A new history of ecclesiastical writers containing an account of the authors of the several books of the Old and New Testament, of the lives and writings of the primitive fathers, an abridgement and catalogue of their works ... also a compendious history of the councils, with chronological tables of the whole / written in French by Lewis Ellies du Pin.

CHAP. XI. (Book 11)

An Account of the Lives and Writings of the principal Authors who flourish'd in the Twelfth Century.

GEFFREY Abbot of VENDOME.

GEFFREY was a Native of Angers descended of a noble Family, was educated by * 1.1 Garnier Arch-deacon of that City, and enter'd very Young, into the Monastery of Ven∣dome, which was founded A. D. 1050. by Godfrey Martel Count of Angers. A little while after, he was made Abbot in 1093. being as yet only a Deacon. Ives of Chartres gave him the Benediction, and exacted of him an acknowledgment, that he should be subject to the Jurisdiction of the Bishop of Chartres. However, that Abbot soon repented of what he had done, and caus'd himself to be freed from that engagement by the Pope; neither could his Successors be induc'd to renew it, because the Monastery of Vendome depended im∣mediately on the Holy See. To discharge that Obligation to his Holiness, Geffrey took a Journey to Rome, the same Year that he was constituted Abbot, where he did Pope Urban II. a very notable piece of Service, in supplying him with means for the recovery of the Palace of La∣teran, out of the Possession of Ferruchius, who kept it for Guibert the Antipope: He receiv'd the Order of Priesthood from the Hands of that Pope, who made him Cardinal of St. Prisca. Afterwards returning to France, in 1094. laden with Honour, he took upon him the Govern∣ment of his Monastery of Vendome, and was employ'd in the Administration of the most im∣portant Affairs of the Church and State. He was invited by the Popes to divers Councils, and was chosen by Lewes the Gross King of France, to be Arbitrator of a Difference that arose between that Prince and the Count of Angers. He vigorously maintain'd the Interests of the See of Rome; pass'd over the Alps Twelve times for the Service of the Popes; was taken Thrice by his Enemies, and at last for his own part, was involv'd in many Law-suits, with Bishops, Abbots and secular Lords, about the Rights and Possessions of his Monastery, which he preserv'd entire, and even augmented considerably. 'Tis not precisely known in what Year he died, but he was still living in the time of Pope Honorius II. A. D. 1129.

The first Book of the Letters of this Abbot contain 31 directed to the Popes Urban II. Paschal II. Calixtus II. and Honorius II. and to the Legates of the See of Rome. They are almost all written for the preservation of the Immunities and Possessions of his Abbey, de∣manding the Protection of it of the Popes, as a Right unquestionably belonging to him; in regard that all the Revenues of his Monastery by its Foundation, were an allodial Tenure of the Holy See, for which he paid a certain Duty.

In the second Book are compris'd 32 Letters directed to Ives Bishop of Chartres, and to Geffrey his Successor, in the greatest part of which he vindicates the exemption of his Mona∣stery, avouching that it depends solely on the Holy See; that the Bishop of Chartres has no right either over their Persons or Possessions; that they are not to be look'd upon as † 1.2 Acephala, because they have Jesus Christ for their Head, and after him the Pope; that the Promise he made to Ives Bishop of Chartres, was extorted by surprize, and afterwards declar'd null by Pope Urban. Some of those Letters relate to the Contests that he had with the Monks of Marmoutier, and the Countess of Vendome. In the Nineteenth, he discusses the Question con∣cerning the Reiteration of Extreme Unction, and concludes with Ives of Chartres, that it ought not to be re-iterated, by reason that it is a Sacrament.

The Third Book comprehends 43 Letters written to several Bishops, more especially to those of Angers and Mans: Some of them purely relate to Morality, others to the Monastical Discipline, and many others to particular Affairs. 'Tis asserted therein that a Monk accused by his Abbot, ought not to be left to his arbitrary Proceedings. This Author likewise vigo∣rously opposes the Investitures; shews that Bishops are forbidden to exact a yearly Salary, for the use of the Altars, which they grant to Monks; and lastly observes, that 'tis reasonable, that those Churches which have Possessions in the Territories of other Churches, should pay the Tithes of them to the latter.

The Fourth Book contains fifty Letters directed to Abbots or Monks, which for the most part relate either to Morality, or to particular Affairs; among which the 47th directed to Robert d' Arbriselles has been much talkt of. It is written to advertise that Abbot Founder of the Order of Fontevrault, that there was a report concerning him, about a Business, which did not tend to his Credit, and which he ought speedily to reform, if that report were really true, viz. That he convers'd so familiarly with Women, that he permitted them to co-habit with him; that he kept private Correspondence with them; and that he was not ashamed even to ly with them, under pretence of mortifying himself by enduring the Stings of the Flesh, which is a new kind of unheard of Martyrdom, but very dangerous, and of a very

bad Example. We have also in our possession another Letter written by Marbodus Bishop of Rennes, which passes the same Censure on Robert d' Arbrisselles. Indeed these two Letters plainly prove, that the Enemies of Robert had caus'd those false Reports to be spread abroad against him; but they are no proof that he was guilty of such enormities as were laid to his charge, and his Conduct is sufficiently justify'd, by the advantageous testimonies that are given of him by the Writers of that time, who look'd upon him as a Man of great Sanctity.

However, the Monks of Fontevrault imagin'd, that the better to vindicate the Memory of their Founder, it was requisite to call in question the truth of those two Monuments, and to make them pass for spurious Pieces. Father Mainferme has exhibited this Charge against them in the Name of his Collegues, and has made it a part of the Subject of his Book call'd, The Buckler of the Order of Fontevrault. Amongst all the Conjectures alledged by him against Geffrey's Letter, there is only one direct, that deserves any consideration, viz. that Abaelard in one of his Letters, says that Roscelin, of whom we have made mention in the preceeding Century, wrote an invective Epistle against that excellent Preacher of Jesus Christ Robert d' Arbriselles, whence Father Mainferme concludes it to be that of Geffrey, or that of Marbodus, or perhaps both; but he has mistaken Abaelard's meaning: For that Author does not say, that Roscelin compos'd one or two Letters under the Name of another Person, to declaim against Robert d' Arbriselles, but that he wrote a Letter against him and St. Anselm, so that this has no relation to those of Geffrey and Marbodus. As for that of Geffrey now in Question, it cannot be denied but it belongs to him; for, 1. 'Tis apparently his Style, and if it be never so little compar'd with the others, we shall soon be perswaded, that it was written by the same Author. 2. It is not only extant in the Manuscript of Mans, which Father Sirmond made use of; but also in Two other Manuscripts, viz. one in the Library of Christina Queen of Sweden, and the other in that of Santa Croce at Florence, which are referr'd to the time of Ro∣bert d' Arbriselles; Father Mabillon having also seen and cited the latter in the Relation of his Voyage to Italy.

In the fifth Book are contain'd 28 Letters directed to divers particular Persons, which are full of moral Discourses and Compliments. In the Sixteenth, he asserts the necessity of mak∣ing Confession of all sorts of Sins; and in the last, he maintains, that a Man, who has once assum'd the Monastick Habit, and liv'd for some time in a Monastery, cannot return to a secular course of Life, altho' he made no express Profession nor receiv'd the Benediction.

These Letters are follow'd by several Tracts about divers Ecclesiastical Affairs; the First of which is a Treatise of the Body and Blood of Jesus Christ, in which he endeavours to prove the changing of the Bread and Wine into our Saviour's Body and Blood in the Eucha∣rist; so that after the Consecration, nothing remains of the matter or substance of the Bread and Wine, but only the outward appearances, and that 'tis really the very same Body of Jesus Christ, that was born of the Virgin Mary, and which suffer'd on the Cross. He adds, That the Wicked receive it in the Sacrament, but do not receive the Effects nor Graces of it, which are only bestow'd on those, who are in a state of Righteousness.

The Second is made about the Election of Bishops and against the Investitures: He main∣tains in the former, that as Baptism makes a Christian, so Election and Consecration Consti∣tute a Bishop; and as it is impossible to be a Christian without receiving Baptism, so it is likewise impossible to be a Bishop without Election and Consecration. That those two Qua∣lifications are so absolutely necessary, that Consecration without Election, and Election with∣out Consecration, are not sufficient to make a Bishop: That Consecration supposes a Cano∣nical Election, and that whosoever receives it without being Canonically Chosen, is rather Cursed than Consecrated; by reason that nothing can disannul the Order of Election and Con∣secration establish'd by Jesus Christ, who himself chose and consecrated his Apostles: That the Clergy supply our Saviour's Place in the Election and the Bishops in the Consecration: That all the other Christians have a right to demand a Bishop, but they cannot Elect nor Consecrate him: That upon that account, all those who aspire to Ecclesiastical Preferments, by any other means, than Canonical Election, subvert the Order of the Church: That the Church of Rome cannot dispense with that Institution, or permit it to be done otherwise; be∣cause the Pope cannot do that, which St. Peter himself had no power to do. Now Jesus Christ only empower'd St. Peter to bind that which ought to be bound, and to loose that which was of necessity to be loosed, and not to loose that which ought to be bound, or to bind that which ought to be loosed; and when St. Peter was about to act otherwise, St. Paul tho' a No∣vice in the Faith, withstood him to the Face: Lastly, that the Church of Rome ought not to repeal the Laws established in the Holy Scripture, but to maintain them, nor to make use of the Power given by Jesus Christ, according to a capricious Humour, but according to our Saviour's Tradition.

Afterwards he passes to the Investitures, and says, That to know the Doctrine of the Ca∣tholick and Apostolick Church, as to that Point, 'tis requisite only to peruse the first Article of the Council, held under Gregory VII. in which that Pope excommunicates and treats as Hereticks all those Clergy-men, who shall presume to receive the Investiture from the Hand of Laicks: That that sort of Heresy is a more heinous Crime than Simony, in regard that Simony is only practis'd in secret, but the Investitures are always made publickly: That the

Apostles forbid Laicks to assume the Power of conferring Ecclesiastical Orders, and that there∣fore the Investiture, which is a Sacrament or sacred Sign, by which the Bishop is distin∣guish'd from other Men, and put in possession of the Government of the Church, ought not to be receiv'd from the Hands of Laicks, but from that of the Clerk, who perform'd the Consecration: And in fine, that Lay-men, who cannot administer the Sacraments of the Church, ought not to deliver the Ring and the Pastoral Staff, which are Sacraments, such as the Salt and Water, the Chrism and the Consecrated Oils, when they are Administer'd by those who have a rightful Power, and with the requisite Ceremonies.

The Third Tract is written in like manner against the Investitures, in which he re∣peats the same Arguments, and concludes that they are to be reputed no less Heresie, than Simony.

He continues to handle the same Matter in the Fourth Tract, and proves that Kings can∣not confer the Investiture even of spiritual Benefices, with the Ring and Staff; because it is an Ecclesiastical Ceremony, and that to speak properly they cannot bestow the Investiture of Ecclesiastical Possessions, by reason that they already belong to the Church. But he acknow∣ledges that after a Canonical Election and Consecration, they may grant the Royal Investiture of Church Revenues, and put him that has the Title, in possession of them, affording him their Assistance and Protection, which may be done by certain outward Signs, that are not at all prejudicial to the Rights of the Church: And lastly that it is not expedient to Exccommu∣nicate Princes upon that account, in regard that such proceedings, would occasion a greater Mischief.

In the following Tract, he lays down a Principle, which also has relation to the business of Investitures, viz. That Condescension may be sometimes allow'd, and the granting of Dis∣pensations; but 'tis requisite that it be done with a good intention for the Benefit of the Church, or in case of necessity, and not for Mony or Favour; and that that which is ab∣solutely evil, ought never to be tolerated or permitted.

In the Sixth, he maintains three Principles, viz. That the Church ought to be Catholick, Free and Chaste: That Quatenus Catholick, it can neither be Bought nor Sold; that as it's Free it ought not to be brought into Subjection to any Secular Power; and that as 'tis Chaste, it ought not to be corrupted with Presents.

The Seventh Tract contains certain Allegorical Explications of the Ark of the Covenant, and of the Tabernacle with reference to the Church.

In the Eighth, he explains, what are the effects of Baptism, Confirmation, Extreme Unction, and the Eucharist. He says, That Baptism remits Sins by the Vertue-of the Holy Ghost, That in Confirmation the Holy Ghost is invoked that he would vouchsafe to take up his abode in the Habitation which he has Sanctified; that he would also Defend and Protect it: That that Sacrament is Administer'd by the Bishops to shew, that it gives the highest Perfection: That the Extreme Unction of Sick Persons confers on them Remission of Sins; to the end that Christians may obtain Mercy both in their Life time, and at the hour of Death: And lastly, That in the Communion of the Body and Blood of Jesus Christ the Christian Soul is Healed of all the Diseases of its Vices, re-establish'd in a State of Everlasting Salvation, and made one Body with Jesus Christ.

In the Ninth, he Treats of the re-iteration of the Sacraments, and says, That those are not reiterated; in which it seems, as if there were an intention to begin again that which was al∣ready done; but the same Ceremony may be re-iterated when 'tis perform'd for a different end, and has another effect: That therefore the Holy Chrism is put on the Fore-head, after having anointed the top of the Head with it; because those several Unctions produce diffe∣rent Effects: But that Extreme Unction cannot be re-iterated by reason that it is a Sacra∣ment.

In the Tenth, he proves, That the Bishops ought not to exact any thing for Benedictions and Ordinations, and asserts it to be a kind of Simony in a Bishop, not only to receive Mo∣ney for the Benediction of an Abbot, but also to exact of him an acknowledgment, by which he binds himself by promise to his Diocesan.

The Eleventh is a Constitution about the manner how Monks ought to proceed in accusing others, and in defending themselves in their Chapter.

In the Twelfth, he explains in a few words, three Vertues necessary for Pastors of the Church, viz. Justice, Discretion and Fore-sight.

The Thirteenth and Fourteenth, are certain Dialogues between God, who upbraids the Sinner with his Ingratitude, and the Sinner, who acknowledges his Offences, and implores the Mercy of God.

The Fifteenth and Sixteenth, are Prayers made by a Sinner to God, in which he humbly sues for his Mercy, and begs pardon for his Transgressions.

These Tracts are concluded with four Hymns or Proses, viz. one directed to the Virgin Mary, and the three others on the Repentance of Mary Magdalen.

All these Works are follow'd by eleven Sermons on the Nativity, Resurrection and Ascensi∣on of Jesus Christ; On the Purification and Festivals of the Virgin Mary; On Mary Mag∣dalen, whom he confounds with the Sinner; On the penitent Thief; and on St. Benedict. These

Sermons are dry and barren, containing nothing that is Eloquent; and indeed, generally speak∣ing, all the Pieces of this Author are not written with much Elegancy or Politeness. Howe∣ver his Compositions are very natural, and his Explications easy and familiar. Father Sir∣mond caus'd them to be printed at Paris A. D. 1610. from two Manuscript Copies, and an∣nex'd Annotations on the Letters, which are very serviceable to make known the Persons, and to illustrate many Historical Matters of Fact that are mentioned therein.

HILDEBERT Bishop of Mans, and afterwards Arch bishop of Tours.

HILDEBERT Born at Lavardin in the Diocess of Mans, of Parents of mean Condition, * 1.3 joyn'd the Study of the Liberal Sciences to that of Divinity, and was chosen Bishop of Mans, A. D. 1098. His first Exercises of the Episcopal Functions were disturbed by the War that broke forth between William II. Sirnam'd Rufus King of England, and Helie Count of Mans, who being taken Prisoner by that Prince, the City of Mans fell into the Hands of Foulques Count of Angers. The King of England was Marching at the Head of an Army to take it, when the Bishop and Inhabitants, fearing lest the Count of Angers should make an Agreement at their Cost, Surrendred it to him, on Condition that their Count should be set at Liberty. Afterwards the Count having got together some fresh Troops, re-enter'd the City of Mans, and Besieg'd the Forts that were possess'd by King William's Forces; but he was repuls'd, and the King remain'd Master of the City. Hildebert was accused of having been concern'd in that enterprize, and oblig'd to pass over into England to clear himself. The King enjoyn'd him to cause the Towers of his Church to be pull'd down, and Hildebert re∣turning with that Order, found his Church laid waste by the outrages that were committed against the Clergy, by the pillaging of its Revenues and the burning of the City. But the King of England dying a little while after, A. D. 1100. Count Helie re-took the City, grant∣ed a Composition to the King's Soldiers, who were in the Forts, and re-establish'd Order and Peace in those Parts. When Hildebert saw his Native Country restor'd to its former Tran∣quillity, he undertook a Journey to Rome, and went to visit Pope Paschal II. by whom he was very kindly entertain'd and returned from Rome laden with Honours and Preferments. Some time after, he was apprehended at Nogent le Rotrou, where he went to bear the last Will and Testament of the Count of Rotrou, who was detain'd Prisoner at Mans. At last ha∣ving procur'd his Liberty, he solemniz'd the Consercation of the Cathedral Church of Mans newly re-built, and continu'd to Govern his Diocess in Peace, till the Year 1125. when he was translated to the Arch-bishoprick of Tours after the Death of Guillebert.

Hildebert, not long after his Promotion to that Dignity, fell out with Lewis the Gross, King of France, having refus'd to dispose of the Benefices belonging to that Church, more especially the Deanry and Arch-Deaconry at the pleasure of his Prince, who caus'd the Revenues to be seiz'd on, and prohibited him to enter his Dominions. The Person who was nominated Dean, was at variance with the Canons, who were maintain'd by the Court, which gave occa∣sion to disturbances in the Church of Tours. At last these dissensions being appeas'd, he was restor'd to the King's Favour, and died, A. D. 1132, after having possess'd the Episco∣pal See of Mans 27 Years, and the Metropolitan of Tours, six Years and as many Months.

The Letters of this Author are the most valuable Pieces amongst his Works. They are written in a fine Epistolary Style, after a very Natural manner, and contain divers Important Points of Morality, Church-Discipline and History. We shall here produce the Extracts of those that Treat of these Matters, omitting the others which relate to meer Compliments, or to particular Affairs, such as the six first.

Therefore we shall begin with the seventh, in which the Author determines, That a Vir∣gin Betroathed before she was Marriageable, whose Husband died without knowing her Car∣nally, cannot Marry the Brother of her former Husband; because Marriage does not consist in Carnal Copulation, but in the consent of the Parties. The seventeenth is likewise writ∣ten on the same Subject.

In the Ninth, he declares, That he refus'd to assist at the Consecration of one who was chosen Bishop of Angers; because he was a Young Man, and not as yet in Orders, and was not Canonically Elected by the Clergy, but proclaim'd in a Popular Tumult, against whose Election, the Dean, the Chanter, the Arch-Deacons, and the greatest part of the Chapter had protested. He declares the same thing to that Elected Person in the Twelfth and Thir∣teenth Letter, and exhorts him not to suffer himself to be Consecrated.

By the Fourteenth, he deposes a certain Person, who had given Money, to be Ordain'd a Deacon.

The Eighteenth, is a Letter directed to Paschal II. and Compos'd with a great deal of Art, to excuse the Canons of St. Martin at Tours, who had given offence to the Pope, by in∣sisting too much on their Privileges.

In the Nineteenth, he excuses himself for not being able to be present in a certain Coun∣cil, by reason that his Church and City were pillag'd and oppress'd by the Tyranny of the Councils; alledging also, that he was oblig'd to pass over into England, to give an Account why he refus'd to demolish the Towers of his Church; and that he was ready to undertake ano∣ther Voyage to Rome, which would put him out of a Capacity of defraying the Charges, that were requisite for a Journey to the Council.

In the Twenty first, he entreats a certain Bishop of England to furnish him with St. An∣selm's Disputation against the Greeks in the Council of Bari concerning the Procession of the Holy Ghost, and returns thanks to that Prelate, in the following Letter, for sending it to him.

In the Twenty third, he intercedes with an Abbot, in behalf of a Monk who return'd to his Monastery, after he had left it, to treat him favourably.

In the Thirtieth, he sharply reproves a Priest, who caus'd a Person to be put to the Rack, whom he suspected to have committed a Robbery.

In the Thirty first, he gives excellent Instructions to a Lady who had forsaken the Vani∣ties of the World, and in the Thirty Third, he reprehends a certain Rich Lord for his Pride and Covetousness.

In the Thirty fourth, he declares that he refus'd to approve the intended Marriage of a Count with one of his Kins-women; altho' it might put an end to a War that was carry'd on between him and his future Father-in-Law.

In the Thirty sixth, he represents to a Christian Virgin the advantages of a single Life, and gives her wholesome Advice, more especially relating to the Vertue of Humility.

In the Thirty Seventh, he comforts a certain Person, who was much troubled, in regard that he was diverted from the Contemplative Life, to take upon him the Pastoral Charge, and shews, by Examples taken out of Holy Scriptures, that it is profitable to joyn the Active to the Contemplative Life.

In the Thirty eighth, he acquaints the Bishop of Angouleme the Pope's Legate, with the Irregularities of the Monks of St. Evron, to the end that he might send him Word, after what manner he ought to proceed against them.

The Thirty ninth, is a Circular Letter written to the Bishops and Priests, and in general to all Christians concerning his Imprisonment. He was sent for by the Count of Rotrou, who was then a Prisoner; and having receiv'd his Confession, with his last Will and Testament by which that Noble-man bequeath'd his Estate to the Church, carry'd that Will to his Mo∣ther, who gave him good Entertainment. But the next day, Hildebert himself was taken Pri∣soner by Count Hubert Chancellor of Rotrou, who detain'd him, notwithstanding the entreaties of the Inhabitants of the Country and the Sentence of Excommunication publish'd by the Bi∣shop of Chartres, and would not release him till he paid his Ransom. He declares that such an Act is unworthy of a Bishop, and that he chose rather to lose his Life, than to redeem it with Money.

In the Fortieth, he exhorts Ser••o Bishop of Seez to Excommunicate Hubert, who kept him in Prison.

The Forty first contains wholesome Instructions to a Young Widow, who after having lead a disorderly Life for some time, devoted her self to God. He furnishes her with proper Reme∣dies against Temptations.

In the Forty second, he advertises a Bishop, that Lisiard ought not to be Excommunicated for committing Sacrilege and a Rape; since the Virgin whom he took to Wife, was only put into a Monastery, to be Instructed, and in regard that she left it to Marry him, by the Order of her Mother and Aunt.

In the Forty fourth, he determines, that a Priest, who offer'd the Sacrifice of the Mass, with ordinary Bread, having no other at Hand, ought to be punish'd, rather upon the scan∣dal he had given, than for the Fault, which was not great.

In the Forty ninth, he commends the Action of a Bishop, who had hinder'd the removing of certain Persons out of the Church, who had taken Sanctuary therein.

The Fifty first, is a large Confutation of a certain Person, who reviv'd the Error of Vigi∣lantius, and maintain'd, that the Invocation of Saints was unprofitable, because they do not hear our Prayers, and have no knowlege of Transactions on Earth. This Man gave it out, that Hildebert was of his mind; which oblig'd him not only to disown that Opinion, but also to shew, by the Testimony of the Fathers, that the Saints hear our Prayers, and that they make Intercession for us with God.

In the Fifty third, he excuses himself to Clarembaldus Canon of Oxford, for not having sent to him sooner, the History of the Miracles which happen'd in that City, because they had slipt out of his Mind: He gives him to understand, That the second Memorandum, which he directed to him, contain'd some of the same Miracles, with different Circumstances; but ne∣vertheless, he did not judge it expedient to alter his first Relation, yet he left him at liberty, either to correct or to suppress it according to his Discretion.

In the Fifty fifth, he congratulates the Bishop of Clermont, for bestowing an Arch-deaconry, on one of the Sub-deacons of the Church of Mans, a Person very worthy to be promoted to that Dignity, upon account of his Learning and Virtue; and declaims against the Custom that was introduced to retain Spiritual Livings in a Family, as it were by right of Succes∣sion; citing divers Passages against that Abuse.

The Fifty sixth, is a consolatory Letter to a King, upon occasion of the Death of his Son. It contains divers excellent Moral and Christian Maxims, touching the Constancy, with which Wise and Christian People ought to bear Afflictions.

In the Fifty ninth, he dissuades a certain Count, from undertaking a Voyage to St. James of Compostella, because his Duty oblig'd him to continue in the Country, where his Presence was necessary.

In the Sixtieth, he writes to the Bishop of Chartres, with reference to a Priest, who having been attack'd by a Robber, knock'd him on the Head with a Stone, so that he died of the Wound. His Bishop after having suspended him for seven Years from the Celebration of Divine Service; at last consulted Hildebert, to know whether he ought to restore him to his Functions. The latter declares, That it seem'd to him, that a Priest who has committed Man-slaughter, ought no longer to offer the Holy Sacrifice, although he did it in his own de∣fence. He maintains with St. Ambrose, That it is not lawful for one Man to kill another, even in defending his own Life; and although it were permitted, yet it ought not to be done. He concludes, That if the like case had happen'd to one of his Diocesans, he would have re∣ferr'd the Matter to the Holy See,

In the Sixty first, he reproves certain Monks, who refus'd to entertain the Bishop of Char∣tres at their Table: He shews, that the perfection of the Monastick Life does not consist in performing the outward Duties, but in the Practice of Humility and Charity: As for what those Monks alledg'd as an Excuse for their neglect, viz. That they were not able to give Entertainment to the Bishop, by reason of their Poverty; he asserts, That they ought to sell or pawn the Ornaments of their Church, to exercise Hospitality towards their Dio∣cesan.

In the Sixty second, he recommends to a Widow, who had devoted her self to God, the giving of Alms to the Poor.

In the Sixty third, he commends the Countess Adela, in regard that after her Conversion, instead of undertaking a Pilgrimage to the Holy Land, she had embrac'd the Monastick Life.

In the Sixty fourth, he censures the Custom of a Monastery, where both the Species of the Eucharist were not administer'd separately; but that of the Bread steept in the other of the Wine. He maintains, That the sopt Bread which our Saviour gave to Judas was not the Eucharist,

In the Sixty fifth, written by Hildebert, as well as the next, after his Translation from the Bishoprick of Mans to the Arch-bishoprick of Tours; he acquaints the Pope, That he had taken a Journey to Bretagne, where he held a Synod at Nantes, A. D. 1127. for the Re∣formation of the Church, chiefly as to what concerns incestuous Marriages, and the Succession of Relations to Ecclesiastical Preferments: That the Prince had remitted in that Synod, the Right which was claim'd by the Lords to seize on the moveable Goods of deceased Persons, and even his own Royal Prerogative, by vertue of which all manner of Wracks at Sea be∣long to his demeans: That it was also ordain'd, That the Bishops should publish in their Synods, and the Preists in their Churches, That those who presume to contract unlawful Marriages, for the future, shall be excommunicated; and that the Children born in such Wedlock were de∣clar'd illegitimate: That the Ecclesiastical Constitutions were reviv'd, concerning the Quali∣ties requisite in Persons, who design to receive Orders: That it was prohibited to ordain the Sons of Priests, unless they turn'd Regular Canons or Monks; and that as for those who were already ordain'd, they were not allow'd to serve their Fathers Parishes in that Quality, lest they should find means to succeed them: And lastly, That very strict Prohibitions were made that Benefices should be transmitted, as it were by Succession. He entreats the Pope to confirm what they had done, more especially the Resignation that the Prince had made of his Right to the Shipwracks. Pope Honorius II. grants him this Confirmation in the Letter which immediately follows that of which we have but now made mention.

In the Sixty seventh, he complains to that Pope, that the King of France had confiscated the Revenues belonging to his Church, and would not suffer him to enter the Territories of his Kingdom, because he refus'd to dispose of the Benefices according to the pleasure of that Prince. He likewise wrote to him about the Contests that happen'd in the Church of Tours, between the Dean and some of the Canons, which was carry'd on to that height, that one of the Ca∣nons was maimed, by one of the Collegues and by the Dean's Friends. The latter was ac∣cused of being accessory to the Fact, but he deny'd it, and no Proof being brought against him, he clear'd himself by his own Oath, and by that of seven other Priests.

In the Sixty eighth, he tells the Pope, that the had done what his Holiness requir'd of him, having restor'd Bracerius to his Prebend, which he deserv'd to lose, by reason of the enormity of his Crimes, and in sending to him Radulphus Dean of St. Maurice, of whom mention is

made in the preceding Letter. He justifies the Innocence of that Dean, and acquaints the Pope with the Judgment passed in his favour.

In the Sixty ninth, he entreats the Pope to confirm a Donation, that the King of England made to the Church of Fontevrault.

In the Seventieth, he comforts the Queen of England for her Barrenness, and gives her to understand, that she ought not to look upon it as a disgrace, but as the means of procuring her Salvation, by adopting the Poor for her Children.

In the Seventy first, he exhorts to perseverance, a Countess, who had quitted worldly Affairs to embrace the Monastick Life.

The Seventy fourth, is a Reprimand given to a Clergy-man, who did not lead a regular Course of Life.

In the Seventy fifth, he complains that none of his Friends undertook to maintain the Inter∣ests of his Church, in the Court of the King of France.

In the Seventy ninth, he determines, That Nuns who live in a Monastery, ought not to go out of it alone, but accompanied with one of their Matrons: He reproves those who act otherwise on Holy-days; and observes, that about thirty Years were pass'd since he wrote a Treatise of Virginity. Lastly, he declaims against some Nuns, who dwell in private Houses, to lead a more dissolute Course of Life.

The Eightieth, is a Letter by Marbodus Bishop of Rennes, which we shall mention in its proper place.

The Eighty second is an excellent Letter directed to Pope Honorius, in which he expresses himself with Submission and Freedom, against the Appeals made to the See of Rome, which were so frequent in that Age. He entreats him at first not to be offended at his Letter, nor to attribute that to Presumption, which he was oblig'd to do by necessity, and lest the Church should be oppress'd by force of Arms; the effects of which he himself knew by Experience. He adds, that he has reason to hope that his Remonstrance will not be unacceptable to him, because it is written for the sake of Justice. Afterwards he declares, That that Custom was never approv'd on the hither side of the Alpes, and that it is not an Article grounded on the Ecclesiastical Laws that all sorts of Appeals should be receiv'd at Rome: That if that Inno∣vation prevail, the Authority of the Popes will be disannull'd, and the whole vigour of Church-Discipline will be subverted:

For (says he) where is the Oppressor that does not enter an Appeal, as soon as he is threaten'd with an Anathema? Where is the Clerk who will not continue in his exorbitant Courses, defending himself by a declinatory Appeal? Or by what means can the Bishops inflict any Punishment for the least Act of Disobe∣dience? An Appeal will certainly put a stop to his Censure, weaken his Constancy, baffle his Resoluteness, impose Silence upon him, and cause all manner of Crimes to go un∣punished.

However, Hildebert owns, that the Church on the hither side of the Alpes has acknowledg'd some Appeals, and 'tis but reasonable that those who have lawful Grievances, should get them redress'd by that means, as also that those Persons, whose Judges are their Enemies, or suspected, or who fear the Outragiousness of the People, should have the same li∣berty to secure themselves: But he maintains, that Appeals which are only enter'd on pur∣pose to put a stop to the Course of Justice, and to procrastinate Affairs, ought not to be au∣thoriz'd; and therefore he entreats the Pope no longer to admit any of that Nature.

The Eighty third Letter, which is the last of this Collection, does not belong to Hildebert, but is part of the Preface written by Ives of Chartres on his Decree. Therefore that Piece was only inserted amongst Hildebert's Letters by a Mistake.

Father Dachery publish'd in the Fourth Tome of his Spicilegium, Nine Letters of Hilde∣bert, among which are Three very eloquent ones about the Imprisonment of Pope Paschal II. and afterwards the same Author set forth Fifteen others, which are annexed in the end of the Thirteenth Tome. There are some amongst these last, that relate to the Persecution which Hildebert suffer'd by reason of the displeasure of the King of France, and the Quarrel that arose between the Dean of Tours and his Canons. In the Ninth, he entreats the Pope not to grant the Pall to the Bishop of Dol.

Hildebert's other Pieces, are two Hymns on our Saviour's Nativity; A Paraphrase on the Canon of the Mass in Verse; A Sermon on these Words of Isaiah, Chap. 35. Then the Eyes of the Blind shall be opened; Another on th••se Words of Jesus Christ in St. Luke, Chap. 12. Unto whomsoever much is given, of him shall be much requir'd; A Synodical Discourse to his Curates. All these Works and Letters are extant in the Collections call'd Bibliotheca Patrum.

There are also to be seen in different places, some other Works attributed to Hildebert, viz. The Life of St. Hugh Abbot of Cluny, in the Bibliotheca Cluniacensis, publish'd by Du-Chesne; The Epitaph of Berenger, referr'd to by William of Malmesbury; A Letter written to Reginald the Monk, and the Preface to the Life of St. Radegonda, set forth by Father Mabillon in the First Tome of his Analecta, with the beginning of that Life, of which that Father has a Manuscript Copy in his Possession. Rosweida makes mention of the Life of St. Mary the Egyptian, in Verse by Hildebert, which (as they say) is kept in the Library of Lipsick. There are also in the Libraries, several Tracts ascribed to Hildebert, but we have lost his Trea∣tise

of Virginity. Besides these Works, Father Hommey has likewise published some in his Collection, which he attributes to Hildebert, but it is not probable, that they belong to that Author.

The other Works of Hildebert, fall very much short of the Elegancy and Politeness of his Letters. His Poetical pieces are gross; neither has he observ'd the Rules of Quantity. His Sermons are written in like manner, in a weak and very mean Style. However he was a noted Prelate, who shew'd a great deal of Prudence, Discretion and Constancy in the Ma∣nagement of Affairs, during the whole Course of his Life.

GUIBERT Abbot of Nogent.

GUIBERT Abbot of Nogent sous Coucy, was born in a Village belonging to the Diocess of Beauvais, of a rich and noble Family. He lost his Father Evrard in his Youth, and was * 1.4 brought up by his Mother, who took a particular care of his Education, but having after∣wards retir'd to a Monastery, and being-inform'd, that her Son did not follow the Instru∣ctions she had given him, she oblig'd him to take Lodgings in the Abby of St. German in the Diocess of Beauvais, to live under the conduct of his old Tutor, who became a Monk in that Abbey. Guibert did not continue long there, before he had an inclination to assume the Mo∣nastick Habit, and actually put that Design in execution, contrary to the Advice of his Mo∣ther and Tutor. After having turn'd Monk, he was afflicted with many Temptations, but at last was deliver'd from them, by the means of Prayer and Study, and was chosen Abbot of Nogent sous Coucy in the most remote part of the Diocess of Laon, where he died in 1124.

A certain small Tract about Preaching, is usually prefix'd to Guibert's Works, being the Preface to his Moral Commentaries on the Holy Scripture, which is full of Instructions, and very methodical. He begins with observing, that it is very dangerous for a Person obliged to Preach by the Duty of his Function, to neglect the performance of that Duty, by reason that as it is a matter of pernicious Consequence to shew bad Examples; so it is a very great Offence, not to endeavour to contribute somewhat to the reclaiming of Sinners by wholsom Instructions. He adds. That Men have different Motives to abstain from Preaching; that some are induc'd to do it by Pride, for fear of passing for Preachers, a Quality commonly re∣puted contemptible in the World; others by Envy, not to communicate their Knowledge to others, and others by Disgust or Slothfulness, in regard that they do not think themselves to lie under any Obligation, because they have no cure of Souls. He maintains, that all Chri∣stians, who have attain'd to any Knowledge of the Holy Scriptures, are oblig'd to Preach the Word of God, and that they ought to propose no other end of their Preaching, but God himself, who is the Subject of it: That Bishops, Abbots, Curates and all Christians in general, are not only obliged to abstain from doing Evil, and from giving bad Examples, but are also under an obligation to do all manner of Good that lies in their power, both by their Example and Doctrine. He concludes from that Principle, that the practice of Virtues and the Instruction of others ought to be joyn'd together: Thus a Preacher ought to lead an innocent Life, and he who lives well, ought to apply himself to the Instructing of others.

This Author advises that Preaching be preceded by Prayer, to the end that the Soul in∣spir'd with the Love of God, may ardently express the Sentiments it has of God, to inflame the Hearts of the Auditors with the same Zeal, with which it is transported it self.

For (says he) a Discourse pronounced in a luke-warm and languid manner, not being agreeable even to him that pronounces it, cannot give satisfaction to the Hearers; and it would be wonderful, that a Discourse deliver'd by a Person who is not animated himself, should be capable of animating others. Care ought also to be taken (continues he) since the Word is spread abroad according to the effusion of the Heart, that the Discourse be not too te∣dious by reason of its length, and do not clog the Auditors: Therefore how fervent soever the Zeal of the Preacher may be, how copious soever his Subject, how strong soever his Memory, and how extraordinary soever his fluency of Discourse, yet he ought to have regard to the weakness of his Auditors, and to consider, that 'tis more commendable to lay down a few Truths, which will be receiv'd attentively, than to deliver an infinite num∣ber of Things, that cannot be retain'd; and that 'tis expedient to leave off before his Au∣ditors be tir'd, to the end that when there shall be an occasion to Preach to them at another time, they may be disposed to hearken to his Doctrine.

He likewise admonishes Preachers, that they ought to render their Sermons profitable both to the Ignorant and to the Learn∣ed, and to explain the Matters they handle in such a manner, as may be intelligible to all sorts of Capacities; and that it is requisite, to intermix some Sentences taken out of the Old Te∣stament in their Discourses, because they appear new, and serve to stir up the Affections of their Auditors.

Afterwards he treats of the Subjects that ought to be chosen by Preachers, and refers them to the Four senses of Scripture, viz. the Literal, the Allegorical, the Tropological and Ana∣gogical.

He observes, that altho' Allegories mingled in the connection of a Discourse be agreeable, and it be sometimes convenient to explain the literal sense of some Passages of Scripture; nevertheless the principal aim of a Preacher ought to be, to discover the inward disposition of the Man; that is to say, his Thoughts, Affections and Passions, and to make so natural representations of them, that every one may acknowledge therein the secret im∣pulses of his own Mind.

Furthermore, (says he) Admonitions ought not only to be given concerning the practice of Vertues, but also with reference to the connection of Vices, and the means of shunning them—

Sometimes a Discourse on the Nature of Vice is no less profitable than one on Vertue: For how can a Man take delight in the beauty of Vertue, if he be not sensible of the deformity of Vice? Or how can he avoid the latter, if he have no knowledge of the former? Therefore 'tis requisite to make known both, to cause a Man to be acquainted with himself, and to represent to him the inward disposition of his Mind.

This inward Disposition of a Man is perfectly describ'd according to Guibert in St. Gregory's Treatises of Morality and in Cassian's Conferences, but it cannot be well learnt, but by Ex∣perience and the exercises of a Spiritual Life. He would not advise those that are not accus∣tomed to the practice of it, to venture upon new Allegories, and he gives Rules to those who have attain'd to perfection in spiritual Exercises, to walk safely in a Path, from whence without due circumspection they may easily go astray.

He admonishes Preachers, to deliver their Sermons after such a manner, as it may appear that they have no other intention, but to instruct, and to promote the Salvation of their Au∣ditors, and that they do not seek for vain Glory by their Eloquence:

For nothing (says he) gives greater offence to an Auditor, than when he is perswaded that the Preacher is only induc'd to speak, by Ostentation or private Interest; so that a Preacher, that has such a Cha∣racter, exasperates rather than instructs, and by how much the more his Discourses abound with Rhetorical Ornaments, he renders himself so much the more contemptible to his Auditors.

Lastly, he treats of the principal Matters, that ought to serve as a Subject for Preachers, and advises them not only to represent to Sinners the everlasting Punishments that they shall undergo hereafter in the future State, but also the Troubles, Torments, Vexations and other Calamities, to which they are obnoxious in this Life. This is the Subject of the Preface, which he apparently made to serve in stead of an Apology against the Opinion of his Ab∣bot, who was unwilling to permit him either to Preach or to Write. It is followed by ten Books of Moral Commentaries upon Genesis, written in imitation of those of St. Gregory on Job, and by Ten other Books of Commentaries of the same Nature on the Prophecies of Hosea and Amos, and on the Lamentations of Jeremiah, on which he impos'd the Title of Tropologiae.

Guilbert's Treatise against the Jews is a Confutation of a certain Piece full of Blasphemies against Jesus Christ. He Discourses particularly of our Saviour's Conception in the Womb of a Virgin, and upon occasion of that Question, proceeds to Treat of Original Sin and Con∣cupiscence. There is a remarkable Passage about Images, in which he says,

That we honour the Invisible Things in the visible Signs; or rather, that we fix our wandring Mind on the Contemplation of spiritual Things, by looking upon Pictures, which serve as it were to admonish us of our Duty.

In his Treatise of the reality of the Body of Jesus Christ, he debates two Questions, viz. one on the Sop that was given by him to Judas, and the other about the reality of our Saviour's Body in the Eucharist. As to the First, he determines, that Judas receiv'd the Sacrament with the other Apostles, but that the Sop which our Lord gave him, was not a Sacrament, or sacred Sign, but the Sign of his Treason. In discussing the second Question, he confutes the Opinion of those, that deny the real Presence, and who believe, that the Body of Jesus Christ is only a Figure in the Eucharist.

The Treatise of the Praises of the Virgin Mary, contains many Encomium's on the Blessed Mother of our Lord, and the History of some Miracles wrought by her Intercession. He con∣cludes with a Prose or Hymn in her Honour.

In the Tract about Virginity, he does not only Treat of its Excellency, but also of the means of preserving it; of the Vertues that ought to accompany it, and of the Vices that are destructive of it.

In the Treatise of the Pledges or Relicks of the Saints, Guibert after having justified him∣self in the Preface, as to the Expression utter'd by him that the Eucharist supplies the Place of Jesus Christ, ••he proceeds to treat of the Honour due to Saints, of their Relicks, and of the Abuses committed upon that account; alledging, 1. That the Customs of Churches may be different, as to matters of Discipline, as about Fasts, the manner of Singing, &c. 2. That it is necessary to receive the Sacrament of Baptism and of the Lord's Supper; in such manner nevertheless, that one cannot be Sav'd without being Baptiz'd, and yet one may attain to Sal∣varion without actually receiving the Body and Blood of Jesus Christ, as it appears by the Examples of some Martyrs, who never receiv'd the Communion, and of some Hermits, who receiv'd it very seldom. 3. That there are some Customs, which are not necessary for Salva∣tion, and yet are observ'd in the Churches, as the Relicks of Saints, and certain Things that

serv'd for their use, which we respect and honour to follow their Example, and to obtain their Protection. 4. That they only ought to be taken for Saints, who are acknowledged as such either by an ancient Tradition, or by authentick Records, and not those to whom that quality is attributed by Fancy or in some fabulous Relations. 5. He censures those who invent false Tales, and requires that the Histories of the Lives and Actions of the Saints be carefully examined, and that those only he Honour'd of whose Holiness we have a certain Account, and who undoubtedly died the Death of the Righteous. 6. He distinguishes several sorts of Persons, by whom God thinks fit to work Miracles; some of them being as it were the Canals or Instruments that he makes use of in the performing of preternatural Operations, which tend to the advantage of others, and are unprofitable to themselves: God be∣stows special Graces on others, which they never deserv'd, and makes them worthy by his meer Mercy: Sometimes he affords them to the Faithful, as a recompence for their Faith and Uprightness. 7. He insists, that severe Punishments ought to be inflicted on those who Forge false Miracles. 8. He enquires who they are that ought to be Honour'd as Saints; of these the Martyrs are the First, but it ought to be certainly prov'd, that they suffer'd for the Christian Faith. As for Confessors, he determines, that they only are to be respected in that Quality, who were eminent for their extraordinary Sanctity, and of whose Salvation we are morally certain: For when there are grounds to doubt of it, he would by no means have them invok'd. Upon that occasion, he proposes the Example of the Church, which would not avouch that the Body of the Virgin Mary was raised from the Dead and Glorified, altho' there are many Reasons that induce us to believe it. 9. He observes, in reference to the acknowledged and avouched Saints, that there are many Errors concerning their Relicks; in regard that the Body, Head and other Members of the same Saint are to be found in diffe∣rent Places, and every one pretends to have the true Relick. 10. He maintains, That for∣asmuch as the Bodies of the Saints are made of Earth, as those of other Men; it were more expedient to leave them in their Tombs, than to set them in Shrines of Gold and Silver, to carry them about; and to divide them, as it is usually done.

Indeed (says he) if the Bo∣dies of the Saints had continu'd in the Places where they were, according to the order of Nature, that is to say, in their Tombs; there would have been no mistake nor contest about the reality of their Relicks: For that happens, only because they are taken out of their Tombs; cut in Pieces; and carried about from one place to another. 'Tis true, that Piety gave occasion to the removing of them, but Curiosity, in process of time, corrupt∣ed that which was done at first with simplicity—Let others judge as they shall think fit; for my part, I make no scruple to assert, that they have not done a thing acceptable to God or his Saints, in opening their Tombs, or in dividing their Members after such a manner; since the Heathens themselves had a respect for the Sepulchres of the Dead. St. Gregory return'd for Answer to an Empress who importun'd him upon the like occasion, that he durst not send her St. Peter's Head, and the Saints have often shewn notable marks of their In∣dignation against those, who have presum'd thus to dismember their Bodies. 11.

He acknow∣ledges nevertheless, that those, who honour false Relicks without knowing them to be so, and supposing them to belong to some Saint, do not Sin, and that he that invokes a Person, who is no Saint, believing him to be really so may be heard of God, who knows his good Inten∣tion. Lastly, he condemns the filthy Lucre that is made of those Relicks, by selling them, or by exacting Mony for shewing them; carrying them in Procession; exposing them, &c. These are the principal Points decided by Guibert in his first Book of the Pledges of the Saints, and they are accompany'd with great variety of Examples of real and counterfeit Miracles, of true and false Saints, and of genuine a•…•… supposititious Relicks, which are capable of afford∣ing much satisfaction and delight to the Reader.

In the second Book, to confute those, who set a great value on certain Relicks, which they asserted to belong to our Saviour, as his Teeth, Fore-skin, &c. our Author treats of the My∣stery 〈◊〉〈◊〉 which he has really left us his Body: He maintains, That Jesus Christ left no Re∣licks of his Body, but that he has given it us entire in the Eucharist: That that Body is not divided and distributed to the Faithful by Parcels, but that it is given altogether entire under every Host: That this Sacrament is receiv'd by the Unworthy, as well as by the Worthy, altho' the former do not receive the Grace of the Sacrament: That it may perhaps be devour'd by Rats and other Animals and pass thro' their Belly, yet nothing unworthy can befal the Body of Jesus Christ; so that the corruption and other alterations that appear to our Senses happen only to the Species, and not to the real Body of our Saviour: Lastly, That that Bo∣dy is no in the Eucharist in the state of a dead or crucified Person, but in that of a living and glorified Redeemer. He 〈◊〉〈◊〉 another Question by the way, viz. Whether the Bread that re∣main'd in the Pyx••on the Altar, during the Consecration, unknown to the Priest, were Conse∣crated; He determines in the negative, and that if an Host were put under the † 1.5 Palle, or a Drop of Wine in the Chalice, without the knowledge of the Priest; they would not be consecrated.

After having discoursed of the true Relick of Jesus Christ in the second Book, Guibert pro∣ceeds in the Third, to confute the false ones, which some Persons pretended to have in their possession. He begins with this fine Maxim.

'Tis requisite to approve the Devotion and Respect that People have for God and the Saints, but only as far as that Devotion does not

deviate from the bounds of true Religion; otherwise it happens, that the devout Person, instead of receiving the recompence of his Action, becomes culpable by his Error: For when any thing is said of God, or a Worship is render'd to him, contrary to the testimonies of Truth, the Party sins so much the more dangerously, in regard that Prety is made use of for a Pretence; since nothing is more pernicious, than to do Evil and at the same time to imagine it to be a good Action: For how can any Man correct a Fault, if he do not only not believe it to be an Error, but is also perswaded, that it is an action which deserves to be well rewarded?

Afterwards he vigorously opposes the Opinion of the Monks of St. Medard, who boasted, that they had a Tooth of Jesus Christ, and grounds his assertions chiefly on this Argument, that our Saviour being raised from the Dead, all his Members and Parts ought to be re-united to his glorified Body. 'Tis true indeed, that those Monks might object, that it may reasonably be suppos'd, that our Saviour's first Teeth were shed, as those of other Children, and that which they had was one of those. Guibert in like manner proposes this very Objection in their Name, and eludes it, by averring, that there are many other Reasons to disprove their Argument, and that they had none to establish it. The principal that he alledges is, that 'tis not probable, that the Hair, Teeth, Fore-skin and other Things that fell from the Body of the Child Jesus, were kept at that time, and that there are no grounds to believe that they were preserved by the Virgin Mary. He likewise derides the pretended Milk of the Blessed Virgin, which was kept in the Church of Laon, and in some other Places. The Monks of St. Medard having alledged divers Miracles in vindication of their Relick, Guibert replies, that that Tooth perhaps might be the Tooth of some Saint, or that those Mi∣racles were wrought, upon account of the Faith of those Persons, who came thither to honour a Relick, which they suppos'd to belong to Jesus Christ.

In the last Book that bears this Title, Of the Internal World, he Treats of Visions and of the Apparitions of Demons or Souls, and shews that the Visions of the Prophets, were Visions of Corporal Things: He acknowledges that Demons are disper'd in several places, and that they are present in this Visible World. He maintains, That the Happiness of the Elect, and the punishments of the Reprobates, are not Corporeal, for the present, but Spiritual, and is of Opinion that Hell-fire, with which the Devils are Tormented, is not a Material and Corpo∣real Fire, but the extreme anguish they have, to see themselves depriv'd for ever of the blissful State, and of the Beatifick Vision; as the Happiness of the Blessed Spirits consists, in the delight they take in beholding the Glory of God. Lastly, he proves that Souls are of a Spi∣ritual Nature; That they have no Figure; That they are only capable of Spiritual Sympa∣thies, and that Bodies cannot act on them.

His Piece call'd, Gesta Dei per Francos, or an Account of the Actions that God perform'd by the French, is divided into Eight Books, and Dedicated to Lisiard Bishop of Soissons. It con∣tains a large and accurate History of the first Crusade undertaken by the French, and of the Conquests they made in the Levant, and in the Holy-Land, more especially under the Conduct of Boemond Duke of Apulia, and of Godfrey of Bouillon King of Jerusalem. This Work is writ∣ten in a swelling Style, some Verses being intermixed with the Prose; but the Author has every where acted as a very faithful Historian, and has ever declin'd to insert such Narra∣tives, as had no other Grounds but popular Reports.

The Life of Guibert written by himself, is not a simple Relation of what befel him, but a Work partly Moral in imitation of St. Augustin's Confessions, and partly Historical. He makes long Digressions on different Subjects, relating the History of the Abbeys of St. German, and Nogent sons Coucy, with that of the Churches of Laon, Soissons, &c. There are also divers Narra∣tions, as a great number of Miracles, Visions and Apparitions, and of other Historical Mat∣ters of Fact that happen'd in his time.

Among the Works, of St. Bernard is likewise to be found a Sermon on these words of the last Verse of the XI. Chapter of the Wisdom of Solomon. Vice shall not prevail against Wis∣dom; she reacheth from one end to another mightily, and sweetly doth she order all things, which is attributed to Guibert of Nogent; because he intimates in the XVI. Chapter of the first Book of his Life, that he made a Sermon on that Text.

Besides these Works Guibert wrote a Treatise on the Sentences taken out of the Gospels, and the Books of the Prophets, of which he makes mention in the XVI. Chapter of the first Book of his Life; but this Work was not brought to Light and perhaps was never Compleated. Father Oudin informs us, that he found in the Library of the Abbeys of Vauclair and Igny, cer∣tain Commentaries written by Guibert in the Prophecies of Obadiah, Jonah, Micah, Zachariah, Joel, Nahum, Habbakuk and Zephaniah.

This Author having spent much time in the Study of Grammar and Poetry, wrote in a ve∣ry clear Style, and Compos'd indifferent good Verses. He argues with a great deal of Judg∣ment in his Dogmatical Treatises and handles the Matters Methodically. He gives a very Natural Description of the inward Dispositions and Passions of Men, in his Treatises of Mo∣rality, but is too florid and prolix in the Historical.

His Works were publi'shd by Father Luke Dachery, in Folio, by Billaine at Paris, A. D. 1651. He has Illustrated them with Learned Notes and large Observations, in which he refers to a great number of Ancient Monuments, and produces the History of divers Abbeys.

He has likewise inserted in the same Volume to render it of a Competent largeness, the Lives of St. Germane, St. Simon, Count of Crepy, and St. Salberga the first Abbess of St. John at •…•…∣on, who Founded that Monastery, A. C. 640. as also three Books of Hugh Arch-bishop of Rouen against the Hereticks of his Time, and the Continuation of Sigebere's Chronicle by Robert of Torigny Abbot of St. Michael's Mount, with a Treatise of the same Author about the Refor∣mation of divers Abbeys, and several Lists of the Deans of the Cathedral Church of Laon, and of the Abbots of St. John and St. Martins in the same City. Guibert's History of the Crusade was already set forth by Jacobus Bongarsius in his Collection of Historians, printed in 1611. under the same Title that Guibert impos'd on his Work, viz. Gesta Dei per Francos.

SIGEBERT A Monk of Gemblours.

SIGEBERT a Monk of Gemblours, after having been publick Professor of Divinity in the * 1.6 Monastery of St. Vincent at Mets return'd to his own Convent, where he apply'd himself en∣tirely to Study, and to the Composing of Books. He vigorously maintain'd the Interest of the Emperors Henry IV. and Henry V. against the Popes, and died A. D. 1113. The following Ca∣talogue of his Works was made by himself.

He Compos'd during his abode at St. Vincent at Mets, the Life of St. Thierry Bishop, of the same City, and Founder of the Abbey, with an Encomium on that Saint in Heroick Verse. The Passion of St. Lucia in Alcaick Verse: An Answer to those, who censur'd the Prophecy of that Saint, in which (as it is reported) she foretold that the Persecution would cease with∣in a little while, upon the Expulsion of Dioclesian and the Death of Maximilian: A Sermon in commendation of the same Saint, in which he relates the History of the several translations of her Body from Sicily to Corfu, and from thence to M••••s: And the Life of St. Sigebert King of France, who founded the Church and Abbey of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Martin near Mets.

Sigebert after his return to the Monastery of Gemblours, compos'd the following Works, viz.

The History of the Passion of the Theb•…•… Martyrs in Heroick Verse, and the Life of St. Guibert Founder of the Church of Gemblours: He likewise corrected the old Relation of the Life of St. Lambert, and made a new one illustrated with Comparisons taken out of the ancient Writers, as also an Answer to a Letter that Pope Gregory VII. wrote to Herman Bishop of Mets. To these Pieces are to be added, an Apology for the Emperor Henry, against those who inveigh against Masses said by married Priests: A Letter written in the Name of the Churches of Liege and Cambray, against Paschal II's Letter, in which that Pope excites the Count of Flanders to make War with the People of those Territories: An Answer to the In∣habitants of Trier concerning the Fast of the Ember-Weeks. The Book of Ecclesiastes in He∣roick Verse, according to the literal, allegorical and mythological Senses: The continuation of Eusebius's Chronicle after St. Jerome to the Year 1111. A Treatise about the Reforma∣tion of the Cycles, and another of Illustrious Personages in imitation of St. Jerom and Gen∣nadius.

Of all these Works there only remain in our Possession, the continuation of St. Jerom's Chronicle from A. C. 381. to 1112. The Treatise of Ecclesiastical Writers: The Letter written in the Name of the Clergy of Liege and Cambray: And the Lives of St. Sigebert, St. Guibert and St. Maclou, referr'd to by Surius.

This Author is very accurate in his Writing, and attain'd to considerable proficiency in the Study of the Liberal Sciences, and in all sorts of Humane Learning.

HONORIUS SOLITARIUS A Scholastick Divine of the Church of Autun.

HONORIUS, a Priest and Scholastick Divine of the Church of Autun sirnam'd the Soli∣tary, flourish'd under the Emperor Henry V. A. D. 1120. We have little account of his * 1.7 Life, but many of his Works are still extant.

The most considerable, is his Treatise of the Lights of the Church, or of the Ecclesiastical Writers, first published by Suffridus, and afterwards by Aubertus Miraeus in their Collections of Authors, who wrote those that treated of Ecclesiastical Affairs. Honorius has divided this Work into four Books, the Three first of which are only an Abridgment of the Treatises on the Ecclesiastical Writers by St. Jerom, Gennadius and Isidorus. He gives an account, in the last, of some Authors since Venerable Bede to his time. This Treatise contains almost nothing else but the Names and Characters of the Authors, and the Titles of their Works: It is fol∣low'd by another Treatise of the same Nature, containing the Names of the ancient Here∣ticks and their principal Doctrines Printed at Basil in 1544. To these two Treatises may

be added a Chronological Table of the Popes, from St. Peter to Innocent II. which is extant among the other Works of this Author.

The Treatise call'd, The Pearl of the Soul; or, Of the Divine Offices, is divided into four Books. In the First, he treats of the Sacrifice of the Mass; Of its Ceremonies and Prayers; Of the Church; Of its Parts and Ornaments; Of the Ministers of the Altar and their Ha∣bits, &c. In the Second, he discourses of the Canonical Hours, and of the Ecclesiastical Of∣fices for the Day and Night. In the Third, of the principal Festivals of the Year; And in the Fourth, of the Concord or Agreement of the Offices of the whole Year, with the particu∣lar Days and Times on which they are celebrated. These Books are full of a great number of Arguments and mystical Explications that have no other Grounds but the Author's Imagina∣tion. They were printed at Lipsick, A. D. 1514. and in the Collections of the Writers who have treated of Ecclesiastical Offices.

The Treatise of the Image of the World is divided into three Books: In the First of these, he treats of the World and of its Parts: In the Second, of Time and its Parts; and the Third is a Chronological Series of Emperors, Kings and other Sovereign Princes, from the Creation of the World to the Emperor Frederick Barberossa.

The Piece that bears the Title of The Philosophy of the World, divided into four Books, is a Treatise of the System of the World, and of its principal Parts: It is follow'd by another Tract of the same Nature, touching the Motion of the Sun and Planets.

The Treatise of Predestination and of Free-will, is written in form of a Dialogue, and has for its Subject the Explication of that common Question, How can Free-will be recon∣ciled with the Certainty of Predestination? He defines Predestination to be an eternal pre∣paration to Happiness, or Misery of those that have done Good or Evil: He affirms, That it imposes no necessity of doing either; because God does not predestinate to Happiness or Misery, but with respect to the Merits of the Person: He rejects the Opinion of those who assert, That Free-will consists in the Power of doing Good or Evil, and defines it to be a Capacity of performing Righteousness voluntarily and without constraint: He maintains, That Man by his Nature, is endued with a Power to act according to the Rule of Righteousness, although he stands in need of Grace to do it, and is capable of resisting that Grace: He says, That God made all reasonable Creatures for his Glory, but that he left them free to do either Good or Evil by their own Will, and that he would have all Men to be sav'd, but that 'tis their free Will, which is the cause of their Damnation. Afterwards he explains, why God made Creatures, when he foreknew that they would sin against him, and that they would be damned: Why the Word was incarnate: Upon what account, Mankind having deserved nothing but Punishment, after the committing of Sin, God leaves some in the Mass of Per∣dition, who are damned by their free Will, and saves others by his special Grace, which they by no means deserv'd: And how Salvation ought rather to be attributed to Grace than to free Will, although free Will co-operates with Grace. He observes, That Children, that incur Damnation, are justly condemn'd to that Punishment; and that those who attain to Salvation, are sav'd by Grace, which they never merited: And as for adult Per∣sons, that they are sav'd by Grace and free Will, and that those who are damned, are doom'd to that Sentence by Justice, and by their free Will: That Predestination neither saves nor damns any Person by force; although all the Elect are infallibly sav'd, and the Re∣probates infallibly damned: But forasmuch as 'tis not known, whether one be of the num∣ber of the Elect or of the Reprobates, that 'tis requisite to use all possible endeavours for the at∣taining to Salvation: And that the number of the Elect is certainly determined, because God from all Eternity, knew those who would die in that State. He adds, That Man since Adam's Transgression, may fall by his free Will, but that he cannot rise again but by Grace; and that God sometimes denies that Grace, to those who are too Presumptuous: That every Thing which happens in the World, ought to be referr'd to God; either because he does it, or be∣cause he permits it, or in regard that he does not prevent it; that he causes all things to tend to the promoting of his own Glory; that he shews Mercy on whomsoever he thinks fit, by af∣fording them his Grace; that he hardens others at his Pleasure, by leaving them in their Wickedness and in the State of Reprobation. Lastly, after having made some Moral Re∣flections, our Author concludes this Work, with a Recapitulation of the Principles that he had already establish'd.

In the Catalogue of the Works of Honorius of Autun, no mention is made of certain Que∣stions relating to the Books of Proverbs and Ecclesiastes, but they come very near his particular Style and Genius.

His Commentary on the Canticles is preceded by a Preface, concerning the different senses of Holy Scripture, the Division of the Sacred Books, and the general Questions which re∣late to that Book in particular. He explains the Text of it according to the four Senses ex∣pressed in his Preface, viz. the Historical, the Allegorical, the Tropological and the Anago∣gical.

This Treatise is follow'd by another call'd. The Seal of the blessed Virgin Mary; in which he applies to Jesus Christ and to the blessed Virgin, what is express'd in the Book of Canti∣cles, concerning the Bridegroom and the Spouse.

All these Works were collected by Andreas Schottus and Joan. Covenius, and printed in the Twelfth Tome of the Bibliotheca Patrum of the Colen Edition, and in the Twentieth of that of Lyons.

The following Works compos'd by the same Author are lost, viz. An Illustration divided into three Books, the first of which treats of Jesus Christ; the second of the Church, and the third of Eternal Life. It cannot be that which is attributed to St. Ansehn, and which is ex∣tant amongst his Works, because the Subject of the three Books written by the latter, is alto∣gether different: The Mirror of the Church consisting of Moral Discourses: A Treat se call'd, The Scandal raised by the Incontinency of Priests: An Historical Abridgment: A Treatise of the Eucharist: The Knowledge of Life; or a Treatise of God, and of Eternal Life: The Ladder of Heaven, or the Degrees of Vision: Some Extracts out of St. Augustin, in form of a Dialogue between God and the Soul: A Treatise of the Pope and the Emperor: A Com∣mentary on the Books of Psalms and Canticles: Certain Homilies on those Gospels that were not explain'd by St. Gregory: The Key of natural Philosophy, concerning the Nature of Things: The spiritual Nutriment, about the Festivals of our Saviour and the Saints, and some Letters. Mention is made of these Works; and of those that are still extant, in the end of his Treatise of Ecclesiastical Writers, and in Trithemius.

In the end of the Works of Honorius of Autun, is annexed a certain Commentary on the Canticles, that is more Moral than Mystical, and which some attribute to him; but it is not his genuine Commentary. This Author is not of good esteem, upon account of his Style or Accuracy, but for his Industry, and the Pains he has taken in making Enquiries.

ERNULPHUS or ARNULPHUS Bishop of Rochester.

ERNULPHUS or ARNULPHUS, a Monk of St. Lucian at Beauvais, left his Mona∣stery * 1.8 by reason of the Disorders that happen'd therein, and made Application to Lanfrank Arch-bishop of Canterbury, under whom he had study'd in the Abbey of Bec. He continu'd for a long time in the Quality of a simple Monk in his Monastery at Canterbury, was made Prior of it by St. Anselm, and afterwards Abbot of Burck. At last he was ordain'd Bishop of Rochester in 1115. and govern'd that Church during nine Years and some Days. He died, A. D. 1124. in the 84th Year of his Age.

Father Dachery publish'd two Letters written by this Prelate in the second Tome of his Spicilegium, which are two small Tracts The first is directed to Waquelin Bishop of Windsor, as an Answer to a Question, which that Bishop propos'd to him in a Conference they had to∣gether at Canterbury; viz. Whether a Woman, who has committed Adultery with her Hus∣band's Son, whom he had by another Wife, ought to be divorced from her Husband? He maintain'd the Affirmative, and the Bishop to whom he wrote, asserted the Negative. In this Treatise Ernulphus answers the Objections of that Prelate; shewing, that all the Passages of Holy Scripture, in which 'tis forbidden to part Man and Wife, ought only to be understood of a voluntary Separation, between Persons who are not guilty of Adultery, and afterwards confirms his Opinion, by making it appear, that the Bishops, to prevent Disorders, have of∣ten condemn'd Adulterers, to abstain for ever from the use of Marriage; that it is the usual Custom of the Church; that this Punishment is ordain'd in the Penitential Books; and that a Divorce is justly allow'd upon account of Spiritual Alliance, although it be not express'd in the Scripture as Adultery. He adds, that 'tis not unjust, that a Husband should be divorced from his Wife, although he be innocent of the Crime committed by her, and that there are many other Causes, for which a Husband is obliged to put away his Wife.

The second Letter of the same Author, is directed to a certain Person nam'd Lambert, who had propos'd five Questions, although he was unknown to him. The first is to know why the Eucharist is administer'd at present after a different and almost contrary manner, to that which was observ'd by Jesus Christ; because it was customary at that time, to distribute an Host sleept in Wine to the Communicants; whereas Jesus Christ gave his Body and Blood separately? Ernulphus replys to that Question, That our Saviour, being come into the World, for the Salvation of Men, prescrib'd to them what was necessary to be done in order to obtain it, without expressing the manner in particular: That therefore, he did not tell them, Baptize in this or that manner; let the Baptized Person be plunged three several times in the Water; do not permit the Catechumens to be consecrated at first with Holy Chrism, &c. but only said simply, Baptize them: That by this means, the Things which are absolutely necessary may be easily known, and those that may be sometimes omitted or alter'd: That up∣on that very account, some Customs, which were in use in the Primitive Church, were not long observ'd: That it is certain, for Example, That the Apostles receiv'd the Commu∣nion after Supper, although it be now receiv'd Fasting: That they celebrated it on a wooden Table, although at present it is offer'd on a Stone-Altar; that the Bread they made

use of was ordinary Bread, and that that which is now us'd is finer and more loose: That therefore 'tis not to be admir'd, if this Bread be given steept; although there was no such Custom heretofore, that the Priest should mingle some part of the Species of Bread with the Wine: That this manner of Administration is observ'd, lest any ill Accidents should happen in the distribution of the Wine alone, and lest it should stick on the Hairs of the Beard or Whiskers, or should be spilt by the Minister.

The second Question is, Why a fourth part of the Host is put into the Chalice? He an∣swers, That it is not customary to divide the Host into four Parts, but only into three; yet that third part, which is put into the Chalice, is as large as the fourth part of the Host; al∣though care be taken in some Churches, to make it exactly of the bigness of the third part. He affirms that this Custom was introduc'd, because the Priest or Bishop who Officiates, ought to communicate with that part which is put into the Chalice, and to distribute the two others to the Deacon and Sub-deacon, who are Assistants. He produces another mystical Rea∣son of the same Custom, viz. That the Body of Jesus Christ which is offer'd upon the Altar, is the Sacrament or the Figure of his Mystical Body, which is the Church, compos'd of three Orders; that is to say, Superiours, Virgins and married Persons; or else that it is done to be a Figure of the Mystery of the Trinity, or to denote the three States of Jesus Christ, viz. the Mortal, the Dead and the Raised.

The Third Question is, Why the Blood of Jesus Christ is receiv'd separately from his Bo∣dy, and why it is receiv'd in his Body? He returns for Answer, That they who receive the two Species separately, do it in imitation of Jesus Christ; and although his Body be receiv'd entire, under each Species, nevertheless each Species is receiv'd separately, because our Sa∣viour has distinguish'd those two Things; designing to express to us by his Body, his Flesh and Members, such as they appear'd, solid and entire, and by his Blood, that which was shed by him on the Cross.

The Fourth, is to know, Whether the Body of Jesus Christ be received with, or without a Soul? He answers at first, That these sorts of Questions are usually started by Persons who affect to seem learned, and who endeavour to lay Snares for the Faith of weak Chri∣stians, who humbly believe what the Holy Ghost teaches them: That 'tis most expedient not to enter upon the debate of such Questions: That although one cannot comprehend how the Bread and Wine are made the Body and Blood of Jesus Christ; nevertheless it cannot be doubted, since our Saviour said, This is my Body, this is my Blood: That it argues Foolishness to endeavour to penetrate into the incomprehensible Secrets of the Mysteries of Christianity, and into that in particular, which is a Mystery of Faith: That it is certain, that the Sub∣stance of the Bread and Wine is chang'd into the Body and Blood of Jesus Christ; although it still appear to the Senses to be Bread and Wine, and that it retains all the Qualities of them: Lastly, that as the Qualities of the Bread and Wine are to be found, although the Substance does not appear; so it may be said after the same manner, That the Qualities of the Body, are not to be found therein, although its Substance remains: And that therefore 'tis impertinent, to ask whether the Body of Jesus Christ, in the Eucharist, be dead or im∣mortal, or whether it be endu'd with a Soul or not.

The last Question is about the Sense of these Words of the Prophet Joel, Chap. 2. vers. 14. Who knoweth if God will turn and repent, and leave a Blessing behind them? He says that the turning of God consists in the remission of Sins, which he grants to those who are con∣verted; and that when it is said, That he leaves a Blessing behind him, the meaning is, to those who follow him.

St. BRUNO and GUIGUE, Priors of the Carthusian Monastery at Grenoble.

ST. BRUNO, Founder of the Carthusian Order, was born in the City of Colen, and his * 1.9 Parents, tho' of mean Condition, took care that he should apply himself to study; in which he soon made a Considerable Progress, and attained to much skill both in Divinity and Humane Learning: After having officiated for some time in Quality of Canon of St. Cune∣bert at Colen, he was invited to Rheims, made Canon and Scholastick Divine or Prebend of that Church, and nominated publick Professor of Divinity. He had some Contests with Ma∣nasses his Metropolitan, whose Irregularities he could not endure, and was one of his Accusers. Whereupon he was oblig'd to leave the City of Rheims, and took a resolution to retire entirely from Worldly Business. He had for his Assistants in carrying on that Design, Lauduin, two Canons of St. Rufus, both nam'd Stephen, one of Burgos and the other of Die; Hugh whom they call'd their Chaplain, because he was the only Priest among them, and two Lay-men nam'd Andrew and Guarin. These seven Persons, who were excited by an earnest desire to promote their own Salvation, seeking for a place convenient to lead a solitary Life, separat∣ed from all manner of Commerce with other Men, went to Grenoble, and made Applica∣tion

to Hugh Bishop of that City, a Prelate of great Sanctity, who receiv'd them with all the Marks of Charity, that they could wish for, and appointed the solitude of La Chartreuse for their Habitation, where they settled, A. D. 1086. St. Bruno, who was the most able Divine among them, was chosen their first Prior; but he was sent for to Italy, in 1090. by Pope Urban II. and retir'd with his Permission to a solitude of Calabria, call'd La Torre, where he died October 6. 1101. Lauduin succeeded him in the Priory of La Grand Chartreuse, and one Peter supplied his Place; after whom John was promoted to that Dignity, whose suc∣cessor was Guigue de Castre a Native of Valence in Dauphine the fifth Prior of that famous Monastery, who committed the Statues of the Order to Writing, and govern'd it during 27 Years, that is to say, from A. D. 1110 to 1137.

The Works of Bruno Bishop of Segni, was commonly attributed to this St. Bruno, and among those that bear his Name, printed at Colen in 1611. and publish'd by Theodore de Camp a Carthusian Monk of that City; there are only two Letters that really belong to St. Bruno, which were written concerning his solitude in Calabria; one of them being directed to Ra∣dulphe le Verd, Provost of the Church of Rheims, whom he exhorts to retire from the World, and the other to his Monks of La Chartreuse.

GUIGUE in like manner compos'd divers Works, besides the Statutes of his Order, lately printed in the first Tome of the Annals of the Carthusian Monks, viz. the Life of St. Hugh * 1.10 Bishop of Grenoble, referr'd to by Surius in April 1. Certain Meditations, or rather Moral Notions, printed in the Bibliotheca Patrum: A Treatise of the Contemplative Life, or the Ladder of the Cloister; or of the four Exercises of the Monastick Cell, which are annexed to St. Bernard's Works: A Treatise of Truth and Peace, a Manuscript Copy of which is kept in the Library of the Carthusians at Colen; And divers Letters, four of which are still extant, and were set forth by Father Mabillon, in the second Tome of St. Bernard's Works.

The First is directed to Haimeric Chancellor of the Church of Rome; in which he inveighs against the Pride and Luxury of the Clergy-men of his time, especially those of the Church of Rome; and asserts, that recourse ought not to be had to Arms or to the Secular Power, to maintain the Interest of the Church, or to augment its Grandeur.

In the Second, written to Hugh Prior of the Knights Templars, he declares, That he does not exhort him to make War with the visible Enemies of the Church, but to oppose its invisible Enemies, and that he would advise him to subdue Vice, rather than to attack the Infidels.

In the Third, he comforts Pope Innocent II. and exhorts him, not to be surpriz'd at the Ef∣forts made against him by the Schismaticks; avouching at the same time, that there can be but one Pope, and that the whole World ought, in a manner, to be look'd upon as his Diocess.

In the last, he writes to the Monks of the Carthusian Convent at Durbon near Marseilles, That he had caus'd a Collection to be made of St. Jerom's Letters, and had corrected a great number of Faults which had crept into them; declaring also, That he retrench'd from that Collection those Letters, which the meanness of the Style, or the difference of the Conceptions, made it appear to be unworthy of that great Man. He likewise makes a Catalogue of the latter, and passes a very judicious Censure upon them; which shews that Solitude and the practice of Piety, do not hinder a Man from applying himself to Study, and that the Art of Critique is not incompatible, with Morality and Spiritual Exercises.

St. NORBERT.

ST. NORBERT, a Native of Santen, a Village of the Country of Cleves; the Son of Herbert and Hatwiga, was educated in the Palace of Frederick Arch-bishop of Colen, and * 1.11 afterwards brought to the Court of the Emperor Henry V. He was admitted among the Clergy, and receiv'd the Orders of a Deacon and Priest on the same day. He was made a Canon in his native Country, and enjoy'd divers other Spiritual Livings: But being after∣wards transported with an extraordinary Zeal, he addicted himself to Preaching, with the Permission of Pope Gelasius II. and having quitted his Benefices, and distributed his whole Estate to the Poor, he embrac'd a more regular Life. He converted by his Preaching, many Hereticks and a great number of Sinners. Upon his arrival at Laon, being entreated by Bartholomew Bishop of that City, not to leave his Diocess, he was prevail'd upon, by the request of that Prelate, and chose for the place of his abode, a dismal solitude call'd Premontre, where he retir'd A. D. 1120. and there founded the Order of Regular Canons which bears that Name, and which was confirm'd five Years after, by Pope Honorius II. in 1126. Some time after, St. Norbert was sent for to Antwerp to confute Tanchelin or Tanchelm, accus'd of Heresie, and was constrain'd the next Year to accept of the Arch-bishoprick of Magdeburg. He assisted in the Council held at Rheims, A. D. 1131. in favour of Innocent II. took a Journey to Rome, when that Pope was re-established by the Emperor Lotharius, and died in 1134.

There is only extant a small moral Discourse written by him in form of an Exhortation, and directed to the Monks of his Order.

STEPHEN HARDING Abbot of Cisteaux.

ROBERT, Abbot of Molesme, who first founded the Monastery of Cisteaux, A. D. 1098. with * 1.12 21 Monks of his Abbey, whom he brought into that Solitude, had not long the Govern∣ment of it; for the next Year, he was oblig'd by the Pope's special Order, to return to his own Monastery. Alberic, who succeeded him, and govern'd Cisteaux during nine Years and a half, gave no other Rule to his Monks but his Example. Afterwards STEPHEN HARD∣ING * 1.13 descended of a noble Family in England, one of the 21 Monks who came from Mo∣lesme with Robert, being chose Abbot of Cisteaux, apply'd himself to the compleating of that Order, and may justly be reputed the Founder of it: For he was the first that held general Chapters of the Convents of the Cistercian Monks and made a kind of Rule, which was com∣mon to all those Monasteries. He call'd it the Charter of Charity, and publish'd it in 1119. It was approv'd by Pope Calixtus II. It is divided into Thirty Chapters, which contain the particular Rules to be observ'd by those Monks, and is compriz'd in the Monologia Ordinis Cisterciensis, printed at Antwerp in 1635. and in the Annals of the same Order, printed at Lyons in 1642. There are also extant in the Bibliotheca Cisterciensis, a Treatise call'd, The small beginning of the Cistercian Order: A Sermon on the Death of Alberic: And a Dis∣course made to St. Bernard, when he receiv'd the Monastick Habit, which bear the name of that Abbot of Cisteaux.

BRUNO Bishop of Segni.

BRUNO of Asti, Canon of the Cathedral Church of that City, and afterwards of that * 1.14 of Sienna, went to Rome in the time of Pope Gregory VII. in whose presence he disputed against Berengarius, and by way of recompence, was made Bishop of Segni: He retir'd to Mount Cassin under Paschal II. who was offended at his retreat, and drew him out of that Monastery, to send him in Quality of his Legate into France and Sicily. He govern'd the Abbey of Mount Cassin for some time, but afterwards return'd to his Bishoprick, and died there A. D. 1123.

The Works of this Author were publish'd by Maurus Marchesius, a Monk of Mount Cassin, who caus'd them to be printed in two Tomes at Venice in 1651.

The First contains his Commentaries on the Pentateuch, on the Books of Job, Psalms and Canticles, and on the Revelation of St. John; in which he adheres more to the Moral, than to the other Senses of the Text.

In the Second, are compris'd Forty five Sermons on the Gospels of the whole Year, the greatest part of which were printed under the Name of Eusebius of Emisa and St. Eucherius; A Treatise on the Song of Zachariah: Another of the Incarnation and Burial of Jesus Christ, in which he enquires how long our Saviour continued in the Sepulchre: A Tract to prove the use of Unleaven'd Bread against the Greeks: An Explication of certain Ceremonies of the Church: The Life of Pope Leo IX. A Treatise about the Corruption of the Age, pro∣ceeding (as he says) from Simoniacal Practices; in which he discourses of the Invalidity of Or∣dinations made by Simonists, and of those of Persons guilty of that Crime: The Life of St. Peter of Anagnia: Two Letters, viz. One directed to the Bishop of Porto, and the Other to Pope Paschal: Six Books of Sentences or Moral Discourses on divers Subjects, which some have attributed to St. Bruno Founder of the Carthusian Order, and which Marchesius restor'd to Bruno of Segni upon the Credit of Petrus Diaconus, by reason of the conformity of the Style, and in regard that the Author of these Discourses makes it appear, that he ob∣serv'd St. Benedict's Rule, and that he wrote on the Apocalypse.

To these Works are annexed a Commentary on the Book of Psalms, by ODO a Bene∣dictin * 1.15 Monk of Asti, dedicated to Bruno of Segni.

The Treatise of the Sacraments or Rights of the Church, by Bruno Bishop of Segni, were published by Father Luke Dachery, in the Twelfth Tome of the Spicilegium, as a new Piece, although it was printed in the Venice Edition.

MARBODUS Bishop of Rennes.

MARBODUS, flourish'd at Angers in the end of the preceding Century in quality of Ca∣non, * 1.16 Arch-deacon and principal Master of the Schools of that Church. Afterwards he was nominated for the Bishoprick of Rennes by Pope Urban II. was ordain'd in the Council of Tours, A. D. 1096. and govern'd that Church during twenty eight Years. When he per∣ceiv'd himself to draw near his end, he left his Bishoprick, and retir'd to the Monastery of St. Aubin at Angers, where he assum'd the Habit of St. Benedict, and died in the beginning of the Month of September, A. D. 1123. Sigebert assures us that he wrote a Commentary on the Book of Canticles, but it is no longer extant.

Marbodus compos'd divers Poetical Works Printed at Rennes, in 1524. in which Edition are to be found certain Hymns on Mary Magdalen: Three Prayers to God: One to the Vir∣gin Mary: Several Epigrams and Letters in Verse: Divers moral Poems: A Piece on the casting away of Jonas: Another on the Martyrdom of the Maccabees: The Passions of divers Martyrs in Verse: The Life of St. Maurillus of Angers in Verse: Sixty Poetical Pieces on the precious Stones, and on other Subjects: Ten other Poetical Pieces on the following Sub∣jects, viz. on the manner of Writing; on Time; on Eternity; against lewd Women; in commendation of vertuous Women; on Old Age; against those who imagine that the Stars have any influence over the Bodies of Men; against Voluptuousness; on true Friendship, and on the Advantages of Death and of the Resurrection.

These Poems are follow'd by six Letters, in the First of which directed to Renaud Bishop of Angers, Marbodus complains, That that Prelate after having persecuted and traduc'd him, publickly condemn'd him, for writing to the Pope, that the disturbances raised by the Bi∣shop of Angers hinder'd him from going to Rome. He upbraids him with the Services he did him, in causing him to be chosen Bishop, and the assistance he gave him in expediting his Journy to Rome, to get his Election confirmed; that in stead of a grateful acknowledgment of that Kindness, he was no sooner return'd from Rome, but he depriv'd him of those Favours and Privileges, which were granted to him by his Predecessors, without so much as allowing him six Months Respit, to make an honourable retreat; and, that after having made complaint of his being treated so unworthily, the Bishop of Angers cited him to Rome, knowing that he was not in a condition to go thither; obtain'd power to condemn him, and actually pronounc'd Sentence against him under colour, that he had receiv'd Induction into two Churches. After having thus smartly reprehended Renaud, he advises him to moderate his Anger; not to be too far transported with the heat of his Youth; to have a greater respect for his Elders; and to take care lest his irregular Conduct should verifie the report given out by some Persons, viz. that Prosperity and the high Station to which he aspir'd, had sufficiently discover'd the cor∣ruption of his Manners. Marbodus adds, that he does not give him this Admonition to the end that he might be more favourable to him, but lest he should abuse his Authority in treating others after the same manner.

The second Letter is directed to Robert d' Arbriselles, whom he reproves, as Geffrey of Ven∣dome had done, for keeping too familiar a correspondence with Women, and for suffering Men and Women to cohabit together. He represents to him the danger of that intimate Converse, and the Scandal that it might occasion. He likewise blames him for wearing a torn Gar∣ment, as not being suitable to the Profession of a Regular Canon, which he embrac'd at first, or to the Sacerdotal Dignity, to which he was afterwards advanced. He accuses him of af∣fecting singularity in that particular, and advises him to resume the Habit of a Regular Ca∣non, and to return to his former course of Life. But he is much more offended at him for taking upon him to reprove the Vices of absent Clergy-men in his Sermons, and for inveigh∣ing against certain Orders and Persons of great Eminency: He affirms, that that serves only to bring Superiors into contempt, to subvert the order of the Church, and even to induce many to believe, that his design in declaiming against others, was only to gain popular Applause. He declares at the same time, that altho' he had a better Opinion of him, yet it cannot be de∣ny'd that his Preaching has the same effect, and that many of his Hearers abandon their Cu∣rates and refuse to receive the Sacraments from them, or to pay them Tithes; whereas they run after him incessantly, being excited by Curiosity and an inclination to Novelty rather than a true principle of Piety; since it does not appear, that there is any manner of reformation in their Lives and Conversations: Lastly, he rebukes him, for giving the Monastick Habit, to all those who being mov'd by his Sermons, were desirous to receive it, without making any trial of their integrity and constancy, as also in regard that he took no care, that they should be thoroughly converted, provided the number of his Followers were encreas'd: That after they had once given in their Names, he took no farther cognizance of their Affairs, but left them at liberty to act as they thought fit: That some of them met together, and ran about the Towns and Countries, cloathed with Habits of several Colours, wearing long Beards, and walking bare-footed: And that when they were ask'd who they were, they made Answer,

That they belong'd to their Master. Our Author is unwilling, to impute to him the Ex∣travagances committed by those People, but observes it to be a matter of dangerous Conse∣quence, that they should thus make use of his Authority for a cloke to their Fol••y, and call themselves his Disciples.

As for the Nuns which Robert d' Arbriselles in like manner caus'd to be shut up in Cells; without any Probation, he says, that some of them broke thro' the Passages to make their Escape, and that others were brought to Bed in their Appartments, which would not have happen'd (continues he) if the prudence of the Governor, had made a trial of their Strength. He concludes with remonstrating to him, that he was censur'd for quitting the Canonical Life which he had embrac'd, and for leaving the Monastery, where he had made a Vow of Con∣stancy, and where he was constituted Superiour of his Collegues, to lead an extraordinary kind of Life, and to take upon him the Government of a Nunnery. There o••e Marbodus demands of him a satisfactory Answer, as to those particular Articles, othe••w••••e he declares that he should have very good reason to doubt of his Salvation. 'Tis probable, that Robert d' Arbriselles clear'd himself from these Imputations that were la••d upon him, even to our Au∣thor's satisfaction; but there is no likelihood, ••hat th••s Letter was Forged, as Father Mabillon has asserted. In a certain Manuscript of the Abbey of St. Victor, it is attributed to Hildebert Arch-bishop of Tours, nevertheless the style comes nearer to Marbodus's manner of Expression than to that of the former

In the third Letter, he reproves a certain Hermit nam'd Ingilquier▪ and those of his Congre∣gation for their indiscreet Zeal against unworthy Priests, with which they were transported too far; insomuch that they not only refus'd to assist at their Obl••tions, but also forbid the Laicks to receive the Sacraments from their Hands. He shews by many Passages of St. Augustin, that the Sacraments may be duly administer'd by unworthy Priests, and that they ought not to be despis'd by reason of the unworthiness of those who adm••nister them. The Hermit having return'd for Answer, that he did by no means recede from the Doctrine of the Church relating to the validity of the Sacraments admini••••er'd by unworthy Priests, but that he was persuaded that Hereticks ought to ••e shun'd, and that Priests guilty of Fornication ought to be depos'd; Marbodus replies in his fourth Letter, that he is of his Opinion, but that he con∣ceives that it does not belong to every one to try or Condemn them, and that it ought only to be done according to the Rules of the Church. Therefore he advises those Hermits, to reprehend such Offenders with gentleness; to pray for them; and to accuse them (if they shall think fit) before competent Judges who have a right to bring them to their Trial; to the end that they may be depos'd if they be convicted, or confess their Crime.

The Fifth is a request that he makes to Vitalis, the Founder of a Nunnery to receive a cer∣tain poor Orphan who altho' she was well instructed in matters of Religion, yet could have no hopes of being admitted into the old Monasteries, where, by an ill Custom, that was then too common, Money was prefer'd before Learning and Piety.

The last Letter is directed to a Nun nam'd Agenorida, to whom he gives a great deal of wholsome Advice, for her instruction in the Christian course of Life and religious Exercises.

These are all the Works that are contain'd in the old Edition of Ma••bodus, which is become very scarce. His Copies of Verses are not very elegant, nor of a very Poet••cal strain, but comprise many judicious and solid Notions. His Letters are accurately written, and full of good Maxims and Passages of the Holy Scripture and the Fathers, admirably well apply'd. The Monks of St. Aubin at Angers, wrote a Circular Letter, to give notice of his Death, ac∣cording to the Custom of the Order of St. Benedict, in which they celebrate his Praise, and Ul∣ger Bishop of Angers likewise worte a Copy of Verses in his Commendation: These two Mo∣numents are prefix'd to Marbodus's Works.

ARNULPHUS Bishop of Lisieux. * 1.17

ARNOUL or ARNULPHUS, Bishop of Lisieux, Arch-deacon of Seez, was install'd in the Bishoprick of Lisieux, A. D. 1141. and in 1147. accompany'd Lewes sirnam'd the Young King of France in his Expedition to the Holy Land. In 1160. he was sent into England by Pope Alexander III. in quality of his Legate, and afterwards employ'd in the Negotiations be∣tween King Henry II. and Thomas Becket Arch-bishop of Canterbury; but having too obsti∣nately taken part with the latter, he incurr'd the King's displeasure, and was oblig'd to retire in 1180. to the Monastery of St. Victor near Paris, where he died August 11. A. D. 1182.

This Arnulphus made a Collection of his own Letters at the request of Gilles Arch-bishop of Roan, to whom he Dedicates them by his first Letter. These are written in a fine Style, being full of ingenious Notions and moral Sentences, which render them both useful and de∣lightful. There are many that contain only Compliments, or relate to certain private Con∣cerns; but there are others about Ecclesiastical Affairs, comprehending divers Points of Disci∣pline▪ particularly, those directed to Pope Adrian IV. in the First of which, this Bishop re∣commends to him the doing Justice to a certain Person, who had recourse to the See of Rome, to get satisfaction for the ill treatment he had receiv'd in his own Country, where he could not obtain any relief of his Diocesan. Arnulphus observes in that Letter, that People began

not to have the same Respect for the Holy See as formerly, and that those who appeal'd to it, were so far from getting their Grievances redress'd, that they were more injuriously treated than before, which befel him in whose favour he wrote, who had no sooner enter'd an Ap∣peal, but he was put in Prison; neither could he procure his liberty, but by paying a Sum of Money to his Persecutor, and by submitting to the Bishop's Sentence. Therefore he ex∣horts the Pope to revenge the Indignity, by reason that if they were suffer'd thus to elude the Decisions of the Holy See, its Protection would become altogether unprofitable.

In another Letter directed to the same Pope, he entreats him to send back the Bishop of Baieux, whose presence was much wanted in his Diocess, where he had done a great deal of good.

He wrote again to that Pope, about the Contest that arose between the Abbot and the Monks of Jumieges. Those Monks had accus'd their Abbot of many Crimes, and more especially of Incontinency, and divers Witnesses had made Depositions against him, but they gave their Testimony about different matters of Fact, so that there was not any compleat positive Proof against him, because every Fact was prov'd only by one single Witness. Whereupon Arnul∣phus admitted him to clear himself by his own Oath, and by that of three Abbots and three Monks of known Probity. The Monks appeal'd from his Court to the See of Rome, and de∣manded Letters of Reference, which he calls Apostolos (this is the first time I met with this Term in that Signification.) He acquaints Pope Adrian, that he had granted their Request, and that in the mean while, he order'd both Parties to do nothing, that might tend to the pre∣judice of the Appeal.

He likewise wrote to the Abbot of St. Evrou, that he was oblig'd to discharge the Debts that were actually contracted by his Predecessors, and threatens to suspend him, unless he gives satisfaction to his Creditors before Whitsontide. He enjoins that Abbot by another Let∣ter, under pain of Suspension, to re-admit a certain Monk, whom he had turn'd out of his Monastery, without hearing what he alledg'd in his own Defence.

In another Letter to William Bishop of Mans, he desires him to appoint another Place in stead of Poitiers, for the Trial of the Treasurer of Rouen; because he would be oblig'd to take a much longer Journey thither, than his Adversary, who was nearer that City.

Arnulphus being at variance with a certain Lord, who refus'd to acknowledg his Jurisdiction, it was order'd by the Legates of the See of Rome, That the said Lord should restore what he had taken from him; that he should cause satisfaction to be made by those of his Vassals, who were excommunicated; that he should make a due presentation of a Priest to govern that Church and People, under his Authority, as belonging to his Diocess. The Nobleman offer'd Arnulphus to present a Priest to him by the Hands of Hugh Arch-bishop of Rouen; but Arnul∣phus reply'd to that Arch-bishop, who made him the Proposal, That if matters were so order'd, it might be taken for granted, that the possession of that Place was not adjudg'd to him, but only resign'd by way of sequestration, which would be prejudicial to his Right, when the † 1.18 Claim should come to be debated: Besides that 'twas not sufficient to present a Priest to him, but that 'twas requisite that every thing which was ordain'd, should be effectually put in Exe∣cution: Lastly, as for the rest, that if they were willing to come to such an Agreement, as would entirely put an end to the Difference, he would readily take such Measures, as should be judg'd most expedient; but that 'twas not reasonable, for him to supply his Adversary with Arms, who was preparing with all his might for the Encounter.

The Schism that happen'd in the Church of Rome after the Death of Pope Adrian IV. be∣tween Alexander III. and Octavian, gave occasion to Arnulphus to write many Letters; the First of which is directed to Alexander III. to congratulate his Election. He assures him in that Letter, That God, who never abandons his Church, altho' he suffers it to be sometimes Persecuted; would give him the Victory over his Enemies, and put him in the peaceable possession of the Holy See, as he had done Pope Innocent, altho' he had a more formidable and a more potent Antagonist than Octavian: He expresses the great Joy he had at his Promo∣tion, and gives him to understand, that he had taken care to prepossess the King his Master (meaning Henry II. King of England) with respect to that Affair, and to make him sensible of the validity of his Election, and of the Deficiency of that of his Adversary; That upon his Testimo∣ny that Prince had declar'd for him, and had promis'd with a great deal of satisfaction, that he would not acknowledg any other Pope; That having afterwards receiv'd a Letter from the Em∣peror, who entreated him to defer the declaring in his favour, he had superseded the publishing of his Declaration; but that he still persisted in his former Resolution, and that whatever course the Emperor might take, he would not follow him, if he did not find it expedient.

Pope Alexander reply'd to Arnulphus, That he was very sensible of the Affection that he express'd towards him in his Letter; that he had caus'd it to be read publickly as a proof of the sincerity of his Intentions and of his Eloquence; that he was not ignorant by what means an end was put to the Schism which arose in the time of Pope Innocent; that he hop'd that thro' the divine Assistance, the Storm which at present disturb'd the tranquillity of the Church of Rome, would ere long be dispers'd; that he gave Thanks to God, that King Henry continu'd strenuously to maintain the Unity of the Church; that he entreated him to use his best Inte∣rests with his Majesty to hinder the frequent sollicitations of the Emperor from obliging him to alter his Mind; and that to that purpose he thought fit to nominate him his Nuncio in the

Court of that Prince, with Authority over the Bishops of his Dominions. He acquaints him, That the Emperor Frederic never ceas'd, since his accession to the Imperial Crown, to perse∣cute and oppress the Church of Rome; that in Adrian's Life-time he caused the Prelates, who were returning from Rome, to be taken Prisoners; that he misus'd the Legates of the Holy See; that he seiz'd on the Revenues belonging to the Church of Rome; and that he us'd his utmost efforts to expel Adrian, and to cause Octavian to be made Pope in his stead: That what he was not able to put in execution, whilst that Pope was yet living, he endea∣vour'd to compass, after his death, by favouring the intrusion of that Man, who attempted to get possession of the Holy See, and whose usurpation was abetted only by three Prelates, to the prejudice of the Canonical Election of himself, which was carry'd on by the others in due Form: That to maintain it, he call'd an Assembly of the Prelates at Pavia, and that Octavian resign'd the Marks of the Papal Dignity in his Presence: That the Emperor after∣wards restor▪d 'em to him, invested him with the Pontifical Habits and Ornaments, parti∣cularly with the Ring and Crosier-staff, and by force constrain'd the Bishops of that Council to own him as Pope. Lastly, he further informs Arnulphus, that he had actually excommu∣nicated Frederic and his Adherents.

Arnulphus having receiv'd this Letter, wrote one to the Arch-bishops and Bishops of England, to make 'em sensible of the Justice of Alexander's Cause. He says, That if the Persons of the two Competitours be compar'd, it will appear, that Alexander is endu'd with all the accom∣plishments of Learning and Vertue, that can be wish'd for in a Prelate; whereas his Adver∣sary has no other personal Merits to recommend him but his Quality; and if the two Elections be duely examin'd, one may be soon convinc'd, that that of Alexander, is regular, solemn and reasonable, and that that of the other, on the contrary, is rash and altogether unreasonable.

For can it be affirm'd (says he) that an Election manag'd by a single Bishop and two Car∣dinals, ought to be set up in opposition to the Authority of the whole Church? Or that a precarious Consecration made by a few private Persons, ought to be preferr'd to that which was perform'd with the requisite Solemnities, and with the general approbation of all the People? Can Octavian's Proceedings be justify'd, who assum'd the Pontifical Habits, who by an unheard of rashness plac'd himself in St. Peter's Chair, and seiz'd on the Palace, whilst Alexander chosen with an unanimous Consent refus'd, thro' Humility and Modesty, to accept of that Dignity? Or can the violence that Octavian afterwards offer'd, in be∣sieging Alexander and his Electors with armed Men give him any manner of Right or Title? Or could he under that pretence averr, that he was in possession of the Holy See nine Days before Alexander? Indeed the latter was chosen by the Senate, and conducted to the Ward-robe, where the Pontifical Habits were kept: He was also ordain'd by the Bishop of Ostia, to whom the Right of consecrating the Popes legally belongs; he was ac∣knowledg'd by the Legates, who resided in different Countries; and the whole Church would have continu'd in Peace; if his Adversary had not fled for refuge to the Emperor, whom he knew to be ready to afford him his Assistance.

He adds, That that Prince was glad to meet with so fair an opportunity, which he sought for after the example of his Predecessours, who had long ago form'd a Design to bring the Church of Rome under subjection to their Do∣minion, and upon that account favour'd the Schismaticks, and excited Divisions in that City: That Octavian had absolutely made him the Master of his Fortune; that he laid the Marks of the Pontifical Dignity at his Feet; and that he afterwards receiv'd from him the Investiture of the Church of Rome, by the Ring and Staff, causing the Imperial secular Power to triumph over the Priesthood: That the Emperor call'd a Council to confirm that Choice, and compell'd the Bishops by force to sign a Writing, by which they own'd Octavian as lawful Pope: That that Writing was full of manifest Untruths, and that the Bishops could not by their definitive Sen∣tence render an Election valid, that was null in its Original. Besides that the Gallican Church which always had the good fortune to maintain Justice and Truth, and to afford a Sanctuary to the Popes when persecuted by the German Princes, after having examin'd the Elections of Alexander and Octavian in a Council call'd by the King's Order, for that purpose, had deter∣min'd in favour of the former; but that the King had prudently defer'd the Publication of that Resolution, by reason of the union between him and the King of England, to the end that they might act jointly together: That the latter had in like manner sufficiently declar'd on Alexan∣der's behalf, in regard that he receiv'd his Letters, and more especially protested, that he would not own any other Pope, having also rejected those of Octavian. In the mean while, he admonish'd them to take care that Injustice might not prevail over the Truth, through the sinister practices of some English Noble-men, who gave it out, that they were related to Octavian, and exhorted them, when ever they met together, strenuously to maintain the Truth without fear of offending those Opponents.

In another Letter written to the Cardinals, he gives a particular account of divers re∣markable Circumstances of the Elections of Alexander and Octavian, viz. That the Bishop of Frascati, who was the first of the three Electors of the latter, being a voluptuous Man, took great delight in Feasting, and soon retir'd from the Conclave because Dinner-time drew near: That one of the two others took it ill, that he was deny'd the Office of Chancellor, and that the third was Octavian's Kinsman: That as soon as those three had given their Votes

for him, he himself took the Cope, and thr••w it over his Shoulders with so great Precipita∣tion, that that part which ought to lie on the Neck, fell to the Ground; that he got upon the Papal Throne in that Equipage; and that having caus••d the Doors of the Church to be set open, it was immediately fill'd with his Guards, who conducted him to the Pa∣lace: That the King of France call'd an Assembly of the Estates of the Realm, as well of the Clergy as of the Nobility, to determine which of the two Elections ought to be ratify'd: That some were of Opinion, that nothing should be done in a hurry about an Affair of that importance, and that it ought to be deferr'd for some time longer, because it was dangerous to excite a mis-understanding between the King and the Emperor upon that account: That they also added, that the Church of Rome was always burdensome to Princes; that 'twas re∣quisite to shake off the Yoke, since so fair an Occasion offer'd it self to that purpose; that the Death of the two Competitors would put an end to the Contest; and that the Govern∣ment of the Bishops might be sufficient, till God should more clearly make known his Will: Lastly, that the Respect due to the Emperor's Ambassadors, who were present, and to the King of England, whose Sentiments the King of France declar'd himself ready to follow, caus'd those Measures to be taken in the Assembly. Arnu••phus, in the end of this Letter, advises the Cardinals not to exasperate the King of England by their Threats, but to pacifie him, since the Obedience of the Kingdoms of England, France, Spain, Ireland and Norway depended on his Declaration.

Although Arnulphus had done such notable Services to Alexander III. nevertheless that Pope, upon the Accusations brought against him by Sylvester, Treasurer of his Church, and by John, Nephew to the Bishop of Seez, did not forbear to nominate the Bishops of Mans and Avranches Commissioners, to take cognizance of that Cause. Arnulphus appear'd before them, and William Bishop of Paris and Cardinal, was present at the Tryal. The Trea∣surer own'd before the Judges, the Falshood of the Complaints that he had made against his Diocesan, and promis'd that he would not renew them for the future. John still maintain'd what he had averr'd, but the Sentence not being favourable to him, he appeal'd from that Court to the See of Rome, although the Pope gave Commission to the two Bishops to pass Judgment without any Appeal. However Arnulphus, who upon that account might have exempted himself from going to Rome, and might have refus'd to suffer his Cause to be tried again there; after having inform'd the Pope of the manner of the Proceedings, as∣sur'd his Holiness, that he would repair to Rome, as soon as it was possible, and entreated him to detain John till he arriv'd, to shew how that Person and the Bishop of Seez his Uncle, have committed a Trespass against the Church and the Holy See.

He explains this in the following Letter directed to Alexander. One of his Relations was sometime Bishop of Seez, who substituted Regular Canons in that Church in the room of Secular. This Reformation was approv'd by the Popes Honorius II. Eugenius III. and Adrian III. and by Henry II. King of England, who made them a Donation. These Canons were to have all their Goods in Common, according to their Original Institution, and the Bi∣shops his Successors were likewise oblig'd, before they were install'd, to maintain that Settle∣ment. The Bishop then incumbent, design'd to ruine it, or at least to obtain a License of the Pope, to confer the Arch-deaconries on Lay-men, that he might have wherewithal to be∣stow on his Nephews and Relations. Arnulphus sent word to the Pope, That that Bishop pal∣liated his Carnal Affections with the pretence of Piety; giving it out, That there was not any Person in that Diocess, capable of performing those Functions; as if the Simplicity of the Canons were not to be preferr'd to the worldly Wisdom of others; or in case there were none to be found at Seez, worthy of possessing those Benesices, some might not be taken out of the Church of St. Victor and St. Rufus. He adds, that having been Arch-deacon of Seez, and educated in that Church, he thought himself oblig'd to maintain its Rights and Privileges, and that for that reason, he judg'd it expedient to certifie his Holiness thereof by a Letter.

Notwithstanding this Information, the Pope granted to the Bishop of Seez a License to Se∣cularize his Arch-deaconry; but Arnulphus wrote a very smart Letter to him on that Subject, in which he remonstrates, That he had no Authority thus to abolish an Institution made by his Predecessors, under colour that they could not impose Laws on their Successors: He main∣tains, That that Maxim is false, and that it tends to the ruin of all the Establishments of the Saints: That the Privileges of the Popes of Rome, are as it were Testaments, which are not made void, but rather confirm'd by the death of the Testators: That 'tis true indeed, that the Errors of Predecessors may be corrected by their Successors, and that the latter may make some alteration for the better in the Sanctions of the others, when 'tis requisite for the publick Advantage, and when it may be done without any detriment to Religion: That for that very reason, Secular Canons may be chang'd into Regular, because the Or∣der of the latter is more perfect; but a more strict Institution cannot be chang'd into one less perfect; by which means Remissness in Discipline would be authoriz'd: And lastly, that there are some Persons so prodigal of Dispensations, that they retain no∣thing as an unalterable Law, and Sacrifice every thing to the Interests and inordinate Passions of private Men. He reproves the Pope for not shewing sufficient Constancy in main∣taining the Rights of the Church; and gives him to understand, that he had scandaliz'd it by

revoking the Sentence of Excommunication, denounc'd by his Predecessors against Laicks who shall attempt to get themselves admitted into the Chapter of Seez; by adjudging to a Lay-man all the Revenues of the Arch-deaconry that the Regular Canons enjoy'd in Common, and part of which they distributed to the Poor; and by permitting a Man, adorn'd with gor∣geous Apparel to take place amongst the Canons cloath'd in Sack-cloth. He adds, That 'tis further to be fear'd, lest the Arch-deaconry should be left vacant, by reason that it is already appointed for another young Nephew, when he shall be of Age: That in the mean while, the Bishop has turn'd out the Prior of the Canons, and substituted a Per∣son of no Repute in his Place, to the end that he might make himself Master of the Church-Revenues. Therefore he exhorts the Pope to revoke what was extorted from him by surprize, in order to re-establish the Rule in that Chapter, and to put an end to the Complaints and Mur∣murings occasion'd by that Innovation.

The four following Letters are directed to the same Pope, and contain an account of par∣ticular Affairs. In the last he accuaints him, That the King of England was dissatisfied with his Holiness, because he deny'd him those Favours he su'd for at Rome.

He congratulates in another, Gilbert Bishop of London, in regard that the Pope had or∣dain'd, that his Cause should be decided without an Appeal, and observes that Appeals to Rome often put false Accusers in a Capacity to oppress innocent Persons, and give them an opportunity to avoid the Punishment due to their Crimes,

In another Letter, he reproves a certain Abbot for leaving his Monastery to sollicit Law-suits at Court, and enjoyns him to return thither.

In a Letter that he wrote to Henry Cardinal Bishop of Pisa, sending him the Works of Ennodius; he passes a very disadvantageous Judgment on that Author.

In his Letter to the Bishop of Angoulesme, he determines that the Engagements that a cer∣tain Child was under, whom his Uncle had bound to a Clerk, upon Payment of a Sum of Money, ought not to be ratify'd, and that that Bishop cannot suffer the said Child to be de∣tain'd by him.

In a Letter written to Arnold Abbot of Bonneval, he treats of the Usefulness of the Sacri∣fice of the Mass.

Nothing (says he) can be offer'd up more precious than JESUS CHRIST; nothing more efficacious than this Sacrifice; nothing more advantageous both to him who offers it, and to him for whom 'tis offer'd, if the unworthiness of the Persons doth not render it unprofitable: 'Tis requisite that he who offers it have pure Hands, and that he, for whom it is offer'd, should know the Value of it by Faith; that he should earnestly desire it; and that he should embrace it with a perfect Charity. Oh, how great is this Benefit, which is sufficient for the Person who receives it, and for him that admini∣sters it! For how extensive soever the Priest's Charity may be towards certain Persons, this Sacrifice remains altogether entire for every one in particular. It is communicated to many, so as its Efficacy is not diminish'd, with respect to every Individual; and altho' different Persons partake of it, yet it does not suffer any Division.

Quoscunque enim Sa∣cerdos effusa charitatis latitudine complectatur, totum simul omnium, totum uniuscujusque est Si∣gillatim, nec integritatem dividit communicatio plurium, nec soliditatem minuit participatio diversorum.

He has also inserted amongst his Letters, a Discourse that he made in the Council of Tours, A. D. 1163. in the presence, and by the Order of Pope Alexander III. In the beginning of it he says, that there are three Qualities requisite in a Preacher, viz. Sanctity of Life, to pro∣cure respect for what he delivers; a perfect Knowledge, to be capable of teaching the neces∣sary Truths; and Elcquence to cause them to be approv'd, to the end that his Sermons may be Holy, Learned and Sublime. In the Body of this Sermon, he treats of the Unity and Liberty of the Church, shewing that those two Qualities are necessary therein, and that the Ministers ought to use their utmost endeavours to maintain them, more especially at a time when both are attack'd; that is to say, the former by the Ambition of Schismaticks, and the other by the Oppression of Tyrants: That nevertheless, 'tis impossible that either should compass their Design: For although the former separate themselves from the Communion of the Church, yet it is not divided by that means, but the Chaff is only separated from the Wheat; and although the latter seizes on the Temporal Revenues of the Church, neverthe∣less it does not cease to be free, and to exercise its Power with Spiritual Authority. However, that the Bishops ought to make use of all possible means to re-unite the former to the Communion of the Church, and to oblige the others to quit their unjust Claim to the Ecclesiastical Revenues. This is the Subject of a long and very pathetical Exhortation made by him to the Bishops of the Council; and in the sequel of the same Discourse, he wishes that the Emperor would humble himself under the Almighty Hand of God; that he would acknowledge that the Dominion of the Church is above his, and that he would submit to the See of Rome, which conferr'd the Empire on his Predecessors. He observes that Bishops may possess large Revenues, provided they do not take themselves to be the Proprietors, but only the Dispensers of them, and are persuaded that the Patrimony of JESUS CHRIST is the Inheritance of the Poor, which ought to be distributed to them, and that they who put it to another use are to be look'd upon as Robbers.

This Discourse is follow'd by another, pronounc'd in a Synod held for the Ordination of a Bishop. He begins with the Commendation of the Church, and afterwards rejects the Per∣son of Girard, who was propos'd, alledging, That although there was a form of Election in his favour, nevertheless he ought not to be ordain'd, by reason that it is not to be endur'd that the Liberty of Elections, which was introduc'd for the Benefit of the Churches, should be made prejudicial to them, and therefore that the Election of Girard was null as having been carry'd on only by some few Persons devoted to his Interest.

He acquaints that Pope in another Letter, That he had pass'd Sentence in favour of Hugh Abbot of Senlis, in a Cause that was depending between that Abbot and Garnier a Priest, concerning the Church of Marine, for the Tryal of which he was nominated a Commissioner with Henry Bishop of Senlis. He likewise gave him notice in the following Letter, that the King of England had favourably receiv'd his Letters and Nuncio's, and that he had re-instated the Arch-bishop of Canterbury; but he complains that the Nuncio's did not promote the making of Peace, and entreats the Pope to do it.

In another Letter, he informs the same Pope, That he had put an end to the Con∣test between the Abbot of La Couture and Hermier the Priest, about the Church of Breule.

In one of the Letters directed to the Pope's Legates, Albert and Theodin, he determines, That it is not expedient to bestow Altars, that is to say, Benefices on the Sons of Priests, lest it should occasion disorders.

Afterwards he writes to Pope Alexander against those Monks, who refuse to obey their Bi∣shop, and claim a right to retain Cures and Tithes.

He complains in particular of the Abbot of St. Evrou, who presum'd to celebrate Divine Service; notwithstanding the Sentence of Suspension he had pronounc'd against him.

The Poems of this Author are not very considerable as to the Subjects, but they are ex∣act in reference to the Rules of Poetry, and the Verses are very fine. The first is on the Nativity of Jesus Christ, the second is an Encomium of the Bishop of Windsor; and the rest on the alteration of the Seasons, and on some other profane Subjects. There are also two Epitaphs of Queen Mathilda, one of Algarus Bishop of Coutances, and another of Hugh Arch-bishop of Roan.

Father Dachery has publish'd in the second Tome of his Spicilegium, an excellent Discourse dedicated to Geffrey Bishop of Chartres, and compos'd by Arnulphus, when as yet Arch-dea∣con of Seez, against Peter de Leon the Antipope, and Gerard Bishop of Angoulesme his Legat. It is written with a great deal of earnestness and energy, so that the Author gives us a very lively description of the Irregularities and Vices of that Antipope and of his Legate; main∣tains the Election and Proceedings of Innocent II. and makes it appear that the latter is the true Pope.

Father Dachery has likewise set forth in the end of the Thirteenth Tome of the Spicile∣gium, a Sermon upon the Annunciation of the Virgin Mary, and five Letters by the same Author.

The other Works of Arnulphus, Bishop of Lisieux, were printed at Paris, from a Manu∣script of Adrian Turnebus's Library, A. D. 1585. and afterwards in the Bibliotheca Patrum.

PETER de CELLES Bishop of Chartres.

PETER, sirnam'd de Celles, from the Name of his first Abbey, commonly call'd Monstier∣la-Celle, * 1.19 in the Suburbs of the City of Troyes, was descended of an honourable Family of Champagne. He apply'd himself to Study at Paris, and was apparently a Novice in the Monastery of St. Martin des Champs. He was chosen Abbot of Celles, A. D. 1150. tran∣slated from thence to the Abbey of St. Remy at Rheims in 1162. and at last made Bishop of Chartres in 1182. in the place of John of Salisbury. After having govern'd that Church dur∣ing five Years, he died Feb. 17. 1187.

The following Works of this Author, were collected and publish'd by Father Ambrosius Januarius, of the Congregation of St. Maur, and printed by Lewis Billaine in 1671. But the first of his Works is a Course of Sermons on all the Festivals of the Year, which were never as yet printed. However, notwithstanding the Reputation they might have in his time, Father Januarius observes, that they are weak, and that Peter de Celles is not very sollicitous to prove a Truth thoroughly, but passes lightly over from one Subject to ano∣ther; although his Writings are full of pious Conceptions, Flowers of Scripture and very useful Instructions. He might also take notice, that they are full of Puns, affected Antitheses, sorry Allusions, mean Descriptions and Notions, which have not all the Gravity that is re∣quisite in Discourses of that Nature. In his Eighth Sermon on the Lord's Supper, we find the Term of Transubstantiation, which is also in Stephen Bishop of Autun, who liv'd in the same Century: And indeed, those two Authors are the first that made use of it. The three Books of Bread, dedicated to John of Salisbury, contain a great number of mystical Refle∣ctions

on all the sorts of Bread mention'd in the Holy Scripture. The Mystical and Moral Exposition of the Tabernacle is a Work almost of the same Nature. The Treatise of Con∣science, dedicated to Aliber the Monk, relates altogether to Piety, and that of the Discipline of the Cloister, comprehends many Moral Instructions in the Exercises of the Monastick Life, which he follow'd above Thirty Years. This Piece was set forth by Father Dachery, in the third Tome of his Spicilegium.

The last Work in this Edition, is a Collection of the Letters of Peter de Celles, which were already publish'd with Notes by Father Sirmondus, A. D. 1613. They are divided into nine Books, and relate either to pious Subjects or to certain particular Affairs, or are merely Complimental. Indeed, they are written with grea••er Accuracy than his other Works, being of a more natural and less affected Style; nevertheless they are full of verbal Quibbles and Puns. In this Collection are three Letters on the Festival of the Conception of the Vir∣gin Mary, in which Peter de Celles strenously maintains St. Be••nard's Sentiments on that Sub∣ject. NICOLAS, a Monk of St. Alban, was of a contrary Opinion, and averr'd, That * 1.20 the blessed Virgin was never obnoxious to Sin. This is the Subject of the Twenty third Let∣ter of the Sixth Book; but the Monk vindicates his Opinion in the Ninth Letter of the last Book, and confutes that of St. Bernard, yet not without expressing a great deal of Re∣spect for the Person of that Saint. However, he does not treat Peter de Celles with the same Moderation, who being nettled, returns him a somewhat sharp Answer in the Tenth Letter of the same Book. Peter was then Bishop of Chartres.

JOHN of SALISBURY Bishop of Chartres.

JOHN of Salisbury the intimate Friend of Thomas Becket Arch-bishop of Canterbury, and his * 1.21 Companion during his Exile, was at last made Bishop of Chartres, A. D. 1179. and died three Years after. He was one of the most ingenious, most polite and most learned Men of that Age, as is evident from his Book call'd P••licraticon; or, A Discovery of the Fopperies of the Lords of the Court. Justus Lipsius assures us, that many considerable pieces of Purple and Fragments of a better Age, are to be found in that Work: Peter of Blois in like man∣ner declares that he was even charm'd with it, having discover'd therein a well regulated sort of Learning and abundance of Things, the Variety of which renders them extremely de∣lightful. And indeed, 'tis an excellent Work, treating of the Employments, Occupations, Functions, Vertues and Vices of the Men of the World, but more especially of Princes, Po∣tentates and great Lords; in which is contain'd a vast Treasure of Moral Notions, Senten∣ces, fine Passages of Authors, Examples, Apologues, Extracts of History, common Pla∣ces, &c. 'Tis divided into Eight Books, and compos'd in a plain and concise Style.

But this Style is more proper for the numerous Letters which the same Author wrote to the Popes Adrian and Alexander; to the Kings of England and divers other Princes; to Thomas Becket Arch-bishop of Canterbury; to several English Bishops; and to many other Persons; either about general Occurrences and Transactions, as the Schism of Octavian the Antipope, and the Election of Alexander III. the contest between the Pope and the Emperor Frederick; and that between the King of England and the Arch-bishop of Canterbury; or relating to particular Affairs of the Churches of England; or to certain Points of Doctrine and Discipline: As the 172d Letter concerning the Number of Writers of the Canonical Books of the Old and New Testament; the 67th about the nullity of a second Marriage which a certain Woman had contracted after she was divorc'd from her former Husband who was a Priest; the 68th about the cohabitation of Women with Clerks; and the 69th about the Sums of Mony that were exacted of the Vicars of Churches. In these Letters he appears to be much addicted to the Interest of Thomas of Canterbury, whose conduct nevertheless he sometimes censures, and seems likewise to be much devoted to the Pope's Ser∣vice, although he does not always approve every thing that is done at Rome, and condemns the Vices of the Cardinals on certain Occasions. He openly approves the deposing of the Emperor Frederick, and the Proceedings of Pope Alexander against him. His Letters are full of Allusions to the Sacred History, and of Examples taken out of Holy Scrip∣ture; in which he also intermixes many Passages of Profane Authors. The number of these Letters amounts to 301. and they were printed at Paris, A. D. 1611. with the Life of Thomas Becket Arch-bishop of Canterbury, by the same Author; to whom are like∣wise attributed certain Commentaries on the Epistles of St. Paul, printed at Amsterdam in 1646.

PETER of BLOIS Arch-Deacon of Bath.

PETER, sirnam'd of Blois, from the Place of his Nativity, deriving his extraction from * 1.22 Bretagne, study'd the Liberal Sciences at Paris; the Civil and Canon Law at Bononia, and after having attain'd to a profound skill in all sorts of Humane Learning, apply'd him∣self entirely to the Study of Divinity, under the Tuition of John of Salisbury Bishop of Char∣tres. It is also probable that Peter of Blois was Canon of that City; however, having pass'd into Sicily, A. D. 1167. with Stephen the Son of the Count of Perche, and the Cousin of the Queen of Sicily, he was chosen Tutor and afterwards Secretary to William II. King of Sicily, but he was soon oblig'd to leave that Country, when Stephen Count of Perche, who was made Chancellor of the Kingdom and Arch-bishop of Palermo, was banish'd from thence. Upon his return to France, he was invited over into England by King Henry II. and after having spent some time at Court, he retir'd to the Palace of Richard Arch-bishop of Can∣terbury, and became his Chancellor. He was sent by that Arch-bishop to King Henry II. and to the Popes Alexander III. and Urban III. to negotiate Affairs relating to the Church of Canterbury, and after the Death of King Henry, he continued for some time in the Court of Queen Eleonora. In the end of his Life, he was depriv'd of the Arch-Deaconry of Bath, which was conferr'd on him at his arrival in England, but some time after, he obtain'd that of London; in the discharging of which Duty, he took a great deal of pains, and enjoy'd on∣ly a small Revenue. He died in England A. D. 1200.

Peter de Blois himself made a Collection of his Letters, by the Order of Henry II. King of England, as he intimates in his first Letter directed to that Prince, in which he observes, That they are not all alike; that sometimes the great number of urgent Affairs oblig'd him to write with less accuracy; that sometimes the Subject did not allow him to enlarge; and that sometimes the meanness of the Capacity of those Persons to whom he wrote, constrain'd him to make use of a more plain Style. He excuses himself for citing profane Authors, as also, for speaking freely, and even for presuming to reprove his Prince. He protests, that to the best of his remembrance, he never wrote any thing with a Design to Flatter, but that Integrity and an unfeigned Zeal for maintaining the Truth, always excited him to set Pen to Paper.

The Second is a Letter of Consolation directed to the same King on the Death of his Son Henry III. in which he induces him to hope for the Salvation of that young Prince, who died in a course of Repentance.

In the Third, he severely reprehends a certain great Lord, who had reproach'd his Chap∣lain with the meanness of his Birth, and gives him to understand, that none ought to be puff'd up, either upon account of Nobility or Riches.

In the Fourth, he congratulates the Prior of Cisteaux upon the Tranquillity he enjoy'd in his Solitude, protesting that he even envy'd his Condition, and entreats the same Prior to re∣member him in his Prayers and Oblations.

In the Fifth, he reproves Richard the Successor of Thomas Becket in the Arch-bishoprick of Canterbury, for applying himself with greater earnestness to the maintenance of the Tem∣poral Interests of his Church, than to the Spiritual Government of his Diocess; remon∣strating, that his Diocesans and Prince are very much scandaliz'd at those Proceedings.

In the Sixth, to wipe off the reproaches that a certain School-Master who undertook to teach the Liberal Sciences, had put upon the Clerks, who live in the Palaces of Bishops; he asserts, That his Profession was more contrary to the Ecclesiastical Function, than the con∣duct of those Clergy-men.

In the Seventh, he rebukes a Professor, who was addicted to Drunkenness.

In the Eighth, he vindicates the comparison he made of the different States of the Church, to the various Phases or Apparitions of the Moon, and maintains, that Terms and Maxims of Philosophy and of the Civil Law may be us'd in treating of matters of Religion, when it can be done conveniently.

In the Ninth, he reproves one of his Pupils, who after having compleated his Philological Studies, determin'd to rest for two Years, before he apply'd himself to that of Divinity; and shews, that that negligence would be extremely prejudicial to him.

In the Tenth, written to one of the Chaplains of the King of Sicily, against the Design which that Prince had, to cause to be install'd in the Bishoprick of Agrigento, a certain young Lord, who was by no means capable of performing the Functions of the Episco∣pal Dignity, he admonishes the said Chaplain, that his Office obliges him to continue to make Remonstrances to the King, to hinder him from disposing of the Bishoprick after such a manner.

In the Eleventh, he exhorts a Clergy-man, who had solemnly engag'd to embrace the Monastick Life, to perform his Vow.

The Twelfth is a consolatory Letter directed to one of his Nephews, afflicted with the Death of his Uncle, the burning of his House, and a Wound he receiv'd in his Foot.

In the Thirteenth, he reprehends a Young Monk, who endeavour'd to get a Priory, un∣der pretence, that he should thereby have an opportunity of converting more Souls, and makes it appear, That a Monk ought not to covet Secular Employments, nor to aspire to Dignities, not to affect to instruct others.

In the Fourteenth, directed to the Chaplains of the King of England, he communicates to them certain Reflections that a Fit of Sickness caus'd him to make on the miserable conditi∣on of those Clergy-men, who are oblig'd to reside in the Courts of Princes; of which he gives a very lively Description, and exhorts them to follow his Example in quitting that course of Life.

The Fifteenth is an Instruction to Rainaud newly chosen Bishop of Chartres, concerning the Episcopal Qualities and Functions. He says, That the first thing that is sometimes done, is to make enquiry into the Revenues belonging to the Bishoprick, and not into the present condition of it: He censures the Luxury and Magnificence of some Bishops of his time, the pains that they took to heap up Riches and to gratifie Princes, and the Secular Course of Life that they lead.

In the Sixteenth, he exhorts a certain Bishop immers'd in the management of many Af∣fairs to make choice of a more quiet manner of Living, in order to promote his own Sal∣vation.

In the Seventeenth, he shews, That a Clerk who drives a Trade, is no less culpable than one that follows Usury, and that all manner of inordinate endeavours to get and heap up Riches are unworthy of a Clergy-man.

In the Eighteenth, he gives us a lively description of the Irregularities of a certain Bishop, who was addicted to that Vice.

In the Nineteenth, he resolves two Questions, which were propos'd to him by one of his Friends who studied the Law at Paris, viz. 1. Whether a Woman, who turn'd Nun, upon a supposition that her Husband was dead, be oblig'd to leave the Convent, if he return? And 2. In case she be oblig'd to follow her Husband, whether she ought to assume the Veil again after his Death? He answers, That the Vow of Chastity made by her, being in the Husband's Power, is not obligatory; and that she ought to return with her Husband, and may marry again after his Decease. In that Letter, there is a remark very advantageous to the Schools of Paris, of which he saies, that as there was formerly a Proverbial saying, that those who had any Question to propose ought to repair to Avila; so in like manner at pre∣sent it pass'd into a Proverb, that those who were desirous to have any Question decided need only go to Paris, where the greatest Difficulties are fairly resolv'd.

In the Twentieth he complains, That the Domestick Servants of Rainaud Bishop of Char∣tres remov'd him from the Palace of that Prelate, whom he blames for his too great Libe∣rality.

In the Twenty first, he reprehends the haughtiness and arrogancy of a Canon, who was formerly one of his particular Friends.

In the Twenty second, directed to John of Salisbury, he commends his Constancy, and that of Thomas Arch-bishop of Canterbury, and advises them to persevere, and not to suffer themselves to be mov'd by any manner of Adversity or Persecutions.

In the Twenty third, written to Octavian the Pope's Legate, he declames against the Abuse that was then predominant, to fill up the vacant Bishopricks with unworthy and uncapable Persons, who obtain'd them by the means of sinister practices or purchas'd them with Money.

In the Twenty fourth, he entreats the Friends of Thomas Arch-bishop of Canterbury to pre∣vail upon that Prelate, to forgive the Arch-Deacon of Salisbury, who was desirous to be re∣concil'd with him.

In the Twenty fifth, he exhorts an Official to quit that Employment, which he looks upon as very dangerous.

I am apt to believe (says he) that the Officials were so call'd, not from the name of their Office, but from the Verb Officio, which signifies to be hurt∣ful, or to do Mischief: For the whole Function of an Official is to sheer and flea at the pleasure of the Bishop the poor Sheep that are under his Jurisdiction: They are the Bi∣shop's Horse-leeches, that cast up the Blood they have suck'd out, and which as it were so many Spunges, that being squeez'd restore the Water wherein they were soak'd, pour into their Masters Bosom the Treasure that they have extorted; insomuch that of all those execrable Purchases they have only left the stain of Sin: For that which is thus hoarded up by oppressing the Poor, serves to gratify the unruly Appetite of the Bishops, and draws Punishments on the Officials; who may be well compar'd to those private Doors, thro' which the Priests of Bel were wont secretly to convey the Sacrifices that were laid on the Altar of that False God; since the Bishops make use of their Hands to pillage the Estates of other Men, casting upon them all the marks of Infamy and the whole guilt of those Crimes, of which they make the sole advantage,—The Office of the Officials at pre∣sent, is to confound Right, to create Law-suits, to disannul Agreements, to prolong Trials, to suppress the Truth, to maintain Falshood, to seek for nothing but filthy Lucre, to sell

Justice, to commit all manner of unjust Actions, and to devise Cheats and Artifices to deceive the People. These are the Men, who over-load their Landlords with a nume∣rous Retinue of Attendants and costly Equipages; who hunt after dainty Dishes; being very prodigal of the Estates of other Persons, and as covetous of their own: They are very critical in searching out the etymology and signification of Words, and make Glosses upon all manner of Syllables, on purpose to lay Snares for others, in order to drain their Purses: They take upon them to interpret the Laws according to their own capricious Humour, admitting some, and rejecting others at their Pleasure; they corrupt that which is sound, over-rule just Allegations, foment Divisions, conceal Crimes, make void law∣ful Marriages, penetrate into the Secrets of Families, defame innocent Persons, absolve the Guilty, and in a Word, leave no Stone unturn'd to get Mony.

This is the Cha∣racter that Peter of Blois gives us of the Officials of his time, very different (as 'tis to be hop'd) from that of those Gentle-men, who now discharge those Functions in our Churches.

In the Twenty sixth, he advises a Friend of his to enter upon a Course of Divinity at Paris, after having left the study of the Civil-Law, to which he apply'd himself at Bononia; because a Clergy-man ought not to be entirely immers'd therein. He censures, by the way, the sinister Practices of the Advocates of his Time, who made it their whole business to get Money and to enrich themselves.

In the Twenty seventh, he acquaints the Canons of Beauvoir with the Death of Thomas Becket Arch-bishop of Canterbury, and tells them that there was reason to be so far from be∣wailing his Death, that they ought to rejoice at his Happiness. He likewise makes mention of the Dissensions that happen'd in his Church, about the Election of a Successor.

The Twenty eighth, is written in the Name of Rotrou Arch-bishop of Rouen, to William Arch-bishop of Sens and the Pope's Legate, whom he exhorts to use his utmost endeavours to divert those Calamities, which were ready to break forth in the Territories belonging to the Church of Roan by reason of the War that was carry'd on by the two Kings.

In the Twenty ninth directed to the Abbot and Monks of St. Alban, he complains that one of their Priors had refus'd to entertain him at his Table, and shews how much Hospitality is recommendable, more especially in Monks.

In the Thirtieth, he communicates to his Friend Rainaud chosen Bishop of Bath, the Dream that he had upon his promotion to the Episcopal Dignity.

The Thirty first is written to the Abbot of Fontaines, concerning a Distemper with which Peter of Blois was afflicted.

The Thirty second is a recommendatory Letter directed to the Prior of Canterbury.

The Thirty third is written in the Name of Rotrou Arch-bishop of Roan to Henry III. the Son of Henry II. King of England, who was preparing to make War with his Father, to entreat him to take into his Protection, Andely and the other Territories of the Church of Roan.

In the Thirty fourth, he excuses himself to the Bishop of Perigueux, who had offer'd him his House; for not accepting of his Proposal, because he was detain'd by the Promises of his old Patron.

The Thirty fifth and Thirty sixth, are Exhortations to a certain Nun.

The Thirty seventh, is a Letter of Excuse to the Prior of Jumieges for neglecting to send back a Book that he had borrow'd of him.

The Thirty eighth, is an Apology directed to Albert Cardinal of the Church of Rome, for the Conduct of the Arch-bishop of Canterbury, who was accused of being ignorant of the Laws, covetous and too much inclin'd to raise his Family.

The Thirty ninth, is a Letter written by way of a secret Trust to one of his Friends, in which he sends him word, That the Court of Rome, according to the usual Custom had charged him with many Debts, and that if he could once find means to discharge them, he would take care not to fall into that Abyss for the future.

In the Fortieth, he condemns the Deportment of a certain Bishop who spoke ill of his Prince.

In the Forty first, he entreats Henry II. King of England to give him notice of the Place where he was, to the end that he might wait on him, and acquaints him that his Majesties Envoys are return'd from Rome, clear'd of their Silver and loaded with Lead, without being honour'd with any considerable Presents, and that the Ambassadors of the King of Spain were come to meet him to constitute him Mediator of the Peace between them.

The Forty second, is written to Robert Provost of Aire in Flanders elected Bishop of Cam∣bray, to whom he gives a smart Reprimand for contenting himself to enjoy the Revenues of his Bishoprick, without taking care to perform the Episcopal Functions, and for leading a Secular and Scandalous course of Life.

The Forty third, is a very apposite Consolation compos'd by him upon occasion of the Sickness of a certain Person, in which he sufficiently makes it appear that he had study'd the Art of Physick.

In the Forty fourth, he advises Arnulphus Bishop of Lisieux not to leave his Bishoprick, by reason of any opposition that might be made by his Prince, his Chapter or the People of his Diocess; but he would perswade him to resign it, in case he aspir'd to that Dignity by under-hand dealings.

In the Forty fifth, he vindicates Rainaud Bishop of Bath, from the imputation of having persecuted or occasion'd the Death of St. Thomas of Canterbury, and observes; that if he made somewhat too severe a Reflection upon him, at the time when that Arch-bishop excommunicat∣ed the Bishop of Salisbury, it ought to be forgiven him, as well as what he might have done against him thro' Ignorance, and so much the rather, in regard that he had expiated that Fault by a very rigorous Penance.

In the Forty sixth, directed to Richard Bishop of Syracuse, after having excus'd himself for returning to Sicily, he enlarges on the Commendation of Thomas Becket Arch-bishop of Canterbury.

The Forty seventh is written in the Name of Richard Arch-bishop of Canterbury, who exhorts Henry the Son of Henry II. King of England to desist from making War with his Fa∣ther, and threatens to excommunicate him, unless he submit to his Remonstrances.

In the Forty eighth, he congratulates William Cardinal Bishop of Pavia, upon account that at last an end was put to the Quarrel between Pope Alexander and the Emperor Frederick▪ by his mediation, and declames against Octavian and his Electors.

In the Forty ninth, he complains, That some of the Canons of Chartres, whom he took for his Friends, had brought an Information against him in a Trial depending between him and Robert of Salisbury, for a Prebend of Chartres, and that not being able to ••ully his Re∣putation, they had slanderously traduc'd the Memory of his Father.

In the Fiftieth, he entreats the Bishop of Bayeux to absolve a certain Person, who had com∣mitted Man-slaughter in his own defence, and who being afflicted with a very sensible Grief for that unfortunate Accident, had done Penance in due Form.

In the Fifty first, he admonishes Jocelin Bishop of Salisbury to pay his Debts, and not to bestow too great Favours upon his Nephews.

In the Fifty second, he acquaints the Arch-bishop of Canterbury, who had sent him to the King of England, That he met with a furious Storm, during his passage into Normandy, and assures him, that he was ready to undertake every thing, and to endure all manner of hard∣ship in his Service.

The Fifty third, is a Circular Letter to all the Bishops of England, written in the Name of Richard Arch-bishop of Canterbury and Primate of the Kingdom, in which he enjoyns them, not to suffer Persons, whose Ordination is not valid, to exercise the Episcopal Functions in their Diocesses, and to denounce a Sentence of Excommunication against those who forge the Pope's Bulls or counterfeit the Seals of the Bishops.

In the Fifty fourth, he advises the Arch-deacon of Poitiers, not to compel Adelicia his Niece, to become a Nun; because the Monastick State, ought not to be embrac'd with less freedom than that of Marriage.

In the Fifty fifth, he congratulates Adelicia, upon the desire she express'd to take the Vail, and in regard that she had actually made a Vow to that purpose, and exhorts her to put so laudable a Design in execution with all convenient speed.

In the Fifty sixth, he endeavours to divert Walter Bishop of Rochester from the strong Incli∣nation he had to Hunting.

In the Fifty seventh Letter, directed to one of his Friends a Monk of the Abbey of Aul∣nay in Normandy, who expected to be deliver'd from Temptations immediately after his admittance into a Religious Order; he treats of the continual Conflict between the Flesh and the Spirit, and sends him a Prose or Sermon on that Subject.

In the Fifty eighth, he complains to Renaud Bishop of Bath, by reason that the latter had suspended his Vice-Arch-deacon, without dispatching any Canonical Monitions before-hand, and to the prejudice of a Privilege that was granted him in the Council of Lateran, that he should not be excommunicated nor any Person that belong'd to him by any Bishop, and de∣clares that he had so much the greater reason to take it ill, in regard that that which gave oc∣casion to those rigorous Proceedings, was only a small sum of Money that was due to the Bi∣shop, and that he had already given Orders for the payment of it.

In the Fifty ninth, he exhorts that Bishop to be reconciled with a certain Person nam'd Henry, and to turn one Simon out of his Company, who was a dangerous Flatterer and a Sy∣cophant.

In the Sixtieth, he approves the Complaints made by one of his Friends, who was much offended that the Bishops should enrich their Nephews with the Church-Revenues, instead of maintaining the Poor. He observes that that was no new Disorder, and that Poverty ought to be preferr'd before Riches.

In the Sixty first, he disswades an Arch-Deacon from the exercise of Hunting.

In the Sixty second, he writes in the Name of Geffrey Bishop of Lincoln to one Le Blond, whom he reproves for his Disobedience in leaving that Bishop to follow divers Employments, and forbids him to oppose the Interest of the Arch-bishop of Canterbury.

The Sixty third, is a Letter of Thanks to Peter Bishop of Arras.

The Sixty fourth, is written in the Name of Gautier Arch-bishop of Roan and of the Bi∣shops of Normandy, to Pope Celestin III. to entreat his Holiness to use his utmost endeavours to procure the deliverance of Richard King of England, who was taken Prisoner at his re∣turn from the Holy Land by the Duke of Austria.

The Sixty fifth, is written against the Superstitions of those, who pretend to fore-tell fu∣ture Events by Dreams, or by other means of the like nature.

In the Sixty sixth, he congratulates Gautier Arch-bishop of Palermo upon his promotion to that Dignity: He gives that Prelat a Character of Henry II. King of England, and clears him from the Murder of Thomas Becket Arch-bishop of Canterbury.

In the Sixty seventh, he proves by many Reasons to King Henry II. that he ought to cause his Son to apply himself to Study.

The Sixty eighth, is written in the Name of Richard Arch-bishop of Canterbury to Pope Alexander III. against the Abbot of Malmesbury, who endeavour'd to withdraw himself from the Jurisdiction of his Bishop. He declames in that Letter, against the Privileges that are granted at Rome to the Abbots for Money, which gives them occasion to insult over their Pri∣mates and Diocesans, to lose the Respect they ought to have for them, and by degrees to shake off the Yoke of Obedience, which was formerly the only means to reclaim them, and to re∣strain their Ambition.

The Abbots (says he) cannot endure to have a Superior set over them, to reform the Abuses committed by them; They would willingly have an absolute power to do every thing with impunity, and neglect the Monastical Discipline to gratify their unruly Passions. Upon which account it is, that almost all the Revenues of the Mona∣steries are left at Rack and Manger, and are liable to be pillag'd by every Invader: For on the one side, the Abbots mind nothing else but following their Pleasures, and are intent on∣ly on making good Cheer; and on the other side, the Monks being as it were destitute of a Head, spend their Life in Idleness and continual Quarrels. The mischief (adds he) re∣quires a speedy remedy; for if it be not timely apply'd, 'tis to be fear'd lest as the Abbots shake off the Yoke of the Bishops, so the latter should throw off that of the Arch-bishops, and the Deans and Arch-Deacons should likewise find means to exempt themselves from the Jurisdiction of their Diocesans. Alass what form of Justice is this! or rather, what manner of deformity of the Law! to hinder Pupils from hearkening to their Tutors; Children from obeying their Parents; Soldiers from serving their Prince; and Servants from sub∣mitting to their Masters! What is it to free Abbots from the Jurisdiction of their Bishop, unless it be to authorize Disobedience and Rebellion, and to arm Children against their Fa∣ther? 'Tis their Office, who sit as supreme Judges, to determine this Case, and to take care l••st unjust Actions should take their rise from the Courts of Judicature, where ap∣plication is made for the redressing of Grievances.

In the Sixty ninth Letter, directed to Radulphus Bishop of Angers, he laments the Failings of the Inhabitants of that City, who had abandon'd King Henry II. in the War that he main∣tain'd against his Son.

In the Seventieth, he advises John Bishop of Chartres, rather to bestow Benefices on his Nephews, who were upright and poor Men, than on Foreigners, who are not so worthy of them.

The Two following Letters contain nothing remarkable.

The Seventy third, written in the Name of Richard Arch-bishop of Canterbury to all the Bishops of England, is against a Custom that prevail'd in that Kingdom, only to punish with Excommunication, those who assassinated Bishops and other Clergy-men, whereas capital Pu∣nishments were inflicted on other Murderers.

The following Letters to the Eighty second comprehend nothing very remarkable relating to Church-Discipline.

In the Eighty second, directed under the Name of Richard Arch-bishop of Canterbury to the Cistercian Monks, after having commended that Order, he takes notice of one Fault commit∣ted by them, which is their refusing to pay Tithes to Clerks and Monks: He gives them to understand, that it is an Act of Injustice; that altho' they might enjoy that Immunity, whilst they were Poor, yet they had no right to it at present, since they were become Rich; and that what Privileges soever they might obtain from Rome, they could not in Conscience make use of them to usurp the Estates of others: Lastly, he threatens to excommunicate them if they continue to retain those Tithes.

In the Eighty third, written in the Name of Walter Arch-Deacon of Oxford to Bartholo∣mew Bishop of Exeter, he advises him to declare the Marriage null, that was contracted be∣tween Robert and Ismenia his Kins-woman; according to the express Order he had receiv'd from the Pope.

The Eighty fourth is directed to Pope Alexander III. under the Name of Richard Arch-bishop of Canterbury to vindicate the Conduct of the Bishops, who reside in the King's Court, in order to maintain the Interest and Rights of the Church.

For (says he) if there were no Bishops in the Council, nor in favour with the Prince; the Wicked would soon find means to harrass the Church, and the Presumption of Laicks would oppress the Clergy

after an intolerable manner: But at present, if any thing be attempted to the prejudice of the Church, the Bishops are ready to oppose it; and if the King should be exasperat∣ed against innocent Persons, his Anger is appeas'd by their Entreaties. By this means, the rigour of Justice is moderated; the Cries of the Poor reach the Prince's Ear; the Dig∣nity of the Church is maintain'd; the Indigence of distressed People is reliev'd; the De∣votion of Lay-men is encreas'd; Religion is protected; the Sentences in Courts of Judi∣cature are directed; the Laws are submitted to; the Decrees of Rome are receiv'd; and the Revenues of the Churches are augmented: He adds, That the Arch-bishops and Bi∣shops of Sicily were wont in like manner to reside in the Court of their Prince, and that there was a Design on foot in England to abrogate that Custom, but that divers prudent and judicious Persons had determin▪d that it was absolutely necessary for them to continue there, and that if they were hinder'd from having access to the Prince; at the same time the Monasteries would be depriv'd of their Tranquility, the Afflicted of Consolation, and the Church of its Liberty.

Therefore our Author concludes, That although the Bishops were very desirous to leave the Court, by reason of the Inconveniences they suffer in that Station, nevertheless they are detain▪d, as it were by force, upon account of the Publick Advantage.

The Eighty fifth Letter, contains a sharp Reprimand made to Robert Bishop of Salisbury, for taking too great delight in Feasting, and for laying out so vast Expences in furnishing his Table, that he let the Buildings of his Church fall to ruin.

In the Eighty sixth, he diverts a Carthusian Monk nam'd Alexander, from the Design he had to quit his Order, under pretence that Mass was not said every day in the Monastery; and shews, That St. Benedict never was a Priest, and that he spent a great deal of time with∣out hearing Mass, even not knowing one Easter-day, that it was that great Festival: That St. Paul and St. Antony, the first Hermits, pass'd many days without hearing Mass, and that we do not read that some great Saints offer'd up the Holy Sacrifice daily: That such a fre∣quent Administration of the Sacraments might render them contemptible, and that the sel∣domness of it, encreases the Respect due to them: That indeed we sin incessantly, and that a continual Remedy is requisite for the expiation of our Guilt; but that nevertheless this Host, of an infinite Value, ought not to be offer'd up, but with a Spirit of Humility and a contrite Heart. To that purpose, he quotes many Passages of the Fathers, and at last af∣firms, That the secret Motive which induc'd that Monk to think of quitting his Order, was to lead a less austere, and a more free Course of Life.

In the Eighty seventh Letter, he comforts William Bishop of Ely, who was discharg'd from the management of the Affairs of State in England, by the treachery of certain Noble-men, who had mis-represented him to King Richard; which gave an occasion to Peter of Blois to declaim against those Counsellors who give bad Advice to Princes. The Eighty ninth is written on the same Subject to a Bishop, who had contributed to the said William's disgrace at Court.

In the Eigty eighth, he entreats an Abbot to receive a certain Monk, who was desirous to return to his Monastery.

In the Ninetieth, he gives an account to his Brother William Abbot of Mani, of the rea∣sons of his departure from Sicily, and takes notice at the same time of the News that was spread abroad, That that Abbot had obtain'd a Licence of the Pope, to wear the Mitre, Ring and Sandals. He maintains, That the use of those Ornaments in any other Person but a Bishop, is an arrogant Vanity, and a presumptuous Ostentation; That they ought only to be us'd on some extraordinary Occasions; such as the Dedication of Churches, the Con∣secration of Virgins, and the Ordination of Clerks, and that therefore they can be of no use to an Abbot, who has no right to perform those Functions; That they are actually more chargeable to him than profitable, and that they do him a greater dishonour than credit; That that Abuse has no Grounds neither in the Gospel, nor in St. Benedict's Rule; That it foments the Refractoriness of the Abbots and the Contests they have with the Bishops, and that no Man ought to flatter himself, that the Privilege of Rome can be a sufficient excuse for such Acts of Disobedience before God. Therefore he conjures him by the Salvation of their common Father, and by the Breasts of their Mother, to lay aside those Pontifical Or∣naments, or if it cannot be done without Scandal, to choose rather to quit his Dignity. William being mov'd with this Remonstrance, resign'd his Abbey into the Pope's Hands, as it appears by the 93d Letter, in which Peter of Blois congratulates him; That he preferr'd the Humility of a simple Monk to the Dignity of an Abbot, and a place of abode in France to one in Sicily.

In the Ninety first, he taxes Radulphus Bishop of Lisieux with Covetousness, and the pra∣ctice of Usury, more especially in regard that he did not open his Granaries in a time of scarci∣ty and dearness of Provisions.

The following Letters contain nothing very remarkable.

In the Ninety seventh, directed to the Abbot of Evesham, he shews that the diversity of Mo∣nastick Orders is advantagious to the Church, but that none ought to pass lightly from one Order to another. He observes in the end, that singing of Psalms for a considerable time,

is very useful, if it could be continu'd with Devotion, and that although it be accompany'd with wearisomness, yet it does not cease to be a good Employment. As for Handy-work, he neither blames, nor commends it in a Monk, Labores autem manuales in Monacho nec arguere, nec laudare praesumo.

The Ninety eighth and the Ninety ninth, are written in the Name of Richard Arch-bi∣shop of Canterbury; viz. the former to his Suffragans about the necessity of relieving the Holy Land, and the second to Pope Urban III. to congratulate his promotion to the Ponti∣fical Dignity, and to thank his Holiness for the Pall, which he had sent to him.

In the Hundredth Letter, he vindicates an Arch-bishop who was accus'd of being too meek and moderate.

The Hundred and first, directed to Robert Arch-deacon of Nantes, is a Judgment that he passes on the Disposition of two of his Nephews, whom he had put under his Tuition.

The Hundred and second, contains a long Complaint made by the Abbot of Redding who was desirous to renounce his Dignity, with Peter of Blois's Answer, in which he advises him not to do it.

The following Letters contain nothing of any great moment as to Ecclesiastical Dis∣cipline.

In the Hundred and twelfth, sent to the Bishop of Orleans, he maintains the Immunities of the Church, and asserts that the King of France ought to exact no other Supplies of the Clergy, than their Prayers to carry on the War, that he was preparing to manage against the Saracens in the Holy Land.

In the Hundred and thirteenth, he exhorts Geffrey Arch-bishop of York, to oppose the new Hereticks who appear'd in his Diocess, and to publish so strict an Ordinance against them, that the others might be terrify'd with the Severity of their Punishment.

In the Hundred and fourteenth, he congratulates John of Salisbury upon his Instalment in the Bishoprick of Chartres, and commends the Relation that he wrote of the Life of Thomas Becket Arch-bishop of Canterbury.

In the Hundred and fifteenth, after having shewn in what degrees of Consanguinity Robert and Adelecia were related one to another, he produces the several Impediments of their Mar∣riage, and comprehends them in six Verses.

The Hundred and sixteenth, is written to Hugh Abbot of St. Denis, to whom he sends one of his Books to be examin'd, and comforts him for the Indignity that was put upon him by the King of France.

In the Hundred and seventeenth, he reprehends Geffrey Abbot of Marmoutier, by reason that he had caus'd an Action to be commenc'd against the Prior of St. Come, for certain Lands which he claim'd, as belonging to his Jurisdiction.

There is nothing remarkable in the following Letters to the 123d, in which he refuses to accept of the Sacerdotal Dignity, not through contempt, but an extraordinary respect for that Function.

In the Hundred twenty fourth, he comforts Gautier Arch-bishop of Roan, banish'd from his Church, and justifies his retreat.

In the Hundred twenty fifth, he admonishes the same Prelate, to avoid slothfulness during his Exile, and to apply himself to the reading of the Holy Scriptures.

In the Hundred twenty sixth, directed to the Abbot of Glocester, he gives an Encomium of Odo Chanter of Bourges chosen Bishop of Paris; to whom he writes the Hundred twenty seventh, to renew their old Friendship and the Correspondence that formerly pass'd between them.

In the Hundred twenty eighth, Peter of Blois complains to William Arch-bishop of Sens, that he had not as yet perform'd the Promise that he made to entertain him in his House, and to conferr a Benefice upon him.

In the Hundred twenty ninth, he writes against the Arch-deacon of Orleans, who had in∣troduc'd Simoniacal Practices into his Church.

In the Hundred and thirtieth, directed to John Bishop of Chartres, he clears himself from the Charge brought against him, that he made use of the Recommendation of the King of England, of divers Lords, and of the Pope, to procure a Prebend in the Church of Char∣tres.

In the Hundred thirty first, he reproves one of his Nephews, the Prior of a Monastery, by reason that neglecting the study of the Liberal Sciences and abandoning his Solitude, he frequented publick Places, and endeavour'd to curry favour with Noble-men.

The Hundred thirty second and the Hundred thirty fourth, directed to Persons newly made Abbots, contain very useful Instructions for the conduct of Superiours.

In the Hundred thirty third, written to the Dean and Chapter of Salisbury, he maintains that he is not oblig'd to reside in his Prebend in that City, in regard of the smalness of the Revenue, which was not sufficient for defraying the Charge of a Journey thither.

The Hundred thirty fifth, is a Dispensation for Non-residence granted by the Arch-bishop of Canterbury to a Canon of Salisbury.

The Hundred thirty sixth, is a Letter from Henry II. King of England to Alexander III. in which he complains of the Rebellion of his Children, and implores the assistance of that Pope.

In the Hundred thirty seventh, he congratulates a Novice Monk, and gives him wholsome Advice.

In the Hundred thirty eighth, he expresses to Gautier Arch-bishop of Roan, the Joy that he had upon his return from his Exile.

In the Hundred thirty ninth, he entreats the Abbot and Monks of Cisteaux to put up their Prayers to God, that he would vouchsafe to grant him his Grace, to enable him wor∣thily to perform the Functions of the Priesthood, to which Dignity he was lately rais'd▪ and explains the reasons why he deferr'd the receiving of that Order till that time.

In the Hundred and fortieth, he exhorts Petrus Diaconus to quit the study of the Law, and to apply himself altogether to that of the Holy Scriptures and of Divinity. In this Letter, he makes use of the Term of Transubstantiation in treating of the Eucharist.

Thus you see (says he) in one single Sacrament a deep Abyss impenetrable to Humane Reason; I mean, in the Bread and Wine transubstantiated by Vertue of the Heavenly Words, into the Body and Blood of JESUS CHRIST, the Accidents that were therein, remaining without a Subject; and although the Body of JESUS CHRIST be Flesh and not Spirit, nevertheless it Nourishes the Soul rather than the Body. The same Body is to be found in several Places and on divers Altars, against the nature of Bodies, without ceasing to be in Heaven: For although by its Nature it can only be in one Place after a circumscrip∣tible Manner, yet it is in many Places by its omnipotent Vertue and Energy, and after a spi∣ritual Manner.

In the Hundred forty first, he complains to Gautier Arch-bishop of Roan, that a certain private Person had detain'd the Revenues of a Prebend that belong'd to him, and entreats that Prelate to cause Restitution to be made.

In the Hundred forty second, he comforts the Prior and Monks of Evesham, who were in great Trouble, and exhorts them to bear it with Patience.

The four following Letters relate to the Confinement of Richard I. King of England, and were written to procure his Liberty.

In the Hundred forty seventh, he reproves Robert Bishop of Bangor, who determin'd to retain a certain Benefice, which he had conferr'd on another Clerk.

In the Hundred forty eighth, he exhorts Savaric Bishop of Bath to return to his Diocess, and not to leave his Church with a design to travel.

In the Hundred forty ninth, he complains, that they were about to deprive him of his Arch-deaconry in the end of his Life.

In the Hundred and fiftieth, he mollifies what he had said in the fourteenth Letter, against those Clergy-men, who reside in the Courts of Princes.

In the Hundred fifty first, he entreats Pope Innocent III. to augment the Revenues of the Arch-deaconry of London, which was lately conferr'd upon him. He gives his Holiness to understand, that there were about Forty thousand Men within the Jurisdiction of his Arch-deaconry, and above One hundred and twenty Churches; nevertheless that he was not able to collect any of the Duties that are customably paid to the Arch-deacons.

In the Hundred fifty second, he entreats that Pope, to change a Chapter of which he was Dean, into a Monastery of the Cistercian Order.

The Hundred fifty third, is written in the Name of Retrou Arch-bishop of Roan, and of Arnulphus Bishop of Lisieux, to Henry II. King of England; in which they give him an ac∣count of the Negociations in the Court of the King of France, where they were sent by that Prince.

The Hundred fifty fourth, is likewise written in the Name of the same Arch-bishop, who entreats Eleonora, Queen of England, and her Sons, to be reconcil'd with King Henry II.

In the Hundred fifty fifth Letter, that Arch-bishop excuses himself to the Prior and Monks of La Charite, for not retiring to their Convent, by reason that he could not leave his Flock during the War.

The following Letters to the Hundred eighty third and last, contain nothing very re∣markable as to Ecclesiastical Affairs, and many of them are Consolatory.

There is no Author, who has fill'd his Letters with a greater number of Quotations, out of the Holy Scriptures and Ecclesiastical and Profane Writings, than Peter of Blois; insomuch, that they are scarce any thing else but a Contexture of such Passages. That which is proper∣ly his own Matter, is full of Antitheses and Puns: However, he discourses with much freedom, sharply reproves Vices, and maintains Church Discipline and the Ecclesiastical Constitutions.

His Sermons are written almost after the same manner as his Letters, in a concise and sen∣tentious Style, to the number of Sixty five; neither does he explain therein the Points of Morality in their utmost extent, but he fills them with divers Maxims and Notions, which are accompanied with no other Ornaments, but Antitheses and nice Comparisons of Words:

But he handles Matters more at large in his Tracts, which are Seventeen in Num∣ber.

The First is a Moral Discourse on the Transfiguration of JESUS CHRIST.

The Second, is another Discourse of the same Nature on St. Paul's Conversion.

The Third, is a compendious Chronicle on the beginning and the end of the Book of Job.

The Fourth, is a very pathetical Exhortation to induce the Christian Princes to send suc∣cours to the Holy Land.

The Fifth, is an Instruction written in the Name of Pope Alexander III. to the Sultan of Iconium.

The Sixth, is a Treatise of Sacramental Confession and Penance.

The Seventh, is a Tract concerning the Functions and Qualities of a Confessor, and the manner how he ought to demean himself in the Administration of the Sacrament of Pe∣nance.

The Eighth piece, call'd the Episcopal Canon, contains Instructions for Bishops.

The Ninth, is an Invective against one who pass'd a Censure on his Works, and charg'd him with being a Flatterer of Princes, and a false Accuser of Clergy-men and Monks: He clears himself from both Imputations, by producing a Catalogue of his Writings; in which he asserts, there is nothing to be found that can convict him of what was laid to his charge, and several particulars to the contrary. He enlarges in Commendation of the Monastick Life, and explains some Passages of his Works, that were objected against him; and amongst others, what he had laid down concerning Free Will, which he was accus'd of having confounded with Grace: He maintains, That the former is supported by, and depends on the latter, af∣ter such a manner, that the Mercy of God is not prejudicial to Merit, nor Grace to Free Will.

The Tenth, is a Treatise against the Jews, in which he has accurately collected all the Prophecies that relate to JESUS CHRIST.

The Eleventh, is a large Treatise of Christian Friendship, of the Love of God, and Cha∣rity to our Neighbour; in which he insists on the Causes, Duties, Parts and Effects of those Vertues.

The Twelfth, is of the Usefulness of Afflictions, of which he shews the several Advan∣tages.

The Thirteenth, call'd, What are they, quales sunt? is a Satyr against unworthy Pastors. He justifies at first, what he is about to write against them, and declares that 'tis not his design to attack the Worthy Pastors, but only the Unworthy, who have no Faith; who have not en∣ter'd the Sheep-fold through the Gate; who do not deserve the Names of Pastor, Pope, Bi∣shop or Prelate; because they have not any of the Qualities signified by those Terms; who enrich their Relations with the Church-Revenues; who confer Canonries and other Spiritual Livings upon them; or who being of mean Extraction, and of an unknown Family, are endu'd with no generous Principles, but with a great deal of sorbid Baseness without Hu∣mility, whose Dignity soon corrupts their Manners. He shews, that these sorts of Bishops ought not to be flatter'd, but that their Faults ought to be expos'd, to the end that those Per∣sons who present themselves to be admitted into Holy Orders, may be duely examin'd, and that a considerable time may be taken, to be well assur'd of their demeanour, and of their Course of Life.

The Fourteenth, is a Fragment of a Letter, that he wrote about Silence.

The Fifteenth, is a Fragment of his Book of the Changes of Fortune.

The Sixteenth, is a Tract concerning the Sacred Books and Writers of the Old and New Testament.

The Seventeenth, is a Poetical Piece on the Eucharist.

The first Edition of Peter of Blois's Works, was printed at Mentz; the second at Paris, A. D. 1519; the third at Mentz in 1600. by Busaeus, who annex'd an Addition of some Tracts in 1605. This Edition was copied out in the Bibliotheca Patrum, printed at Colen; but in all these Editions, the Sermons of Peter Comestor, were inserted instead of those of Peter of Blois: At last M. de Goussainville, publish'd a new Edition of all Peter of Blois's Works, in which are to be found the Genuine Sermons of that Author, printed at Paris in 1667. This was follow'd in the last Bibliotheca Patrum, set forth at Lyons.

STEPHEN Bishop of Tournay.

STEPHEN, Abbot of St. Genevieve, and afterwards Bishop of Tournay, was born at Orle∣ans, * 1.23 A. D. 1135. and compleated his Studies in the Schools of the Cathedral Churches of that City and of Chartres: He apply'd himself more especially to that of the Canon-Law, and became a Regular Canon in 1165. in the Monastery of St. Everte, where St. Victor's Rule was establish'd in 1158. by Roger, who was the first Abbot since the Reformation.

Stephen succeeded him in that Office, but the Abbey of Genevieve being vacant in 1177. by the Death of the Abbot Aubert, he was chosen in his Place. He was promoted to the Bi∣shoprick of Tournay in 1192. and govern'd it to the Year, 1203. which was that of his Death.

This Author wrote a Commentary on Gratian's Decretal, with divers Sermons and Let∣ters. All his Works are extant in Manuscript; but Father du ••••ulinet did not judge, that the Commentary on the Decretal, and the Sermons were w•• •…•…o be brought to light, and therefore he only publish'd the Preface to that Commentary, •…•…e first Sermon and the Texts of Scripture, on which the Thirty others were compos'd, with his Letters, which he divided into three Parts; the First of which contain the Letters which he wrote being as yet Abbot of St. Everte, from A. D. 1163. to 1177.

The First, is a very pathetical Complaint, which he recited in the Synod of the Bishops of the Province held at Sens, concerning the Murder committed on the Person of John Dean of Orleans, by a certain Lord, out of whose Hands, he endeavour'd to wrest some Revenues belonging to the Chapter of Orleans, which he had usurp'd.

He was enjoyn'd by the same Assembly, to write to the King, to demand Justice for that execrable Fact. He did it after such a manner, as was capable of exciting him to take ven∣geance for so heinous a Crime. However, the King did not approve that Letter, and con∣ceiv'd much Displeasure against Stephen upon that account; which gave occasion to his Ene∣mies to persecute him, and to threaten to pillage his Estate, and to cause him to be put to Death, unless he desisted from the prosecution of that Suit. Whereupon he had recourse to William Bishop of Chartres, the Son of Thibaud or Theobald Count of Champagne, who ap∣peas'd the King's Anger, and restor'd Stephen to his Favour, as the latter had entreated him to do in his second Letter.

The Third is a Letter written by Ponce Bishop of Clermont, in which he desires Maurice Bishop of Paris, and Stephen Abbot of St. Everte to give a resolution of a Case of Conscience touching the validity of the Baptism of Infants that are dipt in the Water, these Words be∣ing recited, viz. In the Name of the Father, of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost, without expressing the Action by these Terms, I baptize thee. A certain Father had Baptiz'd his Child after that Manner, and it was customary to do so, in case of Necessity.

Maurice returns an Answer in the fourth Letter that that Baptism is null, and determines the matter with a great deal of assurance, in a few Words▪ Stephen replies on the contrary, in the fifth Letter, that that Baptism is valid, provided the three Persons of the Trinity be invok'd, and that 'tis not absolutely necessary to add these Words, I Baptize thee; because it is not said in the Gospel, Go and Baptize the Nations saying, I Baptize you in the Name of the Father, &c. but only, Baptize them in the Name of the Father, &c. He confirms his Opinion by divers Passages of the Fathers, which only require the Invocation of the Holy Trinity, for the validity of Baptism. He affirms, that these Terms I Baptize thee, are added by the Church, that they only have regard to the solemnity of the Action, and do not be∣long to the substance of the Sacrament: de solemnitate Ministerii, non de substantia Sacramenti. He adds, that if a different Opinion were admitted, an infinite number of Children must un∣avoidably be Damned, who were Baptiz'd by Laicks in case of Necessity; by reason that the greatest part of those ignorant People, were wont to Baptize only saying, En nome Pa∣tres & Files, & Espirites Santos. However he declares, that those Priests ought to be cen∣sur'd and put to Penance, who thro' negligence or ignorance omit any thing that relates to the solemnity of the administration of Baptism. But he maintains, that a Child which was once Baptiz'd in the Name of the Trinity, ought not to be Baptiz'd again, altho' the Fa∣ther did not express the Action by these Words, I Baptize thee. Lastly, he says that he who Baptizes a Child, contracts a spiritual Affinity with the Mother, which renders him uncapable of Marrying her; or of co-habiting with her as his Wife, if they were Marry'd before.

The other Letters contain'd in this first Part, are either recommendatory in favour of divers Persons, or relate to particular Affairs; as the rebuilding of the Church of St. Everte which was burnt by the Normans, to which purpose, he desires supplies of the Chapter of St. Mar∣tin at Tours, and of his Friends: The restauration of a Prior who had wasted the Revenues of his Monastery: The Contest between the Church of St. Samson, and the Chapter of St. Croix, &c.

In the second Part, are comprehended the Letters written by Stephen of Tournay whilst he govern'd the Abbey of St. Genevieve, from A. D. 1177. to 1192. The greatest part of these Letters are complimental or recommendatory, and contain nothing very remarkable. There are several written in favour of the Arch-bishop of Tours, about the Contest that he had with the Bishop of Dol, as the Fortieth, the Hundred and seventh, the Hundred and eighth, the Hundred and tenth and the Hundred and fortieth: Others against the Regular Canons of St. John des Vignes, who were desirous to enjoy their private Estates, and who being pro∣vided of good Livings, endeavour'd to withdraw themselves from their Obedience to the Abbot, to depend only on the Jurisdiction of the Bishop. He maintains, That they ought always to be subject to the Abbot, and to submit to his Will, according to the Custom,

which (as he says) was always put in practice; otherwise all manner of Regular Discipline would be entirely abolish'd, and there would be as many Abbots as Curates: See the Sixty first, the Ninety fifth and the Hundred sixty second Letters.

In the Seventy first, he proves, That those who have made a Vow to pass from the Order of Grandmont to that of Cisteaux, ought to perform that Vow, and in general, that Tran∣slations from a remiss Order to a more austere are lawful and expedient. In the Hundred forty third, he relates a Sentence pass'd by the King, in favour of certain Clerks of the Or∣der of Grandmont against the Prior and some Lay-brothers of the same Order, and writes to the Pope in his own Name, in that of the Abbots of St. Germain des Prez and of St. Victor; and even in that of his Clergy; to confirm that Sentence. In the Hundred forty first, he ad∣vises the Dean of the Church of Rheims to hinder the Canons of that Cathedral from abro∣gating what was left of their ancient Rule, viz. to eat always in common in the same Re∣fectory, and to live together in the same Cloister.

The Hundred forty sixth, the Hundred forty seventh, the Hundred forty eighth, the Hun∣dred forty ninth and the Hundred fifty third are written to the King of Denmark, and to some Bishops of that Kingdom and of Sweden to induce them to procure Lead in England to cover the Church of St. Genevieve, which was burnt and pillaged by the Normans. He makes by the way, a very ingenious Antithesis, between the Lead that is purchased at Rome for Bulls, and that which is bought in England; saying, That one serves to impoverish the Churches, and the other to cover them: Anglico Plumbo t••guntur Ecclesiae, nudantur Romano. He entreats the Pope to grant two Dispensations, viz. one in the eighty second Letter for the Chancellor of France, who was denied admittance into Holy Orders, because he was not born in lawful Wedlock, and the other in the Hundred and thirteenth upon the same occasion, in favour of a certain Person who had exercis'd the Office of an † 1.24 Attorney General: He observes in the former that the Canon of not admitting base born Persons among the Clergy, was not gene∣rally receiv'd in all the Churches. He likewise makes a request to the Pope, to confirm the Immunity of the Abbey of St. Everte at Orleans in the Fifty eighth and Fifty ninth Letters, and in the Hundred fifty fifth, to maintain the Revenues belonging to the Prebends of the Cathedral of Paris, appropriated to the Church of St. Victor.

The Hundred fifty ninth, is concerning the difficulty of leading a solitary course of Life, and of the means of attaining to it. Evrard of Av••snes Bishop of Tournay dying, A. D. 1191. the Clergy at first chose Peter Chanter of the Church of Paris, to supply his Place, and Stephen wrote the Hundred seventy fifth and last Letter of the second Part, in his behalf, but that Election being adjudged to be null, he himself was install'd in the Bishoprick of Tournay, and caus'd his Nephew to be chosen Abbot of St. Genevieve in his stead.

The first Letters of the third Part, relate to his promotion to that Dignity. In the Two hundred and second, he determines, That the Marriage of a Novice who has left his Con∣vent for that purpose is valid. In the Two hundred and eighth, he gives a particular account of his Life and Conversation, to justifie himself against Bertier Arch-Deacon of Cambray, who accus'd him of not leading a Life conformable to that of a Bishop.

I very seldom go (says he) out of the City: I assist as often as is possible, at the celebration of all the Divine Offices; I Preach the Word of God to my Diocesans, after the best manner that I can; I declaim against the modern Heresies: I freely administer the Sacraments, which I have freely receiv'd. I detest Simoniacal Practices: I do not receive Bribes or unlawful Pre∣sents: I give wholsom Advice to all those, who make Confession to me; and impose on them profitable Penances: I comfort the Afflicted as far as it lies in my Power: I spend my spare Hours in reading and meditating on the Holy Scripture: I exercise Hospi∣tality in entertaining my Guests cheerfully, and keeping a good Table, never eating my Bread alone; yet I do not rioutously wast the Patrimony of JESUS CHRIST in maintaining Stage-players and Farce-actors. Such is my outward demeanour, and as for the inward disposition of my Mind, it is known to none but God.

The Two hundred twenty fourth, Two hundred twenty fifth and the Two hundred twen∣ty sixth Letters have reference to the Abbot of St. Martin at Tournay, whom he suspended for leading a disorderly Life, and re-establish'd him at the request of the Bishop of Arras, on con∣dition that he should observe the Rules, that were prescribed to him, and which are speci∣fy'd in the Two hundred twenty fourth Letter. The Two hundred thirty first and the fol∣lowing are written against the Sentence of Suspension, which Melior the Pope's Legate was about to denounce against the Country of Flanders: In the Two hundred forty third, and the next, he puts up Complaints against the Inhabitants of Tournay, who refus'd to sub∣mit to his Authority. In the Two hundred forty eighth and Two Hundred forty ninth, he complains, that the Arch-bishop of Arras conferr'd Orders on the Monks of St. Amand with∣out his leave. The Two hundred fifty first is a Declamation directed to the Pope, on this Subject, viz. That the Study of the Fathers was then generally neglected to follow that of Scholastick Divinity, and of the Decretals.

The Students (says he) having a relish for nothing but Novelties, and the Tutors endeavouring to enhance their own Reputation, rather than to promote the Instruction of others, compile every Day new Sums or Systems of Divinity, and new Theological Works, on purpose to amuse and deceive their Audi∣tors;

as if the Writings of the Fathers were not sufficient, who have explain'd the Holy Scriptures, by the same Spirit with which the Prophets and Apostles were inspir'd when they wrote them. But these modern Doctors bring in new, unknown and strange ••orts of M••••∣ses, when the King's Wedding Feasts are quite made ready, when the Oxen and Fowl are kill'd, and when it only remains that the Guests should sit down at Table to eat: Pub∣lick Disputations are set on foot against the Decisions of the Church, touching the incom∣prehensible Godhead: Flesh and Blood take upon them irreverently to dispute about the In∣carnation of the Word: The Holy Indivisible Trinity, is as it were divided and tor•• in pieces (with reverence be it spoken) in the Publick Places; insomuch, that there are almost as many Errors as Doctors, as many Scandal•• as Auditories, and as many Blasphemies as Places. If there be occasion to pass from Theological Disputes to the Trial of Causes that are usually decided by the Canon Law, as soon as the Judges delegate are appointed, or when the Ordinaries have taken cognizance of the Matter; a prodigious Labyrinth of Decretal Letters is immediately produc'd, under the Name of Alexander of happy Memory, from whence 'tis impossible for any Man to extricate himself; neither is any regard had to the ancient Canons, but on the contrary, they are rejected and contemned. During which confusion, it so falls out, that the wholsome Ordinances of the ancient Councils are not follow'd in the Modern, and matters are not debated according to their natural Order, with respect to the true merit of the Cause, by reason that the Decretal Letters have the Pre-eminence, which perhaps are forged under the Name of divers Popes of Rome by Mo∣dern Canonists. These are collected into an entire Volume, which is read in the Schools, and publickly sold to the great profit of the Writers, who by that means take less pains, and get more Money, by copying out those suspected Works. The third Objection that may be made against the present manner of Studying, is, that the Liberal Arts and Sciences have lost their ancient Liberty, and are brought under so great Subjection, that the Pro∣fessors Chairs are fill'd with young Persons▪ and the quality of Tutors is attributed to such as do not deserve to be look'd upon as Pupils, who without adhering to the Rules of Art, employ themselves in setting Words in order and devising Sophisms, with which they surprize ignorant and unthinking People; after the same manner as silly Flies are soon catch'd in a Cobweb. Philosophy may well cry out, that her Garments are snatch'd away and that her Body is torn in Pieces; so that there is no Elder left to comfort her; neither is she any longer capable of administring comfort to any Elder. These Abuses most Holy Father, require your powerful Hand to reform them, and that you should establish by your sovereign Authority an Uniformity of Teaching, Learning and Disputing, lest the most noble Science of Divinity should become contemptible; lest it should be said that JESUS CHRIST is here, or there; or lest Holy Things should be thrown to Dogs, and Pearls cast before Swine.

In the Two hundred fifty fifth Letter, he inveighs against another Abuse, that is to say, Appeals made to the Holy See by Inferiors to avoid the correction of their Superiors, and requires that Prelates and Abbots should be invested with an absolute Power to correct their Inferiors, and to change the Officers that depend on their Jurisdiction, without any manner of obstruction made by the means of Appeals to the Court of Rome. In the Two hundred sixty second Letter, he enlarges on the Commendation of Queen Ingelburga, the Wife of Philip King of France, and advises her in the following, not to suffer her Marriage to be dissolv'd. The other Letters do not contain any thing very remarkable. The whole number of them amounts to Two hundred eighty and seven in the last Edition set forth by Father du Moulinet, and Printed at Paris, A. D. 1689. altho' there were only Two hundred and forty in that of Masson in 1611. The Style of these Letters is concise and close, but the Terms are not always pure, nor well Chosen; nevertheless they afford much satisfaction to the Reader, by reason that the Conceptions are regular and natural.

The Authors who wrote against the Albigeois and Vaudois.

GRETSER brought to light, A. D. 1614. three Authors who wrote against the Albigeois and Vaudois in the end of the Twelfth Century: These three Writers are Ebrard of Be∣thune in the Province of Artois, Bernard Abbot of Fontcaud and Ermengard or Ermengaud. * 1.25

EBRARD OF BETHUNE, confutes in his Work, 1. The Error of the Manichees, con∣cerning the Law of Moses, and the Prophets; by shewing, That the Law ought not to be rejected; that the Patriarchs and the Prophets were Saved; and that it is the true God, who gave the Law, and created the World. Afterwards he passes to other Errors common to all the Hereticks of that time, about the Sacraments, and the Customs of the Church; and establishes against them the following Doctrines, viz. That Children ought to be bap∣tiz'd; that it is lawful to marry; that the Sacrifice of the Eucharist, contains the Body of JESUS CHRIST; that none but Priests have the Power or Right of offering, and that they ought to do it in the Churches: That the Unction of the Sick is profitable; that Pil∣grimages

upon account of Devotion, are commendable; that it is lawful to take a true Oath; that Malefactors may be punished and even put to Death; that we shall rise again in the the future State with the same Body that we now have; that Faith ought to be preferr'd to good Works; that Crosses ought to be honour'd; that Women shall be Saved, and rise again with the distinction of their Sex; that Salvation may be obtain'd by different means, and in different States; and that it is lawful to eat Flesh: Lastly, he shews that those Hereticks are culpable, in regard that they conceal themselves, and that altho' they boast of renouncing the Possessions of this World, yet they endeavour to enrich themselves by other means; that they mistake the meaning of Holy Scripture; and that all the Characters of Hereticks agree with them. He adds, That some of them call themselves Valois, and others Xabatates; that they are wont to tear off their Shoos, and that they continually expose themselves during the whole Day to the heat of the Sun, till Supper-time, when they appear in the publick Places. He concludes this Treatise with a Catalogue of all the Hereticks taken out of Isidorus, and with the Resolution of divers Questions propos'd by him. * 1.26

The second Author, who is BERNARD Abbot of Fontcaud, dedicated his Book to Pope Lucius III. and consutes the Vaudois, whom Bernard Arch-bishop of Narbonne had twice con∣demned after having heard their several Pleas. He makes particular mention of the Obedi∣ence due to Popes and Prelates; He declaims against the permission that those People allow Lay-men and even Women to Preach; against their Assertion that the Alms, Fastings, Sa∣crifices and Prayers of the Living do not avail any thing with respect to the Dead; against those who deny Purgatory, and maintain that Humane Souls are neither in Hea∣ven nor Hell till the Day of Judgment; and against their Asseverations, that the People ought not to meet in the Churches to pray. Thus this Author positively opposes none but the Vaudois. * 1.27

The Third nam'd ERMENGARD, at first impugns the Errors of the Manichees about the old Law, Marriage, the Incarnation, Passion, Death and Resurrection of JESUS CHRIST, and afterwards passes to other Errors concerning the Sacraments and Church-Discipline. He proves, that it is requisite to have Churches and Altars; That the singing of the praises of God is useful and reasonable: That the Sacrament of the Body and Blood of JESUS CHRIST ought to be celebrated in the Church, and that the Words of its Institution, ought to be understood in a proper and not in a figurative Sense: That Baptism is necessary for Salvation, and that it ought even to be administer'd to young Children: That Repentance is likewise necessary for those who have fallen into Sin, and that it is composed of three Parts, viz. Contrition, Confession and Satisfaction, and that it is requisite to make Confession to a Priest. He refutes in particular the Custom that was in use among those Hereticks in the imposition of Hands, which they call Consolation, and which they admini∣ster'd in the following manner:

The Superior amongst those People, after having wash'd his Hands, took the Book of the Gospels, and exhorted those, who came to receive the Consolation, to put their whole trust and hope of their Salvation therein, and afterwards laying the Book of the Gospels on their Head, repeated Seven times, the Lord's Prayer and the beginning of St. John's Gospel from In principio to these Words, Gratia & Veritas per Jesum Christum facta est i. e. Grace and Truth came by Jesus Christ. Thus ended the Ceremony of their Consolation; but if it should hap∣pen that no Superior is present, then one of the Comforted performs the same Ceremony, and even Women do it to sick Persons in the absence of Men: They believe that this Conso∣lation remits Sins, even mortal ones, and that without it 'tis impossible to be Saved: Lastly, they maintain, that those who have actually committed a mortal Sin, are uncapable of ad∣rainistring it effectually. Afterwards Ermergard proves against them, that 'tis lawful to eat Flesh, and to take an Oath, and establishes the Doctrines of the Resurrection of the Dead, the Invocation of Saints, and Prayers for deceased Persons.

These three Authors scarce make use of any other Proofs but Passages of the Holy Scrip∣ture to confute the Errors they oppose, and to establish the Truths they maintain; nay they produce a great number of them, amongst which there are some which do not clearly prove, what they assert.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Geffrey Abbot of Vendome.
• † 1.2

  Desti∣tute of a Head.
• * 1.3

  Hildebert Bish••p of Mans.
• * 1.4

  Guibert Abbot of Nogent.
• † 1.5

  A square Past board cover'd with white Linnen which is usually laid upon the Chalice in Popish Churches.
• * 1.6

  Sigebert Monk of Gem∣blours.
• * 1.7

  Honorius Solitarius, a Schola∣stick Di∣vine of Autun.
• * 1.8

  Ernul∣phus or Arnul∣phus Bi∣shop of Rochester.
• * 1.9

  St. Bruno.
• * 1.10

  Guigue Prior of La Gran∣de Char∣treuse.
• * 1.11

  St. Nor∣bert.
• * 1.12

  Robert Abbot of Molesme.
• * 1.13

  Stephen Harding Abbot of Cisteaux.
• * 1.14

  Bruno Bi∣shop of Segni.
• * 1.15

  Odo a Be∣nedictin Monk of Asti.
• * 1.16

  Marbodus Bishop of Rennes.
• * 1.17

  Arnul∣phus Bi∣shop of Lisieux.
• † 1.18

  Petitoire.
• * 1.19

  Peter de Celles Bi∣shop of Chartres.
• * 1.20

  Nicolas Monk of St. Alban.
• * 1.21

  John of Salisbury Bishop of Chartres.
• * 1.22

  Peter of Blois Arch-deacon of Bath.
• * 1.23

  Stephen Bishop of Tournay.
• † 1.24

  Procu∣r••ur Fiscal.
• * 1.25

  Ebrard of Bethune.
• * 1.26

  Bernard Abbot of Fontcaud.
• * 1.27

  Ermen∣gard.