SERMON XII.

THE words in our English Translation carry somewhat in the sound, which doth not fully reach the importance of the Original, and therefore it must be the task of our Preface not to connect the Text, but clear it; not to shew its dependence on the precedent words, but to restore it to the integrity of it self, that so we may per∣fectly conceive the words, before we venture to discuss them; that we may 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as Aristotle phrases it, first represent them to you in the bulk, then describe them particularly in their several lineaments. Our English setting of the words,* seems to make two Propositions, and in them a direct opposition betwixt the condition of the anci∣ent, and present Gentiles; that God had winked at, i. e. either approved, or pitied, or pardoned the ignorance of the former Heathens; but now was resolved to execute justice on all, that did con∣tinue in that was heretofore pardonable in them, on every one every where that did not repent. Now the Original runs thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. that is, in a literal construction, God therefore passing over the times of ignorance, as if he saw them not, doth now command all men every where to repent. Which you may conceive thus, by this kind of vulgar 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or sensible proceeding in God. God always is essentially and perfectly every one of his Attributes, Wisdom, Justice, Mercy, &c. but yet is said at one time to be peculiarly one Attribute, at another time another, i. e. to be at one time actually just, at another time actually merciful, according to his determination to the object. As when God fixes his Eyes upon a rebellious people, whose sins are ripe for his justice, he then executes his vengeance on them, as on Sodom: when he fixes his Eyes upon a penitent believing people, he then doth exercise his mercy, as on Nineveh. Now when God looks upon any part of the lapsed World, on which he intends to have mercy, he suffers not his Eye to be fixed or terminated on the medium betwixt his Eye and them, on the sins of all their Ancestors from the beginning of the World till that day; but having another account to call them to, doth for the present 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, look over all them, as if they were not in his way, and imputing not the sins of the Fathers to the Children, fixeth on the Children, makes his Covenant of mercy with them, and commandeth them the condition of this Covenant, whereby they shall obtain mercy, that is, every one every where to repent. So that in the first place,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, must not be rendred by way of opposition, he winked then, but now commands, as if their former ignorance were justifiable, and an account of knowledge should only be exacted from us. And in the second place,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a word read but this once in all the New Testament, must be rendred, not winking at, but looking over, or not insisting upon; as when we fix our Eyes upon a Hill, we suffer them not to dwell on the Valley, on this side of it, because we look earnestly on the Hill. Now if this be not the common Attical acception of it, yet it will seem agreeable to the penning of the New Testa∣ment, in which whosoever will observe, may find words and phrases which perhaps the Attick pu∣rity, perhaps Grammar, will not approve of. And yet I doubt not but Classick authorities may be brought, where 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 shall signifie, not a winking, or not taking notice of, but a looking farther, a not resting in this, but a driving higher, for so it is rendred by Stephanus, Ad ulteriora oculos conver∣tere; and then the phrase shall be as proper as the sense, the Gre•k as authentical as the doctrine, that God looking over and not insisting upon the ignorance of the former Heathen, at Christs coming en∣tred a Covenant with their Successors, the condition of which was, that every man every where should repent.

And this is made good by the Gr. Schol. of the N. T. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. that is spoken,*not that the former heathen should be unpunished, but that their Successors to whom St. Paul preached, if they would re∣pent, should not be called to an account of their ignorance, should not fare the worse for the ignorance of their Fathers; and at this drives also Chrysostome, out of whom the Scholiasts may seem to have bor∣rowed it, their whole 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 being but 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, gleanings out of the Fathers before them.* I might farther prove the necessity of this interpretation, if it were required of me: and thus far I have stay'd you to prove it, because our English is somewhat imperfect in the expression of it. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, saith Aristotle, Two Cubes are not a Cube, but another figure very different from it: and in∣deed our English Translations by making two Propositions of this Verse, have varied the native sin∣gle Proposition in that regard, and made it unlike it self, which briefly (if I can inform my self aright) should run thus, by way of one simple Enunciation; God therefore not insisting on, but looking over those times of ignorance, doth now command all men every where to repent; of which those three lines in Leo his fourth Sermon de Passione Domini, are a just Paraphrase, Nos sub veteris ignorantiae profunda nocte pereuntes, in Patriarcharum societatem, & sortem electi gregis adoptavit.* So then the words being represented to you in this Scheme or single Diagram, are the Covenant of mercy made with the Progeny of ignorant Heathens upon condition of repentance, in which you may observe two grand parallel lines, •. the ignorance of the Heathen, such as in the justice of God, might have provoked Page  640 him to have pretermitted the whole world of succeeding Gentiles: 2. the mercy of God, not im∣puting their ignorance to our charge, whosoever every where to the end of the world shall repent. And first of the first, the ignorance of the Heathen in these words, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the times, &c.

If for the clearing of this bill, we should begin our inquest at Japhet the father of the Gentiles, examine them all by their gradations, we should in the general find the evidence to run thus; 1. That they were absolutely ignorant, as ignorance is opposed to learning: 2. Ignorant in the af∣fairs of God, as ignorance is opposed to piety or spiritual wisdom: 3. Ignorant supinely, perversely, and maliciously, as it is opposed to a simple or more excuseable ignorance.

Their absolute ignorance or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, their want of learning, is at large proved by St. Austin 18. de Civ. Dei, Eusebius Praepar. 10. Clemens in his Protr•p. and others, some of whose writings to this purpose (because it is easier for my Auditors to believe me in gross, than to be troubled with the retail) is this, that the beginnings of learning in all kinds, was among the Jews, whilst the whole Heathen world besides, was barbarously ignorant; that Moses appointed Masters among the tribes, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which initiated the youth of Israel in all kind of secular learning; or if you will believe Patricius and his proofs,* that Sem erected, and afterwards Heber enlarged Scholas Doctri∣narum, Schools or Seminaries of learning, where learning was professed and taught, that Abraham, as Eusebius cites Nic. Damascenus for it, was excellent in the Mathematicks, and dispersed and com∣municated his knowledge in Chaldea, from whence the Aegyptians, and from them the Grecians came to them;* that Enoch was probably judg'd by Polyhistor, to be that Atlas to whom the Heathen im∣puted the beginning of Astronomy; that in the summ, all learning was primitive among the Hebrews, and from them by stealth and filching, some seeds of it sown in Phoenicia, Aegypt, and at last in Greece. For they make it plain by computation, that Moses (who yet was long after Enoch, and Sem, and Heber, and Abraham, all in confesso great Scholars) that Moses, I say, was 1500 years an∣cienter than the Greek Philosophers, that all the learning that is found and bragg'd of amongst the Grecians (whose ignorance my Text chiefly deals with, St. Pauls discourse here being addrest to the Athenians) was but a babe of a day old, in respect of the true antiquity of learning: that all their Philosophy was but scraps, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which fell from the Jews tables; that in their stealth they were very imprudent, glean'd only that which was not worth carrying away, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. stuft their sacks, which they carried into Aegypt to buy food, only with some unprofitable chaff, with empty speculations that would puff up, not fill or nourish the soul, but brought no valu∣able real commodity away with them, whereby they might improve their knowledge, or reform their manners; upon which two grounds, 1. the vanity and unprofitableness of their learning; 2. the novelty of it in respect of the Hebrews from whom they stole it afar off; they are not thought worthy of the title of Scholars; and for all the noise of their Philosophy, are yet judged absolute∣ly ignorant, as ignorance is opposed to learning.

In the second, for their ignorance in the affairs of God, their own Authors examination will bring in a sufficient evidence. If you will sort out the chiefest names of learned men amongst them, you will there find the veriest dunces in this learning. The Deipnosophists, the only wits of the time, are yet described by Athenaeus, to imploy their study only how to get good chear a free-cost, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, they fed deliciously, and yet were at no charge for the provision; and amongst them, you shall scarcely find any knowledge or worship of even their Heathen Gods, but only in drinking, where their luxury had this excuse or pretence of religion, that it was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, an experiment of the power of that good God, which had provided such a crea∣ture as Wine for them to abuse; which perhaps a drunken Romish Casuist stole from them, where he allows of drinking supra modum, ad glorificandum Deum, &c. to the glorifying of God, Creator of so excellent a creature, which hath the effect in it of turning men into beasts. So that it seems by the story of them in brief, that the Deipnosophists, men of the finest, politest conceits, as Ʋlpianus Tyri∣us, Calliphanes, and the like in Athenaeus, in the multitude of the Grecian Gods had but one Deity, and that was their belly, which they worshipped religioso luxu, not singing, but eating and drinking praises to his name; to this add the Sophistae, Protagoras, Hippias, and the like great boasters of learn∣ing in Socrates his time, and much followed by the youth, till he perswaded them from admiring such unprofitable professors, and these are observed by Plutarch, to be meer hucksters of vain glo∣ry; getting great store of money and applause from their auditors, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, silver and po∣pularity, but had no manner of profitable learning to bestow upon them, as Plutarch dooms them in his Platonick questions, and Socrates in his Dialogues in confutation of them; and certainly by their very profession 'tis plain that these men had no God to know or worship, except their gain. But not to insist on these or other their Professors of more curious, trim, polite learning, as their Phi∣losophers, Grammarians, and Rhetoricians, it will be more seasonable to our Text to examine St. Pauls auditors here, the great speculators among them: (1) the deepest Philosophers, and there where you expect the greatest knowledge, you shall find the most barbarous ignorance; in the midst of the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 of the Grecians, the Philosophers (saith Clem. and 'tis plain by their writings) finding out and acknowledging in private this multitude of Gods to be a prodigious vanity, and in∣finitely below the gravity and wisdom of their profession, took themselves off from this unreaso∣nable worship, and almost each of them in private worshipped some one God. And here you would think that they jump'd with the Jews of that time, in the acknowledging an unity: but if you mark them you shall find that they did not reform the popular Atheism, but only varied it into a more rational way. Thales would not acknowledge Neptune, as the Poets and people did, but yet he de∣ifies the water,* as Clem. observes: another scorned to be so senseless as to worship wood or stone, and yet he deifies the earth, the parent of them both, and as senseless as them both; and does at once calcare terram, & colere, tread on the earth with his feet, and adore it with his heart. So Socrates (who by bringing in morality, was a great refiner and pruner of barren Philosophy) abso∣lutely denying the Grecian Gods,* and thence called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, is yet brought in by Aristophanes, wor∣shipping the clouds, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. and by a more friendly Historian described addressing a sa∣crifice to Aesculapius,* being at the point of death. So that in brief, the Philosophers disliking the Page  641 vulgar superstition, went to School, saith Clem. to the Persian Magi, and of them learnt a more Scholastick Atheism. The worship of those venerable Elements, which because they were the begin∣nings, out of which natural bodies were composed, were by these naturalists admired and worship∣ped instead of the God of nature. From which a man may plainly judge of the beginning and ground of the general Atheism of Philosophers, that it was a superficial knowledge of Philosophy, the sight of second causes and dwelling on them, and being unable to go any higher. For men by nature being inclined to acknowledge a Deity, take that to be their God which is the highest in their sphere of knowledge, or the supremum cognitum which they have attained to; whereas if they had been studious, or able, by the dependence of causes, to have proceeded beyond these Elements, they might possibly, nay certainly would have been reduced to piety and religion, which is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the knowledge and worship of God; but there were many hindrances which kept them gro∣veling on the earth, not able to ascend this ladder: 1. They wanted that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,* which Aphrod. on the Topicks speaks of, that kindly, familiar good temper, or disposition of the soul, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, by which the mind is able to find out and judge of truth; they want∣ed either that natural harmony, or spiritual concord of the powers of the soul, by which it is able to reach those things which now in corrupt nature, are only spiritually descerned. For it is Clem. his Christian judgment of them, that the Gentiles being but Bastards, not true born sons of God, but Aliens from the Commonwealth of Israel, were therefore not able to look up toward the Light,* (as 'tis observed of the bastard-brood of Eagles) or consequently to discern that inaccessible light, till they were received into the Covenant, and made 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, true proper Children of light. A second hindrance was the grosseness and earthiness of their fancy, which was not able to conceive God to be any thing but a corporeous substance, as Philoponus observes in Schol. on the books de ani∣ma,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. When we have a mind to betake our selves to divine speculation, our fancy comes in, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, raises such a tempest in us, so many earthly meteors to clog, and over-cloud the soul, that it cannot but conceive the Deity under some bodily shape, and this disorder of the fancy doth perpetually attend the soul, even in the fairest weather, in its greatest calm and serenity of affections, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. saith Plato, even when the soul is free from its ordinary distractions, and hath provided it self most accurately for contemplation. Philoponus in this place finding this inconvenience, fetches a remedy out of Plotinus for this rarifying and purifying of the fancy, and it is the study of the Mathematicks,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 &c. Let young men be brought up in the study of the Mathematicks, to some acquaintance with an incorporeous nature: but how unprofitable a re∣medy this study of the Mathematicks was, to the purpose of preparing the soul to a right conceit of God, I doubt not but he himself afterwards found, when he turned Christian, and saw how far their Mathematical and Metaphysical abstractions fell below those purest Theological conceits, of which only grace could make him capable. So that in brief their understanding being fed by their fancies, and both together fatned with corporeous phantasms, as they encreased in natural knowledge, grew more hardned in spiritual ignorance, and as Clem saith of them, were like birds cram'd in a Coop;* fed in darkness, and nourished for death: their gross conceits groping on in obscurity, and fur∣nishing them only with such opinions of God, as should encrease both their ignorance and damna∣tion. That I be not too large and confused in this discourse, let us pitch upon Aristotle one of the latest of the Ancient Philosophers, not above 340 years before Christ, who therefore seeing the va∣nities, and making use of the helps of all the Grecian learning, may probably be judged to have as much knowledge of God as any Heathen; and indeed the Colen Divines had such an opinion of his skill and expressions that way, that in their tract of Aristotles Salvation, they define him to be Christs Praecursor in Naturalibus, as John Baptist was in gratuitis. But in brief, if we examine him, we shall find him much otherwise, as stupid in the affairs of 1. God, 2. the Soul, 3. Happiness, as any of his fellow Gentiles. If the book 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, were his own legitimate work, a man might guess that he saw something, though he denyed the particular providence of the Deity, and that he ac∣knowledged his omnipotence, though he would not be so bold with him, as to let him be busied in the producing of every particular sublunary effect. The man might seem somewhat tender of God, as if being but newly come acquainted with him, he were afraid to put him to too much pains, as judging it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 &c. neither comely nor befitting the Majesty of a God,*to interest him∣self in every action upon earth. It might seem a reverence and awe which made him provide the same course for God, which he saw used in the Courts of Susa and Echatana, where the King (saith he) lived invisible in his Palace, and yet by his Officers, as through prospectives and Otacousticks, saw and heard all that was done in his Dominions. But this book being not of the same complexion with the rest of his Philosophy, is shrewdly guest to be a spurious issue of latter times, entitled to Aristotle and translated by Apuleius, but not owned by its brethren, the rest of his books of Philo∣sophy; for even in the Metaphysicks (where he is at his wisest) he censures Zenophanes for a Clown for looking up to Heaven, and affirming that there was one God there, the cause of all things, and rather than he will credit him, he commends Parmenides for a subtle fellow, who said nothing at all, or I am sure to no purpose.

Concerning his knowledge of the soul, 'tis Philoponus his observation of him,* that he perswades only the more understanding, laborious, judicious sort to be his Auditors in that subject, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. But dehorts men of meaner vulgar parts, less intent to their study, from med∣ling at all with this science about the soul, for he plainly tells them in his first de anima,* 'tis too hard for any ordinary capacity, and yet in the first of the Metaph. he defines the wise man to be one who besides his own accurate knowledge of hard things, as the Causes of the soul, &c. is also able to teach any body else, who hath such an habit of knowledge, and such a command over it, that he can make any Auditor understand the abstrusest mystery in it. So then out of his own words he is convinced to have had no skill, no wisdom in the business of the soul, because he could not explain nor communicate this knowledge to any but choice Auditors. The truth is, these were but shifts of pride, and am∣bitious pretences to cloak a palpable ignorance, under the habit of mysterious, deep speculation: when alas poor man! all that which he knew, or wrote of the soul, was scarce worth learning, Page  642 only enough to confute his fellow ignorant Philosophers, to puzzle others, to puffe himself; but to profit, instruct, or edifie none.

In the third place, concerning happiness, he plainly bewrays himself to be a coward, not daring to meddle with Divinity. For 1 Eth. c. 9.* being probably given to understand, or rather indeed plainly convinced, that if any thing in the world were, then happiness must likely be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the gift of God bestowed on men, yet he there staggers at it, speaks sceptically, and not so magiste∣rially as he is wont, dares not be so bold as to define it: and at last does not profess his ignorance, but takes a more honourable course, and puts it off to some other place to be discust. Where An∣dronicus Rhodius his Greek Paraphrase, tells us he meant his Tract 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, about Providence: but in all Laërtius his Catalogue of the multitude of his writings, we find no such title, and I much suspect by his other carriages, that the man was not so valiant as to deal with any so unwieldy a sub∣ject, as the Providence would have proved. Sure I am he might, if he had had a mind to it, have quitted himself of his engagements, and seasonably enough have defined the fountain of happiness there,* in Ethicks, but in the 10. c. it appears that it was no pretermission, but ignorance; not a care of deferring it to a fitter place, but a necessary silence, where he was not able to speak. For there mentioning happiness and miserableness after death, (where he might have shewed his skill if he had had any) he plainly betrays himself an arrant naturalist, in defining all the felicity, and misery, to be the good or ill proof of their friends and children left behind them, which are to them being dead, hap∣piness or miseries, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, of which they are not any way sensible. But * of what hath been spoken it is plain that the Heathen never looked after God of their own accord, but as they were driven upon him by the necessity of their study, which from the second causes, necessarily lead them in a chain to some view of the first mover; and then, some of them, either frighted with the light, or despairing of their own abilities, were terrified or discouraged from any farther search; some few others sought after him, but as Aristotle saith the Geometer doth, after a right line only, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,* as a contemplator of truth, but not as the knowledge of it is any way useful or con∣ducible to the ordering, or bettering of their lives: they had an itching desire to know the Deity, but neither to apply it as a rule to their actions, nor to order their actions to his glory. For gene∣rally whensoever any action drove them on any subject which intrenched on Divinity, you shall find them more flat than ordinary, not handling it according to any manner of accuracy or sharpness, but only 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, only as much use or as little as their study in the search of things constrain∣ed them to, and then for most part they fly off abruptly, as if they were glad to be quit of so cum∣bersom a subject.* Whence Aristotle observes, that the whole Tract de causis was obscurely and in∣artificially handled by the Ancients, and if sometimes they spake to the purpose, 'twas as unskilful, unexercised fencers 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, they lay on, and sometimes strike a lucky blow or two, but more by chance than skill, sometimes letting fall from their pens those truths which never entred their understandings,* as Theophilus ad Auto. observes of Homer and Hesiod, that being inspired by their Muses, i. e. the devil, spake according to that spirit, lyes and fables, and exact Atheism, and yet sometimes would stumble upon a truth of Divinity, as men possest with Devils, did sometimes confess Christ, and the evil spirits being adjured by his name, came out and confest themselves to be devils. Thus it is plain out of the Philosophers and Heathen discourses, 1. Of God, 2. The Soul, 3 Happiness, that they were also ignorant, as ignorance is opposed to piety or spiritual wis∣dom, which was to be proved by way of premise, in the second place.

Now in the third place, for the guilt of their ignorance, that it was a perverse, gross, malicious and unexcusable ignorance, you shall briefly judge. Aristotle, 1 Met. 2.* being elevated above ordi∣nary in his discourse about wisdom, confesses the Knowledge of God to be the best Knowledge and most honourable of all, but of no manner of use or necessity; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. No Knowledge is better than this, yet none more unnecessary, as if the Evidence of truth made him confess the nobility of this wisdom, but his own supine, stupid, perverse resolutions made him contemn it as unnecessary. But that I may not charge the accusation too hard upon Aristotle above others, and take as much pains to damn him, as the Colen Divines did to save him, we will deal more at large, as Aristotle prescribes his wise men,* 1. Met. and rip up to you the unexecusableness of the heathen ignorance in general:* 1. By the authority of Clemens, who is guest to be one of their kindest patrons in his 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. where having cited many testimonies out of them, concerning the unity, he concludes thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. Seeing that the Heathen had some sparks of the divine truth, some gleanings out of the written word, and yet make so little use of it as they do; they do, saith he, shew the power of Gods word to have been revealed to them, and accuse their own weakness, that they did not improve it to the end for which it was sent; that they encreased it not into a saving knowledge; where (by the way) the word weakness is used by Clement by way of softning, or mercy, as here the Apostle useth ignorance, when he might have said impiety. For sure if the accusation run thus, that the word of God was reveal∣ed to them, and yet they made no use of it, as it doth here in Clem. the sentence then upon this, must needs conclude them, not only 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, weak, but perverse contemners of the light of Scripture. Again, the Philosophers themselves confess that ignorance is the nurse, nay, mother of all impiety: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,* &c. whatsoever an ignorant man or fool doth, is unholy and wicked necessarily; ignorance being 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a species of madness, and no mad-man being capable of any sober acti∣on; so that if their ignorance were in the midst of means of knowledge, then must it be perverse; if it had an impure influence upon all their actions, then was it malicious and full of guilt. 2. Their chief ground that sustained and continued their ignorance, proves it to be not blind but affected, which ground you shall find by the Heathen objection in Clem. to be a resolution not to change the re∣ligion of their fathers.* 'Tis an unreasonable thing, say the Heathens, which they never will be brought to, to change the customs bequeathed to them by their ancestors. From whence the Father solidly concludes, that there was not any means in nature, which could make the Christian Religion contemned and hated, but only this pestilent custom of never altering any customs or laws, though never so unreasonable: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. 'tis not possible that ever any nation should hate and fly from this greatest blessing that ever was bestowed upon mankind, to wit, the knowledge and worship of God, Page  643 unless being carried on by custom, they resolved to go the old way to Hell, rather than to venture on a new path to Heaven. Hence it is,* that Athenagoras in his Treaty with Commodus for the Chri∣stians, wonders much that among so many Laws made yearly in Rome, there was not one enacted 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that men should forsake the customs of their fathers, which were any way absurd. From whence he falls straight to their absurd Deities, as if it being made lawful to relin∣quish ridiculous customs, there would be no plea left for their ridiculous gods.* So Eusebius Praep. l. 2. makes the cause of the continuance of superstition to be, that no man dared to move those things which ancient custom of the Country had authorized; and so also in his fourth book, where to bring in Christianity was accounted 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to change things that were fixt,*〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. and to be pragmatical, friends of innovation; and so 'tis plain they esteemed St. Paul, and hated him in that name, as an Innovator, because he preached unto them Jesus and the resur∣rection, Acts 17.18.* So Acts the 16.21. St. Paul is said to teach customs which were not lawful for them to receive nor observe, being Romans, because, saith Casaubon out of Dio, 'twas not lawful for the Romans to innovate any thing in religion, for saith Dio, this bringing in of new Gods, will bring in new Laws with it. So that if (as hath been proved) their not acknowledging of the true God,* was grounded upon a perverse resolution, not to change any custom of their fathers, either in opinion or practice, though never so absurd; then was the ignorance (or as St. Paul might have called it, the idolatry) of those times impious, affected, not a natural blindness, but a pertinacious winking, not a simple deafness, but a resolved stubbornness not to hear the voice of the charmer; which we might further prove by shewing you thirdly, how their learning or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which might be pro∣ved an excellent preparative to religion, their Philosophy, which was to them as the Law to the Jews, by their using of it to a perverse end, grew ordinarily very pernicious to them. 4. How that those which knew most, and were at the top of prophane knowledge, did then fall most desperately head∣long into Atheism; as Hippocrates observes, that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and St. Basil, that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,*the most perfect constitution of body, so of the soul, is most dangerous, if not sustained with good care and wisdom. 5. How they always forged lies to scandal the people of God, as Manetho the famous Aegyptian Historian saith, that Moses and the Jews were banished out of Aegypt, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, because of an infectious leprosie that over-spread the Jews, as Theophilus cites it, and Justine out of Trogus,* and also Tacitus; and the Primitive Christians were branded and abomined by them for three spe∣cial fau•ts, which they were little likely to be guilty of; 1. Atheism, 2. Eating their Children, 3. In∣cestuous, common using of women,* as we find them set down and confuted by Athen. in his Treaty or Apology, and Theophilus ad Autol. &c. 6. By their own confession, as of Plato to his friend, when he wrote in earnest, and secretly acknowledging the unity which he openly denied, against his con∣science and the light of reason in him; and Orpheus the inventer of the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, professing and worshipping 365. Gods all his life time, at his death left in his will 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that, however he had perswaded them all the while, there was indeed but one God. And lastly, how these two affections in them,*admiration and gratitude; admiration of men of extraordinary worth, and gratitude for more than ordinary benefactions done either to particular men or Nations, were the chief promoters of ido∣latry; making the Heathens worship them as Gods, whom they were acquainted with, and knew to be but men, as might be proved variously and at large. If I could insist upon any or each of these,* it would be most evident, what I hope now at last is proved enough, that the ignorance of those times was not simple, blind ignorance, but malign, perverse, sacrilegious, affected, stubborn, wilful, I had almost said, knowing ignorance in them; which being the thing we first promised to demon∣strate, we must next make up the Proposition which is yet imperfect, to wit, that ignorance in these Heathen, in Gods justice, might have provoked him to have pretermitted the whole world of succeeding Gentiles: which I must dispatch only in a word, because I would fain descend to Application, which I intended to be the main, but the improvident expence of my time, hath now left only to be the close of my discourse.

The ignorance of those times being of this composition, both in respect of the superstition of their worship, which was perverse, as hath been proved, and the prophaneness of their lives, being abominable even to nature (as might farther be shewed) is now no longer to be called ignorance, but prophaneness, and a prophaneness so Epidemical over all the Gentiles, so inbred and naturalized among them, that it was even become their property, radicated in their mythical times, and by continual succession derived down to them by their generations. So that if either a natural man with the eye of reason, or a spiritual man by observation of Gods other acts of justice, should look upon the Gentiles in that state which they were in at Christs coming, all of them damnable superstitious, or rather idolatrous in their worship; all of them damnable prophane in their lives; and which was worse, all of them pe∣remptorily resolved, and by a law of homage to the customs of their fathers, necessarily ingaged to continue in the road of damnation; he would certainly give the whole succession of them over as de∣sperate people, infinitely beyond hopes or probability of salvation. And this may appear by St. Peter in the 10. of the Acts, where this very thing, that the Gentiles should be called,* was so incredible a mystery, that he was fain to be cast into a trance, and to receive a vision to interpret it to his be∣lief: and a first or a second command could not perswade him to arise, kill, and eat▪ verse 16.* that is, to preach to Gentiles; he was still objecting the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the prophaneness and unclean∣ness of them. And at last, when by the assurance of the spirit, v. 15.* and the Heathen Cornelius his discourse with him, he was plainly convinced, what otherwise he never dreamt possible, that God had a design of mercy on the Gentiles, he breaks out into a phrase both of acknowledgment and ad∣miration, Of a truth I perceive, &c. verse 34.* and that you may not judge it was one single Doctors opinion, 'tis added, verse 45.*And they of the Circumcision which believed, were astonished, because that on the Gentiles also was poured out the gift of the Holy Ghost. Nay, in the 3 to the Ephesians verse 10. it is plain, that the calling of the Gentiles was so strange a thing, that the Angels themselves knew not of it till it was effected. For this was the mystery which from the beginning of the world had been hid in God, verse 9. which was now made known by the Church to principalities and powers, verse 10. The brief plain meaning of which hard place is, that by St. Pauls preaching to the Gentiles, by this new Page  644 work done in the Church, to wit, the calling of the Gentiles, the Angels came to understand some∣what, which was before too obscure for them, till it was explained by the event, and in it the ma∣nifold wisdom of God. And this Proposition I might prove to you by many Topicks: 1. By sym∣ptoms, that their estate was desperate, and their disease 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, very, very mortal; as that God, when he would mend a people, he punisheth them with afflictions; when he intends to stop a current of impetuous sinners, he lays the ax to the root, in a 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or total subversion of them: but when his punishments are spiritual, as they were here, when he strikes neither with the rod, nor with the sword, but makes one sin the punishment of another, as unnatural lust of idolatry, and the like; when he leaves a nation to it self, and the very judgement laid upon them, makes them only less capable of mercy; then is it much to be feared that God hath little mercy intended for that peo∣ple, their desertion being a forerunner of judgment without mercy. 2. I might prove it ab exem∣plo, and that exactly with a nec datur dissimile in Scripture, that the nine Monarchies which the learn∣ed observe in Scripture, were each of them destroyed for idolatry, in which sin the Heathen now received to mercy, surpass all the precedent world, and for all their many destructions, still uniform∣ly continued in their provocation. These and the like arguments I purposely omit, as * concerning St. Peters vision mentioned before out of the 10 of the Acts, sufficiently to clear the point, and therefore judging any farther enlargement of proofs superfluous, I hasten with full speed to Ap∣plication.

And first from the consideration of our estate, who being the off-spring of those Gentiles, might in the justice of God have been left to Heathenism, and in all probability, till St. Peters vision disco∣vered the contrary, were likely to have been pretermitted eternally; to make this both the motive and business of our humiliation: for there is such a Christian duty required of us, for which we ought to set apart some tithe, or other portion of time, in which we are to call our selves to an account for all the general guilts, for all those more Catholick engagements that either our stock, our nation, the sins of our progenitors back to the beginning of the world, nay, the common corruption of our nature hath plunged us in. To pass by that ranker guilt of actual sins (for which I trust, every man here, hath daily some solemn Assizes to arraign himself) my text will afford us yet some farther indictments; if 1700 years ago, our father were then an Amorite, and mother an Hittite, if we being then in their loyns, were inclosed in the compass of their idolatry; and as all in Adam, so besides that, we again in the Gentilism of our Fathers, were all deeply plunged in a double com∣mon damnation; how are we to humble our selves infinitely above measure; to stretch, and rack, and torture every power of our souls to its extent, thereby to enlarge and aggravate the measure of this guilt against our selves, which hitherto perhaps we have not taken notice of? There is not a better 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in the world, no more powerful medicine for the softning of the soul, and keeping it in a Christian tenderness, than this lading it with all the burdens that its common or private con∣dition can make it capable of; this tiring of it out, and bringing it down into the dust, in the sense of its spiritual engagements. For 'tis impossible for him, who hath fully valued the weight of his general guilts, each of which hath lead enough to sink the most corky, vain, fluctuating, proud, stubborn heart in the world; 'tis impossible, I say, for him either wilfully to run into any actual sins, or insolently to hold up his head in the pride of his integrity. This very one meditation, that we all hear might justly have been left in heathenism, and that the sins of the Heathens shall be imputed to us their children, if we do not repent, is enough to loosen the toughest, strongest spirit, to melt the flintiest heart, to humble the most elevated soul, to habituate it with such a sense of its common miseries, that it shall never have courage or confidence to venter on the danger of particular Rebellions.

2. From the view of their ignorance or impiety, which was of so hainous importance, to examine our selves by their indictment, 1. For our learning; 2. For our lives; 3. For the life of grace in us. 1. For our learning, Whether that be not mixed with a great deal of Atheistical ignorance, with a delight, and aquiescence, and contentation in those lower Elements, which have nothing of God in them: whether we have not sacrificed the liveliest and spritefullest part of our age, and souls, in these Philological and Physical disquisitions, which if they have not a perpetual aspect and aim at Divinity, if they be not set upon in that respect, and made use of to that purpose; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, saith Clement,* their best friend, they are very hurtful, and of dangerous issue; Whether out of our circle of humane heathen learning, whence the Fathers produced precious antidotes, we have not suckt the poyson of unhallowed vanity, and been fed either to a pride and ostentation of our secular, or a satiety or loathing of our Theological learning, as being too coarse and homely for our quainter palates; Whether our studies have not been guilty of those faults which cursed the Heathen know∣ledge,* as trusting to our selves, or wit and good parts, like the Philosophers in Athenagoras,〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. not vouchsafing to be taught by God, even in matters of religion, but every man consulting, and believing, and relying on his own reason; Again, in making our study an instrument only to sa∣tisfie our curiosity, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, only as speculators of some unknown truths, not intending or desiring thereby either to promote vertue, good works, or the Kingdom of God in our selves, or which is the ultimate end (which only commends and blesses our study or knowledge) the glory of God in others.

2. In our lives, to examine whether there are not also many relicks of heathenism, altars erected to Baalim, to Ceres, to Venus, and the like; Whether there be not many amongst us whose God is their belly, their back, their lust, their treasure, or that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that earthly unknown God (whom we have no one name for, and therefore is called at large) the God of the world; Whether we do not with as much zeal, and earnestness, and cost, serve and worship many earthy vanities which our own phansies deifie for us, as ever the Heathen did their multitude and shole of gods; And in brief, whether we have not found in our selves the sins, as well as the blood of the Gentiles, and acted over some or all the abominations, set down to judge our selves by, Rom. i. from the 21 verse to the end.

Lastly, for the life of grace in us, Whether many of us are not as arrant heathens, as mere stran∣gers Page  645 from spiritual illumination, and so from the mystical Commonwealth of Israel, as any of them; Clem. Strom. 2. calls the life of your unregenerate man, a Heathen life,* and the first life we have by which we live, and move, and grow, and see, but understand nothing; and 'tis our regeneration by which we raise our selves 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, from being still mere Gentiles: and Tatianus farther;* that without the spirit, we differ from beasts, only 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, by the articulation of our voice. So that in fine, neither our reason, nor Christian profession, distinguisheth us either from beasts, or Gentiles; only the spirit in the formalis ratio by which we excel and differ from the Heathen sons of darkness. Wherefore, I say, to conclude, we must in the clearest calm and serenity of our souls, make a most ear∣nest search and inquest on our selves, whether we are yet raised out of this heathenism, this igno∣rance, this unregeneracy of nature, and elevated any degree in the estate of grace; and if we find our selves still Gentiles, and (which is worse than that) still senseless of that our condition, we must strive, and work, and pray our selves out of it, and not suffer the temptations of the flesh, the tem∣ptations of our nature, the temptations of the world, nay, the temptations of our secular, proud learning, lull us one minute longer in that carnal security, lest after a careless unregenerate natural life, we die the death of those bold, not vigilant, but stupid Philosophers. And for those of us who are yet any way Heathenish, either in our learning or lives; which have nothing but the name of Christians to exempt us from the judgment of their ignorance;

Now to God, who hath elected us, hath, &c.