A new history of ecclesiastical writers containing an account of the authors of the several books of the Old and New Testament, of the lives and writings of the primitive fathers, an abridgement and catalogue of their works ... also a compendious history of the councils, with chronological tables of the whole / written in French by Lewis Ellies du Pin.

JOANNES CASSIANUS.

JOANNES CASSIANUS, a Native of Scythia a 1.1, having devoted himself to God in his Childhood, withdrew himself into the Monastery of Bethlehem b 1.2; afterward, being * 1.3 desirous to attain the utmost perfection of a Religious Life, he departed from thence, with another Monk named Germanus, with whom he had contracted an intimate Friendship, to go into Aegypt and Thebais, to see the Solitaries and Monks of that Country, and gather some Advantage by their Example and Instructions. Having lived Seven Years c 1.4 in that Country, and conferred with the most Spiritual and most eminent Abbots of those Quarters, they re∣turned

to their Monastery, as they had obliged themselves; and having discharged this Duty to their Ancient Brethren, they went from thence into the the Desart of Scythia. It is pro∣bable, that the Contentions of the Monks of Aegypt with the Bishop of Alexandria forc'd them, as well as many others, to retreat to Constantinople: But however that be, it is certain that they were at Constantinople when S. Chrysostom was banished, and that they were sent to Rome to carry the Letters of the Clergy of that City thither; containing Complaints of the Vio∣lence which had been used against their Bishop, as we read in the Life of S. Chrysostom, written by Palladius. Germanus the Priest, saith he, and Cassian the Deacon, Persons of emi∣nent Piety, who were for S. Chrysostom, came after Palladius, and brought Letters from all the Clergy of Constantinople, relating, how that their Church had suffered intolerable Oppres∣sion and Tyranny, their Bishop having been driven out by Force, &c. S. Innocent returning an Answer to this Letter, says also, That it was brought by Germanus the Priest and Cassian. It cannot rationally be said, That this Cassian is a distinct Person from this of whom we are speaking, since he not only bears the same Name, and hath a Companion of the same Name, but also because we understand by Cassian himself, That he was the Scholar of S. Chrysostom. Gennadius also takes notice, That he was ordain'd by that Holy Bishop. Afterward he was promoted to the Order of Priesthood, it is likely in the West, and never returned again into the East. But however that be, it is out of doubt that he spent the latter part of his Life at Marseille; where he founded two Monasteries, one for Men and another for Virgins: There he composed all the Works which he left us. He dyed under the Empire of Theodosius and Valentinian, about the Year Four hundred and forty. The first of his Works is his Institutio Monachorum, i. e. Instruction of Monks, divided into Twelve Books: The first Four which * 1.5 treat of the Habit and way of Living used by the Monks of Aegypt, are look'd upon by Gen∣nadius and Photius as a distinct Treatise. The Eight last are so many Precepts against the Eight Capital Sins; nevertheless, it appears by the Preface and the sequel, that Cassian intended these two Parts for one entire Work only. This Treatise is dedicated to Castor Bishop of Apta; who desiring to model the Monasteries in his Province, like to the Aegyptian, requested Cassian, who had conversed a long time with those Monks, to lay down a Platform of their way of Living; to be, as it were, a Pattern▪ for the Western Monks. In the First he speaks of the Habits of the Aegyptian Monks, and describes them much after this Manner. Their Habit was merely to cover their Nakedness, and secure them against the Injuries of the Weather: It had nothing extraordinary either in the Colour or Fashion, lest the singularity of it should give them an occasion to be Proud. They wore a Girdle about their Loyns, and a Cowle upon their Heads. Their Linen Coats had short Sleeves, which reached no further than their Elbows, the other part of their Arm was naked. They had over their Habit a kind of Sca∣pular, and a little short Cloak, which came down no further than the Shoulders. They had also a kind of Safe-guard of Leather, which they used in bad Weather. They carried a Staff. They wore no Shooes. They had only single Breeches to save themselves from Heat and Cold, and those also they put off when they went to Celebrate, or Receive the Holy Sa∣crament.

In the 2d. Book, Cassian, to obviate the great diversity which was in the Monasteries touch∣ing the Multitude of Psalms, which were sung at Divine Service, relates the usages of the Monks of Aegypt and Thebais. First, he observes, That these Monks at their entrance into the Monastery, forsook all things, laboured with their Hands, and lived in obedience. He then speaks of the Divine Offices of the Monks of Aegypt and Thebais: They recited their Evening-Service, and their Night-Service, the 12 Psalms. On Saturday and Sunday they read two Lessons, which, during the whole Lent, were both taken out of the New Testament: On other days, one out of the Old, and another out of the New Testament. At the end of every Psalm they made a pause, and all the Monks rising up, made a Prayer with themselves; then they cast themselves flat on the Ground, and being risen again, they made another short Prayer, without singing the Gloria Patri, as is the custom in the West. The Psalms were not sung by the Monks in a Quire, but one of them sung them, and the rest, sitting in silence, harkened to him; now and then he made stops, that they might lift up their Hearts to God. Divine Service being ended, they betook themselves to their Cells modestly and silently, and went to their Labours there. They who committed any Fault, were excluded the Service, and it was not allowed any other to pray for them. They did not kneel down, nor Fast from Saturday-evening to Sunday-evening, nor from Easter to Whitsontide, following the ancient Custom of the Church.

In the 3d. Book he speaks of the Offices of the third, sixth and ninth Hours, in every of which they recited 3 Psalms. The first Office which Cassian calls the Mattins, was not used in Aegypt; but he tells us, That it was newly settled not only in the West, but also in his Monastery of Bethlehem. They that came to the Church, which he calls an Oratory, after the first Psalm was ended, did not enter at all, but stayed at the door till the rest came out, and then cast themselves flat on the Ground to beg pardon for their Sloth. In the Night-service it was allowed to go in, till the end of the second Psalm. Besides these Offices there were Vigils on Friday-night to Saturday, in which they rehearsed three Anthems and three Psalms. They never Fast in the East on Saturday, as they do at Rome. Cassian thinks, That this Fast was appointed at Rome, because S. Peter fasted to prepare himself for the encounter with Simon

Magus; but he adds, That such a Custom ought not to be established upon that Example. On Sunday they celebrated but one Mass only, to which they joyned the Offices of the Third and Sixth: They recited some Psalms before and after Dinner. At Supper, they contented themselves to make a short Prayer, because that was an extraordinary and unusual Meal among the Monks.

The 4th. Book contains the Qualifications required in that Person, who desires to be admit∣ted into a Monastery. He that offers himself for this end, must remain at the Gate, and beseech the Monks many times to receive him. He must give Proofs of his Patience, Humility and Contempt of the World, and be tryed with Denials and Affronts. They by no means will allow that he give his Estate to the Monastery into which he goes, for fear that afterward it should give him an occasion to exalt himself above the other Monks. They make him to lay aside his former Garb, and the Abbot must give him another, to shew him that he ought to be entirely stripped of all. Nor will they immediately after admit him into their Society. They put him with an old Monk into an Apartment near the Gate, where they receive Guests; and when he hath served him a long while, they put him under the government of another Senior, who hath the care of Novices; there they teach him to subdue his Passions and re∣nounce his own Will. They oblige him to reveal all his Thoughts to this Senior, and exer∣cise him with the meanest Works, to try his Obedience. They give him no other Food but boil'd Herbs, with a little Salt: But Cassian observes, that this austerity in Eating is not pra∣cticable in the West. These Holy Monks are so subject to the sound of the Bell, that they are obliged to leave whatsoever Work they are about, to go whither it calls them, altho' it be a Letter. They can possess nothing of their own. They make them do Penance for the least Faults. They read in the Hall at Dinner-time. It is forbidden them to eat any where but in the Hall. They wait upon each other at Table. Lastly, they perform a blind obedience to their Superior, who commands them to do things which seem impossible. Cassian relates some Examples which seem incredible, and it would be dangerous to imitate.

This is the Subject of the Four first Books of Cassian's Institutions, which Gennadius and Photius have looked upon as a distinct Work from the Eight last. And, indeed, these are upon another Subject. He teaches us, in them, to resist the Eight principal Vices, with which Men are tempted, (viz.) Gluttony, Uncleanness, Covetousness, Anger, Sorrow, Trouble, Vain-glory and Pride. In every Book he gives us the definition of these Vices, shews us the per∣nicious effects of them, propounds Examples to confirm it, how much they ought to be de∣tested. He prescribes Rules for the contrary Vertues, and teaches us fit Remedies to defend our selves from them. He maintains, That without Grace Man can do no good thing, nor resist any Temptation; but he believes, That this Grace is given to all that use their endea∣vours.

But Cassian doth not think it enough to propound the Life of the Aegyptian Monks as an Example to the Western, and propose Methods of resisting the most ordinary Temptations. He hath also collected the Instructions, which he had heard from the Mouths of the most Illu∣strious Abbots of those Desarts, in the Conferences he had with them. Cassian hath made 24 Books of these, which he intitles, Collations or Conferences. The Ten first are dedicated to Leontius Bishop of * 1.6 Frejus, and Helladius the President of the Abby built by Castor, who was dead. The First and Second contain the-Discourses of Moses, Abbot of the Desart of † 1.7 Schete, in which, having spoken in general of the end of a Monastick Life, and the means of arriving at the end, he treats of the Spirit of Prudence. In the Third, the Abbot Paphnu∣tius explains in what Particulars the forsaking of the World consists. Germanus the Companion of Cassian having put some Questions to him touching the abilities of the Free-will, he speaks of the necessity of Grace, even for the beginning of Faith. In the Fourth the Abbot Daniel shews of what use Temptations and the Motions of Concupiscence are. He teaches us the means to resist them; always owning, That without Grace all humane Attempts and Industry are to no purpose. In the Fifth, Serapion discovers the Eight principal Vices, and teaches us fit Remedies to be applied against them. In the Sixth, a Monk, who had a Cell between the Desarts of Scythia and Nitria, endeavouring to explain the Question which Cassian had propounded, Why God did permit that the Monks be taken and put to Death by the Arabians? treats of the Happiness of the Death of the Saints. The Abbot Serenus explains in the Seventh Confe∣rence the various Temptations of the Devils, and the Stratagems which they make use of to draw the Soul of Man into Sin. They cannot force or constrain it, but they stir it up to evil. They do not certainly know the secret Thoughts of Man, but guess at them by the Motions of the Body. Every evil Spirit is appointed to excite some passion, they know one anothers designs to do Man a mischief, yet they cannot possess him without the Divine Permis∣sion: The Vertue of the Cross drives them away. They could not possess Mens Bodies, if they had not gotten some footing in the Soul, or God did not permit them to enter to punish some Fault. It is better to be tormented in our Bodies by the Devil, than to have the Soul subject to his power by Vice. We ought to pity the Case of such as are tormented by De∣vils; Serenus thinks it not reasonable, that they should be deprived wholly of the Communi∣on, which is contrary to the ancient discipline of the Church. Lastly, he makes some Obser∣vations upon the nature and differences of Devils, but he handles this Matter more largely in the 18th. Conference, where he speaks of the fall of Devils and the Sin of the first Man. He

believes, That the Devils have subtile aery Bodies, and every Man hath a good and a bad Angel. In the Two following Conferences is related the Discourse of the Abbot Isaac upon Prayer. This Holy Man having taught us how we must prepare our selves for Prayer, di∣stinguishing it into 4 sorts as the Apostle S. Paul doth, Supplications, Prayers, Intercessions and giving of Thanks, he shews for what Persons every one of these Prayers is necessary, and the fittest Seasons when we need them. He afterward expounds the Lord's Prayer, and from thence passes to private Prayers, which proceed from the bottom of the Heart, which are often accompanied with Tears, and an assurance of being certainly heard. The Second Conference is prefaced with a relation of the Troubles raised among the Monks by the Paschal Letters of Theophilus, written against the Error of the Anthropomorphites. Cassian tells us, That the greatest part of the ancient Monks explaining these Words of Genesis in a gross sence, Let us make Man in our Image and in our Likeness, imagined, That God had a Body like ours, and so did represent him to themselves in their Prayers.

The Bishop of Alexandria had a Custom of publishing on what day Easter should be cele∣brated every Year. And this he ordinarily did on the Feast of Epiphany; upon which, ac∣cording to his Remark, they kept not only the Festival of Christ's Baptism, but also his Nati∣vity in Aegypt. Having given notice in his Church, in his Sermon, he made it known to the Churches and Monasteries of Aegypt by his Letters, which were called, Paschal Letters. Theo∣philus having taken an occasion to write in one of these Letters against the Error of these Monks, they were extreamly disturbed at it; and all the Monks of the Monastery of Schete, except Paphnutius, treated their Archbishop as an Heretick, and undertook to confute his Let∣ter. These good Monks had accustomed themselves to represent God in the figure of a Man, and they could not free themselves from this Imagination, which was so strongly engraved in their Minds, that an old Man named Serapion, (who was convinced of his Error by the Abbot Paphnutius) and a certain Deacon of Cappadocia called Photinus, going to Prayers, and not re∣presenting God to himself in a bodily Shape, as before, fell to Weeping and Crying, Oh mi∣serable Man that I am! They have taken away my God, insomuch that I know not how to adore and pray unto him more! This having passed after the first Conference which Cassian and Germanus had had with the Abbot Isaac, they thought at their return to find him full of the fancy of the Abbot Serapion, and asked him, What he would do, since so holy a Man was fallen into so gross an Error? The Abbot Isaac having answered them, That that Error was a Relick of Paganism which the Devil still preserved in the Minds of many ignorant Persons; adds, That those that are perfect and well instructed have no such thing for the object of their Prayers, the only end of which is spiritual Love, which hath nothing carnal. After∣ward he recommends a very useful practice to them, which is to say every moment and in all the actions of Life, this short Prayer of the Psalmist, O God, haste thee to help me, make haste, O Lord, to deliver me. He speaks in the Last place of the way to avoid distractions, and to re∣strain the Thoughts from wandring.

The Seven following Conferences are dedicated to Honoratus the Abbot of * 1.8 Lerins, who was after ordained Bishop of † 1.9 Marseilles in 426.

The Three first contain the Discourses of the Abbot Chaeremon. In the First he treats of the State of Perfection, and the way to attain it: Charity is the principal. In the Second he speaks of Chastity, and the means of obtaining it. The third is that famous Conference of the Protection of the Divine Assistance, wherein he treats of Grace and Free-will. These are the Principles, which Cassian lays down in it under the Name of the Abbot Chaeremon. 1. He supposes that Grace is the source not only of our good Actions, but also of our good Thoughts. He adds, That this Grace is always present with us, and sometimes goes before the begin∣ning of our good desires, but always follows them: That the Free-will is much impaired by the Sin of the first Man, but is not utterly extinguished: That there remain in us some know∣ledge of Goodness and Seeds of Vertue: That Grace is given to perfect this Knowledge, and strengthen these Beginnings: That altho' Man can naturally chuse good, yet he hath need of Grace to accomplish it: That this Grace goes sometimes before the desires and first motions of the Will, but most commonly follows them: That these two things being usually mixt toge∣ther, it is hard for us to know whether God shews us Mercy, because we have good inclinati∣ons in our Hearts, or where God's Mercy is precedent to those Motions: That it is safest to say, That sometimes Grace inclines the Will to good, as it did in the Conversion of S. Paul and S. Matthew, but there are some Occasions when it follows it, as it happened in the Con∣version of Zacchaeus, and the good Thief: That Man may of himself have a desire to be converted, and of the beginnings of Repentance and Faith: That he may Pray, seek a Cure, send for the Physician, resist Temptation; but he can't be cured, he can't be just, he can't be perfect, and he can't be a perfect Conqueror without Grace: That this Grace is a Free-gift, altho' God ne∣ver denies it to those that are laborious on their part: That we ought not to believe that no good proceeds from Man: The good we do depends partly on Grace and partly on Free-will. These are the Principles which Cassian delivers in his 13th Conference under the Name of the Abbot Chaeremon, which have given Prosper an occasion to write against him, in defence of S. Austin's Doctrine, which Cassian seemed to oppose in this Conference.

The 14th. Conference is a Discourse of the Abbot Nestorius touching Knowledge and spiri∣tual Sciences. The 15th. is another of his Discourses about the Miracles done by the Ancho∣rets. Having discoursed upon them for some time, he makes two Reflections, (viz.) one is, That Humility is to be preterred before the Power of doing Miracles: The other is, That it is more for our advantage to banish Vice from our Hearts, than Devils from the Bodies of others.

The 16th. is a Discourse of the Abbot Joseph about Friendship grounded upon Charity, Humility, Kindness and Christian Patience. In the 17th. the same Abbot desiring to perswade Germanus and Cassian not to return to their Monastery in Palaestine, altho they had promised it undertakes to demonstrate by several Examples taken out of Scripture, that it is sometimes lawful and profitable to lye. The Seven last are written to four Abbots after the Ordination, and yet before the Death of Honoratus, that is to say, between the Years 426, and 429.

The 1st. which is the 18th. speaks of the several sorts of Monks; the Abbot Piammon is made to speak it. He distinguishes the Monks into three sorts: 1. Coenobites, who live in * 1.10 common under an Abbot, imitating the Life of the Apostles. 2. Anohorets, who after they have been instructed and educated in the Monasteries, withdraw into the Desarts. The Au∣thors of this Order, were S. Paul the Hermite and S. Anthony. And 3. Sarahaites, who pre∣tended to retire from the World and joyned themselves together by two or three in a Com∣pany, to live after their own Humour, not being subject to any Man. He looks upon these last as a corruption of the Monastick State rather than a distinct Order. He adds to these a 4th. sort of Monks, made of those who not being able to endure the Monastick Life in a Convent, retreated alone into certain Cells to live more at liberty. This Discourse concludes with some Instructions about Humility and Patience, and against Envy. The Abbot John who speaks in the following Conference, having been an Anchoret, had betaken himself to a Monastery. It was therefore demanded of him which of the two Orders was to be preferred? He thought the Life of the Coenobites to be best for those, who are not absolutely perfect; and he shews, that none but those who have attained to a degree of eminent Perfection, are capable of living an Hermite's Life.

The 20th. Conference is a Disourse of the Abbot Pinuphius about true Repentance. It con∣sists in his Judgment in never committing those Sins of which we repent, or which our Con∣sciences accuse us of: Also we ought to believe, That our Sins are pardoned when we have renounced our Passions and our Desires of this World. It is good for a Man to call to mind his Sins at the beginning of Repentance, but he must afterward forget them. There are many other ways of blotting out Sin besides by Baptism and Martyrdom; Charity Sorrow Confession, Alms-giving, Prayers, &c. are means of obtaining Remission. If we are ashamed to confess our Sins to Men, it is sufficient to acknowledge them before God; which ought to be under∣stood of ordinary Sins. When our greater Sins are remitted, and we feel no more the Mo∣tions nor Desires to commit them, we must quite forget them. But we must not do so with little Sins, into which we fall every day; and therefore must repent of them daily.

The 21st. Conference is the Abbot Theonas's. He describes his own Conversion, and relates, how he left his Wife against her Will to retire himself into a Monastery. But Cassian is careful to advertise us, That he doth not propound this Example as lawful to be imitated. Lastly, the Question is put, Why the Monks observe no Fasting-days from Easter to Whitsontide? For resolution of this Question, he lays it down, That Fasting is in it self a thing indifferent, and not always convenient to be used; and maintains, That it is an Apostolick Tradition not to fast in those days of Joy. This Question gives an occasion for another, Why Lent, in some places, is kept six Weeks, in others seven, since neither way, if we take away Saturday and Sunday, it is not of forty days continuance? Theonas answers, That the 36 days of Lent contained in the 6 weeks, make the tenth part of the Year which is Holy to God. That those whose Lent is seven weeks long, have 36 Fasting-days, without counting Saturdays and Sundays, because the Fast of the Holy Saturday, which they continue without interruption to Easter-Sunday, may well pass for two: That those, who keep a six weeks Lent only, fast on Saturday. In sum, That that time is called Quadragesima, altho' we Fast but 36 days, be∣cause Moses, Elias and Jesus Christ fasted 40 days: That the Perfect are not tyed to this Law, which was ordained for those only who spend all their Lives in Pleasure and Delights, that being forced by a Law they may at least spend that time in God's Service. But as to those who give their Life entirely to God, this Law was not intended for them, they are freed from paying these Tythes. Upon this ground, he affirms, That there was no Lent observed in the Primitive Church, and that it was established for no other reason but because of the negligence of the Faithful. Lastly, Theonas concludes, That it is Love that makes the Precepts of the Go∣spel lighter and easier to be born than those of the Law. About the end, Germanus asks him, Why those, who fast much, do find themselves often troubled with the Temptations of the Flesh? The resolution of this Question is put off to the next Conference, where he treats of Nocturnal Pollutions, which happen either through immoderate Eating, or through Negligence, or lastly, by the craft of the Devil. These last are no Sin: and if the judgment of this Ab∣bot may be followed, they need not hinder us from approaching the Holy Sacrament altho' we ought to receive it not without much dread, and believing our selves unworthy: That we must be truly Holy, that we may approach it; but it is not necessary to be without Sin, be∣cause

then no Body may receive it, since none but Jesus Christ is free from all Sin. In the 23d. Conference the same Abbot explains this Text of S. Paul, The good that I would, I do not; and the evil that I would not, that I do; and some other places of like nature. He holds, That we must understand them of S. Paul and the Apostles, and not of Sinners. For the ex∣plication of them, he says, That the Good which Man cannot do, is absolute Perfection, and a total freedom from Sin. He adds, That those that aim at a State of Perfection often fall themselves, drawn away by the motions of the Flesh and Passions, and therefore acknowledge the necessity of Grace. He owns, That Concupiscence is an effect of Adam's Sin, which hath brought Mankind into Bondage. That Jesus Christ came to deliver him from it, and that he hath done it, by restoring him again his Liberty entire, and not by clogging it. That al∣tho we have the knowledge of Goodness, and desire spiritual and celestial Goods, the Flesh often pulls us down to the Earth, and fills us with earthly desires, which do not indeed hurry good Men into enormous Sins, but yet makes them fall into venial Sins, and so the most Holy and Just Men do truly call themselves Sinners, and desire of God every day the pardon of their Offences. That it is almost impossible to avoid all Sin even in our Prayers, either through distraction or carelesness; but yet these Sins ought not to discourage us from receiving the Communion. Germanus and Cassian having declared to the Holy Old Man Abraham, that they had a desire to return into their own Country, alledging that they might do much good there both by their Example and Exhortation. This Holy Abbot diverts them from this De∣sign, and tells them plainly, that it was nothing but an hankering Mind, that they had to the World. He then enlarges upon the necessity of retirement, and an entire separation from the World. He speaks also of the Mortification of the Senses, and Lusts of the Flesh, which renders Jesus Christ's Yoke pleasant and easie to be born. He confesses, That we must allow our selves sometimes Recreation. Lastly, he proves, That those who have renounced the World entirely, enjoy Riches, Pleasures and Honour, infinitely more real and substantial than those that Worldings enjoy, and that so the Promise of Jesus Christ, which gives all those, who leave any thing for him, hopes of receiving an hundred fold, is accomplished in them, even in this present World.

Cassian having finish'd this Work before the Year 429. was resolved to continue silent, and write no more; but he was over-perswaded by S. Leo, who was then Archdeacon of Rome, to write a Treatise upon the Incarnation, against the Heresy of Nestorius, which then began to spread it self; in which he confutes the first Sermon of Nestorius. This Work is divided into seven Books. In the First, having compared Heresy to an Hydra, he makes a Catalogue of the principal Heresies: And, insisting upon the Pelagian Heresy, he observes, That the Error of those who hold, That it was not a God, but a Man that was born of the Virgin Mary, was taken from the Principles of the Pelagians. Leporius was the first Author of that Erroneous Doctrine, and preached it to the French, but retracted it in Africa. In the Second and Third Book he proves, That Jesus Christ is God and Man, and the Virgin may be called the Mother of God. In the Fourth he endeavours to shew, That there is but only one Hy∣postasis or Person in Jesus Christ. In the Fifth he comes to a close Examination of the Error of Nestorius: He confutes his Theses, and shews, That the Union of the Two Natures in one Person alone, makes it lawful to attribute to the Person of Jesus Christ, whatsoever agree to both Natures. In the Last Place he proves, That the Union of the two Natures is not a Moral Union only, nor a Dwelling of the Divinity in the Human Nature as in a Temple, as Nestorius asserts; but it is a real Union of the two Natures in one Person. In the Sixth he falls upon Nestorius with the Creed of the Church of Antioch, where he was brought up, taught and baptized. Some have needlessly enquired, by what Council of Antioch that Creed was made. Cassian speaks of the Creed which was usually recited in the Church of Antioch, and not of a Creed composed by any Council of Antioch. But we must not forget here what Cassian observes, That the Creed (* 1.11 Symbolum) is so called, because it is a short Collection of all the Doctrine contained in Holy Scripture. He urges Nestorius extreamly with the Authority of the Creed of his Church, which contained the Faith which he had embraced when he was baptized, and which he had always professed.

If you were, saith he to him, an Arrian, or a Sabellian, and I could not use your own Creed against you, I would then convince you by the Authority of the Testimonies of Holy Scripture, by the Words of the Law, and by the Truth of the Creed acknowledged by all the World. I would tell you, That tho' you had neither Sense nor Judgment, you ought to yield to the Consent of all Mankind, and that it is unreasonable to preferr the Opinions of some par∣ticular Men before the Faith of the Church. That Faith, say I, which having been taught by Jesus Christ, and preach'd by the Apostles, ought to be received as the Word and Law of God. If I should deal thus with you, what would you say? what would you answer? You could certainly have no other Evasion, but to say, I was not brought up in this Faith, I was not so instructed, my Parents, my Masters taught me otherwise, I have heard another thing in my Church, I have learned another Creed, into which I was baptized: I live in that Faith of which I have made Profession from my Baptism. You would think that you had brought a very strong Argument against the Truth upon this Occasion. And I must freely own, 'Tis the best Defence that can be used in a bad Cause. It discovers at least the Original of the Error: And this Disposition were excusable if it were not accompanied

with Obstinacy. If you were of the same Opinions which you had imbibed in your Infancy, we ought to make use of Arguments and Perswasions to bring you from your Error rather than severity to punish what is passed; but, being born, as you were, in an Orthodox City, instructed in the Catholick Faith, and baptized with a true Baptism, we must not deal with you as an Arian or a Sabellian. I have no more to say but this, Follow the Instructions you have received of your Parents, depart not from the Truth of the Creed which you have learned, remain firm in the Faith which you have professed in your Bap∣tism.

'Tis the Faith of this Creed which hath gained you admittance to Baptism; 'tis by that that you have been regenerated; 'tis by this Faith that you have received the Eucharist and the Lord's Supper. Lastly, I speak it with Sorrow, 'Tis that which hath raised you to the Holy Ministery, to be a Deacon and Priest, and made you capable of the Episcopal Dig∣nity. What have you done? Into what a sad Condition have you cast your self? By losing the Faith of the Creed, you have lost all; the Sacraments of your Priesthood and Episco∣pacy are grounded upon the Truth of the Creed. One of these two things you must do; either you must confess, That he is God that is born of a Virgin, and so detest your Error; or if you will not make such a Confession, you must renounce your Priesthood, there's no middle way; if you have been Orthodox, you are now an Apostate; and if you are at present Orthodox, how can you be a Deacon, Priest or Bishop? Why were you so long in an Error? Why did you stay so long without contradicting others? Lastly, he exhorts Nestorius to reflect upon himself, to acknowledge his Error, to make Pro∣fession of the Faith into which he was baptized, and have recourse to the Sacraments, That they may regenerate him by Repentance (they are Cassian's very Words) as they have here∣tofore begat him by Baptism.

With this Discourse he mingles Arguments against the Error of Nestorius, whom he undertakes to confute in the last Book, by answering the Objections which he proposed, and by alledging the Testimonies of the Greek and Latin Church against him. He concludes with a Lamentation of the miserable Condition of Constantinople, exhorting the Faithful of that Church to continue stedfast in the Orthodox Faith, which had been so learnedly and eloquently explained to them by S. Chrysostom. He seems to be much troubled for the Misery of that Church.

Altho' I am very little known, saith he, am of no worth, and dare not rank my self with the great Bishop of Constantinople, nor assume the Title of a Master, I have the Zeal and Affection of a Scholar, having been Ordained and Presented to God by S. John of blessed Memory. And altho' I am far distant from the Body of that Church, yet I am united in Heart and Spirit, which makes me to sympathize in her Grief and Sufferings, and pour out my self in Complaints and Lamentations.

This and the foregoing Place teach us, That this Treatise of Cassian's was composed before the Deposition of Nestorius, or at least before it was known in the West. They also give us ground to conjecture, That the Reason why S. Leo imposed this Task upon him, to write against Nesto∣rius, was this, That being known at Constantinople to be S. Chrysostom's Scholar, his Work might have more Weight, and be more effectual than if any other had written on the same Subject.

The Institutions of Cassian, saith the learned Photius, are very useful, especially for those who have embraced a Monastick Life. It may likewise be said, That they have something so Powerful and Divine, that the Monasteries which observe that Rule are flourishing, and make themselves eminent for their singular Vertues; but they that do not observe it have much-a-do to uphold themselves, and are always near a Dissolution: And indeed of all the Rules for Monks there are none in my Judgment that are more Useful, Spiritual, and tend more to Perfection and true Devotion. He meddles not with Actions and Observances of little consequence. He insists upon Substantials, and the Ends of a Monastick Life, by explaining the principal Ver∣tues, which they ought to practise, and discovering the most dangerous Temptations in which they are likely to be engaged, and by giving them Rules to avoid and resist them. He never delivers his own private Thoughts and Imaginations about it, but he makes Observations and delivers Rules and Maxims taken out of Holy Scripture, and backed with an infinite Number of Holy Testimonies. This is it that makes them generally esteemed by all those who have written of a Religious and Spiritual Life. His Conferences themselves, although they be in my Opinion much inferior to his Institutions, have been commonly read by the Monks. S. Benedict, Cassiodorus, S. Joannes Climacus, Rabanus, S. Gregory, Petrus Damianus, S. Do∣minick, S. Thomas, and some other Founders of Orders, have recommended the Reading of them. Nevertheless, this very Work, so much praised, commended and esteemed by these Holy Men, hath been strongly opposed by S. Prosper, in a Book made on purpose, as con∣taining Opinions contrary to the Doctrine of S. Austin concerning Grace, and the Strength of the Free-Will. It is easy to judge, because we have said, That 'tis the Thirteenth Confe∣rence which he principally disputes against. It is true, Cassian doth not deliver these Prin∣ciples in his own Name. The Abbot Chaeremon pronounces them, but it is lost Labour to make use of that Excuse to defend Cassian; for as Prosper observes, 'Tis Cassian that makes him speak, and who relates this Discourse, and sufficiently evidences that he approves and fully follows the Opinion of that Abbot. Besides, it is certain that Cassian was one of the Clergy of Marseille, who discovered, That S. Austin in defending the Church's Cause against

the Pelagians, had pushed things too far. This was the Reason that induced Pope Gelasius to reckon the Works of Cassian among the Apocryphal Books. Some affirm, That he changed his Opinion, otherwise S. Leo would not have invited him to write against Nestorius: But this is a Conjecture for which they bring no Reason, and which doth not appear probable in the least. Cassian finished his Conferences in 429. He wrote his Books of the Incarnation in 430. Is it credible, that he could be brought from his Error in so small a Time? Have we any Re∣cantation extant? Doth S. Prosper any where mention it? Is it spoken of in any Author? But, say they, Is it likely that S. Leo would intreat a Man who was in an Error, and who had published an Heresy, to write in the Defence of the Church? This Objection would have some probability, if the Opinion of Cassian concerning Grace had been look'd upon as a Condemned Heresy: And if Cassian, and those that were of the same Judgment with him, had been declared Hereticks. But S. Prosper himself owns, That there was no such thing; but, on the other hand, that those who did not fully approve of S. Austin's Doctrine were in the Church and of the Church, were eminent Men, preferred to the Church-Dignities, endu∣ed with much Learning, and made a great shew of Vertu•• and Piety; that they were generally esteemed and acknowledged vertuous Men: That Cassian was a Man of Worth and Learning. Lastly, That these Persons not being severed from the Church, we ought to bear with their Judgment, and not despair of their Amendment. This is what S. Prosper himself speaks of Cassian, and those who were of the same Sentiments. After all this, may we count them for Hereticks, since their greatest Adversary owns that they were not so? So that nothing hinders but that S. Leo might desire Cassian to write against Nestorius, although Cassian were always of the same Opinion which he delivered and approved in his Conferences. Nothing hinders but that we may give him the Title of Blessed and Saint, which several Authors have freely bestowed on him, and which seems to be acknowledged at Marseille.

The Style of Cassian's Books is suitable to the things that he treats of, if we believe Photius; for, besides the Elegancy, it is very fit to insinuate into the Mind the Maxims which he propounds, and also to perswade Men to follow them: He orders the whole with so much Art and Prudence, that the Second Book, i. e. the Eight last Books of Institutions contain not only Moral Instructions, but also fit Motives to allure to Vertue, and to terrify and affright, so as to stir Men up to Repentance. All that have spoken of Cassian agree, That he had a very free Elocution: But there is nothing Lofty nor Great in his Style. He wrote in Latin, as it appears both by the Style and his Prefaces. There is some probability that his Works were translated into Greek, since Photius had read them, and does not say that they were written in Latin. S. Eucherius abridged them, as Gennadius observes in his Book of Ecclesi∣astical Writers, ch. 63. After him Victor, an African, undertook to take out what was con∣trary to the Doctrine of S. Austin, and add to it what he thought wanting in it. Cassiodorus is witness of this Fact, and says, That he expected this Book; which, perhaps, was the cause that Ado attributed this Correction of Cassian to him. We find the Extracts of Cassian in the Fourth Book of the Lives of the Fathers, published by Rosweid, but it is not known who was the Collector of them.

The Twelve Books of Institutions were printed at Lyons in 1516. And with the Para∣phrases of Dionysius Carthusianus, at Basil in 1559. And at Colen in 1540. His Conferences also were published at Basil in 1559. And his Seven Books of the Incarnation reprinted in 1571. Ciacconius procured them to be printed all together, the First Edition is at Rome in 1590. [1580. It was also printed at Rome in 1611. in Octavo.] The Second at Lyons in 1606. Cucquius, a Divine of Lovain put out a New Edition of them at Antwerp in 1578. Since Alardus Gazaeus, a Benedictine Monk of the Abbey of S. Vaast at Arra, caused them to be printed with long Commentaries [of his own and others.] The First Impression was made at Doway in 1616. [Two Volumes in Octavo,] the Second at Arras in 1628 [Folio,] the Third at Paris in 1642. by Conterenus.

Notes

• a 1.1

  A Native of Scythia.] Gennadius says plainly, That he was a Scythian. M. Holstenius and F. Norris endeavour to prove that he was a Frenchman; and this they pretend to do from ch. 1. conf. 24. but that Place doth not prove what they assert, nor destroy the Testimony of Gennadius, which is of great weight. Photius says, That he was a Roman, but he means it of the Place of his Abode, and the Tongue he wrote in. Honorius calls him an African, perhaps be∣cause he thought Scythia was in Africa. Some say he was a Native of Scythia and born at Carthage, but this is without Ground. What some say, That he wrote too elegantly in Latin to be a Greek, is not to be regarded. It is very possible that a Greek, living among the Latins, might write Latin as well as he hath done: Besides, he lived in an Age, when almost all Learned Men were skilled in both Tongues.
• b 1.2

  He withdrew himself into the Monastery of Bethlehem.] He says so himself in the Preface of his Institutions, dedicated to Castor; where speak∣ing of his First Exercise in that Monastery; he says, A pueritia nostra constituti.
• * 1.3

  J. Cassian.
• c 1.4

  Having lived seven Years] In his First Con∣ference, ch. 1. he tells us, That it was the De∣sire he had to visit the Monks, and profit by their Instructions, that made him undertake that Voy∣age: Germanus, with whom he travelled, had been longer in the Monastery than he; they always were very intimate. He relates, in his Conferen∣ces, the principal Discourses which they had with the most Spiritual Religious all-a-long their Voy∣age, and the Places whither they went, in the seventeenth Conf. ch. 31. He says, That at the end of seven Years they performed their Pro∣mise, which they had made, of returning to the Monastery; and then went into the Desart of Scythia.
• * 1.5

  De insti∣tutis Coenobi∣orum.
• * 1.6

  Forum Julii.
• † 1.7

  Scetis, Soz.
• * 1.8

  Lerina, an ••••••and, ad∣joyning to France.
• † 1.9

  Massilia.
• * 1.10

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.11

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to joyn toge∣ther, &c.