A new history of ecclesiastical writers containing an account of the authors of the several books of the Old and New Testament, of the lives and writings of the primitive fathers, an abridgement and catalogue of their works ... also a compendious history of the councils, with chronological tables of the whole / written in French by Lewis Ellies du Pin.

St. AMBROSE Bishop of Milan.

THe Father of St. Ambrose was Praetorian Praefect of Gaul when this Saint was born, which was about the Year 340 a 1.1, and was Nurs'd in his Father's Palace b 1.2. 'Tis reported, that while he * 1.3 was sleeping one day with his Mouth open in the Court of this Palace, a Swarm of Bees came and

flew about his Cradle, and having many times crept in and out to rest themselves upon his Mouth, at last they mounted up into the Air so high, till they quite vanish'd out of sight; which was look'd upon by his Father as a Prodigy, and a Presage of the future Greatness of this Infant. Profane Antiquity relates the same thing of Plato, and affirms, That it was a Presage of the Sweetness of his Eloquence; but there is more Reason to believe what the Author of the Life of our Saint says, That this swarm of Bees form'd those Hony-combs in his Mouth, which should one Day make us relish the Sweetness of Heavenly Gifts, and raise our Hearts up to Heaven.

The Father of St. Ambrose dying sometime after, his Widow left Gaul, whether she was come to dwell only upon the account of her Husband's Office, and return'd to Rome which was their Coun∣try. Thither she carried St. Ambrose who was yet very Young, together with Marcellina his Sister, and Satyrus his Eldest Brother; and she took special Care of the Education of her Children. Her Daughter profess'd Virginity and received the Veil from the Hands of Pope Liberius; St. Ambrose profited very much by the Domestick Examples of the Piety and Vertue of his Mother, his Sister, and the Virgins that were with them; they inspir'd into him from his tender Youth, the love of Vertue, and secured him from the Corruptions of the Age, and he joyn'd Learning to his Piety. His Works discover how vigorously he applied himself to humane Learning. Having finish'd his Studies, he acquir'd by his Merits the Friendship of Anicius Probus, and of Symmachus, two very Ho∣nest and Learned Men, tho' of different Religions. The First was the Praetorian Praefect of Italy, in whose Court St. Ambrose pleaded Causes with so much renown, that Probus made choice of him to be his Assessor. Afterwards he made him Governour of Liguria and Emilia, that is, of all that Coun∣try, which comprehends at this Day, the Archbishopricks of Milan, Liguria, Turin, Genoa and Bo∣lonia. 'Tis reported that Probus said to him at parting, Go thy way, and Govern more like a Bishop than a Judge; which Words were a Prediction of what happened afterwards. For a little while after, Auxentius Bishop of Milan, who was of the Arian Faction, being dead, the Bishops of the Province of Italy assembled to place one in his room, according to the Orders of the Emperour Valentinian; who would not himself interpose in the Election; and upon this Occasion there arose a great Conten∣tion among the People, because the Arians and the Orthodox on each side, did all that laid in their Power to choose a Bishop of their own Party. This Quarrel being like to raise a Tumult, St. Am∣brose thought it the Duty of his Office to come into the Church and prevent it, whither being come, he made an Oration to the People with much Discretion and Mildness, exhorting them to proceed in their Choice with the Spirit of Peace and without Tumult. While he was yet speaking, the People

unanimously, proclaim'd him Bishop of Milan. This unexpected Choice surpriz'd him; he presently 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and made use of all the Artifices he could to shun this Bishoprick. He ascended the Bench of Justice, and affecting to seem cruel and unworthy of the Priesthood he caused the Criminals to be brought before him loaded with Chains, and commanded them to be rackid with great severity. This 〈◊〉〈◊〉 failing, he contrived another by making Women of lewd Lives come into his House. But the People perceiving all this to be attested, continued still in their Choice: Whereupon he stole out of the City by Night, with a design to retire to Ticinum; but missing his way, he wandred up and down all Night, and found himself next Morning at the Gates of Milan. His Flight being known, a Guard was set about him, and a Relation of all that had pass'd, was sent to the Empe∣rour: St. Ambrose wrote also to him on his own behalf, that he might be excus'd from that Office. But the Emperour being wonderfully pleas'd, with this Choice of the People, did 〈◊〉〈◊〉 only confirm the Election, but gave Order to the Lieutenant of Italy to see the thing effectually done. In the mean Lieutenant St. Ambrose once more made his escape, and hid himself in the House of one 〈◊〉〈◊〉: But the Lieutenant of Italy having published the Order against all those that knew whe•••••• he was, and did not discover him, Leontius by an Innocent kind of Treachery declared where ••he was, and then St. Ambrose finding it was in vain to resist any longer, was first baptized, and some time after made Bishop of Milan, at the End of the Year 374, or the Beginning of 375. c 1.4 immediately after his Ordination he distributed to the Poor, or gave to the Church all the Money that he had. He settled his Lands also upon the Church, reserving only the Profits of them for Life. He committed the Care of his Affairs to his Brother Satyrus, who being gone to Rome by Se•• in pursuit of a Man who had unjustly possess'd himself of some part of their Estate, was like to have perished in a Shipwrack; which made him resolve to be baptiz'd: Nevertheless he escaped the danger and return∣ed safe to Milan, where he died in 379. Thus St. Ambrose having renounc'd all Care of Secular Affairs, applyed himself wholly to the worthy discharge of his Episcopal Function. Tho' he was but newly baptized, and never had time to Study Religion before his Ordination, yet by his great Industry he attained to that Perfection, that at the same time he both learned and taught the Truths of the Christian Religion. He did every Day celebrate the Holy Mysteries; there pass'd not a Sunday but he preached to his People. He hearkened to all Men with Meekness and Charity, he relieved the Poor, he comforted the Afflicted, so that all his Poeple loved and admired him. He applied him∣self vigorously to root out the remnants of Arianism that were yet in the Church of Milan. He convicted Secundianus and Palladius, and procured their Condemnation in the Council of Aquileia held in the Year 381. The Death of Gratian changed the face of Affairs in the Western Empire. The Tyrant Maximus who had put him to Death, having Usurped Gaul, was become formidable to all Italy. It was feared, that he would pass the Alps, and carry Italy by force from Valentinian the Younger, who was then but Twelve or Thirteen Years old. St. Ambrose was sent Embassador to this Tyrant in the Year 384, and by his Prudence and Boldness diverted his Design of passing then into Italy. The Empress Justina, Mother to Valentinian, who was an Arian, having a Design to restore Arianism after its Extirpation in the Church of Milan, did at first desire of St. Ambrose, one of the Churches call'd the Portian Church, which St. Ambrose refus'd to grant her; and so great was the Assembly of the People round about the Palace, that she was forc'd to leave St. Ambrose in the Possession of his Church, and to entreat him also to appease the People. Sometime after the Empress sent to him to demand in the Emperour's Name, not only that Church, but also the New-Church. Our Saint opposed them with wonderful Boldness, and answered them with such a fearless Courage, as astonished the Persons who brought the Emperour's Orders to him. This happened at the Be∣ginning of the Year 385. On Palm-Sunday in the same Year, Officers were sent to seize upon the Portian-Church, when St. Ambrose was Officiating in the New-Church. This irritated the People, who run to that Church, and having apprehended one Castulus an Arian Priest, would have made a Riot, if St. Ambrose had not sent some Priests and Deacons to appease them. The Emperour caused many of the Seditious to be Arrested and sent armed Souldiers to take Possession of the Church, which for all that was not put in Execution. On Wednesday in Passion Week the Souldiers were sent to seize upon the New-Church, but the People flocking thither in great Multitudes, the Souldiers never entred it; but the People within it spent the whole Night and Day, in singing of Psalms; and the next day after, the Emperour being prevailed upon by the Boldness and Wisdom of St. Ambrose's Carriage, who had put a stop to the Sedition, and yet had yielded nothing of what was demanded of him, ordered the Souldiers who Surrounded the Church to retire.

In the Year following the Persecution was renew'd against the Catholicks and St. Ambrose, by an Edict of the Emperour in favour of the Council of Ariminum. A design also was laid to take from the Catholicks the Portian-Church. Orders were given to apprehend St. Ambrose and send him into banishment; but he was still secur'd by the Affection of the People of Milan, who Guarded him in his Church, where he spent many Days and Nights in singing Psalms and Hymns continually with his People. He was challenged to Dispute in the Palace with Auxentius the Arian Bishop; but he refused to do it, because Lay-men and Pagans were chosen to be Judges of their Conference. He offer∣ed to referr the Difference to the Judgment of a Council, tho' it was not reasonable to trouble the Peace of the Church for one Man only, nor to call that in Question which had been already deter∣mined.

After this he spoke an Oration against Auxentius, which provok'd the Empress Justina yet more against him: But at last she gave over the further Persecution of this Bishop, seeing it was to no purpose, because his own Wisdom and Courage, and the Affections of his People, cover'd him from all her Designs. 'Tis believ'd, That the Discovery of the Relicks of St. Gervasius and St. Pro∣tasius, and the Miracles that were then done by them, contributed to the Peace of the Church. But 'tis very probable that the true Reason which hindred Justina and Valentinian from pushing things to extremity, was the State of the Affairs of the Empire at that time. Maximus had prepar'd to pass over into Italy, a Sedition was also to be fear'd in this Juncture, and they stood in need of St. Ambrose. In effect the Emperour found no Person fitter than he to treat with Maximus, whom he sent Embassador to this Tyrant, who resided at Triers: St. Ambrose spoke to him with much boldness, but he could obtain nothing of him; on the contrary, this Tyrant march'd immediately into Italy; and thereby made himself Master of all the Western Empire, so that Valentinian was forc'd to retire into the East, and desire Aid of Theodosius, who re-establish'd him, after he had de∣feated, taken and be-headed Maximus. This Revolution happened in 387. St. Ambrose continued during this time in his Bishoprick. When Theodosius came into the West, he showed no less Cou∣rage with reference to him, than before he had done to Valentinian. He opposed the re-establish∣ment of the Jewish Synagogue, which Theodosius would have done, and of the Altar of Victory, which Symmachus had already endeavour'd in vain to restore because of the Opposition of St. Ambrose. 'Tis well enough known, with what freedom he reproved the Emperour Theodosius for the Massacre at Thessalonica which he gave a Warrant for putting in Execution, and after what manner he obliged him to do publick Penance for it. The Death of Valentinian and the Advancement of Eugenius for some time disturbed the Repose of St. Ambrose. He was obliged to retire from Milan in the Year 393, but he returned in the Year 394, and finished his Course as he had begun it. He died in the Year 396, aged 57 Years.

The Works of St. Ambrose above all the other Fathers, have been most corrupted in the ordinary Editions. The Roman Edition from which those that follow'd after were made, instead of re∣storing the Text of this Father, hath render'd it more Faulty in many places, by the Liberty which the Supervisors of that Edition took, of making Alterations in it by their own Authority. In this Edition the Works were in great Confusion, without Order, and without any distinction of what were Genuine, and what were Supposititious; which induc'd the Benedictins of the Abby of St. Germain de Prez to undertake a New Edition of this Father's Works, wherein they have restor'd the Text from many Manuscripts; and ranged the Discourses in very good Order. In it they are divided into Two Volumes. The First which is already published, contains the Treatises of St. Am∣brose upon the Scripture. The Second which will quickly come forth, and which they have allow'd me to make use of, contains the other Works of this Father. The First begins with the Treatise upon the Creation of the World, compos'd of Nine Discourses of St. Ambrose to his People, preach'd in one of the last Weeks of Lent. 'Tis probable, that he reduc'd them afterwards into the form of a Treatise. 'Tis divided into Six Books, which answer to the Six Days of the Creation. This Work contains many Questions of Controversy, and many Moral and Mystical Considerations upon the Text of the Bible. There are many of them, particularly in the last Books which are very extraordinary, and far-fetch'd. St. Ambrose made this Treatise about the Year 389. He has imitated St. Basil in it, whose Method he followed, and he has taken many things from him as also from Hippolitus and Origen.

The Treatise of Paradise is one of the first Books of St. Ambrose. He wrote it as he says in his Letter to Sabinus, soon after he was made Bishop. He does not dive very deep into the Historical Questions which may be made upon this Subject, but for the most part acquiesces in the Allegorical Explications, which he draws out of Philo and other Authors, or which he invents himself: There he refutes the Hereticks of Apelles's Sect, and occasionally speaks against the Jews.

St. Ambrose continues the Explication of the Text of Genesis in the Treatise of the History of Abel and Cain, upon which he makes abundance of long Allegories, wherewith he intermixes some Moral Thoughts. He enlarges particularly upon the Sacrifices of these two Brethren. Upon occasion of the saying that the Blood of Abel crys, he says, That God hears the Just even after their Death, be∣cause they are even then living before God and enjoy Eternal Light.

The History of the Deluge and the Life of Noah, furnished St. Ambrose with very fit Matter for the Continuation of his Mystical and Moral Explications. This is the Subject of the Book of the Ark and of Noah, or of the Ark of Noah, as St. Austin calls it. This Treatise is not perfect, for St. Austin quotes a Passage out of it, which is not to be found there now.

There are Two Books of St. Ambrose upon the Life of Abraham. In the First he describes the Life and Actions of this Patriarch, and represents his Submission to the Will of God, and his other Vertues. In the Second Book he discourses on the First Actions of this Patriarch, to draw from them a more sublime and spiritual Sence, by applying them to the different Degrees of a spiritual Life, and to the Ways by which we tend to Perfection.

He treats also of the same Subject, tho' in a more compendious way, in the Book of Isaac and the Soul, where he explains the Union of the Soul with the Word, which was figur'd by the Marriage of Isaac and Rebecca. There he distinguishes Four Degrees through which the Soul must pass, that it may be delivered from all earthly Affections, and arrive at a State of perfect Union with God. By this Union he explains the Canticles, on which he makes a kind of a Mystical Paraphrase, and there∣fore this Treatise may pass for a Commentary upon this Book of Scripture.

St. Ambrose having discoursed of the Soul at the End of the preceeding Treatise, found himself insen∣sibly engag'd to treat of Death in the following Book. 'Tis entitled, Of the Benefits or Advantages of Death. There St. Ambrose first distinguishes three kinds of Death, The Death of Sin which kills the Soul, The Mystical Death by which we die to Sin, and the Natural Death by which the Soul is sepa∣rated from the Body. All the World considers the First as a great Misery, and the Second as a great Happiness; but their Opinions are divided about the last: Some wish for it as a great Advantage, and others dread it as a great Punishment. St. Ambrose declares for those who hold it to be a great Be∣nefit, he makes the Advantages of it appear, and opposes to them the troubles of this present Life from which Death deliver us. He exhorts Christians, not to set their Affections upon this Life nor the Pleasures of this World; he makes them sensible of the bitterness which accompanies them; he repre∣sents the Dangers to which we are continually exposed, the Temptations to which we are subject in all sorts of Occurrences, and the Sins into which we fall every moment. Afterwards he discourses of the State of departed Souls; he supposes that till the Day of Judgment, they are in Places or Habita∣tions, where they expect Eternal Glory or Damnation, tho' they enjoy already by anticipation some kind of Happiness or Misery. All Souls wait, says he, for what they have deserved; some expect Dam∣nation and others Glory; but in this waiting, the former are not without Pain, nor the latter without some Reward.] St. Ambrose insists particularly upon the Joy which the latter enjoy, and distinguishes Seven Degrees of their Happiness, whereof the last is to rejoyce in the assurance they have of seeing God face to face. He concludes with exhorting the Faithful to die without Fear.

Let us go on, says he, without fear in the way to Jesus Christ; Let us march without anxiety to the Assembly of the Patriarchs and Saints; Let us enter with Confidence into Abraham's Bosom. Yes, O Holy Patriarch, open to us your Bosom, extend your Arms to these poor Faithful. Jesus is gone before us to prepare Habitations, where we are to be received; he promised to do it before we asked it of him. We desire to follow thee, O Lord, but call thou us unto thee, that so we may effectu∣ally follow thee, because without thee no Man can ascend unto thee. Thou art the Way, the Truth and the Life, thou givest us the Power, the Faith, and the Reward; receive us, since thou art the Way; confirm us since thou art the Truth; Grant us Life, since thou art the Author of Life; make us to enjoy that good thing which David desired; show us that Eternal, that Immutable Bliss, which we shall enjoy for all Eternity.

This Treatise of St. Ambrose has another sort of a relish than the foregoing; 'tis full of useful and solid Reflections, and of just and natural Reasonings. He founds all that he says upon Passages of the Holy Scripture, which he applies very pertinently and very naturally. He builds very much upon the Fourth Book of Esdras which he cites as Canonical. This Treatise was written about the Year 387. The Book of forsaking the World was written soon after this, of which we have already spoken: the Title of it sufficiently discovers the Subject. There St. Ambrose makes use of several Allegories taken out of the Old Testament, to exhort the Faithful to flee from this World, that they may be wholly united to God.

The Books of Jacob and a Happy Life, treat of the Happiness of the Righteous. In the First, he discovers the means of arriving at Happiness; the Chief whereof is, to follow the Light of Right Reason, which can command our Passions, and repress the Motions of Lust: For tho' we cannot wholly extinguish our Passions, yet we may restrain their Violence by practising the Vertue of Mo∣deration; for he maintains that we do Good or Evil freely. Jesus Christ, he says, will have none for his Servants which are not free, and the Devil has none for Slaves, but those that are volun∣tarily Sold to him by their Sins. But because of Man's weakness the Divine Assistance is necessary. The Law which God has given him does clearly discover to him his Sins; but it has not sufficient Vertue to deliver him from Sin and Death; there is nothing but Grace could set us at Liberty, which Jesus Christ by his Death hath merited for all Men. This Grace is so powerful, that provided we be willing to follow its Motions, nothing shall ever be able to separate us from Jesus Christ. Whatever befals us we shall be happy; a Just Man is above all the Miseries of this Life; 'tis true indeed, he suffers Losses, Afflictions, Diseases, Pains, Captivity, &c. but he does not think himself less happy for being subject to these Accidents. There is nothing wanting to him that possesses Vertue, he fears nothing, he hopes nothing, he desires nothing; tho' he be weak, he is strong enough; tho' he appear to be poor, he is rich; tho' he is despised, he believes himself the more honoured; tho' he is alone, yet he is not forsaken; whatsoever Disease he has, he enjoys a perfect Health.

These Maxims are confirm'd in the Second Book by the Example of Jacob. St. Ambrose there de∣scribes the Life and Actions of this Patriarch, and shews, that the Afflictions and Crosses which be∣fell him did not hinder him from being happy. He concludes with the Example of Eleazar and the Maccabees, on whom he makes a very lively and eloquent Panegyrick.

After he has discours'd of the Patriarchs Abraham, Isaac and Jacob, and treated, as he says himself, of Submission to the Will of God, upon the occasion of Abraham, of Purity of Spirit from Isaac, of Patience under Miseries from the History of Jacob; he treats of Chastity in explaining the Hi∣story of Joseph, who has given an Illustrious Example of the practice of this Vertue in resisting the Sollicitations of Potiphar's Wife. This Action of Joseph is so much the more Glorious, by how much the Charms of this Woman were harder to be overcome; which St. Ambrose studies to set off to the best Advantage, that the Vertue of Joseph may the better appear. After this he pursues the History of this Patriarch, and discourses of all the Circumstances of his Life, which he referrs to Jesus Christ, of whom Joseph was a Figure. He lays open this Mystical Sence with much Art and Proba∣bility, by comparing what is said of Joseph in Genesis, with what is said of Jesus Christ in the Gospel.

The Commentary upon the Benedictions of the Patriarchs, follows naturally after the Book of the Life of Joseph. St. Ambrose there gives Mystical Sences to the Blessings, which Jacob when he was dying gave to his Children, and referrs the greatest part of them to Jesus Christ. This Book and the preceding are Sermons preach'd by St. Ambrose at Milan about the Year 387, which he afterwards re∣duced into a Treatise.

The Book of Elias and of Fasting contains many Sermons preach'd at Milan in Lent. Having for∣merly spoken of the Actions of Elias upon other Occasions, he here enlarges upon the Morals of them. The Person of whom, and the Time when he preach'd do both conspire to invite him to treat of Fa∣sting; and so this is the subject of the First and Principal Part of this Work. He maintains that Fasting is a Duty as old as the World, and pretends that the Law by which God forbid Adam to Eat of the Tree of Life, was a kind of Command for Fasting. He alledges afterwards the Examples of Noah, Abraham, Moses, Elisha, Daniel, and many others to authorize the Practice of Fasting. He discovers at last the Advantages of it, and shows how Intemperance and Excess are pernicious and in∣convenient. This leads him insensibly to discourse against the Debauchery, the Drunkenness, and the other Disorders of Mens Tables, which were very common in St. Ambrose's Time: He adds, That these Excesses draw along with them all other Vices, and particularly the Desire of gathering Riches, to furnish the excessive Expences which were necessary to support their Luxury. He exhorts Christians to apply themselves to God who is the Soveraign Physician of these Evils; and proposes the Day of Judgment as a Dissuasive from these Excesses. Addressing himself afterwards to the Catechumens, he presses them to purify themselves from their Sins by receiving Baptism. He reproves those sharply who delay to receive this Sacrament, and exhorts them rather to imitate the forwardness of Abel than the Negligence of Cain. 'Tis easy to perceive, that this Treatise was compos'd of many Pieces collected together. St. Ambrose has taken a great part of it out of St. Basil, and in it there are many excellent Passages, and some things very remarkable about the Discipline of the Church. He says in Ch. 10. that they prepar'd themselves by Fasting to approach to the Holy Table, that they fasted at Milan all the time of Lent, except Sundays and Saturdays; that on Easter-day the Fast ended; that on that Day those among the Catechumens, who were call'd Elect, were baptiz'd; that they approach'd to the Altar, and receiv'd the Sacrament. In short, St. Ambrose in this Treatise gives very Lively and Moral Descriptions of the Excesses and Debauchery of his Age: One needs only read the 12th. and 13th. Chapters, to be possess'd with a horrour of them. Even the Women were given to Wine, and did many Actions unbecoming the Modesty of their Sex, of which St. Ambrose makes them asham'd in Chap. 18.

The Treatise of Naboth and the Poor (for so it ought to be call'd, according to the ancient Manu∣scripts, and according to the Custom of St. Ambrose) is a Discourse full of Zeal against the Rich and Powerful who oppress the Poor, preach'd by St. Ambrose upon the History of the Oppression of Na∣both by King Ahab. This Saint there shews, that there are Ahabs and Naboths at all times.

The History of Naboth, says he, at the beginning of his Discourse, is ancient, if we consider the time wherein it was Transacted, but in Practice it happens daily; tempore vetus est usu quotidiana: For who is the Rich man that does not desire other Mens Goods? Is it not daily seen, that the Rich would take from the Poor the little Estate that they have, and drive them away from the Inheri∣tance of their Ancestors? Where is there one found that is content with what he has? There has not been one Ahab only in the World, he is born in it every day; there has not been one Naboth only kill'd, there are some such every day oppress'd. Every day the Poor are over-whelm'd, driven away, persecuted, and reduc'd to die by Famine, by the Injustice of the Rich.

He declaims afterwards against this Barbarity, and shews the Rich, by the Example of Ahab, that they are more unhappy with all their Riches, than the most Miserable and the most Poor in their Wants. He cries out against those sumptuous Feasts and needless Expences which they make, by which they waste the Blood and Substance of the Poor. Here he relates a frightful Story of a Rich Man, who to procure good Wine to his Table, forc'd a Poor Man to sell his Son; and then he brings the Parable of the Rich Man mention'd in the Gospel of St. Luke Ch. 12. who purposed to pull down his Barns, that he might build larger, and shews from hence how far the Slavery, Blindness and Misery of Rich Men extends. Afterwards he returns to his History of Ahab, and having represented the horribleness of the Action of Ahab and Jezabel, he exhorts Rich Men not to imitate it, by teaching them the use they ought to make of their Riches, which is described in Psalm 75. He concludes with this Re∣mark, that God pardon'd Ahab for this Crime, but this miserable Man brought upon himself Destru∣ction by new Crimes. 'Tis thought, that this Treatise was compos'd about the Year 395.

The Book of Tobit is chiefly written against Usury, which St. Ambrose condemns most severely. There he describes the Miseries to which Usurers reduce the Poor, and the Artifices they use to ensnare young Heirs. Usury according to him, is all that is receiv'd above the principal. It is con∣demn'd by the Divine Law in the Old and New Testament: If it was permitted to the Israelites with respect to Strangers, it was only with reference to them whom they might lawfully kill. He refutes those by name, who restrain the Prohibition of Usury only to the Poor, and rejects the Rea∣sons of Interest which may be alledg'd to excuse it. Erasmus doubted whether this Book were St. Ambrose's or no, but it was a doubt very ill grounded, for St. Austin cites it. It has St. Ambrose's Stile, it contains his Doctrine, which is also to be found in short, in his 23d. Letter to Vigilius, and it contains many Passages translated out of St. Basil, according to the Custom of St. Ambrose. This Book was written about the Year 386.

The Four Books of the Intercession of Job and David, (that is, of the Complaints which Job and David made for the Miseries and Weakness of Mankind) are in this Edition replac'd here in their na∣tural

Order. In the two First Books he enlarges upon the Complaints contain'd in the First Chap∣ters of the Book of Job, and in the Psalms, particularly in the 72d. and 42d. In the Two last he answers the Complaints of those who tax Providence, because the Wicked are happy in this Life, and the Just miserable. He proves that the Happiness of the Wicked is not true happiness, and that the Calamities, Miseries and Misfortunes of the Good, do not at all render them unhappy.

In the Book entituled the Apology of David, he saves the Honour of this Holy King, not by justify∣ing his Crimes of Adultery and Murder which are used to render him odious; but by shewing, that he rose again from his Fall by a quick and sincere Repentance; that it was for our Instruction that God permitted him to fall into Sin, and that he made amends for his Fault by a great number of good Actions. And therefore he explains the 5th. Psalm, that it may serve as an Apology for this Holy King. These Sermons were preach'd soon after the Death of Gratian, in the Year 385.

The Benedictines have plac'd here among these Works of St. Ambrose which are Genuine, the Se∣cond Apology for David; but it is confess'd in the Preface, that it has been question'd, and that there is reason for doing so: Indeed it is observ'd, that in all the Manuscripts that have been seen, this Book goes under the name of St. Ambrose, and the Conjectures which some Criticks have alledg'd to show its imposture, are rejected. But then they find the Stile is different from St. Ambrose's, and the Author uses a different Version of Scripture, and sometimes the Vulgar Latin, and he speaks of Two Sorts of Wills and Operations in Jesus Christ, in such a manner as favours very much of the Times of the Monothelites. They add, that this Author only Copies and Enlarges upon what St. Ambrose had said before. The Second Apology contains a great part of what is in the First; And what probability is there that St. Ambrose should twice repeat the same thing? The Subject of both is the same. The Author undertakes to show, that no Man ought to be offended with any thing that is related in Scripture; and that David fell into the Crimes of Murder and Adultery. His Defence is divided in∣to Three Parts. In the First he shows that the Fall of David must be attributed to the Infirmity of Humane Nature, and that his Amendment was the effect of his Vertue. In the Second he says, that David fell, to instruct the Jews that they should continue no longer in their blindness. In the last, Christians are instructed in the Mysteries which is typify'd by David's Fall. The Author enlarges up∣on common Places, and employs part of his Discourse in Refutation of the Hereticks, and chiefly of the Arians and Manichees. This Treatise is composed of popular Harangues.

The Expositions of some particular Psalms are not a formal Commentary upon them, but a Col∣lection of Homilies upon the Psalms preach'd or compos'd upon several Occasions. However it ap∣pears by the Preface to the Commentary upon the First Psalm, that St. Ambrose had a Design to Ex∣pound all the Psalms. The Homily upon the First Psalm was preach'd about the Year 390, after the Institution of Singing in the Church of Milan. The Explications of the 35th. and the Five follow∣ing Psalms are also a Collection of Homilies preach'd one after another about the Year 393. The Preface shews that it is a Collection of Sermons, and there are Two or Three Places in the explication of Psal. 36, which serve to denote this Epocha.

As to the Exposition of Psal. 43. he dictated it himself a little before his Death to his Deacon Pau∣linus, as he says, in the Life of his Master.

The Explications of Psalms 45, 47, 48, 61, are separate Homilies. In these Expositions St. Ambrose follows the Text of the Septuagint, but he sometimes takes notice of the Differences of the Versions of Theodotion, Symmachus and Aquila. Yet he does not confine himself to a literal Exposition, but often gives Mystical Sences of them. Sometimes he lays down Principles of Morality, and upon cer∣tain Occasions he opposes the Hereticks. In many places he copies from St. Basil, and in others from Ori∣gen, some of whose Errors have crept into his Expositions.

The Work upon Psalm 119. is a Collection of many Sermons, wherein St. Ambrose rather confines himself to the Moral than the Spiritual Sence; which gave him occasion to reprove the Vices of some Persons in his time, and he spares not even the Disorders of the Clergy-men. He explains the Letters of the Hebrew Alphabet, which serve to distinguish the Parts of this Psalm. But as he knew but little of Hebrew, so what he says about it is not very solid; and 'tis probable that he took his from the Etymologies of Philo, which were full of Faults as St. Jerom assures us. These Sermons were preach'd about the Year 386, after the Discovery of the Relicks of St. Gervasius and St. Protasius. There are as many Sermons, as there are Letters of the Hebrew Alphabet which make the Divisions of this Psalm; each Sermon answers to a Section contain'd under each Letter. There he explains also part of the Canticles.

In the Commentary upon St. Luke, St. Ambrose confines himself more closely to the Historical and Literal Sence, than in his other Commentaries. In explaining the Text of St. Luke, he clears some places of the other Gospels, and reconciles the apparent Contradictions which may occurr between them. He observes in the Preface to this Work, that the Gospel of St. John is more sublime, but St. Luke follows the order of History more strictly, and relates many more particulars. He adds, that St. Matthew is chiefly employ'd in describing the Birth of Jesus Christ, and informing Men of his Manners; that St. Mark dwells longer in the description of his Strength and Power: That St. Luke represents him as a High-Priest and a Sacrifice; And that St. John insists more than any other up∣on the Miracles of his Resurrection. In the beginning of this Commentary he mentions the many Apochryphal Gospels, as that of the Twelve, the Gospel of St. Thomas, and that of St. Matthias, and assures us, that the Church never receiv'd any but those Four Gospels which were written by the Inspiration of the Holy Spirit. These are St. Ambrose's general Remarks upon the Four Gospels. It were too long to mention particularly all things that are in this Commentary. He confines himself

for the most part, as we have already said, to the Letter and History of the Gospel, but yet he cannot refrain from having recourse oft-times to the Mystical Sence, and draws from it Moral Precepts. These are the Homilies which make up the body of this Commentary, which is divided into Ten Books or Parts. He wrote it after the Persecution of the Empress Justina about the Year 386.

This Tome ends with a Commentary upon the Canticles, extracted out of the Works of St. Am∣brose, collected by William Abbot of St. Thierry, who liv'd about the Year 1142. We have already observ'd that St. Ambrose explain'd some considerable parts of it in many places. This gave occasion to many Persons to extract these Places, and make up a Commentary upon the Canticles. Cartorius caus'd one of his Collecting to be printed at Louvain in the Year 1558. Ten Years after Gillotius publish'd another which is attributed to Demochares a Doctor of Paris, who probably did nothing else but augment one that was shorter, which is in a Manuscript in the College of Navarr, and in another Manuscript of the Abby of Vendosme that is 600 Years old. Cheffletius had also a Manuscript of it more ancient by 200 Years, and he found it quoted by Florus, Magister of Lyons, who liv'd about the Year 855, in a Commentary upon St. Paul, which was never printed. The Collection which is publish'd here by the Benedictines, was never printed before. It is publish'd from a Manu∣script by the same hand of William Abbot of St. Thierry, and afterwards Monk of Signi.

The First Book contain'd in the Second Tome of St. Ambrose's Works, is his excellent Treatise concerning the Office of Ministers, or the Duties of Clergy-men. For tho' the name of Ministers be cut out in the Roman Edition, and in those that follow'd it; yet it is to be found in all the Manuscripts; and 'tis plain by the Book it self, that St. Ambrose compos'd it for his Clergy. But tho' he addresses himself particularly to them, yet he does not forget to treat of the Duties of all Christians, of which he makes a particular Application to the Clergy.

He had been several Years Bishop when he compos'd this Work, for there he speaks to the Clergy whom he had Chosen and Ordain'd himself: He must therefore have been Bishop for some time, since he had already Ordain'd a considerable number of Clergy-men. He there takes notice, that he had endur'd several Shocks from the Civil Powers, because he would not deliver up the Deposit•• which were entrusted with the Church. He says, that Two Persons of whom he had a bad Opi∣nion, had abjur'd the Catholick Faith in the time of the Arian Persecution, Arianae infestationis; which is to be understood of the Persecution of the Empress Justina.

He says also, that he sold the sacred Vessels to redeem Captives and Slaves, whose number was so great, that they would fill a whole Province.

This may have reference either to the War of Maximus in the Year 387, or to the Inundation of the Barbarians, who having kill'd the Emperour Valens ravag'd the Countries of Thrace and Illyri∣cum, and came over into Italy, where they made a great number of Captives, which happen'd in the Year 379. He speaks also of a Famine which afflicted the City of Rome under Damasus in the Year 383.

Lastly speaking of a Depositum entrusted with the Bishop of Pavia, he says, that the Emperour did all that he could to wrest it out of the hands of this Bishop, that he might give it to one of his Courtiers. And we find a Law of Valentinian publish'd at Pavia, January the 2d. 386. All these Transactions do clearly demonstrate, that the Books of Offices were not written by St. Ambrose at the beginning of his Bishoprick, and that 'tis very probable they were not written till about the Year 390, or 391, when Peace was restor'd to the Church after the Death of the Tyrant Maximus. He follow'd and imitated in these Three Books the Design and Method of Tully's Offices. He confirms those good Maxims which this Orator had laid down, and corrects those that are imperfect, refutes those that are false, and adds several others which are infinitely more excellent, more pure, and more sublime.

The first Six Chapters of the First Book of St. Ambrose's Offices, are a Preface to the whole Work, wherein he enquires, when and how it is seasonable to Speak or to be Silent. The Bishops are oblig'd by their Office to explain the Word of God; but they ought to discharge this Duty with Humility; they must learn by teaching, and that they may teach. This is what St. Ambrose applies to him∣self.

For, says he, being remov'd all of the sudden from the Civil Bench, and from the Office of a Judge, that I might be promoted to the Priesthood, I have taught what I had not then learn'd, and was oblig'd to Learn and Teach at the same time.

After this he discovers the Advantages of being Silent, and the Dangers to which a Man exposes himself by speaking; but yet he would not have Men always to continue in silence. On the contrary, he says, that it is useful and necessary to speak, provided it be done with Humility and Moderation, provided that one weighs his Words in the balance of the Sanctuary, and does not follow the Motions of his Lusts, but Reason and Justice, and provided that he does not employ his Voice to retaliate Reproaches by Reproaches.

After this Preface he enters upon the Matter, and undertakes to treat of Offices. He affirms that this Name was not only in use among the Philosophers, but that it is in the Holy Scripture. He quotes one single Passage taken out of the Gospel of St. Luke Ch. 1. P. 23. Where there is mention made of the Ministry of Zacharias, and he translates the Greek Word by Office. This example does not prove very strongly what he had affirm'd. After this he gives two Etymologies of the Word Offi∣cium; the First is ab efficiendo, quasi efficium, and the Second ab officiendo. The Philosophers distin∣guish'd Three Sorts of Offices, of Honesty, of Profit, and of Pleasure. St. Ambrose says, that the Christians know no other but that of Honesty, because they referr all to the Happiness of Heaven, be∣ing persuaded, that the Profits and Pleasures of this Life, are neither true Profits nor true Pleasures. And therefore he treats only of the Offices which have reference to Honesty. He affirms that this Term of Honesty and Decency was known to David before the Philosophers used it; and for proof

of this, he quotes Psal. 64. 2. Praise becomes thee, O Lord, in Zion, Te decet hymnus, Deus, in Sion. He adds some Passages of St. Paul, where he speaks of Decency and Honesty. He affirms that Pytha∣goras follow'd David in imposing the Law of Silence upon his Disciples. But he puts a very great difference between their Precepts, in that Pythagoras wholly forbade his Scholars to speak, whereas David teaches us to speak with moderation, and to hold our Peace when it is convenient to do so. He distinguishes Two Sorts of Offices, the less perfect which he calls medium, and the most perfect. He explains this by the Words of Jesus Christ to the young Man, who ask'd him what he must do to inherit Eternal Life. Jesus Christ answer'd him at first, Keep the Commandments, Do not commit Murder nor Adultery, &c. These, says St. Ambrose, are the less perfect Offices, to which there is still something wanting. Those that are perfect are design'd by what Jesus Christ said afterwards to the young Man, when he had answer'd him that he had observ'd all these things. If you would be perfect, go and sell all your Goods, and give them to the Poor, and you shall have Treasure in Hea∣ven, and come and follow me. This gave occasion to St. Ambrose to recommend Alms giving as one of the principal Duties of the Christian Life.

Here he treats very largely of the Providence of God, and proves against the Philosophers, that it extends to all Creatures. Why then do the Wicked here enjoy Plenty? This is the common Objection: To which St. Ambrose answers, First, that this Abundance does not make them happy in this Life, be∣cause the remorse of their Conscience torments them.

He adds in the Second place, that we must not wonder, if the Wicked seem to be happy in this Life, and on the contrary the Good seem to be miserable, because this is not the Place of Reward or Punishment. That we must wait till the other Life, when every one shall receive according to his Works, that here we are in a place of Combate, that the Just are to endure continual Assaults, that they may obtain one day the Reward of their Victory; whereas the Wicked here enjoy Repose who deserve no Reward, after which shall follow the Punishments which their Sins deserve. That in short, God has granted to those the good Things and Advantages of this Life, that they might be without Excuse in the Day of Judgment, for not observing the Commandments of God.

St. Ambrose having thus establish'd these general Maxims, enters upon the particular consideration of the Duties of every State.

He begins with those which belong to young Men: He recommends to them above all things Shamefac'dness and Modesty; he gives a wonderful description of this Vertue, and proves how neces∣sary it is to Clergy-men. He says, that he had hindred one from entring into Holy Orders, because his Countenance was not modest enough, and that he had forbid another to walk before him because he had too confident a Gate. He counsels them not to be present at Feasts, and to shun the Conver∣sation of Women; he recommends to them to stay at home, and to apply themselves to the Duties of Piety which are agreeable to their Ministry. Afterwards he gives Precepts for restraining the Motions of Anger and of other Passions. He describes the Discourses of Clergy-men. He does not think it fit that they should use Railery. He gives them Three Rules for the good Conduct of their Actions. The First is, to hold their Passions in subjection to Reason; The Second is to observe Moderation; The Third is to do all things seasonably and in order. He illustrates these Maxims by the Examples of ma∣ny Saints in the Old Testament.

After he has laid down these general Rules, he discourses of Vertues in particular, comparing the Idea's which Christians have of them with those which the Pagan Philosophers had; and shews, that those of the Christians are much more sublime. As for example, Justice among Christians does not allow, that they should render Evil for Evil; it acknowledges no particular Interest, and it takes place, not only with respect to Friends, but also to declared Enemies. Likewise Christians are not only to do good to their Friends and their Relations, but also to their Enemies. It is not Vanity, but Charity, which is the foundation of their Liberality; they do not only give of their Superfluities, but also of their Necessaries. Their strength consists chiefly in suffering with Courage and Constancy, in keeping off the Violence which is offer'd to the Weak, in over-coming their Passions, in despising the Riches of this World, and seeking after, loving and valuing nothing but Vertue. They preserve an evenness of Soul and wonderful Tranquility of Mind in the midst of Crosses: Yet they do not rash∣ly expose themselves, and are not asham'd to fly, when they find themselves too weak to resist Per∣secutions. In short, their Moderation consists in Tranquility of Mind, in the love of Mildness, in compleat Meekness and perfect Honesty. St. Ambrose explains particularly all the parts of these Ver∣tues, gives excellent Precepts for observing them, and proposes admirable Examples of them taken out of the Holy Scripture. He produces also some Examples of them taken out of Ecclesiastical Hi∣story; that of St. Laurence is very remarkable. St. Ambrose proposes him as an illustrious Pattern of Constancy. He says,

That this holy Deacon, seeing Xystus his Bishop dragg'd away to Martyr∣dom, he fell a weeping, not that the Martyrdom of his Master griev'd him, but because he was left behind him in the World; upon which account he addresses to him in these Words: Whither go you, my Father, without your Son? Whither run you, O holy Bishop, without being accompanied by your Deacon? You never us'd to offer Sacrifice without a Minister; what is it then that has displeas'd you in me? Is it because you have found that I have not well discharg'd my Office? Try now, whether you have chosen a good Minister: Why do you refuse him with whom you have consecrated, and who has consecrated the Holy Sacraments with you? Why do you refuse him, say I, to mingle his Blood with yours? St. Xystus answers in these Words, and others like them. I do not desert you, my Son, I do not abandon you, but you are reserv'd for greater Combates: Mourn not, you shall quickly follow me, within Three Days you shall be where I am. Such, says St. Ambrose, was the glorious Contest of those

two Illustrious Martyrs, who strove who should first suffer for Jesus Christ. The History of Orestes and Pylades meets with applause, when it is represented how each of them endeavoured with all his might to die for one another. These two would both have died, the one having committed Parricide, and the other being a Complice in it; but there was nothing that obliged St. Laurence to offer himself to Death, his own Zeal only induc'd him to it; and three Days after, as he was roast∣ing upon a Grid-Iron, he still mock'd the Tyrant, saying, I am roasted enough, turn me and eat me, and so he overcame the Violence of Fire by the Strength of his Courage.

We must not forget the Example of St. Agnes which St. Ambrose relates before this.

This Holy Virgin, says he, being in danger of losing either her Chastity or her Life, secur'd her Virginity, by yielding up this Mortal Life to purchase an Eternal one.

About the End of this Book St. Ambrose insists upon the principal Vertues of Clergy-men; he re∣commends to them above all things Disinteressedness and Purity. It appears by this place, That St. Ambrose thought that Bishops, Priests and Deacons, were obliged to live in Celibacy, and that those could not be received into the Clergy who had been twice married, tho' they had been married the first time before their Baptism.

He concludes with speaking of the Trust committed to us, and of the Fidelity we should show in keeping that which is entrusted to us. He recommends to the Clergy men who take Care of the Ve∣stry, to discharge their Duty with Faithfulness and Modesty.

He begins the Second Book with enquiring, wherein consists true Happiness; and he shows, That it consists in the Knowledge of God, and in Innocency of Life; That all other good things, do not only fall short of our supreme Happiness, but they do not so much as render us more happy; as on the contrary, the Crosses and Miseries of this Life do not render us more unhappy; That the good things of this World, such as Riches, Abundance, Joy, &c. are truly Evils, because they hinder us from working out our Salvation; whereas those things which are believed to be evil, as Pain, Affli∣ction, &c. are good for us, because they give us Opportunities of practising Vertue.

Afterwards he treats of the Good that is Profitable; and having shown that there is no true Profit without Honesty, he discourses of the several sorts of Good Things that are truly profitable, of Friend∣ship, of Advice, of Fidelity, of Liberality, of Good-will, of Civility, of the Protection of the Poor and Afflicted, of Hospitality, and the other Vertues necessary for maintaining Society and Commerce among Men. The Advices which he gives about these things, are very Judicious: Some of them are as follows. Nothing is more profitable than to be lov'd; nothing is more disadvantageous than not to be loved. Mildness, Civility and Modesty, cause us to be lov'd of all the World. These Vertues are very becoming to Kings and Princes as well as to private Persons; they maintain Peace and Charity. A Man is more easily trusted, who is lov'd by many. When Counsel is to be ask'd, we should address our selves to a Person who is equally Just and Wise. These Two Vertues are in∣separable. We must not only assist the Poor who have nothing to live upon, but it is a Piece of Prudence and Charity to help also those who are unfortunate in their Affairs, chiefly, when it is not by their Debauchery that they are reduc'd to this Condition, but by some unforeseen Misfortune. 'Tis also a Duty of Charity to redeem Captives, and rescue them out of the Hands of their Enemies, to save Women from Disgrace; this is, to restore Children to their Fathers, and Fathers to their Children, and Citizens to their own Country. There are some also that do a Work of Charity, by marrying Orphan Daughters. When we cannot help others by giving them Money, it is good to assist them by our Counsel and Labour. We must do Works of Charity with Prudence, and not give Alms to those that are unworthy. There are some that feign Debts, and others that deplore their Misery; we must examine whether these things be true or no; and we are not only to employ our Hands to give, but also to make use of our Eyes to consider the Persons to whom we give. We must look upon him who does not see us, and seek after him who is asham'd to be found. Yet we must not retrench our Alms, under a pretence that many ask them who do not deserve to receive them. I omit many other fine Maxims which he proposes concerning Alms, and contempt of Riches; but I cannot forget that place, where he says, That he broke in pieces the Sacred Vessels to redeem Cap∣tives. He justifies himself in this Action, or rather he draws from it a great deal of Glory.

The Church, says he, was founded without Gold, if she has it now, 'tis to give it and not to keep it; 'tis for assisting the Poor with it in their great Necessities. What would be said of a Bishop, who to preserve the lifeless Vessels, would suffer the living Members of Christ to perish? Would he say, I am afraid lest the Temple of the Lord should be spoil'd of its Ornaments? Might it not be an∣swered to him, That 'tis not necessary that the Sacraments of the Altar should be administred in Gold or Silver; That the Redemption of Captives was an Ornament much more pleasing in the sight of God; That those Vessels could not be put to a nobler Use than when they are employ'd to redeem the Lives of Christians; That the true Treasure of the Lord is that which has the same effect with his Blood; That then a Vessel is known to be truly the Lord's when there is a double Redemption to be observ'd in it; that is, when the exteriour Vessel redeems from the Enemy, those whom the Blood of Jesus Christ had redeem'd from Sin.

He justifies also this Conduct by the Example of St. Laurence who show'd the Poor when the Treasures of the Church were demanded of him. At last, He concludes, That tho' it be a Crime to break the Vessels of the Church, to turn them to our own Profit; yet on the contrary, it is an Act of Charity and Vertue to do it, to distribute them to the Poor, to redeem Captives, or to build a Church, when such things are necessary. He adds, That he used that Precaution, as to take first the Vessels which were not Consecrated, and afterwards to break and melt those that were, lest any should turn the Sacred Chalices to profane Uses. He concludes this Book with recommending to the

Clergy, to keep with Faithfulness and Courage what is deposited in the Churches by Widows, and relates some Examples of the Boldness wherewith some have defended these things against those who came to invade them.

And here I must resume the 24th. Ch. of which I have said nothing. St. Ambrose there describes the chief Duties of Clergy-men towards others in a few Words.

We must, says he, prepare our selves by good Actions and by a good Intention to receive Offices, and chiefly those of the Clergy. We must not carry our selves proudly in them, nor estrange our selves from them by negligence; we must equally shun Ambition and the Affectation of refusing them. Simplicity and Uprightness compre∣hends all, and these are of themselves commendable enough: In the Exercise of his Ministry he must neither be too severe nor too remiss, lest he should seem either to exercise his Authority with Domi∣nion over the Flock, or else to neglect the Duties of his Ministry; he must endeavour to oblige all the World. A Bishop should consider and protect the Priests and the other Clergy-men, he should not be offended if they purchase Esteem either by their Charity, or their Fasting, or their Piety, o•• their Learning: But these ought not to exalt themselves, much less employ their own Merits to diminish the Reputation of their Bishop. The Wicked must not be defended, nor Holy Things given to those that are unworthy of them; but neither are we to reprove and condemn any Person till he be convicted of a Fault. For if Injustice be otherwise above all things offensive, it is insup∣portable in the Church, where every thing should be regulated according to Equity, where Impar∣tiality should be observed. The Powerful and Rich ought to have no more Authority than the Poor, because the Rich and Poor are all one in Jesus Christ. The most Holy should attribute no∣thing more to himself than others; for the more Holy he is, the more Humble he ought to be. When we Judge we ought not to have any respect of Persons. Favour should have no place in our Judgments but only the Justice of the Cause. Nothing does more wound the Reputation and Cre∣dit which we may have, than to betray the Cause of the weak in Favour of those that are more Powerful; to reprove a Poor Man that is Innocent severely, and to excuse a Rich Man that is Guilty. 'Tis true that we are naturally inclin'd to favour Great Persons, lest they find that Injustice has been done them, and afterwards revenge themselves upon us. But, First, if you be afraid of making your self Enemies, do not meddle with judging or opposing. You can say nothing when a Matter of Interest is under debate, tho' it were better done to protect Justice; but when the Cause of God lies at stake, or it is to be fear'd that the Impious will be admitted to the Communion of the Church, then it is a very heinous Sin for Clergy-men to use Dissimulation.

In the First Chapter of the Third Book St. Ambrose shows, That this Maxim of Scipio, That he was never more busy nor less alone, than when he was by himself, was ancienter than Scipio; and that it was verified in a more Illustrious manner in Moses, Elias, Elisha, and the Apostles, who did so many wonderful things, when they seem'd to mind nothing. He adds, That a Just Man is never alone, because he is always with God; That he is never idle, because he is always meditating; That he seems to be unknown, and yet is Famous; That when he is thought to be Dead, he then enjoys a more happy Life; That he is never more joyful than when others think him to be under Affliction; That he is never richer than when he is poor, because he places all his Happiness in Ju∣stice and Honesty. He observes afterwards, That the Comparison which the Philosophers make be∣tween the Good of Honesty and of Profit, has no place among Christians, because they acknowledge nothing Profitable to be Good which is not also Honest. He distinguishes two sorts of Good and of Duty, that which is more, and that which is less perfect. In short, he maintains, That a Just Man ought never to seek his own Profit by doing Injury to others; but on the contrary, that he ought to seek the Good of others above his own. He enlarges upon this Maxim, and proves, that for any Man to do Injury to his Neighbour for his own Profit, is contrary to the Example, and to the Law of Jesus Christ, to the Law of Nature, to the Dictates of Conscience, and to the Civil Laws. Pur∣suant to this Principle he determines, that a Christian in a Shipwrack ought not to snatch from his Brother the Plank which he has taken to save himself; and that he ought not to fight against a Rob∣ber who would set upon him, and lays it down for a General Maxim, That 'tis never lawful to pre∣serve our own Life by putting another to Death. The Philosophers were so far in the right when they affirm'd, That a Wise-man, tho' he were secur'd for ever from any Discovery, should do no∣thing against his Duty; but finding no Example to prove it, they had recourse to the Fable of Gyges's Ring: St. Ambrose confirms this Truth by the Example of David and St. John Bap∣tist.

In a Word, St. Ambrose proves that in all Cases we ought to preferr Honesty to Profit. He grounds upon this Principle his Assertion, That one who has gathered together much Corn, ought not to keep it up in his Barns until a time of Famine that he may Sell it very dear. He condemns this Practice as a sort of Usury, or Robbery. He would not have Strangers hindred from coming into Cities in a time of Famine, and blames the ancient Romans for the practise of this Rigour; but praises an Old Man, who in his time was of a contrary Opinion. Having related many Examples taken out of Scripture, to show that we ought to preferr Honesty to Profit, he reproves the Conduct of those who are always intent upon sordid Gain, who use all manner of Tricks to Cheat others of their Goods, and leave no means unessay'd to possess themselves of their Neighbours Inheritance. He adds, That this Covetousness is very much to be blam'd in all sorts of Persons; but it is insupportable in Clergy-men, who ought to allow dying Men their Liberty to make their Last Will with Discretion and Freedom: That a Clergy-man ought never to alienate the Goods which belong to another for his own Profit, because it is his Duty to do Good to all the World, and to do no Injury to any Man. From hence he concludes that when we cannot help one Man but we must do Injury to another, it

is more convenient to deny our Assistance to the former, than by doing him Good to Prejudice the latter. For this cause he would not have Clergy-men meddle in Pecuniary Causes, because in gaining from one they injure another.

At last he collects several Examples taken out of the Old Testament, which he alledges to prove, That Honesty is to be preferr'd before any Interest and Advantage whatsoever. He concludes this Book with some Excellent Precepts which he gives concerning Honest and Christian Friendship. I shall set down some of them. Friendship it self ought to give place to Honesty. No Man ought to favour his Friend when he is in the wrong, nor to deal unjustly by him when he is in the right: As we ought to vindicate him when he is Innocent, so we ought to reprove him when he is guilty; we ought to speak to him with sincerity, to open our Heart to him, to reprove him with Freedom, to suffer for him when it is necessary, and to relieve him in his wants. The Foundation of Friendship is Faith in God, and no Man can be a true Friend to another who is an Infidel towards God. Piety pre∣serves Friendship, and makes Friends equal. There can be no Friendship between Persons of diffe∣rent Principles. One Friend ought to admonish another without bitterness, and rebuke him without reproaches. Our Friendships ought not to be founded upon Interest, for Friendship is a Vertue and not a Matter of Traffick. There is no true Friendship where there is Flattery. Thus I have given an Abridgment of St. Ambrose's Offices which is a very useful Book to teach all Christians the Principles, Maxims, and Rules of that most Holy Morality which they profess: And this made it so common in former Ages; every one would have it, every one would read it with attention, and those who had leisure made Abridgments of it which are still extant. It were to be wish'd that Christians, and chiefly Clergy-men would do the same still, and that they would draw from this pure Fountain the Mora∣lity which they teach and which they practise. The French Translation which has been made of it may render it useful to all Men. But let us proceed to the other Treatises of St. Ambrose.

The Books of Virginity were written by St. Ambrose at the Request of his Sister Marcellina, who having heard some speak of the Sermons which he had made about Virginity, desir'd him to send her in writing what he had preach'd, since she could not be so happy as to hear him. Whereupon he put his Sermons in the Form of a Treatise, and divided them into Three Books, which he address'd to his Sister Marcellina, in the Third Year of his Bishoprick, that is to say in the Year 377.

After a very humble Preface, he begins his Treatise with a Discourse in praise of St. Agnes: He sets off the Glorious Martyrdom of that Illustrious Virgin with inimitable Elegance.

To Day, says he, is the Feast of a Virgin, let us imitate her Purity: It is the Holy-day of a Martyr, let us offer up Sacrifices: 'Tis the Festival of St. Agnes, let Men admire her, and Young Children entertain blessed Hopes of her; let Married Women wonder, and Virgins endeavour to imitate her. But what can we say worthy of a Person whose very Name is a sufficient commendation. Her Zeal was above her Age, and her Vertue exceeded the Powers of Nature..... This Holy Virgin suffer'd Mar∣tyrdom at Twelve Years of Age. By how much the Cruelty of those who did not spare such ten∣der Years is to be detested, by so much is the Vertue of that Faith to be admir'd, which could make a Martyr at that Age..... Here is a New kind of Martyrdom. She was not yet of an Age fit to suffer, and yet she was already able to Conquer. She went to Death with more gaiety than a young Bride to the Nuptial Bed. All People mourn'd for her▪ and yet she shed not one Tear for her self. It was Matter of admiration, to see her prodigally throw away that Life, which she had scarce yet tasted, with as much Ease as if she were arriv'd at the end of her Course. In short, what she did was so incredible of humane Nature, that it was believ'd to be from God, for what∣soever transcends the Power of Nature, must proceed from the Author of it. What Threatnings did not her Executioner use to frighten her? What Artifices did he not employ to persuade her? By what various Sollicitations did he attempt her to yield to Marry? That were, said she, an In∣jury to my Divine Spouse, to entertain any hopes of being able to please others; I am only his who has chosen me first: Why do you delay, Executioner, to do your Office? Let this Body of mine perish, seeing it is so unhappy as to be pleasant in the Eyes of those whom I would not have it to please. Having spoken these Words she put her self into a Posture to receive the Fatal Blow; she pray'd and then submitted her Neck. You see here a double Sacrifice in one Victim. She is a Martyr both for Religion and Virginity; she remains a Virgin and obtains a Crown of Mar∣tyrdom.

St. Ambrose, having proposed this Illustrious Example, treats at large of the Excellency of Virgi∣nity. He shews, That this Vertue comes from Heaven, and that God is the Author of it; That the Heathens neither knew it, nor practis'd it as they ought; That the Jews themselves did not esteem it, and that it was not common amongst Men till Jesus Christ came into the World. Afterwards he gives a Catalogue of the Advantages which Virginity has above the married State, by comparing these Two Conditions.

I do not condemn Marriage, says he, but I will prove that Virginity is more Excel∣lent. Let us compare, if you please, the more considerable Advantages of married Women with the least Happiness of Virgins: The married Woman may boast of her Fruitfulness, which makes her happy in Children, but the more she brings into the World, the more Pain she suffers. She may reckon upon the Comfort and Support she shall have from her Children; but with this let her balance the troubles they bring upon her. What might I not say of the troubles which Mo∣thers must undergo both in Nursing Children and bringing them up, and then in marrying of them? What is more harsh than that Subjection or rather Slavery to which Wives are reduc'd? What is more uneasy than those perpetual Complaisances which they must always use towards their Husbands? Fears and Jealousies and a Thousand other Cares render them unhappy. The Ne∣cessity and Slavery they undergo in dressing and adorning themselves is a perpetual Punishment. But,

you, O blessed Virgins, know not what all this attiring means, you have no other Ornament but Modesty and Chastity; you court no other Beauty than that of Vertue, a Beauty which cannot be shar'd with others, nor taken away by Death, nor defac'd by any Sickness; you have none to please but God who loveth beautiful Souls, tho' they be shut up in deform'd Bodies; you are not troubled with the Inconveniences of Child bearing, and of bringing forth Children, and yet you have a very numerous Spiritual Off-spring.

St. Ambrose complains that there were so few Persons at Milan who profited by his Instructions, whilst a great many Virgins, not only from Bologna and Placentia, but even from Mauritania, came to receive the Veil at Milan. He reproves Mothers who hindered their Daughters from coming to his Sermons, lest they should embrace Virginity. At last, he commends those Virgins who de∣voted themselves to God without their Parents leave, and relates the Example of a young Gentle∣woman, who being press'd by her Mother and Relations to Marry, threw her self down before the Altars, and would not stirr from thence till she had obtained the Consent of her Parents to her pro∣fessing Virginity. 'Tis observable, that St. Ambrose says, That at length her Relations approv'd her Design, and so she was not depriv'd of her Estate.

In the Second Book he undertakes to Instruct Virgins by some Examples which he proposes to them: And because the Virgin Mary was undoubtedly the most perfect of all Virgins, her Example is the First and most Illustrious. St. Ambrose here proposes her Life as a Pattern which Virgins ought to imitate, and represents her Vertues in a most Excellent manner. From this Father Preachers and Devoto's may learn how to praise the Virgin in such a manner as is worthy of her, without stuffing their Discourses with Apocryphal Stories, Excessive Praises, and False Notions. The Picture which he draws of her, represents her as she was, and sets before our Eyes her Natural Beauty; whereas some of the Devoto's of the latter Ages, have changed and disfigured her by vain Ornaments, which are no ways agreeable to her, neither could she her self endure them.

St. Ambrose having propos'd to Virgins the Example of the blessed Mary, as the Pattern of their Life; sets before them also the Example of St. Thecla the Martyr, to Instruct them how to die well. He sub joyns the Example of a Christian Virgin of Antioch, who being carried to the Stews because she would not Sacrifice to Idols, was deliver'd from the Danger she was in by a Souldier, who chang'd Clothes with her and sav'd her. But when this came to be known, the Souldier was carried to the place of Punishment, where the Virgin also rendred her self, and they both receiv'd the Crown of Martyrdom. St. Ambrose describes this History in very lively and eloquent Figures, and com∣paring it with the Fable of Damon and Pythias, he proves that this Action was much nobler and greater, than that which is related of those two famous Friends. Towards the End, he excuses him∣self for using so many Flowers and Figures of Rhetorick in relating these Examples of Virgins, which he says he did not do to show his Eloquence, but to win the Affection of Virgins by the Sweetness and Smoothness of his Discourse, and to render their Condition the more Amiable by the Beauty of the Examples which he propos'd to them, before he proceeded to the Precepts and Advices which might be less agreeable.

The Third Book begins with an Exhortation which Pope Liberius made to Marcellina St. Ambrose's Sister when he gave her the Veil at Rome in the Church of the Apostles on Christmas-Day. There is no probability that this very Discourse should be Liberius's, but it was certainly made by St. Ambrose, and contains very useful Advices to Virgins consecrated to God. After he has exhorted them to love their Divine Spouse, he prescribes Rules concerning their principal Duties; he enjoyns them to be very Sober, to shun Visits from the People of the World, to keep Silence, and to be very Modest and Reserv'd in all their Actions. When he has given these Precepts under the Name of Liberius, he praises the Vertues of his Sister, and chiefly her Fastings, but he Counsels her to moderate them, that she may apply her self more to other Spiritual Exercises, and especially to Prayer. He says, That she should pray in the Morning when she awakes, before she goes out, before and after Meals, to∣wards Night, and when she goes to Bed. He advises her also to repeat in her Bed the Lord's Prayer, and the Psalms, either before she falls asleep, or when she awakes. And he thinks that she ought to repeat every Morning the Creed as the Seal of our Faith. He add, That she ought to weep, and shun excessive Mirth, the Pleasures of this World, and particularly Dancing. And to dissuade Chri∣stian Virgins from it, he relates the Example of the Dancing of Herodias's Daughter, and describes the fatal Consequences of it: A fit Example, says he, to teach Wise and Christian Ladies, that they ought not to suffer their Daughters to practise Dancing.

Lastly, St. Ambrose answers the Question which Marcellina had put to him, to know what was to be thought of Virgins who kill'd themselves or threw themselves head-long to shun falling into the hands of their Persecutors, who sought to deprive them of their Faith and their Virginity. He relates the Example of St. Pelagia who kill'd her self, and of the Mother and Sisters of that Saint, who threw themselves head-long into the River. He subjoyns the Example of St. Sotera who was of his own Kindred, and concludes from these Examples, that this Zeal is no ways forbidden. Here the Third Book of Virgins ends in all the Manuscripts, tho' in the printed Editions there are many Pages added, that have no relation to this Treatise, which St. Ambrose concludes with these Examples, as appears by the beginning of this last Chapter.

The Treatise of Widows was written soon after that of Virgins, as St. Ambrose declares at the begin∣ning of it. It was the Inconstancy of a Widow which made him undertake this Work. St. Ambrose had Comforted her after the Death of her Husband, and had Exhorted her to lay aside her Mourn∣ing, but she abusing his Advices, had made use of them to gain Authority to her Design of marrying again. The Holy Father being unwilling that it should be thought he had counsell'd her to do so,

wrote this Treatise of Widows, wherein he exalts the State of Widows as approaching near to the Per∣fection of Virgins. For proof of this he not only alledges the Testimony of the Apostle St. Paul, but he relates also the Examples of many Widows of the Old and New Testament. He exhorts Widows to continue in their Widow-hood, and in his Address to this Widow who had occasion'd his writing this Book, he shows her, That all the Reasons which she alledg'd for proceeding to a Se∣cond Marriage, were weak; yet he does not condemn either First or Second Marriages; on the con∣trary, he rejects the Opinion of the Hereticks who had forbidden them; but he preferrs the State of Virgins and Widows before that of married Women, and refutes with sharpness the Reasons which Women use for running into Second Marriages. Altho' he would not openly declare his Opinion of their Conduct, who use the Knife and Fire to Check the Motions of the Flesh, yet he speaks of it after such a manner as plainly discovers that he did not approve it, and observes that it is contrary to the ancient Canons. This Treatise is cited by St. Ambrose in his Commentary upon St. Luke, by St. Jerom in Letter Fifty to Pammachius, and so there can be no doubt but it is this Father's.

There is in this Edition a little Treatise of Virginity, which in the former Editions had been plac'd at the end of the Second Book about Virgins, but it is parted from it in all the Manuscripts, and is evidently a distinct Treatise. The Treatise of Widows, which is there cited, was written after the Two Books of Virgins.

This little Piece is not very coherent. In it he praises the famous Judgment of Solomon, he blames the Action of Jephtha; and then he defends himself against those who accus'd him of giving excessive Praises to the State of Virginity, and demonstrates the Excellency and Advantages of it. He occa∣sionally answers those who said, That the great numbers of Virgins would lessen the Race of Mankind, and he maintains that there are no places more populous than those where there are most Virgins: For Proof of which he observes, that tho' at Alexandria in the East, and in Africa, there are an infinite number of Virgins, yet these Countries are very well peopled. He adds, that if this Rea∣son were good, they must also advise Women to be lewd, because so they would have more Children.

After this, he examines the Reasons of those who find no fault with the Consecration of Virgins, but only say, That we should wait till they be of sufficient Age before they receive the Veil. He con∣fesses, that a Bishop ought to beware of giving the Veil with too much precipitation, but then he ought not so much to regard their Age, as the ripeness of their Parts, nor to consider so much the number of their Years as the Disposition of their Hearts; that every Age can follow Jesus Christ, and embrace the perfection of a Christian Life. This gives him occasion to speak of the way which Virgins ought to hold in following of Jesus Christ, and of the Life they ought to lead to imitate him. He concludes with comparing the Instructions of the Ministers of Jesus Christ, who exhort Virgins and Widows to live in Continence, to the miraculous Fishing of St. Peter; and he prays the Lord, that he would make his own fishing successful to the catching of many. This Piece was compos'd of many Ser∣mons, and was made soon after the Treatise of Widows.

The following Treatise is entituled in the printed Copies, Of the Instruction of a Virgin, address'd to Eusebius, but in the Manuscripts its Title is, A Discourse of the perpetual Virginity of the Virgin Mary. And indeed the principal part of this Treatise is against the Error of Bonosus, who had op∣pos'd the perpetual Virginity of Mary. But that which gave occasion to St. Ambrose to compose this Discourse, was the Profession of a Maid call'd Ambrosia, Niece to Eusebius a Citizen of Bolonia, to whom St. Ambrose had made an Exhortation when he gave her the Veil. He committed the same to Writing afterwards according to his custom, and address'd it to Eusebius with a Preface, wherein he discourses of the chief Duties of Virgins that are consecrated to God, which are Silence and Prayer. After this he gives an account of a Discourse which he made when he gave the Veil to Ambrosia: There he says many things in praise of Women, and undertakes the Defence of that Sex against those who blam'd it. He proves that they are unjustly accus'd as being the cause of Man's Falling and Of∣fending; and he extolls their Piety by proposing the Vertues of many Women. He shows, that if Eve gave occasion to the Condemnation of Mankind, this Loss was fully compensated by Mary, who is the Honour of her Sex and of the Church. St. Ambrose wonders, that there have been Christians who durst oppose her perpetual Virginity. He adds, that this Error deserv'd to be buried in Eternal Silence; but because it had been maintain'd by a Bishop (he means Bonosus) he thought himself ob∣lig'd to discover and refute it; which he does in the following part of this Discourse, where he establishes the perpetual Virginity of the Virgin Mary, and refutes the Objections of Bonosus, which were the same with those of Helvidius.

The First Objection which he proposes is taken from the Word Mulier or Woman, which is attri∣buted in the Holy Scripture to the Virgin. St. Ambrose shews, that this Word is general, and is given to Virgins as well as Married Women and Widows.

The Second Objection is founded upon this Passage of the Gospel, Before they came together, and upon that other, He knew her not before she had brought forth her First-born Son. He answers, that these ways of speaking do not intimate that St. Joseph had afterwards any carnal Knowledge of the Virgin, but only that he had not before; and that the Design of the Evangelist is to discover the principal Mystery, viz. That a Virgin conceiv'd Jesus Christ by the Operation of the Holy Spirit, and not to determine an incidental Question. This Answer is much better than the Second, wherein he pretends, that the Word, cognovit, he knew, is to be understood only of the Mystery, which was yet hid from Joseph.

The Third Objection is taken from the Title of Joseph's Wife which is given to Mary. St. Ambrose answers, That this Title might be given her tho' she were a Virgin, because it is not the loss of Vir∣ginity that makes Marriage, but the actual Consent of the Parties, tho' it were never Consummated. Wherefore he makes no Scruple to conclude, That there was a true Marriage between Joseph and Mary.

St. Austin and St. Jerom are of the same Opinion; Gratian and the Master of the Sentences follow'd them; and since that time it hath pass'd for a Maxim among Canonists and Divines.

St. Ambrose produces also an Objection taken from the Mention which is made of the Brethren of Jesus Christ, but he does not think that it deserves to be insisted on, since the Word, Brother, is a ge∣neral Word which has many significations, and agrees to others besides those who are born of the same Father and the same Mother.

St. Ambrose proceeds afterwards to the Proofs of the perpetual Virginity of Mary.

He says First, that since Jesus Christ was able to preserve the Virginity of his Mother, it is very im∣probable that he should permit her to be depriv'd of that perfection.

The Second Argument is, that if Mary had not always been a Virgin, she should not have been pro∣pos'd as a Pattern and Example to Virgins.

The Third is, that the Virgin was designed to be a Person of the greatest Merits and Perfections, but there is none greater than Virginity.

The Fourth is, that Joseph durst not come near her, whom he knew to be the Mother of God.

The Fifth, upon which he insists more largely, is, That Jesus Christ sufficiently testified it, by re∣commending her to his beloved Disciple when he was upon the Cross: For how, says he, could he remove her from her Husband, and give her to another, if she had known a Husband; How could this Disciple take her to his own house, if she had to do with another as her Husband? Jesus Christ would never have divorc'd them, and Mary would never have forsaken a Husband. This supposes, that St. Joseph was yet alive, when Jesus Christ upon the Cross spoke thus to his Mother. If this Matter of Fact be not certain, the Argument is nothing worth. Besides, supposing there was a true Marriage between St. Joseph and the Virgin, as St. Ambrose had already said, they ought not to have been parted; 'Tis true St. Ambrose answers, That this Marriage, being design'd only for the accomplish∣ment of the Mystery, was to cease assoon as the Mystery was perfect∣ly fulfill'd by the death of Jesus Christ. But I doubt this Answer has more * 1.5 Wit than Solidity.

The Sixth proof which St. Ambrose alledges for the perpetual Virginity of Mary, is grounded upon Ch. 44. of the Prophet Ezekiel. He explains what is said in this place of a Gate shut, through which the Lord of Israel had pass'd, and thinks it ought to be understood of Mary, who is that Gate through which the Lord pass'd without opening it, and which afterwards continued shut: Which shows that she lost not her Virginity, neither by bringing forth Christ into the World, nor after she became the Mother of God.

St. Ambrose having thus prov'd the perpetual Virginity of Mary, exhorts the Virgins to follow her. He proposes to them also another most powerful Motive to engage them to keep their Virgini∣ty; and that is the Love of Jesus Christ, their Celestial Spouse, who is extremely jealous of their Purity. The Majesty of this Spouse should make those tremble who had any thoughts of being un∣faithful to him. He is God, the Son of God, his Eternal Word, consubstantial to his Father. Hence St. Ambrose takes an occasion to make a Digression about the Divinity of the Word, and to dispute against those Hereticks that denied it. 'Tis probable that they were also the followers of Bonosus whom he attacks in this place, since we learn from the Canon of the Council of Arles, that these He∣reticks follow'd the Error of the Photinîans and Paulianists; from whence in Gennadius's time the Photinians were call'd Bonosiacks, as this Author observes in his Book of Ecclesiastical Writers Ch. 14. The Benedictines who set out St. Ambrose, whose exactness nothing has escaped, have not forgot to make this Observation.

After he has occasionally answer'd Two Objections of those Hereticks, he returns to his first Subject of the Virginity of Mary, and continues to exhort the Virgins to imitate her. He applies to this purpose many Passages of the Canticles; in particular he addresses himself to Ambrosia, and gives her excellent Instructions about the Vertues she should practise. He concludes with praying the Lord to receive her into the number of his Spouses, and to pour upon her abundance of his Grace.

It appears by the Preface of this Book, that Ambrosia was still to continue in her Fathers's House though she had receiv'd the Veil; which plainly shows, that all the Virgins consecrated to God were not yet shut up in Monasteries, though there were already some Monasteries set up.

Towards the end, the Ceremonies of a Virgin's making Profession, are described. She presented her self at the feet of the Altar, where she made Profession before the People; the Bishop preach'd to

her, and gave her the Veil which distinguish'd her from other Virgins, but her hair was not cut. St. Ambrose says in this Treatise, that he had already written many other Books concerning Virgins; and in it he recites many things which are in his Commentary upon St. Luke compos'd in 386. At last he speaks of the Error of Bonosus as a Heresy publish'd not long before, which shows that this Treatise was written in the Year 392. For the Affair of Bonosus being carried into the Council of Ca∣pua, held in the Year 391, they sent it back to the Bishops of Macedonia.

When St. Ambrose fled from the Tyrant Eugenius he retir'd to Bolonia, where he discover'd the Re∣liques of St. Vitalis and St. Agricola, who had suffer'd Martyrdom under the Persecution of Diocle∣sian and Maximilian, and made a solemn Translation of them. From Bolonia he went to Florence, whither he carried the Reliques of these Saints, which he plac'd in a Church built by a holy Widow call'd Juliana, which he was entreated to Dedicate. 'Twas at the Dedication of this Church, that he made the Discourse entituled, An Exhortation to Virginity. Juliana having lost her Husband, was not only consecrated to God her self, but by her Example and Instructions she so order'd the matter, that she gave all her Children to God also: Her Son Laurentius was made Reader, and her Three Daughters profess'd Virginity. St. Ambrose upon this occasion relates the Exhortation of this holy Widow to her Children. She told her Son, that his Father and she had given him that Name which he had, because they had obtain'd a Son by the Intercession of St. Laurence; That they had design'd him from that time for the Clergy, and that in this he ought to comply with their Desires, and ful∣fil their Vows. Afterwards addressing her Speech to her Daughters, she describes the Troubles of Mar∣riage, the excellency of Virginity, and exhorts them to consecrate themselves to God. She concludes with pressing her Son and her Daughters to accomplish the Vows which she and their Father had made in their behalf. St. Ambrose pursues this Exhortation, by adding Instructions to teach the Vir∣gins after what manner they should live, and Examples to serve them for a Pattern. The example of St. Sothera, the Kins-woman of St. Ambrose, is not here forgotten. Afterwards he promises to Ju∣liana the Reward of her Piety. Lastly, he prays the Lord to accept graciously of that Church which he was consecrating, and to receive favourably the Prayers, and Sacrifices of the Body of Jesus Christ, which should be offer'd there, and particularly the Oblation of all the Family of Juliana. This Trea∣tise was written when St. Ambrose retir'd upon the Account of the coming of Eugenius the Tyrant, in the Year 393, towards Easter.

The Treatise of the fall of a Virgin consecrated to God, is here found under the name of St. Ambrose. It is also among St. Jerom's Works, but certainly it is not his; for it is notorious that the Author of this Treatise was a Bishop, but St. Jerom was only a Priest. Gennadius assures us also, that Niceas Bishop of Aquileia wrote a Discourse address'd to a Virgin who had faln into Sin, very proper to per∣suade all those who should fall into the like Faults, to return from their Evil ways. This gave occasion to the Conjecture of many, that this Bishop was the Author of this Treatise. But the Title alone is not a sufficient proof, since St. Basil wrote a Book upon the same Subject which has the same Title. The Benedictines observe, that all the Manuscripts which they have seen, attribute this Work to St. Ambrose, except one only wherein it is attributed to St. Chrysostom. They maintain also, That there is nothing, in this Book which may not very well be St. Ambrose's: But they confess that it has not the Stile of this Saint; and indeed there is neither that sharpness of Wit, nor the lively and spiritual Thoughts which are in his Works: This is more languid and less sublime. Whosoever be the Author of it, he is Ancient, for one may find there Traces of the ancient Discipline, one sees that Publick Penance was administred but once: Nay, even this Author obliges this faln Virgin to do Penance all her life, and he seems also to take from her the hopes of receiving Absolution in this Life. It appears, that there were yet Idolaters in his time, and that the Adult were baptiz'd on Easter-day. He admits a middle State between the Damn'd and the Happy; he describes the Ceremonies of the Profession of Virgins, almost as St. Ambrose does. He says, that she to whom he writes, who was a young Woman of Qua∣lity call'd Susanna, having resolv'd against the Will of her Kindred to embrace Virginity, profess'd it on Easter-day at Night in the great Church, where she was accompanied by those that were newly baptiz'd, holding lighted Torches in their hands; That there she pronounc'd her Vows publickly be∣fore the People, and then receiv'd the Veil and entred into a Monastery; that presently after Reports were spread about which wounded her Reputation, and they were found to be false, and the Authors of them could not be discover'd; but that Three Years after she committed the Crime whereof she had been falsly suspected before, suffering a young Man to lie with her many times, by whom she was gotten with Child. She was accus'd also of having destroy'd her Child, which Murder she endea∣vour'd by all means possible to conceal, and would never confess; but being convicted of it be∣fore the Bishop, she was put under publick Penance. The Author of this Treatise represents to her the monstrous heinousness of her Crime, and the Scandal she had given; he exhorts her to do Pe∣nance all the rest of her Life; he Orders her to repeat every day the 51st. Psalm, and to pass her Life in Sorrow and Grief, that at least she might avoid the punishment of Hell-fire. He excites her also to the Acts of Penance and Compunction, which he deduces from many places of Scripture. There is also a Chapter against him who had abus'd this Virgin, whom he exhorts to do Penance. The Au∣thor of this Treatise is accus'd of being a Novatian, because he tells this Virgin, that she ought not to expect Absolution of her Sin in this Life; and that those who promis'd her pardon of her Sin in this Life deceiv'd her. 'Tis true, that this Rigour was practis'd in some Churches in the First Ages of the Church. But he who speaks thus in the Fourth Century, appears to be much inclin'd to the Nova∣tians. St. Ambrose was the Man of all the Fathers who did most vigorously oppose this Maxim in his Books of Penance, and therefore 'tis no wise probable that he should affirm the same in this Treatise, without giving any Explication of his Words. But here it may be said, that this Author exhorts

this young Woman to do publick Penance; Why should he exhort her to do Penance, if she was un∣capable of Absolution? This is what St. Ambrose and the other Fathers justly object against the No∣vatians, That they put Sinners under Penance, and exhort and force them to do it, but yet afterwards they deprive them of the fruit of Penance by refusing them Absolution. The Language of the Au∣thor of this Exhortation is perfectly like that of the Novatians. He exhorts this young Woman to do Penance, but he gives her no hopes of obtaining Remission in this Life: On the contrary, he tells her expresly, that this shall not be, and that those who promise it to her, do but deceive her; but that she ought always to do Penance, to shun Eternal Torments. He even dares not promise her Glory, but only the Privation of Torments. These are Doctrines contrary to those which St. Am∣brose establish'd in his Book of Penance, or rather that is the only Doctrine which he opposes there. It is no ways probable therefore, that this Treatise should be his, and we must still continue in as great uncertainties as ever concerning its Author.

The Book of Mysteries or Sacraments is an Instruction to the New-baptiz'd, wherein St. Ambrose explains to them the Significations and Virtue of the Sacraments which they had receiv'd. Here is an Abridgment of what is most remarkable in this Instruction.

After we have spoken every day of Morality, and propos'd to you the Examples of the Patri∣archs and Prophets, while the Proverbs were reading, that you might be accustom'd to follow the Examples of the Saints, and to lead a Life becoming those Persons who are purified by Baptism, 'Tis now time to discourse to you of the Mysteries and to explain the Sacraments; for if we had explain'd them to you before you were initiated, we should have thought that we had profan'd ra∣ther than discover'd them: Besides that the light of the Mysteries themselves, which you did not expect, has now astonish'd you more than if we had instructed you about them before. Open therefore now your Ears to receive the sweet word of Eternal Life, which we signified to you when we celebrated the Ceremony, by which we wish'd that they might be open'd, by saying Ephatha, that so all those who were to come to Baptism might know what was demanded of them and what they answer'd. At last you are introduc'd into the place where the Sacrament of Baptism is Administred; you are oblig'd to renounce the Devil and his Works, the World and its Pomps and Pleasures. You found in this place the Waters and a Priest who consecrated them; the Body was plung'd into this Water to wash away Sins; the Holy Spirit descended upon this Water; you ought not to fix your mind upon the External part of it, but to consider in it a Divine Virtue. Do not imagine therefore, that it is this Water which purifies you, 'tis the Holy Spirit. There are Three things in Baptism, the Water, the Blood and the Spirit, and without these Three Things, the Sacrament is not compleat; neither the Remission of Sins, nor Grace is receiv'd, unless it be in the Name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost. The Baptism of Jews and Infidels does not purify at all; 'tis the Holy Spirit which descended formerly under the Figure of a Dove, which san∣ctifies these Waters. We must not consider the merit of the Priest, for it is our Lord Jesus Christ who baptizes. You made Profession of believing in the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost. After this you drew near unto the Priest, he anointed you and your Feet were washed. This Sacrament blots out your hereditary Sins, and the Baptism blots out the Sins contracted by your own Will. After this you receiv'd white Garments, to signifie that you were stript of Sin and clothed with In∣nocence. You received the Seal of the Holy Spirit, the Spirit of Wisdom, of Power, &c. The Fa∣ther hath mark'd you out, the Son hath confirm'd you, and the Holy Spirit hath given you assu∣rance of your Salvation. Afterwards you run to the Heavenly Feast, and see the Altar prepar'd, where you receive a nourishment infinitely exceeding that of Manna, a Bread more excellent than that of Angels. 'Tis the Flesh of Jesus Christ, the Body of Life, 'tis the incorruptible Manna, 'tis the Truth whereof the Manna was only the Figure. Perhaps you will tell me, But I see another thing? How do you assure me, that it is the Body of Jesus Christ which I receive? That we must prove. We must show that it is not the Body which Nature hath form'd, but that which the Benediction hath Consecrated: Which St. Ambrose confirms by an infinite number of the like Miracles; and lastly, by the Mystery of the Incarnation which he compares to that of the Eucha∣rist. A Virgin, says he, brought forth. This is against the Order of Nature. The Body which we consecrate came forth of a Virgin. Why do you seek for the Order of Nature in the Body of Jesus Christ, since Jesus Christ was born of a Virgin contrary to the Order of Nature? Jesus Christ had real Flesh which was fastened to the Cross, and laid in the Sepulchre. So the Eucharist is the true Sacrament of this Flesh. Jesus Christ himself assures us of it: This is, says he, my Body; before the Benediction of these Heavenly Words it is of another Nature, after the Consectation it is the Body. So likewise of the Blood: Before Consecration it is call'd by another Name, after Conse∣cration it is call'd the Blood of Jesus Christ, and ye Answer, Amen, that's to say, 'Tis true. Let the Mind acknowledge inwardly that which the Mouth brings forth; let the Heart be of that Judg∣ment which the Words express. The Church exhorts her Children to Receive these Sacraments which contain the Body of Jesus Christ. This is not Bodily but Spiritual Food, for the Body of the Lord is Spiritual. Lastly, this Heavenly Meat gives us strength, this Divine Drink rejoyces us. Having therefore receiv'd these Sacraments, let us be persuaded that we are regenerated, and let us not say, How can this be? 'Tis not by Nature but by the Holy Spirit.

From hence we may learn the chief Ceremonies which were observed in the Church of Milan. As to the Administration of the Sacraments, these which follow are remark'd. The Ears of the Cate∣chumens were touch'd, saying Ephatha, and after that they were bidden enter into the place where they were to be baptiz'd. There they were oblig'd to renounce the Devil, the World and its Pomps; the Bishop blessed the Water of Baptism, the Creed was repeated to the Catechumens, they were anoin∣ted

with Holy Chrisms, their Feet were wash'd, they were plung'd into the Water, and at the same time the Three Divine Persons were invocated; afterwards they were cloathed with White Garments, the Sacrament of Confirmation was given them, and the Holy Spirit was called upon for them: From thence they were conducted to the Altar, where they were present at the Consecration of the Eucharist, and received the Body and Blood of Jesus Christ, answering, Amen.

Since these Ceremonies and the Doctrine of this Treatise do not agree with the Opinions of Prote∣stants, some among them have done what they could to raise Doubts about this Book whether it were St. Ambrose's. But the Reasons which they alledge are so weak, that the ablest Men among them have sincerely acknowledg'd that it is really his. There are very strong Proofs that it is this Father's; the beginning alone discovers that it is his, for there he speaks plainly of the Sermons he had made to the Catechumens upon the Lives of the Patriarchs and Prophets. This does not agree to any other Author but St. Ambrose; 'tis the Stile of this Father, tho' he treats of things more particularly than in his other Books. 'Tis his Doctrine, and no body doubts but it is his Work: It has always been cited under his Name, and is attributed to him in all the Manuscripts. This Discourse was spoken by St. Ambrose, after his Sermons upon the Lives of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob, towards the Year 387.

The Opinions of Criticks are very much divided concerning the Author of the Book of the Sacra∣ments. The Benedictines produce in their Preface what has been said upon this Subject, and after having given a very Wise and Equitable Judgment about the different Opinions, they give their own Thoughts of it, and build their Judgment upon good Reason. First of all, they observe, That 'tis indifferent to the Members of the Church of Rome, to whom this Work be attributed, since St. Am∣brose teaches the same Doctrine in his Treatise of Mysteries; and so, tho' it were supposed with Aubertine, that the Author of the Book about the Sacraments is of the Seventh Age, or with Dailleé, that he is of the Eighth, the Cause of the Church would be so much the stronger, because it would have two different Testimonies of the Judgment of the Church; and in different Ages, viz. St. Am∣brose in the Fourth Age, and this Author in the Seventh or Eighth. Tho' this were not so, and the Church might draw some Advantage from supposing that St. Ambrose was the Author of the Book about the Sacraments; yet if it should appear that the contrary Opinion is more probable, we must undoubtedly follow it. We must judge of these kind of Matters without Prejudice and Affection, and we must not consider what would be most advantageous to our selves, but what comes nearest to the Truth. This is what the Benedictines do; they profess to Examine this Question with all pos∣sible sincerity, as if it had never been canvassed before, and without addicting themselves to the Preju∣dices of any Party. They immediately disapprove the Reproaches which the Protestant Criticks have thrown upon this Author, they cannot endure that they should make him pass for an Ignorant and Ridiculous Person, for an Impostor and a Liar; They vindicate him from some Mistakes and Ab∣surdities, which Cook, Rivet, and Daileé had fasten'd upon him. They shew, That this Expression, For this cause at Rome the Name of the Faithful is given to the baptiz'd, is not so ridiculous as these Criticks imagine, because tho' it were true, that the baptiz'd were call'd by the same Name in other Churches, yet it were no unprofitable Observation, that in the Church of Rome they were call'd so also. They observe, That some Manuscripts have Rectè, instead of Romae, but they do not think that we are obliged to follow this Correction. They show also, That the manner wherein this Author re∣lates the last Words of the Pater Noster, Ne patiaris nos induci in tentationem, instead of Ne nos inducas in tentationem; that this manner, I say, of ending the Lord's Prayer was not peculiar to him, and that St. Cyprian read and repeated thus the last Words of the Lord's Prayer. Lastly, They defend him against the Accusations of Barbarism, of false Subtilty, of vain Allegories, which are charg'd upon him by the Criticks whom we have mentioned.

After this the Benedictines produce the Reasons which are alledg'd by Catholick Authors, to show that the Books of the Sacraments were St. Ambrose's, and at the same time prove that they are not very convincing.

The First is drawn from the Authority of many ancient Manuscripts, where this Treatise is found un∣der the Name of St. Ambrose. To these is added the Authority of all the Editions which have been made of it, and the Testimony of a great number of Authors of the Ninth Age, and those that followed it, viz. of Hincmarus Bishop of Rheims, of Deoduinus of Liege, of Paschasius Ratbertus, of Ratramnus a Monk of Corbie, of Florus a Deacon of the Church of Lyons, of Lanfranc, of Berengarius, of Al∣gerus, of Guitmondus, of Durandus Troarnensis, of Ivo Carnutensis, of Gratian, of the Master of the Sentences, and of other later Authors, who have all cited the Book of the Sacraments under the Name of St. Ambrose: This Argument appears plausible enough, yet the Benedictine Fathers main∣tain, that it is not fully convincing: For how often has it happened, say they, that Books have been, and every Day are taken from those Authors under whose Names they had always passed? It is not very well known that the greatest part of those who cited the Works of the Fathers in the latter Ages, did not carefully examine, whether the Books which they cited were theirs, but trusted to the com∣mon Title of them? As to the Manuscripts, the Benedictines assure us, that the most ancient have not the Name of the Author, and that it is probable the Name of St. Ambrose was added in those which are more Modern, either because it was known, that St. Ambrose had treated of this Subject, or because these Books were found together with that about the Mysteries which treats of the same matter, and the first bearing the Name of St. Ambrose, whose it was indeed, they thought that the last were this Father's also.

The Second Proof which is alledg'd to show. That the Books of the Sacraments are St. Ambrose's, is taken from the Agreement of the Stile of this Work, with that of the Book of Mysteries. The

Benedictines say, That 'tis true this Author does so imitate St. Ambrose, that he Copies out the same which he had said; but they observe, that in Copying it out he corrupts it, and accommodates it to his own Stile, which is much below that of St. Ambrose. Wherefore this Argument is more proper to raise a doubt, whether these Books of the Sacraments be St. Ambrose's or no, than to confirm them in the Possession of the Title which they bear.

The Third Argument produces also the same Effect. 'Tis said that St. Austin affirms, That St. Am∣brose wrote a Book about the Sacraments; but 'tis evident that the Book which St. Austin cites under this Title, had quite another Subject than this Book. It was a Book of Philosophy against the Platonists, as appears by what this Father says of it in the Second Book against Julian, Ch. 5. and in the Second of his Retractations, Ch. 4▪

The Benedictines produce also some places drawn out of this Book, which are thought to agree to St. Ambrose, as the Complaint which he made that he had not a strong Voice, and the Explication of the Lord's Prayer, which St. Ambrose probably would not have omitted in his other Treatises, but that it was in this; but at the same time they shew how weak these Argu∣ments are.

After having thus discuss'd what is said on both sides about the Author of these Books, they endea∣vour to discover him by the Work it self, and for that end they enquire into these three Things, what Rank he held in the Church, at what time he lived, and of what Country he was.

As to the First Point they say, That it plainly appears he was a Bishop, who Instructed the Cate∣chumens.

Upon the Second, they say that the Testimony of the Authors which have quoted him, shew that he was older than the Eighth Century, and that there is a Manuscript in the Abby of St. Gal written in great Letters, which Mabillon believed might be about 1000 Years old, whose Antiquity shows that this Author liv'd before the Seventh Century: Besides that it appears by the Work it self, that it is more ancient: For there he speaks of a great Number of Adult Catechumens which proves that he liv'd at a time, when the practice of Baptizing all Infants was not yet so general. He observes also, That there were yet in his time some Remainders of Idolatry. And in short, he refutes no other Hereticks but the Arians, and he makes use of a Version of the Bible different from that of St. Jero••, which yet is not that which St. Ambrose used.

As to the last Head which concerns the Country of this Author, 'tis evident that he was not a Roman, since he says, That he Honours the Church of Rome, and follows many of its Pra∣ctices, tho' he does not think himself oblig'd to follow it in all. This gives occasion to conjecture, that he was not far distant from it. The Customs and Practices which he de∣scribes, agree very well with the ancient Rites of the Church of Milan, and the Churches of Gaul.

These Remarks seem to prove that this Book may be St. Ambrose's; for all these Characters agree perfectly well to him; but there are other Reasons which hinder the Benedictines from attri∣buting it to him. The First and Principal is the diversity of the Stile; for tho' it may happen, that an Author should write in a more plain and less sublime manner than he was wont to do, yet the Strength of his Wit is always perceiv'd. 'Tis never found, that an Author who has naturally an Elegant and Noble Stile, does write in a very mean one. St. Ambrose never falls into this Fault; he does not make use of cold and childish Interrogations such as this Treatise is full of: Besides that, 'tis no wise, probable that St. Ambrose should imitate himself so exactly, and transcribe a part of his Book about Mysteries, and a part of his Treatise of the Institution of a Virgin. They add also, That St. Ambrose never reproves his People for Communicating seldom, as this Author does, and that there is no probability that he should oppose so publickly the Practice of the Roman Church about the washing of Feet. These last Conjectures are a little weak; on the contrary, the former are very Strong, and are, as one may think, sufficient to have determin'd the Benedictines to remove this Book from the Place of which it was possess'd, among the Genuine Works of St. Ambrose, especially since in reading the Book of the Sacraments, it plainly appears, that the Author was nothing else but a cold Imitater of St. Ambrose. In effect the Subject of this Book is the same with that of the Book about Mysteries. The Author does nothing but enlarge upon what St. Ambrose had said before. He follows him step by step; he adds very few things of his own; he speaks only of the same Sacraments, and the same Ceremonies; he gives the same Explications of them; he amplifies the same Arguments and the same Observations; yet he enlarges sometimes a little more upon certain Ceremonies. He openly opposes the Custom of the Church of Rome in omitting the Washing of Feet. He explains the Change which is made in the Sacrament more largely. He gives an Explication of the Pater noster, and discourses of Prayer. But he has also taken what he says of it out of St. Ambrose's Book of the Institution of a Virgin. These Six Books are so many Sermons preached to the Novices.

The Two Books of Penance are undoubtedly St. Ambrose's; they have his Stile. He speaks of them in his Commentary upon Psalm 37, and St. Austin cites them several times. There cannot be more convincing Proofs to show that any Work is Genuine. These Books were written against the Nova∣tians, who would not allow the Church to have Power to Pardon Crimes. This is the Error which St. Ambrose disputes against in the First Book.

He begins with a commendation of Moderation and Christian Meekness, whereof Jesus Christ himself has given us an Example, who condemns the harshness and rigour of the Novatians, who fright Sinners from Penance, and hinder them from applying a Remedy to their Diseases. For who is it, says he, who will have the Courage to do Penance without any hope of Pardon? What Con∣fidence

will any one have in such a Physician, who is so far from having Compassion for his Sick Patient, that he shows nothing but Contempt and Rigour towards him. Afterwards he explains wherein the Error of the Novatians consists. They maintain, says he, That we must not admit those to Communion, who have faln by violating the Law of God. If they spoke only of Sacri∣lege, if they refus'd Pardon to this Crime only, this would indeed be a Rigour condemn'd by the Words of Scripture. But they offend also against common Sence, by making all Crimes equal, and by depriving those of Communion that are guilty of lesser Crimes, as well as those that have com∣mitted the greatest. They say, That they do Honour to Jesus Christ by reserving to him only the Power of Pardoning Sins; and in this very thing they dishonour him, because they violate his Com∣mandments. The Church obeys Jesus Christ in binding and loosing Sinners. The Novatians content themselves with binding only, and will never loose Sinners, tho' Jesus Christ gave at the same time to the Church the Power of binding and loosing; whence it follows that the one can∣not be permitted without the other; wherefore both the one and the other are done in the Church, and neither the one nor the other can be done among Hereticks: For this Jurisdiction belongs only to Priests, and none but the Church can assume it, since none but she has true Priests, and Here∣ticks have none at all.

Tho' what we have just now recited might make us believe that the Novatians granted not Re∣mission to any Sin; yet St. Ambrose confesses in the following Discourse that they pardon'd lighter Sins, and refus'd Absolution only to those that were guilty of great Sins. He asserts against them that Nova∣tian was never of this Opinion▪ and that his Judgment was, That Penance should not be allow'd to any Sinner. Perhaps St. Ambrose would have found it very difficult to prove this Assertion, which seems not to agree with the Account we read in ••t. Cyprian of the Birth of the Error of the Novatians.

However it be, St. Ambrose having objected to them, that they condemn the Author of their Sect, disputes against their Distinction, by saying, That Jesus Christ did not make it; That his Mercy ex∣tends unto all Sinners; That those who have committed the greatest Sins should perform the greatest Penance; and Lastly, That the greater the Sins have been, the greater need there is of Relief. In the remaining part of this Book he proves by many Passages and Examples taken out of the New Testa∣ment, That Absolution ought not to be refus'd for any Sin whatsoever; and he answers the Objecti∣ons of the Novatians. He observes also towards the End of this Book, that the Novatians do in vain exhort Sinners to Penance, since they deprive them of the Fruit of Penance.

For, says he, if any one be guilty of Secret Sins, and does Penance for them very heartily, in Obedience to the Command of Jesus Christ, How shall he receive the Reward, unless he be restor'd to the Com∣munion of the Church? I would have the Guilty hope for the Pardon of his Sins, yet he should beg it with Tears, yet he should beg it with Sighs, yet he should beg it with the Lamentations of all the People. I would have him pray for Absolution; and when he is twice or thrice delay'd as to his Re-admission into the Communion of the Church, let him believe, That this delay pro∣ceeds from the want of Importunity in his Prayers; let him redouble his Weeping, let him render himself more worthy of Pity, and then let him return, let him throw himself at the Feet of the Faithful, let him embrace them, kiss them, bath them with his Tears, and let him not forsake them, that so our Lord may say unto him, Many sins are forgiven him, because he loved much. I have known some Persons who in their Penance have spoil'd their Face with much weeping, who have hollow'd their Cheeks with continual Tears, who have prostrated themselves on the Ground to be trod under Foot, who by their continual Fasting have rendred their Countenance so pale and dis∣figur'd, that they carried in a living Body the very Image of Death.

This is a lively Representa∣tion of publick Penance which was yet in its Vigour in the time of St. Ambrose. This Passage also informs us, That there were then some Persons who were guilty only of secret Mortal Sins, who submitted to the trouble of Publick Penance. Monsieur Daillé thinks, that instead of siquis occulta habens crimina, it must be read, siquis multa habens crimina: But his Conjecture not being Authoriz'd by any Manuscript ought not to be received.

In the Second Book after having answer'd Two principal Objections of the Novatians, whereof one is drawn from a Passage of the Epistle of the Apostle St. Paul to the Hebrews, where 'tis said, That 'tis impossible for those who have once lost the Grace of Baptism to be renew'd again, and the other is grounded upon what Jesus Christ says of the Sin against the Holy Ghost: After, I say, he has an∣swer'd these Two Objections, and confirm'd the Doctrine and Practice of the Church, he exhorts the Faithful to Penance, and signifies to them with what Dispositions they should enter upon it; he proposes the Resurrection of Lazarus as an Illustration of the Spiritual Resurrection of a Sinner, who reflecting upon his own Condition, begs of God the Pardon of his Sins. Lastly, He discourses of the Conditions necessary to make Penance useful, and of the Faults that are to be met with in or∣dinary Penances. There are also towards the end of this Book, some things very Remark∣able concerning the Discipline of the ancient Church in the Administration of Penance.

There are many ways, says he, of paying to God what is owing him; and tho' a Man be Poor he is always Rich enough to pay him; Prayer, Tears, Fasting, are the Tributes due to him. A Man may lessen his Sin by distributing his Patrimony to the Poor, but Faith must make this Expence valuable; for to what purpose serves the giving away of his Patrimony if he has no Cha∣rity. There are some who give their Riches out of Vanity, and satisfy themselves with the Re∣ward which they can have in this World without troubling themselves about that of another. Some having given their Riches to the Church, by I know not what sudden fit of Devotion, with∣out sufficient Consideration of what they do, revoke their Donation. Others blame themselves for having given their Goods to the Poor. But as to those who do Penance, that which they are

chiefly to fear, is, lest they repent of having done Penance: For many Persons being terrified with the fear of Punishment, and push'd forward by the Remorse of their own Conscience, desire Penance, and after they are admitted to it, leave it off for the shame of the publick Humiliation. What can be said of such Persons, but that they did well to desire to do Penance for their Sins, but at the bottom they repent of the Good they have done? There are others who desire not to enter upon Penance, but that they may be immediately restor'd to Communion: These do not desire so much to be loos'd as to bind the Priest; for they don't unburden their own Conscience, but they burden the Conscience of the Priest, who is commanded not to give Holy Things unto Dogs, and not to throw Pearls before Swine, that's to say, not easily to admit Impure Souls to the Holy Com∣munion. You see them walk with their ordinary Apparel, who should be weeping and sighing for having defil'd the Garment of Baptism and of Grace. You see the Women also still wearing Pendants and Diamonds at their Ears, who should be mourning for having lost the Heavenly Diamond, that's to say, the Grace of Baptism. There are some also who think that Penance con∣sists merely in refraining from the Sacraments. Lastly, There are others, who seeing the hope that is given them of doing Penance, do from thence take occasion to think that they have the greater Liberty to Sin, not considering that Penance is appointed to be a remedy of Sin; and not an in ducement to commit it. But who can endure that you should be asham'd to pray unto the Lord, who are not asham'd to pray so often unto men? That you should be asham'd to appear before God in the Condition of a Supplicant, who are not asham'd to confess your Sins unto Men? Are you afraid to have any Witnesses of your Prayers? Alas! if Satisfaction is to be made to some Men, is it not necessary that you should see many Persons, and pray them to intercede for you? Are you not often obliged to prostrate your self at his Feet whom you have offended? Must you not kiss the places through which he has pass'd? Must you not present your Children who had no hand in their Father's Fault, to obtain Pardon by their means? Why are you troubled to do the like in the Church, to appease the wrath of God, to desire the Suffrages of the People? In the Church, I say, where there is but one thing only of which we ought to be asham'd, and that is not to confess our Faults, because we are all Sinners; where he that is most humble is most esteem'd, where the more one is abas'd, the more Holy he is thought to be. Let the Holy Church your Mother mourn for you, let her wash away your Faults with her Tears..... And yet we have reason to answer those who think that Penance may be done more than once, because this is to abuse the Mercy of Jesus Christ, for if they should once do true Penance, they would not believe that they had Power to reiterate it. As there is but one Baptism, so there is but one publick Penance; for we ought also to do Penance for the Sins we commit every Day: But this last Penance is for small Sins, and the former for great ones. I have found more Per∣sons who have preserv'd the Innocence of their Baptism, than who have done Penance as they should after they have lost it. For 'tis believ'd, that Penance may be consistent with the Ambition of aspiring to Offices, with Pomp and high Feeding, with the Pleasures and Use of Marriage. But they must renounce the World, and allow less time for Sleep than Nature requires; they must break their Sleep with groaning and sighing, and employ some part of that time in Prayers; they must live in such a manner, that they may be dead to the Use of this Life; let such Men deny themselves, and change themselves wholly, &c.

This place teaches us many Remarkable Circumstances concerning the Penance which was in use in the time of St. Ambrose; First, That the Sinners themselves desir'd to be put under Penance. Secondly, That by putting them under Penance they were separated from Communion. Thirdly, That they did Penance publickly. Fourthly, That they us'd many Fasts, Austerities, and Humilia∣tions during the time of their Penance. Fifthly, That this Penance was impos'd but once. Lastly, That this Penance was only for enormous Crimes, and that ordinary Sins were pardon'd by the daily Pe∣nance. For the better understanding of this place, 'tis necessary to observe, How the Fathers under∣stood this Distinction of great and little Sins. Tertullian who was the first who spoke distinctly of it in his Book of Chastity, places among the Number of little Sins, Anger, Evil-speaking, a vain Oath, a Failure in our Promise, a Lye extorted by shame or necessity, &c. He calls these Capital or Mortal Sins, Murder, Idolatry, Fraud, Apostacy, Blasphemy, Fornication, and other Crimes of this Na∣ture. These are also the Crimes which St. Cyprian calls great Sins in his Treatise of Patience. Origen in Homily 15th. upon Leviticus, says, That there are Mortal Sins which are not in the rank of great Sins. I know very well that Monsieur Arnaud has affirm'd, That in this place we must read culpa moralis, for culpa mortalis, as it is to be found in one Edition. But ever since, the Master of the Sentences time who cites this place, it has been read, culpa mortalis; and if one minds well the Sence, he will perceive that it is to be read so. This place of Origen has much affinity with those of St. Ambrose, whereof we are now speaking; for he says, That Penance is allow'd but once, and that but seldom to those who have committed great Sins, whereas the Sins of every Day are pardon'd every Day. He explains himself also almost after the same manner in his Sixth Treatise upon St. Matthew, where he handles this Question, Whether a Man may not be treated as a Heathen and a Publican, that's to say, separated from the Church, when he does not amend his ways, after he has been re∣prov'd for slight Sins. The Examples which he gives of * 1.6 slight Sins, are Evil-speaking, lying, idle Words, ad∣dictedness to Wine, &c. And those which he gives of great Sins, are Murder, Adultery, &c. He concludes, That there is no doubt but what is said in the Gospel, that we

ought to look upon those as Heathens and Publicans who do not Reform after they have been Reprov'd, is to be understood of great Sinners. He adds, That it may also be understood of other Sinners with respect to the Judg∣ment of Men, but that it does not belong to us, to judge whether they are such before God. St. Austin distin∣guishes in many places Two sorts of Sins; the great Sins for which Men are put under Publick Penance, such as are Murder, Adultery, Fornication, &c. And the other Sins which are daily committed, and are pardon'd by a daily Penance. He says of the First, that they kill the Soul all at once, and that Christians who have Faith and Hope do not commit them. But there is one place that is in Ch. 26. of the Book of Faith and Works, where he treats more clearly of this Matter, and distinguishes Three Sorts of Sins.

There are some, says he, so great, that they deserve Excommunication, and for which Sinners will want Reconciliation: There are others for which this Penance is not necessary, but they may be healed by the Remedy of Chastisements: And lastly, there are some that are very light, which are blotted out by the Lord's Prayer, from which no Man is free in this Life.

This distinction seems to be more just and reasonable; for there are certainly many Sins which are not of the number of great Crimes, neither are they so small, but they may be Mortal. The dif∣ficulty is to know, to which of these Two Classes we should referr those Sins, which hold the mid∣dle place between the First and the Second; for since this distinction was not very common, and since all the Fathers and St. Austin himself in many places did not distinguish but Two Sorts of Sins, and Two Sorts of Penance, it may be doubtful under what Class this Third Sort was comprehended. For my part I believe that for the most part they were comprehended under the Second: First, because the Fathers in relating the Examples of slight Sins, place in that number those that are considerable enough, such as Slander and addictedness to Wine. The Author of Sermon 41, among those of St. Austin, which is attributed also to St. Ambrose, places in the rank of light Sins, Drunkenness, Theft, Evil-speeches, &c. Julianus Pomerius in the 2d. B. of a contemplative Life Ch. 7. says, That slight Sins are those for which one is not condemn'd before Men. Caesarius of Arles, Fulbertus of Chartres, and St. Eloi, when they make a particular Enumeration of Mortal Sins, place among them Anger and Drunkenness, but with restrictions, viz. Anger, if it last long, and Drunkenness, if it be continual. Secondly, the Fathers consider'd the first Class, as enormous Sins, great Sins, great Crimes, which no Christian commits, which do wholly disgrace a Man, and which are extremely rare. Now there are many Sins between these great Sins, and the smallest Sins, of which we cannot speak after this manner. Thirdly, All the Sinners of the first Class, when they are known, either by Confession or by Conviction, are put under Publick Penance. But none were put under Publick Penance ex∣cept for very heinous Sins, such as are mentioned in the Canons of Councils, and the Canonical Let∣ters of Bishops. What are these Sins? These are Murder, Adultery, Fornication, and the consequents of these great Crimes. There is no Canon to be seen against Anger, Covetousness and Slander; at least it does not appear that Publick Penance was impos'd upon any for these kind of Sins. These Sins therefore tho' they be sometimes Mortal, were comprehended under the second Class and not under the First, which contained only those for which Publick Penance was done. This may be confirm'd by the Canonical Letter of St. Gregory Nyssen to Laetoïus, where he makes an exact enumeration of those Sins which subjected Men to Publick Penance, which are all enormous Sins and considerable Crimes. Fourthly, It may be added, that Publick Penance being granted but once only, they must be very extraordinary and enormous Crimes for which Men were subjected to it. Lastly, Origen, St. Austin and St. Bernard say, that the great number and the custom of some Sins of the Second Class may finally destroy, and stifle Charity in the Soul; therefore they did not believe, that this Class did not contain Mortal Sins.

I would not have it thought that I make these Remarks to authorise Licentiousness, or to insinu∣ate, That there are some Mortal Sins which may pass for Venial: God forbid that I should have such a detestable Design! On the contrary, my intention is to create a horror of all Sins; First of great Crimes. Secondly, of Sins which may be Mortal tho' they appear not so enormous. And Third∣ly, even of slighter Sins also. But I thought my self oblig'd to observe here, for explaining the Pas∣sage of St. Ambrose, That none but the Sins of the first Class did subject Men to Publick Penance, and that 'tis of these only that the Fathers speak, and which they comprehend under the Name of Enormous Sins and Crimes; tho' there be others which may be also Mortal, and which a Christian ought carefully to shun; but then they are such for which he was never subjected to the Humilia∣tion of Publick Penance, but only to Corrections and Reprimands given in secret, as St. Austin in∣forms us. But now let us return to our Subject, the Time is not certainly known when St. Ambrose compos'd these Books of Penance. He says in the Explication of Psal. 37, made about the Year 393, that it was a long time since they were written: De poenitentia duos jamdudum scripsi libellos, I wrote two little Books of Penance a long while ago: But this denotes no certain time. It appears by the

Books themselves, that he was then well advanc'd in Years, and had taken much pains for the Church. The Benedictines think, that they may have been written in the Year 384.

After the Treatises of Morality and Discipline, follow his Writings of Controversy. The Five Books of Faith, or the Trinity, are the chief of his Writings of that sort. St. Ambrose wrote the Two first at the Request of the Emperour Gratian, who at his departure into the East in the Year 377, to assist the Emperour Valens against the Goths, desired of St. Ambrose a Treatise concerning the Faith against Arianism which then reign'd in the East. St. Ambrose proves the Divinity of the Son in these Two Books of the Faith of the Church, and answers the Objections of the Arians concisely and smartly. The Arians having accus'd him of treating this Matter too succinctly, and of having abridged their Objections and his own Answers too much, he added in the Year 379, the Three last Books, in which he enlarges and confirms the Principles that he had laid down in the former. These Books are writ∣ten with much Wit, Vigor and Subtilty; he illustrates the Matter which he handles with lively and pleasant Descriptions. He proposes the most subtil Objections in an intelligible manner, and answers them with all the Industry and clearness that is possible. It may be said, that there is none among the great number of Treatises written by the Ancients upon this Subject, where the Theological Dif∣ficulties about the Mystery of the Trinity are better discuss'd, and clear'd up than in this. Yet he is not always Exact, and he sometimes employs Arguments which are not very con∣cluding.

The Books of the Holy Spirit are written in a less concise, less lively, and less smart Stile: St. Jerom says, That they contain nothing Logical, nothing masculine, nothing moving, nothing convincing, but that every thing in them is feeble and languid, tho' it be polish'd, dress'd up and painted with strange Co∣lours. He accuses him also of having robb'd the Greeks, and particularly the Book of Didymus, whose Translation St. Jerom publish'd then, and of having made a bad Latin Book out of many good Greek ones; for Ruffinus informs us, That St. Jerom speaks of St. Ambrose in this place. It must be ac∣knowledg'd, that tho' the passionate Desire which this Saint had to extol the Treatise of Didymus, made him speak a little too vehemently against St. Ambrose's Book, yet there is something of truth in what he says. For this Book is not written smartly, and the greatest part of the things which it contains are taken out of the Works of Didymus, of St. Basil, and St. Athanasius. St. Austin was so far from finding in it that Beauty and those Ornaments which St. Jerom met with in it, that he gives it for an example of a Book written in a low Stile, Because, says he, the Subject does not require Or∣naments of Discourse to move the Heart, but Proofs of the Truths which he proposes. St. Ambrose has there collected together all that could be said for establishing the Divinity of the Holy Spirit. He wrote it after the death of Athalaricus King of the Goths, and before the death of Peter of Alexandria, and before the Celebration of the Council of Constantinople, that's to say, in the Year 381. There is one place in it, where he seems to assert, That Baptism given in the Name of one Person only of the Tri∣nity, is valid. There are many Explications given of it which may be seen in the Note of the Bene∣dictines upon this Passage.

The Treatise of the Incarnation is a Discourse which St. Ambrose spoke to refute the Objections which Two Arians, Officers who belong'd to the Emperour Gratian, had propos'd to him with much pride. He engag'd to answer them the next day in his Sermon. Paulinus informs us, that these Two Of∣ficers having mounted up into their Chariot to come to this Sermon, were thrown down headlong. St. Ambrose, who knew nothing of this Accident, waited long enough for them, and tho' they came not at all, yet he did not fail to perform his promise. But before he entred upon the Matter, to give them yet longer time to come, he begun his Discourse with the Explication of the Sacrifices of Cain and Abel. Afterwards he applies to Hereticks the Curse which God pronounc'd against the Sacrifice of Cain, and makes a Catalogue of the principal Heresies, ending with the Apollinarians. After this he proves against the Arians the Divinity of the Son, and his Humanity against the Apollinarians, and demonstrates against both the one and the other, That there were in Jesus Christ Two perfect and compleat Natures; the Divine Nature according to which he is equal to his Father; and the Hu∣mane, that is to say, a real Body and an understanding Soul with the Properties of these Two Natures. When St. Ambrose afterwards wrote down this Sermon, he added the Answer to a Difficulty which the Arians propos'd to him after his Sermon, viz. How it is possible, that the Father who was not begotten should be of the same Nature with the Son who was begotten. This is the Subject of this Treatise, which he compos'd sometime before the Death of Gratian in 383, and after the Book of Faith which he wrote in 379, that's to say, about the Year 382.

There is at the end of this Treatise, a Passage of St. Ambrose about the Incarnation, which is pro∣duced by Theodoret in his Second Dialogue, as taken out of a Book, Entituled, An Explication of the Faith.

The Letters of St. Ambrose are plac'd in a new Order, and divided into Two Classes. The First contains those whose Time and Order could be found out. The Second contains those whose Date is not certainly known.

The Letter of the Emperour Gratian to St. Ambrose is of a more ancient Date than the rest. He wrote to this Holy Bishop after his Return from the East, whither he had gone to assist his Uncle Valens. He signifies to him how much he desired to have him near him, and prays him to send him again that Book, which he had given him before, (meaning the Two Books of the Faith,) and to add to them the Proofs of the Divinity of the Holy Spirit. St. Ambrose in the Answer which he made to this Letter, excuses himself for not coming to wait upon him when he return'd from the East, and praises the Faith and Piety of this Emperour. He promises Satisfaction to his Demands. This Letter was written in 379, soon after the Return of Gratian.

The Second is written to Constantius, who was lately promoted to a Bishoprick. He exhorts him to govern his Church well in the midst of Storms and Tempests. He discourses to him very largely about the Instructions which he should give to his People. He recommends to him the Church of Imola which was without a Bishop, and prays him to visit it often till a Bishop were Ordain'd for it; because as for himself, he was so busy during the time of Lent, that he could not go far from his own Church. Lastly, he admonishes him to take heed lest the Arians that came from Illyricum should spread their Error among the Faithful of his Country. He adds, that they ought to think of the Misery which had befaln them, because of their Infidelity; which discovers that the Arians were driven out of Illyricum by the Goths who entred into that Country after the Death of the Empe∣rour Valens: And therefore this Letter was written in the Lent of 379.

The Two following Letters are address'd to Felix Bishop of Comum. In the First St. Ambrose thanks him for the Mushrooms which he had sent him, and complains that he had not yet come to see him. In the Second he praises him, and invites him to be present at the Dedication of the Church of St. Bassianus Bishop of Lodi. If we may believe Ughellus the Author of Italia Sacra, this Church was Consecrated in the Year 380, but that is very uncertain. This Bassianus subscrib'd at the Council of Aquileia.

The 5th. Letter to Siagrius Bishop of Verona concerns a Point of Discipline. This Bishop had con∣demn'd a Virgin who was accus'd of having violated her Virginity, to be examined by a Mid wife. St. Ambrose nulls this Judgment in a Synod of Bishops. Siagrius being offended with this Proceed∣ing, wrote to him, that 'twas to be fear'd the Inhabitants of Verona would complain of the Judg∣ment which he had given. St. Ambrose shows in this Letter, that his Judgment was as Canonical as that of Siagrius was irregular. He accuses this Bishop of being too hasty in giving this Judgment, which was so disgraceful to a Virgin who had been consecrated by his Predecessor Zeno, and who had always pass'd for a vertuous Maid. This was so much the more unjust, because there was neither Accuser, nor Informer, nor Witness against her. She had been defam'd by none but a Club of Liber∣tines unworthy of Credit, whom she had driven away from her House. And therefore this Judg∣ment being against all Laws Ecclesiastical and Civil, was void in form; neither was it better as to the Matter, because what it ordain'd was against good Manners, against Modesty and Civility. St. Am∣brose represents to him, that there are other ways to be assur'd of the good behaviour of a Virgin, and that we must never proceed to these Extremities; That oftentimes this way is not successful, and leaves the Matter as uncertain as before; That it was very dangerous to make the Reputation of a Virgin consecrated to God, depend upon the Credit of a Woman who might easily be corrupted or deceiv'd; That if these means might be us'd, it was only to be us'd to Maid-servants, who are more afraid of a Discovery than of Sinning; but it ought never to be us'd for trying the Chastity of Vir∣gins consecrated to God; That in this particular Case 'twas to no manner of purpose to use these Means, because if it were true that this young Woman who was accuss'd had been with Child, and put it to death after her being brought to Bed, as was given out, it had been impossible but this would have been known by many Persons, and consequently there must have been many Witnesses found against her; That the thing which had stirr'd up some Persons against her, was because she liv'd retir'd in her House and made no Visits to the Ladies of the World; That Maximus who was her true Accuser tho' he would not appear in it, had been engag'd in a Law-suit and some Differences with her; That all this Accusation was founded only on a false Report which had been spread about; That Renatus and Leontius the Witnesses, at first contradicted themselves and afterwards disappear'd; That Indicia having no more Accusers or Witnesses against her, brought Marcellinus and two other Witnesses, who averr'd That she always behav'd herself very prudently, and in consequence of this, That he and his Collegues had declar'd that her Reputation was untainted, and Excommunicated Maxi∣mus, Renatus and Leontius her Accusers, with this difference, That Maximus might be receiv'd again without doing Penance, by confessing his Fault only, whereas the other Two were oblig'd to do Penance.

The 6th. Letter is to the same Bishop upon the same Subject. He represents to him also how odious the Judgment was which he had given, and the Respect which is due to Virginity. This Letter is plac'd in the Year 380, but there is no convincing proof brought of it.

The 7th. and 8th. Letters are written to Justus, who is thought to be the Bishop of Lyons, who was present at the Council of Aquileia. St. Ambrose explains in the first, after a very Mystical manner, the Questions which this Bishop had propos'd to him upon some places of the Holy Scripture. In the Second he affirms That the sacred Writers wrote with Art, and gives many examples of it which are very intricate.

There are plac'd here among the Letters of St. Ambrose the Acts of the Council of Aquileia, which are maintain'd to be Genuine and Authentical, against the Opinion of Chiffletius, who thought fit to affirm That they were composed by Vigilius Tapsensis: But this is an Opinion which is not supported by any reasonable Conjecture d 1.7, and is confuted by the bare reading of these Acts, which discover that

they are Originals. These Acts are not entire, for what concerns the Condemnation of Secundianus, and the Conclusion of the Council, is lost. The Six following Letters are written in the name of the Bishops of Italy who were present at the Council of Aquileia, and concern the History of that time. What we have to say of the Acts of this Council and these Letters, may be found in our Discourses of the Councils of Aquileia and Constantinople.

The 15th. address'd to the Bishops of Macedonia and to the Clergy of Thessalonica, was written up∣on the death of Alcholius Bishop of that City. St. Ambrose comforts them upon his death, because he was removed into a better life, and enjoys the happiness of Saints. He compares him to Elias and Elisha; he testifies how much he lov'd him, and how much he regrets the loss of him; he enlarges upon his Vertues, and congratulates the Churches of Macedonia upon the receiving Anysius for his Successor. To him the following Letter is written, which is also full of the Praises of his Predeces∣sor Ascholius. He prays God that Anysius may be successor to his Vertues as well as to his See. These Letters are written in the Year 383.

In Letter 17th. St. Ambrose writes to the Emperour Valentinian against the Petition which Symma∣chus had made in the Name of the Senate for restoring the Altar of Victory. He remonstrates to him, that as all the Subjects of the Roman Empire ought to submit to him, so he also was oblig'd to submit to the only true God, and as they defend his Empire, so he was oblig'd to defend the Religion of Jesus Christ. That a Christian Prince ought neither to Dissemble nor Tolerate, and much less ought he to Authorize the Worship of Idols and false Gods. He wonders therefore, that under a Christian Em∣perour, there should be found any Persons so rash, as to hope, that he would grant an Edict for re∣storing the Altars of the Gods, and that he would contribute towards the Expence of it by giving Money out of his Exchequer: That tho' the Temples had not been destroyed, and the Worship of the Gods forbidden by the Laws of his Ancestors, yet he ought to do it now; but after the Laws have been in force for a long time, there was yet less reason to subvert them: That in this business he must never hearken to the Advice of a Pagan, how prudent soever he may be otherwise; and that if any Christian had been cowardly enough to consent to this Proposition, he deserv'd not to bear the Name of a Christian any more: That if a Pagan Emperour would re-establish an Altar, and oblige Christi∣ans to consent to it, this would be lookt upon as a Persecution. How then can a Christian Emperour do it, without committing Sacrilege? That there was no probability, that all the Senate had con∣sented to this Proposition, since all the Christian Senators two Years before had entred their Protesta∣tion against it, and that they were not present in the Senate when it was done, because they thought that they could not have their liberty there to make head against it. He warns Valentinian that he should not suffer himself to be surpriz'd, and exhorts him to do nothing new in an Affair of this Importance without the Advice of the Emperour Theodosius, whom he was wont to consult in Affairs of Importance. Now what Affair, says he, can be of greater Importance than this of Reli∣gion? What is more precious than the Faith? He prays him to desire of them a Copy of the Act of the Senate, and that they would leave him to answer it. In a word, he tells him with an assu∣rance

becoming an Holy Bishop, That if he should act otherwise, the Bishops would not suffer nor dissemble the Injury which he would do to Religion, and that if he came to the Church, he should not find a Bishop there, or else he should find one who would oppose his Entrance into it.

And what will you answer then, says he, addressing his Words to the Emperour Valentinian? What will you answer to the Bishop when he shall say, The Church cannot receive Oblations from him who has given Ornaments to the Temples of the Gods: His Gifts shall not be presented on the Altar of Jesus Christ who hath made an Altar for Idols. The Edict signed with your own Hand convicts you of the Fact. How can the Honour which you give to Jesus Christ be acceptable to him, since at the same time you worship Idols? No, you cannot serve Two Masters. The Virgins consecrated to God, have no Privileges, and yet you have granted Privileges to Vestals? Why have you recourse to the Ministers of Jesus Christ after you have preferr'd before them the Petitions of Pagans?

St. Ambrose adds to these Remonstrances of the Bishops, the Charge which his Brother Gratian could draw up against him, if he should return into the World, and the Accusations which his Father Theodosius might justly make against him.

Because St. Ambrose had desired of Valentinian a Copy of the Petition which had been presented to him in the Name of the Senate, and which he answers in the following Letter, that is also here in∣serted. Symmachus therein desires of the Emperours, as Governour of Rome, and Deputy of the Senate, that they would cause the Altar of Victory to be repaired, that so the Oath might be admi∣nistred according to ancient Custom upon the Altar, and that they would restore to the Vestal Col∣lege and the Priests of the Gods, the Goods and Privileges of which they had been unjustly deprived, since the Gods being provoked with the Injuries done to their Priests, had avenged themselves by a cruel Famine, wherewith the Empire was afflicted. He asserts, That they ought not to imitate the Emperours who have taken away those ancient Ceremonies. He introduces the City of Rome de∣siring this Restauration, and he affirms that this may be done without any Expence to the Treasury. This Petition was written with all the Eloquence and Politeness possible.

St. Ambrose answers it in the following Letter, and reduces the reasons of this Request to these Three: The First is the Claim which the City of Rome makes to her ancient Ceremonies: The Se∣cond is the Injustice which is done to the Vestal Virgins, and the Priests of the False Gods, by de∣spoiling them of their Revenues: The Third is the Vengeance which the Gods have sent down upon the Empire by Famine. To the First he opposes a contrary Prosopopoeia, wherein the City of Rome condemns her ancient Superstitions, and demonstrates the Advantages which she has drawn from the Christian Religion. In answer to his Second Argument, he compares the Virgins Consecrated to God with the Vestal Virgins, and the Christian Bishops with the Priests of the False Gods. The Vestals continued Virgins, because of the Honour and Advantages which their Condition procured to them; but the Christian Virgins have no other Recompence of their Virginity, but their own Vertue. They complain that the Priests of False Gods, are deprived of Revenues from the publick; but the Christian Priests are even deprived of the Right of Succession.

The New Laws, says he, have made this Regulation, and yet we do not look upon it as an Injury, because we are not much concerned for this loss. The Priests of the False Gods are capable of Donatives, but no Legacies can be made in Favour of our Church-men. I do not complain of this severity, says St. Ambrose, for I would rather that Ecclesiasticks should have less Riches and more Grace. The Church hath no Patrimony but her Faith; if she has any Revenues they are for feeding the Poor.

In short, St. Ambrose discovers the Falshood of Symmachus's Supposition, That the Gods of the Pagans being provoked, sent the Famine which afflicted the Empire the preceding Year. First, Because this Fa∣mine did not begin till long after the Pagan Priests were depriv'd of their Rewards and their Ho∣nours. Secondly, Because this Famine did not continue long, and plenty succeeded it, tho' nothing was done in Favour of the Priests of the Pagan Gods. He concludes this Answer with showing, That the Emperours ought not to expect Protection from the Gods of the Pagans. These Pieces were written in the Year 384 when Symmachus was Governour of Rome.

The 19th. Letter to Vigilius lately chosen Bishop of Trent, contains some Important Instuctions, which he counsels him to give unto his People. The Principal is, To dissuade the Faithful from contracting Marriages with Infidels; of this he treats largely in this Letter. But he admonishes him also by the bye, to teach his People the Obligation that lies upon them to pay Labourers their hire; to instruct them that Usury is forbidden, and to exhort them to use Hospitality. One of the Reasons which he brings to show, That a Christian ought not to marry an Infidel, is this, That Marriage ought to be sanctified by the Priestly Veil, and by the Blessing, How then can a Mar∣riage be made between two Persons of a different Belief? The History of Sampson and Dalilah, affords him a fair Field to enlarge upon, by which Example he shows that Christians ought to shun marrying with Persons of a different Religion. Vigilius died under the Consulship of Stilico in 400 or 405. 'Tis commonly believed that he was 20 Years a Bishop; yet there are Acts of the Life of this Saint, where he is said to be only 12 Years instead of 20. If he died in 400, and was Bishop only 12 Years, this Letter was in the Year 383. If he died in 405, and was 20 Years a Bishop, the Letter may be written at the same time; it cannot be in the Year 381, because the Name of his Pre∣decessor is found in the Subscriptions of the Council of Aquileia.

The 20th. Letter to Marcellina, Sister to St. Ambrose, contains a Relation of the Endeavours, that the Empress Justina us'd in the Year 385, to take from the Catholicks of Milan, two of their Chur∣ches, and of the manner wherein St. Ambrose defended them.

The Day after I received your Letter, says he, by which you signify to me, That you were very much tormented with troublesome Dreams, here begun those Commotions which have created me a great deal of trouble. They were

not satisfied with asking the Portian-Church, which is without the City, but they demanded also the New-Church which is within the City, and is greater than the other: The Lords of the Court and the Officers, came to find me out, and told me that I must abandon this Church, and hinder the People from making any Sedition. I answered according to my Duty, That a Bishop cannot deliver up the Temple of the Lord. The next morning there was great Crying in the Church, and the Prefect came thither to persuade us to give up at least the Portian-Church; the People op∣pos'd him with their Clamours, and he retired, saying, That he would make his Report of what was done to the Emperour. The next Day, which was Sunday, after the Reading and Sermon, when I was explaining the Creed to the Catechumens, I was told, That Serjeants were sent to seize upon the Portian-Church, that they had already hung up Curtains, and that a great many People were flocking thither: I went on still in discharging my Duty and began Mass; but as I was offering, I was inform'd, that the People having met with an Arian Priest, call'd Cartulus, had laid Hands upon him. This made me weep, and I prayed to God in the midst of the Holy Sacrifice, that he would hinder the shedding of Blood in the Quarrel of this Church. At the same time I sent Priests and Deacons to recover this Man out of the Hands of the People. Immediately very severe Sentences were pass'd, First against all the Companies of Merchants; so that at this Holy Time, which was the last Week of Lent, when Prisoners were wont to be set at Liberty, there was nothing heard every where but the rattling of Chains wherewith Innocent Men were loaded, and great Sums of Money were extorted from the People. The Officers threatned Persons of Qua∣lity if they would not deliver up the Church to them. The Counts and Tribunes came to me, and required me to deliver up the Church presently, saying, That the Emperour in whose Power all things are, does but demand his Right. I answered them, Did he demand any thing of mine, my Money, or my Land, I should willingly give them up to him, tho' all that I have belongs to the Poor; but places Consecrated to God belong not to the Emperour, neither is it in my Power to give them. If you should demand my Patrimony, said I to them, take it; If you would have my Per∣son, I am here ready for you, carry me away Prisoner, put me to Death, if you please; In short, Do with me what you please, I'm content, I will not call upon the People to Succour me, I will not prostrate my self before the Altar to beg my Life, but I will rather willingly Sacrifice my self for the Altar's sake. I was desir'd to put a stop to the Sedition of the People. I answered, That all that I could do, was to give no Encouragement to it, but God only could appease it; That if they thought I was the cause of it, the Emperour might banish me whither∣soever he pleas'd. I pass'd the rest of the Day in the Old Church, and at Night I went back to sleep at my own House, that they might find me ready to be gone if they had a mind to force me away. Next Morning the Church was encompass'd with Souldiers; the People came still flocking thither in great Multitudes; the Souldiers who had Orders to seize upon it, joyned with the People in the Prayers which were put up in it.

In the mean time, St. Ambrose preached in another Church about the present Calamities. He recites here his Sermon full of Boldness and Respect, out of which take an Excellent Passage as follows.

I was commanded to deliver up the Church; I an∣swered, That it was not lawful for me to deliver it up, nor for you, Prince, to receive it. You cannot justly Invade the House of any particular Man, and would you forcibly take away the House of Jesus Christ? I was told that every thing is lawful to the Emperour. I answered, That the Emperour has no Jurisdiction over Divine Things; That he ought not to assume this Boldness, and if he would Reign long he must submit to God: For 'tis written, we must render to God what is God's, and to Caesar what is Caesar's; the Palaces are for Kings, the Churches for Bishops: The Emperour has Power over the Walls of the City, but not over Sacred Edifices. 'Twas said, but 'tis very Just that the Emperour should have a Church for himself. No, he ought not to have any.

Here some came and told him, That they had already brought the Royal Hangings into the Church, and that the People which were there, earnestly desired his Presence. This gave him oc∣casion to apply the Psalm which was read that Morning to the Case in hand, O Lord, the Heathens are come into thine Inheritance, &c. While he was discoursing upon this Subject, there came a Notary in the Emperour's Name to ask him, Why he had acted contrary to the Orders of his Majesty. St. Ambrose answered, That he did not believe that he had done it.

Why then, says the Notary, did you send Presbyters into the Church which he had a mind to take Possession of? If you be a Tyrant, the Emperour desires that you would declare your self so, that he may know what he has to do.

St. Ambrose answered, That he had done nothing contrary to the Respect which he ow'd to the Emperour, nor contrary to the Interest of the Church: That he had indeed sent Presbyters to this Church, but he did not believe that he had herein done any thing contrary to his Authority; That if they took him for a Tyrant, they might put him to Death; That he had no other Arms to defend himself withal but the Invocation of the Name of Jesus Christ; That under the ancient Law the Kingly Power had been given to Priests, but they had never usurp'd it; That Kings were more desirous of the Priesthood than Priests of the Kingly Power; That Christ himself run away for fear lest he should be chosen King; That Maximus would not say, that he had been wanting in his Loyalty to Valentinian. In short, That Bishops had never been Tyrants, but had often suffered hard things from them.

All the Day was spent in sadness, and St. Ambrose could not return to his own House, because the Church was encompass'd with Souldiers; so he passed the Night in singing Psalms in the Church. The next Day the Book of Jonas was read. As St. Ambrose was expounding it, word was brought him, that the Emperour had commanded the Souldiers to withdraw, and order'd the Fines which were exacted from the Merchants to be restor'd.

What Joys, says he, what Acclamations

of the People! This was the Day wherein Jesus Christ was delivered up for us, the Day wherein Absolution is given to Penitents. This is, writes he to his Sister, what is pass'd, God grant 〈◊〉〈◊〉 here may be an end of it. But the Threatnings of the Emperour make me fear still some great•••• Commotions: He says, That I am a Tyrant and more than a Tyrant: And when his Officers pray'd him to come to Church, he answered them, If Ambrose would command you, you would deliver me up. Behold, what am I to expect after this! All those that heard him say this, testified suf∣ficiently the trouble that it gave them; but there are some about him who have blown up the Coals. Calligonus Master of the Wardrope came to me, and threatned me in these Words, Why do you despise the Emperour, Vengeance shall quickly come upon you? I answered him, That if God should suffer these Threatnings to take Effect, he would do as Eunuchs have been wont to do, and I should suffer as becomes a Bishop: Heavens grant, That all the Mischiefs which threaten the Church may fall upon me; That her Enemies may point all their Darts against me; That they may asswage their Rage with shedding of my Blood.

Thus ends this Excellent Letter of St. Ambrose.

Tho' the First Efforts of Justina had such bad Success, yet she did not give over her Persecution▪ To colour her Design, she caus'd a Conference to be propos'd between Auxentius the Arian Bishop and St. Ambrose, before such Judges as they should name, hoping by these means to have a Pretence to force him away. Then an Officer was sent in the name of Valentinian to signify unto him, That Auxentius had named some Judges, and that he should name some on his own behalf. St. Ambrose answered, That according to the good Maxim of Theodosius the Father of Valentinian, Bishops could have none but Bishops for their Judges; That Laymen could not judge between Bishops, and much less Infidels or Hereticks, such as Auxentius in all probability had chosen. This is what St. Ambrose remonstrated to Valentinian in Letter 21st. which is properly a Petition, wherein he shows that he had done nothing contrary to the Respect which he owes him by this Answer; That he only followed the Law which his Father had establish'd, and that this was the Custom of the Church: That if a Conference about the Faith was necessary, it should be in the Church and before Bishops: That if Auxentius should appeal to a Synod, tho' it was not necessary to assemble one, (since if an Angel should come from Heaven and teach a contrary Doctrine, it ought not to be preferr'd before the unanimous Consent of all the Churches;) yet if a Council should be assembled, he was ready to appear there; That he would have come to Court and to the Emperour's Council, if his People, his Clergy and the Bishops had not hindred him; That he was not wont to go thither but for the Inte∣rest of the Emperour, neither was it his Custom to frequent the Court.

At the time when St. Ambrose sent this Petition to be presented to the Emperour, he preach'd a Sermon to his People, to allay the Fear they were seized with, after they understood that St. Am∣brose was cited to appear before the Emperour's Council. This is plac'd after the preceding Letter. There he declares to his People, That he had no design to abandon his Church; That they might arrest his Body by force, but they could not separate his Mind from it; That he would never willing∣ly forsake them, but if he should be driven away by force, he would not resist.

I can, says he, sigh and mourn, I can lament, Tears are my only Arms against Violence and against Souldiers; Bishops have no other Defence. I cannot, I ought not to resist any other ways; but as to flying away and forsaking my Church, that I will never do. You know that the Respect which I have for the Emperour does not make me yield cowardly; that I offer my self willingly to Punish∣ment, and that I do not fear the Mischiefs they threaten me with. If I knew that in my absence the Church would not be deliver'd up to the Arians, and if it were the Duty of a Bishop to go to the Palace, I would go willingly; but this is not his Duty, for Matters of Faith cannot be hand∣led but in the Church. If any one has a mind to oppose our Creed, let him come here, and I will defend the Faith which I profess. The Souldiers that encompass the Church and their rattling of their Arms, do not at all make me afraid, neither do they shake my Constancy; all that I fear is, that while you detain me, some Resolution may be taken against you. I am not wont to have any fear for my self, but I tremble for you. When the Vessels of the Church were demanded of me, I said, That if they would demand any thing that was mine, I should willingly give it; That I could give nothing that belonged to the Church, and that in refusing them I gratified the Emperour, since he could not receive them without doing an Injury to Jesus Christ.

After this he exhorts his People to continue Spectators of the Combate which he was to maintain. He says, That he had no reason to fear, because he was assured, that it was for the Cause of God, who could protect him against all his Enemies, and defeat all their Designs: That he had already smitten them with blindness, since they did not perceive the Gate of the Church which was left open, tho' they had compass'd the Church about, and sought for a way to enter into it; That he went forth daily to make Visits, or to go to the Sepulchre of the Martyrs, without being stopp'd by any Body, tho' 'twas already resolv'd to drive him away, and that Auxentius had a design to Invade his Church. Here he inveighs freely against this Arian, and against the Law which he had gotten by surprize in favour of his Party. He observes, That he was ready to refute him, tho' there was no need of it, since Aux∣entius's Cause was quite desperate, and he had been condemn'd even by those whom he had chosen for his Judges, and in the absence of his Adversaries: That after he was thus conquer'd, he would have taken the Emperour for a Judge, tho' he was yet but a Catechumen: That he had persuaded the Emperour the preceding Year to take away a Church from the Catholicks, but the Resistance of the People hindering him from compassing that Design, he had charged St. Ambrose with rebelling against the Orders of his Prince, tho' he always answered with much Moderation.

If the Em∣perour, says he, demand of us Tribute, we will not refuse to pay it him, the Lands of the Church

do pay it. If he would have the Lands themselves, he can take them, none of us does oppose it. I will not give them to him, but neither will I hinder him from taking them. We keep our selves within the bounds of a Just Obedience. We render to Caesar that which is Cesar's, and to God the things which are God's. Tribute is Caesar's. No body refuses him that. The Church is God's; 'tis unlawful to give it to the Prince; he has no Authority over it. Could any thing be more respectful, or more to the Honour of the Emperour? 'Tis an Honour to him to be of the Church; he is in the Church, but not above the Church.

The 22d. Letter contains the History of the Discovery of the Reliques of St. Gervasius and St. Pro∣tasius, and the Sermons which St. Ambrose made to his People upon this Subject. It is also to his dear Sister Marcellina, to whom he communicated an Account of what had passed in his Church. He writes to her, that having dedicated a Church at Milan, he was desired to Consecrate it with the same Solemnity, wherewith he had done the Roman Church (this was another Church which was near the Roman Gate) which he promised to do, if he could find any Reliques. That he had caused the Ground at a place which was before the Rails of the Sepulchres of St. Felix and St. Nabor to be broke up; That in this place he found the Bones of two Men of extraordinary bigness with much Blood; That there were sufficient Signs to discover that they were Martyrs; That having brought thither some possess'd Persons, it was known by their Agitation, that they were before the Sepulchre of Martyrs; That the People flocked together in great Multitudes for the space of two Days to see these Relicks, and that afterwards those Bones were disposed according to their Natural Order to be carried into the Ambrosian Church; That they were laid up in Faustus's Church, where Vigils were celebrated all that Night, and the next Morning they were translated to the Ambrosian Church; That while they were translating, a blind Man was cured. This was the discovery of the Bodies of these Martyrs. St. Ambrose adds two Sermons made to his People upon this occasion, which con∣tain also some Circumstances of it. In them he observes, That these two Saints are St. Gervasius and St. Protasius. He does not tell us, whence he knew it: But St. Austin informs us that he had got an Account of their Death, and the place where their Bodies were laid, by a Revelation which he had that Night. He speaks of the many Miracles which those Reliques wrought, of the Possessed that were delivered, of the Sick that were healed, of the Handkerchiefs that were touched, to carry them to the Sick. He tells his People, That these Bones must be put under the Altar; That such Victims could not be better plac'd than under the Altar where the true Sacrifice lay; That Jesus Christ is upon the Altar, because he suffered for all, and the Martyrs are under the Altar, because they were redeemed by his Blood. He adds, That he had design'd this place for his own burial place, because it was fit that a Bishop should be interr'd in that place where he was wont to make the ob∣lation, but that he yielded this place to the Martyrs, and would presently go and place their Re∣liques in it. The People earnestly desired, that he would put off the performance of this Ceremony till Sunday, but he would delay it no longer than till the next Morning. And then he made ano∣ther Discourse to his People, wherein he confutes the Infidelity of the Arians, and the Incredulity of some of the Faithful, by the Miracles which these Reliques had wrought, and chiefly by the Cure of the blind Man which was publick and certain. St. Austin Ch. 7. of the IXth. B. of his Con∣fessions, and the Author of the Life of St. Ambrose, say, That an end was put to the Persecution by the discovery of those Reliques, which discovers to us that this Letter was written in the Year 386.

The 23d. Letter is written to the Bishops of Emilia, about a scruple they had concerning Easter Day for the Year 387. St. Ambrose observes in the First Place, That the Holy Scrip∣ture and Tradition teach us, That we must carefully find out Easter-Day; That the Coun∣cil of Nice believ'd this so necessary; That they had made a Cycle of 19 Years; That by this means the Sacrifice in Honour of Christ's Resurrection might be offered in all places in the same Night; That the Bishops of Alexandria and Rome had already made Regulations of this Business; but since there were many who would also have his Opinion, he thought him∣self obliged to write his Thoughts; and tho' the difference at present was only about the Cele∣bration of the next Easter, yet he would shew what Day should be observed for time to come, whensoever the like Question should return. He says, That there are two Things to be observed concerning the Celebration of Easter, the 14th. Day of the Moon and the First Month; That this time was fixed for the Passover under the Old Testament, and that Jesus Christ observed this Law, by celebrating the Passover on Thursday the 14th. Day of the Moon of March, and by being crucified on Friday the 15th. and rising the Sunday following. That therefore Christians ought to Celebrate the Feast of the Resurrection on the Sunday after the 14th. Day of March-Moon, a Day on which it is not any more lawful to Fast; and when the 14th. Day of the Moon happens to be Sunday, as it will fall out to be quickly, we must put off the Solemnity of Easter, till the following Sunday, because we must not Fast upon Easter-Day, nor break our Fast upon the 14th. Day, which is the Day wherein Jesus Christ was delivered up to be crucified. He proves by Exam∣ples that this is the Custom. He speaks afterwards of the First Month, and shews that 'tis not necessary to Celebrate the Day of the Resurrection in the First Month, Provided the Day of the Passion happens in it. He makes this Remark, because he was treating of the Passover for the Year 387. which was to be celebrated on the 23d. of April, a Day which seem'd not to belong to the same Lunar Month. 'Tis certain that St. Ambrose speaks of the Easter of that Year as being quickly to come to pass, quod futurum est proximè, and that he speaks of the Easter of the Year 380, as being already pass'd some Years ago, superioribus temporibus; which proves, that this Letter was written in 386, or 387, tho there be a place in this Letter, which seems to prove, that it was written in the Year 381, because he speaks of the Easter for the Year 378, as being two Years

before. But this must be a Fault in the Transcriber; for what probability is there that he should take so much Pains to fix an Easter which was not to happen till Six Years after, and that he should speak of it as the next Festival?

In Letter 24th. St. Ambrose gives an Account to the Emperour Valentinian, to whom it is ad∣dressed, of his Embassy to Maximus, which the Emperour had entrusted with him the Second time in the Year 386. He tells him, That when he came to Triers, he desired to discourse with Maximus in private, but he would not say any thing but in his Council, tho' he was told, that it was not the Custom for Bishops to do so; That when he was admitted there, Maximus came to salute him, but he would not receive his Kiss till after much Discourse; That Maximus accus'd him of putting a Trick upon him in his First Embassy, and hindring his Passage into Italy; that he excus'd himself, and prov'd from the several Steps that he had made, that he had no Design to de∣ceive him; That he came to treat about a Peace in the Name of his Prince, and that not being able to conclude it, he return'd; That he had not pass'd his Word to him that Valentinian should come and meet him; That he had never dissuaded this Emperour from doing it; That this Reso∣lution of his was taken before he return'd, and that he had sent Deputies to acquaint Maximus that he would not come; That he had acted with all the Moderation that is possible; That he had sent back his own Brother to him, tho' Maximus had put Valentinian's to death, and by an unheard∣of Inhumanity refuss'd still to restore his Body; That Valentinian had preferr'd Peace to War, tho' he might hope for Succors from the Huns and Alanes against the Barbarians whom Maximus had brought into the Empire; That Maximus ought not to blame those, who being with Valentinian, made their Escape and fled to Theodosius for Refuge, since he put all to death that he could lay hands upon, and among the rest one Vallion who was a brave Captain; That after this Discourse he re∣ceiv'd no other Answer from Maximus, but that he would consider what he had to do. St. Ambrose adds, that Maximus understanding that he would not communicate either with the Bishops who had receiv'd him into Communion, or who had desired the death of some Hereticks, he receiv'd Or∣ders to be gone immediately, and at his going away he had the dissatisfaction to see the Holy Bishop Hyginus sent into Banishment, and us'd with all possible Rigour, so that his Age and bad Usage re∣duc'd him to that condition, which left him no hopes but of death.

The Two following Letters are about a Question which Studius had put to St. Ambrose; Whether a Magistrate ought to condemn Criminals to death, and whether he that condemns such Persons should be excommunicated. The practice in St. Ambrose's time was not very certain: Some Bishops excluded them from Communion, others on the contrary received them; nay, there was also an ex∣ample of some Bishops, who a little while before desir'd the death of the Priscillianists: Some Magi∣strates themselves abstain'd from these things. St. Ambrose confesses, that we ought not to excom∣municate a Magistrate, who according to the Duty of his Office Condemns a Man to death, and Or∣ders him to be Executed; but he wishes that Judges would abstain from doing it, and would have no Criminal condemn'd to death, but only to a Prison or some other Punishment, that so they may have opportunity to reform themselves and do Penance if they be baptiz'd, or to receive Baptism if they be Catechumens. To prove that a Christian Magistrate ought to use this Clemency, he alledges the Judgment which Jesus Christ gave of the Woman taken in Adultery, and makes many Reflexions upon this Action in this Letter and the next. These Letters were written after Judgment was given against the Priscillianists, about the Year 386.

The Seven following Letters to Irenaeus contain Allegorical Explications of some Difficulties about Passages of the Holy Scripture. There are Four of them which were formerly among the Treatises upon the Holy Scripture. 'Tis thought they were written about the Year 386; but there is no con∣vincing proof of it. The order in which they are to be plac'd is better ascertain'd, because it is authoriz'd by the First Words at the beginning of each Letter.

The Three Letters to Orontianus were written immediately after one another. In the Third he speaks of his own persecution, and therefore they were written after the Year 386. These are also about some Difficulties of Scripture.

The Letters 37th. and 38th. to Simplicius are about Morality. In them St. Ambrose shows, that none but a wise Man can be truly Free and truly Rich. These Letters are plac'd in the Year 387, tho' without certain proof.

The 39th. is a Letter of Consolation to Sabinus upon the death of his Sister. He says, that as he return'd from Bolonia, he saw the Cities ruin'd. This may have reference to the irruption of Maxi∣mus, or that of Eugenius.

The 40th. Letter to Theodosius is more considerable. The Governour of the East had written to Theodosius who was then at Milan after the death of Maximus in 388 or 389. That a Synagogue of the Jews and a Temple of the Valentinians were burnt, and that the Bishop was the cause of this Conflagration. Theodosius gave order that those who had done this Action should be punish'd, and that the Bishop should rebuild this Synagogue at his own Charge. St. Ambrose who was then at Aqui∣leia, understanding that Theodosius had given this Judgment, wrote to him with all possible freedom, that his Order was not consistent with his Piety, and the Zeal he had for the Christian Religion; That the Bishop could not obey him without prevaricating. He defends also the Counsel of this Bi∣shop, and the Action of those who had burnt the Synagogue. He shews, that the Jews had often burnt the Temples of Christians, without being punish'd for it, or condemn'd to rebuild them; That it was unworthy of a Christian Emperour who had received so many benefits from Jesus Christ, to take part with a Synagogue of Jews against the Church. In a word, he heaps together many thoughts and expressions of this Nature, which have more of Declamation than true Reasoning, to hinder any

Reparation of the Injury which was done to the Jews by burning their Synagogue: He threatens also the Emperour to deprive him of Communion if he did not recall these Orders. He did not only write to the Emperour about it, but he also made a Sermon upon this Subject in his presence, which is related in the following Letter written to his Sister. He prevail'd so far, that the Emperour pro∣mis'd none of the Christians should be sought after for this Cause, after which he went, says he, to the Altar, which he should not have approach'd if the Emperour had not past his word about that matter.

The 42d. Letter is a synodical Epistle of a Council at Milan, being an Answer to that which Siri∣cius and his Council had written to the Church of that City against Jovinian and his followers. This Letter is sign'd by Seven Bishops, and a Priest who subscribed it in the presence of his Bishop and by his Command. In it they certify the Pope, that they were of the same Judgment with him concern∣ing the excellency of Virginity. They prove that Mary the Mother of God never lost her Virginity in Child-bearing. They show the necessity and usefulness of Fasting. Lastly, they condemn Jovinian and his followers whom Siricius and the Roman Church had condemned.

The Letters 43d. and 44th. are Explications of Two Difficulties which Orontianus had started about the Creation of the World, which were not explained in St. Ambrose's Treatise upon this Subject written about the Year 389.

The Five following Letters address'd to Sabinus were written much about the same time: They contain nothing very remarkable.

The 50th. address to Chromacius is about the Prophecy of Balaam. St. Ambrose was old when he wrote it.

In the 51st. he exhorts Theodosius to do Penance for the Massacre done by his Order at Thessalo∣nica, and represents to him the Enormity of this Action. This Letter was written in the Year 390.

The 52d. to Titianus contains nothing remarkable; he congratulates him that Ruffinus was made Praetorian Praefect, not only upon the account of the Honour that was done him by it, but also be∣cause this Office hindred him from being Judge in a Law-suit which Titianus had with his Grand-daughter whom Ruffinus favour'd. Ruffinus was made Praetorian Praefect in 392. and so the date of this Letter is certainly known.

In the 53d. St. Ambrose testifies to Theodosius how much he was afflicted for the Death of Valentinian, which happened on the First of March 392, and this Letter was in the Summer fol∣lowing.

The Two following Letters are written to Eusebius who was of an Illustrious Family of Bolonia. In the First St. Ambrose acquaints him with what he had done for an Officer whom he had recommended to him, and gives him an account of the News about his Grand-son Faustinus. In the Second he writes to him that he had detain'd at Milan, Ambrosia the Sister of Faustinus. This is the Virgin to whom he had given the Veil, of which he speaks in the Book of the Institution of Virgins, publish'd in 392. This Letter was written immediately after.

The 56th. Letter is an Answer of St. Ambrose to Theophilus, who had consulted him about the dif∣ference between Evagrius and Flavianus for the Bishoprick of Antioch. St. Ambrose tells him at the beginning of this Letter, that Evagrius had no cause to push on the Decision of this Affair, and that Flavianus ought to fear the event of it. He prays him to pardon these Words, which a just Grief drew from his Pen, because all the World quarrell'd about them, tho' they did not sympathize with the Grief of others. He adds, that the Council of Capua having referr'd this Affair to Theophilus and the Bishops of Egypt, it was like to be determin'd by a Judgment which could not be suspected of Injustice, since the Judges did not communicate with either Party, but that Flavianus had had re∣course to the Emperour's Rescripts, to avoid being judg'd by the Egyptians. This made St. Ambrose think that Flavian was in the wrong, altho' he did not find the Cause of Evagrius very good, and he condemns very sharply the proceedure of Flavian. But Theophilus having written to him that some means of accommodating this Affair might be found out, he was not averse to it, and counsels him to cite Flavianus yet once more, and if he persisted to refuse to appear, then to accommodate this Affair as he should think fit: Nevertheless he ought not to violate the Canons of the Councils of Nice and Capua, and must still preserve peace with all the World, lest they should seem to destroy that which had been built up. He advertises him also, that it was convenient to write to the Bishop of Rome, being persuaded that he will give no decision which can displease him, because the way to maintain Peace, is to do nothing which may stir up Division among the Bishops of his own Commu∣nion. Lastly, he declares to him, that he will joyfully receive what he should determine if the Roman Church approve it.

The 57th. Letter about the Affair of Bonosus is not St. Ambrose's but the Pope Siricius's. For First, in it he speaks of St. Ambrose as a Third Person. Bonosus, says the Author of this Letter, understand∣ing your Judgment, sent to consult our Brother Ambrose, to know if he might return to his Church; and this cannot be understood of any but our Holy Bishop of Milan. There was no other Ambrose Bishop at that time, and tho' there were, yet 'tis plain that he speaks of our Bishop in this place, since it was he who presided at the Council of Capua, of the execution of whose Judgment he was treating. Se∣condly, The Stile of this Letter is no ways like that of St. Ambrose, and is very like that of Siricius. Thirdly, It appears plainly that it is a Bishop of Rome who speaks. Fourthly, Holstenius has publish'd it in his Collection under the name of Siricius, upon the credit of the Manuscript in the Vatican. Nei∣ther is it to Theophilus of Alexandria that this Letter is address'd, but to Anysius of Thessalonica, and the Bishops of Macedonia. For 'tis evident that it was written to those to whom the Council of

Capua had referr'd the Affair of Bonosus; and 'tis no less certain that it was referr'd to the Macedonians, to the Bishop of Thessalonica, and the other Neighbour Bishops of Bonosus, who was Bishop of Naissa a City of Dardania. To convince any Man of these Two things he needs only read the be∣ginning of the Letter. I have read the Letters which you wrote to me concerning the Bishop Bonosus, wherein you desire our Opinion, either to clear up the Truth, or through Modesty only; but the Council of Capua having order'd that the Neighbours of Bonosus and his Accusers, should be Judges of this Af∣fair, and chiefly the Macedonians, together with the Bishop of Thessalonica...... It belongs to you who are entrusted with this Cause, to judge according to the Order of the Council of Capua, because you are substituted in the room of this Synod, who has chosen you to enquire into this Affair. And the same Bonosus having sent to consult our Brother Ambrose whether he should enter into his Church, received for answer, That he should undertake nothing against your Judgment, but follow what you should Ordain, since the Synod has committed to you this Trust. Two things are evident from these Words: First, That the Bishops of Illyricum, and chiefly those of Macedonia, were entrusted, together with the Bishop of Thessalonica, by the Synod of Capua, to enquire and judge of the Cause of Bonosus. Secondly, That this Letter is address'd to those who were thus entrusted. But some may say, if it be so, why does it speak of the Bishop of Thessalonica and those of Macedonia in the Third Person? Why does not the Author write thus, The Synod of Capua having referr'd this Cause to you and to your Brethren, but, The Synod of Capua having thought fit, that the neighbouring Bishops of Bonosus, and chiefly the Macedonians and the Bishop of Thessalonica, should enquire into and judge this Cause, &c. 'Tis easy to answer, that the Reason is, because he relates in this place the proper Words of the Synod of Capua. Now it often happens, that when such Writings are alledg'd to the Judges wherein they are spoken of, the way of speaking of them is not chang'd, but they are nam'd in the Third Person as they are in the Writings. But what is said afterwards is address'd to them, and what is related is applied to them. And this the Author of this Letter does in the next Line; vestrum est igitur qui hoc recepi∣stis Judicium, &c. 'Tis needless to insist any longer upon a thing so clear; and therefore the true Title of this Letter is that which Holstenius has in his Collection; Siricius, to our dear Brethren Anysius, and the other Bishops of Illyricum. This Letter is no ways unworthy of this Pope as some pretend. He does not assume to himself the Judgment of a Cause referr'd to others. This is no ways contrary to the Prerogatives of the Roman Church; on the contrary this is according to Rule and agreeable to the Canons: This is the Practice and Judgment of the ancient Popes, who had a most profound Veneration for the Decisions of Synods, and who inviolably kept the Laws of the Church.

The Letter 58 is written to Eugenius, sometime after this Tyrant came into Italy, that's to say, in the Year 393.

The Pagans who had attempted thrice in vain to obtain of Valentinian the Restitution of the Goods which belonged to their Temple, address'd this New Emperour with the same Petition. He refused twice to grant it; but at last the great Lords of the Pagans having Petition'd that these things might be restor'd, he did it, saying, That he did not give them to the Temple, but to themselves for the Services they had done him. St. Ambrose who mightily oppos'd all the Petitions of Pagans under Va∣lentinian, speaks with no less Boldness to the Tyrant Eugenius, than he had done to Valentinian. He remonstrates to him, That how great soever the Power of the Emperour be, 'tis infinitely below that of God, who sees the bottom of our Hearts, and from whom nothing is hid; That he ought not to grant for the Importunity of these great Lords, any thing prejudicial to Religion; That the Bi∣shops would not blame him for the Gifts which he had given to the Pagans; That they did not Envy them these Goods, but they could not approve of his Authorizing, by this Grant, the Use that these Pagans would make of it to restore their Religious Worship; That it was never lawful to contri∣bute directly or indirectly to the Worship of False Gods; That in former Ages the Christians of Antioch dwelling at Jerusalem, being obliged to pay a Tax at Antioch, at the time of the publick Sports, would never give it, but upon Condition that it should not be employed for the Sacrifice of Hercules, but in other Expences necessary for the good of the Commonwealth; That if Christian Subjects being forced to obey, thought themselves obliged to do so, a Christian Emperour who was Master of his own Will, had much more reason to use the like precaution.

In the Letter 59 to Sabinus Bishop of Placentia, St. Ambrose makes an Encomiastick upon St. Pau∣linus and his Wife, who having sold their Goods to distribute the price of them to the Poor, had taken a Resolution to retire to Nola. This gives him occasion to show the Advantages of Solitude and Voluntary Poverty. This Letter was written some time before St. Paulinus retir'd to Nola at the beginning of the Year 393.

The 60th. Letter is to Severus; where he speaks of a Priest call'd James, who was come from Persia to retire into Campania, that he might serve God more quietly; as also of the troubles and Wars where∣with his own Country was harrass'd. This Letter has relation to the War of Eugenius in the Year 393, or to that of Maximus in the Year 387.

The Letter 61st. to Paternus is about a Point of Discipline. This Man who had been Lord Trea∣surer, as we learn from the Letters of Symmachus, and the 14th. Law de Metallis, had consulted St. Ambrose, if he could marry one of his Sons to his Daughter's Daughter, or his Grand-Daughter. St. Ambrose answers him, That he wonders he should ask such a Question of him; That the bare Pro∣posal of the thing discovered that it was forbidden; That the Law of God forbidding the Marriages of Cousin-Germains, does much more strongly imply a Prohibition of this, tho' it was not by name forbidden in the Divine Law; That the Civil Laws forbid it, and that Theodosius forbad Marriages between Cousin-Germains; That if this Law were dispens'd with, yet it ought not to Authorize this

sort of Marriages, because a Dispensation is only for him that obtains it. The re••son which 〈◊〉〈◊〉 al∣ledges. That his Son was not related to his Grand-Daughter by the Father's side, but only by the Mother's side, proves nothing, since Marriage was equally forbidden between Brethren, whether they were born of the same Father and Mother, or of the same Mother and different Fathers. Lastly, he says, That it would be more Advantageous to his Family, that his Son and his Daughter should marry to others, because by this means he should have in his Family Children both by his Son and his Grand-Daughter. The Law of Theodosius which he cites is of the Year 38••, and therefore this Letter was written after that Year: 'Tis there said, that Paternus possess'd a g••••at Office which makes it to be placed in the Year 393, because the Law which we have cited, discovers to us, that in this Year he was Lord High Treasurer, Comes Sacrarum •…•…gitionum: But he might have been ••o before.

The Letter 62 was written by St. Ambrose to the Emperour Theodosius, immediately after the Death of the Tyrant Eugenius, who was defeated and kill'd in the Month of September of the Year 394. St. Ambrose retir'd from Milan when he understood that Eugenius was coming thither that he might avoid meeting this Tyrant: But assoon as he was gone out of Milan, St. Ambrose returned in the Month of July. Some time after, the Emperour Theodosius having defeated Eugenius, wrote to St. Ambrose to return thanks to God for his Victory. This Saint made Answer in this Letter, That he would do it with Joy, and that he would offer up in his Name an acceptable Sacrifice to God; he praises the Piety of this Emperour, who did not seek after the Pomps of a vain Triumph, but de∣sired the Bishops to offer up Sacrifices of Thanksgiving. He signifies to him, That he had satisfied his desire; That he had carried his Letter to the Altar, and laid it upon the Holy Table; That he held it in his Hand while he was offering Sacrifice;

To the end, says he, that your Faith might be made known by my Mouth, and that your Majesties Letter might serve as Matter for an Episco∣pal Oblation.

Afterwards he praises God for having plac'd a Prince upon the Throne who sur∣pass'd the greatest Princes in Glory, and the holiest Bishops in Humility.

What can be wish'd for, what can be desired more, says St. Ambrose to him? You possess, Sir, all Vertues, you are a Prince of singular Piety and Clemency. All that can be wished for, is, that God would encrease in you this Piety, and that the Church which rejoyces that Innocent Men live in Peace and Tranquillity, may receive also the Consolation of seeing the guilty absolv'd. Show Favour at least to those who have not hitherto taken Arms against their Prince.

The 63d. Letter address'd to the same Emperour, followed quickly after the preceeding, wherein St. Ambrose begs favour for those of Eugenius's Party who retired into the Church after the Death of this Tyrant.

The 64th. is address'd to the Church of Verceilles, which had lost her Bishop. This was not Eu∣sebius who died in the Year 370, but Limenius who was present in the Year 38•• at the Council of Aquileia. If we believe the Acts of St. Gaudentius of Novara, produced by Mambritius and Bol∣landus upon the 12th. of January, St. Ambrose a little before his Death made a Journey to Verceilles, upon the Account of some Dissention which was in that Church, which was probably about the Ele∣ction of a Bishop; and this makes some believe that this Letter was not written till the Year 394. But this coniecture is founded upon a very uncertain Ground; for it supposes these two things which are not well proved, First, That what is related in the Acts of St. Gaudentius of Nov••r•• is true; Secondly, That the Division which obliged St. Ambrose to go to Verceilles was about the Election of a Bishop. It seems also that St. Ambrose needed not have written this Letter if he had been upon the place himself. Some have said, That this Letter was not St. Ambrose's, because that Venice is named in it: But if this Objection be of any force, we must also for the same reason reject the Second An∣swer to Symmachus, which is without all Controversy St. Ambrose's. This Letter has his Stile and his Air of Writing; he has inserted into it some entire Fragments of his own Commentary upon the Gospel of St. Luke, and upon Psalm 119. He exhorts the People and the Clergy, to put an end to the Divisions which distracted them about the Choice of a Bishop. He admonishes them after∣wards to beware of harkening to two Men called Sermation and Barbatianus, who were gone out of a Monastery of Milan to go and lead a licentious Life at Verceilles, where they preached, That no Merit belonged to Abstinence, nor any peculiar Grace to Virginity; and that it was a folly for any one to Fast and Mortify himself. St. Ambrose makes a long Digression to refute these Errors, and to prove the Usefulness of Abstinence and Fasting, and the Excellency of Virginity. Afterwards he re∣turns to his Subject, and treats of the Qualities of the Person who ought to be chosen for a Bishop. One of the Principal is, that he has had but one Wife. St. Ambrose extends this Prohibition to those also who had Contracted a first Marriage before their Baptism. Thus he understands the Passage of the Apostle St. Paul, and the Canon of the Council of Nice. There is also another Con∣dition observed by St. Paul concerning the Qualifications of a Bishop, That he should not be a No∣vice, or one lately Instructed in the Faith. Because they transgressed this Rule in the Ordination of St. Ambrose, he is forced to justify himself, by saying, That he was Ordained against his Will. At last, he says, If great Care ought to be taken in the Choice of a Person who is to be plac'd upon any Episcopal Throne whatsoever, it was a Matter of the greatest Importance to place a Person of sin∣gular Merit upon the Episcopal Throne at Verceilles, because the Bishop of this Church was en∣trusted with the Care of a Monastery and a Church, and should joyn the Practice of a Religious Life with the Vertues of a Bishop; as St. Eusebius did, who was the First that united these two things in the West, by settling Monasteries in a City, and governing his Church without renoun∣cing a Monastick Life. Here he enlarges upon the Praises of this Holy Bishop, and of Denys of Milan, the Companion of his Banishment, and of the troubles he endured for the Defence of

the Faith of the Church; and proposes the Life of their Disciples as a Pattern. He concludes with a long Digression, wherein he recommends the Practice of Christian Vertues, and chiefly of Poverty, of Abstractedness from the World, of Retirement, of Patience, of Charity, of Abstinence, &c. I believe that this last Part has been since added, and that it is a Fragment of some Discourse of St. Ambrose, for it has no relation to, nor connexion with what goes before.

These are all the Letters of St. Ambrose, of which the Order and Time can be guessed at: The others which compose the Second Class, are without Date, tho' they have prefixed the Figures to these as well as to those that went before. The Nine first contain Expositions upon some places of Exodus, of Leviticus, of Deuteronomy, and the Prophet Micah. These were formerly among the Commentaries upon the Holy Scripture. The Four following are upon some places of the Epistles of St. Paul.

The 78th. address'd to Marcellus, is about an Arbitration which he had made of a Law-Suit that this Bishop had with his Sister. St. Ambrose was nam'd Judge of it, but he chose rather to make an end of it, to the content of the two Parties, by giving his Sister the Revenue of the Land in Que∣stion during her Life only.

In the 79th. ••he exhorts his Clergy not to neglect the Functions of their Ministry, because of the Pains, the Fatigues, and Persecutions they were to endure in the discharge of their Duty.

The 80th. 81st. 86th. 87th. 88th. 89th. 90th. 91st. and 92d. are short Letters about private Affairs.

The 82d. is address'd to a sick Man call'd Bellicius, who was converted in the heighth of his Dis∣ease, and was now beginning to recover. St. Ambrose tells him, That God had sent this Sickness to save him; That he had smitten him with this Infirmity to Cure him by it; That God knowing his inward Thoughts, saw that he had good Designs but delayed the Execution of them, and therefore God had sent him this Sickness to serve for an Admonition to him; That he had already begun to know the Lord, but he was moreover to receive the Sacraments, by which the World is redeemed, Sins are pardon'd, and Grace is distributed. The following Letter is ad∣dress'd to the same sick Person, wherein he compares his Cure to that of the Man born blind. In Letter 84th. and 85th. he discourses of the true Treasures and the true Riches, and shews, that none but the Rich are truly happy.

The Funeral Orations upon Valentinian and Theodosius are plac'd here after the Letters of St. Ambrose. They are two admirable Pieces. The first was spoken in 392. in the presence of the Sisters of Valentinian. There he praises the Vertues of this Prince, and makes no doubt but he was saved, tho' he died before he received Baptism, because Faith and a desire of receiving the Sa∣crament supplied the want of it. He promises to pray for him. In the Second he particularly commends the Clemency, the Charity and Humility of Theodosius, and concludes with comforting his Son Honorius, before whom he spoke this Funeral Oration in 395.

It cannot be doubted but St. Ambrose compos'd Hymns. St. Austin in his Book of Confessions, B. XII. and in his Book of Musick Ch. 9. commends the Hymn at Vespers, Veni creator omnium, as St. Ambrose's. He could not be deceiv'd in this Matter; but since he has not set down the num∣ber of those Hymns which St. Ambrose compos'd, it may be doubted whether all those that go under his name be his. Those for the daily Office appear to be more certainly his than the rest; to which may be added the Hymns upon the Hexameron. As for the rest they appear to be in another Stile, and of another Author. 'Tis certain that the Vexilla Regis is none of his.

St. Ambrose wrote also other Books which we have not at present. We have already observed, That we have not now his Genuine Book of the Sacraments and of Philosophy, which is many times cited by St. Austin. The same Saint cites also the Commentary of St. Ambrose upon Isaiah, in B. IV. to Boniface, Ch. 62. and B. II. against Julian. St. Ambrose also mentions it in his Commen∣tary upon St. Luke. We have not now his Instruction to Fritigilda, which Paulinus mentions in his Life, nor the Instructions to Pansophius.

But if some Books of St. Ambrose have been lost, it must be confess'd that several have been at∣tributed to him which are none of his.

First, There have been put out under his Name a multitude of Sermons, and not one of them his: There are 36 of them printed among those of St. Maximus, 14 in the Appendix to St. Austin's Sermons, two of which are in both places. That which was the 64th. is the Translation of a Dis∣course of St. Basil upon the words of the Rich-man, I will pull down my Barns. The Exposition upon Ch. 31st. of the Proverbs is the 37th. Sermon of St. Austin. The Benedictines did not think fit to print these, and so have only given the Catalogue of them. As for the rest which are 58 in number, they have publish'd them here, but they confess that they are none of St. Ambrose's: And indeed there is not one of them which has his Stile and Air.

Secondly, There have been attributed to St. Ambrose some Treatises upon the Scripture, which having no Author that is known have passed under several Fathers Names. Such is the Discourse of the Dignity of the Humane Nature, which has also been attributed to St. Austin, under the Title of a Discourse about the Creation of the First Man, which Alcuinus cites under the name of Al∣binus, and which has also been inserted entire into the Book of the Spirit and the Soul. Such is also the Discourse of the forbidden Fruit, which is amongst the Sermons of St. Austin. The Discourses upon Elijah and Elisha are the Sermons of St. Maximus.

The Treatise of the 42 Stations or Encampings of the People of Israel in the Desart, belongs to a pretty ancient Author, but it has not the Stile of St. Ambrose. It uses the Latin Translation of Origen's Works.

I say nothing here of a Commentary upon the Epistles of St. Paul, which is believed to be Hi∣lary's the Deacon, because I have spoken of it in another place.

The Commentary upon the Revelations is a very late Author's. He speaks of the Lombards and cites St. Gregory. The name of the right Author of this Commentary has been found at the end of an Oxford Manuscript, where it is attributed to Berengaudus, whom Dionysius Carthusianus cites with Bede and Haimo in his Commentary upon Ch. 10. of the Revelation.

To these Treatises may be added the Harmony of the Evangelists St. Matthew and St. Luke concern∣ing the Genealogy of Jesus Christ; for it is not St. Ambrose's, because this Author follows the Hypo∣thesis of Africanus which St. Ambrose does not.

Thirdly, There are many Treatises upon different Subjects attributed to St. Ambrose, whose true Authors have been discover'd.

The Treatise upon the Creed, which is better entituled in the Manuscripts, a Treatise of the Trinity and the Resurrection, is a Collection of Passages out of many Fathers. They have taken the liberty in the Roman Edition to make abundance of Additions and Alterations in it. The Benedictines will publish it just as it is in the Manuscripts.

The Book of the Divinity of the Son is probably Gregory's of Boetica, as we proved, when we gave an account of the Works of St. Gregory Nazianzen.

The Treatise entituled of the Mysteries of Easter, is a Sermon which is improperly divided into Chapters. It has rather the Stile of St. Maximus than of St. Ambrose.

The Book of the Sacerdotal Dignity is Gerbertus's, under whose Name it has been published by Ma∣billon in his Analecta, where 'tis Entituled A Pastoral Book.

The Discourse to a Virgin consecrated to God has a quite different Stile from that of St. Am∣brose.

The Book of the Vocation of the Gentiles and the Epistle to Demetrias, are certainly none of St. Am∣brose's, since they were written since the Birth of the Pelagian Heresy. We shall afterwards examine to whom they ought to be attributed.

The 29th. Letter to Florianus is of a Stile much below St. Ambrose's, and therefore it is rejected in the Appendix. 'Tis yet more evident, that the 34th. which is a relation of the Martyrdom of St. Ag∣nes, is the Work of an Impostor, who having written a History as he himself pleas'd, added at the end, that it is St. Ambrose's, who having found these Memoirs in some divine Books, wrote them for the Edification of the Church, and address'd them to some Virgins. The Stile of this Relation shows the Author to be a Lyar, and discovers the Imposture.

The 35th. Letter about the Invention of the Reliques of St. Gervasius and St. Protasius relates this Event after quite another manner than St. Ambrose does in his Genuine Works, and is written in a Stile perfectly different from this Father's. The same may be said of the 55th. Letter concerning the Invention of the Reliques of St. Vitalis and St. Agricola, which ends with this Form▪ regnante Christo do∣mino nostro, &c. which belongs to the Ages much later than St. Ambrose.

The Two Prayers for preparation to the Eucharist, have nothing at all of St. Ambrose's Stile. There are found in some Editions, many other Meditations and Prayers of the same nature, but none of them have any thing of his Genius.

The Book of the Combate between Vertues and Vices, which is also attributed to St. Austin and St. Leo, belongs to Ambrosius Autpertus, as is observed in the Preface to this Work, which is in the Ap∣pendix to the Sixth Book of the New Edition of St. Austin, p. 219.

The Exposition of Faith is an Abridgment of St. Ambrose's Book address'd to Gratian.

The Book of the Holy Spirit is a fragment of some more considerable Treatises written by a Latin Author ancient enough, but different from St. Ambrose.

The Book of Penance belongs to one Victor, as the last Words prove invincibly, nulla capiaris obli∣vione Victoris. The very name of Victor is at the beginning of two ancient Manuscripts. We shall en∣quire afterwards, whether it ought to be ascribed to Victor Cartennensis, or to Victor Tune∣nensis.

'Tis not necessary to advertise the Readers that the Book of the Life and Manners of the Brachmans, is a ridiculous Discourse, and unworthy of St. Ambrose, or any Man of Sense.

The Stile of St. Ambrose is not always equally lofty, for he proportions it, as St. Austin observes, to the things of which he treats. Sometimes it is very careless, sometime 'tis very labour'd, but 'tis always grave, serious and noble; it is short, sententious, and full of Strokes of Wit. The Books that he took pains about, are very smart, exact and ingenious, and adorned with Figures and Flowers of Rhetorick. His other Books, tho they are less polish'd, yet have their sweetness and smoothness. His words are choice enough, and his Expressions noble. He deversifies his Matter with a wonderful va∣riety of Thoughts and Words. He is ingenious at finding out the most natural and agreeable Turns of Wit. He does not raise great Passions, but he diverts and instructs his Reader, and insinuates himself into his Mind and Heart by soft and pleasant Strains. Neither does his Discourse want strength, and he urges a thing vigorously, when there is occasion. As he joined together in the con∣duct of his Life a wonderful Generosity and inflexibility with all possible prudence and moderation, so he knew how to temper in his Discourses the boldness and authority of a Bishop, with an Air of sweetness and charity. We have already declared, what Judgment is to be made of his Commenta∣ries upon the Scriptures, and of his dogmatical Books. His Books of Morality are certainly the most excellent of all his Works, and those he took most pains about. There are some of his Let∣ters which may pass for Master-pieces in their kind, particularly those which are written to the Em∣perours. He who wrote them, plainly discovers that he was a Man brought up at Court, who has such

a free Air and easy Way as is not acquired but by seeing the World. The Conduct and Policy which he observed in the greatest part of his Actions and Discourses, discover likewise that he had been ac∣customed in his younger Years to manage great Affairs, and that he had a Genius very fit for them. He was but moderately learned, chiefly in Ecclesiastical Matters. But being born in an Age of great light, and having great sharpness of Wit, and a wonderful facility of Speaking, and labouring con∣tinually in reading the Fathers that went before him, he became able to discharge with honour all the Offices of his Ministry, and to fill up the place which he possess'd to his Credit.

The First Edition of the Works of St. Ambrose, is that which Maffellus Venia an Augustine Monk, dedicated to the General of his Order, Ambrosius Coranus. The Time and Place where it was printed is not set down. The Second was made at Milan by the care of a Priest call'd Cribellius in 1490. These Two Editions contain * 1.8 but a few Treatises.

Two Years after, Amerbachius Printer at Basle, made another Edition of the Works of St. Am∣brose much larger, but less correct. This Edition was re-printed in 1606, by Johannes Petri Printer also at Basle, who added only a great Index.

Erasmus undertook a New Edition of the Works of St. Ambrose which he divided into Four Tomes. The First contains the Moral Works; The Second, the Polemical; The Third, the Ora∣tions, Epistles and Sermons; and the Last, the Commentaries upon the Old and New Testament. These Four Tomes make Two Volumes. This Edition was many times re-printed at Basle, and once at Paris by Chevallon in 1529.

The Edition of Erasmus being full of Faults, Johannes Costerius a Regular Canon of Lovain•• took the Pains to Correct the Text of St. Ambrose by many Manuscripts, and caused it to be printed a new at Basle in 1555, by Episcopius.

At last, Gillotius having gathered together a much greater Number of Manuscripts, caused the Works of St. Ambrose to be printed at Paris by Merlinus, in the Year 1568. This Edition, tho' more correct than all the rest, was little minded, and in a manner wholly eclipsed by the Re∣putation of the Roman Edition which followed soon after. Cardinal Montaltus, who was after∣wards Sixtus V. desiring to purchase a Reputation among Learned Men, undertook it while he was but a Cordelier and General of his Order, and caused Four Volumes of it to be published when he was Cardinal, in 1579, 1580, 1581, and 1582, which he Dedicated to Gregory XIII.

The 5th. and 6th. appeared under the Pontificate of Sixtus V. in 1585, and 1587.

This Edition was after that the Pattern and Original which was follow'd in the Edition at Paris, begun in 1586, and in all the other following Editions which are very numerous. 'Twas believ'd that a Book publish'd with so much ostentation, valued so much by the Publisher, printed in so fine a Cha∣racter, and with so much care, must needs be very correct and perfect; and yet this Edition has many essential Defects which disfigure it. The first and most considerable is, that the Roman Cor∣rectors took the liberty to change, cut off, and add what they thought fit, tho they had no ground to do so from the authority of any Manuscript. They carried it so far as that they did not content themselves with changing those Terms which appear'd to them harsh, and substitute others according to their fancy, but they also blotted out or added whole Lines and Periods, which made a perfectly new Sence, and altogether different from the Authors, as may be seen by comparing the ancient Edi∣tions and the last, with this Roman Edition. Secondly, They have inserted into the Commentaries the whole Text of the sacred Books, which hinders the reading the Commentary of St. Ambrose with∣out interruption. Thirdly, The Order which they have observ'd in ranging the Books is not natural. They have placed some Letters amongst the Treatises upon the Holy Scripture, they have separated Books that ought to follow one upon another, as the Complaints of Job and David, whereof one is placed in the First Tome, and the other in the Second; they have joined together some Treatises which should be separated; they have rank'd the Letters in a very inconvenient Order. In a word, by too much refining, they have corrupted all, as Faber says in a Letter to Fronto Ducaeus, where he ob∣serves the Faults of the Roman Edition of St. Ambrose.

I have found, says he to him, that nimis fuere ingeniosi in alieno opere, as in the Books De interpellatione sanctorum Job & David, which they have separated and placed the one in the First Tome, and the other in the Second; to do which they were forc'd, quaedam interpolare minime probabili exemplo. They have done the same in priore Apologia David; and in the Second that which is yet worse; for because it is said in the 8th. Ch. that the Hi∣story of David with Bathshebah is not a History (which shows that this Book is none of St. Am∣brose's, but some Origenists, who Allegorizes almost all the Bible, as also it seems by the reading of it to be collected and made up out of Two or Three Sermons) they have taken away Five or Six Lines which are found in all the ancient Editions.

Fourthly, They have made a particular Class of some supposititious Books, and yet they have left a great number of them amongst St. Ambrose's Genuine Works. There are some of them whose Forgery is so manifest, that they cannot be par∣doned, such as the Books de Arbore interdicta, de dignitate hominis, de Vocatione Gentium, the Epistle ad Demetriadem in Symbolum Apostolorum, and many others. They must be very ignorant who be∣lieved that these Books were written by St. Ambrose, and very impudent who left them among his Genuine Works, when they had a Design to make a distinct Class of those that were sup∣posititious.

In short, the Authors of this Edition have made no Notes, or mark'd in the Margin any different Readings; they have only added at the end the Theological and Scholastical dissertations of one Fer∣dinand Wellofillus, which are a Collection of common Places, and Passages of the Fathers upon diffe∣rent Questions, which are of no use at all for understanding the Text of St. Ambrose.

Now to commend the Edition of the Benedictines, I need only say that they have avoided all the Faults of the Roman Edition: For First, they prescrib'd it to themselves as an inviolable Law, that they would put nothing into the Text, which should not be approved by the authority of one or more Manuscripts, and they have chang'd nothing without acquainting us with the Manuscript upon whose authority they did it. Secondly, They have taken out the Text of the Bible, and left the Com∣mentary of St. Ambrose continued after the same manner as he compos'd it, excepting only the di∣stinction of Chapters which is a great ease to the Reader. Thirdly, The Order which they observed in ranging the Books is plain and natural. Besides this, they have noted the Chronology of each Dis∣course, and rang'd the Letters according to the order of their Dates. Fourthly, They have not placed any Book that is manifestly supposititious among those that are Genuine. They have only left among them the Second Apology of David and the Books of the Sacraments, because many learned Men believe them still to be St. Ambrose's, tho' it is very probable that they are not. Lastly, they have prefix'd to every Chapter most useful Arguments, wherein they discover the time of each Work, and give the Contents of it. They have also placed at the bottom of the Pages such Notes, as contain not only the different Readings of the Manuscripts, but also very useful Explications of difficult places in the Text, whose Sence they have discovered by the most diligent Enquiries with all possible exactness, without diverting to Questions which are of no use for understanding the Text of their Author. All which give us occasion to say, That this Edition of the Works of St. Ambrose is as perfect as it can be, and comes no ways short of the late Edition of St. Austin.

Notes

• a 1.1

  About the Year 340.] The date of St. Ambrose's Birth, depends upon the date of that Letter which was formerly the 32d. and is now the 60th. address'd to Severus; for there he says, That he was 53 Years old, and that he wrote in a time of War. Tot objecti bar∣baricis moribus, & bellorum procellis, in medio versamur omnium molestiarum freto. This may relate either to the War of Maximus, in 387, or to that of Eugenius in 393; if it referrs to the first, he was born in 334, if to the second, in 340. 'Tis hard to say whether it referrs to the one or to the other.
• b 1.2

  Was Nurs'd in his Father's Palace.] Paulinus the Au∣thor of St. Ambrose's Life says plainly, That he was born in his Father's Palace, who was then the Praetorian Praefect of Gaul. Posito in administratione praefecturae Galliarum Patre ejus Ambrosio natus est Ambrosius, qui infans in Area Praetoris in Cunabulis positus, &c. This plainly enough discovers the place of his Birth and Education, for the Dwelling-House and Palace of the Prafect of the Gauls was certainly in Gaul: 'Tis true that the same Pau∣linus speaking afterwards of St. Ambrose's Journey to Rome, says, That he went to his own Country, proprium solum, and that St. Basil writing to St. Ambrose, says, He was of the Imperial City: But on these Occasions, the Place of his Parents abode, the Origin of the Fa∣mily, and the common Residence of St. Ambrose, was consider'd as the Place of his Country. And indeed so it was according to the Roman Laws; and the Chil∣dren born in a Place where their Parents were by chance about their Affairs, were esteem'd to be of that Place, which was the ordinary Residence of their Fa∣thers and Mothers. See L. re••••o. ff. de captiv. & L. fi∣lios C. de municip. & L. cives C. de incolis. 'Tis more difficult to Assign precisely that City of the Gauls, where the Praetorian Praefect then resided, which is not certainly known. Some are of Opinion that it was at Triers, which St. Athanasius and Theodoret call the Me∣tropolis of Gaul, as Milan was the Metropolis of Italy: For the Residence of the Praetorian Praefect of Italy was at Milan. Ammian. Marcellinus calls the City of Triers, the Dwelling-Place of Princes; to which we may add, the Praises which many Authors have given of this City; but this proves nothing. In the time of the Tyrant Maximus, Evodius the Praetorian Praefect of the Gauls Resided at Triers, as appears by the History of the Priscillianists related by Sulpitius Severus. But it does not follow from hence, that this City was the Or∣dinary Residence of others, because that Maximus a Tyrant, who was newly raised to the Empire, dwelt at Triers. Some have thought that the ordinary Re∣sidence of the Praetorian Praefect of the Gauls was at Arles. The Conjectures for this Opinion are these, That the Emperour Constantine resided in this City, that he honour'd it with many Privileges, and par∣ticularly to be the Place for the meeting of a Coun∣cil; That there is a Law of Honorius and Theodosius, which Ordains that every Year an Assembly of the Seven Provinces should be held in the City of Arles, in the presence of the Praefect, sub Illustri praesentia Prae∣fecturae; That Agricolaus the Praetorian Praefect of the Gauls, to whom this Law was address'd, received it at Arles; That in the Petition which those Countries presented to Pope Leo, they establish the Dignity of the Ecclesiastical Metropolis of Arles upon the Privileges which had been granted to this City by Valentinian and Honorius, which made it be look'd upon as the Mother of all the other Cities, and upon the Honour which it had to serve for the Residence of the Praetorian Prae∣fect. 'Tis added, That Honoratus writes in the Life of Hilary of Arles, That the Praetorian Praefect came to see this Bishop when he was reduc'd to Extremity; That St. Prosper in his Chronicle speaks of a Praetorian Praefect call'd Exuperantius, who resided at Arles; That Liberius Praetorian Praefect of Gaul, who confirm'd the Second Council of Orange, dwelt at Arles; That Faustus Rhedonensis writing to Felix the Praefect of Gaul, says, That he resided in a City where he profited by the Instructions of Eonius, and this Man was Bishop of Arles. All these Proofs plainly shew, that in the Fifth Age the ordinary Residence of the Praetorian Praefects of Gaul was in the City of Arles; but they do not prove, that it was also in the time of St. Ambrose. One may rather believe, that it was the City of Lyons, which at first was the ordinary Residence of the Prae∣torian Praefect of Gaul. For, First, This City was look'd upon as the Chief City of Gaul. Secondly, Strabo, assures us, That the Praefects and Governours of Gaul commonly resided there, and coyn'd Money there of Gold and Silver: Now there is no probabi∣lity, neither is there any Proof that Constantine chang∣ed this Custom in favour of the City of Arles: And therefore there is nothing very certain upon this Subject.
• * 1.3

  St. Ambrose.
• c 1.4

  Ordain'd Bishop of Milan about the Year 374, or 375.] In Eusebius's Chronicon, his Ordination is plac'd in the Year 375. But since it is certain that Valentinian died November 10th. 375. and that his Ordination was made the 10th. of December under this Emperour, we must of necessity place it in the preceding Year.
• * 1.5

  [It is plain from the 2d. Chapter of St. Luke, that our Saviour lived with Joseph when he was 12 Years old; for not only Joseph and Mary then lived together, but he went with them again to Nazareth, after he had Disputed with the Doctors in the Temple, and was subject unto Them: Afterwards when he entred upon the Ministry, the Galileans took offence at his Preaching because of his being (as they thought) only the Carpenter's Son, which had been a groundless Suggestion, if Joseph and Mary had not Co-habited together; it does not indeed weaken the Opinion of the perpetual Virginity of the Blessed Virgin, tho' it takes off the force of this Argument by which St. Ambrose went about to prove it.]
• * 1.6

  [The true Reason why Slander, Evil-speak∣ing, Anger, Covetousness, and such sort of Sins were not subjected to publick Penance in the Primitive Church, seems only to have been, be∣cause they are not so easy to be proved, and Delinquents cannot so well be convi∣cted. Sins of the Flesh, and Crimes against pub∣lick Society are Matters of Fact, liable to Proof and Examination, and therefore come under Cognizance of Civil Laws as well as Ecclesiasti∣cal; whereas Circumstances may so alter the Nature of Spiritual Crimes, that what in some cases may be damnable, in others may be venial, in others, again, highly commendable; and ac∣cordingly the self-same Actions in all those Cases, shall meet with different Appellations. To speak evil of Dignities is a Sin expresly for∣bidden in Scripture; yet to defend the Cause of Truth unjustly trampled upon, even against those whom in lawful and indifferent things we are bound to obey, may be very often our Duty. This with due alterations may be ex∣tended to all other Crimes where the Good and Evil depends so visibly upon such Circum∣stances, wherein a Criminal's word must of neces∣sity be taken. And this I suppose was the true Reason why those things were left to God and their own Consciences; since it is most mani∣fest that the Fathers esteemed these Sins if un∣repented of, to be as damning as any of those of a grosser Nature.]
• d 1.7

  This is an Opinion which is not supported by any reason∣able Conjecture, &c. p. 824.] These Acts are written in a Simple and Natural way. The Questions which are put to the Accus'd, and the Answers which they give; are not of the nature of those that are made at pleasure; but such as are made in the ordinary Forms. There is nothing n them which smells of Forgery. They contain particu∣lar Facts, which could not be known by any Man that had liv'd but 30 Years after. There is no Error in them contrary to History. In the other Letters of the Coun∣cil of Aquileia, there is mention made of Two Bishops of Dacia and Moesia condemn'd by this Council. The Bishops which are named in these Acts, are all Bishops of that time. What is said there, That this Council was call'd together from the East and the West, agrees with another Letter of a Council of Italy, where 'tis said, That there was a Synod held in the West, quae videbatur ex universis orbis partibus esse praecepta. There were in this Council some Bishops of Gaul and Africk. All the Bi∣shops are named there with their Bishopricks: In fine, all things conspire to confirm the truth of these Acts. The Opinion of Chiffletius is founded only upon frivolous Conjectures. Vigilius Tapsensis, says he, observes that Palladius wrote a Discourse after the death of St. Am∣brose to refute what this Saint had said about the Tri∣nity, and that Vigilius himself had answer'd this Work of Palladius in a little Book by it self. What follows from thence? Vigilius wrote a Treatise against that of Palla∣dius; therefore it was the Acts of the Council held a∣gainst the Hereticks. Who can believe it? Is there any thing more different, than these Acts are from a Piece about Doctrine against any Author's Book? These Acts treat of the judicial Condemnation of a Person, but say nothing of the Refutation of a Book. The other Con∣jectures are yet more weak. He objects, That these Acts are not found in the ancient Editions of the Coun∣cils, as if the first Collectors had collected all: How many Councils did they forget, and Synodical Writings which are in the Works of the Fathers. 2. That Vale∣rian of Aquileia is nam'd there before St. Ambrose. This Objection is no more against the common Opinion than against that of Chiffletius; for either Vigilius had the Acts of the Council of Aquileia, or he had them not; if he had them, why should he change the Order of the Bishops; if he had them not, wherefore was not the Bi∣shop of Milan plac'd before the Bishop of Aquileia: He must therefore, as well as we, find out a reason why the Bishop of Aquileia goes before the Bishop of Milan: It may be, because the Synod was held in his own City, and the Order of the Emperour for calling the Synod together was directed to him. The 3d. and 4th. Rea∣sons of Chiffletius, is, because this Dispute savours not of Episcopal gravity, and all the Discourses there are made by the same hand. If one takes the pains to read the Acts, he will see that 'tis not so, and that there are Answers and Questions which are Originals, and could not be guessed at by any Author. He alledges for a 5th. Reason, that Anemius Bishop of Sirmium, does there impertinently assume the Title of the Head of Il∣lyricum. But 'tis certain that he enjoyed it in the time of Constantine, and it does not appear that he was dis∣possess'd of it so soon after, since he enjoyed it still in the time of Justinian. 'Tis not certain that Thessalonica had yet received the Lieutenancy of Damasus, and tho' it were so, Sirmium was always the Head of the Western Illyricum; and it may be that the Bishop of Sirmium contended against him for the possession of this Lieute∣nancy, especially at the beginning. Chiffletius pretends that Ascholius Bishop of Thessalonica was present at the Council of Aquileia, but he has no other Proofs of it but the Authority of a Synodical Book full of Errors. The 6th. Reason of Chiffletius is, that the Answers of Palla∣dius are ridiculous: But it may be they do not appear so ridiculous to all the World, and tho' they did, Is this the first time that Hereticks have defended themselves ill? I shall not stay longer to mention the other Con∣jectures, which are as weak as the rest, so that there ne∣ver was a fancy worse grounded than this of Chiffletius about these Acts.
• * 1.8

  [Cornelius à Brughem in his Cata∣logue of Books printed before the Year 1500. mentions an Edition of St. Am∣brose's Epistles in 1480 in fol. Of the Generation of John, at Augsbourg 1476. Of the Flowers of Wisdom, Homilies: Venice 1488. They seem by their Titles to be Spurious.]