A new history of ecclesiastical writers containing an account of the authors of the several books of the Old and New Testament, of the lives and writings of the primitive fathers, an abridgement and catalogue of their works ... also a compendious history of the councils, with chronological tables of the whole / written in French by Lewis Ellies du Pin.

Of some Letters attributed to St. Gregory, which are either uncertain or supposititious.

HAving made Extracts out of the Letters of St. Gregory, we must here make some remarks upon those Letters which are either to be rejected as supposititious, or whereof there may be some cause to doubt.

The 54th Letter of the second Ind. of B. 7. address'd to Secundinus a recluse Monk, is either wholly forged, or very much corrupted, although Paul the Deacon has put it in the number of the 54 Letters of St. Gregory which he had collected. For 1. the Discipline which is establish'd in that Letter concerning the Clergy who fell into sins of Uncleanness, is perfectly opposite to that of St. Gre∣gory. We have observed that St. Gregory did not leave them any hope of being restor'd, nor of dis∣charging the Duties of their Office, and that he affirms it as a thing undoubted, that this was never permitted, and that he cannot allow it, and if he should it would wholly subvert the order of Ca∣nonical Discipline. On the contrary, the Author of this Letter undertakes to prove that the Priests and Clergy-men, who were fall'n into these sins, ought to be restored. 2. The style of one part of this Letter is very different from that of St. Gregory. There it is said that Secundinus asked him, De Sacerdo∣tali Officio post lapsum authoritates resurgendi. And a little after, Dicit sanctitas tua se diversas sententias invenisse, alias resurgendi alias nequaquam posse, &c. Gregory never spoke after such a barbarous man∣ner. 3. There is no coherence nor connexion in the different parts of this Letter, contrary to the custom of St. Gregory. 4. The Manuscripts are very different; of thirty Manuscripts there are but two in which that place is to be found which concerns the Restauration of Clergy-men fall'n into the sins of Uncleanness; that which concerns Images, and is at the end of the same Letter, is in very few Manuscripts; which proves that these two places at least have been added, neither have they any connexion with the other parts of the Letter.

The Epistle 31. of Book 10. appears also to me to be very doubtful: It's not a Letter of St. Gre∣gory, but a Declaration of a Schismatical Bishop, sign'd by him and his Clergy, wherein he promi∣ses never to relapse into his Schism, under the Pain of Deprivation and Excommunication. In the Title he speaks of Heresie, and in the body of the Writing he speaks, only of Schism. 2. 'Tis no where noted to whom this Declaration was made. 3. He promises to St. Peter the Prince of the A∣postles, and his Vicar the blessed Gregory; which Form does not appear to be so ancient. 4. He swears by the Holy Gospels, and by the Genius of the Emperors. But the Christians would never swear by the Genius of the Emperors under Pagan Emperors; how then should this Form be au∣thorized under a Christian Emperor in an Oath made by a Bishop for an Affair purely Ecclesiastical? 5. 'Tis said in this Declaration, that it was made under the Consuls; but there had not been any Consuls for a long time before. 6. Lastly, This Form is not found in many Manuscripts.

The Memorial concerning the Proclamation of the Emperor Phocas, which is at the beginning of B. 11. is a very uncertain Piece, which ought not to be rank'd among the Letters of St. Gregory, no more then the following Sermon concerning the Processions which St. Gregory caus'd to be made in the time of Mortality, which ought to be plac'd at the beginning of St. Gregory's Pontificat; 'tis found in some Manuscripts before all the Letters.

The Priviledge which is suppos'd to have been granted to a Hospital of the Church of Autun, founded by Queen Brunehaud, and by Siagrius Bishop of that City, has been plac'd among the

Letters of St. Gregory in B. 11. Num. 10. and it must be confest that 'tis found in all the Manu∣scripts: Yet there are strong Reasons for rejecting it; for, 1. John the Deacon makes no mention of it in the Life of St. Gregory. 2. All the Clauses of this pretended. Priviledge are so many Proofs of its Forgery. By the first it forbids Kings and Bishops to touch the Goods given to this Monaste∣ry, or those which shall be given to it for the future, and leaves the whole Administration of them to the Abbot. By the second he gives the Nomination of the Abbot to the King, and leaves the Ap∣probation of him only to the Monks. By the third he Ordains that this Abbot shall not be Deposed but for a Crime; and if he is accused of it, the Bishop of Autun cannot make Process against him, but with six other Bishops. By the fourth 'tis forbidden to make a Bishop Abbot here. By the fifth the Bishop of Autun is disabled to draw out the Monks of this Hospital, and place them among his Clergy. All these Clauses are exorbitant, contrary to common Right, and to the Discipline esta∣blish'd by St. Gregory, who never granted the like Exemptions in the Priviledges which he gave: 3. The Penalty that those who shall violate some of the Articles of this Priviledge, is contrary both to the spirit of St. Gregory, and the practice of his time. There it is declared, that if any King, Bishop, Judge, or Secular Person violate the Rights of this Priviledge, he shall be deprived and de∣graded from his Dignity, Power, and Honour. St. Gregory never us'd these terms, and was more cautious then to do it, who did so much recommend Ecclesiastical Moderation, and shewed so great Veneration to Princes. 4. The style of this Priviledge is very different from that of St. Gregory's Letters.

The two following Letters are Copies of the same Priviledge which is supposed in the first to be granted to Thalassia the Abbess of the Monastery of St. Mary in the City of Autun; and in the second to Lupinus Priest of a Church of St. Martin in the Suburbs of Autun: which proves also the Forge∣ry of this Action; for what probability is there that St. Gregory should grant three Priviledges so ex∣traordinary to three different Communities of one and the same City.

There is in B. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 31. an Answer of St. Gregory to many Articles about which he had been con∣sulted by Austin the Monk. This Piece is not found in many Manuscripts of the Register of St. Gregory's Epistles, and in the eighth Century it was not in the Archieves of the Church of Rome, where Boniface, Archbishop of Mayence, caus'd search for it; which forc'd him to make an Address to Nothelmus Archbishop of Canterbury to ge••a Copy of it. This gave occasion to some to think that this Piece is supposititious; and it must be confest that some of the Answers are extraordinary e∣nough. Nevertheless it seems that the Authority of Paterius, a Disciple of St. Gregory, leaves no room to doubt whether this Writing be truly his, who relates two passages of it in the Extracts * 1.1 which he made out of the Works of St. Gregory: for it's no ways probable that he should quote a forged Piece, who had been Secretary to St. Gregory. 'Tis no wonder that a Copy of it could not be found at Rome in the time of Boniface; for being written for the English, and sent into Eng∣land, the Copies of it ought rather to be found in that Kingdom then at Rome: and in effect, this Writing was there very common. Beda transcribes it in his Ecclesiastical History of England, B. 1. c. 27. It's also cited by Egbert Bishop of York, and by Halitgarius a Bishop of Wales: Neither is it true that there was no Copy of it at Rome, since Pope Zachary quotes it in the Roman Council held in the Year 743, c. 15. Since the time of St. Anselm, Isidore, Ivo of Chartres, Gratian and all the Compilers of Conons and Decretals, have inserted these Answers of St. Gregory into their Collecti∣ons. I do not believe that this Letter was written by St. Gregory in the Year 598, a little after Au∣stin was Ordain'd, but rather in the Year 601, when he sent many Letters into England.

Here follows an Abridgment of the Questions of St. Austin, and the Answers of St. Gregory.

Question: What use should the Bishops make of the Revenues of the Church?

Answer. They ought to divide them into four parts. The first is for the Bishop and his Family, that he may exercise Hospitality and entertain Strangers. The second is for the Clergy. The third for the Poor; and the fourth for repairing Churches. He recommends it to St. Austin, to live in common with his Clergy.

Quest. 2. Whether the Ecclesiasticks, who have not the Gift of Continence, may marry, and if they do, whether they may return to Secular Affairs?

Answ. They may marry if they be not engag'd in Holy Orders, and such ought not to want sub∣sistence; but they shall be obliged to lead a Life agreeable to the Ecclesiastical state, and to sing the Psalms.

Quest. 3. Since there is but one and the same Faith, why have Churches different Customs? As for instance, Why is Mess celebrated after one manner in the French Church, and after another in the Church of Rome?

Answ. Altho Austin knows perfectly the Customs of the Church of Rome, yet he shall have li∣berty to choose in other Churches such Practices as he shall think most pleasing to God, that he may bring them into use in the Church of England.

Quest. 4. What should the Punishment be of him who robs the Church?

Answ. This ought to be regulated by the Quality of the Person who commits the Robbery, viz. Whether he has whereupon to subsist, or whether he did it thro necessity? Some ought to be pu∣nished by pecuniary Mulcts, by making them pay the Damage sustain'd, and the Interest of it: O∣thers ought to be punish'd in their Bodies; some ought to be punish'd more severely, others more slightly. But the Church must always use Charity in punishing and design nothing else but the Refor∣mation

of him whom it corrects. It ought not to be too rigorous in its Chastisments, nor to make advantage by the Robbery, by exacting more then it has lost.

Quest. 5. Can two Brothers, having the same Father and Mother, marry two Sisters which are a-kin to them in a very remote degree?

Answ. They may, since it is not forbidden in Scripture.

Quest. 6. To what Degree may the Faithful marry together? May one marry his Step-mother, or the Widow of his Brother?

Answ. A Roman Law, viz. that of Arcadius and Honorius, Cod. B. 5. T. 4. Leg. 19. permitted Marriages between Cousin-Germans: But St. Gregory did not think these Marriages convenient for two Reasons; 1. Because Experience shows, that no Children are born of them. 2. Because the Divine Law forbids them. But 'tis certain that those who are a-kin to the third or fourth Degree may marry together. 'Tis a great Crime for one to marry his Step-mother; neither is it lawful to marry his Sister-in-law.

Quest. 7. Must those be parted who have made an unlawful Marriage? Must they be depriv'd of the Communion?

Answ. Since there are many English who have contracted this kind of Marriages before their Conversion; therefore when they are converted you must make them understand that this is not lawful, and excite them by the fear of God's Judgment to refrain from it; but you must upon this account interdict them Communion. As to those who are already converted, they must be admo∣nish'd not to engage in any of this kind of Marriages, and if they do, they must be excluded from the Communion.

Quest. 8. When there are no neighbouring Bishops who can assemble together, may one Bishop only Ordain another?

Answ. Austin being at first the only Bishop in England, there was a great necessity that he alone should Ordain Bishops. If any went over to him from Gaul, he was to take them for Witnesses of his Ordination; and when he had Ordain'd many Bishops in England, he was to call three or four of them to be present at his Ordination.

Quest. 9. of Austin. After what manner he should deal with the Bishops of the Gauls, and of the ancient Britains?

Answ. of St. Gregory. He must know that he has no Authority over the Bishops of the Gauls, and the Bishop of Arles ought to enjoy the Priviledges which he had receiv'd from his Predecessors; that he ought to confer with him if there be any Disorders to be reform'd; that he may also excite him to do his Duty, if he were negligent or inconstant, but that he cannot challenge to himself a∣ny Authority among the Gauls. As to the Bishops of Britany, he speaks at another rate: For St. Gregory gives him full Jurisdiction over them, to teach the Ignorant, confirm the Weak, and correct the Disorderly * 1.2.

There is also a Request of Austin, wherein he desires the Reliques of St. Sixtus. The Pope tells him that he had sent them unto him, but he did not look upon them as certain. This Article is not found in the Copies of Bede, nor in many other Manuscripts, and probably it is supposititious.

Quest. 10. contains many Heads: Whether a Woman big with Child may be baptiz'd? How long it must be after her lying in, before she enter into the Church, and have Carnal dealing with her Husband? Whether it be lawful for a Woman, quae tenetur menstrua consuetudine, to enter into the Church? Whether a married Man may enter into the Church, after the use of marriage, without washing?

The Answers to these Heads of Questions are as follow. A Woman big with Child may be bap∣tiz'd. A woman that has newly layn in, ought not to be deny'd Entrance into the Church. A Woman who has newly layn in may be baptiz'd, and her Infant at the very moment of its Birth, if there be danger of death. A Husband ought not to come near his Wife after her lying in, until the Infant be wean'd; and if, by an abuse, she do not suckle it her self, he must wait till the time of her Purgation be over. A Woman who has her ordinary Infirmities, ought not to be for∣bidden to enter into the Church, nor to receive the Communion; but it were better for her to ab∣stain. A Man who has had Carnal Knowledge of his Wife, must wash himself before he enter into the Church, and Communicate.

Quest. 11. Whether it be lawful to receive the Communion the next day after natural Pollutions.

Answ. When these Pollutions proceed from the Infirmity of Nature, there is no fear; but when they proceed from eating or drinking too much, they are not altogether innocent; but this faultought not to hinder any from receiving the Communion, nor from celebrating Mess, when it is a Festival at which they must communicate, or when there is no other Priest to celebrate. But if there be o∣ther Priests, he who is in this condition ought in humility to abstain from celebrating, and especially

if this Pollution was attended with unclean Imaginations. Other Pollutions which proceed from the Thoughts which a Man had while he was waking are yet more Criminal, because these Thoughts are the cause of them; And in unchaste Thoughts we must distinguish three things, the Desire, the Pleasure, and the Consent. When there is only a Desire, there is not as yet any Sin, but when we take Pleasure in such Thoughts, then the Sin begins, and when we consent to them, then the Sin is finish'd.

The Letter which is attributed to Felix of Messina, is certainly a supposititious Piece. The Title does not well agree with the Custom of that time; Domino beatissimo & honorabili Sancto Patri Gregorio Papae, Felix vestrae salutis amator. The style of the Letter is affected, and has nothing na∣tural in it. The Author affirms, That Marriages were always forbidden to any within the seventh Degree of Consanguinity, and that the Council of Nice ordain'd thus; which is manifestly false. Lastly, He speaks of one Benedict Bishop of Syracuse; but he who was at that time in this See, was call'd John, and there never was a Bishop of Syracuse called Benedict.

The Authority of the Letter of St. Gregory to Felix, seems to be better founded. For, 1. John the Deacon recites a part of it in the Life of St. Gregory, B. 2. c. 37. Hincmarus, Regino, and the Canonists relates some Passages of it, and it is found in many Manuscripts. Yet there is great proba∣bility that it is either altogether forged, or very much corrupted. For, 1. It is plac'd in Indiction the seventh; but Felix was not at that time Bishop of Messina, for Donus succeeded him in the Year 598. 2. It is made up of Scraps taken out of several places of St. Gregory, and other Authors. The beginning of it is taken from Letter 111, B. 7. Ind. 2. There are allo in it some passages taken out of the fifth Letter of the fourth Book, and out of the Letters 394. 114. 120. of the seventh Book. There is a passage in it copied out of the second Letter falsly attributed to Pope Cornelius, the fifth Canon of the eleventh Council of Toledo, the sixth of the Council of Agda, a passage of the fifth Council of Rome under Symmachus, one Sentence of Isidore of Sevil. The Letter concludes in the same words with Letter 50 of B. 4. So that this Letter must be look'd upon as a Rhapsody taken out of many Pieces.

Lastly, The pretended Priviledge of St. Medardus of the Suessions, which is at the end of the Letters, has been so often overthrown, and by such convincing reasons, that I do not think any Man now dare maintain it. The chief Reasons which overthrow it, are these following; 1. It is not found in any Manuscript of St. Gregory, except one of St. Victor, which is not above four hundred years old; and Cardinal Bona attests, that this Priviledge is not found in the Archives of the Church of Rome. At first it was printed at the end of St. Gregory's Works, after that it was plac'd among his Letters in the Edition at Rome, and lastly, it was printed after the Letters. 2. The style a 1.3 of this Priviledge smells of the Barbarism of Modern Writers, and the Impertinence of an Impo∣stor.

The Clauses of this Priviledge are not only exorbitant and extraordinary, but also in defen∣sible b 1.4.

It contains many things false and contrary to History c 1.5.

The Subscriptions discover plainly the Forgery of it. There is found in it the Subscription of King Theodoricus, who was not yet upon the Throne: The Bishops of Carthage are made to sign it, and even those Bishops that were dead. There are ••ound in it two Bishops of one and the same See at the same time; and the Names of Bishops which are different from those, who are known to have been Bishops of these Churches at that time. Lastly, It is a thing unheard, that a Priviledge should be sign'd by so great a number of Bishops d 1.6

In fine, the Year 594 is us'd for the date of this L••tter; but we do not see that St. Gregory ever us'd this date; and that which renders it suspicious is, that the Jurisdiction which is subjoyn'd, an∣swears to the Year 593, and not to 594. All these Reasons prove invincibly the Forgery of this In∣strument, which deserv'd not to be plac'd among the Works of St. Gregory.

The Letter which is at the beginning of St. Gregory's Morals on the Book of Job, informs us of his Design in composing this Work, of the method in which he manag'd it, and how he put it in exe∣cution. It is address'd to St. Leander Bishop of Sevil, with whom he had contracted a very close Friendship at Constantinople, when he was there about the Affairs of the Holy See, and when St. Le∣ander was sent thither as Ambassador by the King of the Wisigoths. St. Gregory puts such Confidence in him, that he acquaints him with the disposition of his heart, and the troubles of mind he had endur'd, and disco vers to him, that tho God had inspir'd him with the desire of Heaven, and he was perswa∣ded, that it was more advantageous to forsake the World, yet he had delay'd his Conversion for ma∣ny years: That nevertheless he was at last deliver'd from the Entanglements of the World, and re∣tir'd into the happy Harbour of a Monastery; but he was quickly drawn from thence to enter into Orders, which engaged him anew in Secular Affairs, and oblig'd him to go to the Court of the Em∣peror at Constantinople: That nevertheless, he had the comfort to be attended thither by many Monks, with whom he had daily Spiritual Conferences. Then it was that they urg'd him with much im∣portunity, and St. Leander did even force him to explain to them the Book of Job, after such a manner as they desir'd, i. e. by subjoyning to the Allegorical Explication of the Historoy a Morality supported by many other Testimonies of Holy Scripture. This was the occasion which mov'd St. Gregory to undertake this Work. He repeated the beginning of it in the presence of his Monks, and dictated the rest in divers Treatises. Afterwards having more leisure, he added to it many things, cut off some, reduc'd the whole Work into better Order, and made it uniform, by changing the Discourses and Treatises to the same style. He divided this Work into 35 Books, which were distributed into six Tomes. He confesses that he sometimes neglected the Order and Coherence of the Exposition which he undertook, and apply'd himself wholly to Contemplation and Morality: But he excuses himself by saying, that whosoever speaks of God, ought necessarily to enlarge upon that which is most instructive and edifying for the Lives of those that hear him, and that he thought it the best method he could observe in his Work, to make a Digression sometimes from its principal subject, when an occasion presented it self of procuring the welfare and advantage of his Neighbour. He adds, that there are some things which he handles in a few words according to the truth of Hi∣story; other things whose allegorical and figurative senses he enquires after, and others from which he only draws Morality; and lastly, others which he explains with great care in all these three ways. He affirms also, that there are some places which cannot be explain'd literally, because if they should be taken precisely according to the sense of the words, instead of instructing those who read them, they would mislead them into Error, or confirm things that are contradictory. Lastly, he excuses the defects of his Work from his continual Sickness, and declares that he did not hunt after the Ornaments of Rhetorick, to which the Interpreters of Scripture are never oblig'd. At the conclusion of this Letter, he remarks, that he ordinarily follows the late Version of the Scrip∣ture; but yet he takes the liberty, when he thinks it necessary to quote passages, sometimes accord∣ing to the Old, and sometimes according to the New-Version; and that since the Holy See, over which he presided, us'd both the one and the other, he also employ'd them both indifferently, to au∣thorize and confirm what he asserted in his Work.

In the Preface of this Work having said, that some thought Moses to be the Author of the Book of Job, and others attributed it to the Prophets, he looks upon it as a thing very needless to enquire in what time Job liv'd, and who wrote his History, since 'tis certain that the Holy Spirit dictated it, altho 'tis very probable, that Job himself wrote it. After these few Historical Remarks, he enters upon General Reflexions of a Moral Nature, about the Patience of Job, the Afflictions of the Righ∣teous, the Pride of Job's Friends, the Conformity of Job to Jesus Christ. This is what the Preface contains.

The Body of the Commentary is agreeable to the Idea which he gives of it, i. e. that he does not insist upon the litteral Exposition but upon the Allegories and Moralities which he applies to the Text of Job, whereof a great part may be applied to every other place of Holy Scripture. But he does not so much labour to explain the Book of Job, as to amass together in one Work an infinite num∣ber of Moral Thoughts. And indeed it must be confess'd, that altho these Books are not a very good Commentary upon the Book of Job, yet they are a great Magazine of Morality. 'Tis incre∣dible, how many Principles, Rules and proper Instructions are to be found there for all sorts of Per∣sons, Ecclesiastical as well as Secular; for those who converse with the World, as well as for those who live in Retirement, for the Great and for the Small; in a word, for all sorts of States, Ages and Conditions. We shall not here undertake to give a particular account of them, for if we should make Extracts from such kind of Allegorical and Moral Commentaries, our Work would grow in∣finitely big. This is written with much simplicity and clearness, but it is not so very brisk and sub∣lime: yet it was very much esteem'd in the Life-time of St. Gregory, and admir'd after his Death. We learn from himself, that the Bishops caus'd it to be read in the Church. or at their Table, altho he would not suffer it to be done in modesty, and all those who have spoken of it since his death, have commended it as a most excellent Work. There is a Relation which says, That sometime after his Death, the Original which he had given to 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Leander, being lost in Spain, Tagion Bishop of Saragosa, was deputed in a Council held at Toledo under King Cyndesides, to be sent to Rome to en∣quire for a Copy of it: That this Bishop being arriv'd there, and finding no satisfaction from the Pope, who put him off from day to day, pretending it was very difficult to find these Books of St. Gregory, because of the multitude of Volumes that were in the Archieves of Rome; at last this good Bishop went to Prayers in the Church of St. Peter, and there appeared unto him the Apostles St. Peter, St. Paul, and their Successors, and among the rest St. Gregory, who drew near to him, and show'd him the Study where the Books were which he enquir'd after. This Relation which appear'd not till about 400 years ago, appears to me of little credit a 1.7.

The Pastoral of St. Gregory, or his Book about the Care which Pastors ought to take of their Flocks, was as well receiv'd as his Morals. It was no sooner gone out of the hands of St. Gregory, but it was sought for and valued by all those who had a love for Episcopacy. The great Reputa∣tion it had got, mov'd the Emperor Mauritius to desire it of Anatolius a Deacon of the Church of Rome, who was at Constantinople. Assoon as he had a Copy of it, he gave it to Anastasius the Pa∣triarch of Antioch, who translated it into Greek. St. Leander desir'd it of St. Gregory. In fine, this Book quickly spread over all the Churches, and the Bishops look'd upon it as their Rule: But chiefly those of France judg'd it so necessary, that they ordain'd in many Synods held in the ninth Age, that the Bishops should be oblig'd to understand it, and to live according to the Rules prescribed in it: And to the end that this Obligation might the more readily be remembred, it was put into their hand at the time of their Ordination b 1.8.

'Tis not without reason that this Book is so highly valued in France, for indeed it contains In∣structions of great Importance, and very good Rules about the Pastoral Office. 'Tis divided into four Parts. After a Letter to John Bishop of Ravenna, to whom St. Gregory address'd this Book, be∣cause he had reprov'd him for refusing the Priesthood so obstinately; He begins with showing what rashness it was for any one to undertake the Conduct of Souls. who had neither the Capacity nor Knowledge necessary for discharging it well; which he calls the Art of Arts, and Science of Scien∣ces. He deplores the blindness of those who are so unhappy as to seek after Ecclesiastical Offices, un∣der pretence of promoting the Salvation of Souls by their Direction, when indeed they have no o∣ther design but to satisfie their own ambitious desire of Honour, of appearing learned and able men, and of being exalted above others. He bemoans the People who are under the Conduct of such am∣bitious and ignorant men, who can neither instruct them by their Example, nor by word of mouth. He adds, That this Ignorance of Pastors is often a Punishment of their disorderly Life, and that God by a just Judgment suffers their Ignorance to be an occasion of Falling to those who follow them. From those that are Ignorant, he passes to those who have acquir'd Knowledge by their Industry,

but never reduc'd it into Practice; and on the contrary have defil'd their feet by walking in a way unbecoming the Truths which they have learned. He cannot endure those Men who are very for∣ward to teach others that which they never practise, and who are a Scandal to the Church, by a Life perfectly contrary to the Truths which they teach. He would have Pastors to be of such a Dis∣position as to despise the Glory, the Dignities, and the Prosperity of this World, to fear neither the Terrors nor Threatnings of it, to beready to suffer for the Defence of the Truth, and to shun the Pleasures of this Life.

Altho he was perswaded that the Duties of the Pastoral Office wearied the Mind, yet he would not have those Perlons, who are fit to conduct Souls, and may be useful to others by their Doctrine and Example, to prefer their own Ease before the Care of Souls. Upon this Principle he does e∣qually reprove those, whose Humility makes them shun Ecclesiastical Offices, so as obstinately to oppose the Order of Providence, and those who desire them passionately and importunately seek af∣ter them. He would have him who has the Qualifications necessary for being a Guide of Souls, to yield when he is urg'd to accept that Office; and on the contrary, he advises him who is not qualifi∣ed, never to engage himself, tho he were never so much urg'd to accept the Office. After he has laid down this Maxim, he enlarges upon the particular Qualifications which belong to those who should accept of a Bishoprick, and the Defects which should make others decline it.

In the second Part St. Gregory treats of the Duties of the Pastoral Office, when one is promoted to this Dignity by lawful and canonical ways. He shows that there ought to be a great difference between the Vertue of a Pastor and his People; and that a Pastor ought to have the following Qua∣lifications. That all his Thoughts must be pure, that in Vertue he ought to excel others, that Pru∣dence and Discretion should govern his silence, that his Speech should be useful and edifying, that he should be tender and compassionate to all the World, that he should be sublime in Contemplation, and lowly in Humility, preferring all others above himself, that his Zeal for Justice should prompt him to oppose the Vices of bad Men, that his Employment in external things should diminish no∣thing of the Care he ought to take of those which are internal, and that the Application he ought to use to such things as concern the Soul, ought not to take him off from the due care of regulating ex∣ternal matters. These are the Qualifications of a true Pastor, on which St. Gregory enlarges in the second Part.

In the third he treats of the Instructions which Pastors ought to give their Flocks, and applies himself particularly to show, after what manner they ought to be varied, according to the different Qualities and Dispositions of those whom they instruct, whereof some are to be admonish'd, and o∣thers to be instructed. As for example, they must prescribe to Men things more excellent and more difficult to exercise their Vertue, whereas nothing must be enjoyn'd to Women but what is soft and easie: Younger People must be treated more mildly then those that are old; the Poor must be com∣forted, the Rich must be humbled: The Sorrows of Hell must be represented to those who are mer∣rily disposed, and to those who are sad, the Joys of another Life: Those who are Inferiors must be admonish'd to be subject, and those who are in high Places, not to be proud: Obedience must be recommended to Servants, and Meekness to Masters: Those who think themselves learned, must be moved to despise their Learning, and the Ignorant must be instructed in true Knowledge. 'Tis good to use sharp Reproofs to those who are impudent, whereas we must seek for mild ways to re∣claim those that are modest. The Presumptuous must be abash'd and humbled, whereas the Ti∣morous must be exhorted and encouraged. The sick need other Instructions then those that are in health. In a word, a Pastor must proportion his Instructions, Advices, Reptoofs and Exhortations. to the Constitution, the State, the Temper, Inclinations and Customs, to the Vertues and Vices of those to whom he speaks. In this second Part of St. Gregory's Postoral you may find a wonderful di∣versity of particular Advices, which will be of great use for Confessors, and for all those who are engag'd by their Ministry to guide others. After St. Gregory has given these private Instructions, he proceeds to those which concern publick Offices, and admonishes Preachers to take good heed, lest they so commend Vertues to their Auditors, as to give them occasion to fall into the contrary Vices. He would have Humility so preach'd to the Proud, as not to encrease the Fear of timorous Persons; the slothful so excited to diligence, as those who are too active may not take occasion to be too eager in business. The Impatient must be so rebuk'd, as not to inspire negligence into the Slothful. The Co∣vetous must be so exhorted to give liberally, as not to authorize Prodigality. Virginity and a state of Continence must be so praised, as not to give occasion to blame Marriage, nor despise the fruit∣fulness of married Persons. In fine, his Hearers on the one side are to be excited in such a manner to do good, that on the other side they may not be perswaded to that which is evil. What is more perfect is so to be praised before them, that they take no occasion to despise a lesser Perfection: And they must be so exhorted to be faithful in little things, that they may not imagine these to be suffici∣ent and by this conceit neglect to labour after those that are higher and more sublime. The last thing whereof St. Gregory admonishes Preachers, is, That they should say nothing in their Instructi∣ons which is above the Capacity of those who hear them, lest their Mind being too intent, grow weary and disrelish it: But above all he recommends to them, that they instruct the People more by their Example then their Discourses.

The fourth Part is nothing but a Reflexion upon the Obligation which all Pastors have to retire within themselves, and to humble themselves before God, for fear lest they take occasion to grow proud for discharging the Duties of their Office. He ends this Work with this humble Conclusion. You see, my dear Friend, what your childing 〈◊〉〈◊〉 obliged me to write unto you: But while I thus labour to show what manner of Man a True Pastor should be, I do just like a very filthy and ugly Painter, who should represent upon Canvass the figure of a very comely and well-shap'd Man: I intrude into the Office of Conducting others to the Port of Perfection, while I my self am toss'd with the Floods of my own Passions and Vices. I conjure you therefore to endeavour to support me by the merit of your Prayers, as by a Plank, in the shipwreck of this present Life, that so feeling my self sink in the Waters of the Tem∣pestuous Sea of this World, by the weight of my own Inclinations, your charitable hand may relieve me, and raise me up above the Water?

The Homilies upon Ezekiel are of the number of those which St. Gregory preach'd to his People. Nevertheless he review'd them that he might make them publick, about eight years after they were preached. They are address'd to Marinianus Bishop of Ravenna, and divided into two Books. The first contains twelve Homilies upon the three first Chapters of Ezekiel, and upon a part of the fourth. St. Gregory was forc'd by his urgent Affairs to break off the Course of this Exposition, and therefore he did only explain the Vision of an House built upon a Mountain, which is related in the fortieth Chapter of this Prophet. This afforded him a Subject for ten Homilies, which make the se∣cond Book of the Homilies upon Ezekiel. He handles things in these Homilies much after the same manner as he does in his Morals upon Job, altho he does not enlarge so much upon them.

He was also oblig'd to revise his Homilies upon the Gospels, which he had caus'd to be read to the People, or had preach'd himself in the Church, because Copies of them had been distributed as they were either dictated or spoken. The Collection of them is also divided into two Books. The first contains the twenty first Homilies which he dictated to his Secretaries; and the second the twen∣ty last which he preach'd himself.

Altho there can be no doubt but the Dialogues which go under the name of St. Gregory, are in∣deed this Pope's, since he himself owns them a 1.9, and his Disciples b 1.10, and the Authors who wrote within a little while after him, do attribute them to him, yet this Work does not appear worthy of the gravity and discretion of this holy Pope, 'tis so full of extraordinary Miracles and Histories al∣most incredible. 'Tis true he reports them upon the Credit of others, but then he should not so easi∣ly believe them, and vent them afterwards for things that are certain. This Work is divided into four Books, written by way of Dialogue between St. Gregory, who relates what he had learn'd, and Peter the Deacon, who puts Questions to him from time to time about these Histories. The style is no ways sublime, the Histories are there related after a very simple and plain manner, without any art or pleasantness. The Interruptions of Peter are often impertinent, and always insipid. The Histories related in it are many times grounded only upon the Relations of ignorant old Men, or common Reports. Miracles there are so frequent, so extraordinary and often times for matters of small consequence, that 'tis very difficult to believe them all. There are stories in it which can ve∣ry hardly be reconcil'd with the Life of those of whom he speaks, as the voluntary imprisonment of Paulinus in Afric. under the King of the Vandals. Visions, Apparitions, Dreams, are there in great∣er numbers then in any other Author: And therefore St. Gregory confesses, towards the latter end, that the things of another World had been more discover'd in his time, then in all the Ages preced∣ing. But I do not believe that any Man will warrant all these Relations. Leaving others therefore to their liberty of judging as they please, I shall say no more about them, but only subjoyn here an Abridgment of the greater part of them.

Honoratus Abbot of a Monastery of Fundi, being present at a Feast, where there was nothing but Meat, made a scruple to eat of it; and while the Guests rallied him, because he was in a place where nothing else was to be had, a Servant went out to draw some water, and brought in a great fish in a Pitcher. The same Abbot by his Prayers stop'd a Rock which was ready to fall with great force up∣on his Monastery. Libertinus his Disciple hindred the Horses of the Goths from passing the Ri∣ver, to make his own Horse come to him: He raised also a dead Infant. A Gardiner of this Mo∣nastery plac'd a Serpent in ambuscade against a Robber. The Abbot Equicius, a Founder of ma∣ny Monasteries, was miraculously deliver'd from the Temptations of the Flesh, in a Vision, wherein he thought that he was made an Eunuch. A Bishop having brought before him a Monk who was a Magician, he judg'd him; and after he had watch'd him for some time, he caus'd him to be turn'd out of his Monastery. This Monk confess'd that he had many times lifted up into the Air the Cell of St. Equitius, without being able to do him any hurt. A Nun having greedily taken a Letuce

in a Garden, without making the sign of the Cross, was possess'd with a Devil. St. Equicius dis∣possess'd her, after he had made the Devil confess that he was upon this Lettuce: The Pope having sent to hinder him from Preaching, was admonish'd in a Dream to permit him. Peter asks upon this occasion, how so great a Pope could be mistaken as to a Person of so eminent Vertue. St. Gregory answers him, That this was not to be wondred at, since all men are liable to mistakes, Falli∣mur, quia homines sumus, Popes as well as others. Constantius Churchwarden of the Church of St. Stephen at Ancona, having no Oyl to light the Lamps, fill'd them with Water, and after he had kin∣dled the Wicks, they maintain'd the flame as if the Lamps had been full of Oyl. Marcellinus Bishop of that City, expos'd himself to the flames of a fire, and by that means stop'd it. Nonnosus a Monk of Mount Sina, remov'd by his Prayers a part of a Rock, to make room for a Garden belong∣ing to his Monastery. A Glass-Lamp being broken, he gather'd the little pieces of it together be∣fore the Altar, and after he had pray'd he found the Lamp entire. The Abbot Anastasius was ad∣monish'd of his own death, and the death of seven of his Monks, by a Voice which call'd them one after another. Boniface Bishop of Ferentinum, multiplied Wine, foretold the death of a Beggar, miraculously receiv'd pieces of Gold, that he might restore them to his Kinsman, from whom he had taken them to give Alms to the Poor. Fortunatus Bishop of Tudentinum, chas'd the Devil out of those who were possess'd, restor'd sight to the Blind, cur'd a mad Horse, heal'd a broken Bone, and rais'd the Dead. A Priest call'd Severus, raised one from the Dead, that he might have time to do Penance. These are a part of the Miracles contain'd in the first Book.

The second Book contains the Life and Miracles of St. Benedict. There he relates after what manner this Saint going out of Rome, was detain'd some time at Aufidena, where by a Miracle he made a Sieve whole which his Nurse had broken. Afterwards he speaks of his Retirement to Sub∣lacum. He describes the voluntary Punishment which he inflicted upon himself, by rowling himself stark naked for a considerable time upon Thorns to conquer the Temptations of the Flesh. He does not forget to observe, that he being invited into a Monastery, whose Monks had a mind to poison him, broke the Glass wherein the Poison was presented to him, by making the sign of the Cross. He relates many other Miracles of the same nature. A Monk was cur'd of his Distractions by blows with a stick; a Spring was found upon the top of a Mountain. The Iron of a Spade being cast into a Lake, came up again above the Water, and joyn'd it self to the haft. A Monk of St. Maur walk'd upon the Water to fetch out brother Placidus who was drown'd. A Stone which the Devil had made unmoveable, was easily remov'd by his Prayers. The seeming flames which were caus'd by an Idol, were extinguish'd. A young Monk crush'd by the fall of a Wall, was rais'd to life a∣gain. The knowledge of things hidden, and the prediction of things future did never fail him. An Ecclesiastical Person was deliver'd from a Devil, and afterwards possess'd a-new, for aspiring to Ho∣ly Orders which this Saint had forbidden him. Two hundred Measures of Corn were found at the Gate of a Monastery, at a time when there was great need of it. The Nuns threatned with Ex∣communication by St. Benedict, who died a little while after, did visibly go out of the Church, when the Deacon order'd those who were Excommunicated to retire; But he took off this Excommuni∣cation, and after the Offering was presented for them which be blessed, they were never more seen to go out as before. A young Hennit, who was gone out of a Monastery without leave, dying in his own House was buried, and the next day after his Body was found above ground. His Kins∣folk had recourse to St. Benedict, who gave them the Communion of the Body of our Saviour, and order'd them to put it upon the Breast of the deceased, and then to bury him with it; which being done, he continued after that under ground. A Leper was cur'd by his Prayers: A Bottle of Oyl thrown down from a high place was preserved whole: Sometimes he got Money, and sometimes Oyl. He cur'd an Hermit possess'd of a Devil. He loos'd a Country-man who was bound fast, only by his own looks. He raised a dead Infant. His Sister, St. Scholastica, raised a furious storm, to force him to lye at her House. He saw his own Soul ascend to Heaven in the shape of a Dove. He had also another Vision wherein he perceiv'd the Soul of Germanus Bishop of Capua, which the Angels carried up to Heaven. He foretold his own Death, which was follow'd with Miracles.

The third Book contains the Vertues and Miracles of many Saints of Italy. There it is related that Paulinus Bishop of Nola went into Afric, to render himself a Prisoner to the King of the Van∣dals, that he might deliver the only Son of a Widow of his own Country; and that he being dis∣cover'd by a miraculous Vision, did not only obtain his own Deliverance, but also the Deliverance of all the Prisoners of War: That a Horse on which Pope John mounted, would never after carry a Woman, and that this Pope cur'd a blind Man at Constantinople. That Pope Agapetus heal'd a lame Man; That Dacius Bishop of Milan deliver'd a House from Spectres which the Devil made to appear there; That Sabinus Bishop of Lanusa, being blind, knew every thing that pass'd, and one day his Arch-deacon having presented to him Poyson by a Servant, he would not drink it, but order'd the Servant to drink it; and afterwards having hindred him from doing it, he drunk it off himself, after he had made the sign of the Cross, without receiving any hurt, and order'd the Boy to go and tell him who had given him this Poyson, that he should not be Bishop; and indeed the Arch-deacon died immediately. 'Tis also reported in the same Book, that Andrew Bishop of Fundi, being tempted by a Nun who dwelt in his House, was restrain'd by an Adventure pleasant enough. A Jew having stop'd near the place where formerly the Temple of Apollo at Fundi stood, heard there the Devils give an account to their Prince of what they had done; and among them there was one

who boasted, that he had inspir'd this Temptation into Andrew. This Jew having found out this Bishop, discover'd to him what he had heard; which mov'd this Bishop to turn out of his House, not only this Nun, but also all the other Women, that there might be no occasion for a Temptation. A Bishop of Luca chang'd the Course of a River, by his own word only: Another stop'd the Inun∣dation of the Po by a Letter. Others are preserv'd from their Enemies, from Serpents, and from Savage Beasts. A Hermit raised one from the dead. A new Nun chas'd away the Devil. A Rubber was seiz'd at the Sepulchre of a holy Priest. In short, there are many other Miracles of this Nature in this Book: And there he speaks also of some Christians who suffer'd for the Faith under the Lombards.

In the fourth Book he undertakes to treat of the state of the Soul after death, and to refute the Opinion of some, who without separating from the Church, doubted whether the Soul liv'd after its separation from the Body. There he observes, that 'tis not to be wondred, that Man being born Carnal, and not being able to feel invisible things, should be hardly brought to believe them; that notwithstanding Men must of necessity believe such things as they do not feel: That there are three sorts of Spirits; Spirits which are never united to any Flesh, and Spirits which are united to it, but do not dye with it, and Spirits which are united to Flesh, and die with the Body. The Angels are the first sort, the Souls of Men are the second, and the Souls of Beasts are the third. He answers a passage of Ecclesiastes, where 'tis said that Beasts and Men die alike, by affirming that it is a Question propos'd by the Author, and not his Decision of it. He adds, that we must not wonder that we do not see the Soul go out of the Body, since it is not seen even in the Body, and that as it discovers it self when it is in the Body by its Motions, so it does also when it is out of the Body by the Miracles of the Saints; that moreover the Eyes of the Body cannot perceive the Soul, since it is invisible, but the Just do purifie the Eyes of their Mind. To prove this, he brings the Exam∣ples of many, whose Souls have been seen after their death; or of Saints, who have seen at the time of their death, either Jesus Christ, or the Virgin, or some of the Saints. As to the state of Souls after death, he says, that those of the Just, who are perfect, are receiv'd into Heaven; that those of them who are not so perfect, are detain'd in certain Receptacles; and that those of the wick∣ed are thrown into Hell-fire, which torments them, altho it be Corporeal. He thinks it no more difficult to explain the manner, whereby it causes pain in the other Life then in this. He believes that the Damned know the Happiness of the Just, and the Blessed the Misery of the Damned. He main∣tains expresly that there is a Purgatory, for expiating the slight faults of those who have deserv'd this Grace, by the good Actions which they did in this Life * 1.11. He observes that many things have been discover'd a little while ago which were unknown in Antiquity, concerning the state of Souls after death: The Reason which he gives for it is this, that the end of the World drawing near, the Transactions of the other begin to be discover'd. He thinks it probable enough, that Hell is under ground, and that there is but one Fire in it, which burns some more and some less, according to the proportion of the number and heinousness of their Crimes. He proves that the Fire of Hell shall never end. He would not have Credit given to all sorts of Dreams, tho he does not doubt but by some of them God reveals things to come. He believes that it is profitable for the dead, who are not accused of Crimes, to be inter'd in holy Places, because their Sepulchres put the Living in mind to pray to God for them, that among the Prayers which relieve the dead, the Oblation of the holy Sacrifice is the most profitable † 1.12; but that it is more safe for one to expiate his own Faults by his own Sacrifices and Prayers, while he is in this Life, then to expect the Relief of others after his death: That he must offer up himself while the Host is offer'd, bewail his sins, and never commit them any more; and lastly, he must pardon others, that he may obtain pardon of his own Faults.

These are all the Works which are certainly known to be St. Gregory's. For altho there have been publish'd for a long time under his Name in the common Editions, the Commentaries upon the Book of Kings, upon the 7 Psalms, and upon the Canticles, yet the Author of the last Edition brings ve∣ry strong Reasons to prove that they are none of this Fathers. 1. Having caus'd every where search to be made for the Manuscripts of St. Gregory's Works, he found not any where these Commenta∣ries were to be met with (except the Commentary upon the Canticles, whereof some Manuscripts were found) either joyn'd with the Works of St. Gregory, or apart by themselves. The Commen∣tary upon the Canticles was printed at Paris in 1498, by Remboldus: The Exposition of the seven

Penitential Psalms, was also printed by the same Person in 1512. and the Commentary upon the Can∣ticles was publish'd at Venice in 1537. But it is not known from what Manuscript these Works were printed, and there has never been any one since, who has said that he saw it. 2. St. Gregory menti∣ons in his Letters all his other Works, but he says nothing of these. 3. These Commentaries have been unknown to all those who have seen the Works of St. Gregory. Paterius a Disciple of St. Gregory, who made a Collection of Testimonies out of the Works of his Master, has not quoted so much as one which can be taken out of these three Commentaries; and 'tis not credible, but there would have been many passages in them found worthy to be quoted, if he had known them. The same Reflexion may be made upon the Work of Taius Bishop of Saragosa, who publish'd in 650 a Collection taken out of the Works of St. Gregory. Al••lfus Monk of Tournay in the Year 1090, com∣pil'd another Work out of the Books of St. Gregory, which was more large then those we have al∣ready mention'd; 'tis found in Manuscript in the Monastery of Longpont, and neither is there found in it any passage taken out of these Commentaries. To these Authors we may add those who have written since St. Gregory's time upon the Canticles, or the Book of Kings, as Bede, Angelonus a Monk of Luxovium, Rabanus, Rupertus, who have neither quoted, nor transcribed these Commentaries, al∣tho it be the Custom of these Authors to quote or transcribe the Writings of the Fathers. Among o∣thers, Rabanus observes in the Preface to his Commentary upon the Books of Kings, that he often transcribes passages out of St. Austin and St. Gregory. And indeed he recites many passages taken out of the Works of this Father; but he has not transcribed any thing out of the Commentaries upon the Books of Kings; and yet it was a Work which he might easily have transcribed, and out of which he should have taken many passages. Lastly, the Authors who have given us a Catalogue of the Works of St. Gregory, have said nothing of these three Commentaries. Isidore of Sevil speaks of his Pastoral, of his Morals upon Job, of his Epistles, and at the same time notes, that he had written other Discourses of Morality, Homilies upon all the four Gospels; that this Work was unknown to him: But he says nothing of these Commentaries. Ildefonsus of Toledo mentions all the other Works of St. Gregory, and says nothing of the Commentary upon the Book of Kings, nor the Exposition up∣on the 7 Psalms. He speaks of a Work upon the Canticles, but it is thought that it was different from that of which we have spoken. Sigebert of Gemblours believes that there were no other Works of St. Gregory, but his Morals, his Homilies upon Ezekiel, forty Homilies upon the Gospels, his Pa∣storal, his Dialogues, and the Register of his Letters. As to the other Works, he says, that the Romans had burnt them; which Trithemius also affirms of the Commentary of St. Gregory upon the Books of Kings. 'Tis true, St. Gregory informs us himself, B. 10. Ep. 22. that he had made Discour∣ses upon the Proverbs, upon the Canticles, upon the Prophets, upon the Books of Kings, and upon the Heptateuch which the Abbot Claudius had taken in writing as well as he could; that St. Gregory, who had not health enough to write them himself, might enlarge upon these Memoirs when he should have health and leisure; but St. Gregory having read them, and finding that in many places he had not apprehended his sence, caus'd to bring to him all that he had written. The Author of the last Edi∣tion of St. Gregory affirms, that these Discourses of St. Gregory's, collected by the Abbot Claudius, were different from these Commentaries. But I see no reason why we may not say that the Com∣mentaries upon the Books of Kings and the Canticles, are a remnant of this Abbot's Collection. For the Reasons which he brings, prove indeed that St. Gregory did not dictate and compose them in the form wherein they now are, but they do not prove that they are not a part of the Collection of the Abbot Claudius, who did not tye himself up to St. Gregory's manner of writing, but composed this Work suo sensu & stilo, and who also many times did not take the sence of this Father: For this be∣ing suppos'd, 'tis easie to conceive that this Abbot might Collect only a part of the Discourses of St. Gregory upon the Book of Kings, that he wrote them by way of Commentary, whereas they were in the form of Homilies; that he only us'd the Vulgar Version of the Scripture, tho St. Gregory us'd St. Jerom's. It was also necessary that the style of these Commentaries should be different in some things from St. Gregory's, tho 'tis often very like it. And lastly, we must not wonder that the Author some times addresses the Discourse to Monks, since he being an Abbot, and having made this Collection for his Monks, might apply to them what St. Gregory had said to Christians in general. And therefore though St. Gregory did not compose these two Commentaries, it may be said that they are in some sort his Works, since they were made upon what he was heard to say.

We cannot say the same of the Exposition of the seven Penitential Psalms, which cannot be a Work of St. Gregory's time; for the Author of this Commentary speaks there in three places, in Psal. 5. v. 9. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 26. and in Psal. 27. against an Emperor of his time, whom he accuses of reviving Simony in the Church, of troubling it with a dangerous Schism, of endeavouring to enslave it, of invading what belonged to it, of making himself Lord over the Church of Rome, and attempting to impoly his Power against it. It appears plainly that this can have no relation to Mauritius, nor to Phocas, to whom St. Gregory speaks after a very different manner; but that it agrees to the Controversie be∣tween the Emperor Henry the Fourth, and Gregory the Seventh, about Investitures, and to the Cha∣racter of that Pope. This is therefore either his Work, or the Work of one of his Abetters. The style sufficiently discovers that 'tis neither St. Gregory's the first, nor any of his Disciples.

It cannot be affirm'd that the Antiphonarium and the Sacramentarium of St. Gregory are such now as they were in his time. John the Deacon, who liv'd 300 years after him, is the first who speaks of his Antiphonarium in B. 2. of his Life, Chap. 6. and he says that a Manuscript of it was preserv'd at

Rome in the Palace of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉. But there is no proof that this Copy was very ancient nor that the Antiphon••riu•• which we now have, was perfectly like it; However it be, this Work is of no great importance. The Sacramentary, on the Book of the Office of the Mess, would be more use∣ful, if it were evident that we have it now the same which it was in the time of St. Gregory. But on the contrary, 'tis certain that we have it not in its 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and that many things are added to it; for, it is now a long time since three Authors were 〈◊〉〈◊〉 before it, to distinguish what was St. Gregory's and what was added. The Abbot Grimboldus, the Priest 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Monk of Tours, who liv'd about the Year 849, and Albina or Alcainus took this care in the Editions which they made of the Sacra∣mentary. But they do not agree among themselves about what is added to it, which shews that they have no certain proof of it, but that they make this distinction only by conjecture. In 1597. Rocca the Pope's Sacristane, publish'd it from a Manuscript at Rome very different from that of Grimboldus which was publish'd by Pamolius. And since that Father, Menardus has caus'd one to be printed more large then the former, reviewed by many Manuscripts, and chiefly by an ancient Ma∣nuscript which is thought to have been the Missal of St. Eloi, altho it contains the Feasts of St. Prix and Leo the Second, who liv'd since the death of this Bishop. This great variety sufficiently disco∣vers that we have not the Sacramentary of St. Gregory, the very same which he compos'd. The same Judgment is to be given of the Benedictionaries, which are as different as the Copies of them.

I shall not stay to refute a fabulous Story related by St. John Damascent, which is famous among the Greeks; That St. Gregory going into a publick place, and seeing a Statue of Trajan who was leap∣ing off his Horse to hearken to a Widow, was so mov'd with the goodness of this Action, that he pray'd to God for the repose of his Soul, and obtain'd his Salvation. This Fable, which had deceiv'd the People and the Devoto's for a time, is now become the Object of Laughter and Contempt to all those who have the least discretion. The Fact of Trajan, upon which it is founded, is not related by any of those who wrote the Roman History. In the time of St. Gregory the ancient Statues were not erected in the publick places of Rome, as formerly, and St. Gregory was too much perswaded that damned Infidels had no hopes of Salvation, to be so daring as to ask of God a thing so contra∣ry to his unalterable Laws: And therefore which way soever this Invention of the Modern Greeks be consider'd, 'tis equally indefensible. From whence it follows also, that we ought to reject a Re∣lation attributed to two Deacons of Rome, taken from a Manuscript of the Vatican Library, and prin∣ted at the end of St. Gregory's Letters, wherein 'tis suppos'd that the Story of the deliverance of Tra∣jan's Soul is true, and that St. Gregory was afflicted with continual sickness; during his Pontificat, for making this extraordinary Petition.

What we have said of the Works of St. Gregory, sufficiently discovers, that he had a Genius very proper for Morality, and that what he compos'd was an inexhaustible Fountain of Spiritual and Mo∣ral Thoughts: He expresses them after a very noble manner, and commonly includes them rather in grave Periods then witty Sentences. His 〈◊〉〈◊〉 are not very choice, neither is his Composure much laboured, but it is easie, coherent, and always uniform: He has nothing very sublime and lively, but what he says is true and solid. It is full of Common Places, and great Maxims: He is copi∣ous, and sometimes too long in the Explications of Morality, and too subtil in his Allego∣ries.

The Collection of his Works has been printed many times, at Lyons in 1516, 1539, 1540, at Pa∣ris by John Petit and Remboldus, in 1518. by Che•…•… in 1523. at R••an in 1521 by Regnaldus; at Paris by 〈◊〉〈◊〉 1542. at Easte by Frobenius in 1564. at Answer•• by Plantin in 1572. at Venice in 1583. at Paris by N••ve•…•… in 1571, and in 1586. These Editions were follow'd by that of Rome in six Tomes which was begun in 1588, and finish'd in 1593. From these was made the Edition at Rome in Octavo, 1613. and those of Park in the Years 1605, and 1640.

The last Edition of the Works of St. Gregory was publish'd at Paris in 1675. It appear'd under the Name of Mr. Goussainville a Priest, but 'tis know that Dr. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 took a great deal of pains in it. They had a great number of Manuscripts by which they might review all the Works. They distri∣buted them into three Tomes. The first contains the Morals, the Pastoral, the Homilies upon Eze∣kiel and upon the Gospels, together with the Lives of St. Gregory, written by Paul and John the Deacons, and the Testimonials of the Ancients. The second Tome contains the Dialognes, the Let∣ters accompanied with long and learned Notes, the Antiphonary, Sacramentary, and the Benedictio∣nary. The third Tome contains the Commentaries upon the Kings, the seven Psalms, and the Can∣ticles, attributed to St. Gregory, together with the Commentaries of Paterius upon the Holy Scrip∣ture, taken out of the Works of St. Gregory. The Prefaces which are prefixed at the begin∣ning of each Work, are short, useful, and well-written. The whole Edition is dedicated to my Lord Louis de Bassompiere then Bishop of Santones; a Prelat who perfectly imitated the ver••••ues of St. Gregory, who practis'd exactly according to the Rules which this great Pope prescribed to Pa∣stors, and who had all the Qualifications which he requires in Bishops. For after he had pass'd his first years in Retirement, and lead that part of his Life free from Crimes, wherein the greater part of young People are engag'd in worldly Pleasures; he was nam'd when he thought little of it, to the Bishoprick of Santones. His design was to refuse it, but being as it were forc'd to accept of it, he thought of nothing more then discharge his Office: For accomplishing this design, he aban∣don'd the Court and Secular Affairs, to retire into his Diocese, that he might apply himself wholly

to the Government of that Flock which Providence had entrusted to him. Afterwards he had favou∣rable opportunities of encreasing his Fortune in the World, and of advancement to Churches more * 1.13 beneficial and considerable, but he shun'd them with the same precipitation that others run after them. He was observ'd to fly away quickly, at a time when the Affairs of his Diocese oblig'd him to stay at Paris, because a Report went about, that some had cast an Eye upon him, to give him a place which would engage him to live at a greater distance from his Church, or to accept of another. 'Tis very well known with what prudence he govern'd his People in the most difficult times, with what Discretion he continued in his Duty of Loyalty to his Prince with what Meekness hereclaim'd a great number of Hereticks to the Church, with whom his Diocese was fill'd when he entred into it. All the World did equally experience his Goodness, his Moderation and Easiness. Great Persons had always occasion to praise him for his Civility and Inferior. Persons for his Charity. He distributed his Goods to the Poor with so much Liberality, that oftentimes he reserved nothing to himself. He gave considerable Alms to poor Gentlemen, and to Families that were in want, without letting them know to whom they were oblig'd for the Relief. He did so industriously conceal the Good that he did, that those who came nearest to him could hardly perceive it; and if it happen'd that they did discover it, he strictly charg'd them to tell no body. Sometimes he would feign by a pious fraud, that the Alms which he gave was a Debt, that those who receiv'd it might not be asham'd to take it. He never heard any speak of a Quarrel, Difference, on Suit, against any Person in his Diocese but he us'd his utmost endeavours to accommodate it; and as he was of a sweet and obliging Disposition, and had a brisk and sharp Wit, he did almost always succeed in them to the Content of all Parties. He lov'd Order and Discipline, yet was never severe or morose. He treated his Priests as his Bre∣thren, and hated an imperious and domineering Spirit. He vigorously maintain'd the Dignity of Bishops, and could not endure to see it any ways diminish'd. He defended the Truth, and the Rights of Episcopacy stoutly, but humbly. He would never engage himself into any Party in the Disputes which were manag'd with so much heat in his Life-time among Divines, and behav'd himself with so much Prudence, that both Parties were satisfy'd with his Conduct. Lastly, at his death, he gave signs of a great Abstraction from the World, and left the Poor his only Heirs. There remains now an illustrious Monument of this great Prelat: 'Tis a Treatise written in the form of a Dialogue, a∣bout cutting off some Festivals, printed by his own Order in 1670. He lays down there Principles so solid, and discovers so great strength of Reason and Learning, that I doubt not but all those who read it, will have as great an Idea of his Learning, as those that knew him had of his Holiness. I know that this Digression is a little remote from my Subject; but I hope the Reader will easily par∣don me, that I have taken this occasion to do Justice to the Memory of a Prelat who deserves to be famous to future Generations.

Notes

• * 1.1

  In Matth. ch. 25 In Mark ch. 22.
• * 1.2

  [This was to give Au∣stin what he had no power to grant, like some of his Successors in that See, who very liberally bestow'd the Kingdom of England and Ireland upon the King of Spain, and therefore this pretended Jurisdiction of the Pope was vigorously oppos'd by the British Bishops and Monks in Austin's time, who resus'd to receive any Romish Customs different from those of their own Church, as appear'd by the famous Controversie between them about the time of keeping Easter; and the right of imposing them has been sufficiently disprov'd by our Writers. Vide Dr. Basire of the Exemption of the British Patriar∣chate.]
• a 1.3

  The style] The Inscription of it is harsh and unusual: It is address'd pretiosissimis lapidibus merito renitentibus, omnibusque sanctae Dei Ecclesiae membris. Did ever one see the like Address? There the Title of Servus Servorum Dei, is given to St. Grego∣ry: But then the Addition to it is affected, Licet sanctae Romanae sedis Pontificio sublimetur. In the bo∣dy of the Priviledge, there is an infinite number of barbarous and new Expressions, as Suessorum civitas, vitae venerabilis Gairaldus, Dominus Papa Joannes, nostrae filie jugalis Dominus Medardus. Can there be any thing more impertinent then what they make St. Gregory there say? Consensu omnium Romanorum Pontificum, & voluntate totius Senatus Romani De∣cernimus. Is this capable of any good sense? The Rents and Lands of the Church are call'd there Man∣si, fisci regii. A man must set down this whole Pri∣viledge, to make one well understand the Forgery of it; for as many words as there are in it, so many proofs there are of its being supposititious.
• b 1.4

  Indefersible] There the Monks are empower'd to ordain their Abbot, and the Abbot to consecrate the holy Chrism, the Challces and the Altars: The Mo∣nastery is exempted from all Jurisdiction Secular and Ecclesiastical, except the King's Protection, and the Direction of the Holy See; and that it might more easily hold correspondence with Rome, 'tis said, that Queen Brun••haud gave to the Monastery twenty Man∣nors, and as many Farms along the Alps. 'Tis or∣der'd that all those who shall come to dwell upon the Lands of St. Medardus, shall be deliver'd from all subjection, and become Slaves to the Virgin; that those who shall take sanctuary there, shall be reputed slaves of the Church. Lastly, exorbitant Priviledges are given to the Abbot.
• c 1.5

  Contrary to History] That the Church of St. Medardus, was call'd formerly the Church of the Virgin, of St. Peter, and St. Stephen; that it was a Monastery in the time of St. Gregory.
• d 1.6

  By so great a number of Bishops] There St. Gre∣gory signs first: But it was not the custom of Popes then to sign their own Letters; neither is there any Example of it in St. Gregory. The second is Euthe∣rius of Arles: But there was never a Bishop of Arles of that name, and Virgilius was then Bishop: Aethe∣rius was Bishop of Lyons: The third is, Gregory Bishop of Portus: And there is another Bishop of Portus, called Felix. The fourth is Andrew of Alba∣•…•…; but in 595 it was Homobonus, who sign'd in the Council of Rome held this year: And there was one Andrew Bishop of this place under Gregory the second. The fifth is Austin Bishop of Canterbury; but he was not yet Bishop, for this Priviledge is da∣ted in the year 594 Afterwards there is Sergius Bi∣shop of Praeneste; but at the Roman Council in 595, Proculus was Bishop of this City. In the same year the Bishop of Anania was called Pelagius, and not Peter, as he is here call'd. Agnellus Bishop of Sutri∣um govern'd this See under Gregory the second. Mel∣litus was not yet Bishop of London, for he was not Ordain'd till 604. The other Names are taken from the Titles of St Gregory's Letters, or the Subscripti∣ons of the Roman Council in 595, or from the Coun∣cil held under Gregory the second. Eulogius of Alex∣andria is among the Bishops that sign'd: But he ne∣ver came to Rome, and 'tis no way probable that this Instrument should be carried to him to sign it, which no ways concern'd him, no more then it did Domi∣nicus Bishop of Carthage. Among the Bishops of France there is found a Bishop of Bourdeaux call'd Su∣tellius: But the Bishop then was Gondegisilas, as ap∣pears by St. Gregory of Tours: B. 8. Hist. 2 c. 22. The Archbishop of Rhemes was call'd Romulphus, and not Flavius, as he is here set down. The Bishop of Soissons was call'd Droctegifilas in 592. Greg. Tur. B. 9▪ c. 37. Ansericus was in the time of the Synod of Rhemes under Sonnatius in 630. Lastly, King Theodo∣ricus, whose Subscription is here, was then but two years old, and his Father Childebert was yet alive. There is one Peter who sign'd, and is said to have seal'd this Instrument, whereas at that time no seal∣ing was in use.
• a 1.7

  Of little Credit] 'Tis said in this Relation, that St. Leander carried into Spain his Copy of the Books of St. Gregory upon Job: But it appears by the Let∣ters of St. Gregory, that he himself sent it to him. 2. 'Tis no ways probable that the Pope would refuse Tagion a Copy of St. Gregory's Morals. 3. 'Tis also said in this Relation, that Tagion enquir'd of St. Gre∣gory where St. Austin was, and that he answer'd him, That he was not among the Successors of St. Peter and St. Paul, whom he came to see, but in a higher place. This Reflexion, the Vision, and the whole History smells strong of a Fable.
• b 1.8

  Ordination] The Council of Tours 3d. held under Charlemagne in the Year 81••. Can. 3. Nulli E∣piscopo liceat Canones, aut librum Pastoralis Curae, à B. Gregirio Papa editum, si fieri potest, ignorare, in qui∣bus se debet unusquisque quasi in quodam speculo, assidue considerare. The Council of Chalons the second held under the same Emperor, ordains, Episcopi Canones intelligant, & librum B. Gregorii De Cura Pastorali, & secundum formam ihidem constitutam, doceant & praedicent. Council the second of Aix la Chapelle un∣der Lewis the Debonaire, held in the Year 836, Counc. 4. Convenit Sacerdotali Ministerio scire formam Evan∣gelicam, & Monumenta Apostolica, Canonum Instituta, Norma•• Regulae Pastoralis, à sanctissime Pontifice Gre∣gorio editam, ne juxta eundem sanctissimum virum, ab imperitis, quod absit Pastorale Magisterium aliqua te∣meritate usurpetur, aut vilescat. They us'd it for Re∣forming Discipline, at the Council of Mayence, in the Year 813, and in the second Council of Rhemes, Can. 10. In the sixth Council of Paris held in 829, 'tis ordain'd that the Advices which St. Gregory has given in this Pastoral should be exactly follow'd.
• a 1.9

  He himself owns them] In Letter 50 of B. 2. Ind. 11. he desires of Maximian a History of the Abbot Nonnosus, that he may insert them into his Book of the Miracles of the Fathers. In Ch. 7. of B. 1. of his Dialogues, he relates the History of Nonnosus, and says that he learn'd it from Maximian: And in many of his Homilies you may find the same Histories, which are related in these Dialogues in the same words.
• b 1.10

  His Disciples] Paterius Secretary to St. Grego∣ry, in the Collection which he made out of this Fa∣ther's Works, recites a great number of passages ta∣ken out of the Dialogues: Some of them also may be seen in the Collection of Yaius Bishop of Saragosa, who liv'd in 630. Ildefonsus of Toledo ranks this Work amongst St. Gregory's. Hilary of Toledo, Bede, Paul the Deacon, John the Deacon, Hadrian the first, Ana∣stasius the Library-keeper, Alcuinus, Hincmarus, Pas∣chasius, and Prudentius quote it; Photius speaks of it. I say nothing of an infinite number of later Authors.
• * 1.11

  [But this being only a Pur∣gation of light and venial sins, is not such a Purgato∣ry as is as∣serted by the Coun∣cil of Trent, Sess 6. Can. 30. which is the tem∣poral pain of mortal sins, whose eternal punishment is remitted. And in other places of his Works, Pope Gregory does expresly deny any change of state af∣ter this life, as particularly his Morals on Job l. 8. c. 8. Ed. Bas. where he says, That at the time of death either the good or e∣vil Spirit seizeth upon the Soul, and keeps it with it for ever without any change; and therefore if he be consistent with himself, the Purgation which he speaks of Dial. 4. c. 39. must be consistent with a state of Joy, especially since he adds in that same Chapter, Persons shall be at the day of Judgment, as they were when they went out of this world.]
• † 1.12

  [In this also Pope Gregory contradicts the Council of Trent, which declares, Sess. 22. c. 2. That this Sacrifice is offer'd not only for the sins of the living,—but also for those who are dead in Christ, not yet fully purged from their sins. But Pope Gregory supposes those to be in a state of bliss for whom the Oblation was made at the Altar, as appears by the Sa∣cramentry IV. Kalend Julii, where the Oblation is first mention'd, and after follows, O. God, who has bestow'd the reward of eternal happiness upon the Soul of thy Servant Leo; for such a Soul being in a state of eternal bliss, was certainly fully purg'd from its sins, tho the Sacrifice was offer'd for it at the Altar]
• * 1.13

  Paterius.