tribute Rent to the Pope, as this Monk relates, King John had then no power to surrender or subject them to Murme lius a Sarazen without the Popes consent. 6. This Kingdom being subject to none but God,

it was a very great impiety in the Pope to unite and enthrall it to the See of Rome. 7ly. That King John would renounce the Christian Religion as vain, and embrace the Mahumetan as true, is most improbable; it had been truer of Pope Innocent. For 1. King John commanded all Bishops, Abbots, Monks, Priests, to celebrate Divine Service and Sacraments, during the above 6. years Interdict, in all their Churches, when the impious Pope and Prelates prohibited them, and suspended those who obey∣ed his pious precept. 2ly. He seized all the Temporalties, Benefices, Goods, of those who disobeyed him. 3ly. He encouraged all who celebrated Divine Service and Sa∣craments. 4ly. He with most passionate importunity pressed the Pope and Bishops to release the Interdict, and that Divine Service and Sacraments might be every where administred, which they both delayed and refused, till their own covetous and ambi∣tious ends were satisfied, shewing himself a far more religious, devout, zealous Christian, then the Pope, Bishops, and his Clergy, who for above 6. years space to∣gether suspended all Divine Service and Sacraments throughout his Realm, against his will and Writs, to wreck their own malice upon this King, and deprive him at last of his Crown and Kingdoms. 5ly. His constant profession and maintenance of the Christian Religion during his life, * 1.12 the 5. Religious houses he built, and his piety at his death, prove this to be a malicious forgery, that he would embrace Mahume∣tanism, and abjure the Christian Religion. 6ly. It is very improbable, as this for∣ged Narrative relates, that King John would make himself and his opulent Kingdom a Tributary and Vassal to another Prince so remote, of his own voluntary motion, without War or Conquest. 7ly. That King John should send such mean and despi∣cable Ambassadors as these here mentioned, to so great a Prince as Murmelius, about so weighty an affair as this. 8ly. That he should do it with such privacy, that none of his Nobles should know or consent unto it. 9ly. That these Messengers should find this Saracen King reading St. Pauls Epistles, when they were presented to him, and that he should professe the Christian Religion to be the best and purest of any, yet blame St. Paul for electing it before that wherein he was educated. 10ly. That Robert should make such a relation to him and them concerning Admirallus his de∣scription of his own deformity, of King John his Masters Tyranny, Vices, and un∣worthinesse to reign, and King John continue him in his favour notwithstanding. 11ly. That Robert only of the three should be rewarded by Murmelius, and that with so many and rich presents, being so despicable a person, and the first (who was the most honorable, eloquent, properest person) go unrewarded. 12ly. The ground of this Historians malice, and frequent Invectives against King John, and this forged Legend of his against him and this Robert, was because the King seized the Lands and Mona∣stery of St. Albans into his hands, (whereof he was a Monk) for their Abbots and Monks refusal to celebrate Divine Service during the Interdict, upon the Kings command, and committing the custody thereof to this Robert, at least three or four years before this pretended Embassy, discovers Roberts Embassy thither, and claim∣ing the custody of this Abby, by giving him a great share of the gifts bestow∣ed on him by Murmelius, to be a meer * 1.13 forged Fable. 13ly. He subjoyns this fur∣ther forgery of King Johns mis-belief, and denying the Resurrection of the dead, (grounded only upon his speech or jest of a fat Stagge) * 1.14 Diebus quoque sub eisdem adeo insipiebat Rex Johannes ut de mortuorum Resurrectione futura, & aliis fidem Christianam contingentibus male sentiret, & quaedam inenerabilia diceret deliramenta, quorum unum duximus recitandum, (as the worst of all the rest, and that but a truth, discovering his little esteem of the merits of Popish Masses, by which the Monks got and held their livings) Contigit ut venatu capto cervo quodam pinguissimo, in praesentia Regis cum ex∣coriaretur, & aeridens diceret, O quam prospere vixit iste, nunquam tamen missam audivit!

To make King John some amends for these malicious slanders, (who to over-top his new English Pope and Barons, by that Papal hand by which himself was subject∣ed to them) this Historian gives Pope Innocent the 3d. this true Character, evidencing him to be little better then a Devil incarnate.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Tit. 4▪ 26.
• * 1.2

  Mat. Paris p. 233.
• * 1.3

  Misprinted injancto.
• * 1.4

  A forgery for the Popes ad∣vantage.
• * 1.5

  He was nei∣ther.
• * 1.6

  † A likely story
• * 1.7

  A very pro∣bable tal•• that he should thus defame King John, and yet be rewarded and advanced by him for this Embassy.
• * 1.8

  A likely story.
• * 1.9

  It was grant∣ed him 3 years, or more before this fictitious Embassy.
• * 1.10

  The true ground of this fiction, and ••lander of King John.
• * 1.11

  Note this Embassy or his relation of him∣self and King John.
• * 1.12

  Speeds Histo∣ry p. 588.
• * 1.13

  Speeds Histo∣ry p. 588.
• * 1.14

  Hist. p. 234. Speeds History p. 567, 568.