A new history of ecclesiastical writers containing an account of the authors of the several books of the Old and New Testament, of the lives and writings of the primitive fathers, an abridgement and catalogue of their works ... also a compendious history of the councils, with chronological tables of the whole / written in French by Lewis Ellies du Pin.

S. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM.

SAint JOHN, Sir-named CHRYSOSTOM, because of his Eloquence a 1.1, was * 1.2 of Antioch; his Father's Name was SECUNDUS, and his Mother's ANTHU∣SA b 1.3.

He lost his Father when he was young c 1.4, and his Mother took care to breed him up like a Christian. He learned Rhetorick under Libanius, and Philosophy under Andragathius, both very famous in their profession. He first designed to follow the Law d 1.5, but soon al∣tered his Mind, and became a Church-man. He left Libanius his School to study the Scriptures, and had for his Tutors Diodorus and Carterius Superiors of the Monks, that were in the Sub∣urbs of Antioch. He was afterwards baptized by Meletius, and chosen by this Bishop to be Reader. He was so highly esteemed, that he was mark'd out by an Assembly of Prelates to be made Bishop, as well as Basil his Friend e 1.6. But knowing the Day when they were to or∣dain him, he hid himself, avoiding that Dignity with as much Care, as others sought for it with earnestness. About the Year 374, he retired to a Mountain near Antioch, where he lived with only one old Monk the Space of four Years; then he chose to dwell in a Cave for two Years, after an austere manner. The severity of a solitary Life, and continual Labour did much impair S. Chrysostom's health, which obliged him to return to Antioch, about the Year 380. There the great Meletius ordained him a Deacon, and soon after he went to the Council of Constantino∣ple, where he died. After his Death S. Chrysostom sided with Flavianus, who made him Priest, and having received that Order he gave himself wholly to preaching, and therein got such re∣putation, that after the Death of Nectarius Archbishop of Constantinople, he was with general Consent chosen to fill up that See. The Emperour was obliged to use all his Authority to make him leave Antioch, and at last he was forced to take him away secretly. Theophilus Bishop of Alexandria, whom the Emperour had sent for to ordain S. Chrysostom, had more inclination for one Isidorus a Presbyter; wherefore he secretly opposed the Ordination of S. Chrysostom. But Eutropius and other Officers of the Court upheld S. Chrysostom so far, that Eutropius (to oblige Theophilus to ordain him) shewed him a Memorial containing several Heads of an Accusation formed against him, and put it to his choice, whether he would ordain St. Chry∣sostom, or prepare himself for his Trial upon those Accusations. Theophilus chose the former, and ordained S. Chrysostom the first Day of March 398. This was the beginning of that hatred which Theophilus bore to St. Chrysostom, and which proceeded further than can well be believed, as we shall see afterwards.

S. Chrysostom being entred upon the Government of the Church of Constantinople, began with endeavouring to reform the manners of the Clergy, and then fell to reproving the Vices of the Court; and this got him the ill-will of many, for he was of a severe Temper not agreeable to men of the World; and his way of living was singular and retired. They found fault, that he always eat by himself, and would never appear at those Feasts where he was invited, which they looked upon as proceeding from Scorn and Contempt of others, though it was only an Effect of his Constitution and Weakness of Stomach, or of his great Sobriety. He discharged the Duties of his Office with wonderfull Exactness and Care, knowing that the Revenue of the Church is the Patrimony of the Poor; he cut off the superfluous Expences of his Predecessours, to increase the Allowances of Hospitals for the Sick. And the Hospital at Constantinople not be∣ing large enough, by reason of the great Number of Sick and Strangers, he caused several others to be built, and for each of them he appointed two Priests to take care of the Sick and Stran∣gets,

He particularly provided for Virgins and Widows. He constantly preached to the People▪ exhorting them not to neglect the publick Service. And he is said, first to have instituted solemn Processions in Constantinople.

But his Pastoral care was not restrained to his particular Church, but extended it self also to the Churches of Thracia, Pontus, and Asia. He pulled down some Temples of false Deities that were still in Phoenicia. To the Goths that were infected with Arianism, he sent Priests, Deacons and Readers that spake their Language, thereby to endeavour the Conversion of that People from their Error: He also sent Missionaries to the Scythians that inhabited along the Danube. He wrote to the Bishop of Tyre against the Marcionites of those parts, offering him the Emperor's help: But he never did the Church a more signal Service, than when he re-united the East and West, by reconciling Flavianus with the Western and Egyptian Bishops.

He assembled at Constantinople a Synod of Two and twenty Bishops about September in the Year 400. Eusebius, Bishop of Valentinople in Asia, came to it, and presented to the Council a Petition containing Seven Articles against Antoninus Bishop of Ephesus, the Metropolitan of Asia. He was accused, First, Of Melting the holy Vessels, and converting them into Money, which he bestowed upon his Son. 2dly. That he had taken a Marble Stone from the entrance of the Bap∣tistery, to use in his own Bath. 3dly. That the Pillars which remained after the Building of the Church were used to support the Roof of his own Hall. 4thly. That he kept a Servant who was guilty of Man-slaughter. 5thly. That he had sold the Lands, which were left to the Church by Basilina, Mother to Julian the Emperor, as if they had belonged to his own Estate. 6thly. That he had again taken his Wife, whom he had put away, and had two Children by her. 7thly. That a Custom was introduced by him, so as to become almost a Law, to take Money for the Ordina∣tion of Bishops, proportionably to the value of their Bishopricks. Antoninus appear'd at the Coun∣cil that was called by S. Chrysostom, where these Accusations were brought against him by Euse∣bius. They insisted particularly upon the last, as being the most important. Antoninus de∣nied all; and could not be convicted, because there were no Witnesses; Wherefore the Council deputed three Bishops to go into Asia, and hear the Witnesses that were to be produced by the Accuser. One of these three Bishops being Antoninus his friend, feigned himself sick, that he might not inform against his friend. The two others went to Hypaepae, a City in Asia, where they waited to no purpose for Witnesses, because the Accuser was agreed with the accused, either through fear of his Power, or because he had no sufficient Proofs. The Deputies, weary of wait∣ing, went away, having written a Letter, in which they Excommunicated Eusebius as an Im∣postor for making default. Sometime after Antoninus died, and his Death caused new Troubles in the Churches of Asia. In this juncture of time the Clergy of Ephesus and the Bishops of that Province made application to S. Chrysostom, and prayed him to come into their Countrey, to establish some Order in the Church of Ephesus. He came thither in the end of Winter, of the Year 401, and assembled a Synod of Seventy Bishops, wherein Six Bishops were deposed, who were convicted of giving Antoninus Money for their Ordination. The Heirs of that Bishop were enjoyned to return them the Money he had received: and they Ordained Heraclides a Deacon, Bishop of Ephesus. What concerned the Church of Ephesus being thus regulated, S. Chrysostom returned through Nicomedia, where he turned out Gerontius, who was formerly S. Ambrose's Dea∣con, but went to the East and was ordained Bishop of Nicomedia: He settled in his room Panso∣phius; and going on in his Journey, in every place, he took from the Novatians and Quartode∣cimani the Churches which they were in possession of.

While S. Chrysostom was doing these things in Asia, Severinus, Bishop of Gabala, a famous Preacher, (to whom, at his going away, he had committed the care of his Church) did all he could to get the applause both of the Nobility and People. This begot some jealousie in S. Chry∣sostom, who expelled him out of Constantinople after he returned; and this he did by the Sollicita∣tion of a Deacon of his, named Serapion. But the Empress caused him to come again, having re∣conciled them, though with much difficulty.

This Reconciliation was followed by another quarrel with Theophilus Bishop of Alexandria, an old enemy to S. Chrysostom. The Historians represent that Bishop as an ambitious Man, pas∣sionate, fierce, covetous, and cunning; who would never yield, but compass every thing he un∣dertook; who easily provoked Men to be his Enemies, and sooner or later would undoe them: He was no friend to S. Chrysostom, because he was obliged to ordain him against his will: but the hatred he bore to him broke out upon the account of three Egyptian Monks, Dioscorus, Ammo∣nius, and Euthymius, Sir-named the Long-brethren. Theophilus was very angry with them, be∣cause they reproved his Conduct, and received Isidore that was become his enemy: He condemned them in a Synod of Alexandria, assembled in 399, because they would not subscribe the Con∣demnation of Origen. After this Condemnation he went himself with Souldiers to drive them a∣way, with all the Monks that lived under their Rule. These poor Monks not knowing whither to go, because Theophilus persecuted them every-where, came to Constantinople, and represented to S. John, the Violences of their Bishop, beseeching him to have compassion on them. S. Chry∣sostom gave them leave to say their Prayers in a Church he assigned for them, but did not admit them to the Communion of the Eucharist. He only writ to Theophilus to re-establish them. On the contrary, Theophilus sent Men to Constantinople, who delivered to the Emperor a form of Accusation against these Monks; who in their own defence, accused their Bishop also. S. John

Chrysostom gave Theophilus notice of it, who answered him fiercely: That he ought to have known, that by the Canons of the Council of Nice, a Bishop is forbidden to judge of Causes that are out of the limits of his own Jurisdiction: That he had no right to receive Accusations against him; and that if he must be judged, the Judgment belong'd to the Bishops of Egypt, and not to the Bishop of Con∣stantinople. S. Chrysostom having received this Letter, exhorted both the one and the other to Peace; but neither were disposed towards it. The Monks accused by Theophilus, and some of their Brethren, perswaded of their innocence, continually Petition'd the Emperor; who yield∣ing to their Supplications, at last appointed Judges; who after examination of the Accusations against the Long-brethren, found them to be Calumnies, and so gave Judgment against some of the Monks that were the Authors of them. All this happened in the Year 401.

In the Year 402, S. Epiphanius, Bishop in Cyprus, (who held with Theophilus, because he was a great enemy to Origen) came to Constantinople. S. Chrysostom invited him to take a lodging in his House; but Epiphanius, pre-ingaged by Theophilus, writing to him, gave him this answer; That he was so far from lodging in his House, he would not so much as enter into it, nor joyn in the publick Prayers whilst he was there, unless S. Chrysostom first banish'd the Long-brethren, and condemn'd Origen. S. John having refused to doe it, S. Epiphanius designed to go himself into the Apostle's Church on the Lord's-day, and there publickly condemn Origen's Books, and excommunicate the Long-brethren with their Adherents. But as he was going, he met with Se∣rapion the Deacon, who told him from S. Chrysostom, that he undertook things against Order, and against the Canons: That he had ordained a Deacon out of his own Diocess, and celebrated the Eucharist, without permission from the Ordinary; and that he was about a thing that was neither just nor reasonable, and dangerous for himself, for he had to doe with a populace which would soon be up; and that S. Chrysostom would not answer for what might happen. This dis∣course made Epiphanius withdraw, and desist from his enterprise. The Long-brethren after this went to him, and complained that he condemned them before hearing, and without conviction; they shewed, that they had not dealt so with him, having every-where defended both his Works and his Person. Epiphanius reflecting upon this Remonstrance, and considering what Troubles Theophilus had engaged him in, returned towards Cyprus. At his going away he told the Bi∣shops, I leave you the Town, the Palace, and the Theater. He died before he got to his own Country.

After the departure of S. Epiphanius, S. Chrysostom made a Speech against the Disorders of Women: The Empress Eudoxia supposing that it was meant of her, complained to the Empe∣ror, and urged Theophilus to come to Constantinople. This Bishop, who waited for an opportu∣nity to destroy S. Chrysostom, came immediately about the beginning of the Year 403, and brought with him several Egyptian Bishops. Those of Asia that were deposed by S. Chrysostom, or were not satisfied with his behaviour, repaired likewise to Constantinople. Theophilus had his Apartment in one of the Empress's Houses; from whence he sent the Accusers of John to the Em∣peror, who commanded that both they and Chrysostom should appear before Theophilus his Sy∣nod, to be judged there. S. Chrysostom denied them to be his Judges; affirming, That it apper∣tained to the Bishops of his, and of the adjacent Provinces, and not to Strangers, to take cogni∣zance of that matter. Notwithstanding this reason, which Theophilus himself had alledged to a∣void being judged by S. Chrysostom, he held a Synod of Six and Thirty Bishops, in the Suburbs of Chalcedon, to condemn S. Chrysostom. One John exhibited Nine and Twenty Articles against him.

S. Chrysostom was cited to the Synod to answer those Accusations, but he sent three Bishops and two Presbyters, who in his behalf declared to Theophilus and his Synod, That he was ready to submit to any that might be his Judges, but not to Theophilus his professed Enemy, nor to the Egyptian Bishops, who could not regularly judge the Bishops of Thrace. S. Chrysostom ob∣jected in writing, particularly against Theophilus; because when he came out of Alexandria, he said, I am going to depose John: Against Acacius of Beraea, because he threatned him long before: Against Severianus and Antiochus, because of the quarrels betwixt them, which were publick and notorious. He so much depended upon his innocency, that he promised to appear at the Synod, if these four Bishops would retire: They did not hearken to this Proposition, but cited him to the Synod three times. He answered still, That he would justifie himself before a more numerous Sy∣nod; but he had reason to reject a Council, where his Enemies were to be his principal Judges. How∣ever, his Process was brought before the Council. Theophilus was present, and received the Me∣morials of Accusation which himself had made. One Isaac a Monk, whom S. Chrysostom had reproved, for going abroad oftener than Monks ought to doe, exhibited a Bill against him with Nine Articles: After examination of some of them, Paul of Heraclea, President of the Council, required the Bishops to give their Opinions: They all declared that S. Chrysostom ought to be de∣posed; and having delivered their Opinions, they wrote a Letter to the Emperor, and another to the Clergy of Constantinople, giving notice of the Judgment they had given against S. John Chrysostom. After this, three Bishops of Asia, deposed by S. Chrysostom, Petitioned the Coun∣cil for their Restauration; and it is probable that it was granted them. And, on the contrary, Heraclides, who had been ordained Bishop of Ephesus, was deposed. This is what Theophilus his Caballing obtained of the Council: the Acts whereof were extant in Photius's time, who gives an Epitome of them in the 59th. Volume of his Bibliotheca. They were divided into Thir∣teen Acts or Sessions.

The news of S. Chrysostom's deposition stirred up a great Sedition at Constantinople; the Empe∣ror commanded that he should be banished, and the People resolved to keep him by force: But three days after he went out of the Church of his own accord, to surrender himself to them that had order to seize him, and was conveyed to a small Town of Bithynia. His going away increased the tumult of the People, who both with Prayers and Threatnings addressed to the Emperor to call him back; which so amazed Eudoxia, that she became Petitioner for his return, and sent one of her own Officers to fetch him. When he was come back, he would not perform the Episcopal Functions till he was restored by a more numerous Synod than that which deposed him; he besought the Emperor to call one, and in the mean time withdrew to a place without the City: But the People, impatient of delays, led him into the Church, and he was restored by Thirty Bishops, and Theophilus was obliged to depart.

After this, it seemed that S. Chrysostom had nothing to fear; but of a sudden a new Storm arose against him. Towards the end of the Year 403, the Empress Eudoxia caused her Statue to be set up near the Church: The People, in honour to the Empress, celebrated some publick Games by that Statue. S. Chrysostom looking upon these as indecent things, preached against them: This provoked the Empress, who still preserved a grudge against him, and resolved to have a new Assembly of Bishops, to drive him out of the Church of Constantinople. It is said that the Saint hearing of it, provoked her yet more, by beginning a Sermon with these words: New Herodias is in a fury again; now she demands the Head of John in a Charger once again: However, at the end of that Year, Theophilus being afraid to go to Constantinople, sent thither three Bishops from Egypt; who being assembled with them that were thee at Court, and some others come from Syria, Pontus and Phrygia, they undertook to judge S. Chrysostom. He went to them, and desired to see his Accusation, or to know his Accusers, that he might make his defence about the Crimes laid to his charge: But these Bishops declared, that it was not necessary to examine, whe∣ther the things alledged against him were true or false; It was enough for his Condemnation, that he returned to his Bishoprick when deposed by a Council, and was not absolved by another Coun∣cil; because it was provided in the Fourth Canon of the Council of Antioch, That whosoever was guilty of this, could never hope to be restored, nor so much as be admitted to plead for himself. Elpidius and Tranquillus, who defended S. Chrysostom; answered, That this Canon was made by Arians; and that he was restored by those Bishops that communicated with him. The Bishops of the Council denied that the Canon was made by Arians; and insisted upon this, That the Number of those who deposed S. Chrysostom, was greater than of those that communicated with him at his return to his Church. On this ground they confirmed the Sentence of Deposition, which the first Council pronounced against S. Chrysostom.

By virtue of this Judgment, the Emperor, at the beginning of Lent, 404, forbad him to go to the Church: He obey'd, and left the Clergy alone to perform Divine Service. But he was not suffered to be long at rest, for upon Holy Saturday, Lucius, Captain of the Guards, came with Souldiers into the great Church in the Evening, and drove away forty Bishops that communicated with S. Chrysostom, all the Clergy, and part of the People: Then he placed armed Men about the Sanctuary, entred into the Baptistery, and misused those that were there. Some Souldiers that were not yet baptized, went to the Altar, and spilt upon their Cloaths the consecrated Ele∣ments that were in the holy Vessels. This Violence was followed by the Prince's Edicts against S. Chrysostom, and against those that communicated with him. The next day the People met together in the publick Baths, and were driven out by force: So that such as were for S. Chry∣sostom were obliged to meet in several places of the Town; and were afterwards called by their Enemies Joannites. They did not yet dare to meddle with the Person of S. Chrysostom, who was so much beloved of the People, that they were ready to take up Arms to prevent his being taken away. This Saint, unwilling to be the cause of a Civil War, got away from those Guards that the People set about him, and put himself into the hands of those that were to take him. He was led to Nice; and the same day that he went, which was the 20th. of June, there happened a Fire in the great Church, which burnt it to the ground, with the Palace joyning to it. Seven days after one Arsacius, an old Man of Eighty years of Age, Brother to Nectarius, was ordained in the room of S. Chrysostom. This Arsacius furiously persecuted S. Chrysostom's friends. This Saint tarried not long at Nice, but left it on the 13th. of July to go to Cucusus, the place of his Exile, where he arrived in September. He endured much by the way, but was kindly received by Dio∣scorus Bishop of the place. In the mean time Laws were published at Constantinople against those that adhered to S. Chrysostom; Three of them are in the Theodosian Code. The First of the First of September, l. 16. tit. 2. c. 3. It is against Foreign Clerks, who kept Meetings in private places. The Second of the Tenth of the same Month, is tit. 4. c. 5. of the same Book: By this Law those are to be Fined who suffered their Slaves to go to private Meetings. The Third in the same place, c. 6. forbids all the Meetings of those that did not communicate with Arsacius Bishop of Constan∣tinople, Theophilus Bishop of Alexandria, and Porphyrius who was chosen Bishop of Antioch in the place of Flavianus. All these Laws are against them that took John's part, and held private Meetings, and refused to communicate with those Three Patriarchs. About the latter end of that Year a shower of Hail of extraordinary bigness did much mischief in Constantinople; and the Em∣press died soon after: John's friends look'd upon both these accidents as Judgments from God for the injurious usage of S. Chrysostom.

The Patriarchs of the East having declared against S. Chrysostom, he could expect no relief, but from the Western Bishops, and particularly from the See of Rome, which had always been the refuge of Bishops that were unjustly persecuted in their own Country. To prevent Pope In∣nocent, Theophilus sent him a Letter by one of his Readers, acquainting him with S. Chrysostom's deposition. This being publickly known in Rome, 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Deacon of Constantinople, petition'd the Pope that he would suspend his Judgment, till he were rightly informed of the matter. Three days after came four Bishops, sent by S. Chrysostom, who delivered to the Pope a Letter from him, imploring 〈◊〉〈◊〉 succour, and that of the Bishops of the West; with another Letter from Forty Bishops and the Clergy of Constantinople; which declared, That S. John Chrysostom was condemned unjustly, and without being heard. S. Innocent being persuaded that Theophilus had not pro∣ceeded regularly, sent Letters of Communion to S. Chrysostom, as well as to the Bishops that condemned him; and declared, that it was requisite to call an unexceptionable Council both of Eastern and Western Bishops. Theophilus afterwards sent to Rome the Acts of the Council held against S. Chrysostom; but this altered not the Pope's resolution; who declared, that he could not ••efuse Communion with S. Chrysostom before a new Council had condemned him. Soon after Theoct••nus brought a Letter from Five and twenty Bishops, signifying to the Pope, that S. Chry∣sostom had been expelled out of Constantinople, and sent into Exile; the same was afterwards con∣firmed by another Letter of Fifteen Bishops, brought by the Bishop of Apamea; and by the Testimony of Palladius of Helenopolis, who was forced to fl•••• to Rome; and by Letters from the Clergy of Constantinople, which gave an Account of the Violences exercised against their Bishop, and the whole Church of Constantinople. The Pope, moved with these things, writ to S. Chryso∣stom and to his Clergy those Letters which are preserved by Sozomen in his History, l. 8. c. 26.

S. Chrysostom's friends every-where published these Letters, and wrought so far with Innocent, that he obtained of Honorius, Emperor of the West, a Letter to his Brother Arcadius, in the be∣half of S. Chrysostom; by the which he requested of his Brother, that a Council might be assembled at Thessal••nica, where Theophilus should appear as one accused. Three Bishops, Two Presbyters, and Two Deacons, were deputed to carry this Letter, with the Letters of several Western Bishops, written in favour of S. Chrysostom. But these Deputies were stopt at Athens by the Governour, and sent by Sea with a Guard to Constantinople. They were not permitted to enter into the Town, but were convey'd to a Castle in Thrace, where they were shut up. A Counsellor of State, called Patricius, went thither to ask for the Letters; they answered, That their Order was not to deliver them to any but the Emperor, and the Bishops to whom they were directed. Pa∣tricius withdrawing after this Answer, another Officer, named Valerius, was sent to take them by force. The next day Money was proffered them, to admit to their Communion Atticus, who succeeded Arsacius in the See of Constantinople. They refused it, and demanded to be sent back. When they could not be made to comply, they were put into an old Vessel with Twenty Soul∣diers, that carried them to Lampsacus, where they shifted their Vessel, and arrived at O••ranto, a Port of Calabria, Twenty Days after their Embarquing, and Four Months from their departure out of Italy. This Deputation was dated in the Year 404.

In the mean time S. Chrysostom being unhealthy in the place of his Exile, was obliged often to shift his Quarters, as appeareth by his 131st. Letter. But notwithstanding his banishment and infirmities, he still sent Priests and Monks to preach the Gospel among the Goths and Persi∣ans, and to take care of the Churches of Armenia and Phoenicia; as appears by his 14th. 123d. 126th. 203d. 204th. 206th. and 207th. Letters. But his Enemies would not let him be quiet, but persuaded the Emperour to send him further to Pityus, a Town upon the Euxine Sea: Im∣mediately Souldiers were sent to convey him thither; The usage which he endured, and the fa∣tigue of the Journey so weakned him, that he fell sick of a violent Fever, which carried him off in a few hours. In the place where he died, there was a Church of S. Basiliscus Martyr, where he was buried the 4th. of November, 407, having been Three Years, Three Months, and Four and Twenty Days in banishment: Aged Sixty Years, and Ten Years Ordained Bishop of Constantino∣ple. After his Death, the East and the West were divided for some time upon his account, be∣cause those of the West reverenced his Memory; and the others on the contrary look'd upon him as a condemn'd Bishop, whose Name they refused to insert into the Diptychs; That is to say, in the Registers of those that were to be mentioned with Honour at the Celebration of the Eucha∣rist. One would have thought that the Emperour Arcadius his Death happening Five Months after, should have removed the greatest obstacle, which hindered the Bishops of the East from doing justice to the Memory of S. Chrysostom: but Theophilus exercised his hatred against him, even after his death: He wrote against him a book full of Invectives, and reproachfull Railings; and prevented, while he lived, any honour to be done to the Memory of S. Chrysostom in the East.

When Theophilus was dead, the Spirits of the Eastern Bishops began to relent, and they be∣gan to be more favourable to the Memory of that Saint. Alexander Successour to Porphyrius in the See of Antioch, was the First, who in the Year 413, inserted the Name of S. Chrysostom into the Diptychs, and who by that means was re-admitted to communicate with Pope Inno∣cent. Acacius of Beraea likewise received Letters of Communion from the Pope, upon condition that he should not shew any hatred against S. Chrysostom afterwards.

About the Year 428. Atti••••s Bishop of Constantinople, inserted the Name of S. Chrysostom in∣to the Diptychs, and exhorted S. Cyril of Alexandri•• to do the same. This Bishop scrupled it at first: But at last 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Is••odore Pelusiota persuaded him to do it. Thus all the Churches did right to the Memory of S. Chrysostom, and Peace 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••estored.

The Number of S. Chrysostom's Works is 〈◊〉〈◊〉 great, that the Ancient Criticks durst not pretend to make a Catalogue of them: S. Is••odore and 〈◊〉〈◊〉, look'd upon it as almost impossible. George and Nicephorus say, that he composed above a Thousand Volumes. Suidas and ••••ss••••dorus af∣firm, that he wrote Commentaries upon the •…•…: From all which it is evident, that how many soever of S. Chrysostom's Works are •…•…, they are fewer than they have been, and so much the rather; because among those that we have, some are none of his, though they bear his Name.

The 65 Homilies upon Genesis, are the First of S▪ Chrysostom's Commentaries of the Bible, ac∣cording to the Order of the sacred Books▪ the Thirty two first were preached in Lent, in the third Year of his being Bishop. This Subject was ••••terrupted by the Festivals; for he was to preach upon the Passion of Jesus Christ. After Easter, he undertook to expound the Acts of the Apostles, and was near a Year about that Work: Afterwards he betook himself to his former Task, and finished his Exposition of Genesis, in Thirty four Homilies. These Homilies are Com∣mentaries upon Genesis, rather than Sermons. And he applies himself particularly to explain the Text of Scripture literally. The Examples of Vertues or Vices spoken of in the Text, which he expounds, are commonly the Subject of his Homilies. The Style is plain, and without those Figures and Ornaments which are to be found in his other Sermons.

The Nine Sermons of S. Chrysostom upon single passages of Genesis, are more florid, and con∣tain more moral Thoughts. The First is, upon the first Words of Genesis. In the Beginning God created the Heavens and the Earth▪ in it he treats of Fasting and Alms-deeds.

The Second is upon these Words of the first Chapter, v. 26. Let us make Man after our own Image: There he gives the reason why Moses speaking of the Creation of Man, uses the Ex∣pression, God said, Let us make; whereas he said of the Creation of other things, God said, Let them be: And there he shews wherein this Resemblance with God consists.

In the Third he makes some further Reflexions upon Man being like God, and upon the Do∣minion given to him over other Creatures; and there he answers the Question, Why Beasts fall upon and kill Man; and confesses that it is, because Man by Sin has lost the Empire he had over them. S. Austin quotes this Homily in his First Book against Julian, and produces a passage out of it to prove Original sin.

In the Fourth the three kinds of servitude which Mankind is fallen into by sin are discoursed of, which are, the Subjection of the Wife to her Husband, that of one Man to another, and that of Subjects to their Princes. He insists much upon this last, and occasionally speaks of the At∣tention Men ought to give to Sermons.

In the Fifth he shews, that those who live well purchase their Liberty; and declaims against those that refuse to assist the Poor.

The Sixth, Seventh, and Eighth, are concerning the Tree of Knowledge of Good and Evil. In the First he shews, that Adam knew Good and Evil before he tasted the Fruit of that Tree. In the Second he says, that it is so called, because Evil is more perfectly known after Commissi∣on; there he also explains those Words of our Saviour to the good Thief: This Day shalt thou be with me in Paradise. The Third is about God's forbidding Man to eat of the Fruit of the Tree.

The Ninth is upon the Names of Abraham and Noah, where he discourses of brotherly Cor∣rection.

The Tenth Homily upon Genesis in the English Edition is not genuine; it has the same Preface with the Third Homily upon David and Saul; it is written in a swelling Style, and full of Me∣taphors, and quite different from the first Part.

The following Sermons are upon the History of Hannah, Samuel's Mother, in the first Book of Samuel; but it treats of several Subjects.

The Preface to the First is upon the Fast of the last Lent, and upon the Sermons which he had made since against the Gentiles; and after Flavianus his return upon the Feasts of the Martyrs, and against swearing. After this he resumes the Subject of Providence, which he was entred upon: he demonstrates, That it is God who gave unto Man the knowledge of the things which he ought to know; That sickness and death have their use: He takes notice that the Love which Parents have for their Children is an effect of Providence, and that Mothers are not less concerned in the Education of their Children than Fathers: And upon occasion of this last Re∣flection, he relates the History of Hannah, and he speaks of it in the following Sermon, and there∣upon he Discourses of Moderation, of Modesty, and the Reverence due to Priests, and of Grace before and after Meat.

In the Third, he speaks of the Obligation which lies upon Men, to give their Children good Education.

In the Fourth, upon the second Part of Hannah's Song, he reproves those who neglect Divine Service to go to Plays and publick Shows, and discourses of the usefulness of Prayer.

In the Fifth he shews their Errour, who go to Church only upon great Festival Days. He ex∣pounds the rest of Hannah's Hymns, and he speaks of the Advantage of Wealth above Poverty.

These five Discourses were preached by S. Chrysostom in Antioch, about Whitsuntide, after Fla∣vianus his Return. In this last Sermon, he mentions a Discourse upon the first Part of Hannah's Hymn not extant.

There are three Sermons about David and Saul. In the first, after a Declamation against those that frequent Plays to the neglect of Holy Worship, and a Declaration that they should be excommunicated, he treats of patience, and forgiving of Enemies; proposing for an Exam∣ple David's Action, who would not kill Saul, though God had delivered him into his Hands.

In the second, that Action is commended, and preferred before all the other great Actions of that King. He prosecutes the same Argument in the third Discourse, where he also complains of those that were given to Plays: He observes, that it is as great an Act of Vertue to bear an Injury patiently, as to give Alms.

At the End of these there is another Sermon against Idleness, which hath no relation to the Rest.

The Homilies upon the Psalms, are Commentaries rather than Sermons: S. Chrysostom does not inlarge so much upon Moral Topicks, as to give the sence and understanding of the Text. He follows the Version of the LXX, but he often hath recourse to the differences of the Ancient Greek Versions, and quotes even the Hebrew Text in some places to clear difficulties: There are some Psalms upon which we have no Homilies of S. Chrysostom, as the first and second; but there are upon the third, and following to the 13th; upon the 41st and 43d, and so on the 117th; and from the 119th to the last; which make in all sixty Homilies, which certainly are S. Chry∣sostom's. To these may be added, the Homily upon the thirteenth Psalm, and two others upon the fiftieth, which have likewise S. Chrysostom's Style. Those upon the 51st, 95th, and 100th, are more doubtfull; yet I see no reason that we should reject them. It is not so of the Com∣mentaries upon the 101st Psalm, and upon the six that follow, which are Theodoret's. The Commentary upon the 119th, belongs to some modern Greek, that speaks against the Icono∣clasts, and takes out of Theodoret's Commen••aries part of what he writes. There are also four Sermons upon particular passages of the Psalms, but they must not be joined to the rest; be∣cause they are not Explications of the Text of the Psalms, but Sermons upon distinct Sub∣jects.

These are a Discourse upon these words of the 44th Psalm: The Queen standeth at thy right hand, preached in Constantinople some Days after Eutropius his Disgrace, who had retired into the Church, but was gone out again. He speaks in his Preface, of the Advantage of reading the Holy Scripture. He describes afterwards how the Church was beset, when Eutropius had ta∣ken Sanctuary there. He relates what he had done to help him, and with what sincerity he had spoken, without fearing the Threatnings uttered against him. He observes that he was taken by his own fault, for the Church had not forsaken him, but he had quitted it: But yet it was no wonder that he reaped no greater benefit from that Sanctuary, because he entred not into it with a Christian heart; That when any Man flies into the Church to take sanctuary there, he ought to go in with his Mind as well as with his Body; because the Church is not made up of Walls, but of an Holy Union among the Members of Jesus Christ. Upon occasion of this Eunuch's Disgrace, he shews how little Solidity there is in the goods of this World, and draws a fine Picture of the Instability of Riches, and then concludes with an excellent Descrip∣tion of the Church.

Nothing, says he to his Auditors, is stronger than the Church; Let it be your Hope, your Haven and Refuge: It is higher than the Heavens, of a larger extent than the Earth: She never waxeth old, but still retaineth her strength and vigour, for this cause the Scripture calleth her a Mountain, to shew her stability; a Virgin, because she cannot be cor∣rupted; a Queen, because of her Magnificence and Splendour; and it gives her the Name of Daughter, by reason of her Union with God, &c.

Both the Sermons upon these words of the 48th Psalm, Be not thou afraid when one is made rich, were likewise preached in Constantinople. In them he recommends Alms-deeds and Hospita∣lity; and he toucheth upon the Necessity of being present at Divine Service.

The Homily on these words of the 145th Psalm, My Soul, bless thou the Lord, is a Sermon for the Holy Week, called then the great Week. The reason of that Name S. Chrysostom gives in the beginning of his Discourse, which is this.

This Week, says he, is called the great Week, because Jesus Christ wrought great Mysteries at this Time: He delivered Man from the Ty∣ranny of the Devil, he overcame Death, bound the strong armed Man, blotted out Sin. But as this Week is the great Week, because it is the first of Weeks; for the same reason Saturday is called the great Day: and for this cause many of the faithfull do upon this Day double their Exercises; some fast with greater Austerity, others watch continually, others bestow much on the poor: some apply themselves with greater Zeal, to the Practice of good Works, and by their Piety bear witness to the Mercy of God: Emperours themselves honour this Week, they grant a Vacation to all Magistrates, that so being freed from worldly Care, they may spend these Days in the Worship of God: They give honour also to this Day, by sending Letters every where to command the Prison doors to be opened. Let us also have regard to these Days, and instead of Palm-branches, let us offer him our Hearts. Then he explains the Psalm, My Soul, praise thou the Lord. The royal Prophet, says he, cries out Praise the Lord, O my Soul; why does he direct his Discourse to the Soul? to teach us that

the Soul should apply her self to the words that are uttered: For if he that prayeth doth not understand his own words, how would he have God to give ear to him? God often doth not grant our Petitions, but that is for our good; he deferrs some time, not to deceive us with vain hopes, but to make us more zealous and diligent, for the fervency of Prayer 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ceaseth when we have what we desired: so that to keep up our Devotion, God is pleased to with-hold his Gifts. He observes in this Sermon, that the Righteous after Death, live with us, pray with us, and are amongst us, &c.

S. Chrysostom writ a Commentary upon Isaiah: but we have only part of it from the be∣ginning, to the eleventh Verse of the eighth Chapter. Both the historical and spiritual Sence is set forth with much solidity and clearness.

There are also five Homilies of his upon these words of Isaiah, ch. 6. I saw the Lord ••pon an high Throne, and one concerning the Seraphim spoken of in the same place; they are moral 〈◊〉〈◊〉 upon various Subjects, and especially of the reverence due to sacred things, and of the dignity of the Priesthood; there is a very remarkable passage concerning the Ecclesiastical and the Civil Power.

Uzziah, saith he, went himself into the Holy of Holies to offer Incense 〈◊〉〈◊〉 being King he would usurp the Priesthood: I will, said he, burn Incense, for I am worthy to do it. Oye Princes keep within the Limits of your own Power: The bounds of Ecclesia••tical power differ from those of secular Government. The King rules over earthly things, the Churches Jurisdiction relates to heavenly goods. God hath committed to Kings the things of the Earth, and to me those of Heaven: when I say, to me, I mean to Priests. So that, though a Priest prove unworthy of his Office, yet for all that, you ought not to despise the dignity of the Priesthood. God hath made the Body subject to Kings, and the Soul to Priests. The King pardons corporal Offences, but the Priest remits Sins. The one compels, the other exhorts; the one imposes a law, the other gives counsel; one uses spiritual Weapons, the other sensible Arms; one wages War against Barbarians, and the other against Devils. But the Ecclesiastical power is the nobler of the two, wherefore the King receives the Priest's bles∣sing, and in the old Law the Priests anointed the Kings. But this King would go beyond his bounds, and extend his Power too far, and enter the Temple by force, to offer Incense: but what did the Priest say to this? Sir, you are not permitted to offer Incense. Behold this is a generous liberty; here was a Soul that could not flatter basely. You are not, says he, to go into the Sanctuary, nor to offer Incense to the Lord, that's reserved for me to do. King Uzziah could not bear this reproof, but transported with pride, he opens the Sanctuary and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 In∣cense. The Priest is despised, the sacerdotal Function is set at nought: The Priest is without power: for the Priest's right is only to reprove freely, and to admonish judiciously. Having then advised the King with that boldness which became him, and the King refusing to yield, but on the contrary preparing Arms to assert his Authority; the Priest crieth out, I have done what my duty commanded me to do, I have no power to go further, O Lord desend the Priesthood which is despised; thy Laws are violated, and Justice is overthrown, undertake for them.

This is the Account which S. Chrysostom gives of the High-priest's Constancy in the fourth Homily. In the fifth he speaks of his Meekness.

I have shewed you the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the High-priest; now take notice of his lenity, for we have need not of Courage only, but much more of Meekness, because Sinners hate to be reproved, and seek all occasions to avoid admonition: and so must be drawn and restrained with Mildness and Charity.

In the Homily concerning the Seraphim he speaks of that Celestial Hymn, Holy, Holy, Holy: He says, that formerly that Hymn was sung only in Heaven, but since the Lord appeared upon Earth, we are allowed the benefit of that divine Consort.

Wherefore, says he, when the Priest is by the holy Table to offer the Eucharist, he does not utter that Hymn, but after he has named the Cherubim and Seraphim, and the Congregation have lifted up their Hearts to God. This passage discovers the Antiquity of this Preface to the Office of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉.

To these Homilies should be joined the Sermon upon Isaiah, ch. 45. v. 7. I am the Lord, I form the Light and create Darkness, I make Peace and create Evil.

There is no Commentary of S. Chrysostom's upon Jeremiah f 1.7; but only one 〈◊〉〈◊〉 upon Ch. 10. v. 23. of that Prophet, where he proves the freedom of man's Will.

To these Homilies upon the Prophets must be added two Sermons of the obso•••••••• of Pro∣phecies, wherein he gives reasons why prophecies are dark. He tells us in the first, that the Prophets spake obscurely of the Evils which were to come upon the Jews; because that had they spoke plainly, they might have been ill used, and perhaps killed by the Jews. This he proves by an infinite Number of Examples of Prophets killed by them, for telling the truth. It is added, that Prophecies were dark, that the Jews might not understand them, till they were to comprehend them. In the second, he says, that the Event has cleared the Prophecies, that the Veil which covered them was taken off in the New Testament, and so the obsc••••ty wherein they were wrapt up has been dissipated. At last he observes, that the Old Testament having

been written in Hebrew, is the less clear, because Versions commonly make the Sence more obscure.

This Father's Commentaries upon the New Testament are more full and entire.

S. Matthew's whole Gospel is expounded in fourscore and ten Homilies g 1.8, and that of S. John in eighty seven. There are four and fifty Homilies upon the Acts, and thirty two upon the Epistle to the Romans; forty four upon the first Epistle to the Corinthians; thirty upon the second; a Commentary upon the Epistle to the Galatians; four and twenty Homilies upon that to the Ephesians; fifteen upon the Epistle to the Philippians; twelve upon that to the Colossians; ele∣ven upon the first to the Thessalonians; five upon the second: Eighteen upon the first to Timo∣thy; ten upon the second; six on the Epistle to Titus; three upon that to Philemon; and thirty four upon the Epistle to the Hebrews. It is said, that these last were collected after the Death of S. Chrysostom, by a Priest called Constantine who had been his Disciple: but there is no proof of this; and it is more likely that he writ them himself. Part of these Homilies were preached at Antioch, and the other at Constantinople h 1.9.

These Homilies consist of two parts: The first contains a Commentary upon the Gospel, the other a moral Exhortation to the People. In the Commentary he gives a reason of the Contents of the Gospel, examines all the circumstances thereof, weighs the words, and discovers in those places which seem most plain, great Numbers of fine things, to which no attention would have been given, had he not taken notice of them. He keeps still to the literal Sence, and of all Ex∣plications he always chuses, not the most subtle, but the most natural. He seeks for no alle∣gorical or figurative Sence. He useth no far fetched notions to prove his opinions; avoids all intangled and hard Questions, contenting himself to make clear and usefull Observations upon the History and upon the Text of St. Paul. He gives a perfect light to all the places of this Apostle's Epistles, which seem most difficult, and particularly to those, which are thought to speak of Predestination and of Grace. His expositions remove all that which at the first view makes them appear terrible and fearfull. Every-where God is represented as a good and mer∣cifull Being, and willing to save all Men, and who affords them all necessary means of Salvati∣on, Men are exhorted to answer that Call of God; since it is their own fault if they be not saved; for those that are damned damn themselves. He tells them often, that God requireth no impossible thing of them: That with God's help they may keep the Commandments, and pra∣ctice Vertue. S. Chrysostom finds these comfortable Thoughts in the passages of S. Paul, which seem most terrifying; and endeavours to prove, that they are not contrary to the mind of

this Apostle. The Exposition he gives of the most difficult places, is no ways forced; yea, it seemeth very often to be the most simple and natural. However, to my thinking, it is always the most profitable and edifying, and the fittest to be preached to the People, which are much edi∣fied by such Remonstrances as tend to practice, but can reap little or no fruit from Speculations a∣bout God▪s eternal Decrees, and other abstracted matters, that have but little Relation to the Go∣vernment of Life and Manners.

All the Exhortations that conclude S. Chrysostom's Homilies, are ordinarily about some points of Morality; as about the fear that men ought to stand in of God's Judgments, the Necessity of Repentance, the Contempt of Riches, forgiving of Enemies, Humility, Abstraction of the Heart from worldly things, diligent Meditation upon the Holy Scriptures, and God's Laws; an Abhorrency of Plays and Shows, Charity towards the Poor, Alms, and Hospitality; bro∣therly Reproof, the Duties of Husbands to their Wives, of Parents to their Children, of Masters to their Servants, of Lay-men towards their Pastours, Patience in Afflictions, that Holiness where∣with Men should come to the Sacraments; the Benefit of Prayer, and the Conditions required therein, of Fasting, and the Advantages of a monastical and solitary Life, Assiduity in divine Of∣fices, Attention to preaching, Sobriety, Purity, Modesty, Meekness, Clemency, Contempt of Death, and many other like Subjects, which he handleth with such familiar, and yet such solid and convincing Reasons, that there are no Discourses more capable of inspiring Notions of Piety and Vertue. He does not go about, as most Preachers do, to set forth studied Notions, which divert the Understanding, but do not touch the Heart. He goes to the bottom of things, searches the secret solds of Man's Heart; and not contented to have discovered and described Vice, he begets an horrour of it; He sets forth the most powerfull Motives to deter Christians from it, and the most proper means to correct it, and to practice true and solid Vertue. He stretches nothing too far, but distinguishes exactly the matter of a precept from the Advice therein contained: He is neither too meek nor too severe: He is neither too familiar, nor keeps too much distance; never complies beyond what is meet, nor terrifies to discouragement: In a word, his Exhortations are an excellent pattern of preaching to the People.

The Sermons in the Fifth Volume upon several Texts of the New Testament, are not Com∣mentaries, but moral Instructions, or Homilies upon different Subjects.

The First is of Forgiveness of our Enemies, upon the parable of that Debtour, to whom his Master remitted Ten thousand Talents, and yet afterwards exacted the hundred Pence from him that owed them to him. He speaks of the exact Account that Men must render to God.

Rich Men, saith he, must give account for the use of their Riches; poor Men of their pati∣ence; Judges of the Discharge of their Office; but above all, Church-men shall account for their Ministery; they shall be more strictly examined. It shall be asked of him to whom the Word of God was committed, whether out of Idleness or Flattery, he omitted none of those necessary things which his Ministery obliged him to speak; if he explained all and concealed no truth. A Bishop charged with the direction of a Diocess, hath yet a far greater Account to give: his Examination will be not only about his Doctrine, and his helping of the Poor, but especially about the Orders which he shall have conferred, and a Thousand other obligations of the Priesthood. S. Chrysostom speaking of S. Peter in that Homily, calleth him the Head of the Body of the Apostles, the Mouth of the Disciples, the Firmament of the Faith, the Foun∣dation of Confession, and the Fisherman of the whole Earth.

The Second Sermon of this Volume is against Dancing and Luxury; there he shews, that Preachers are bound to reprove Vice, and that they ought never to forbear, though their preach∣ing seems to be without Fruit: Then he begins to explain the Parable of Dives and Lazarus, making several moral Reflexions on the particulars of that Parable in the four following Sermons. The last is quoted by Photius in the 277th Volume of his Bibliotheca, where he speaks of an Earth-quake at Antioch, where he preached these Sermons. He observes in the Fourth, that God does not permit any to return from the Dead, and gives the reason of it.

The Seventh Sermon is an Exposition of the Parable of the Man that was sick of the Palsie; he uses Jesus Christ's Words, concerning that sick Man, and his Cure, to prove the Divinity of Jesus Christ.

The Eighth is upon these Words of Jesus Christ in S. Matthew, Chap. 26. v. 39. Father, if it be possible, let this Cup pass, &c. There he explains the Mystery of Christ's Incarnation, and in what sence he feared Death, and would have avoided it.

The Ninth on these words of S. Matthew, Enter in at the strait Gate, is against publick Shews: At the latter End of it the case of Dives is compared with that of Lazarus.

The Tenth contains an Exposition of the Lord's Prayer: This Prayer is not written in S. Chry∣sostom's style.

The Eleventh is upon the Resurrection of Lazarus. That Discourse is none of S. Chrysostom's, the style, elocution, and the very thoughts, are quite different from his.

The Twelfth is upon the Title of the Acts of the Apostles: where after a Discourse, concerning the Establishment and Perpetuity of the Church, which could neither be shaken nor ruined by the severest Persecutions; he shews, that a Christian Life, and good Works, are more to be va∣lued, than the Gift of working Miracles; he ends with a Commendation of the Bishop of An∣tioch, whom he calls the Successor of S. Peter. For, saith he, it is one of the Prerogatives of our

City is to have had for our Master S. Peter the first of the Apostles. It was just, that that City, which had the advantage of bearing first the Name of a Christian City, should have for her Bishop the first of the Apostles: But having enjoy'd that happiness, we would not ingross it to our selves, but consented he should go to Rome, the Imperial City: Yet in giving, we have not lost him, we have him still; we have not his Body, but his Faith; and having S. Peter's Faith, we may truly say, we have S. Peter himself.

He justifies himself in the Thirteenth for the length of his Prefaces; he shews there the Useful∣ness of Reproof, and treats of the Conversion of S. Paul, and of the changing of his Name, and reproves them that neglect to labour in their own conversion, under pretence that God will con∣vert them. God, saith he, forceth no man; he draweth only them that are willing to go to him; he is willing to save us; but that is, if we be willing to be saved.

The Fourteenth is upon these words of S. Paul, Rom. c. 5. v. 3. Rejoycing in tribulations. Here he shews what is the fruit of afflictions, and of persecutions.

The same Subject is handled in the following discourse, upon these words of the same Apostle: All things work together for good to them that love God.

The Preface of the Sixteenth is against such as frequent not the Assemblies of the Faithfull in Churches; and then he expounds these words of the Apostle, If thine enemy hunger, feed him; exhorting Men to forgive injuries.

In the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Sermons he makes many very usefull reflections upon these words of S. Paul, Salute Aquila and Priscilla. In these discourses we have an example, justifying how many Moral Thoughts may be suggested by a subject which of it self seems dry and barren. For what is there more simple in appearance, and of less instruction, than this Salutation of S. Paul? Yet by a wonderfull Art S. Chrysostom makes use of it for the explanation of many important instructions. As about the respect we ought to have for the Poor, Charity towards our Brethren, the small regard that is to be had to Nobility, the profit of working with our own hands, and the reverence due to Church-men, &c.

The Nineteenth and Twentieth Sermons are about what S. Paul saith of Marriage in 1 Cor. c. 7. from which he takes occasion to speak against Dancing, Feasting, and other profane Pomps of Weddings. He teaches what ought to be the end of Marriage among Christians, and how it is to be used.

Marriage, saith he, is a remedy against Fornication, let us not therefore dishonour it by filthy Pomps. Christians ought to banish from their Weddings devilish Pomps, filthy Songs, lascivious Consorts, undecent Dancings, obscene Words, Riots, excessive Laughter; and they ought to introduce the Servants of Jesus Christ, and his Priests; to have Jesus Christ in Person in the midst of them, as of the Marriage in Cana. Let no man tell me it is the custom; do not tell me of a custom, if it is sinfull. If the thing be Evil in it self, how old soever the use of it be, retrench it: If it be Good, and not usual, bring it in. But know that this custom is not ancient, but an Innovation. Remember the Marriage of Isaac with Rebecca, of Rachel with Jacob; the Scripture tells us how those Weddings were kept; it shews indeed, that there was a Feast more splendid than ordinary; that the Relations and Neighbours were invited, but there were no Fiddles, no Dancing, nor any other shamefull Excesses of our Age. Now at Weddings such lascivious Songs are sung, as teach Adultery, and inspire foolish Love; the Guests full of Wine do attend the Bride with impure Discourses. With what reason can you pretend to require Chastity in a Woman, whom you have taught from the very First day to be impudent, and before whom you suffer that to be said and done, which your Foot-men would blush to doe or hear? To what purpose do ye bring in a Priest to crave a blessing, and the next day your selves commit base actions?

In the same Homily there are a great many Exhortations of the same nature against such disorders, which are not less frequent in our days, than they were in the time of this Bishop. Afterwards he adviseth both Men and Women to behave themselves holily in Marriage; and not only to avoid Adultery, but not so much as give an occasion of suspicion: He proves that Second Marriages are not forbidden, though it is better to forbear, and concludes with a sensible Declamation against Adultery and Fornication.

The Twenty-first is upon these words, 1 Cor. c. 10. Our Fathers were all under the cloud, &c. After a large Exposition of which words, he speaks of Alms-deeds, and of the necessary Disposi∣tions to communicate worthily.

The Twenty-second is upon these words of S. Paul. There must be Heresies. He commends the Old Agapae, or Feasts of Charity.

The Twenty-third is of Alms-deeds, and the care which Men ought to have of such as are in want. This should be placed among the Sermons of Morality.

The Twenty-fourth is upon these words, 2 Cor. c. 4. Having the same Spirit of Faith, &c. He gives great Praises to Virginity, and to a Monastick life; which he describes in these words:

Doe you not take notice of those Monks who live privately, and dwell upon the tops of Moun∣tains? What Austerities and Mortifications doe they not practise? They are covered with Ashes, cloathed with Sackcloth, loaden with Chains and Irons, shut up in little Cells, struggling con∣tinually with Hunger, they spend their time in Watchings to blot out part of their Sins.

He observes also, that though Virginity is a super-natural Gift, yet it is unprofitable if it be not ac∣companied with Charity and Meekness.

The Twenty-fifth is upon the same Text; he opposes the Manichees, and exhorts them to give Alms.

The Twenty-sixth upon the same words, presses the Duty of Alms-giving.

The Twenty-seventh is upon these words, 2 Cor. Bear a little with my folly. He lays down Rules very judicious, both at what time and upon what occasions a Man may commend him∣self.

The Twenty-eighth reproves them who abuse what S. Paul saith, Phil. c. 1. v. 18. What matters it how Christ is preached? His Discourse is about Prayer and Humility.

In the Twenty-ninth he treats of the Marriage of Christians, and of the Duties of those that are Married.

The Thirtieth is upon these words, 1 Thess. c. 4. v. 13. But I would not have you to be igno∣rant, Brethren, concerning them which are asleep, that ye sorrow not even as others which have no hope. He discourses of the way how Christians should bear with the Death of Relations, and confirms what he says by the Examples of Job and of Isaac.

The Thirty-first is concerning the Duty of Widows, on these words, 1 Tim. c. 5. v. 9. Let not a Widow be chosen of less than Sixty years. He there discourses of Children's Education.

The following Sermons have less relation to Texts of Scripture, being, for the most part, upon solemn Festival-days.

The Thirty-second is about Judas's Treason, where he speaks of the necessary Dispositions to communicate worthily.

The Thirty-third concerns the Festival of Christmas, which was celebrated for Ten years be∣fore in the East upon the 25th. of December, as it had been before at Rome. S. Chrysostom proves by several reasons, that this was exactly the day of Jesus Christ's Nativity.

The Thirty-fourth and Thirty-fifth are upon the Passion of Jesus Christ: In the latter he speaks of forgiving Enemies upon occasion of the good Thief.

The Thirty-sixth is upon the Resurrection from the Dead.

The Thirty-seventh is a Sermon upon the Resurrection of Jesus Christ, preached upon Easter-day.

The Thirty-eighth upon the Ascension, was preached in a Church of Martyrs.

The Thirty-ninth and Fortieth Sermons are upon Whit-sunday. In the former he answers that curious Question, Why Miracles are not wrought now, as they were in the time of the Apostles?

The Forty-first is of the Dignity of the Eucharist, and the respect we ought to shew to the holy Mysteries. This discourse seems to me to be neither of the Style nor the Order of S. Chryso∣stom.

The Seven following Sermons being Panegyricks upon S. Paul, were translated by Anianus, who lived in Athalaricus his time.

The Forty-ninth is of Meekness.

The Fiftieth upon the Conversion of S. Paul, was preached at Antioch after that upon the Ti∣tle of the Acts.

The Fifty-first is upon the Inscription in the Temple of Athens, To the unknown God, spoken of Acts, c. 17. v. 17.

The Fifty-second is upon the beginning of the First Epistle to the Corinthians: Paul called an Apostle, &c.

The Fifty-third shews the Profitableness of Reading the holy Scripture. It is dedicated to per∣sons newly baptized; there he extolls the Quality of an Apostle. It is one of the Four upon the beginning of the Acts, preached at Antioch before Flavianus.

The Fifty-fourth of Christ's Prayers and Qualities, is the First Sermon upon the Incarnation.

The Fifty-fifth is against those that Fast at Easter.

The Fifty-sixth against such as observe the Jewish Fasts.

In the Fifty-seventh he speaks of Alms-deeds, upon occasion of the Hospitality practised to∣wards the Prophet Elijah, who was reliev'd by the Widow of Sarepta.

The Fifty-eighth of the Pleasures of the Life to come, and of the Vanity of this World's goods.

The Fifty-ninth is against those that despair, when they receive not what they ask of God, or who petition for unjust things; he there occasionally speaks of the Duty of Husbands towards their Wives.

In the Sixtieth he compares Riches with Poverty; treats of the manner how Sinners are to be reproved, and blames those who call upon God against their Enemies.

The Sixty-first begins with an Exclamation against those that communicate unworthily: He shews that a Preacher is not to preach God's Word with complaisance, but to reprove Vice with fervency, because this is profitable for Sinners to make them know and confess their Sins.

The Sixty-second concerns Martyrs; there he proves, That the best way of honouring Martyrs, is to imitate their Vertues.

The Sixty-third is against those who teach, That Daemons govern the affairs of this World, and against such as doe not endure with patience the Chastenings of God; and, lastly, against those who are scandalized at the prosperity of the Wicked, and the misfortune of the Righteous.

In the Sixty-fourth he treats of S. Paul's action in resisting S. Peter; and endeavours to prove, that both did it by agreement for the instruction of the Faithfull.

The Sixty-fifth is a Discourse, or rather a Treatise against Jews and Gentiles, to prove the Divi∣nity of Jesus Christ.

The Sixty-sixth is another Treatise against those who were offended, because of the mischiefs that happened to the City, and the persecution of the Priests, and of the Faithfull. It is an ex∣cellent Explanation of that hard Question, Why there is so much evil in the World, if the Provi∣dence of God governs it? Both these Pieces should be put among S. Chrysostom's Treatises.

The Sixty-seventh is an Homily concerning the Two Paralyticks of the Gospel: There he proves the Divinity of the Son of God.

The Preface to the Sixty-seventh is about the Use that Men are to make of Sermons preached in the Church. He gives a reason why the Acts of the Apostles are read in the Church at Whitsun∣tide. Lastly, he shews that the Miracles of the Apostles proved the Certainty of Christ's Resur∣rection, and rendred it more famous. This Sermon follows that which he made upon the Title of the Acts.

In the Sixty-eighth, having reproved those who complained that his Sermons were either too long or too short, he gives a reason of altering S. Paul's Name, and that of Abraham, and of the Signification of that of Adam.

The Sixty-ninth Sermon was preached at Antioch, in the absence of the Bishop. He commends the Martyrs, and treats of Contrition of Heart, and of Alms-deeds.

The Seventieth is upon the Feast of S. Bassus Bishop and Martyr, upon an Earthquake that happened at Antioch, and upon the Words of Jesus Christ, Matthew, c. II. v. 29. Learn of me, for I am meek and lowly of heart.

The Seventy-first is a Panegyrick upon S. Drosis.

The Seventy-second is a Sermon of Penance, mention'd in the Ninth Homily of Penance.

All these Sermons now mention'd were preached at Antioch by S. Chrysostom, when he was Priest of that Church. There are but two more in this Volume preached at Constantinople; the first was after the expulsion of Gainas from the City; and the other was after S. Chrysostom's return from his first Exile.

At the latter end of the Fourth Volume there are Three Sermons of the same. The First was preached at Antioch by S. Chrysostom immediately after his being made Priest. This Sermon is a Panegyrick upon Flavianus, who Ordained him. It is the First that S. Chrysostom ever preached. The Two others in the same place were preached towards the latter end of his Life: The First at the time when they contrived his Deposition and former Banishment; the Second after he was recalled: In it there is an excellent Comparison of Sarah seized upon by the King of Egypt, and of the Church of Constantinople, deprived of his presence, by the Caballings of Theophilus an Egyptian Bishop; and a dextrous Commendation of the Empress Eudoxia.

The first Volume contains several other Sermons, preached for the most part at Antioch: The first Twenty-one are called Sermons of Statues; because they were preached at the time, and upon the occasion of a sedition in Antioch, in the beginning of the Year 388, wherein the People had thrown down and dragged about Streets the Statues of Theodosius, and of the Empress Flaccilla.

The first Sermon is upon these words of S. Paul to Timothy; Use a little Wine for thy Sto∣mach's sake, and often Infirmities, wherein he alledgeth several reasons, why God permits his Saints to be afflicted; he preached it sometime before that Tumult, which obliged him to dis∣continue his preaching. But the heat of that sedition was no sooner over, and the People of Antioch, astonished with the fearfull Threatnings of the Emperour, had acknowledged their fault, and turned their fury into Mourning; but he resumed the Chair for the comfort of that desolate People: And Flavianus their Bishop as a good Father, went to the Emperour to as∣swage his Anger.

The first Sermon of S. Chrysostom upon this Subject, is that which is called the second of Sta∣tues: There he bewails the Unhappiness of that City, exhorting the Inhabitants to implore the Mercy of God by fervent Prayers, and turn away his Wrath by good Works, to prevent the Danger that threatned them. This Discourse is very eloquent: Here are some Fragments where∣by one may judge of the rest.

What shall I say? What shall I speak of? Our present Con∣dition calls for Tears rather than Words, Lamentations rather than Discourses, and Prayers rather than Sermons. The blackness of our Action is so great, the Wound we have given to our selves is so deep, and so hard to be cured, that we have need to apply our selves to an Al∣mighty Physician. Then having compared the Misery of that City to that of Job, he adds, Seven Days have I kept silence, as formerly did Job's Friends: Give me leave to open my Mouth, and bewail our Misery.—I groan, I weep, not for the severity of the Threatnings, but for the excess of our Folly: For though the Emperour were not angry with us, and should forbear to punish us, how should we suffer the shame of our Action?

After this, he describes very elegantly the Happiness which that City enjoyed before that Mutiny, and the Misery it was now reduced to; and concludes this Description with these Words.

The great City of Antioch is in danger of being utterly destroyed; she that lately had an infinite Number of Inhabitants, will shortly prove a Wilderness; none in this World can help her: For the of∣fended

Emperour hath no equal upon Earth, he is the Sovereign and the Master of all Men. All we can do is to make our Application to the King of Heaven; let us address our selves to him, and call upon him for help. If we obtain not Mercy from Heaven, we have no re∣mission to hope for.

He observes, that God permitted that Mischief, to punish the People for their Blasphemies, and teaches rich Men what use they are to make of their Riches.

The next Sermon was preached when Flavianus was gone to Court to sollicite the Business of the City of Antioch: There he represents the Charity of Flavianus, who would undertake that Journey: He tells them the things that the Bishop was to represent to the Emperour, and bids them hope that these Remonstrances will be heard, affirming that he is confident of all through God's Mercy.

God, says he, will stand betwixt the petitioning Bishop, and the Emperour addressed to; he will soften the King's Heart, and put in the Bishop's Mouth the Words which he should speak.

He intreats the People to pray earnestly, that God would mollifie the Spirit of the Emperour. He speaks of fasting in Lent, affirming that right fasting is to abstain from Sin. At last he advises the People to avoid three Vices, Evil speaking, hatred of their Neighbour; and Blasphemy.

He goes on to instruct and comfort the People of Antioch, in the following Sermons. In the 4th he praises God, that the Christian's Affliction in the City of Antioch, had put them upon thoughts of their Salvation, and exhorts them to Patience: And in the last place, inveigheth against Swearing, and promises to speak of it all the Week. This Sermon was preached upon Munday of the First week in Lent.

Next day he continued the same Subject, encouraging the People of Antioch to bear with Constancy and Generosity all the Threatnings against them, and not to fear either Death or Suf∣ferings. He shews, that Sin is the only thing that Christians ought to fear, and he speaks again eagerly against Swearing.

The 6th Sermon was preached the next Day after, for the Consolation of the People that were intimidated by the Magistrate. He giveth God thanks that Flavianus was arrived before those that carried the News of the Mutiny. He tells the reasons that the Bishop was to use to the Emperour, and explains a Law, that was to be urged: He tells them▪ That Sin only was to be feared, and that Swearing ought to be avoided.

The 7th and 8th were preached upon Thursday and Friday of the same Week: He comforts the People, and explains the beginning of Genesis, which was then begun to be read in the Chuches in Lent. He discourses against Swearing, and reminds them, that it was the sixth Day, that he had preached against that Sin, and that it should be the last time: Which shews, that the 15th Sermon followeth this, for there he tells them, that though he had resolved the Day before to speak no more of God's Command not to swear, because he had sufficiently discoursed on that Sub∣ject the Days before, yet he found himself obliged to insist upon it, till he saw them reformed.

The 16th Homily was preached upon Saturday, in the second Week in Lent: Because, he says, at the latter End, behold we have passed the second fasting Week. He speaks of the fore-going Sermon, as of his last, though it had been preached some Days before.

It is very likely, that the 9th and 10th Sermons follow this, and that they were preached before the Judges, sent by the Emperour, had frighted the People; for S. Chrysostom says nothing there concerning the Desolation of the City, but handleth some Points of Morality, particularly against Swearing, and against those that refused to hear Sermons after Dinner.

The Officers of the Emperour having erected a Chamber of Justice at Antioch, to punish the Town for their sedition, and to condemn those that were most guilty; dreadfull was the Con∣sternation of the People, which made them think of nothing else, but how they might appease the Judges, and mitigate the severity of the Judgment. S. Chrysostom describes the Day of that Judgment, as the most dreadfull thing in the World: He says, that all the People expected nothing but Death, some fled, others hid themselves, the Streets were empty; that the rest of the Inhabitants assembled near the Palace-gate, waiting there for their Condemnation: That within the Palace, all was full of Men put to the Torture, or sentenced to Death: That Mo∣thers wept for their Children, and Sisters for their Brethren: In one word, That the whole City was in a fearfull Desolation, in expectation of all manner of mischief. In this sad Conjuncture of Affairs, the Hermites left their solitude to come to Antioch, to sollicite the Judges in behalf of the People; The Clergy also attended to move them to Clemency: And every one did his en∣deavour to work upon them, by all the Tokens of regret and submission, that can be given in such occasions. The Judges moved with these things, and touched especially by the Remonstran∣ces of the Monks, inclined to Mercy, and contented themselves to take from Antioch, the Quality of Metropolis of the East, and to forbid the acting of publick Spectacles for the recreation of the People: Having in the mean time sent to prison some of the Magistrates, and Chief men of the City, till they should know the resolution of the Emperour. This Judgment was no sooner pronounced, but S. Chrysostom opened his Mouth to return God thanks for the Success, as he doth in the 10th, 11th, 12th, and 13th Homilies, which were preached one after another, those successive Days after the Judgment. But some having again struck a new Terrour into the People, S. Chrysostom endeavours to settle them in the 14th Homily.

The 18th Homily was preached by S. Chrysostom, after Mid-Lent, as he saith in the beginning, complaining of some who rejoyced, that half the time of fasting was over, and of the Impati∣ence

which the Inhabitants of Antioch shew'd, because they were deprived of their bathings and pleasures. He takes notice, that they had not been deprived of them above 20 Days.

S. Chrysostom being fallen sick, appeared not in ten Days, but was no sooner able to go abroad, but he began again, and preached the 19th and 21st Sermons, that are particularly directed to the People come out of the Country to Antioch, about the Feast of Easter.

The 22d was preached towards the end of Lent. He discourseth there of the necessary qualifi∣cations, to communicate worthily at Easter; affirming, that it is absolutely needfull to forget injuries, and to be reconciled; from whence he takes occasion to speak against Enmities and resentments; he adds threatnings against such as had not yet left their Custom of Swearing, not∣withstanding his manifold Exhortations to this purpose in the time of Lent.

The last Sermon upon the same subject is the 20th, about the Return of Flavianus, who came back to Antioch before Easter, having obtained of the Emperour's Clemency, pardon for the City of Antioch. In this Discourse S. Chrysostom eloquently describes the wonderfull Conduct of Flavianus, the Discourse he had with the Emperour, the Answers of that Prince, and the re∣joycing of the People at Antioch, when they received the welcome News of the pardon granted them. This is the true Order of those 22 Sermons of S. Chrysostom, which is much perverted in the Editions.

The other Homilies in this Volume, are either Sermons upon some points of Doctrine, or of morals, or panegyricks upon Saints. The Sermons of the former kind are these: six Homilies of the incomprehensible Nature of God against the Anomaeans, the last whereof was preached at Constantinople; a Discourse of the Consubstantiality against the Arians, quoted by Theodoret in the sixth Council. A Discourse of the Judgment, which follows immediately after the last. One against those who like the Pagans, kept the first Days of the Months, preached upon New-years∣day: A Sermon of Jesus Christ's Baptism; a Discourse about the Devil's Temptations; six Sermons against the Jews: The Homilies of Penance, which formerly were more in Number, and are now to be reduced into the following Order. The first beareth that Title in the first Volume; the second and third are lost, the fourth and fifth are also right set down in the first Volume: We have neither the sixth nor the seventh, except that which is in the 4th Volume be one of these two, for it is falsly intituled, The third Homily of Penitence, seeing he says in the begin∣ning, that he had been some Days without preaching; whereas it is evident by the beginning of the 4th Homily of Penance, that he had preached the four first Homilies of Penance one after another without interruption. The 9th is the 65 Sermon of the 5th Volume of Penance, and of the sorrow of King Ahab. The 10th Homily is the 9th in the first Volume, and the last is the eleventh.

The Discourse against the Gentiles, is not a Sermon, but a Treatise which is to be placed a∣mongst S. Chrysostom's Treatises: But the Discourse of Baptism, is a Homily directed to the Cate∣chumens.

The Discourse of Anathema's is S. Chrysostom's, though some Criticks have doubted it. It is his Style, and therein he speaks of the Homilies of the incomprehensible Nature of God; and it was quoted near 400 Years ago by Philotheus, Patriarch of Constantinople; as written by S. Chry∣sostom. He proveth in that Homily, that an Anathema is not lightly to be pronounced against any, nor others rashly to be condemned.

The two Treatises of Prayer, are probably written by S. Chrysostom: but the six Discourses about Providence, which are in the same Volume are none of his, no more than the last of Pe∣nance, and Continence, which are supposed to belong to John, the Faster, Patriarch of Constanti∣nople, who lived long after S. Chrysostom.

The First of S. Chrysostom's Panegyricks, is upon S. Philegonius Archbishop of Antioch: the Second upon S. Babylas, likewise Archbishop of Antioch: the Third upon Maximus and Juven∣tinus Martyrs, who suffered Martyrdom under Julian the Apostate. These two Sermons were preached one after the other upon the 24th, and the 26th of January, after the Three first Ho∣milies of Lazarus, as is noted in the Fourth. The Third is of S. Pelagia a Virgin of Antioch, who threw her self headlong rather than lose her Virginity. The Fourth of S. Ignatius Bishop of Antioch. The Fifth of S. Romanus Martyr of Antioch. The Sixth is a Discourse to the Praise of the Seven Macchabees. The Seventh is a Panegyrick upon S. Meletius. The Eighth of S. Lucianus Martyr of Antioch, preached the next Day after the Feast of Christ's Baptism. The Ninth upon S. Julianus. The Tenth is a second Discourse upon S. Romanus the Martyr. The Eleventh is a second Discourse of the Macchabees. The Twelfth is a third Discourse upon the same Subject. The Thirteenth is of S. Domnina, and of her two Daughters, Berenice and Pros∣doce, who chose a voluntary Death before the Violation of their Virginity. The Fourteenth of S. Eustachius Bishop of Antioch. The Fifteenth is a Discourse of Helias and S. Peter. The Six∣teenth is of the Egyptian Martyrs. The Seventeenth upon S. Barlaam Martyr in Caesarea in Cap∣padocia. The Panegyrick upon the Martyr Phocas, and the Fragment of that of S. Thecla, which is in the same Volume, are not of S. Chrysostom's Style: But the Discourse upon all the holy Martyrs, is an excellent Sermon worthy of S. Chrysostom. Among the rest, this is one of the finest Passages there.

The Devil, says he, has introduced Death into the World, and God makes use of Death to introduce us into Heaven by Martyrdom. Martyrdom is a Com∣bat, the Martyrs are on the one Side, and Tyrants on the other: The Tyrants are armed, and

the Martyrs naked: Yet they that are naked get the Victory, and they that bear Arms are vanquished. What Wonder is this? He that is beaten proves Victor over him that beats him: He that is bound overcomes him that is at liberty: He that is burnt tames him that burns him; and he that dies furmounts him that puts him to Death. It is Grace that works these Miracles, they are above the strength of Nature.

The sixth Volume of the Greek and Latin Edition of Paris contains several Sermons, which Fronto Ducaeus, and other Criticks, have judged not to be of S. Chrysostom's Style. Fronto Du∣caeus passes this Judgment upon it:

We have collected in this sixth Volume some Sermons which are not upon whole Books of Scripture, but upon some places, written in a Style differing from that of S. Chrysostom's Works; for these Discourses are Dramatical and full of Prosopopoeia's, the Style is sententious and concise, with frequent Allegories; and we find not there those Similitudes and other Beauties so frequent in S. Chrysostom's Works; and yet the Authors of these Sermons lived either in the Time of S. Chrysostom, or not long after him. But we ought not to wonder, that some of these are quoted under S. Chrysostom's Name, in very ancient Councils; because they were already published under his Name, and Councils do not usually examine narrowly into the Authors of those Books which they quote: Being contented to debate the Questions offered, and to oppose to Heretical Errours the Writings re∣ceived in the Church; as did the Apostles and other Fathers who quoted Apocryphal Books.

That's the Judgment which this Learned Jesuit makes of the Sermons contained in this Volume; but if we would know whether it is just, we must examine them strictly one after another.

The First Homily, (the Author whereof shews, that there is the same Law-giver both of the Old and New Testament,) is not S. Chrysostom's, though Photius quotes it under his Name; for, 1. The Style is quite different from S. Chrysostom's: 2. The order and disposition of this Homily differs much from those of S. Chrysostom. 3. It is full of Allegories, which are very rare in S. Chrysostom. 4. Most of the Thoughts are unworthy of him. 5. There is great Confusion. 6. It both begins and ends in a different manner from the Homilies of S. Chrysostom. 7. It is obser∣ved at the End of that Discourse, that it was written in a Time when the Roman Empire was under Oppression. 8. The Blessed Virgin is there often called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; so that it is plain, this was not done without Affectation.

The two following Homilies upon two Places of the Beginning of Genesis, are unworthy of S. Chrysostom for the same Reasons.

The Homily upon these Words of Abraham to his Servant, Gen. 24. v. 2. Put thine hand un∣der my Thigh, &c. is more rational than the foregoing, as to its Notions, but the Style is too concise and close, and comes not near the easiness of S. Chrysostom. Yet this Discourse is ancient and worth reading, and I am apt to believe that it may have been written by Severianus of Gabala, to whom the following Sermon of the brazen Serpent lifted up by Moses in the Wil∣derness, is attributed in the Manuscripts, and under whose Name it is quoted by S. John Da∣mascene, in the three first Discourses about Images, by Pope Adrian I. Ch. 26. and by the As∣sembly of Bishops at Paris, in the Year 824. The Author treats of the Trinity, and of the Di∣vinity of the Holy Ghost. It appears both by the Style, and by the Beginning, that it is written by the same Author as the foregoing.

The four Homilies upon Job, are Sermons written by a Monk of the latter Times, who ha∣ving studied Isocrates his Oration to Demonicus, coldly imitates him in his four Discourses, where there is neither Wit, nor Order, nor Eloquence, nor Thought, nor Reasoning; yet he foolishly fansies that he out-did S. Chrysostom, in Point of Eloquence, many Bars length.

The fifth Homily upon Job, is the 22d of those Homilies, which Simeon Logotheta composed out of several Passages taken out of S. Chrysostom.

The Homily upon this Verse of Psalm 38. Man disquieteth himself in vain, comes nearer to S. Chrysostom's Style, and yet is not quite the same.

The Oration of the Turtle-Dove, or of the Church, is an impertinent Discourse, like the Trea∣tise, intituled, the Supper, falsly ascribed to S. Cyprian, from which the Author of this hath ta∣ken some of his Impertinencies.

The Homily upon the Prophet Elias is more valuable, and yet seems not to me to be S. Chrysostom's. I should rather attribute it to Severianus of Gabala, as well as the three follow∣ing, of Joseph, Susanna, and the three Children in the fiery Furnance.

The Homily of Seals written in the same Style with the foregoing, does certainly belong to Severianus of Gabala, being quoted under his Name by Theodoret in the third Dialogue, and by Adrian I. The same Character and Style may be found in the Sermons of Faith, and of the Law of Nature; in that of the Holy Trinity; in the Discourse of the Divinity of the Holy Ghost, quoted by Photius under S. Chrysostom's Name; in the Sermon upon Pentecost; in the Sermon preached before Arcadius Theodosius's Son, upon the words of the beginning of S. John, In the beginning was the Word, &c. in the Sermon of Circumcision, that of the Remembrance of Martyrs, and upon Jesus Christ's being Shepherd and Sheep; in that upon these words of S. Paul, My grace is sufficient for thee; in that of the prodigal Son, of Herodias's Daughters dancing; in that upon the Words of Matth. 13. The Jews being assembled took counsel; in the Sermon of the Ten ••irgins, the Homily of the Woman taken in Adultery, and of the Pharisees; in that upon Good-Friday, of the Man that was born blind, and upon these words of Jesus Christ, Matth. 6. Take

heed that you do not your Alms before Men to be seen of them; in the Sermon against Hypocrisie; in that upon the beginning of the Year; in the Homily about the barren Fig-tree; in the Ser∣mon of the Pharisee's Feast; that of Lazarus and Dives; and in that upon the beginning of Psalm 92, which is the 105th in the 5th Volume of S. Chrysostom, of the Eton Edition. The Author of these Homilies, writes in a short, concise Style; enlarges much upon Dogmatical points, and very little upon Moral ones: What he says is intermixt with Allegories: In a word, if one compares these Homilies one with another, and with them that are certainly written by Severi∣anus, he will find that they are very like.

The Homilies of the Theophany, and the Marriage in Cana, are two inconsiderable Discour∣ses unworthy of S. Chrysostom.

That of the evil Woman, is yet worse. It was composed by some modern Greek, who having read in History that S. Chrysostom had made a Discourse against Women, made one to represent it: In which either he, or some body else, hath put these words in the beginning, that Sozomen relateth: Herodias is mad again, and asketh for S. John's Head. The rest of this Discourse is a continual Repetition of impertinent things.

The Homily of the Canaanitish Woman, is also in Latin among the Homilies upon several passages of the New Testament, ascribed to Origen, and in the Collection of Homilies upon S. Matthew, Hom. 14th and 17th. But here it is in Greek, and larger. The Doctrine, and Thoughts of this Discourse are rational enough, but the Style is very different from S. Chrysostom's.

The Sermons upon S. John the Fore-runner of Jesus Christ; upon the Apostles, S. Poter and S. Paul; upon the Twelve Apostles, S. Thomas the Apostle, and S. Stephen; are unworthy of S. Chry∣sostom, not only for the Substance, but also the Style. Yet the last of them is something more rational than the foregoing. The Discourse of S. Thomas is quoted under S. Chrysostom's Name, in the sixth Council, and in that of Lateran, under Pope Martin I.

The Homilies of the Annunciation, Theophany, and the Resurrection, have no Relation to S. Chrysostom's Style.

The Sermon concerning the Woman of Samaria, is a Discourse, whose beginning is quite of a∣nother Style than S. Chrysostom's: The latter End is taken word for word from the 31st. Homily of S. Chrysostom, upon the Gospel of S. John.

The four Sermons of the Ascension, published by Vossius, are not unworthy of S. Chrysostom, though the Style is not altogether the same with that of this Father's Works: In all probabi∣lity, they are part of those Two and Twenty which Photius read, which he mentions in the 25th Volume, as well as the Sermon upon the same Subject, cited by Facundus, l. 11. c. 14.

The Homily which proves, that a Disciple of Jesus Christ ought never to be angry, does not come near to the Style, or the loftiness of S. Chrysostom.

The Sermon of the false Prophets, is a Declamation made by some Greek, rather than a Dis∣course really preached by S. Chrysostom, before his Death, as the Title proves.

The Homily of the publick Games in the Cirque, is a pitifull Discourse, not worth reading.

The Sermon of Christ's Nativity, Page 493. is quoted by S. Cyril, as S. Chrysostom's, in his Treatise to the Empresses, mentioned in the Council of Ephesus; there is no considerable difference of Style; which convinces me that it is S. Chrysostom's, or at least, that it was taken out of his Works.

The three following Sermons, the First whereof, is upon the Words of S. Luke's Gospel, ch. 2. Caesar Augustus made a Decree, that all the World should be taxed, &c. the Second upon the Answer given to Zachariah, Ch. 1. of S. Luke, and the Third upon S. John's Conception, are all written in the same Style, very different from S. Chrysostom's; they contain abundance of insipid Observations upon the Text of S. Luke, which one cannot read without Tediousness and Trouble.

The Homily upon the Parable of the Housholder, that hired Work-men into his Vine-yard, doth much resemble S. Chrysostom's Style; if it be not his, it belongs to some ancient eloquent Au∣thor, and ought to be placed among those Discourses, which though perhaps not genuine, yet are not to be despised. Some Fragments of them may be found amongst the Homilies, which were collected out of the Works of S. Chrysostom.

I think the same Judgment ought to be made concerning the Sermon, or rather the Fragment of the Homily upon the Publican, and the Pharisee, and of that about the blind Man, and Zache∣us, which are unworthy of S. Chrysostom.

A Discourse made to prove, that Monks ought not to use rallery or freedom of Speech, is of the kind and style of S. Chrysostom; there is a digression against those that kept Women with them. The Authors of S. Chrysostom's Life observe, that he wrote six Orations upon that Subject. This might perhaps be one of them.

The Panegyrick upon S. John the Evangelist, is not worth any thing, but is a pitifull Discourse made up of obsolete and senseless Words.

The second Homily of the Holy Cross, is written by the Monk Pantaleon, Deacon of Constanti∣nople, who lived in the 13th Century: The first Discourse upon the same Subject, does not be∣long to a better Author.

The beginning of the Homily of S. Peter's Abjuration, is likewise written by some modern Greek, who added at the latter End an Exhortation, taken out of S. Chrysostom's Discourse upon these words of S. Paul, Having the same Spirit, &c.

The Homily of Bread and of Alms, is a Collection of several Notions of S. Chrysostom's upon that Subject.

The Discourse of Easter, is very like S. Chrysostom's Style.

The Sermon about Jesus Christ's second Coming; is a Preface annexed to the moral Exhorta∣tions of the 25th, and 31st Homilies, upon the Epistle to the Romans.

There are several other Sermons in the Greek Edition of S. Chrysostom, printed at Eton, which were not inserted into the Greek and Latin Edition of Paris, as not belonging to S. Chrysostom, or else but Collections out of this Father's Works.

In the 5th Volume, page 680, there is one upon these words Psal. 92. Dominus regnavit, &c. and upon those of S. Paul, When Jesus Christ shall have given up the Kingdom to the Father, wherein he speaks of Baptism.

Another in the same Volume, page 740. of those Women that brought Spices to embalm the Body of Jesus Christ: Wherein the Author proves, that the Evangelists do not contradict one another, upon the subject of Christ's Resurrection: Both these Homilies are well enough writ∣ten, but they are not S. John Chrysostom's.

There is a Third in the same Volume, page 789 upon these words of S. Paul, The good that I would, I do not, but the Evil that I would not, I do. The Author shews there, in what Sence Ja∣cob was a Type of Christ, and declaims against publick Shews. This Discourse is full of Allego∣ries contrary to S. Chrysostom's Custom: It may be attributed to the Author of the following Discourse on these words of the same Apostle: My Grace is sufficient for thee.

The 123d Homily in the same Volume, pag. 807. upon these words of the Epistle to the He∣brews, When we sin willfully, there remains no more Oblation, is a Collection out of the 20th, 15th, and 14th Homilies of S. Chrysostom, upon the Epistle to the Hebrews.

The Homily upon the Nativity of Jesus Christ in the same Volume, pag. 843. where the guar∣dian Angels of Countrys and Provinces are discoursed of, is cited by Photius under S. Chrysostom's Name: Yet the Style shews it not to be S. Chrysostom's: It is more probable, that it belongs to Se∣verianus of Gabala.

At the latter End of this Volume are several other Homilies, yet more unworthy of S. Chryso∣stom: Viz. the second Panegyrick upon S. Stephen, the Homily upon Palm-Sunday, upon the Thief, upon Judas his Treason, and many Sermons upon Easter, &c.

The sixth Volume is intermixt with several Homilies, which are only Fragments or Collecti∣ons, taken out of the genuine Works of S. Chrysostom, such as these following Sermons; Of Cha∣rity, pag. 742. Of Meekness, pag. 750. Sermons concerning Fasting, pag. 883. A Discourse against those that slept upon the Saturday before Whitsunday, pag. 857. That the Salvation of the Soul is to be preferred before the Welfare of the Body, pag. 893. That Priests ought not to be upbraided with living at Ease, pag. 896. Three Discourses of Penance, pag. 903. That we ought not to weep for the Dead, pag. 943. Of Patience, pag. 949. Of the Soul's Salvation, pag. 961. Against those that abused Virgins consecrated to God, pag. 971. A Discourse against Hereticks, pag. 979.

Lastly, The 7th Volume from pag. 271, to 587. contains above a hundred Sermons upon all sorts of Subjects, whereof some are not printed in the Greek and Latin Edition of Paris; namely, those that are either unworthy of S. Chrysostom, impertinent and foolish, or discourses of modern Authors, or Collections and Fragments taken out of S. Chrysostom. The Catalogue and Titles are in the Table of that Volume.

I believe, that most of S. Chrysostom's Sermons, which Photius professes to have read, and which are not, now extant, ought to be placed in the same rank. In the 25th Volume of his Bibliothe∣ca, he speaks of a Book bearing the Name of S. Chrysostom, intituled, Remarks upon the Death of Jesus Christ:

Which, says he, contained two and twenty short Sermons, upon the Death of Jesus Christ: There were besides, as he adds, in the same Volume, two and twenty Discourses upon the Ascension, and seventeen upon Whitsunday.

S. Chrysostom did not use to make short Sermons; his are generally long and full; he abounded in words and notions which he could not easily contract. Yet Photius hath taken no notice, that these Discourses were not S. Chrysostom's.

But he says, in the 274th Volume, concerning three Discourses of the beheading of S. John the Baptist, that their Subject and Method were very different from the other Sermons of this Fa∣ther, as well as their Style, which was flat, and far from the Elegancy of S. Chrysostom. The extracts in the same place, which he made out of a Discourse, concerning the 40 Martyrs ascri∣bed to S. Chrysostom, do prove his Assertion.

Among those Homilies, which he abridges in the 277th Vol. there are several which are rejected, as not being S. Chrysostom's i 1.10, but Severianus's of Gabala, or of some other ancient Authors.

But one ought not to pass the same Judgment upon those which Theodoret quotes in his Dia∣logues, which are certainly S. Chrysostom's, and which are now extant, most of them k 1.11 at least.

Facundus l. 4. c. 2. quotes a Sermon of S. Chrysostom's, in Commendation of Diodorus, this Discourse was published both in Greek and Latin, by the Learned Bigotius, with the Life of S. Chrysostom, written by Palladius▪ It is a Thanksgiving of that Saint to Diodorus of Tarsus, who had publickly commended him. He there confesseth, that the Commendations given him by Diodorus, did put him to some trouble.

For, says he, with much humility, great praises do not less check the Conscience than Sins, when a Man finds not in himself those Vertues which are commended by others.

After that, he returns upon Diodorus the Praises which he had given him; and as he was compared with S. John, baptist, because of his Name; he shews that Diodorus deserved that Name better than he, having all the Vertues of that holy Fore-runner of Jesus Christ.

Lastly, Cotelierius in the third Volume of his Monuments, hath published an Homily under S. Chrysostom's Name, upon these words of Matt. 20. By what Authority dost thou these things? This Discourse is written by some ancient Author, but not S. Chrysostom; it has his Genius, the reflections are just, and the reasons solid. But one does not find that over-flowing Eloquence, nor that abundant fruitfulness which was so peculiar to S. Chrysostom, though it is not unworthy of him. There the Anomaeans are refuted; and he proves, that none ought to pretend to penetrate into Mysteries with humane reason; but that we ought to depend upon what the Scripture says, without searching further.

These are almost all the Sermons that are attributed to S. Chrysostom, which were printed in Greek and Latin. There are several other Manuscripts in Libraries, that falsly bear the Name of this great Saint, and which are not only unworthy of him, but also are not worth publishing. For in my opinion, it is equally prudent to suppress the ill pieces that are in Libraries, as to publish those that are worth it. It is a kind of Theft, to keep in obscurity from the publick those Monuments that may be usefull: But it is also a great imposition upon the World, to set forth such Books as serve for nothing else, but to weary the Readers, to increase the Number of bad Books, and to fill Libraries with unprofitable Volumes. I wish, that as Men prohibit the selling of bad Wares, so they would forbid publishing of bad Books, though they are under the Name of great Men. Had this Law been observed in the Common-wealth of Learning, from the beginning of Printing, the World would not have been over-whelmed with infinite Loads of bad Books, which cause so much Confusion in all Arts and Sciences, and particularly in Di∣vinity. This may be said by the bye, upon occasion of the vast Number of Sermons, which have been Printed under S. Chrysostom's Name. But it is less to be wondered at, that the modern Greeks, to advance the worth of their own productions, which of themselves were of very little value, would raise them, by the glorious Name of our Saint. That which is most surprising, is, that Men should have the impudence to give Discourses written by Latin Authors, the Name of a Greek Father. It may so happen, that the Original Greek of some Book might be lost, and that nothing might remain but a Version, as upon the Sermon of S. Joseph, and Continency quoted by S. Austin, which is in Latin, among the Works of S. Chrysostom: But it is impossible, that Sermons taken out of the Works of Latin Fathers, or which were visibly composed at first in Latin, should be written by a Greek Father. As for example, it were ridiculous to say, that the Discourse of Adam and Eve, which is made up of several passages of S. Austin, and which contains the 31st, and 32d Chapters of Gennadius his Book of Ecclesiastical Dogmes: It were, I say, ridiculous to believe that this was ever written by S. Chrysostom: And that Man is little ac∣quainted with the style of Authors, that cannot perceive, that the imperfect Commentary up∣on S. Matthew, is written by a Latin Author; and that most of the Homilies upon the Old and New Testament, whereof we have no Greek Originals, and which are found in the Latin Edi∣tions of S. Chrysostom, mixt with his own proper Works, were composed originally in Latin and not in Greek. These are, the second Homily upon Genesis, and those that follow, to the 16th, from pag. 206. of the last Edition, at Lyons, to pag. 222. Eight Sermons upon several Hi∣stories of the Books of Kings, from pag. 243. to pag. 250. Five Homilies upon Job, pag. 261, &c.

Two other Homilies, pag. 267. Two Prefaces upon the Psalms, pag. 269, and 270. A Dis∣course upon the Usefulness of the Psalms, pag. 272. Homilies upon Psalms, 9th, 14th, 22d, 24th, 25th, 26th, 29th, 33d, 37th, 38th, 39th, 40th, 42d, 68th, 71st, 84th, 90th, 93d, 95th, 96th, 121st, 122d. A Sermon upon these Words, Wisdom, Chap. 3. They seem dead in the Eyes of Fools, and of Men without Sense. Four Homilies upon four places of Isaiah, pag. 598th, 613th, and 614th. An Homily upon Jeremiah, pag. 616th. A Sermon of the three Children, pag. 617th. One of Sufanna, ibid. and one upon Zach. Chap. 6. pag. 619. Almost all these Discourses have the style of the Latin Preachers, they are full of Sentences, Antitheses, Figures, and playing up∣on Words l 1.12, which are usual in Latin Authors. One neither meets with the Eloquence, nor the Copiousness, nor Fruitfulness, nor Sublimity of the Expressions of S. Chrysostom, and the me∣thod is quite different from his m 1.13: In a word, the matters there treated of are not such as S. Chrysostom uses to discourse of n 1.14.

We cannot judge otherwise of the greatest part of those Homilies upon several passages of the four Gospels which are not in the Greek, viz. the 27 Homilies upon S. Matthew, in the se∣cond Volume of the Lyons Edition, pag. 465, &c. to 502. Of the 14 Homilies upon S. Mark, from pag. 503, to pag. 519. Of six Homilies upon S. Luke, from pag. 519, to pag. 529. Of that upon Zacchaeus, pag. 551. and of 13 Homilies upon S. John, from pag. 164, to pag. 172. All these Homilies are either Sermons of Latin Authors, whereof some are among those of S. Chry∣sologus o 1.15, or extracts from the imperfect Commentary upon S. Matthew, or Versions of some passages of S. Chrysostom, collected and stitched up together.

The 59 last Homilies upon the Statues, which are in the fifth Volume of the Edition of Lyons, from pag. 75, to pag. 188. are of this last sort as well as several other Homilies upon different Subjects, from pag. 287, to pag. 298, and from pag. 312, to pag. 335. Three Sermons of Penance and Confession, and ••••me Sermens of Fasting, and Alms-deeds, from pag. 361, to pag. 376. And lastly, common places upon Providence, Riches, Blasphemies, Debaucheries, and Pleasures, and upon some other matters of Morality which are in the same Volume, from pag. 582, to pag. 601.

The imperfect Commentary upon S. Matthew p 1.16, divided into 54 Homilies, is undoubtedly written by a Latin Author, who quotes the old Latin vulgar Version, and cites Apocryphal Books. There are also erroneous Notions, and contrary to S. Chrysostom's Doctrine.

The Latin Sermon supposed to have been preached by S. Chrysostom, after his Return from Asia, is written by one that designed to exercise himself; as also the Discourses of S. Chrysostom, and Severianus upon their reconciliation, which are at the latter End of the 7th Volume of the E••on Edition, and of the second of that of Paris. They rather belong to some Rhetorician, who de∣sired to be thought eloquent, than Sermons written in earnest.

And now we are come to the Books which S. Chrysostom writ in his Study, which are almost all collected in the 4th Volume. The first and most excellent are the six Books of the Priest-hood, which, according to Suidas's Observation, exceed all the other Books of S. Chrysostom, both for Elevation of Style, Beauty of Elocution, and Sweetness and Elegance in the Choice of his Words:

S. Isiodore Pelusiota observes, in the 156th Letter of his first Book, that all those that read that Book reap a considerable Advantage from it, seeing that on the one side this Book represents the Priesthood as an Eminent Dignity, not to be approached unto, but with much respect: And on the other side, it teaches Men to enter into it with great purity and innocence. It is composed with so much subtilty, discretion, and exactness, that as they who perform as they ought the Duties of the Priesthood, do find there a Picture of their Vertues; so they who negligently go about the functions of their sacred Ministry, can∣not but discover there the representation of their Vices and Sins.

And indeed there is not any one Book in all Antiquity, that speaks more nobly concerning the Honour and Functions of the Priesthood. It is in form of a Dialogue between his friend Basil, and himself, and divided into six Books. The first is a kind of Preface, in which, having spoken first of the intimate Friendship that was betwixt S. Basil, and him, and of the Design they had to embrace a reti∣red Life; he relates, that when it was noised abroad, that they would make both Basil and him Bishops, he did not discover to Basil his resolution to retire, and that having hid himself at the time of the Election, Basil was chosen and consecrated Bishop. On this occasion, Basil is introduced complaining of that Deceit, and accusing him of refusing the Bishoprick out of Vanity.

S. Chrysostom justifies himself from the injury that Basil pretended to have received of him, by shewing that there are innocent Cheats, which are causes of much good. He proves in the se∣cond Book, that he had deceived him to his own advantage, by giving him an opportunity of exercising his love to Jesus Christ after a most excellent manner, in feeding his Sheep. After∣wards he discourses of the Vertue, and Wisdom, which that Office required, proving how great the Charge of Pastours is by the great difficulty of healing Souls fallen sick, either by the Con∣tagion of Vice, or by Errours in Faith. Basil interrupting him there, and telling him, that therefore he was to blame, for avoiding the Cure of Souls, since it was the best way to justifie his love of Jesus Christ; he answers, That he did it, because he thought himself unworthy of it; but on the contrary, that Basil was very capable of it. And then to excuse himself towards those, who thought, that by his refusal he had offended them that had chosen him; he answers in the first place, That none ought to be afraid of offending Men, when they cannot any other ways avoid it, but by offending God: 2. He shews, that he was so far from disgracing them by his De∣nial, that he pretended on the contrary, that he obliged them very much, by not exposing them to the reproaches to which they might otherwise have been subject, and the false reports which might have been raised against them.

Is it not certain, says he, that had I accepted the Bishoprick, then those that love to caluminate might have suspected, and spoken many things, not only of me, but also of my Electours? They would have said, for example, that they had respect to Riches, or were blinded with the Luster of Birth, or won by my Flatteries. I know not whether they would not have dared to say, that I had bribed them with Mo∣ney. But, thanks be to God, I took from them all these occasions of Evil-speaking, and they can no more tax me with Flattery, than they can accuse these good Men of being corrupted. For why should he, that bestowed Money, or used Flattery to get an Office, suffer another to take it when he might have it himself? Again, what might not have been said, by de∣tracting Men after my coming to the Office? Could I have made Apologies sufficient to an∣swer their Accusations? Though all my Actions had been without reproach, had they found no pretence to blacken me? But now they have none, for I have delivered those that might have chosen me from all imputations; No complaints will be made of them; It will not be said publickly, They have entrusted young Fools with the highest, and most considerable Offices; they have exposed God's Flock to all sorts of Corruption; Christianity is now made a jest of, and they delight to render it ridiculous; Now the mouth of iniquity must be stop∣ped: For if Calumniatours do thus complain of You (addressing himself to Basil) you will let them see, that a man's Wisdom is not to be judged of by the Number of his Years, nor old Age measured with Gray-hairs; and that not young Men, but Neophytes are to be exclu∣ded from Ecclesiastical Dignities.

Thus he concludes the second Book.

To defend himself against such as accused him of refusing the Bishoprick out of pride, he says, that it is not to be presumed, that any Man could refuse so eminent a Dignity out of Vanity, and that such as are of that opinion must needs be despisers of that high Office. To undeceive them, he speaks of the Priesthood in these Terms.

Though the Priesthood is exercised upon Earth, yet it ought to be reckoned amongst heavenly Goods, since neither Man, nor Angel, nor Archangel, nor any created Power, but the Holy Ghost himself, established that sacred Order,

and made men think, that they exercised a Ministry of Angels in a mortal Body. Wherefore whosoever is raised up to the Priesthood, ought to be as pure as if he were already in Heaven, among those blessed Spirits. When you see our Lord placed, and offered upon the Altar, The Bishop celebrating the Sacrifice; and praying for the whole People dyed, and made red with his precious Blood, do you think that you are amongst Men, and upon Earth? Do you not believe your selves to be taken up into Heaven for that moment? And do you not put off the thoughts of the flesh? Do you not behold heavenly things with a pure Spirit, and a naked Soul? O Miracle! O Bounty of God! He that is above with his Father, suffers him∣self to be touched by the hands of all in this moment, and gives himself to be held and embraced by those that desire it.

Afterwards he compares the Divine Mysteries to Elias his Sacrifice, which caused Fire to come down from Heaven to consume the Victims. He saith, that the Bishop in like manner causeth by his Prayers, not Fire from Heaven, but the Holy Ghost to descend upon the Altar. Having thus exalted the Dignity of the Priesthood, because of the Power which they have to consecrate the Body and Blood of Jesus Christ, he discourses of their Power of binding and loosing Sinners, which is not less honourable, nor less usefull to the Salvation of Men.

For, saith he, living as yet upon the Earth, they dispose of the things of Heaven, and they have received a Power which God would give neither to Angels, nor to Archangels; having said unto Men, and not to them, What you shall bind on Earth, shall be bound in Heaven; and whatsoever ye shall loose on Earth, shall be loosed in Heaven. Temporal Princes have a power to bind, but that is the Body only, whereas Episcopal Power bindeth the Soul, and reacheth unto Heaven, because God ratifieth above, what the Bishops do here below, and the Master confirmeth the Sentence of his Servants. This Power is as much above the Temporal, as Heaven is nobler than the Earth, and the Soul than the Body. It were madness to despise a Power, without which we could hope for no Salvation, nor the possession of the promised Goods: For if none can enter into the Kingdom of Heaven, unless he be first regenerated with Water, and the Holy Ghost: And if he that eateth not the Flesh of the Lord, and drinketh not his Blood, is deprived of Eternal Life: And if it be these holy Hands, I mean by the hands of Bishops, that all these things are done: How can either the Fire of Hell be avoided, or the Crowns prepared for us in Heaven, be obtained without their help? They and only they, are intrusted by God with these spiritual Births, and that regeneration which is wrought by Baptism: By them we put on Christ, we are united to the Son of God, and be∣come Members of his sacred Body. Bishops do not judge of the Leprosie of the Body, as the Priests did under the old Law; they judge of that of the Soul, and they do not onely enquire whether Souls be purified, but they have power also to purify them: Wherefore those that despise them, commit a much greater Crime, and are worthy of a much severer Chastisement than Dathan, and his Companions.

Having thus exalted the Dignity of the Priesthood, he discovers the Dangers that attend this Office on all sides: He compares a Bishop that has the Care of a Diocess, with a Pilot that hath the Charge of a Ship.

But a Bishop, saith he, is more agitated with Cares, than the Sea with Winds and Storms: The first Rock he meets with, is vain Glory, Anger, Peevishness, Envy, Quarrelling, Calumnies, Accusations, Lying, Hypocrisies, Treachery, and precipitate Violence against the Innocent; joy to see those that serve the Church, neglect their Duty; and sorrow to see them discharge it worthily; love of Praise, desire of Honour, which is one of the most pernicious passions of the Soul; Discourses where pleasure is more looked after, than the profit of the Hearers, servile Flatteries, base Complacency, Contempt of the Poor, degenerate Ci∣vilities towards rich men without reason, favours ill-bestowed, which prove hurtfull both to the giver and to the receiver; guilty fear, bashfulness in speaking, false modesty, silence, cow∣ardice and fear of reproving great Men. There is no slavery equal to ours, which makes us do even shamefull things to please Women. They have got such Power, that they give and take away Bishopricks, even to whom, and from whom they please: Hence it is, that all things are turned upside down: Those that should obey, will be Directours of those that are to command. Yet I pretend not to tax all Bishops with the Crimes now mentioned, there being many; I say many, who have not been caught in these snares, and who far exceed those in number, that are unhappily fallen into them. Neither will I say, that the Episcopal Dig∣nity is the cause of these Evils, I am not so extravagant as to have any such thought. The Sword is not the cause of Murder, nor Wine of Drunkenness, &c. All wise Men accuse and punish such as abuse God's Gifts, as the true Authors of those Abuses: And the Episcopal Dig∣nity is so far from being guilty of these Evils, that it may rather complain, that Men do not exercise it well: We are those whom it may upbraid. Since we dishonour it as much as in us lies, when we admit the first that comes, who having not examined their own strength, nor considered the greatness and importance of that Office, receive it readily, as soon as it is offered. And when they are obliged to act, being blinded with Darkness, they ingage their People in a thousand Disorders. For, from whence think you, do so many Troubles arise in the Church? I see no other Spring of them besides the want of Circumspection, and Choice in the Election of Bishops.

He Discourses afterwards of the necessary qualities in a Bishop, and affirms, that the first is to have no desire to that Dignity, which ought to be looked upon with respect, and such a

moderation as may inspire Men with a Desire to avoid so important and difficult an Office: And also, that when a Man engages in it, he should not stay for the Judgment of others, to quit it, but having committed faults unworthy of the same, he should depose himself.

Per∣haps, says he, it will be objected to me, that I contradict the Words of S. Paul, That he that desireth to be a Bishop, desireth a good work, but I am so far from opposing, that I do only follow them, since it is the desire of the Power and not of the Work which I condemn.

The second quality noted by S. Chrysostom as requisite in a Bishop, is to be clear-sighted and vigilant, because he lives not for himself, but for a great People. The Third, according to his Opinion, is Meekness; he observes, That a Bishop ought not to be Peevish, Violent or Angry; and that whatsoever his other Vertues be, if these be in him, he is not worthy to be a Bishop. He saith further, That the Vices of a Bishop are of worse consequence than those of a private Man, be∣cause, when they are once discovered, they cause a general Scandal, and draw others by their ex∣ample; and besides, the least faults of a Bishop, being magnified by envious Men, will utterly ruine his Reputation. In the next place, he gives an account of the Disputes and Dissentions which commonly attend the Election of a Bishop, and that the reason of it is, because they do not all agree in the only design which they ought to have, which is to chuse the Wisest and most Vertuous.

They, says he, have all different Pretences of promoting a Man to an Office; one will have this Man because he is of a Noble Family; another votes for the other, because he is rich, and a third endeavours to advance his Friend, or his Kinsman: This last goes by Ca∣balling and getting of Favour: No Man chooses the most worthy; no Man hath respect either to Vertue or Merit.

Then he concludes this Book by a Description of the three main duties of a Bishop, viz. The care of Widows, of Virgins consecrated to God, and their obligation to do Justice to the People, and to help them in their necessities.

S. Chrysostom having ended this Discourse, Basil told him, That had he sued for that Dignity, his fear might have been rational, but having been chosen when he sought it not, he ought to think himself secure in accepting it. S. Chrysostom answers, That not only those that seek for Ecclesiastical Promotions thro' Ambition, but also those that do not discharge them well shall be severely punished, because they should have refus'd them, knowing that they were above their Capacity; and that even those shall be without excuse, who through insufficiency do not per∣form their Functions in the Church as they ought, under pretence that they were forced to ac∣cept of them; neither shall they be acquitted before God, who chuse Insufficient Men, by saying that they were deceived, and that they knew them not. This ought to oblige those that are to chuse, to consider well what choice they make? and those that are chosen, to examine them∣selves, Whether they are capable of the Dignity to which they are to be promoted. He discourses afterwards of a Bishop's Learning, that being to preach God's word with Strength and Knowledge, to refute Pagans, Jews and Hereticks, and to instruct the Faithful, he hath great need of Learn∣ing, of Prudence and Eloquence.

He goes on in the next Book to speak of the Conditions which are necessary to exercise the Mi∣nistry of God's Word, as we ought: He observes, That Commendation is not to be regarded, and that Envy and Malice is to be despised; but that a good Reputation is to be maintain'd by constant labour: That a good Bishop ought not to be proud for being praised, nor dejected when he is blamed; and that his only aim in his Discourses should be to please God.

This, saith he, is the only Rule, and the only Object which they ought to propose to themselves in this excellent Ministry, and not to be applauded and praised. If Men do commend them, let them not reject their Commendations; if they do not, let them not desire it, nor be concerned at the omission: This is sufficient comfort for him in his Labour; yea, the greatest he can have, if he knows in his Conscience, that he hath studied his Discourses for no other end, than that they might be acceptable to God only; adding, that he cannot be envious against, nor jealous of those who have more talents than himself.

In the last Book he proves, That Bishops have need of a higher degree of Vertue than Monks, because they are exposed to many more dangers; and that it is easier to live well in a Solitude than as a Bishop; yea, that whatsoever Vertues Monks may have, yet they are not fit to be Bishops, because the accidents of a Bishop's life may easily excite those Vices and Infirmities which were hid in Solitude. Lastly, he declares, That the trouble he was in, when they spake of making him Bishop, made him resolve to hide himself. He sets forth this trouble by two Comparisons; the one by describing the vexation which a Princess, incomparable both for Beauty and Vertue, might be in, who being passionately beloved by a Prince, should be forced to mar∣ry a mean and contemptible Man; the other, by describing the astonishment of a Clown, that was forced to take upon him the Conduct of both a great Land-Army, and of a Navy that was ready to give Battel to a dreadful Enemy. He concludes by comforting Basil, who was af∣flicted to see himself ingaged in so hard an Employment, and loaded with so heavy a Bur∣den.

Some say, that he writ these excellent Books when he was very young, which is not likely. Others think with Socrates, That he composed them while he was a Deacon; but it seems ra∣ther, that he made them in his Retirement, before he was ordained Deacon, about the Year 376.

The three Books in defence of a Monastical Life, against those that blamed that state, were the first fruits of S. Chrysostom's Retreat. In the first he argues for a Monastical way of life, because of the usefulness and necessity of separating from the World. In the Second he answers the Gentiles, who complained that their Children forsook them to retire into desart places; and then he comforts the Christians who were troubled to see themselves bereaved of their Children that embraced a Solitary Life, to dwell in Wildernesses. He affirms in these Books, That a Monk is more glorious, more powerful and richer than a Man of the World; representing the great difficulty of saving our selves in the World, and how hard it is to bring up Children to Christianity; and comparing the condition of a Monk with that of Saints and Angels.

The short Discourse upon the comparison of a Monk with a Prince, is upon the same Subject. He shews, That Men are mistaken, who preferr the condition of Kings before that of Monks and retired Men. First, Because the greatness of Kings ends with them, whereas the advanta∣ges of a retired Life continues after death. 2. Because the advantages of Retirement are much more considerable than the Fortune of Great Men. 3. Because it is more glorious for a Man to command his Passions, than to rule whole Nations. 4. Because the War of a Monk is nobler than that of a great Captain, and his Victory more certain; the one fights against invisible Pow∣ers, and the other against mortal Men; the one engages for the defence of Piety, and the ho∣nour of God, the other for his own Interest or Glory. 5. Because a Prince is a charge to him∣self and to others by reason of those many things which he needs; whereas a Monk wants no∣thing, does good to all, and by his Prayers obtains those Graces, which the most powerful Prin∣ces cannot give. 6. Because the loss of Piety may sooner be repaired than the loss of a Kingdom. Lastly, Because, after death, a Monk goeth in splendor to meet Jesus Christ, and entreth im∣mediately into Heaven; whereas, tho' a King seems to have ruled his Kingdom with Justice and Equity (a thing very rare) yet they shall be less glorious and not so happy, there being a great difference in point of Holiness, between a good King, and a holy Monk, who hath bestowed all his time and care upon praising God: But if this King hath lived ill, who can express the great∣ness of those punishments that attend him? He concludeth in these words;

Let us not admire their Riches, nor preferr their happiness before that of these poor Monks. Let us never say, that this rich Man is happy, because he is cloathed with sumptuous Apparel, carried in a fine Coach, and followed by many Footman: These Riches and great Pomps last but for a time, and all the Felicity that attends them ends with the Life, whereas the Happiness of Monks endures for ever.

It was likewise in his Solitude that he writ the two Books of Compunction of Heart, whereof the first is dedicated to Demetrius, and the second to Stelechius. In these Books he discourses of the necessity and conditions of a true and sincere Repentance; affirming, That Christians ought to have their sins always in view, to abhorr them with all their Heart, to lament, and continually beg of God the forgiveness of them: That this sorrow ought to be a motion of that Charity which the Holy Ghost inspireth into our Hearts, and to be animated with the fire of a Divine Love, which consumeth sin, and is accompanied with a Spirit of Mortification and Dis∣interessedness from the Goods of this World, with an esteem of the Treasures of Heaven, and of Spiritual Vertues. He saith in the first Book, That it is not Grace only which makes us do good, since we ought our selves to contribute on our part, all that depends upon our Wills and Strength; where∣fore, saith he, God's Grace is given to every one of us, but it abideth only in the Hearts of them that keep the Commandments, and departeth from them that correspond not with it; neither doth it en∣ter into their Souls, who begin not to turn to the Lord. When God converted S. Paul, he foresaw his good Will before he gave him his Grace.

The Three Books of Providence were composed by S. Chrysostom, when he came out of his Solitude, and returned to Antioch. There he comforteth a Friend of his, one Stagirius, who having quitted the World, was so tormented with an Evil Spirit, that he was ready to fall into Despair; exhorting him to look upon that affliction as a Grace of God rather than a Punishment; for as much as it appears by the most notable Examples both of the old and of the new Law; that from Adam to S. Paul, Troubles and Afflictions have commonly been the lot of the Saints and Righteous Men: For this reason these Books are intituled, Of Providence, because they clear that great Question which so much perplexed the learned Gentiles, Why the Righteous are afflicted and persecuted if there be a Providence over-ruling the things of the World? He sheweth there, that this Question hath no difficulty, if Men believe, that there is another Life, a Heaven and a Hell: For, saith he, since every one is punished or rewarded in another World, to what end are we con∣cerned at what happens in this? If wicked Men only were persecuted here, we should easily be∣lieve, that out of this World there is neither Punishments nor Rewards; and were there none but good Men in affliction, Vertue might be looked upon as the cause of Adversity, and Crimes the reason of Prosperity. Of necessity therefore there must be in this World righteous and wicked Men, some happy and others unhappy. He adds, That by God's permission the Righ∣teous are afflicted, to expiate their sins, and to correct them for their faults. He saith further, That God makes use of the Righteous Man's Fear, to oblige others to look to themselves, and to mind their own Salvation. But why doth it happen, That such as lived well before they were tempted by Afflictions should fall into sin, when Temptation cometh? S. Chrysostom an∣swereth, First, That many seem to be Righteous before Men, who are great Criminals before

God, that searcheth the Hearts. Secondly, That God permits the most righteous to fall into sin, to humble them, to keep them from Pride, and from an Opinion of their own Merit; and to put them in mind, that if they have any thing that is good, it is not of themselves, but of the Grace of Jesus Christ.

The Book of Virginity is written with much Prudence and Wisdom: For, whereas most of the Authors that have written of Virginity, could not forbear, whilst they commended this Ver∣tue, to condemn marriage, or at least, to speak slightingly of it. On the contrary, S. Chrysostom answereth, at first, those Hereticks that condemned Matrimony; and proveth, that their Virgini∣ty will not only be unprofitable, but also pernicious; adding withall, that as many as condemn Marriage, are Despisers of Virginity: It being a greater advantage to be what it is, a good thing, a nobler and more excellent than another good thing, than simply a Vertue in oppositi∣on to Vice.

I commend Matrimony, saith he, it is the Haven of Continency for those that will use it well; but there are excellent persons, who have no need of that help, and are able to quench the Fire of Lust by praying, watching, and lying upon the Ground. These I ex∣hort to Virginity, but forbid them not to marry: If they follow not my Advice, I condemn them not; I excommunicate those that commit Adultery and Fornication, but commend those who make an holy use of Matrimony. Marriage is good, that's my Opinion, but Virgini∣ty is better. This I own, and if you will have my Sence, It is as much above Matrimony as Heaven is above the Earth, and makes Men like to Angels.

Afterwards he makes an Objection to himself against Virginity, which seems natural enough: If it be better to live unmarried, why did God institute Marriage? why did he make Women? and should all Men embrace Virginity, how should Mankind be propagated? To answer these Questions, S. Chrysostom goeth back as far as the creation of the first Man, and takes notice, That while he was in the earthly Paradise with Eve, he was taken up with a Conversation with God, that he was then freed from Lust and the desires of the Flesh, and lived in a perfect Virginity, and the whole World was at that time a vast Solitude. But Man having disobey'd God's Commands, and becoming mortal and corruptible, with that happy Life which he enjoyed, he lost also the glory of Virginity; so that Sin being the cause of Death, became at the same time the cause of Marriage. It is probable, that tho' there had been no Marriage, yet the World might have been peopled, and that God had created other Men as he had done the first: adding, That it is not the frequent use of Marriage that multiplieth Mankind, but God's Blessing; and he be∣lieves, that Marriage is more necessary to the World at present, for a remedy against Inconti∣nency, than for the preservation of Mankind; he grants, That it is necessary for the weak, but that Virginity is far more honourable and profitable too. He pretendeth, That whatsoever S. Paul said of Marriage ought to induce Men to embrace Virginity; and at last he describes the troubles and inconveniencies of a married life, and opposes to them the quiet, liberty, sweetness, pleasure, and other advantages of a single one, and then concludes with this noble Sentence;

Here below we are seriously to work out our Salvation; let him that has a Wife live as if he had none; and he that hath not should endeavour with Virginity to get all other Vertues, that so in the next World he may not lament the disorders that he committed whilst he was in this.

This Treatise of Virginity is quoted in the 19th Homily upon the first Epistle to the Corinthians, preached at Antioch. It was by consequence composed in that Town, S. Chrysostom being a Deacon, or newly ordain'd Priest.

The two Treatises against the cohabitation of Clerks and Women, were composed, if Palladius may be believed, at Constantinople, against the abuse of those Churchmen, who lodged devout Women with them, or themselves lodged in the Women's Houses.

Against these Disorders S. Chrysostom wrote two Books, whereof the first reproveth the Vir∣gins that dwelt with Churchmen; and the second admonisheth Churchmen who admitted Women into their Lodgings, and shews, That such mixt-habitation is an occasion of scandal, and cannot be wholly free from sin.

In the Discourse to a young Widow, he both comforts and exhorts her, To continue in her Wi∣dowhood. He made another little Book on purpose to shew, That she ought not to marry again; where he proves, That tho' second marriages be not absolutely forbidden, yet it is much better to continue in Widowhood.

The small Treatise upon this Paradox, That no Man is offended but by himself, was written by S. Chrysostom in his Exile. It is upon a Subject very proper to administer Comfort to a Man in Persecution, for he proveth there by several Examples out of Holy Scripture, That Persecutions and Vexations are so far from doing any harm to those that are tormented wrongfully, that they make them more happy and glorious, and that nothing but Sin can make Men truly mi∣serable.

In the first Exhortation to Theodorus, who is thought to be the Person who afterwards was made Bishop of Mopsuesta; he adviseth him to do Penance for quitting a retired life to return into the World; shewing him, That how great soever his fault might be, yet he might hope for Pardon from God's Mercy, because he always granteth it to those that truly and earnestly repent; which Penance is not to be judged of according to the length of Time, but by the disposition of the Heart, and which consists in a change of life. Afterwards he represents Heaven, Hell and Judgment, whereof he maketh an excellent Description, to oblige him to do Penance, and then

he comforts him, by the hope that his Repentance will recover, not only his former Innocence, but also an higher degree of Holiness and Perfection.

Among the Examples which he mentions to confirm this Truth, he citeth the History of that famous Thief who was converted by S. John, which Eusebius takes cut of Clemens Alexandrinus.

The second Discourse to Theodorus containeth some milder Motives, to oblige him to forsake a Secular life; where he represents the Labours and Cares of the World, to make him out of love with it. This last Exhortation ought to be placed first: These Treatises were written at Antioch.

All S. Chrysostom's Letters were written during his Banishment.

The first is a Circular Letter to Innocent Bishop of Rome, Venerius Bishop of Milan, and Chromatius Bishop of Aquileia, in which, having described the attempts of Theophilus; the In∣juries which he receiv'd from him; the Injustice and Violence exercised towards him; and the Disturbance in the Churches of the East, upon his account, very eloquently, he entreats them to write to the East to tell them, That what was done against him, was to be look'd upon as of no force, as being done against the Laws, in his absence by his Enemies, and to the pre∣judice of those proffers which he had made to appear before lawful Judges; and consequently, that such as acted so Uncanonically were to be punished according to the severity of Ecclesia∣stical Laws; declaring, That he was ready to justifie his Innocence, and to convince his Ac∣cusers of Imposture and Violence before uncorrupt Judges.

There is another Letter to Pope Innocent, wherein he thanks him for the good Offices which he had endeavoured to do him; but it was written long after the former, in the third Year of S. Chrysostom's banishment.

The Letter to the Bishops and Priests that were put in Prison for defending his Innocence, and refusing to communicate with A••sacius, was written in the first Year of his Exile. There he commends the Constancy and Courage of these generous defenders of Justice, whom he scruples not to call Martyrs.

The seventeen following Epistles are directed to the Widow Olympias, who was united to him by the bonds of an intimate Friendship; he comforteth her for the Persecutions she had endured, the Affliction she was in, and for the Sickness she lay under.

These are some of the Maxims which he lays down to comfort her and himself.

No∣thing is to be feared but sin, all other accidents of this life are but a Fable and a Come∣dy; Afflictions, Persecutions, Sicknesses and Death it self should not move us; these are to be born with patience for God's sake, no other Blessing is to be compared with Pati∣ence. We are neither to desire Death, nor to neglect Sickness; not the Persecuted but Persecutors are Objects of pity; and the latter are so much the more to be lamented, be∣cause, like Men in a Frenzie, they feel not their Distemper.

This present life is but a passage, all the Goods of this World are but Dust and Smoak. Such Christian thoughts as these employ'd the Spirit of S. Chrysostom in his Exile, and furnish'd him with matter for the Letters he writ to his Friends: He thanked them likewise in his Epistles, for the care they had of him, and for the generous Methods which they followed to justifie him; with other Letters to oblige his Friends to continue stedfast to him, to let them hear of him, to let them know what they might do for him, and to pray them, That they would write to him. These are the subjects of the greatest part of 225 Letters written to his Friends. Some are concerning the Affairs of the Church in Phoenicia, the Conversion of the Goths, and the helping of the Poor; which shew, That tho' he was banished and deprived of his Bishoprick, yet he preserved an Episcopal Spirit, and Pastoral Watchfulness.

The Judgment which the learned Photius makes of these Letters, is this: (Vol. 36. of his Bibliotheca)

I have read, saith he, the Letters which S. Chrysostom writ to several persons in the time of his Banishment; the most usefull are those seventeen to Olympias, and that to In∣nocent Bishop of Rome; wherein he gives an account of the Persecutions which he suffered, as much as the extent of a Letter could permit. The Stile of these Letters is not very dif∣ferent from that of his other Works, for it is clear and lofty, florid, pleasant and persuading. The Letters to Olympias are not so artless as the others, because he could not suit an Episto∣lary Stile, with the Matter he was to write, which, if we may so say, has done Violence to the Laws of the art of Writing.

This Reflection of Photius is particularly to be apply'd to the Letter directed to Pope In∣nocent, and the other Western Bishops, wherein he describeth the Persecutions which he endur'd with great force of Eloquence. There is not among these Letters That directed to Caesarius the Monk: Peter Martyr was the first that quoted it in these latter times; and since he did not tell whence he took it, and that the words seem'd contrary to the Doctrine of the Church, and of S. Chrysostom upon the Eucharist, those of the Church of Rome did long suspect Peter Martyr as guilty of Imposture, and look'd upon the fragment of that Letter as a piece of his own Inventi∣on. But since that time, Bigotius having found an ancient Manuscript of the Version of that Letter in the Dominican's Library at Florence, it was no longer doubted, but that Peter Martyr took from thence the fragment which he quoted, and I think we ought not to re∣ject it as unworthy of S. Chrysostom: For tho' the Greek Original is not extant entire, yet,

something of S. Chrysostom's Eloquence appears in that Version: and this Letter is mentioned by several Greek Authors q 1.17, who have taken several Quotations that are Printed with the ancient Version.

By this Letter it appears, that Caesarius to whom it was written, admired a certain Book, wherein it was averred, That in Jesus Christ there was such an Union, or mixture of Humanity with Divinity, that they made but one Nature: S. Chrysostom tells him, that this was the Errour of Apollinarius, Arius, Sabellius, and Manichaeus, about the Incarnation of Jesus Christ. And to inform him better, he bids him take notice, that there were two Natures in Christ; and each of them doth preserve its Properties, without mixture, and without confusion, tho' united toge∣ther in the same Person: to explain this truth, he alledges the Example of the Eucharist, and saith, † 1.18 That as Bread is called Bread before the Sanctification, but that after the Divine Grace hath hallowed it by means of the Priest, it ought no longer to be called Bread, but to bear the Name of Christ's Body, tho' it remains in the same nature of Bread, and that Men do not say, that they are two Bodies, but One onely Body of Jesus Christ; so we ought to say, that the Divine Nature being united with the Humane, makes but one Christ, and one Person. And yet it must be acknowledged, that each of these Natures continueth perfect and intire, without mixture, and without confusion; for if there remained but one Nature, how could it be said that there is Union? These words of S. Chrysostom, instead of destroying the real Presence of Jesus Christ in the Eucharist, do suppose and prove it invincibly: for otherwise how could he affirm, that the Body of Jesus Christ is as truly in the Eucharist, as the Divine Nature is in the Person of Jesus Christ? He saith indeed, that the Bread remains in its own Nature. Which seemeth to be against Transubstantiation: but we may understand by Nature, the consistency and appearance of Bread. In a word, this passage is not har∣der to be understood, than those of Theodoret and of Gelasius, who use the same Comparison: Nay it is much easier, because S. Chrysostom in several places explaineth his Opinion very clearly upon the real Change of the Bread, and Wine into the Body and Blood of Jesus Christ.

This Letter ends with an Exposition of his Doctrine, about the Mystery of the Incarnation of Jesus Christ, in these words.

It must be Confessed, that the same Jesus Christ who is Mortal, hath two complete Natures, the Divine, and the Humane, and yet he is one and the same only Son, not divisible into two, who comprehends in himself the Properties of both Natures, without any Alteration. They are not two Persons, but the same God, Lord, and Saviour, Word of God, who hath put on our Flesh, but animated Flesh, not Flesh without Soul, as the impious Apollinarius maintains. To this we are to hold; let us avoid those that separate the two Natures, for tho' there are two Natures in Jesus Christ, yet their Union is indisso∣luble and inseparable. We ought to acknowledge that this Union is made in one and the same Person, and Hypostasis of the Son. Neither let us hear those who affirm, That after this Union there is but one Nature in Christ; since they are obliged by their own Hypothesis, to ascribe Sufferings to the Divine Nature, which is impassible.

The Version of this Letter which Bigotius could not get Printed at Paris, for some particular Considerations ‖ 1.19, was Printed after the Latin Copy, by Mr. le Moyne, at the end of the first Volume of his Varia Sacra, at Amster∣dam,

1685. and with the Greek Fragments in the Margin at Rotterdam, by Achers, 1687. This Edition was publickly sold at Paris, which shews, that tho' it was not suffered to be Printed in France, before it was more exactly examined, yet they never design••d to suppress it. And in∣deed the most Skilful Criticks having well considered it, do confess that it was written by an anci∣ent Author, and is not unworthy of S. Chrysostom: and the Learnedest Divines of the Church of Rome agree, that the Doctrine set forth in this Letter, is agreeable to that of this Father, and do not find it a difficult thing to expound that passage concerning the Eucharist.

The Liturgy attributed to S. Chrysostom now Extant, in all probability is not written by him: It is a Liturgy of the Church of Constantinople, made or altered at least since S. Chrysostom, to which his Name was given, because it was for the use of the Church of Constantinople [and to give it more Authority.] We do not find there the Prayers and Ceremonies, which S. Chrysostom mentions in his Homilies, as in use in his time, in the Celebration of the Eucharist; and there were some things which do not suit with the Customs of that Age. The Manuscripts of this Book are very different; in some there are the Names of S. Chrysostom, of Pope Nicholas II. and of the Emperor Alexius Comnenus, who lived long after S. Chrysostom. These passages indeed are not found in that which was translated by Erasmus, but for all that, there is enough to prove that that Liturgy is not of the time of S. Chrysostom.

This Father is one of the most Eloquent Christian Orators, and his Eloquence is the more to be esteemed, because it is without Affectation and Constraint: Fruitfulness of thought, and a∣bundance of Words and Notions is natural to him; tho' he did not tye up himself as S. Gregory Nazianzen, and S. Basil did, to an Attick purity; yet there is a lofty Greatness in his Stile; His Style is pure and pleasant; His Discourse is beautifyed with a wonderful Variety of Conceptions and Figures; He extendeth his Matters, by an infinite Variety of Expressions; He is very ingeni∣ous in finding out Similitudes between things, abundant in Examples and Comparisons; His Eloquence is popular, and very proper for Preaching; His Style is natural, easie and grave; He equally avoideth Negligence, and Affectation; He is neither too plain, nor too florid; He is smooth yet not effeminate; He useth all the Figures that are usual to good Orators very properly, with∣out employing false strokes of Wit, and he never introduces into his Discourses, any Notions of Poets or prophane Authors, neither does he divert his Auditory with Jests; His Composition is Noble, his Expressions Elegant, his Method Just, and his Thoughts Sublime; He speaks like a good Father, and a good Pastor; He often directs his words to the People, and expresses them with a Tenderness and Charity becoming an holy Bishop; He teacheth the principal Truths of Christianity, with wonderful Clearness, and diverts with a marvellous Art, and an agreeable way of ranging his Notions, and persuades by the strength and solidity of his Reasons; His Instru∣ctions are easie; His Descriptions and Relations pleasant; His Inducements so meek and insinuating, that one is pleased to be so persuaded; His Discourses how long soever are not tedious, there are still some new things which keep the Reader awake, and yet he hath no false Beauties, nor useless Figures; His only Aim is to convert his Auditors, or to instruct them in necessary Truths; He neglects all Reflections, that have more subtilty than profit; He never busies himself to resolve hard Questions, nor to give mystical Sences, to make a shew of his Wit, or Eloquence; He searcheth not into Mysteries, neither endeavours to comprehend them; He is contented to propose, after an easie way, palpable and sensible Truths, which none can be ignorant of, without danger of failing of Salvation; He particularly applies himself to moral Heads, and very seldom handleth speculative Truths; He affects not to appear Learned, and never boasts of his Erudition; and yet whatever the Subject be, he speaks with Terms so strong, so proper, and so well chosen, that one may easily perceive he had a profound Knowledge of all sorts of Matters, and particularly of true Divinity.

He proveth the truth of the Christian Religion, by the strongest, the most probable, and sensible * 1.20 Reasons; He urgeth Miracles, Prophecies, and other Proofs of the truth of Religion; but par∣ticularly insists upon the miraculous Establishment of the Church, and in this Argument he tri∣umphs; He shews that it is impossible, that the Doctrine of Jesus Christ could have been re∣ceived, and believed all the world over, notwithstanding the opposition of Secular Powers, the Contradictions of the Wise men in the World, and the endeavours of Devils, had it not been sup∣ported by the power of God himself.

For, says he, there is need of more than humane Ability, to produce such wonderful Effects, both in the Earth, and upon the Sea, and to oblige Men al∣ready prejudiced by extravagant Opinions, and prepossessed with prodigious Malice to such Acti∣ons; yet Jesus Christ delivered all mankind, not only Romans, but Persians also, and all other barbarous Nations from their Calamities: And to bring about these Wonders, he made use of no Arms, and was at no expence; raised no Armies, and fought no Battles; but by eleven Men, who at first were unknown, despicable, ignorant, Ideots, poor, naked, and without Arms; He per∣suaded different Nations, and made them embrace an high Philosophy, not only relating to the Government of this present Life, but also to things to come, and Eternity self; His po∣wer over all minkind was such, as that it made them abolish the Laws of their Fathers, re∣nounce their ancient Customs, and follow new ones; He spoiled them even of the love of those things they were most fond of to fasten their Affections, upon such things as are most dif∣ficult and painful.

But the Promulgation of the Gospel, and the setling of the Church, are not the only Proofs of the truth of our Religion, the Stedfastness and perpetuity of the

Church is also in S. * 1.21 Chrysostom's Opinion an invincible Argument of it.

For he addeth, that it is not only a thing worthy of Admiration, that Jesus Christ should settle his Church over all the Earth, but also that he should render it invincible against so great numbers of Enemies as assaulted it on every side. The Gates of Hell that cannot prevail against it, are the Dangers which seem to hurry it to the very Gates of Hell. Doe you not perceive the truth of that prediction of Jesus Christ.... Tho' Tyrants took up Arms against it, tho' Soldiers conspired her Destruction, tho' the People raged furiously, tho' a contrary Custom opposed it self, tho' Preachers, Philosophers, Magistrates, and rich Men stood up to destroy it; The Divine word breaking with greater force than fire it self, consumed these Thorns, cleansed these Fields, and disseminated the Seed of preaching over the whole Earth. And though such as believed the Gospel were shut up in Prisons, sent into Banishment, spoiled of their Goods, thrown into the Fire, cast into the Sea, and exposed to all manner of Torments, Reproaches, and Persecu∣tions, and tho' they were treated every where, as publick Enemies; yet they multiplyed daily; their being persecuted increased their Zeal..... Those Rivers of Blood caused by the Massa∣cres of the Faithful, before their Eyes excited their Piety, and the Pains they endured inflamed their Zeal.

This same Saint observes in another place, that Christians are never so disorderly in their Beha∣viour, * 1.22 and so cold in their Devotion, as when he that sits on the Throne is of their Religion.

Which, saith he, justifies that this Religion is not established by the Powers of the World, and is not upheld and preserved by Earthly force.

S. Chrysostom's way of dealing with Hereticks is not less rational, than that which he useth towards Heathens and Jews. He expoundeth the Mysteries very plainly, and proveth them by Testimonies of Holy Scripture, and the Authority of the Church, not pretending to penetrate, or give the Reasons of them, and to answer those Difficulties, which have no other Foundation but humane Reasonings. He confesses, that he does not understand the Reasons of what he believes. * 1.23

I know, saith he, that God is every where, and entire in every part of the World, but I know not how this can be. I doubt not, but that God is without beginning, but I conceive not how that is, for humane Reason cannot comprehend a thing that hath no beginning. I know that the Son is begotten of God the Father, but I cannot imagine how that was done.

He believes that the Divine Nature is so high and unsearchable, that it is not possible to comprehend it; and pursues this Reasoning so far, that he sticketh not to say, that Seraphims and Angels them∣selves do not see the Substance of God, but only an Emanation of his Divine Light. This pas∣sage * 1.24 hath made some modern Greeks suppose, that the Saints do not see the Substance of God, but only a Corporeal Light, such as (they say) appeared upon Mount Tabor. This also hath exer∣cised the Subtilty of our Divines, who constitute Happiness in the Vision of the Substance of God: And yet S. Chrysostom hath respect in this passage, neither to that Light of the Modern Greeks, not to the Disputes of the Schoolmen; his only design is to shew against Aetius, that the Di∣vine Nature is not to be comprehended, and that evident Reasons of the Mysteries are not to be given.

It is not necessary to inlarge upon the Opinions of S. Chrysostom, concerning the Mystery of the Trinity; it is certain, that he maintained the Faith of the Council of Nice, and that he proved the Divinity both of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost; yet it ought to be observed, that he was of Meletius's opinion, concerning the Signification of the word Hypostasis, and that he owned Three Hypostases, and one Nature in God.

As to the Mystery of the Incarnation, tho' he was equally contrary to the Er∣rour * 1.25 of those who distinguished two Persons in Christ, and that of those who con∣founded the two Natures, and their Properties; yet he in several passages of his Writings, declared against the latter Opinion very eagerly.

In his Panegyricks of the Saints, he ascribeth to them all manner of Felicity; * 1.26 he places them in Heaven, in the same Rank with Angels, and Archangels, of Prophets, and Martyrs; and yet in other places, he seems to affirm, that their Happiness is referred to the Day of Judgment; but these may agree well enough, if we say, that he spake in the latter of a perfect and consummated Happiness.

Angels, if we believe S. Chrysostom, are so called, because they declare the Will of God unto Men; for which cause the Scripture representeth them with Wings: * 1.27 They take care of Men, are present at Divine Services, and every Christian hath his Guardian Angel.

The Devil is not wicked of his own Nature, but is become such by Sin. God permits him to tempt Men for their good. It is a Childish thing to believe, that * 1.28 those are Angels which the Scripture calleth the Children of God in Genesis, and of whom it is said, that they conversed with the Daughters of Men; since they are of a spiritual and incorporeal Nature.

He Confesses in several places, that the Fall of the first Men was prejudicial to the whole Race, which ever since is become subject to Pains, Sicknesses, and Death, from which it was free before Sin: He acknowledgeth, that an inclination to Evil, and Lusts, are Consequences of the first Man's sin: but he seemeth not to have owned Original sin, after the same manner that S. Austin doth; at least it cannot be denied, that he hath given another Sence to those places of S. Paul

which seem to prove it most. As for Example, when he expoundeth that famous passage, Rom. 5. 12. By One man sin entred into the World, &c. He understandeth of Death what S. Paul saith of Sin, because it is the Wages of Sin; and upon those other words of the same Chapter, As by the disobedience of one, many are become Guilty, &c. This Sentence, saith he, seems to have much of Difficulty: for how can it be, that one only Man having sinned, many should be made guilty by his sin? We may easily conceive, that the first Man being become mortal, it was necessary, that his Off-spring should be mortal likewise; but what Likelihood, and what Reason is there, that a man should be a Sinner, because of anothers disobedience?... What then signifyeth the word Sin∣ner? In my Opinion it signifyeth nothing else, but a condemned Man, subject to Pain and Death: This is a way of speaking which does not agree with S. Augustin's Doctrine: Tho' it is not hard to defend S. Chrysostom, by saying, That tho' he spake thus, yet he admitted all that Divines own concerning Original sin: For what is Original sin, according to them? It is either a Privation of Original righteousness, or Lust with the guilt of Sin, or pain and Guilt together. But S. Chry∣sostom acknowledges all these: for in the first place he Confesseth, that by the first Man's sin, all men were deprived and spoiled of the State of Innocence, that they are become not only mor∣tal, and subject to Pain and Grief, but also inclined to Evil. Thus, in his Opinion, Lust is an effect of the first Man's sin: and that Concupiscence in men, makes them unworthy of eternal Life, if the Grace of Jesus Christ saveth them not by Baptism.

He ascribes much to the strength of Free-will; He always speaks as if he believed that it de∣pends upon our selves to do good or evil, and affirms that God always gives his Grace to those * 1.29 who on their side doe all they can; That we must begin, and God makes an end; That he follow∣eth the motions of our Wills, and giveth them their Perfection; yet he owns the necessity of Grace to do good, but submits it still to our Will: So that according to him, We are to will and chuse the good, and God gives us the necessary Grace to fulfil the same; he prevents not our Will, that our Liberty may not be prejudiced; he worketh good in us, but that is when we are willing: when our Will is determined, he draweth to himself, but only those who do all their endeavours to come near to him. Those Principles about foreknowledge, and Predestination, agree very well with these Conclusions. God did not predestinate men, but as he foresaw their merits: foreknowledge is not the cause of the event of things, but God foresaw them because they shall happen. He calls all men; Jesus Christ died for all men; he prepared his Grace for all, he predestinated those whom he foresaw would use his Grace well: He Confesses, that no man is free from sin in this Life, nay he excepteth not the holy Virgin Mary.

S. Chrysostom attributes much vertue and efficacy to Sacraments, but he requires very holy is∣positions, * 1.30 that Men may be the better for them.

He saith, That Circumcision and the other Sacraments of the Jews, did not blot out Sins, but cleansed only Bodily filthynesses; whereas our Baptism hath far greater Vertue purifying the Soul, delivering it from sin, and filling it with the Grace of the Holy Spirit: that John's Baptism was indeed more excellent, than that of the Jews, but much inferior to ours, because it conferred neither the Holy Ghost, nor the remission of Sins, but only exhorted Men to Repentance. The Baptism of Jesus Christ, not * 1.31 only frees the Soul from sin, but also sanctifyeth it, wherefore it is called the Laver of Regenera∣tion, because it reneweth the Soul through Grace.

Yet he does not believe, that Baptism pro∣duces these Effects in those of riper years, unless they are well disposed to receive it.

He exacts from those that come to this Sacrament, that they be watchful in the things of their Salvation, * 1.32 disingaged from worldly Cares, and that they renounce all disorderly Conversation: that they be zealous in their Devotion, and banish from their Hearts all thoughts unbecoming so holy an Action, and keep their Souls prepared for the coming of this great King.

And because the Clinicks, (that is such as receive Baptism at the point of Death) have not time thus to prepare themselves, he doubts of their Salvation. He speaketh of their Condition in such terms, as describe the Case of a dying man very naturally, who deferred to repent of his Sins till the hour of Death, and then would receive the Sacraments.

Altho', saith he, Sacraments con∣tain the same Graces, when the Preparation is different, yet all may not receive them. They receive Baptism laying upon their Beds, you receive it in the bosom of the Church, which is the Mother of all the Faithful; they receive it weeping, and you with joy; they with groans, and you with thanksgiving; they in the heat of a Fever, and you under the Sense of the heavenly Grace: every thing here hath a Relation to the Grace received, there every thing disagrees with it; there are sighings and tears, while the Sacrament is adminstred, Children cry, the Wife tears her Hair, Friends are dejected, Servants weep, the whole House is in Mourning; and if you mind the Spirit of the sick Person, you shall find it more full of Sorrow, than that of the Standers by; for as a stormy Sea divides into several Waves, so his Soul being agi∣tated with troubles is torn with a thousand Disquiets, racked with infinite Troubles. … In this torture comes in a Priest, whose Presence is more dreadful both to the Company, and to the sick Man, than the Sickness it self: his Visit ordinarily causeth greater Despair, than the Physicians Sentence, that there is no hope of Recovery. They imagine that Sacraments, tho'

instruments of the Spiritual life, are infallible tokens of Corporal death. But this is not yet the end of his Misery, nor the height of his Affliction; sometimes while Necessaries for the Sacrament are preparing, the Soul departs out of the Body; and often, tho' remaining in the Body, yet it receives not the fruit of the Sacrament; for when the Sick person knows no body, hears not the Prayers, and cannot utter the Words whereby he is to engage with God, when he is half dead; what benefit can he reap from the Sacrament?

S. Chrysostom doth not discourse oftner, nor in higher terms of any one Mystery, than of * 1.33 the Eucharist. He says in many places, that the Body and Blood of Christ are upon the Al∣tars: That Jesus Christ hath left us his Body and Blood: That the Bread and Wine become the Body and Blood of Christ: That we ought not to doubt of it, seeing Christ himself af∣firmeth it: That it is a surprizing Miracle, comparable to the greatest Wonders: That by vertue of Christ's Words, in the Celebration of this Mystery, Christ is offered in Sacrifice: That Jesus Christ offereth himself to God the Father: That this Sacrifice is made without shedding of blood: That Angels and Arch-angels are present at it: That fire from Heaven consumeth the things offered, and changeth them into the Body and Blood of Jesus Christ: That this Table is to be approached unto with reverence and trembling: That there is need of Holi∣ness, to receive holy things: That Penitents ought not to come near; and that these Myste∣ries must be hid from Catechumens: That Men ought not only to be freed from Sin, but also from Earthly affections, and penetrated with divine Love, transported with an holy Zeal, and possessed with fervent Charity. Three sorts of Prayers were made at the Celebration: The First for those that were possessed; the Second for Penitents; and the Third for the Faithfull. There was mention made of the Dead, and Invocation of Saints; The Sanctus was recited; The Catechumens and Penitents were put out; The Energumenes were brought in at the Consecration, and Prayers were made for them.

S. Chrysostom wisht that all those who were present might communicate; and sticks not to say, That all those that are unworthy to communicate, are not worthy to partake of the * 1.34 Prayers: And that as he who finds not himself guilty of any Sin, ought to communicate every day; so he, on the contrary, that hath committed Sin, and repented not, should not doe it, even upon Festival-days.

The Sacrament was administred to dying persons, and it was preserved in a Box. * 1.35

Lastly, That none but the Priests alone have the power to administer the Eucharist, which is the great thing that exalteth their Dignity. * 1.36

But there is another Power invested in them which is not inferior to the other, which is that of binding and loosing, of retaining and remitting of Sins. It were to be wished that Men needed no Repentance, but that they might keep their Baptismal purity without spot: * 1.37 But it being impossible not to Sin, God hath prepared the remedy of Repentance. Those that are guilty of high Crimes, as Murther, Adultery, or Fornication, and the like, are put out of the Church and enjoyned publick Penance; but if they mend their faults, they may come in again, having purified themselves by Repentance. As many as continue in Sin, and yet will come into the Church, notwithstanding the Admonitions of Christ's Ministers, aggravate their crime. Men may hope for pardon, whatsoever their Sin be; but let them have a care of be∣ing too confident: Few days are enough to get pardon for Sin. * 1.38

God, saith he, in the Ninth Homily of Repentance, doth not consider the length, but the zeal of Penance. If you have sinned several times, repent; come into the Church and put away your Sins. As you use to rise up as often as you fall, so as often as you have sinned repent of your Sin, and never despair. If you sin a second time, repent again; and beware lest ye fall into that consternation, which may make you lose the hope of future benefits. Tho' ye should sin in the last day of your life, yet enter into the Church by repentance; this is the time of Re∣medy, and not of Judgment: God requireth not the penalty of Sin, but grants pardon for it. He wisely addeth in the following Homily, That none ought to despair, but every one ought to beware of presumption; for these two extreams are equally dangerous, because Despair hinders Men from rising again, and Presumption makes those fall that stood upright before: Sloth causes us to come short of Heaven, and Despair precipitates into an Abyss of Malice.

And thus S. Chrysostom observes a just Medium between the exceeding Severity of some who thrust Men into despair, and the soft Compliance of others, who promise Remission without a true and sincere Repentance. Whosoever hath committed Sin, must own and confess it before * 1.39 God, if he would obtain pardon: He must be truly affected with a sensible grief for his wick∣edness; he must truly return to the Lord, and be converted; abhorr his iniquity, forsake his vi∣cious

habits, after his course of life, and love God with all his heart, and above all things, and doe every thing for his sake, &c.

The onely thing that may seem difficult in S. Chrysostom's Discourses concerning Penance, is what he saith of Confession of Sins: For in several places he seems to affirm, That it is not necessary to confess to Men, but that it is sufficient to confess to God, who knoweth the secrets * 1.40 of the heart. Those passages are remarkable, and have often been alledged by the Enemies of Confession. It has been answered by some, That S. Chrysostom spoke onely in opposition to a publick Confession, supposed to have been abolished by Nectarius; but these Men doe not observe, that most of these passages, even the most express, are taken out of the Homilies preached at Antioch by S. Chrysostom. The best, and the most natural Answer is, That S. Chry∣sostom does not speak in those places of those enormous Crimes that are subject to Canonical Penance; but in general of such light offences as Christians daily commit; for the remission whereof, they need neither Confession nor Absolution, but only true Motions of inward re∣pentance. He likewise discourseth of that sort of Sins, when he saith, That they are forgiven by Tears, by Alms, by Humility, by Prayer, and other remedies of that nature. However, S. Chrysostom was very severe in the punishment of Sinners; and he not only wisht that no∣torious Sinners might be put out of the Church, and enjoyned Penance, as Adulterers and Blasphemers; but he threatned also to excommunicate those who came to the holy Mysteries negligently, and such as lived in hatred and quarrels, that minded Stage-plays, were envious, proud, &c. Neither would he have great Lords to be spared; * 1.41 For, saith he, as to Ecclesiastical Correction, Princes are but as other Faithfull, there ought to be no distinction. He adds, That the Ministers of Jesus Christ should doe their Duty, tho' there were no hope that their reproof could prevail: Yet he would not have the Sword of the Church used lightly, or that Anathe∣ma's should be indiscreetly pronounced. This is the subject of the discourse concerning Ana∣thema's; wherein he endeavours to refute those, who without lawfull authority, undertook bold∣ly to condemn their Brethren, and to pronounce Anathema's upon such matters as they were ignorant of. And he observes, that Men ought to be extreamly reserved in this case, and not to publish Anathema's inconsiderately against any: But when there is necessity, it ought to be done with an intention to cure, and not to destroy those that are under that penalty. † 1.42 He saith further, in another place, That Zeal must be temper'd with Mercy, for otherwise it dege∣nerates into Fury, and other Men's faults are not hardly to be judged of.

In S. Chrysostom's time Martyrs were had in honour; they were commemorated in the pub∣lick * 1.43 Services; their Festivals were kept, and their Relicks reverenc'd; not that they believed there was any vertue in those Bones, but because the sight of their Graves, Urns, or Bones, af∣fected and awakned the Mind, after the same manner, as if the Dead were present, and prayed with us; because the sight of their precious Relicks made an impression upon the Mind. They visited the holy Places with Devotion; but S. Chrysostom observes, that the chief intention of those Pilgrimages ought to be the assisting of the Poor. The Dead were pray'd for: and S. Chrysostom exhorts their Relations to give Alms in their behalf.

Sundays and great Festivals were kept with great Solemnity. S. Chrysostom exhorteth Chri∣stians * 1.44 to spend that day in Exercises of Devotion: He zealously reproveth all those who employ that day about Businesses or Recreations; affirming, That God's Curse will light upon their Labours, and dissipate what they get by neglecting his Service. In several places he encoura∣geth * 1.45 the Faithfull to frequent Divine Service and the Publick Prayers of the Church, and shews that they are more powerfull and of greater efficacy, than private ones: He reproves those that gave attention to Sermons, but would go out as soon as the Sermon was ended.

When I preach, (says he, in the Third Discourse of the incomprehensible Nature of God) I * 1.46 that am Christ's Servant as you are, you come in throngs to hear me; you hearken to my words, and exhort one another, and attend with patience unto the end; but when Jesus Christ appeareth in the Mysteries, the Church is empty; you go out as soon as you have heard the Sermon, which is a sign that you have profited nothing; for had the Truths preached unto you made any impression upon your Minds, you would have stay'd in the Church, and have partaken of these stupendious Mysteries with reverence and devotion; but, alas! you depart immediately after the Sermon, as if you came only to hear a Consort of Musick. Some, to excuse themselves, use this weak reason; We can pray at home, but can hear no Sermons but at Church: You deceive your selves; for tho' ye may pray at home, yet your Prayer cannot have the efficacy of that in the Church, where so many Priests join their Pray∣ers with yours, and where a common Voice crieth to Heaven to implore God's mercy. Common Prayer is a wonderfull Consort, proceeding from a Concord of Charity: To which we are to add the Prayers of the Priests, who are set over the Assemblies; that the Prayers of the People, tho' weaker of themselves, may gather strength by being joined to those of God's Ministers.

The Fast of Lent was exactly observed, with Abstinence from Meats; but for any Bodily Infirmity it might be dispensed with. Two days of the week were exempt from Fasting, that the Body might have some Respite.

S. Chrysostom looks upon the Holy Scripture, As the ground and Rule of all the truths of Reli∣gion; He exhorts all the Faithful to read it exactly: and this Advice he presses an infinite * 1.47 number of times; He expounds it Litterally, and draws from it edifying moral Instructions, but he never proposes any forced Allegories, nor resolveth those Questions that have more of Curiosity than Profit, as most Writers of Commentaries, whether Ancient or Modern ve∣ry frequently do: I should never make an end, if I should Collect all the common places of S. Chrysostom upon moral Subjects: I shall only mention two or three of the most considera∣ble upon every Subject, and point at some others.

Opinions of S. Chrysostom upon several moral Principles. Of the Love of God.

MOST Men have taken up a false Notion of the Love of God, looking upon it as an Act of the mind, which thinks it has a Love for God, and expresses it with words. S. Chrysostom to undeceive them of this Error, proves by a comparison with the love men have for the Creature, that the love which they ought to have for God, is a strong cleaving of the Heart to God, which is the Rule, Principle, and Motive of all their Actions, and which begets in them a contempt of all that is not God.

If those (saith he in his Comment upon Psalm 91.) that are in love with Corporeal Beauties, have no Sense for all other things in the World, and follow no business, but that of beholding continually an Object which is so dear and so acceptable to them; Can a man that loveth God, as God ought to be loved, have any Sense afterwards of the good and evil, of the Pleasures and Afflictions of this Life? No truly, for he is above all these things, and his delight is only in good things that are Immortal, and of the same Nature with him whom he loveth; those that love the Creatures do quickly change, 'tho unwillingly, their Affection, for Oblivion; because the things which they love decay and corrupt; but this spiritual love hath neither end nor bounds, but contains in it self more Pleasure and Profit than any thing else, and nothing is able to extinguish it.

He compareth the love that we ought to have for God, with that which covetou sMen have for riches? in the Sixth Homily upon the Second Epistle to Timothy.

It is a shameful thing, saith he, that Men possessed with a violent Passion for riches, should shew nothing of that love which they ought to have for God; and that, we have less Consideration for God, than covetous Men have for wealth. For to get Money they watch much, undertake long Journeys, expose themselves to Dangers, Hatred and Ambushes, and undergo all Extremities, but we refuse to bear with the least word for God, or to expose our selves to the least hatred for his Service, &c.

In the Third Homily upon 1 Cor. he tells Christians, That they love Jesus Christ less than their Friends.

Many, saith he, have endured the loss of their Goods, for the Service of their Friends; but none are willing, I will not say, to be deprived of their Goods for Jesus Christ, but even to be reduced to mere Necessaries for his sake, or to content them∣selves with what they have at present. We often bear with Affronts, and make our selves Enemies for our Friends; but none will incurr the Hatred of any for the Service of Jesus Christ, and both this Hatred and Love are looked upon as unprofitable things; we never despise a Friend when we see him hungry, but would not give a Morsel of bread to Jesus Christ who cometh to us daily..... if our Friend be sick we visit him immediately; but tho' Christ is often detained in Prison in the Persons of his Members, we come not at him. When a Friend is going a Journey we melt into tears, but tho' Christ daily departeth from us, or rather we daily put him away by our sins, yet we are not affected with Grief upon that Account.

Last of all, S. Chrysostom observeth Hom. 52. upon the Acts, That,

Whosoever loveth God truly, will despise all the things of this World, even those that are the most precious and il∣lustrious. Glory and Shame are indifferent things to him; he is no more Sollicitous than if he were left alone in the World: He despiseth Temptations, Scourgings, Dungeons, with as much Courage, as if all these were endured by another, or as if his Body were a Dia∣mond; he laughs at the Pleasures of this Life, and is not in the least susceptible of Passions.

See the Twentieth Homily upon S. Matthew, where he shews that God is to be loved not in Words but in Deeds. Hom. 30. upon 2 Cor. Hom. 3. upon 1 Tim. Hom. 52. upon the Acts.

Of the Love of our Neighbour.

CHarity (saith S. Chrysostom in the Sixth Homily upon the Epistle to Titus) is the greatest of all Vertues, it brings the Lovers thereof to the very Throne of God. Virginity, Fasting, and Austerities profit only those that practise them, but Alms-deeds reach to all, and embrace all the Members of Jesus Christ: Now there is no Vertue greater than that which reunites scattered and separated parts. Charity is the Badge of Christian Religion, whereby the Disciples of Jesus Christ are known: That is it which cures our Crimes, cleanses the spots of our Souls, it is as a Ladder to ascend into Heaven, and it joyns all the parts of Christ's Body together.

See the Sixtieth Homily upon S. Matthew, the 15th. and 78th. upon S. John, the 40th. up∣on the Acts, the 8th. upon the Rom. the 32d. upon 2 Cor. the 9th. upon Ephes. the Second upon the last to Tim. the 33d. upon 1 Cor. the 4th. upon Thes. the 10th. upon the Epistle to the Ephes. the Second upon the Epistle to the Philippians.

Of Alms-deeds.

THE first effect of Charity is to give Alms, and the Obligation to Alms-deeds, is inclu∣ded in the Commandment of Loving our Neighbours as our selves. S. Chrysostom re∣commends this Vertue in so many places, that he saith himself in the 89th. Homily upon S. Matthew, That they upbraided him with speaking of nothing else.

Giving of Alms (saith he in several places) renders Men like unto God, cleanseth from sin, and appeaseth the Anger of God. To give to the Poor, is to give unto God, it is to lend to him upon Use. We are not only advised, but commanded to give Alms. Men are not Masters but only Stewards of their Goods. God who is the Soveraign Lord hath entrusted them with the rich, that they might relieve the poor. All other good works are unprofitable with∣out Alms-deeds. Alms should be given with Joy, and in abundance. Men ought not to stay till Death to dispose of their Charity; but if they have done nothing in their Life-time, it is good to leave to the poor after Death, and give them as much as to a Child, or at least as to a Servant.

These Principles and Maxims S. Chrysostom repeateth often in his Homilies, as the Thirtieth Homily upon Genesis, that upon Psalm 101. the Second Ser∣mon concerning Lazarus, the Seventeenth Homily upon 2 Cor. the Sixth upon Titus, The 5th. 35th, 45th, 47th, 48th, 52d. 66th. 78th, 80th, 86th, upon S. Matth. The 23d, 25th, 27th, 40th, 76th, upon S. John, the Seventh upon Colos. the 11th, 15th, 18th, upon Rom. the 20th, 21st, and 43d, upon 1 Cor. the 5th, Homily of Penance, the Sermon upon the Petition of the Sons of Zebedee, the first Homily of Fasting, and in an infinite number of places besides.

Of Riches and Poverty.

AS the Luxury of Riches hinders Men from giving of Alms, so we ought not to wonder that S. Chrysostom preaching upon Charity, declaims vehemently against Riches, and speaks in Commendation of Poverty.

Riches (saith he in the Second Homily of Statues) are not forbidden, if a good use be made of them. But what Probability is there that Men should not neglect Jesus Christ who is naked, while they build marble Palaces for themselves? O wretched Man! to what purpose is the Magnificency of thy House? This Palace will not, but thy good works will follow thee..... To day rich, and to morrow poor. I must confess, that I cannot forbear smiling when I read in Wills and Testaments, I give and bequeath to such a one, the Revenue of my Estate for Life, and to such a one the Fee∣simple. To speak Properly, we have but the use of things, the Propriety belongs not to us, and tho' we should possess them all our Life-time, yet will they leave us when we die.... Poverty is a singular advantage to those that know how to use it well. It is a Treasure that cannot be taken away, a support that cannot fail, and a Sanctuary that cannot be violated. If you ask the Admirers of that foolish Magnificence, what is the Object of their Admiration? They will answer you, that it is either the brave Horse that carrieth this new Croe∣sus, or his rich Livery, his gilded Clothes, or the delicate Meats that are set before him, or the Pleasures he enjoyeth. This is what is admired, and what cannot be too much deplored; and yet none of these Commendations are directed to this rich Man, they all belong to his Horse, his Clothes or his Equipage, they admire how well he is mounted, they praise his Men, his Clothes, but they say nothing of his Person. Can there be a greater Folly? But on the other side, if you see a poor Man in want, and under contempt, despised by those that see him, make

much of him, and by your esteem of him, the Beholders will be excited to Vertue. They will tell you, that he is an indigent Fellow, a Wretch; but do you say on the contrary that he is a happy Man, because he hath God for his Friend, because he hath not fastned his Heart to perish∣ing Riches, nor defiled his Conscience. With such Christian Discourses as these instruct your Bre∣thren; let both your Praises and your Contempts have no other Aim than the Glory of the Almighty.... One may commend, reprove, and be angry for God's sake. If you find a Servant, a Friend, a Neighbour, robbing, or committing Lewdness; If you hear one telling a Lye, or Blaspheming; If you perceive that your Neighbour is going to prostitute his Soul at a Play, call him back, check, and correct that Sinner: These good works will be done to the Honour of God. If this Servant, or this Friend hath offended you, and is departed from his Duty, for∣give him, that will be Forgivness for God's sake; make also Friends and Enemies to your selves for God's cause. Do you ask how? thus it is: Never contract that sort of Friendship which is gotten by Luxury, Interest or Ambition, but seek to make you such Friends, as may advise you to Moderation under a great Fortune, and Comfort you in Adversity, who may prompt you only to Honesty, and who by their Counsels and Prayers may unite you to Jesus Christ. If you see a lewd Person, one full of dangerous Opinions, break off all commerce with him.... If you speak in any Company, let your words be Godward. He did so often Dis∣course against Riches, and the abuse of them, that he saith himself, in the Sermon against Eu∣tropius, upon Psalm 44 that they accused him of hating rich Men. But, saith he, why should I not speak continually against them, since they cease not to torment the Poor? I complain not of them because they are rich, but because they use their Riches ill: for I make this Pro∣fession, Never to blame any Body for being wealthy, but for with-holding what is not his own.... The present Life (addeth he) is a Pilgrimage; let no man say, I have a Town, a House, an Estate, &c. No Man hath any thing here below: all the good things of this Life, are the Instruments of our Journey; we are travelling as long as this Life lasteth. Some gather wealth in this Journey, and bury Gold in the way, and pray tell me, when you are come into an Inn, do you furnish it with superfluous Houshold-stuff? No certainly, you are contented to eat and drink there, and to be gone as soon as you can. This Life is an Inn, we are scarce come into it, but we are obliged to quit it, therefore let us do it readily; let us keep nothing here, that we may lose nothing in the next Life. You are Travellers in this Life, and less than Travellers; for a Traveller knoweth, when he cometh into his Inn, and when he goeth out, &c. In this dreadful Ignorance I lose a great deal of time; and while I am laying up of Provisions, God calls me, and upbraids me thus, Thou Fool! whose shall these things be which thou hast prepared? for this very Night thy Soul shall be demanded of thee.... But what, will some Persons say, must be done in this Case? even this, Hate temporal Goods, love eter∣nal Life, part with your Estate, I do not say with all, but with what is superfluous; do not covet what is another's; spoyl not the Widow, nor rob the Orphan; ravish not the Goods of this World, but take Heaven by violence; Jesus Christ approves of this violence, &c. Do not vex the Poor, but doe him Right, &c.

See Hom. 4. upon S. Matthew, where he proves by the Example of the Three Children, that were cast into the Fiery Furnace, that Riches are not to be worshipped: The 9th. Homily up∣on S. Matthew, where he shews, that we ought not to be lifted up, because of Riches: The 20th, and 64th, against the desire of wealth: The 42d. against Luxury and Pleasures: The 48th. against excess in Clothes: The 80th. and 81st. Homilies against Covetousness: The 88th. against the Luxury of Women: And, the 19th. Homily upon S. John, concerning the use that ought to be made of Riches.

Of Forgiving, and against Revenge.

THE Second effect of Charity towards our Neighbour, is forgiving of our Enemies, in opposi∣tion to a Spirit of Revenge, of Enmity and Resentment. S. Chrysostom declaims severely against this Vice, in an Homily purposely composed on that Subject, which is the Twenty-second, concerning Statues. These are some of his Notions.

The revengefull Man, saith he, is not less unworthy of the Communion, than the Blasphemer and Adulterer. The lewd Person puts an end to his Crime when he has satisfied his impure Desire; but he that keeps up an obstinate Hatred, sins continually, and never makes an end. The fire of Lust is spent by enjoyment; but that of Hatred feeds it self, and is renewed every moment. With what face then can we implore the Mercy of God, whilst we are full of bitter hatred against our Brethren? Your Bro∣ther hath done you an injury; but doe you not often commit injuries against God? Doe you compare the Servant with his Master? In the mean time, he that wrongeth you, was perhaps wrong'd by you before: But what wrong hath God ever done you? or rather what benefits hath he not taken pleasure to bestow upon you, and you in requital return only injuries to him again? In a word; pretending to be revenged of others, you punish your selves: The hatred you harbour, is your own tormenter, to tear your own bowels. Is there any thing more un∣happy than he who meditates revenge? He is a Mad-man that never enjoyeth any rest, his

Heart being filled with Storms and Troubles: He abhorreth all the Actions, the Words, and the very Name of his Enemy. And to what end is this Fury, and these Torments? We ought to forgive our Enemies to prevent the pains we feel by hating them. What folly is it to seek revenge at our own cost; to doe our selves a great mischief, that another may receive a lesser, &c.

See the 61st. Homily upon S. Matthew; the 39th. upon S. John; the 38th. upon the Acts; an Homily upon the Epistle to the Thessalonians, and several other places.

Of Fasting.

NExt to giving of Alms, Fasting is one of the most powerfull means to obtain pardon for Sin; but that Fasting may be profitable, it must be accompanied with a regular life. This S. Chrysostom takes notice of almost every-where, when he discourses of Fasting. See how he ex∣presseth himself, in the Second Homily of Statues.

I doe not call Fasting a meer abstinence from Meats, but forbearance from Sin: For Fasting is not able of its own nature to blot out the pollution of our offences, except necessary dispositions doe attend it.... Let us therefore have a care, that in Fasting, we fall not short of the price and reward that belongs to it: But let us learn perfectly to practise it holily. Afterwards he sets forth the qualities of a Fast by the example of that of the Ninevites.... He (saith our Author) offers an injury to Fasting, who defines it to be an abstinence from Meats. You Fast, Brother; but shew me your Fasting by your Works: but you will ask me, what Works? I require therefore, that when you see a poor Man, you be sure to help him in his misery; that you reconcile your self to your enemy; that another Man's Glory may not excite your Envy; and that you shut your Eyes when you meet an handsome Woman: For Fasting respects not the Mouth barely, but the Ear, the Hands, the Feet, and all the other Parts of the Body. Covetous Hands should fast, and touch no more other Men's goods; the Feet should fast, and run no more to profane Shews; and the Eyes should fast, by turning aside from that beauty, whose sight is so dangerous.

In the Fourth Homily of Statues, he lays down the same Maxims again.

We see, saith he, nothing but People making merry, and saying one to another; Victory, all is our own, Mid-lent is over. My advice to these is, That they should consider, whether the inward Man is in a better condition than it was when the Fast begun: For then indeed we have reason to re∣joyce, when our Fasting does not end with those Vices that it began with, and when we are come to the Festival of Easter with a Conscience purified by Fasting. I know some who, in the middle of Lent, do dread already that of the next year.... Can there be a greater weakness? But whence cometh it? Even from this, That we make Fasting to consist only in forbearing of Meats, and not in the reforming of our Manners.

There may be (saith he in the 22d. Homily) several reasons not to Fast; but there is none not to correct a vicious habit. You have broken your Fast, because of a bodily infirmity. Well: But why doe you not forgive your Enemy? Is there any corporal indisposition that hinders? Lastly, He observeth in the 7th. and 11th. Homilies upon Genesis, that the true Fast is absti∣nence from Sin; for forbearance of Meat was introduced to restrain the motions of the Flesh, and to suppress the Passions.

See the Homilies of Fasting and of Alms-deeds, and the 57th. upon S. Matthew.

Upon this; That Man is obliged to doe all for God, and to direct all his Actions to him alone.

COncerning a Christian's Duty, S. Chrysostom discourseth thus in the 23d. Homily, against those that kept the Feasts of the New Moons.

S. Paul (saith he) commands us to doe all things to the Glory of God: For whether you eat, or whether you drink, or whatsoever ye doe, doe all to the Glory of God. You will ask what relation have these things to the Glory of God? In∣vite a poor Man to your Table; this is called to eat and drink to the Glory of God. You may also work for God by shutting up your selves in your own Houses: How, and by what means, will you say? When you hear the Disorders and Insolencies committed in the Streets, by lewd Men, then shut your doors, have nothing to doe with that hellish Crew, and you shall keep your Houses for the Glory of God. You may also glorifie the Lord both by your Praises and by your Contempt: As for example; When you see a wicked Man gorgeously apparell'd, and sumptuously adorned with the spoil of the Countries, which he hath brought to desolation, and attended with a great number of Servants; and some weak Soul is blinded with that vain lustre, discover to him his errour, and make him see the vanity of that insignificant Pomp, and pity the happiness of that unhappy Man. Thus may Men despise things for the Glory of God. This contempt is an instruction for those that are witnesses thereof. We prove God to be pre∣sent at all the actions of our lives, even in our purchases and sales, when we are contented with

an honest gain, and when we take no advantage of other Men's necessities to advance the rates of our Commodities.

In your Fasts and Prayers, in your Contempt and Praise, in your Silence and Discourses, in Selling and Buying, think always on the Glory of God.

See upon the same Subject the 6th. Homily upon S. Matthew, the 79th. upon the same, the 9th. and 14th. upon the Acts, and the 18th. upon the Romans.

Of the necessary Dispositions to communicate worthily.

NOne of the Fathers have spoken more powerfully and largely than S. Chrysostom, concerning the necessary Dispositions to communicate worthily, nor more dreadfully against unworthy Communicants.

He requireth in the first place, that those who draw near to the Lord's Table, should put away their Sins.

It is written (saith he in the First Sermon of Penance) That without Holiness no Man shall see God; but whosoever is unworthy to see God, is not worthy to partake of the Body and Blood of Christ; wherefore S. Paul will have a Man to examine himself, &c. Reform the Disorders of your life past, and then come to that holy Table, and participate of that Sacri∣fice with a pure and unspotted Conscience.

He saith the same things in the 22d. Homily of Statues; Seeing we are advancing into Lent, let us advance in Vertue; it is in vain to run, except we get the prize of the Race: Our Au∣sterities and Fastings will profit us nothing, if we come not to the holy Table with an exact purity of Heart: For Lent, Prayers and Sermons are appointed in the Church, for no other purpose, but to make us participate safely of the unbloody Sacrifice, and to wash away with the Waters of Repentance, the filthinesses of our Sins; without this our labour is vain: But if by Abstinence you have corrected one Vice, and gained one Vertue, and put off one evil habit, then you may boldly take place at the Table of the Lord.

He recommends the same thing in the Homily of Seraphims. I tell you plainly, saith he, I pray, I beseech you not to come to the Lord's Table with a Conscience defiled with Crimes: For to communicate in this condition, is not Communion, but Condemnation; and tho' you should a thousand times come to the Body of Jesus Christ in that condition, yet instead of recei∣ving benefit by it, you would become the more guilty. Let Sinners therefore keep away; that is, those who persevere in their Sin. This I warn you of betimes, even now, that when the day of that heavenly Feast shall come, you may not say, I am unprepared, you should have gi∣ven me warning.... I know that we are all guilty, that no man can boast of having a pure heart in this World: That's not the worst; but that not having a pure heart, they will not draw nigh unto him that can purifie them.

But to be pure is not sufficient, according to S. Chrysostom, to partake of that holy Table; Men must have a care besides, that they come not thither negligently.

Let no Man (saith he in the 83d. Homily upon S. Matthew) approach this Sacred Table with disgust, negligence or coldness; but let all come with a longing desire, with zeal and love.... You ought there∣fore to watch over your own actions carefully, knowing that those who receive unworthily the Body and Blood of Jesus Christ, are threatned with a dreadfull punishment. If you cannot endure, without horrour, Judas's crime, who sold his Master; and the Jew's ingratitude, who crucified their King; beware also of becoming guilty of profaning the Body and Blood of Je∣sus Christ: Let no Judas, no covetous Man come hither; let none but true Disciples of Jesus Christ be present at that Feast, &c.

For this Reason this holy Father observes in the Homily of Judas's Treachery, that this holy Altar is not to be approached unto without reverence.... That no Hypocrite, no Man full of iniquity ought to come near to this Sacred Table.

According to these Principles, (he saith in the 17th. Homily upon Hebrews) That, generally speaking, no reckoning is to be made either of those who communicate but once in the Year, or of those that doe it often, or such as receive seldom; but of those that communicate with a pure Conscience, a clean Heart, and a blameless Life. Let as many as are thus disposed come always; and as many as are not, let them not come once, because they cannot but draw God's Judgments upon themselves, and become worthy of Condemnation. Doe you think that Forty days Penance is sufficient to cleanse you from all your Sins?

See upon the same Subject the 52d. Homily against those that Fast at Easter; the Homily upon the Nativity of Jesus Christ; the 7th. Homily upon S. Matthew; the 24th. 27th. and 41st. upon 1 Cor. the 3d. upon the Epist. to the Ephesians; the 17th. upon the Epist, to the Hebrews; the 5th. upon Titus and several other places.

Of Prayer.

GOD requireth of us servent and constant Prayer; he often with-holds those things that we ask of him to excite our Zeal.

This Observation is found in the First Homily con∣cerning Statues, in those upon Genesis, in the Commentary upon Psal. 7. and in the Homily upon these Words, Phil. 1. What then? Christ is preached. He describeth both the Conditions and the Effects of Prayer in the 2d. Homily upon Hannah. In the 5th. Homily upon the same Subject, he sheweth the Strength and Virtue of Prayer; He lays down the Necessity of Prayer in several places of his Works. See the 22d. Homily upon S. Matthew, the 36th. upon S. John; he speaks of Thanksgiving in the 25th. upon Matthew, in the 35th. upon S. John's Gospel, and in the 14th. upon 2 Cor.

Of Attention in Prayer.

WE pay less respect to God, than a Servant doth to his Master, a Soldier to his General, or even a Friend to his Friend; for we speak to our Friends with attention: But whilst our Knees are on the ground, and we are treating with God about the business of our Salvation; whilst we beg pardon for our Crimes, we faint, our Mind is at Court, or at the Bar, and there is no correspondence betwixt our Thoughts and our Words. We daily commit this fault, &c.

Many go into the Church, and there utter a great number of Prayers; and then come out, not knowing what they have said: They move their Lips, but they do not apply their Minds to their Discourses. What? you hearken not to what you say, and would you have God hear it? I kneeled, say you, but your Heart was some-where else: Your Mouth uttered Petitions, but your Mind was about Bargains, Trading, Exchange or Visits. It is in the time of Prayer that the Devil assaults us, knowing that then we profit spiritually; he suggests to our Spirits a multi∣tude of Thoughts.

See the 36th. Homily upon the Acts, wherein he exhorts Christians to pray in the Night.

Of Humility, against Pride.

HUmility, according to S. Chrysostom, is the principle of all Vertues, and the ground of all good Works. This he proveth in the 47th. Homily upon S. Matthew:

We should not be lifted up for our good Works, but acknowledge our unworthiness before God. Vertues are like Riches; if we expose them publickly, we are in danger of losing them; to preserve them, they must be hid. The more good we doe, the less we should boast of it; if we be proud for it, we lose its reward. The greatest Action, and the most acceptable to God, is to entertain low Thoughts of our selves.... Nothing conduces more to make us beloved of God, than to reckon our selves most imperfect; that is the heighth and perfection of Wisdom.

See the 3d. Homily upon S. Matthew; the 4th. upon the same Gospel; the latter end of the 25th. and 65th. upon the same; the 28th. 38th. 41st. and 48th. upon S. John; the 21st. upon the Romans; the 11th. upon 2 Thessal. and the 2d. Homily upon the Epistle to Titus; where he speaks against the love of Glory.

Of Christian Watchfulness.

S. Chrysostom describeth in several places the various Devices which Satan useth to tempt us, very eloquently. Upon this Subject one may consult the Homily of the Tempter, where he proves that Temptations are profitable for us, provided we stand always upon our guard, and watch continually over our selves. This he recommends in that place, and in the 13th. Homily upon S. Matthew; where he proves, that in this World the Devil's temptations are to be resisted: In the 14th. where he shews that the diseases of the Soul are not to be neglected; and in many other places, where he gives both Precepts and Means to avoid Temptations and Sins.

Against Covetousness.

S. Chrysostom declares his Indignation against Covetous Men in many places, and the Picture which he makes of them is enough to beget in us an abhorrency to them. Thus he speaks of them, Hom. 9. upon 1 Cor.

What can be more impudent, shameless and bold, than a misera∣bly covetous Man? A Dog is more modest than the covetous Man, who seizeth upon that which is another Man's. Nothing is more filthy, than those Hands which take all; nothing more cruel, than that Mouth which devoureth all, and is never satisfied. Look not upon his Face and Eyes, as if they were the Eyes and Face of a Man. The covetous Person is never contented, till he hath got all that the World hath; all is brutish in his Face; he is Inhumanity itself, &c.

In the 39th. Homily upon 1 Cor. he sheweth how abominable a thing a covetous Man is, who having gathered great quantities of Corn, to sell it dear, laments, because it is growing cheap. In another place, Hom. 18. upon the Epistle to the Ephesians; he says that Covetousness is a kind of Idolatry. He carries the same Notion in the 64th. Homily upon S. John. In a word, all his Homilies are full of Invectives against covetous Men; He writes against Usury in the 56th. Homi∣ly upon S. Matthew, in the 12th. upon the Romans, and in the 15th. upon 1 Cor.

Of Meekness, and against Anger.

THo' S. Chrysostom's Zeal gave his Enemies occasion to accuse him of being passionate; yet one may easily judge by his Writings, that he was a great lover of Meekness, and that he disap∣proved of Passion; See his Moral Exhortations, in the 29th. Homily upon S. Matthew, the 33d. and 48th. upon S. John, the 6th. upon the Acts, and the 17th. upon the Epistle to the Ephesians.

Against Envy.

ENvy is the most abominable of Sins: Hell never produced one more to be abhorred. Other Sinners have some pleasure; but the Envious Man torments himself, whilst he torments o∣thers. Envy hath been the cause of all mischief. This crime is so much the more dangerous, because no Penance is enjoyned for it. Men fansie they may blot it out by some small Alms, or a short Fast; they do not weep bitterly for it, as for Adultery or Fornication, &c.

These are some of S. Chrysostom's Notions about Envy, taken out of the 40th. Homily upon S. Matthew. One may read upon the same Subject the Homily upon Pasl. 49. Hom. 37. upon S. John, the 3d. upon 1 Cor. the 24th. and 27th. upon 2 Cor. and the 3d. upon the Epistle to the Philippians.

Against Drunkenness.

THere is not a more dangerous or hatefull Sin than Drunkenness, saith S. Chrysostom, in the first Discourse upon these words of S. Paul to Timothy, Use a little Wine for thy stomach's sake, and thine often infirmities. A Drunkard is a dead Man living, voluntary sick, a person useless either for the Commonwealth, or for his Family; one whose presence is intolerable, whose breath, voice and steps are equally odious.

See the 27th. Homily upon the Acts, the 25th. upon the Epistle to the Romans. See also the 56th. Homily upon S. Matthew, and the 27th. upon the Acts.

Against Swearing and Blasphemies.

S. Chrysostom discourseth against Swearing and Blasphemies almost in all the Homilies of Sta∣tues, where he declaimeth vehemently against that Vice.

See also the 8th. 10th. and 11th. Homilies upon the Acts.

Concerning Publick Shows and Stage-plays.

S. Chrysostom living in Two great Imperial Cities, where Plays, Shows, Comedies, &c. were very frequent, and to which the People were much addicted; one needs not wonder, that he should so often and so earnestly inveigh against those disorders. He calls their Stages, Schools of Lewd∣ness, Academies of Incontinence, and Pestilential Pulpits.

There, saith he, you see lewd Wo∣men representing Adulteries, and uttering Blasphemies. With what Eyes will you look upon your Wives, your Children, Servants or Friends at your going out of such places? He refu∣teth in another Sermon the specious pretences they had to plead for Plays: these are his Words. What harm, say you, is there in going to see a Play? Is that sufficient to keep one from the Communion? But I will ask you, Whether there can be a more shameless Sin, than to come to the holy Table, being defiled with Adultery? Yes, it is a kind of Adultery to go to a Play; and if you will not believe me, hear the Words of him who is to judge of our life. Jesus Christ tells us, That whosoever looketh upon a Woman to lust after her, committeth Adultery. What can be said of those, who passionately spend whole days in those places, in looking up∣on Women of ill fame and reputation: With what face will they dare to affirm, that they beheld them not to lust after them? And so much the rather, because they hear lascivious Speeches, they see wanton Actions, they are entertained with amorous Songs, and with Voices capable of stirring up shamefull Passions; they see Women dressed, painted, and adorned on purpose to inspire Love. The Assistants are in such confusion and idleness, as promote Riotings; and these are natural effects both of the preparations and consequences of Plays. The Musical Instruments, Consorts and Songs, are equally dangerous; they flatter strangely, they effeminate the heart, and prepare it to yield to the snares laid for them by profligate Women. For if in the Church it self, where Psalms are sung, the Scripture is read, where the dread of the Almighty appears, and Men are in a posture of reverence? If, I say, in that so venerable a place, Lust will creep in as a Thief, How shall they be able to overcome the motions of Concupiscence, that constantly frequent the Stage, who neither see nor hear any thing but what is profane and dangerous; whose Hearts are full of evil Thoughts, and whose Eyes and Ears are assaulted continually? But if this be impossible, how shall they justifie themselves from the guilt of Adultery? And if they are Adulterers, how can they pretend to come into the Church, and to participate of the holy Table before they have done Penance?

See the 4th. Homily concerning Hannah, the 1st. 7th. 17th. 37th. and 38th. upon S. Mat∣thew, the 32d. and 58th. upon S. John, and the 17th. Homily upon the Epistle to the Ephesians, against Mountebanks, and Jesters, and Stage-players.

Of Balls and Gaming.

S. Chrysostom exclaimeth as much against Balls and publick Meetings, as he does against Stage-plays.

There are (saith he in the 23d. Homily to the People of Antioch) no Enemy so dan∣gerous as those nocturnal Recreations, those pernicious Meetings and Dances. Our former mis∣carriages call for Tears, for Shame and Sorrow, and yet Mirth breaks out every-where..... I shall say nothing of idle Expences; but I am very much troubled at Gamings and Taverns; how much is there of Impiety and Intemperance? He speaks against Games of Chance in the

15th. Homily to the People of Antioch; where he shews, that they are occasions of Blasphemies, Losses, Anger, Quarrels, and all manner of Crimes.

Of the Dignity and Qualifications of the Ministers of Jesus Christ.

WE have already set down S. Chrysostom's Opinion concerning the Dignity and Excellency of the Priesthood, when we mentioned his Books upon that Subject, and the Homilies con∣cerning the History of Uzziah. We also joyned to that some places of the same Treatise, con∣cerning the Qualifications of a Bishop, and the Weight of his Office. But to those one may add, what he says to the same purpose, in the 1st. Homily upon the Epist. to Titus, and in the 3d. upon the Acts; where he openly declares his Opinion, that few Bishops were saved. Upon the same Subject one may consult the 1st. Homily upon the Epistle to the Corinthians, the 4th. upon that to the Philippians, and the 3d. upon the Acts. He enjoyns Christians in several places to be very respectfull towards the Priests; as in the Homilies upon the Song of Hannah, in the 22d. upon S. Matthew, in the 86th. upon S. John, and in the 2d. upon the 1st. Epist. to Timothy. His Observation in this Last is, That we should not hear those Pastours that are fallen into Here∣sy; but, on the contrary, we ought to avoid them, and separate from them: But not from wick∣ed

Priests, whose Character is to be honoured; because, notwithstanding their Wickedness, they truly offer the holy Sacrifice, and validly administer the Sacraments.

Upon the Usefulness and Excellency of a Monastick Life.

WE have sufficiently declared S. Chrysostom's Opinion of a Monastick Life, in the Extracts of the Treatises which he composed in his Retirement. To these one may add the Homily of Sta∣tues, where he speaks of the Egyptian Monks, the 1st. 8th. 55th. 69th. 70th. 71st. 72d. upon S. Mat∣thew, and the 14th. upon the 1st. Epist. to Timothy.

Of the State of Marriage, and of the Duties of Married Persons.

IN the first place S. Chrysostom requireth, that in chusing of a Wife, Men. should have greater regard to Vertue than Riches. He lays down this Maxim in the 74th. Homily upon S. Mat∣thew; there he pleasantly shews how much rich Wives prove troublesome to their Husbands. He says the same thing in the 48th. and 56th. Homilies upon Genesis, in the 49th. upon the Acts, in the 12th. upon the Epistle to the Colossians, and in the 17th. 19th. and 28th. Sermons of the 5th. Volume. He exhorteth Husbands to live well with their Wives, and shew them good Ex∣amples. In the 38th. Homily upon Genesis, in the Exposition of the 43d. Psalm; in the 30th. Homily upon S. Matthew, and the 20th. upon the Epistle to the Ephesians; in the 10th. upon the Epistle to the Colossians, he treateth at large of the Love which Husbands ought to have for their Wives, and of the respect that Wives ought to shew towards their Husbands. He discourses upon the same Subject in the 26th. Homily upon 1 Cor. and the 60th. upon S. John.

Of the Education of Children, and the Duties of the Master of a Family.

S. Chrysostom being yet in his Retirement, and sensible of the little care that Fathers took to bring up their Children well, employs part of the Third Book against those that found fault with a Monastick Life, to complain of that miscarriage; and goes so far as to affirm, That a Father who breeds up his Child ill, is more cruel than he that puts him to death; because he makes him liable to eternal Damnation, which is infinitely worse than loss of life. This matter is handled likewise in the Homilies concerning Hannah; where he shews, That not only Fathers, but Mo∣thers also are obliged to give their Children good Education. In the 60th. Homily upon S. Mat∣thew, he blameth the Carelesness of Parents in the choice of a Tutour. Lastly, In the 21st. and 22d. Homilies upon the Epistle to the Ephesians, he admonishes Fathers to be less sollicitous about their Children's getting School-learning; and to take more care that they be taught Piety and the Christian Religion. Read the 59th. Homily upon S. Matthew; the 9th. upon 1 Tim. and the 1st. upon Rom. where he discourseth of the Duties of a Master in a Family, in relation to his Wife, Children and Servants. He observes in the 15th. Homily upon the Epistle to the Ephesians, That a Mistress is not to abuse her Maid-servants. See also the 16th. Homily upon the 1st. Epistle to Timothy.

Of Afflictions.

S. Chrysostom not only teaches us that we ought to bear the losses, sicknesses, and other afflicti∣ons that may happen in this World patiently: But he shews besides, that they are the por∣tion of all good Men: He gives Eight Reasons for it, worth reading, in the Homily upon these Words of S. Paul to Timothy, Use a little Wine; in the 4th. and 5th. Discourses concerning Sta∣tues; in the 28th. Homily upon the Epistle to the Hebrews; in the 33d. upon S. Matthew; in the 8th. upon 2Tim. and in the 28th. and 29th. Homilies upon the Epistle to the Hebrews.

Of Death.

S. Chrysostom's Homilies are full of excellent Instructions concerning Death; wherein he shews, that instead of fearing Death, a Christian ought to desire it.

To what purpose, saith he in the 5th. Homily of Statues, should a Man fear sudden Death? Is it, because it brings us the sooner to our Haven, and hastens our passage to an happy life? What folly is this? We expect eternal felicity, and those good things which no Eye hath seen, no Ear heard, and which ne∣ver entred into the Heart of Man; and yet we doe not only put off the fruition of them, but we fear it, yea we abhor it.

He tells us in other places, That this life, being but a journey, a train of Miseries, a banishment from our own Country, &c. we should be very miserable if it never were to end.

See the 21st. and 32d. Homilies upon Genesis; the Discourse upon these Words of S. Paul, Be not sorry for the death of your Brethren; where he carries this Notion further, and saith, That we should be as glad to go out of this World as Criminals are to get out of Prison. See the 1st. Homily upon Genesis, the 14th. upon the Epistle to Timothy, and the 7th. upon the Epistle to the Hebrews.

Last of all, He hath one Sermon to prove that Death is not to be feared.

From these Principles, he concludes in several places, that we ought not to weep for the Dead, but on the contrary rejoyce; for that they have quitted this miserable life, to enter into one which is both eternal and happy. See the 34th. Homily upon S. Matthew, the 62d. upon S. John, the 21st. upon the Acts, the 6th. upon the Epistle to the Thessalonians, and the 4th. upon the Epistle to the Hebrews.

Christian Maxims which S. Chrysostom lays down and maintains in his Sermons.

WE ought not to be addicted to the Goods of this World. Hom. 2. upon Matthew.

Persons who are not vertuous, will receive no advantage from the Vertues of others. Hom. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. in Matthew.

The Vertue of our Relations will doe us no good, if we our selves want Piety. Hom. 10. on Matt.

Men ought to exercise themselves in the practice of all Vertues. Hom. 11. on Matthew.

No Mercy is to be looked for after Death, but only severe Justice; there is no middle place be∣tween Hell or Heaven. Hom. 14. upon Matthew.

He that reflects upon the joys of Heaven, will find it easie to practise Vertue. Hom. 16. upon Matthew.

The Commandments of God are not impossible to those that are willing to keep them. Hom. 21. on Matthew. Nay, they are easie with God's grace. Hom. 56. and 76. on Matthew, and 87. upon S. John.

Let him that is in the State of Grace, not trust too much to his own strength, lest he fall; nei∣ther let him that is fallen, despair. Hom. 26. and 67. upon Matthew.

Spiritual advantages are to be preferr'd before those things that otherwise seem to be most ne∣cessary. Hom. 26. upon Matthew.

A Man of an ill life, is worse than a dead Man. Hom. 26. upon Matthew.

Passionate, intemperate, debauched, and covetous Men are worse than those that are possessed with the Devil. Hom. 28. upon Matthew.

The Yoke of Vertue is light and easie, that of Sin is heavy and troublesome. Hom. 38. upon Matthew, and 88. upon John.

We ought to examine, and be sorry for our faults, and not be concerned for those of other Men. Hom. 24. upon Matthew, and 60. upon S. John.

Vertue is more to be esteemed than Miracles. Hom. 46. upon Matthew.

To feed the Poor is better than to give Ornaments of Gold or Silver to the Church. Hom. 50. upon Matthew.

He that offends another, wrongs himself more than the other. Hom. 51. upon Matthew.

A Man that is addicted to worldly things, is in the most unhappy slavery that can be. Hom. 58. upon Matthew.

It is better to adorn our Souls with Vertue, than the Body with rich Clothes. Hom. 69. upon Matthew.

A Soul polluted with Crimes, stinks worse than a putrefied Body. Hom. 57. upon Mat∣thew.

It is to no purpose to have been Baptized, and to be in the true Church, unless we lead our Lives conformably to the Doctrine of the Gospel, and our Baptismal profession. Hom. 6. and 10. upon John.

Whatever appears great in this World is nothing before God. Hom. 44. in Joan.

Nothing ought to be better husbanded than Time. Hom. 58. upon John.

We should not ask of God temporal, but spiritual Goods. Hom. 43. and 54. upon John.

A Christian ought to work not only for himself, but also for others. Hom. 20. upon the Acts.

It often happens that those who design to afflict the Righteous, and hinder the purposes of God concerning them, doe further them when they do not intend it. Hom. 49. upon the Acts.

The loss of worldly Goods ought not to be lamented, but that only of the joys of Heaven. Hom. 10. upon the Romans.

We ought to doe that which is good in this World, and not depend upon the Prayers of our kin∣dred and friends after death. Hom. 42. upon 1 Cor.

The Salvation of others ought to be preferred before our own satisfaction. Hom. 29. upon 2 Cor.

Vertues are like Treasures, they must be hid to be kept: If they be exposed publickly, there is danger of losing them. Hom. 3. upon Matthew.

To be Master of one's own Passions, is true liberty. Hom. 17. upon 1 Tim.

Nothing is to be lamented but Sin. Hom. 3. upon the Hebrews.

No Man is offended but by himself. See his Discourse upon this Paradox and his Letters Passim.

It is easie to get Vertue, and preserve it too. Passim.

It is more easie to live well, than ill. Passim.

Small Sins are to be avoided as well as great ones. Passim.

One only Sin, one evil Action is sufficient to condemn us eternally. Passim.

The accusation of Conscience is the greatest torment. Passim.

It is better to suffer our selves, than to make others suffer. Epist. to Olympias.

The ignominy of this World, is glory in the eyes of God. Passim.

This present life is death, and death is life. Passim.

Afflictions, Persecutions, and Sicknesses, are desirable; but delights, pleasures and joy are to be feared. Passim.

God's chastisements are great benefits: The good things which he bestows in this world are great temptations. Passim.

Giving of Alms is the trade that brings the greatest profit. Passim.

Solitariness and a Monastick life, are more to be desired than the greatest Kingdoms. Passim.

True Soveraignty consists in commanding our own Passions. Passim.

It is an effect of God's bounty, that the execution of Precepts, which are necessary to our Sal∣vation, does not depend upon the weakness of our Bodies. Hom. in illud, Modico vino utere.

Sorrow is the product of Sin, and Sorrow takes away Sin: That which was the penalty of Sin, is become the Salvation of Man. Sin brought weakness into the World, and Sorrow hath de∣stroy'd Sin. Hom. 1. de jejun.

Our Worship is not like that of the Jews, which was loaded with many Ceremonies, and needed much preparation. He that went into the Temple to pray, was to buy Pigeons, to carry Wood, Fire, a Knife, and a Victim. Christians want no such thing: in every place they have an Altar, a Knife, and a Victim; or rather they themselves are the Altar, the Priest, and the Victim. In what place, or what condition soever they are, they may offer their Souls to God. Hom. 4. de Anna.

Man shall be punished for his Sins, either in this world, or in the next: He ought to be pu∣nished here, to prevent punishment hereafter. Serm. 5. de Lazaro.

Ignorance of the Scripture makes Heresies. Serm. 3. de Lazaro.

These are some of those Maxims wherewith S. Chrysostom filleth his Discourses; but he enlargeth upon them with such abundance, expoundeth them with so great Eloquence, and pursues them with so great strength, that it is impossible to discover their beauty without reading them in their Original. In reading of these Sermons, all Preachers ought to spend their time, and not in the Sermons of Modern Authors; which, for the most part, are full of nothing but empty Allego∣ries, false Notions, forced Declamations, unprofitable Questions, affectations of Wit, Jingles, An∣titheses, and other things of this nature, that have no correspondency with those Evangelical Truths, which ought to be preached with masculine and natural Eloquence.

But that S. Chrysostom's Works may be more easily read, and that the Editions which should be used, may be known, I shall draw up a Catalogue of the most considerable.

The first Collections of S. Chrysostom's Works were made of the Versions of his Book.

The first was Printed at Basle by Pfortzen anno 1504. There was another made in Germany by Cratander anno 1522. and one at Paris 1524. These were followedby the Edition of Frobenius in five Volumes, anno 1533, and 1547. which last is larger and more correct. That of Venice in 1574, in five Volumes, by Hervetus, is better than the foregoing; but the most perfect of these ancient Latin Editions is that of Nivelle, in four Volumes in Folio, of 1581. which was made by the advice and care of the most learned Men of that Age; as Billius, Hervetus, Nobilius, Zi∣nus, &c.

The first Greek Edition of all S. Chrysostom's Works, is the famous Edition of Eaton, procu∣red by the care and vast labour of the learned Sir Henry Savile, who having made enquiry in all

the Liberaries of the World for the Books that went under S. Chrysostom's Name caused them to be Printed in a very fair Character, and very exactly, with very just, very learned and useful Notes. He distinguished the Books that are S. Chrysostom's, from those that are dubious or supposi∣titious, and hath put them in an excellent Order for a first Edition. It is divided into eight Volumes.

The first contains the 67 Homilies upon Genesis, the Commentaries upon the Psalms, and Isaiah, the two Homilies upon the 50th. Psalm, which he places among the doubtful Books, and the Exposition of the 51st. 95th. and 100th. Psalms, and so on to the 107th. and upon the 119th. which he placeth among the supposititious Writings.

The Second Volume contains the 90 Homilies upon S. Matthew, and the 88 upon S. John.

The Third and the Fourth comprehend all the Homilies upon S. Paul.

The Fifth hath Sixty two Sermons upon several particular passages of the Holy Scripture, and Thirty four other Sermons upon the Saints or Festival days, with Seventy three Sermons upon several Subjects which he Ranks among the supposititious Books.

The Sixth Volume is made up of the Treatises of S. Chrysostom, the Homilies against the Jews, that of God's incomprehensibility, the Sermon of Anathema, his Sermon after he was ordained Priest, the Twenty two Discourses about Statues, and several other Sermons upon divers Subjects, and particularly of Penance, Fasting, Alms-deeds, and other Christian Vertues. At the latter end there are some Homilies which he puts among the Collections, that were anciently made out of S. Chry∣sostom, and some supposititious Sermons, with the Liturgy, and two Prayers to God.

The Seventh Volume begins with a Discourse upon the Scandal of certain Persons, caused by the Persecution and Malice of some Priests. After this is the Treatise wherein he proves that none is offended but by himself, Seventeen Letters to the Widow Olympias, and Two hundred forty three Letters to his Friends, with Five Letters of Constantius the Priest, and a hundred and five Sermons, which falsly bear S. Chrysostom's Name, the Authors whereof are not certainly known. These Sermons are followed by other Discourses of known Authors, viz. Six Homilies of Seve∣rianus of Gabala upon Genesis, the Homily of John the Faster about Penance, the Homily upon the Epiphany ascribed to S. Gregory Thaumaturgus, the Homily of the Cross, by Pantaleon a Monk of Constantinople, and Forty eight Homilies upon several Points of Morality, collected out of S. Chrysostom's works by Theodorus. That Volume endeth with Seven Prayers of S. Chrysostom, which are in Latin, the three last of them are supposititious.

The Last Volume containeth some Supplements of Books Printed in the other Volumes, the Seven Orations in praise of S. Paul, the Sermons upon Eutropius, upon the design which Men ought to have in Preaching, and upon some other Subjects. The Appendix to this Volume, hath several Books which are something like S. Chrysostom's. The First is an Answer in Theodorus's Name, to an Exhortation made by S. Chrysostom: Which is certainly spurious. The Second and Third are two Discourses of Libanius to Theodosius, upon the Sedition at Antioch. After these Discourses follow the Extracts which Photius hath taken out of S. Chrysostom and Isidore Pelusiota's Letters in Commendation of this Father. The Lives of S. Chrysostom take up a good part of this Volume: there are those that were written by George of Alexandria, the Panegyrick by Leo the Emperour, the Life of S. Chrysostom by an Anonymous Author, that of Simeon Metaphrastes.

The various Readings, Conjectures, Restitutions, and Notes of Savil, Bois, and Downs conclude the Volume, with a very useful Table of S. Chrysostom's Books, by their beginnings disposed in an Alphabetical Order. Another Table upon the Notes, and an Errata upon all the Volumes.

Almost at the same time that Sir H. Savil was at work in England, to publish an Edition of the Original Text of S. Chrysostom's works, Fronto Ducaeus labour'd in France, to Print them in Greek and Latin. He Printed them at Paris, Anno 1609. the first Volume which contains the Twenty one Sermons of Statues, and Fifty six others, with Notes at the end. In the same Year came out a Second Volume containing the Homilies and Sermons upon Genesis, the Five Ser∣mons concerning Hannah and Samuel, Three Homilies upon David and Saul, a Sermon against Idleness, a Translation of S. Chrysostom's Life written by Palladius, a Latin Sermon of Continency, and some other Sermons in Latin with Notes. The Third Volume Printed in 1614. contains the Homilies and Sermons upon the Psalms, and the Commentary upon Isaiah. The Fourth Volume Printed the same Year, contains the Works and Letters of S. Chrysostom, his First Sermon, and two others upon his Exile; it ends with the Notes of Fronto Ducaeus. The Fifth Volume is a Collection of Seventy Sermons upon several passages, both of the Old and New Testament, and upon some other Subjects; it was Printed in 1616. The Sixth contains Seventy three Sermons, which Fronto Ducaeus does not attribute to S. Chrysostom; the Homilies made up of Collections taken out of S. Chrysostom by Theodorus, and the Notes of Fronto Ducaeus. The works of S. Chry∣sostom upon the New Testament were not Printed then, because they had been lately Printed by Commelinus in Four Volumes. The First contains the Homilies of S. Chrysostom, and the imperfect Work upon S. Matthew, the Second, the Homilies upon S. John, the Third the Homilies upon the Acts; and the Last, the Homilies upon S. Paul, and the Commentary of Andreas Caesariensis upon the Revelations of S. John. These Books are in the Greek and Latin Edition of S. Chry∣sostom, Printed at Paris in 1633, and divided into Six Volumes, which is not so exact as the Edi∣tion of Commelinus, and the Six first Volumes that were Printed in 1636, are not so exact as those that were Printed before.

The Latin Edition of Ducaeus Printed at Paris in 1613. Containeth, besides the Books that are named already, a great many other Homilies which are not in the Greek, and which in all Likelihood were Composed by Latin Authors as we observ'd before. The Translation was all Revised by Fronto Ducaeus; it was Printed at Antwerp, and lately Printed at Lyons with some Additions. It is very strange, that those who took Care of this Edition, did not only leave the same confusion that is in the others, but have even confounded it more, and loaded it with many useless things.

[These are all the General Editions of S. Chrysostom's Works. I say nothing here of particular ones, whether Greek or Latin, of several of his Works, which are the Springs and Brooks that make up the great Rivers, because it would be too tedious in this Place. But the Catalogue of such as are come to my knowledge are in the following * 1.48 Note?

Notes

• a 1.1

  SIr-named Chrysostom, &c.] It is not known when he was first called by that Name, so justly given him: Some say he had it in his Life-time, but neither S. Jerom, nor S. Augustin, nor Theodoret, nor any other among the Ancients, give him that Name, but call him onely John of Constantinople. Sozomen observes, that Antiochus Bi∣shop of Ptolemais, had this Name given him, but does not say, that it was common to him with our Saint. Many Authors have written his Life, but very few have done i•• faithfully. Palladius alone may be credited in this Case. Bigotius published the Original Greek of this Author, and with him may be joined Socrates, Sozomen and Theodoret, who have in their Ecclesiastical Histories, given an Ac∣count of several Circumstances of the Life of St. Chrysostom. Theodoret made some Speeches in his Commendation, the Extracts whereof are prefer∣ved by Photius, in the 273 Volume. Little regard is to be had to the other Writers of his Life: for they have filled their Relations with Fables. The first of them is George, who is thought to have been Bishop of Alexandria. Some think that part of his Relation was taken out of S. Cyril of Alexandria, but that is not probable. This Author lived about the Year of Christ 600. After him Leo the Empe∣rour, Simeon Metaphrastes, an Anonymus Author, S. John Damascene, Cosmas Vestitor, John Euchaita, the Patriarch Philotheus, and Matthaeus Camariota, have written Lives and Panegyricks of our Saint; but very ill, and stuffed with many Fables.
• * 1.2

  S. John Chryso∣stom.
• b 1.3

  His Mother's Anthusa.] There was another John, Son of Publia, mentioned by Theodoret in his History, l. 3. c. 19. for in the first place all Histo∣rians assure us, that S. John Chrysostom's Mother was called Anthusa; as Palladius in his Life, c. 5. So∣crates in his History, l. 6. c. 3. Secondly, Publia was an old Woman in the Time of Julian the Emperour, in the Year 362. according to Theod••∣ret, and S. Chrysostom's Mother, was alive in 404, as appeareth by his own Letters, the 238th, and 239th, and she was but 40 Years of Age in the Year 368. In short, John the Son of Publia was an only Child; whereas S. Chrysostom had a Sister older than himself, to whom he writ his 238th Letter.
• c 1.4

  He lost his Father when he was young.] St. Chrysostom says it in his first Book of Priesthood, c▪ 1. Some have affirmed that his Parents were Pa∣gans, but he says himself in the first Homily a∣gainst the Anomaeans, that he was bred and brought up in the Church; and it is clear by the place we have quoted out of his Book of the Priesthood, that his Mother was a Christian when his Father died, which was soon after he was born.
• d 1.5

  He first designed to follow the Law.] Some say, that he was called to the Bar, but Palladius, So••rates and Sozomen, only say, that when he was fit for it he quitted it. There is a Letter of Liba∣nius to one John to congratulate him for a publick Pleading, wherein he had spoken much to the Praise of the Emperour and of his Children. But this John is not our S. John Chrysostom, who was then a Priest: For this was the Emperour Theodosius, who left the Empire to his Sons about the Year 393. S. Chrysostom indeed confesseth in his first Book of the Priesthood, that he did follow the Bar, but does not mention his Pleading. Such was his Eloquence, that Libanius at his Death said, that he alone was worthy to succeed him, if the Christians had not snatched him away.
• e 1.6

  Basil his Friend.] It is not certainly known who this Basil was, nor Bishop of what place; but it is certain, that he was not the great S. Basil, Bi∣shop of Caesarea in Cappadocia. Socrates and Sozo∣men, have improperly confounded them; for Basil Chrysostom's Friend was of his own Age, and in∣structed by the same Masters, as appeareth by the be∣ginning of S. Chrysostom's Book of the Priest hood; whereas S. Basil was much older, and was Bishop of the Church of Caesarea, before St. Chrysostom was 25 Years old: Photius tells us, that Basil S. Chrysostom's Friend, was Basil of Seleucia. This is yet a grosser mistake, because this latter was not ordained Bi∣shop before the Year 431, and he lived till 458. Basil S. Chrysostom's Companion, was rather Bishop of Raphanea, or another of the same Name Bishop of Bibl••s, whose Names are found in the Subscrip∣tions of the Council of Constantinople.
• f 1.7

  There is no Commentary of S. Chrysostom's upon Jeremiah.] There was a Manuscript in some Libraries that went under S. Chrysostom's Name; but it was so pitifull a business, that it was not judged worth publishing: no more th•••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Scholia upon the Gospels of S. Matth••••, S. M••••k, and S. Luke.
• g 1.8

  S. Matthew's whole Gospel is expounded in 90 Homilies.] In the Translation there are 91, but the 29th is divided into two, though it is but one in the Greek Original; and so the Translation ought to be mended in the Number of the Homi∣lies upon S. Matthew, and the Greek Text to be corrected in the Number of the Homilies upon S. John; for though it distinguishes 88 Homilies, yet there are but 87, because the Preface is not to be reckoned one of them.
• h 1.9

  Part of these Homilies were preached at Anti∣och, and the other at Constantinople.] Photius ob∣serves, that it is easie to know which Homilies St. Chrysostom preached at Antioch; because they are more elaborate than those that were preached at Constantinople. But though this general Rule may serve to distinguish them, yet some particulars in the Homilies themselves are remarkable, to deter∣mine where they were preached. It is evident, that the Homilies upon Genesis, were preached at Con∣stantinople, as we observed before after Photius, for he speaks positively in the 33d Homily upon Gene∣sis, which is the 28th according to Photius, who reckoneth but 61 Homilies upon Genesis. Erasmus believed, that the 54 Homilies upon the Acts were not S. Chrysostom's; and Sir Henry Savil seems to have doubted of it: but without ground, for they are written in his style, and in several places he dis∣covers himself. The style of the Homilies upon the Psalms, shews that they were preached at Anti∣och, not to mention the Authority of George of A∣lexandria, and some other modern Greeks that con∣firm the same. It cannot be known when he made the Commentary upon Isaiah. The seventh Homi∣ly upon S. Matthew, shews plainly, that it was preach'd at Antioch; for he says there, that they, to whom he spake, boasted of being Inhabitants of that City, where the Name of Christians took its be∣ginning. That Town is again pointed at in the 68th Homily, according to the Latin, and the 67th according to the Greek: Whereby it is manifest, that these Homilies were preached at Antioch. In the 21st Homily upon the Epistle to the Corinthians, he plainly says, that he was preaching at Antioch. In the 3d Homily upon the Epistle to Titus, he makes mention of Daphne, a Suburb of Antioch, as belonging to the Town where he preached. The Sermons upon the Epistle to the Colossians were preached at Constantinople; for in the 3d Homily he speaks with Episcopal Authority, threatning Sin∣ners to deny them the Peace of the Church; he also mentions the Episcopal Throne whereon he was sitting, and calls himself Bishop. Of the same time are the Homilies upon the Epistles to the Thes∣salonians: In the eleventh upon the first Epistle, he says, that he presided over them that heard him. The same is to be taken notice of in the 4th Homily upon the second Epistle. In the 4th upon the Epi∣stle to the Hebrews, he threatens to put those out of the Church, who should hire Mourners at the Fu∣nerals of their Relations, which justifies his being Bishop. In the 26th Homily upon the second Epi∣stle to the Corinthians, there are these words, That the Son of Constantine caused his Father to be buried in this City. As to the rest, there is no certain proof from what he says, to tell us where they were preached: but the style of the Homilies upon the Epistles to the Romans, and to the Galatians, being smoother and more polished; whereas that of the Homilies upon the Epistles to the Ephesians, Phi∣lippians, and Philemon, being careless and without Art; we may believe, according to Photius his Rule, that the former were preached at Antioch, and the latter at Constantinople.
• i 1.10

  There are several which are rejected as not being S. Chrysostom's.] There are Extracts, out of the Homily of the Holy Ghost, out of the Dis∣course upon these Words, Jesus Christ is the last, &c. of the Sermon upon the Incarnation, and the Guardian Angels; of the Treatise which proves, that both the Old and the New Testament have the same Law-giver; of the Discourse upon these Words of S. Paul, My Grace is sufficient for thee, &c. The Homily of the Holy Ghost is in the sixth Volume of the Paris Edition: See the 221st, and 222d page. The Homily upon the Nativity, and of the Angels, are in the Eton Edition, Vol 5. pag. 843. That of the Law-giver in the Old and New Testament, is the first of the sixth Volume of the Paris Edition: There is also in the same Volume the Discourse upon those Words of the Apostle, My Grace is sufficient for thee; the Sermon upon these Words, 2 Cor. c. 11. If any one be in Christ, let him be a new Creature, &c.
• k 1.11

  But one ought not to pass the same Judgment upon those which Theodoret quotes in his Dialogues, which are certainly S. Chrysostom's, and which are now en∣tant most of them.] He quotes a Discourse preached by S. Chrysostom, after the Speech of the Gothick Ambassadour, which is not found among S. Chry∣sostom's Discourses. The second passage which he quotes in the first Dialogue, is taken out of the Ho∣mily of the Nativity, Vol. I. pag. 426. The Ho∣mily which Theodoret cites, under this Title, A dogmatical Homily, shewing that which is said of Jesus Christ, seems unworthy of the Power, and of the Di∣vinity, is that which is entituled, Of Consubstantia∣lity, which is in the first Volume, pag. 360. The place which he quotes out of the Commentary up∣on Psal. 41. is not in that which is now extant: I have not found the Homily of the Confusion of Lan∣guages, nor the Passage taken out of the Homily, preached in the great Church. The Homilies a∣gainst those who affirm, that Daemons govern the things of this World, against those that fast upon Easter-day, and the Homily of Christ's Assumption, are among those that we have; as well as the Pas∣sages taken out of Theodoret's Commentaries upon the Epistle to the Ephesians, upon the Gospel of S. John, and that of S. Matthew.
• l 1.12

  Almost all these Discourses have the Style of the La∣tin Preachers, &c.] They are full of allusions to words, of rhiming Sentences, as Psal. 33. Eja fratres mei, hic modo respondere volo; quanti modo dicunt; ••••lo, qui jam dicebant, volo. To this may be added, this fine Notion. Oracula sanctoe lectionis, quae sonant in auribus vestris, nidum faciant in cordibus vestris. One may find also Explications of Latin and Greek Terms, as upon Psal. 90. Meridies dicitur, quia dividit diem; meros enim pars est divisae diei. And upon Psal. 118. Veritas tres sunt syllabae & septem lite∣rae, quia in septima die Deus requievit ab operibus suis. There are several such passages which justify their Author to be a Latin. The style is sententious, con∣cise, and full of Antitheses, and strokes of Wit, which are ordinary faults in the Latin Preachers, to which S. Chrysostom was never liable.
• m 1.13

  The method is quite different from his.] St. Chrysostom divides his Discourses into three Parts. The first is a Preface: The second an Exposition of one or more places of Scripture: And the third a moral Exhortation. This Division may always be observed, in S. Chrysostom's Sermons. These have nothing like, they have neither Preface, nor moral Exhortation, neither do they conclude with the Doxology. The Author divides the Scripture into Verses, and cites Latin Authors, as S. Cyprian and Hippolytus; which S. Chrysostom never did.
• n 1.14

  In a word, the matters treated of, are not such as S. Chrysostom uses to discourse of.] St. Chry∣sostom always handleth Points of Morality, or com∣mon Doctrine; he never insists upon thorny and hard Questions, but avoiding them carefully, he expounds the Letter of the Scripture, and that in a plain way. The Author of these Sermons doth the quite contrary, he fills them with common places, upon Original Sin, Predestination, Grace, and hardning of the Heart, &c. Questions which S. Chrysostom never meddled with. This Author seeks for the allegorical and mystical Sence, and takes little notice of the literal. In short, nothing can be imagined more unlike to S. Chrysostom's way of writing, than the Sermons here examined.
• o 1.15

  All these Homilies are either Sermons of Latin Authors, whereof some are among those of S. Chryso∣logus.] The 13th, and 16th, are amongst those at∣tributed to S. Chrysologus: The 17th is among those that are attributed to Origen; the 6th is taken out of the 15th Homily of S. Chrysostom, upon S. Mat∣thew. The 21st and 22d, are part of the 32d and 33d Homilies of the imperfect Work upon S. Mat∣thew: The 25th is taken out of the 37th Homily of the same. The 27th and 28th, out of the 40th Homily. The Commentary upon S. Mark, is writ∣ten by some ignorant Monk.
• p 1.16

  The imperfect Commentary upon S. Matthew, &c.] The Author of this Treatise cites the Scrip∣ture according to the vulgar Version, he quotes A∣pocryphal Books, as that of Seth, Ezechias, and the Itinerary of S. Clement. He has heretical Notions concerning the Trinity, as in the 49th Homily, where he calls the Catholicks Homoousian Hereticks. In the 7th Homily, he rejects the Baptism of He∣reticks. In the first Homily he speaks ill of Marri∣age; and condemns second Marriages, Homily 32d. Sixtus Senensis pretends that these Errours, and e∣specially those that concern the Trinity, have been added since, because they are not in some ancient Manuscripts, and also because in some places, he teaches the Divinity of the Son. However, he con∣fesses with all the Criticks, that it is not S. Chryso∣stom's, but a Latin Authors: There are some short Commentaries upon S. Mark, S. Luke and S. Mat∣thew ascribed to S. Chrysostom, and printed at Paris 1576. which bear S. Chrysostom's Name, but are none of his.
• q 1.17

  By several Greek Authors.] These Authors are Anastasius in the MS. Collections of the Library of Clermont, Nicephorus Patriarch of Constantinople, in two MSS. in Mr. Colbert's Library, an Author that wrote against the Severians, published by Turrianus; S. John Damascen, Tom. 4. Var. Lect. Canisii p. 211. [Theorianus in Legatione ad Armenios, p. 74.] these Frag∣ments are in the Rotterdam [and London] Editions.
• † 1.18

  The words in the Origi∣nal are these, Si∣cut enim antequam sanctifice∣tur PA∣NIS, PANEM nomina∣mus, Divi∣nâ autem illum san∣ctificante Gratiâ, me∣diante Sa∣cerdote, Li∣beratus est quidem Appellati∣one pa∣nis, dignus autem habitus est DOMINICI CORPORIS appellatione, etiamsi natura Panis in eo permansit, & non duo corpora, sed unum corpus filii praeditatur: Sic & hic Divinâ 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, id est, insidente corporis Naturâ unum fi∣lium, unam Personam, utraque haec fecerunt: Agnoscendum, tamen inconfusam & Indivisibilem rationem, non in unâ solum Naturâ, sed in duabus perfectis: Thus translated into English, by the Learned Defender of the Exposition of the Doctrine of the Church of England, against the Bishop of Meaux.

  For as [in the Eucharist] before the Bread is Consecrated, we call it Bread, but when the Grace of God by the Priest has Consecrated it, it is no longer called Bread, but is esteem'd worthy to be called the Lord's Body, altho' the Nature of Bread still remains in it; and we do not say there be two Bodies, but one Body of the Son; so here the Divine Nature, being joyn'd with the [Humane] Body, they both together make up but one Son, one Person. But yet they must be Confessed to remain without confusion, after an indivisible manner, not in one Nature, but in two perfect Natures.

  Now if we suppose that S. Chrysostom designed his Comparison to be just, or believed that it was so, it will not be easie to find other words more expressive of the Sence of the Church of England in this matter, than those here made use of: and there is no Dispute, but those who took so much Pains to conceal this Testimony, believed that the greatest force that could be put upon this Passage, could never persuade unconcerned Readers, that the Person who wrote it believ'd that Doctrine of the Eucharist, which is at present taught in the Church of Rome.]
• ‖ 1.19

  The matter of Fact was in short this; Bi∣gotius ha∣ving brought a Copy of this Letter from Flo∣rence, annexed it to his Edition of Palladius's Life of S. Chrysostom, which was Printed at Paris, 1680. In his Pre∣face, he Vindicated its Authority against those Exceptions, which had before been made to it: and being afraid that the Licensers might suppress it, he reserved some few entire Printed Copies of the Book, before it came into their hands. His fears proved very Reasonable, for some of the Doctors of the Sorbonne, whereof Mr. Grandin, and Mr. Favre were charged as Principal, suppressed the Letter it self, and cut out so much of the Preface of Mr. Bigotius, as related to it, without taking care to fill up the Blank. The Learned Vindicator of the Exposition of the Do∣ctrine of the Church of England, against M. de Meaux, tells the Story, and Prints that part of Bigotius's Preface which was erased, with S. Chrysostom's Letter to Caesarius, at the end of his Vindication, in London, 1688. And this explains Mr. Du Pin's particular Considerations, leaving every Body to guess at the true Reason.]
• * 1.20

  In lib. Quod Chri∣stus sit De∣us: In O∣rat. de S. Babylâ: contra Gen∣tes: In ex∣posit. Ps. xliv. Hom. contra Judaeos: Hom. 4. in illud, Vid. Dominum lib. Quod unus Chri∣stus sit Deus.
• * 1.21

  In Ps. xliv.
• * 1.22

  Orat. con∣tra Genti∣les, de S. Babyla.
• * 1.23

  Orat. 1. de incompreh. Homil. 24. in Joannem.
• * 1.24

  Ib. Orat. 1
• * 1.25

  Ep. ad Caesarium, Homil. de Consub in lib. Quod Chri∣stus sit Deus. V. Theodor. in Dialog.
• * 1.26

  Homil de B. Philog. Hom. de S S. Homil. 39. in ep. 1. ad Cor. & Hom. 28. in ep. ad Hebr. Hom. 29. Matth.
• * 1.27

  Homil. 3. de Incompreh. Hom. 3. in ep. ad Coloss. Hom. 14. in ep. ad Hebr.
• * 1.28

  Hom. de Diabolo tenta∣tore. Hom. 22. in Gene∣sim.
• * 1.29

  De verbis Jer. Hom. 1. Hom. 2. in 1. ad Cor. Hom. 41. in Genesim. Hom. de tri∣bus pueris. Hom. 12. in ep. ad Hebr. & 8. in ep. ad Phil. & 19. ibid Hom. 17. in Joan. Hom. 18. in ep ad Rom. & 12. in ep. 1. ad Cor. In Matth. Hom. 83. Hom. 45. in Joan. In orat. de S. Pelagia. Serm. de Zachaeo. Hom. 34. in Matth. Hom. 80. in ep. ad Rom. Hom. 16. & 18. in ep. ad Rom. & Hom. de obscur. Prophet. Serm. 5. de Lazaro. Hom. 45. in Matth.
• * 1.30

  Hom. de Bapt. Chri∣sti.
• * 1.31

  In Serm. ad Illumi∣nandos.
• * 1.32

  Ibid.
• * 1.33

  Hom. 51. & 83. in Matth. Hom. 45. in Joan. Serm. de de prodit. Judae. Hom. 45. & 46. in Joan∣nem. L. 3. de Sacerdot. c. 4. Hom. 24. in ep. ad Cor. Hom. 3. in ep. ad Eph. Hom. 51. in Matth. Hom. 52. de S Eustathio. Hom. 14. & 17. in ep. ad Hebr. l. 6. de Sacer. c. 1. Hom. 51. in Matth. Hom. 15. in ep. ad Cor. Serm. de prodit. Judae. Hom. in S. Eust. Hom. 33. in Nat. Domini. Serm. de p••odit. Judae.
• * 1.34

  Hom. 83. in Matth. Hom. 21. ad Pop. Hom. 22. ad Pop. Ant. l. 6. De Sacerdot. c. 4. Hom. in Christi Natalem.
• * 1.35

  Hom. 72. in Matth.
• * 1.36

  Hom. 41. in 1. ad Cor. Hom. de Seraphim.
• * 1.37

  Hom. 15. in ep. ad Cor. Hom. 3. in ep. ad Eph. Hom. 17. in ep. ad Hebr. Hom. 29. ad Pop. Ant. Hom. 17. & 83. in Matth. Hom. 24. in ep. ad Cor. Hom. 31. de B. Phi∣logonio. Hom. 24. in ep. ad Cor. Hom. 33. in Matth.
• * 1.38

  L. 3. de Sa∣cerdot. ibid. Hom. ad illu∣min. Hom. de Davide & Saul. Hom. de Diab. tentatore. Hom. de B. Philogonio. Hom. 9. de Poenitentiâ.
• * 1.39

  In Hom. de Poenit.
• * 1.40

  Hom. 21. ad Pop. Ant. Hom. 9. de in∣compreh. Dei natura. Hom. 8. de Poenitentiâ. Hom. 9. de Poenitentiâ. Hom. 20. in Genesim. Hom. in Ps. 50. Hom. 11. in Lazarum. In Hom. de non evulgandisfra∣trum peccatis. Serm. de poenit. & moestitia Regis Achab. Hom de bapt. Christi.
• * 1.41

  Hom. 22. ad Pop. Ant. De Davide & Saul, Hom. 3. Hom. 17. in Matth. Hom. 4. in ep. ad Hebr. In lib. contra gent. de S. Babyla. Hom. de Anathemate.
• † 1.42

  Hom. 9. in Genesim.
• * 1.43

  In Hom. de SS. In Orat. de S. Babyla. Hom. de B. Philogonio. Hom. 2. ad pop. Antioch Hom. 1. in ep. ad Thess. Hom. 1. in illud Modico vino utere. Hom. 21. in Acta. Hom. 41, 42. in 1 ad Cor.
• * 1.44

  Hom de bapt. Christi.
• * 1.45

  Ibid.
• * 1.46

  Hom. 3. de Incompreh.
• * 1.47

  Hom. 3 & 4. de Statuis. Hom. 11. in Genes. Serm 3. & 4. de Lazaro. Hom. 1. & 2. in Matth. Hom. 10. 30, 32, 58. in Joannem. Hom. 11. & 31. in Eundem. Hom. 1. in ep. ad Rom. Hom. 9. in ep. ad Colos. Hom. 19. in Acta.
• * 1.48

  Homiliae in Sacram Scripturam.

  • IN Genesim Graec. Lat. Morel. 1594.
  • Lat. Oecolampad. interpret. Paris, 1524.
  • In Psalmos, Nivelle, 1606.
  • In Isaiam. Lat. à Tilmanno, Paris, 1555.
  • Argumentum in Jeremiam, Gr. Aug. 1602.
  • In Matth. Gr. Oxonii, Lat. 1537.
  • Opus Imperfectum, in Matth. ex Off. Caveleriana, 1602.
  • De publicano & Pharisaeo, Paris, 1595.
  • Serm. 4. in Lazarum, in illud Apostoli, Nolite de Dormientibus contristari, &c. Oxon. 1580.
  • In Joannem. Aret. interprete, Romae, 1470.
  • In omnes Pauli Epistolas Graec. à Donato Vero∣nensi, An. 1529. in fol. 3. Vol. Lat. apud Hervag. 1530.
  • In Ep. ad Galatas, interpret. Erasmo, Basiliae, 1526.
  • In Ep. ad Philip. Flaminio interprete, Rom. 1578.

  TRACTATUS.

  • De Sacerdotio Libri Sex. Graec. Oxon. 1586. Aug. 1599. Lov. 1529, 1568. Basil. 1544. Lat. Paris. 1561.
  • De Virginitate Graec. Lat. Livin••io interp. Ant. 1565. & 1575. ex versione Poggiana. Romae, 1562.
  • De providentia apud Oporinum. Basil. 1552.
  • De orando Deum, interprete. Erasmo. Basil. Froben. 1500, 1551. Col. 1573. Ant. 1579. Paris, 1538.
  • Aliquot opuscula. Ex V. Erasmi, Bas. 1529.
  • Liber de vita Babylae contra Gentiles, Gr. Basil. 1527. Paris, 1528. Lat. per Brinium, Paris, 1528.
  • Sermones ad Theodorum Lat. 1524. Basiliae, 1547.
  • Comparatio Regis & Monachi, Basil. 1533. Gr. Lat. Paris, 1598. Basil. 1526.
  • Quod nemo laeditur nisi à seipso. Graece in Octavo, Paris, 1541.
  • Liturgia sive Missa, Lat. Erasmo interprete, Paris. 1537. Graec. Paris, 1560. Venet. 1601, 1620. ex versione Hervet. 1548. Paris.
  • Orat quod Christus sit Deus, Ingolstad. 1579. apud Chevallon, Lat. 1536. Romae, 1526.
  • In Euch. Graec. 1571. Morell. 1561. Lat. Worm∣matiae, 1541. Pragae, 1544. Ant. 1560. Gr. & Lat. Venetiis, 1528. in Bibl. PP.
  • Epistolae ad Innocent. Basil. 1529.
  • Ad Caesarium Moinii Varia Sacra, Roterad. An. 1687. [Londini 4to. 1688.]

  HOMILIAE VARIAE.

  • Hom. ad Pop. Ant. de Statuis, Londini Graec. Lat. 1590.
  • Orat. in illud, Modico vino utere. Hanov. 1550. in Octavo, Col. 1582.
  • In illud; Oportet Haereses esse. Oecol. interp. Mog. 1522.
  • Hom. 6. contra Jud. Hoëschelio interpret. Aug. 1602.
  • Orat. Sex de fato & providentia, Gr. Oct. Basil, 1526. Paris, 1554. Hagenoae, 1533.
  • Orat. 6. Gr. Oxon. Gr. Lat. 1586. Orat. in Eu∣tropium, in Ps. 100. & in laudem crucis, Paris, 1554. Tilmanno interprete.
  • De non contemnenda Ecclesia Dei, Morell. 1560.
  • In terrae Motum, &c. aliae Orat. interprete Ducaeo, Burdigalae, 1604.
  • Hom. de Anathemate, Gr. Lat. Paris, in Oct. 1547.
  • Libri tres de providentia Dei, ad Stagirium Lat. Alosti, 1487. ibid Orat. de dignitate humanae Originis.
  • Chrysostomi Orat. 10. a Beurero, Romae, 1581. Gr. Lat. Friburg. 1585. in Oct.
  • Varii tractatus, ibid. De animi humilitate, Je∣junio & Temperantia, Mog. 1604.
  • De Mansuetudine, Paris, 1570. De benignitate, Paris, 1594.
  • De politia Morali, Paris, 1545. Orat. 6. Paris, 1554.
  • Orat. aliquot. Lat. Gr. Lat. Romero in Oct. Bas. Oporin. 1551.
  • Hom. Gr. Hoëschelio interprete, 1587.
  • Hom. 2. Tiguri, 1558. Aliae, Lipsiae, Ann. 1538.
  • Aliae, Paris, 1606. Orat. Gr. Romae, 1594.
  • Florilegia, Mog. 1603. Lat. Hagenoae, 1528.

  SERMONES PANEGYRICI.

  • Hom. 4. in Job, Perionio interprete, Paris, 1565, Col. 1568.
  • Homiliae de laudibus Pauli, Aniano interp. Paris, 1499. cum op. Bedae seorsim, 1509.
  • De Petro & ••aulo Orat. 2. Gr. Lat. 1582.
  • Idem cum Orat. in duodecim Apostolos, Rom••, 1580.
  • Sermones Panegyrici in S. S. Martyres, Burd. 1601.
  • Duae homil. de S. S. Lugd. 1624. Gr. Lat. Pa∣ris, 1594.

  IN FESTA.

  • In Nat. Christi, & in pr••cursorem, Ant. apud Tornes, 1609.
  • Sermo in Pascha, Ant. 1598. Sermones in Ascen∣sionem, & alii... ex Ed. Vossii, Mog. 1604.
  • Orat. de occursu Domini, Col. 1568.]