A new history of ecclesiastical writers containing an account of the authors of the several books of the Old and New Testament, of the lives and writings of the primitive fathers, an abridgement and catalogue of their works ... also a compendious history of the councils, with chronological tables of the whole / written in French by Lewis Ellies du Pin.

CHAP. V. (Book 5)

An Account of the Church of Rome under Gregory VII. of the Differences between this Pope, and the Emperor Henry, and other Princes of Europe; With an Abstract of his Letters.

THERE happen'd no disturbance among the People upon the Death of Pope Alex∣ander: For Hildebrand, who had the whole Power in his own Hands, gave such * 1.1 good Orders, that all was still and quiet. He order'd a Fast to be kept, and Pray∣ers to be made for three Days together, before they consulted about the Election of ano∣ther Pope. But at the very time of Interring the Corps of the deceased in the Church of S. Saviour, April 22 in the Year, 1073. being the very Day of his Death; the People be∣ing mov'd thereto, proclaim'd Hildebrand Pope, and put him into the Possession of the Ho∣ly See. The same Day he acquainted the Prince of Salerno of his Election, and pray'd him to come to Rome to defend him. This is what he says himself about the manner of his Election: But he withal declares that it was much against his Will, and that he was very Angry at it. His Adversaries tell us quite another Story, and say, That they were his Sol∣diers and other of his Creatures, who made this tumultuary Proclamation: That neither the Cardinals, nor the Clergy, nor the most considerable among the People had any Hand in it. However, there is an Act of Election in the Name of the Cardinals and the Clergy of Rome, made in the presence of the Bishops and Laity, which bears date the very Day of his Election. However the Case was, it must be own'd that this Election was very Preci∣pitate; and that Didier Abbot of Mount Cassin and Cardinal, had a great deal of reason for the Reply he made to Hildebrand, who check'd him for coming too late, when he told him, that it was himself who was too hasty, since he took possession of the Holy See, before the Pope his Predecessor was lay'd in his Grave: And Hildebrand himself has acknowledg'd the Fault of this Election, which he casts upon the People, and maintains that he had no Hand in it. He was of Tuscany, of the Borough of Soana, the Son of a mean Artificer, if most Historians may be credited. He spent the first Years of his Life in Rome, where he had for his Master, Laurence Arch-bishop of Melpha, and was extreamly in the favour of Bene∣dict IX. and Gregory VI. He attended the latter in his Banishment to Germany, and after his Death retir'd into the Abby of Cluny, where he abode till such time as Bruno Bishop of Toul, who was nominated for Pope by the Emperor Henry, going through France took him along with him to Rome, not questioning but by the Acquaintance and Interest which he had in that City, he might be very serviceable to him. He was no sooner return'd but he renew'd his Familiarity with Theophylact or Benedict IX. and grew within a while so Rich and Powerful, that he became Lord and Master of all Affairs, and the Popes were in a manner his Dependents. It was he who negotiated the Election of Victor II. between the Emperor and the Romans; and under Victor's Pontificate he was sent Legat into France. He turn'd out Benedict IX. and caus'd Nicholas II. to be Elected in his stead, who made him Arch-deacon. In a Word it was by his means that Cadalous was turn'd out, and Anselm Bi∣shop of Lucca ordain'd Pope under the Name of Alexander II. It was he who supported that Popes Interest, and having taken upon him the Character of Chancellor of the Holy See, had the absolute Administration of all Affairs both Ecclesiastical and Civil, as well as the entire disposal of the Revenues of the Church of Rome during his Popedom.

Hildebrand foreseeing that his Election might be molested, because it had been carry'd on so precipitately, and without the Consent of Henry King of Germany; he forthwith wrote to him about it, and requested by his Deputies that he would be pleas'd to confirm it, as∣suring him that he had been elected against his Will, and that he put off his Ordination till such time as he was inform'd of his Will and Pleasure. King Henry took some time to con∣sider on it, and sent Count Eberhard to Rome, to learn after what manner that Election had been carry'd on. Hildebrand shew'd so many Civilities to this Count, that he wrote to the King in his behalf: And Henry perceiving that it signified nothing to oppose his Election, because he was more powerful in Rome than himself, gave his Consent to it. By this means Hildebrand was ordain'd Priest, and afterwards Bishop of Rome, in June, Anno Dom. 1073. At his Ordination he took upon him the Name of Gregory VII. in honor to the Memory of John Gratian his old Patron, who had assum'd the Name of Gregory VI. when he was seated upon the Papal Chair.

No sooner was this Man made Pope, but he form'd a design of becoming Lord Spiritual and Temporal over the whole Earth; the supreme Judge and Determiner of all Affairs both Ecclesiastical and Civil; the Distributer of all manner of Graces of what kind soever; the Disposer not only of Arch-bishopricks, Bishopricks, and other Ecclesiastical Benefices; but also of Kingdoms, States, and the Revenues of particular Persons. To bring about this Resolution he made use of the Ecclesiastical Authority, and the Spiritual Sword which God had put into his Hand, not only to maintain the Faith and Discipline of the Church, to reform Abuses, and to punish those who were guilty of Spiritual Offences; but he likewise made use of it to deprive Kings of their Kingdoms, Princes and Lords of their Estates and Revenues; to render them his Tributaries, to dispose at his pleasure all that belong'd to them, and to force them to do whatsoever he desir'd; to engage Arch-bishops and Bishops to pay him a blind Obedience, and to do nothing in their own Diocesses without his Order. He liv'd in times very lucky for him, and very proper to establish his Pretensions; the Empire of Germany was weak; France govern'd by an Infant King, who did not much mind the Affairs of State; England newly Conquer'd by the Normans; Spain in part under the Go∣vernment of the Moors; the Kingdoms of the North newly Converted; Italy in the Hands of a great many petty Princes; all Europe divided by several Factions, so that it was easy for him in such a juncture to establish his Authority. But this undertaking created a World of Business to him, and engag'd him in Contests with a great many European Princes. The most considerable was that which he had with Henry King of Germany, which lasted all his Popedom, and was of very pernicious Consequence, both to the Church and the Empire: The account of which is as follows.

Henry, the Fourth King of the Germans of that Name, since Henry the Falconer, succeeded * 1.2 (as we hinted before) his Father Henry, in the Year, 1056. being then about five Years old. His Father at his Death recommended him to Pope Victor II. and threw him under the protection of the Holy See. He was at first under the Government and Tuition of the Empress Agnes his Mother, who had the administration of the Empire in her Hands. But the Princes and Grandees of Germany, being weary of the Government of this Woman, took Henry away from her, and committed the Charge of his Royal Person to Anno Arch-bishop of Cologne, who had likewise the greatest share in the Government. These Lords, to re∣tain their Authority the longer, left Henry to his liberty of doing what he pleas'd, and to live in the Debaucheries common to Youth; and in the mean time Govern'd Absolutely un∣der his Name, and dispos'd as they saw fit of the Offices, Revenues, and Affairs of the Em∣pire. Henry was in this kind of dependency upon them till he came to be Eighteen or Twen∣ty years old: At which time he began to take Cognizance of the Affairs of his Estate, and to Govern them himself: It was then that he began to be sensible that a great many things had been done contrary to Justice, and that the Grandees abusing the Confidence which he had repos'd in them, were advanc'd by indirect means, and regarded more their own pri∣vate Interests, than those of the State: It was then, he revok'd part of what they had caus'd to have been done, prohibited the Exactions and Outrages which they had been guilty of, re-estabish'd the Course of Justice and the Force of the Laws, and punish'd the Offenders. The measures which he took, made several of his Lords to become Malecon∣tents; for they being us'd to do what they pleas'd themselves without fearing to be check'd for it, could not be easie under this new Yoke. Thereupon they conceiv'd an Aversion to King Henry, which they continued for ever after, and they took up a Resolution either to Kill him, or to Out him of the Empire. The Saxons were the first who openly Re∣bell'd against him; they set upon him with such an Advantage, and with so great Numbers, that he was forc'd to fly for it. He return'd with an Army, and the Saxons were twice defeated, but still kept to their Resolution. They enter'd into a Confederacy with several Lords of Lombary, France, Bavaria and Suabia; and finding themselves not strong enough to make open War against him, they charg'd him with several Crimes before Pope Gregory, and intreated that Pope to turn him out of his Throne, and to put up another King in his place, whose Conduct and Wisdom should be answerable to his Dignity.

Gregory VII. had formerly begun under the Popedom of Alexander II. to form a Process against King Henry, and had caus'd him to be cited to Rome upon the account of Simony, and other Crimes lay'd to his charge. But after Alexander's Death, he thought it would re∣dound to his Interest to manage him, that he might be the more inclinable to confirm his Election. Some Authors say, That he secretly threaten'd that Prince to Prosecute him, in case he would not approve of his Election; but this Matter of Fact is not prov'd by any Authentick Testimony. What is more certain, is; That before his Ordination, Gregory sent word to Beatrice and Matilda, That he had a design of sending some pious Persons to King Henry, to give him some wholsome Advice about his Conduct, and to persuade him to re∣turn to that Obedience which he ow'd to the Church of Rome. At the same time he advi∣ses these Princesses not to communicate with the Bishops of Lombardy, who were either guilty of Simony, or favour'd those who were so. This Letter of Gregory, which is the Eleventh of his first Book, bears date May 25, 1073.

The Persons guilty of Simony, of whom he speaks in this Letter, are the Bishops of Lombardy, and particularly Godfrey Arch-bishop of Milan, who was (as Gregory says) advanc'd to that Dignity by Simony; and even whilst Guy Arch-bishop of that City was Living. He and his Adherents had been Excommunicated for this by the Pope in a Council of Rome, but this Excommunication had no other Effect upon him than to Incense him; and entring into a League with all the Bishops of Lombardy, they conspir'd together against the Holy See. Gregory VII. being advanc'd to the Papal Chair, had nothing more in his Thoughts, than to bring them to submit, and to cause the Excommunication issued out against them to be put in Execution; as appears by the Letter which he sent on that Subject to all the Faithful of Lombardy, bearing date July 1, 1073. which is the Fifteenth of the first Book. King Henry on the other hand protected the Arch-bishop of Milan, and the Bishops of Lombardy, and continued in Communion with them; and this gave the first Rise to the Contest betwixt him and Pope Gregory.

The first of September in the same year the Pope advis'd Anselm, Bishop of Lucca Elect, not to receive the Investiture of his Bishoprick from King Henry, till such time as he had given Satisfaction for his holding Communion with Excommunicated Persons, and till he was reconcil'd to the Holy See, which he hop'd would be effected by the Mediation of the Empress Agnes; of Beatrice and Matilda Countesses of Tuscany; and by Radulphus Duke of Suabia, who had undertaken the Accommodation. The same day Gregory wrote to that Duke, telling him, That he had no particular ill Will to King Henry; but on the contrary, wish'd him well, as he was oblig'd to do, because he had acknowledg'd him for King; be∣cause he had receiv'd several signal Favours from his Father Henry; and because that Prince upon his Death, had recommended him to Pope Victor II. But for as much as this Concord between the Empire and the Church, ought to be pure and sincere, it was requi∣site in the first place that he should manage the Affair with him, with the Empress Agnes, with the Countess Beatrice, and with Reginald Bishop of Cumae; that for this purpose he desir'd a Conference with him, and pray'd him to come to Rome. He wrote likewise at the same time to this Bishop of Cumae, telling him, That he wish'd with all his Heart, that the King were Master of all that Religion and Piety which he ought to be Master of; and that he were in Union and Amity with the Holy See; and to bring this about, he pray'd him to be ready to come to Rome with the Empress, Radulphus, and the Countess Beatrice, that so all things might be adjusted: That he might hold Conferences with the Bishops of Lom∣bardy, but that he ought not to Communicate with them. These three Letters are the Nineteenth, Twentieth and the One and twentieth of the first Book. In the Four and twentieth written to Bruno Bishop of Verona, bearing date September the 24th, he declares that he retains the same Love and Tenderness for King Henry as ever he did. This Prince replies to the Pope's Civilities in a very submissive Letter, wherein he declares, That for as much as it was requisite that the Empire and the Papacy should be mutually assisting to each other, it were to be wish'd that they were united together: That he own'd he had not as yet paid all that Respect to the Papacy which he ought, nor punish'd the Guilty with suf∣ficient Severity: That he confess'd his Fault, in order to obtain Pardon for it: That he acknowledg'd that the Levity of his Youth, or his being Jealous of his Authority, or Lastly, his being led by evil Councellors, was the cause of his Sinning against Heaven and the Pope, not only by unlawful seizing upon the Revenues of the Church, but also by com∣municating with unworthy Persons, and such as were guilty of Simony, and by selling of Churches, instead of protecting them as he ought: That he desired he would for the future assist him with his Authority; and that he implor'd his Aid and his Advice for the Re∣formation of the Churches, and particularly that of Milan; assuring him that he would assist him as far as possible, and hop'd he was of the same mind with respect to him. The Pope seem'd satisfied with this Letter, as he declares in the Five and twentieth Letter of the first Book, directed to Herlembold, whom he had made Arch-bishop of Milan after the Excommunication of Godfrey, wherein he does not stick to tell him, That King Henry had sent him such a submissive Letter, as was never in his Memory sent by that Prince, or any of his Predecessors to the Popes of Rome. This Letter bears date Sep∣tember the 28th, so that King Henry's Letter, which is not related till after the Nine and twentieth of Gregory, is written some time before. The Six and twentieth Letter bearing date October the 9th, is likewise directed to Herlembold, whom he advises to use his utmost endeavours to reclaim the Bishops of Lombardy, and among the rest, the Bishop of Verceil, by treating them with meekness; and to grant Absolution to those who had com∣municated with excommunicate Persons, whenever they would repent. In the Seven and eight and twentieth, he exhorts the Bishops of Aix and Pavia to assist Herlembold, and to shun Excommunicated Persons; these Letters bear date the 13th, of the same Month. However, he would not have the Germans to rise up in Arms against Henry, he desires that both Parties would refer themselves to his Judgment, as he sent word to the Arch-bishop of Magdebourg by the Nine and thirtieth Letter of the same Book, which bears date December the 20th, in the same Year.

By the Two and three and fortieth Letters, dated January 25, and 26, 1074. he sum∣mon'd * 1.3 the Arch-bishops of Aquileia and Milan with their Suffragans, to a Synod which was to be held at Rome in the beginning of Lent. This Synod being met, the Pope order'd that all those who had been promoted to Ecclesiastical Dignities, or had obtain'd any Bene∣fices by Simony, should be suspended and depriv'd of them: That it should no longer be lawful for Clerks guilty of Fornication to celebrate Mass, nor to wait at the Altar; and that the People should not assist at the Mass, or any other Office of such Priests or Clerks who kept Concubines. In this Council he gave Absolution to Garnier Bishop of Stras∣bourgh, who had been Excommunicated by Alexander. This Bishop was the only Per∣son of the German Bishops who were guilty of Simony, who came to Rome to beg Par∣don for his Fault; so that the Pope thought this Submission deserv'd an absolute Par∣don: But as for the Bishops of Placentia, and the other Bishops of Lombardy, who were likewise come to Rome, he only granted them the Power of Confirming Infants, in case of Necessity. This is what he gives an Account of to the Princesses Beatrice and Matilda in the Seventy seventh Letter of the first Book, dated April the 15th, 1074. A proposal was likewise made in this Synod to ordain Anselm Bishop of Lucca, and Hugh Bishop of Dia; but a Remonstrance was made in behalf, of King Henry, that the Pope ought not to Consecrate them, till they had receiv'd Investiture. However, the Pope did not stick to ordain the Bishop of Dia; but put off for some time the Ordination of the Bishop of Lucca. Notwithstanding a little time after he ordain'd him; the People of Lucca would not acknowledge him, but turn'd him out in spite of all the intreaties the Pope us'd for his Reception. Some Authors say that Gregory in this Council, made a Decree against the Investitures of Benefices by Laicks. It appears by the Letter writ∣ten by this Pope to Beatrice and Matilda, the Sixteenth of November the same year, that Robert Guiscard Duke of Pozzuolo was already Excommunicated, and 'tis probable that this was done in this Council.

Some time after the Pope sent to King Henry the Bishops of Ostia, Palestrina and Cumae, as his Legats, with order to call a Council of Bishops in Germany, to reform the Abuses; to communicate to that Council the Decrees of the Council of Rome against such Clerks as were guilty of Simony, or kept Concubines; and to oblige King Henry to aban∣don the Interests of the Bishops of Lombardy, and to put himself upon the zealous Reformation of the Church. These Legats attended with the Empress Agnes, waited upon Henry about Easter at Nuremberg. He receiv'd them very obligingly; regulated several Abuses, promis'd them to extirpate Simony wholly out of his Dominions, and to submit to the Holy See. But he would not separate himself from the Communion of the Arch-bishop of Milan, and return'd this Answer upon that Subject, That he hop'd that when the Pope should be fully inform'd of the matter, he would revoke what he had done against that Arch-bishop, and the Bishop of Lombardy. Nor would he promise the Legats to call a Council, under a pretence that it did not belong to them, but to the Arch-bishop of Mayence to act in Germany as Vicar of the Holy See, since he had receiv'd that Privilege from the Predecessors of Gregory. It was Liemar Arch-bishop of Breme who fur∣nish'd King Henry with this reply. The Legats insisted and remonstrated that the Power which had been granted to the Arch-bishop of Mayence, ended at the Death of that Pope who had given him the Grant; that besides they had a Commission or Power which that Arch-bishop had not; but they were not harken'd to, and were oblig'd to return, after they had suspended the Arch-bishop of Breme, and cited him to a Council to be held at Rome about the Feast of S. Andrew.

The Legats having brought this Answer back to Gregory, he wrote word to Henry, That tho' he had not satisfied him in the business relating to the Arch-bishop of Milan, yet he was very well pleas'd with his Submission, and with the Civilities he shew'd to his Legats: That he was willing to have another hearing of that Affair, to see whether any alteration ought to be made in the Judgment that had been pronounc'd against that Arch-bishop. By this very Letter, he gives him to understand, that he had cited to the Synod to be held at Rome the beginning of the next Lent, Sigefroy Arch-bishop of Mayence, and the Bishops of Bamberg, Strasbourg and Spires; to give an account of their advancement to the Episcopacy, and of their Morals: He desires that he would oblige them to come, and send Deputies along with them, who should give in their Testimony of their Lives and Conversations. This Letter is dated December 7th 1074. There is likewise another Letter of the same date directed likewise to Henry, wherein he expresses a great deal of Affection to him, and prays him not to hearken to their Counsels, who were willing to sow Dissensions between them. He tells him of the Afflictions which the Eastern Christians labour'd under, and as∣sures him that he had provided several Italian Lords to go to their Assistance, and that he had already Fifty thousand Men who were ready to follow him, if he would Head them, and March as far as our Saviours Sepulcher. That he is the more inclin'd to undertake this, because it would be a means of reuniting the Greek Church to the Latin, and of reducing the Armenians and all the other Orientals into the Bosom of the Church. But forasmuch as it was a business of great Consequence, he ask'd his Advice and Assistance, and declares that

if he should go, he would leave him Protector of the Church of Rome. These two Letters are the Thirtieth, and one and Thirtieth of the Second Book.

Some Days before this, the Pope had summon'd to the Synod of Rome, by the Twenty eighth, and Twenty ninth Letters of the Second Book, Liemar Arch-bishop of Breme, Sigefroy Arch-bishop of Mayence, Otho Bishop of Constance, Garnier of Strazbourg, Henry of Spires, Herman of Bamberg, Imbric of Augsburg, and Adelbert of Wirtzbourg.

The Pope's Decree against those who were guilty of Simony, and against the Clerks, who either kept Concubines or were Marry'd, remov'd in Germany, Italy, and France a great many Ecclesiasticks out of their Places, who were found guilty of Simony, or of having unlawful converse with Women. These Men not only complain'd of this Yoke which the Pope would impose upon them, but they likewise inveigh'd against him, and accused him of advancing an insupportable Error and such as is contrary to the Words of our Saviour, who says that all Men are not able to live continently; and contrary to the Words of the Apo∣stle, who enjoins those who cannot live continently, to Marry. They added, that this Law he would impose on them, which oblig'd them to live like Angels by offering force to the ordinary course of Nature, would be the Cause of great Disorders: That moreover if the Pope persisted in his Resolution, they had rather renounce the Priesthood than Marriage, and let him see if he could get Angels to take care of their Flocks, since he would not make use of Men. This was the Language of these corrupted Ecclesiasticks, according to the ac∣count of an Historian of that time. But the Pope for his part press'd the Execution of his Decree, and wrote very warm Letters to the Bishops to oblige them to take strict care of it. The Arch-bishop of Mayence doing his utmost therein, found how difficult it was to root out an Abuse so inveterate and so general as this was; and before he proceeded against the Refractory, he gave them six Months time to reclaim. Lastly, having call'd a Synod at Erford in October, he told them in express Terms that he was oblig'd to put the Pope's De∣cree into Execution, and that they were oblig'd either to renounce their pretended Mar∣riages, or else their Attendance on the Altar. When they found they could not by their Prayers prevail upon him to alter his Resolution, they withdrew from the Council in a great Rage, threatning the Arch-bishop either to turn him out, or to kill him. The Arch-bishop to pacify them, order'd them to be call'd back again; and promis'd, when an Oportunity should offer, he would send to Rome and endeavour to work the Pope over to another Mind. The next Day he proposed to them the Question about the Tenths.

The Decree of Gregory met with no less opposition in France, Flanders, England and Lom∣bardy, than it did in Germany, as we are inform'd by several Letters sent by this Pope to the Princes and Bishops of these Countries; and this opposition rose so high at Cambray, that they caus'd a Man to be Burnt who had asserted that those who were guilty of Simony, and the Marry'd Priests ought not to celebrate Mass or any Divine Office; and that no Man ought to assist them therein. This we find related in the Twentieth Letter of the Fourth Book.

This Opposition did not discourage Gregory VII. in the least; on the contrary he wrote se∣veral Letters to the Bishops and Princes, whereby he enjoyns them to put his Decree in Ex∣ecution, and not to tolerate Clerks guilty of Simony, nor such as were Marry'd or kept Concubines. Upon this Head, we may consult the Thirtieth Letter of the First Book di∣rected to the Arch-bishop of Salzbourg, dated November 15, 1073. the Five and fortieth of the Second Book directed to Radulphus Duke of Saubia, and to Berthold Duke of Carinthia dated January 11, 1075. the Sixty first directed to Dietwin or Theodwin Bishop of Liege, whom he charges with Simony: The Sixty second directed to Sicard Bishop of Aqui∣leia dated March 23. The Sixty sixth to Burchard Bishop of Halberstat, of the same Month: The Sixty seventh to Anno Arch-bishop of Cologn: The Sixty eighth to the Archbishop of Magdebourg bearing the same date: The Tenth and Eleventh of the Fourth Book di∣rected to the Count and Countess of Planders dated November 2, 1076. the Twentieth of the same Book: Lastly, he order'd an Apology of his Decree to be issued out in the nature of a Manifesto, wherein he very much exalts the Authority of the Holy See, and the Decretals of his Predecessors.

The Synod call'd at Rome by the Pope the Year before, was held there about the end of February this Year. He therein Excommunicated Five Persons belonging to King Hen∣ry's * 1.4 Court, who were the Instruments of that Prince in selling of Benefices: He suspended from their Episcopal Functions Liemar Arch-bishop of Breme, Garnier Bishop of Strazbourg, Henry of Spires, and Herman of Bamberg. He likewise therein suspended William Bishop of Pavia, and Cunibert Bishop of Turin, and depos'd Dennis of Placentia, without any hopes of being reestablish'd. Some of these Bishops went to Rome for Absolution: The Bishop of Bamberg was likewise in the way thither, and sent Deputies beforehand by Presents to cor∣rupt the Bishops who were his Judges; but seeing he had no hopes left, he return'd again, after promise made of retiring into a Monastery. Upon his return, instead of performing his promise, he enter'd again into the possession of his Church, and committed there new irregu∣larities. This oblig'd the Pope to renew his sentence of Condemnation issu'd out against him, and withall to excommunicate him. This is what Gregory wrote to the Clergy and Laity

of Bamberg, to Sigefroy of Mayence, and to King Henry by Three Letters of the Third Book dated July 20, 1075. In the last he commends that Prince for opposing those who were guilty of Simony, and for using his utmost endeavours to oblige the Clergy to live in Ce∣libacy.

King Henry willing to hold a fair Correspondence with the Pope, whom he thought fit to keep his Friend, as long as the War between him and the Saxons lasted, sent two Em∣bassadors to him before August. By them he sent him Word, that since all the Princes of his Dominions wish'd more to see them at variance than in Peace, he sent him these two Per∣sons privately, to manage the Peace between them. That he would not have any one know any thing of it, but his Aunt Beatrice and Matilda. That when he return'd from his Expe∣dition against the Saxons he would send other Embassadors to him to acquaint him of his Mind, and to testify to him the respect he bore to the Holy See. The Pope having re∣ceiv'd this Letter, return'd him this Answer, That he was heartily glad to find he had trust∣ed this Negotiation to Persons of Piety, and that he was ready to receive him into the Bo∣som of the Church, without exacting any thing else from him, but that he would follow the wholesome Counsels which he had to give him. At the close of his Letter he exhorts him to use the Saxons with Clemency, to turn the Bishop of Bamberg out of his Bishoprick, and to put another in his Place. This Letter which has no date, is the Seventh of the Third Book.

When Henry had Conquer'd the Saxons, he began to put a Slight on the Pope's Favour; and instead of sending a private Embassy to him according to his promise, he resolv'd to make it publick. This gave the Pope to understand, that he did not care how the Affair was Can∣vass'd, as he sent word to Beatrice and Matilda by the Fifth Letter of the Third Book, which bears date September 11, 1075.

Much about the same time he who was in possession of the Arch-bishoprick of Milan against the Pope's Will, dy'd, and Henry put up in his place a Clerk of the Church of Milan nam'd Tedald, without taking any notice of the Person whom Gregory pretended to be the lawful Arch-bishop of the place. Immediately upon this the Pope wrote to Tedald and to the Suf∣fragans of the Arch-bishoprick of Milan, to prevent his Ordination; and cited him to the Synod which was to be held at Rome. These Letters are the Eighth and Ninth of the Third Book dated September 7th, and October 10th, 1075. That very Day he wrote a long Letter to King Henry, by which he exhorts him to separate himself from the Communion of those who were Excommunicated by the Holy See, and to receive immediate Absolution from some Bishop who had receiv'd Commission from him to grant it to that Prince. He tells him, that he is surpriz'd to see, that tho' in his Letters he expresses all manner of respect and submission to the Holy See, yet he opposes the Canonical and Apostolick Institutions thereof; and particularly that he had not kept to the promises which he made to him by the Princess his Mother, and by his Legats concerning the Church of Milan; and that on the contrary he had bestow'd the Bishopricks of Spoleto and Fermo to the prejudice of what had been injoyn'd by the Holy See: He exhorts him to a sincere submission to the Sanctions of the Holy See, and to put them in Execution: And he promises him however that if he could shew him by Persons of Prudence and Piety, how an Accomodation might be found out, he would very readily lay hold on it for his Satisfaction.

About the end of this Year, the Pope fell out with Cincius, Son of Alberic, the Prefect of * 1.5 Rome; and after he had Excommunicated him, he cast him into Prison, if Benno may be credited in the Case. Cincius having made his Escape, conspir'd against the Pope; and having rais'd a Troop of Soldiers, set upon him unawares on Christmass Day, whilst he was celebrating Mass in his Pontifical Robes, seiz'd upon his Person, drew him by Violence out of Church, and shut him up in a strong House. No sooner was this News spread about Rome, but the People flock'd in great Multitudes to the House of Cincius to storm it, and to oblige him to release the Pope. Cincius finding that he was constrain'd to do it, made the Pope to promise him, before he set him at liberty, that he would not do any thing to him, or his Accomplices. But the People being inrag'd burnt and pillag'd the Revenues belonging to Cincius both within and without the City. Cincius for his part burnt and de∣molish'd all that belong'd to the Church of Rome. This Contest held for some Days, being fomented by Guilbert Archbishop of Ravenna, who had excited Cincius to this undertaking. But at last Cincius was constrain'd to leave off, and to depart from Rome to go to the Em∣peror. Guilbert likewise retir'd, pretending to be reconcil'd to the Pope, tho' his design was to create him new troubles. This he did by joyning himself with Tedald Arch-bishop of Mi∣lan, the Bishop of Lombardy, Cardinal Hugh, and several others of the Clergy of Rome.

King Henry being very much dissatisfied with the Pope, who had treated his Embassadors unkindly, and had sent him a Nuncio who had discours'd with him in an haughty and threatning Air, was easily persuaded by Cardinal Hugh, and the other Bishops and Lords, the profess'd Enemies of Gregory, to abandon the Interests of a Man who treated him with an intolerable severity. To bring this about, he wrote a circular Letter to the Bishops and * 1.6 Princes of the Empire, by which he implores their Assistance in the urgent necessity he lay under, and in that oppression under which both the Empire and Church labour'd through

the Tyranny of Hildebrand, who design'd to take upon himself alone the Regal and Sacer∣dotal Authority contrary to divine Institution, which has committed the One to Princes, and the Other to Bishops: To the prejudice of which Institution he design'd to deprive him of the Kingdom and his Life, after he had depriv'd the Bishops of their Priesthood. That in this publick Grievance both of Church and State, he invites them to meet at Worms about Septuagesima, to take such measures as might conduce to the good of the Church, and the honour of the State. Thierry Bishop of Verdun, wrote likewise a circular Letter in his * 1.7 own Name to all the Prelates and princes of the Empire, which was full of Invectives against Gregory VII. in which he declares that they ought to proceed to the Election of a new Pope. Engelbert nominated to the Arch-bishoprick of Treves, wrote likewise another Letter no less abusive than the former. Lastly, all the Bishops of Germany were so dis∣satisfied with Gregory VII, because he had declar'd publickly that there was not one single Man among them who was a lawful Bishop, and that he would oblige all of them to resign their Bishopricks to him, and to hold them from him, as he had al∣ready serv'd several of them; that they all declar'd openly against him. They there∣upon met together in great Numbers at Worms on the day appointed, where Cardinal Hugh, (whom the Pope had Depos'd and Excommunicated a few days before) with Guilbert of Ravenna met, and preferr'd several things against the Life, Conduct, Ele∣ction, and Constitutions of Gregory. Upon this Charge, the Assemby declar'd that Hil∣debrand could no longer be look'd upon as lawful Pope, and all the Bishops Sub∣scrib'd to his Condemnation. Herman of Metz, and Adelbert Bishop of Wirtzbourgh, were the only Persons who made any scruple: But William Bishop of Utrecht, who very warmly maintain'd the Interest of the King, oblig'd them to Subscribe, by saying, That they must either do that, or renounce the Allegiance which they ow'd to their Prince. Af∣terwards they wrote a Letter to Gregory, in the Name of the Arch-bishops of Mayence and Treves, and of Four and forty Bishops of Germany, by which they declar'd to him, That tho' they knew he had been advanc'd to the Papal Chair contrary to all manner of Right, yet they had thought fit to tolerate his Intrusion, in hopes that he would have made amends for these criminal Beginnings, by his Probity, and the good Services he would do the Church: But that the miserable Estate of the Universal Church, was a sufficient demon∣stration that the sequel of his Actions was answerable to these unhappy Beginnings. That tho' our Saviour had recommended Peace and Charity as the principal Character of Chri∣stians, yet he on the contrary, sow'd Divisions in the Church by his Novelties, and tore it in pieces by his proud Cruelty, or rather by his cruel Pride. That he was the Head of the Schism, and that he had created Confussion and Trouble to the Members of the Church, who before his Time liv'd in Union and Peace, by blowing up the Flames of Discord in all the Churches of Italy, Germany, France and Spain. That he was desirous to strip the Bishops of that Power which they receiv'd in their Ordination from the Holy Ghost; and had deliver'd them up to the fury of the People, who could not endure any Bishops or Priests, but those who had by an unworthy Complaisance beg'd their Power and their Priesthood from his Pride. That he had been the cause of great Confusion between the Members of JESUS CHRIST; subverted the Subordination which was requisite to be observ'd among them; and destroy'd the Rights and Privileges of all other Bishops, by asserting that as soon as ever he should have notice of the Offence of any one of their Dio∣cesans, the Bishops should have no farther any Power of binding or loosing them. That since they could not find in their Consciences to leave the Church in the danger to which it was expos'd by his continued Outrages, they thought it proper to acquaint him with that, which they were hitherto willing to pass by in silence, viz. That he had never been capable of being lawfully seated upon the Holy and Apostolick See, because he had taken an Oath in the Life time of the Emperor Henry of blessed Memory, that he would never be Pope, nor suffer any other to be advanc'd to that Dignity without the consent of that Emperor, or his Son after him. That he had formally renounc'd the Popedom, in order to bring over the other Cardinals to do the like. That in the time of Pope Nicholas II. he himself had been the Author of a Decree made in a Council of One hundred and fifteen Bishops, importing that no Pope should be made but who was Elected by the Cardinals, acknowledg'd by the People, and approv'd of by the King. That he had transgress'd all these Promises and all these Sanctions: That moreover he gave a great scandal to the Church, by holding too great a familiarity with a Woman (meaning Matilda) and that it became a general complaint, that all the Affairs of the Church were manag'd by the Counsels of Women. That one cannot complain too much of the unworthy Treatment he shews to Bishops. Therefore for as much as 'tis evident, that by Perjury he entred upon the Papacy; that he has disturb'd the Church by his dangerous Novelties; and scandaliz'd it by the irregularity of his Life, they renounce that Obedience which they never promis'd him, and would no longer esteem him as an Apostolick Pope, since hitherto he has not esteem'd them as Bishops. Row∣land a Clerk of the Church of Parma was fixt upon to carry this Letter to Rome; to de∣clare to Gregory that he should renounce the Popedom; and to protest that all he should do or injoyn for the future should be Null. This Clerk attended by the Envoys of King

Henry, came to Rome the day before the Pope held his Synod which was immediately be∣fore the first Week in Lent. He deliver'd the Letter of the Assembly of Worms to Gregory, and made those Declarations and Protestations, which he had been order'd.

Gregory without being startled at it held his Council on the Morrow, and caus'd the Let∣ter * 1.8 which had been brought him, to be read in the presence of those who assisted therein. Rowland did there renew the Denunciation he had made, threatning that if he would not obey and relinquish the Holy See, the King should be at Rome before Whitsontide, and turn him out by force, because he was a Wolf and not a lawful Shepherd. King Henry's En∣voys made the same protestations. But for all this, the Courage of Gregory VII. was not abated; on the contrary, fir'd by this Affront, he began by excommunicating Sigefroy Arch-bishop of Mayence, and by suspending the other Bishops of Germany, who had any hand in this undertaking; he pronounc'd likewise a Sentence of Excommunication against the Bi∣shops of Lombardy, and against several Bishops beyond the Mountains, who were charg'd with Simony or other Crimes; and lastly, he declar'd King Henry to have forfeited the Kingdoms of Germany and Italy, and his Subjects absolv'd from the Oath of Allegiance, and thundred out a Bull of Excommunication against that Prince.

The Pope immediately publish'd this Sentence, and directed it to all the Faithful, with a very warm Letter against the Proceedings of the Bishops and King of Germany. This is the Sixth Letter of the third Book, where 'tis misplac'd among the Letters of the Year, 1075. whereas it was not written till after the Council held the first Week in Lent, in the Year, 1076.

This Excommunication made an Impression on a great many Peoples Minds. The Ene∣mies of King Henry made use of it to promote their Designs, and it serv'd as an Umbrage to the League which the Princes and Lords of Germany renew'd against him. It likewise shock'd some of those who assisted at the Assembly of Worms; and amongst others, Udo Arch-bishop of Treves, who went express to Rome, to procure his Absolution, and be reconcil'd to Gregory; and being return'd to Germany, he was one of the first who main∣tain'd, That they ought not to communicate with the King, till such time as he should be reconcil'd to the Pope. The Archbishop of Mayence and a great many more became of the same Mind, and there were but a very few of the Prelates who would venture to stand to what they had done. The Pope for his part, made sure of the Forces and Places belonging to Matilda, the Widow of Godfrey Duke of Lorrain, who dy'd this year in his Dutchy, being parted from his Wife a long time before. This Princess was Daughter to Beatrice the Sister of the Emperor Henry III. and to Boniface Lord of Lucca. She was possess'd of a very considerable Estate in Italy, having the Sovereignties of Lucca, Parma, Reggio, Mantua, and a part of Tuscany under her. She has wholly wedded to the Interests of Gregory VII. who likewise espous'd her Interests with all the warmth imagina∣ble.

Whilst Affairs stood in this posture, Gregory thought that before he broke out into an open War, it was advisable to use his fresh endeavours to bring over King Henry to submit to what he was minded to require of him. To forward this design he directed a Letter to all the Bishops, Abbots, Priests, Dukes, Princes, Knights, and in general, to all the Faith∣ful of the Roman Empire, wherein after he had declar'd what he had done in favour of Henry, and the base returns he had receiv'd for it; he exhorts them to prevail upon this Prince to do Pennance, that so he might be reconcil'd to the Church, declaring that if he would not hearken to their Counsels, they ought to convene together to consult the Wellfare of the Universal Church. He puts them in mind of holding no Correspondence with those who were not separated from Communion with Henry. To conclude, he calls God to witness, that he had no temporal Advantage in his eye, but the Wellfare of the Church was the only Motive of what he did. This Letter which is the First of the fourth Book, bears date July 25, in the Year, 1076.

Within a while after Herman Bishop of Metz, who kept Neuter in this Affair, wrote to Gregory, to ask him whether the Bishops who communicated with Henry were excommu∣nicated, and at the same time he takes notice to him that there were some Persons who maintain'd, that a King could not be excommunicated. Gregory answer'd him by the Second Letter of the same Book written at Tivoli, August 25. That there was no question to be made but that all those who communicated with King Henry (if it be lawful to call him King) were excommunicated: And that with respect to those who say that a King ought not to be excommunicated, there was no need to return them an Answer, since their Opini∣on was so Ridiculous. However, he did not stick to prove that Kings might be excom∣municated from the example of Pope Zachary, by whom he says the King of France had been depos'd, and his Subjects absolv'd from their Oath of Alliegance to him: From several Pri∣vileges which are among the Letters of S. Gregory, wherein he declares the Kings and Prin∣ces excommunicated, and depriv'd of their Dignity who shall infringe them. He subjoyns the instance of Theodosius; and lastly he alledges as a convincing Argument, that when JESUS CHRIST gave S. Peter the Power of feeding his Sheep, and the Power of Bind∣ing and Loosing, he excepted no Person from it. Afterwards he gives Herman to under∣stand,

That he had granted some Bishops a Power of Absolving the Bishops and Grandees who would separate themselves from communion with King Henry; but that he had forbid∣den them to grant Absolution to that Prince till such time as he was assur'd by good credi∣table Witnesses of his Repentance, and the satisfaction he would make, since he knew very well that there were Bishops enow who would not scruple to absolve him, if he had not for∣bit it.

'Tis much in the same Air he wrote Eight Days after a Second Letter to the Prelates and Grandees of Germany, wherein after protestation made that it was neither Pride nor Interest which mov'd him to excommunicate King Henry, but only for the welfare of the Church, he prays them to be tender of him, if he did sincerely Repent: Upon condition however that he would turn out of his Council those excommunicated Persons who were guilty of Simony, and for the future follow the Advice of those who value the welfare of the Church above their own Interests: That he would look upon the Church as his Mistress, and use her no longer as a Servant: That he would no longer defend such Customs as were con∣trary to the Liberties of the Church; but follow the Doctrin of the Holy Fathers: That if he gave them an assurance of performing these and other things which with Reason might be required of him, they shall give him notice thereof by their Deputies, that so they might consult together what is best to be done on that occasion; but that he absolutely forbids them to absolve him from his Excommunication, till they had receiv'd an Approbation in writing from the Holy See for it. That if he would not repent, they ought to proceed to the election of a Prince, who would discharge the Duties aforemention'd, and that they ought to inform him of the Conversation and Manners of the Person they shall elect, that so he might confirm their Election: That with regard to the Oath which they had taken to the Empress Agnes, in case her Son should dye before her, they ought not to be concern'd about it, because they might very well perceive that she had no longer a Right thereto, whether she opposed or consented to his being Deposed: That upon the whole, they should let him know who the Person was whom they design'd for Emperor, after they should have resolv'd to Out Henry. This is the Third Letter of the Fourth Book. It was no sooner re∣ceiv'd in Germany, but the Princes and Grandees of the Empire resolv'd to meet at Tribur or Oppenheim, to consult of the measures they ought to take. Radulphus Duke of Suabia, * 1.9 and the Dukes of Bavaria and Carinthia, with the Bishops of Wirtzburg and Wormes, having held a Conference at Ulma, appointed this Convention to be on the Twenty sixth of October, and acquainted therewith all the Princes of the Empire, and the Pope, who sent thither two Legats, to wit Sigehard Patriarch of Aquileia, and Alman Bishop of Passaw. These Legats declaim'd against the Conduct of Henry, and desir'd that they would elect ano∣ther King in his stead. Henry for his part sent every Day his Deputies to promise the Legats, that he would correct what he had hitherto done amiss, and that he would make reparation for it by consulting the Welfare of the Church for the future: That if they mistrusted his Promise, he was ready to confirm it by his Oath, and to give Hostages for a security there∣of. They return'd him this Answer, That they could not tell how to rely on his Words, since he had falsify'd them so often already. That nothing but the very utmost extremity could have brought the Holy See to use such methods, after it had try'd all other: That it had waited his leisure as long as possible; but that at present it could not forbear laying hold of an Opportunity which offer'd it self of placing on the Throne a Person worthy to fill it. After several Conferences of this Nature, both Parties were ready to Engage, for the two Armies were over against each other, on either side of the Rhine, when the Lords of Suabia and Saxony sent their Deputies to the King with this Declaration, That tho' he had behav'd himself very ill towards them, and tho' the Crimes laid to his Charge were evident, yet they were willing to submit the Determination thereof to the Holy See. That they would prevail upon his Holiness to come to Ausbourg about the Feast of the Purification, to determine this Affair in a general Assembly of the Princes of the Empire: That if he could not get his Absolution in a Year's time, he should be depriv'd of his Right for ever: That in the mean time he should disband his Army, and withdraw to Spires with the Bishop of Ferden, and several other Ministers, who were not excommunicated; that he would lay aside all his ensigns of Royalty; and forbear going to Church; that he should restore the Church of Wormes to its Bishop; and that he should order the Garrison which he had thrown into that City to march out. The King finding his Forces to be in a bad Condition, esteem'd it a happiness to extricate himself out of these Difficulties, tho' upon such dishonourable Terms. He thereupon promis'd to gratify them in their demands, took his leave immedi∣ately of the Archbishop of Cologne, and of the Bishops of Bamberg, Stratzbourg, Basil, Spires, Namburg, Osnabruck, and others who were excommunicated; caus'd the Garrison of Wormes to march out, disbanded his Forces, and withdrew to Spires. The Princes of Suabia and Saxony being satisfied with his Submission, sent the Pope word of all that happen'd in their Convention, and pray'd him to come to Augsburg to put an end to this Affair. The King * 1.10 whose Interest it was to be beforehand with the Pope, and to get his Absolution as soon as possible, set forward on his Journey to the Pope about the end of the Year; and under∣standing that his Enemies had siez'd upon the Passes which open'd into Italy, to apprehend

him, he went through Burgundy and Savoy, and with much ado enter'd Italy. He was there receiv'd very honorably by a great many, who promis'd him all manner of Assistance. In the mean time the Pope upon the intelligence he had receiv'd from the Princes of Germany set forward on his Journey, and came as far as Verceil, where having understood that King Henry was come into Italy, and had rais'd some Forces, he withdrew to the Castle of Canossa in the Diocess of Reggio, which belong'd to the Princess Matilda. Whilst he was there, a great many Bishops and several Lords of Germany waited upon him, to receive their Absolution at his Hands. He enjoyn'd them to Fast for some time in Cells, and afterwards gave them Abso∣lution according to their request, upon condition that they should hold no Correspondence with Henry, till such time as he was reconcil'd to the Holy See. In the mean time the King carry'd on his Reconciliation by the Mediation of Matilda, the Abbot of Cluny and several other Lords, and very earnestly requested that he would take off the Excommunication issu'd out against him, promising that he would always be ready to answer the Accusations of his Enemies, and to refer all to the Pope's Determination. At last Gregory consented to grant him Absolution, provided he would come in Person, and humbly sue for it. This Prince resolv'd to submit to it, rather than be entirely dispossess'd of the Empire by the Princes of Germany. He thereupon came to Canossa, and entred the Outworks of that place bare-footed, without any ensign of Regal Dignity. He waited three Days together at the Castle Gate, without receiving any Answer from the Pope. On the fourth Day, after several Conferences, the Pope granted him Absolution, upon condition that he would appear at the time and place which he should appoint, to answer to the Accusations brought against him by the Princes of Germany, whereof the Pope shall be Judge; and that he shall either leave or keep his Kingdom, according to the Sentence he shall pronounce: That till that time, he shall not assume to himself any Character of the Royal Dignity; nor perform any Act of Sovereignty, unless receiving of such Revenues as were necessary for his Subsistence: That all his Subjects should be absolv'd from their Alleigance both before God and Men: That he should remove Robert Bishop of Bamberg, and Ulrick Bishop of Costheim from his Person; and that if he faild in the Observation of any one of these Articles, the Absolu∣tion which he receiv'd should be Null and Void: That from thenceforth he should ac∣knowledge himself to be Guilty, and should not require any longer to be heard in his own De∣fence: Lastly, He bound himself by Oath to submit to the Judgment which the Pope should make, or come to the Agreement which he desir'd; and if the Pope should cross the Moun∣tains, he should give him free Liberty of coming and going, without offering him any Mo∣lestation. These Articles were Sign'd and Sworn to by Henry, January the 28th, in the Year, 1077. and as Gurantees of his Word, he offer'd the Princess Matilda, Hugh Ab∣bot of Cluny, the Bishops of Verceil, Naumburg, and several Lords. Afterwards the Pope ce∣lebrated Mass, and having taken a Consecrated Host in his Hands, and directing his Dis∣course to King Henry, he told him, That for a proof of his being Innocent of the Crimes laid to his Charge, he would take the Sacrament upon it; and if his Majesty were as Innocent of the Crimes laid to his Charge, he conjur'd him to do the like. This proposal somewhat puzzled the King, who perhaps was not very much dispos'd to communicate. Some Historians relate that he shifted it off by saying, That this proof of his Innocence would not perhaps be satisfactory to the German Princes, who were not there present: Others say, That he did receive the Communion from the Hands of the Pope. Let the Case be how it will, 'tis certain that after Mass, he was treated very nobly, and sent away with manifest tokens of Friendship and Reconciliation. These Matters of Fact are apparent from the Re∣lation of cotemporary Authors, and from the Letter which Gregory wrote immediately after to the Princes of Germany, which is the Twelfth of the fourth Book.

Henry repented of this Action as soon as he had done it; for the Italians of Lombardy per∣ceiving * 1.11 how disadvantageous the Agreement would be to them, ridicul'd him for what he had done, and cast reproaches upon him for it, telling him, That for their parts, they did not value the Excommunication of a Man, who had himself been very justly Excommu∣nicated by the Bishops of Italy; who was possess'd of the Holy See by Simony; who had stain'd it by several Murders, and polluted it by his Adulteries: That his Majesty had re∣ceiv'd a Treatment unworthy of himself, and cast such a Blot upon his Honour, as could never be wip'd off, by submitting to an Heretick, and to an infamous Person: That they were very unfortunate in having made choice of one for the Protector of the Justice and Laws of the Church, who had by this dishonorable Submission betray'd the Catholick Faith, the Authority of the Church, and the Dignity of the State. These and such like were the common Discourses of the Princes and Grandees of Italy, and which they ventur'd to speak publickly. This render'd Henry so odious, that they propos'd to make his Son their King, and to carry him to Rome with an Army, there to have him Crown'd by a Pope of their own choosing. Henry to clear himself, represented to them that he was necessitated to do what he did; that he had not done it but only for the good of the Publick, and because he could not otherwise satisfie the Pope, and the German Lords, who had declar'd against him: That at present being in a place of safety, he would make use of all his strength to revenge the Af∣front which had been offer'd him. He had much ado after all to pacifie them, and perceiv'd

himself abandon'd by many, and despis'd by others. This put him upon resolving to break entirely with the Pope, by not observing the Articles agreed upon betwixt them. He re-call'd the Excommunicated Bishops, and declar'd publickly that Gregory had betray'd him, and that he would be reveng'd of the Affront which had been offer'd him.

On the other side the Arch-bishop of Mayence, and the Bishops of Wirtzburg and Mets, the Duke Radulphus, and a great many other Princes and Grandees of Germany, appointed a * 1.12 Convention to be held at Forcheim the 13th of March, and invited the Pope thither, who was still at Canossa, where he was detain'd three Months by the Princess Matilda. Having receiv'd this Intelligence, he sent Cardinal Gregory to King Henry, to give him notice that the time was come for the performing of what he had promis'd: That the German Princes were to meet March the 13th at Forcheim, to regulate the Affairs of the Empire: That he ought to be there, to clear himself of the Accusations preferr'd against him. The King return'd him this answer, That since this was the first time of his coming to Italy, he had too much business upon his hands to think of returning so suddenly and in so short a time. The Pope having receiv'd this Answer, immediately dispatch'd away his Legats to Forcheim, to declare to the Convention, that he could not safely go into Germany, or return back to Rome, be∣cause Henry had caus'd all the Passes to be block'd up: And that therefore they should in his Absence consult the Necessities both of Church and State, and do what they thought most pro∣per for the welfare of both.

This Convention was held at the place and time appointed. Radulphus Duke of Suabia caus'd himself to be Elected King, and was Consecrated by Sigefroy at Mayence. He im∣mediately sent one to the Pope to acquaint him of his Election, and to assure him of his obedience. Henry for his part, pray'd the Pope to assist him against Radulphus, to declare his Election Null, and to Excommunicate him. Some Authors report that Gregory approv'd of the Election of Radulphus, and acknowledg'd him for King: But he himself assures us of the contrary in the Eight and twentieth Letter of the ninth Book, where he calls God to witness that this Election was carry'd on without his Consent and Knowledge; and that the Answer which he had return'd to Henry, was to this effect, That he would do him Justice, after he had heard the Arguments on both sides, to know which had the most Right on his side. Upon this he resolv'd to go to Germany, and for this end wrote the last of May, in the Year, 1077. two Letters, the one directed to the Legats which he had in that Country, and the other to the Princes of Germany, wherein he acquaints them of his Intention of com∣ing to Germany to decide the difference. That they ought to take all necessary security of the two contending Parties, for his free passage thither; and that if either of the two Par∣ties should oppose his coming, they should esteem him as an excommunicated Person, and acknowledge him as lawful King, who should submit to the Holy See, and was willing to refer himself to its determination. These two Letters are the Three and Four and twentieth of the fourth Book.

Henry foreseeing that if the Pope went into Germany, he would not fail of passing a Sen∣tence contrary to his Interests, resolv'd to stop his Journey, and to engage in a War against Radulphus, and the other Rebels. The Pope having caus'd several Bishops of King Henry's Party to be apprehended, that Prince by way of reprisal, order'd Cardinal Gerard Bishop of Ostia, who was Legat in Lombardy, and Bernard Abbot of Marseilles, one of the Pope's Le∣gats in Germany to be apprehended. Gregory being concern'd that the Affairs of Germany did not go according to his desires, complain'd of it to Udo Arch-bishop of Treves, and his Suffra∣gans, and exhorts them to do all they could to divert the Storm which was comming upon Ger∣many. The Letter which he wrote to them upon this Subject, bears date the last of September, in the Year, 1077. and is the Seventh of the fifth Book.

The beginning of the next Year, the Pope cited Guilbert Arch-bishop of Ravenna and his Suffragans, with the Bishops and Abbots of la Marche, Fermo and Camerine of Pentapolis, of * 1.13 Emilia and Lombardy, to the Council which was to be held at Rome according to Custom the first Week in Lent, and assures them by his Letter, (which is the Thirteenth of the fifth Book, dated January 28.) That he would do them no harm, and that he would be as in∣dulgent towards them as in Conscience he could be. These Bishops did not think it proper to appear at this Synod, which consisted of almost One hundred Bishops. The Pope did therein renew his Anathema issu'd out already against Tedald Arch-bishop of Milan, and against Guilbert Arch-bishop of Ravenna, and suspended them from all Episcopal and Sacer∣dotal Functions. He therein depos'd (without any hopes of being re-establish'd) Arnulphus Bishop of Cremona, who was there present, and had own'd himself guilty of Simony, and excommunicated him till such time as he should do Pennance. He therein likewise depos'd Rowland Bishop of Trevisi, for having acquir'd his Bishoprick by taking upon him the De∣putation of the Assembly of Worms, which had been the cause of the Schism between the Empire and the Papacy, and excommunicated him for ever, if he did not do Pennance. He serv'd after the same manner Cardinal Hugh of S. Clement, as one Condemn'd thrice by the Holy See: First, For having favour'd and supported the Schism of Cadalous: Secondly, For having joyn'd himself, when Legat, with Hereticks and Persons Condemn'd by the Holy See for Simony: And Thirdly, for having stir'd up Schisms and Dissentions in the Church.

He therein renew'd the Excommunication issu'd out by his Predecessors against the Arch-bishop of Narbonne; and after he had thus determin'd Matters with relation to Bishops, he orders with reference to the Affairs of Germany, that two Legats should be sent into that Country, to hold there an Assembly of Prelates and Grandees of the Empire, wherein they should endeavour to bring things to an Accomodation, or to pass a definitive Sentence in fa∣vour of him who had the best Title. And that no Person might disturb the Execution of this design, he excommunicates all such as shall oppose it, and shall hinder his Legats from going into Germany. He therein likewise excommunicates the Normans of Pozzuolo, and interdicts all the Bishops who did not appear at his Synod. Lastly, He prohibits under the penalty of Excommunication, the detaining of those who had been cast away at Sea, or seizing of their Effects. He therein declares the Ordinations made by excommunicated Persons to be Null, and absolves from the Oath of Alliegance all such as had taken it to ex∣communicate Persons, and prohibits them from paying any Obedience to them. But that the great number of Excommunications might not be the cause of the Damnation of those, who by ignorance, simplicity, fear or constraint were oblig'd to communicate with excom∣municated Persons, he exempts out of the Excommunication all Women, Children, Servants, and other Subjects, who had no hand in the Crimes which the others committed, and in ge∣neral all those who communicated with excommunicated Persons without knowing them to be so. He likewise gives Travellers leave, who are in the Country of excommunicated Persons, to buy what they want of them; and he does not hinder any Man from assisting or shewing any Acts of Charity towards the excommunicate. These Decrees are of the third of March, in the Year, 1078.

This Council being broke up, the Pope wrote to the Bishops, Princes, and other Lords of Germany, sending them word what had been resolv'd upon with relation to the Affairs of Germany: And after having excommunicated all those who should hinder the Execution thereof, he gave them to understand, that the Bearer of his Letter shall agree with Udo Arch-bishop of Treves, who is of King Henry's party, and with some other Bishops of the party of Radulphus, about the time and place of their Assembly, that so his Legats may be there with safety. He wrote likewise in particular to that Arch-bishop, recommending to him the making up of the Peace, and the putting in Execution what had been enjoyn'd in the Council of Rome; and that he might take such measures as were most equitable, he advises him to consult with him who should be chosen Mediator of the other party. These two Letters dated March 9. in the Year, 1078. are the Fifteenth and Sixteenth of the fifth Book.

The Pope wrote and disturb'd himself in vain about the holding of this Convention; Henry would not agree to it, and prepar'd himself for carrying on the War; and even those of the party of Radulphus suspected the Pope's Sentence. Thereupon he wrote another Let∣ter dated the first of June into Germany, wherein after he had declar'd that all the care or pains which he had taken to procure Peace were in vain, because the Enemies of God and the publick Good, who only minded the gratifying of their Ambition, by destroying the Empire, and ruining Religion, hinder'd the holding of the Convention which was propos'd: He in∣joyns all the Germans not to assist these Enemies of the publick Peace, and not to communicate with them, giving them to understand that they were excommunicated. Lastly, he assures them that he would never favour the party which was unjust, and prays them not to harbour any such thoughts of him, whatever might be said or written to them about it; for he was one who fear'd God, and who suffer'd every day for his sake. This Letter is the First of the sixth Book.

In the mean time King Henry without minding all these Excommunications, being march'd into Germany at the Head of an Army, and became Master of the Countries of Bavaria and Suabia, which Radulphus hhd left to retire into Saxony. Radulphus did there raise some Forces, and came before Wirtzburg, and besieg'd it. Henry being come to its Relief, gave Battle to him, which did not prove successfull to him, for several of the Horse, who pretended to be on his side, falling upon him to kill him, put his Army into confusion. The Cavalry fled, the Infantry were cut in pieces, and the Town was taken; but Henry re-took it within a short time after.

About the end of November, Gregory held a Council at Rome, wherein he excommunicat∣ed * 1.14 Nicephorus Botoniatus, who had seiz'd upon the Empire of the East, after he had outed Michael Ducas. The Envoys of Henry and Radulphus, took an Oath in the Name of their Masters, that they would not hinder the Legats of the Holy See from holding an Assembly in Germany, to put an end to their Contests. Lastly, The Pope made in this Council twelve Canons concerning Benefices, and Ecclesiastical Revenues.

In the First, he excommunicates all Laicks who were possess'd of Ecclesiastical Revenues, and in particular those who had seiz'd upon the Revenues belonging to the Monastery of Mount Cassin. This Decree was made upon the account that Jordanes Duke of Capna, had taken away from that Monastery a Sum of Mony which had been deposited there by the Bishop of Roscella.

The Second imports, That having understood that several Laicks granted in several places the Investitures of Churches, contrary to the Constitutions of the Holy Fathers, and that this was the cause of great Disturbances, he orders that no Ecclesiasticks shall receive Inve∣stiture of any Bishoprick, Abby or Church, from the hands of an Emperor or a King, or any other Laick whatever, and declares that if any shall receive it, his Investiture shall be Null and Void, and he shall be excommunicated, till such time as he has given satisfaction for his offence.

The Third imports, That if any one sell any Prebends, Arch-deaconries, Provostships, or any other Ecclesiastical Benefices, or disposes of them otherwise than the Holy Canons direct, he shall be suspended from his Functions, because 'tis requisite that he who receives the Dignity of a Bishop gratis, should likewise dispense the things which belong to it gra∣tis.

The Fourth declares those Ordinations to be Null, which are made for Mony, or at the Solicitation of any one, or in consideration of any Service done for that purpose; and all such as are not made by the joynt consent both of Clergy and Laity, or such as are not ap∣prov'd of by those to whom the Consecration of elected Persons does belong.

The Fifth imports, That such Pennances as are not proportion'd to the Quality of the Crimes committed are insignificant; and that they who cannot bear Arms, or exercise a Trade without falling into Sin, ought to quit their Profession or Trade: And that those who bear any Malice to, or detain any Goods of their Neighbour, shall be reconcil'd and make full restitution to him, before they shall be admitted to Communion.

The Sixth, prohibits Laicks from possessing Tenths, what Title soever they may have there∣to.

The Seventh, enjoyns abstinence from Meats every Saturday, unless some solemn Festival fall thereon.

The Eighth imports, That no Abbot shall be possess'd of the Tenths, or other Ecclesiastical Revenues which of Right belong to the Bishop, unless by the Authority of the Pope, or by the License of the Bishop of the place.

The Ninth, That Bishops shall not impose any new Burden on the Abbots or Cler∣gy.

The Tenth, That all those who are possess'd of any Revenues belonging to the Holy See, or know of any who do possess them, shall be bound to discover it, under the Penalty of paying Fourfold.

The Eleventh, That the Bishops who shall permit the Priests, Deacons, or Sub-deacons of their Diocess to live Marry'd, shall be suspended of their Functions.

The Twelfth, That all Christians shall endeavour to offer something at the Celebration of the Mass.

The next Year Gregory held another Council the beginning of Lent, in which Berenger abjur'd his Error. After this the Envoys of Radulphus complain'd to the Council, That * 1.15 King Henry offer'd great Violences to the Ecclesiasticks of Germany. Several Bishops of the Council propos'd to excommunicate him; but the Pope thought it more advisable to put it off, and contented himself with taking an Oath from his Envoys, who swore that their Master should send Persons with Pass-ports for the Pope's Legats to go safely into Germany, and should submit to their Judgment. The Envoys of Radulphus took likewise an Oath, That their Master should either come, or send Deputies to the Assembly, which the Pope or his Legats should appoint, and that he should submit to the Judgment of the Holy See. The Arch-bishop of Aquileia likewise promis'd to be faithful for the future to Pope Gregory, and his Successors; to make no attempt on their Persons or Estates; and to be in all things submissive to them. In this Synod were excommunicated and depos'd, without any hopes of being re-establish'd, Tedald Arch-bishop of Milan, the Arch-bishop of Narbonne, Sigefroy Bishop of Boulogne, Row∣land Bishop of Trevisi, and the Bishops of Fermo and Camerine. Lastly, The Bishop of Reg∣gio promis'd on the Holy Evangelists to quit forthwith his Bishoprick, if the Pope or his Le∣gat should order him to do it.

Gregory upon the Oath taken by the Envoys of the two Competitors, sent away his Legats, as he hints in a Letter written to the Princess Matilda, March 3. in the Year, 1079. But King Henry finding he had the better of his Enemy, whom he defeated in a Battle near Fladesheim, would not permit any Assembly to be held, wherein his Right might be call'd in question; and the Pope's Legats perceiving the success of his Arms, not only abstain'd from acting any thing against him, but likewise seem'd to favour him. Those who were of Radulphus's Party pre∣ferring their complaints to the Pope about it, and taking notice that it was suspected that he had alter'd his mind, he return'd them this Answer, That tho' all the Latins who were of King Henry's Party accus'd him of too much severity us'd towards that Prince, he had always ob∣jected to them, and declar'd that he would be of no Party, but of that which had Justice on its side; that if his Legats had done any thing contrary to the orders which he had given them, he was very sorry for it, and that he understood that they were constrain'd to do it, either by Fraud or by Force; that he had only given them orders to appoint the time and place, that so he might send his Legats to determine this great Affair; to re-establish the Bishops, and to forbid

them communicating with excommunicated Persons. This Letter dated October 1. in the Year, 1079. is the Third of the seventh Book.

Lastly, Gregory in the Council held the beginning of Lent in the Year 1080. after he had * 1.16 renew'd the prohibition of receiving Investitures of Benefices from Laicks; anathematiz'd those who granted them; reiterated the Excommunications issu'd out against Tedald Arch-bishop of Milan, Guilbert of Ravenna, Peter of Narbonne, Rowland Bishop of Trevisi and others; prohibited the Normans of Pozzuolo from invading the Revenues belonging to the Church of Rome; repeated and enlarg'd the Decrees made in the Council of the foregoing year, concerning Pennances proportion'd to the greatness of the Crimes, and the Elections of Bishops: He thunder'd out a terrible Excommunication against King Henry, wherein he anathematiz'd Him and all his Adherents; declar'd him to have forfeited the Kingdoms of Germany and Italy, and all Regal Dignity; forbad all Christians to obey him; and be∣stow'd the Kingdom of Germany on Radulphus, Elected by the Princes of Germany: And Lastly, Exhorts all of them to take up Arms against Henry, to divest him of his Dominions.

When the News of Henry's Excommunication was brought to Germany, it incens'd those of his Party against the Pope, who meeting at Mayence about Whitsontide, resolv'd to en∣dure * 1.17 him no longer on the Papal Chair. But that his Deposition might be the more so∣lemn, they appointed a Council to be held at Bresse, which was made up of Thirty Bishops, and a great many Princes of Germany and Italy. They there unanimously depos'd Hilde∣brand, because, say they, it is manifest that it was not God who Elected him, but that he caus'd himself to be Elected by Frau'd and for Mony; because he overthrew the Order of the Church; disturb'd the Empire; threatned Death to a Catholick King, and a lover of Peace; defended a perjur'd King; sow'd discord among those who were at Peace, and scan∣daliz'd the Church. They likewise cast Reflections upon him, calling him Obstinate, Per∣verse; a Preacher up of Sacrileges and Combustions; a Protector of perjur'd Persons and Homicides; a Disciple of Berenger, who call'd in question the reality of the Body and Blood of JESUS CHRIST in the Eucharist; a Sorcerer; a Necromancer possess'd by an evil Spirit; an Heretick; an Infidel. For these Reasons they thought that he ought to be depos'd and turn'd out of the Chair, and that if he did not recede of his own accord, he ought to lye under a perpetual Condemnation. They Elected in his stead Guilbert Arch-bishop * 1.18 of Ravenna, one of the principal Actors in this Tragedy, who took upon him the Name of Clement III. All this was done June 25, in the Year, 1080.

After the Assembly, Henry wrote a Letter to Hildebrand (for so he calls Gregory) in these Terms:

Henry by Divine Providence, and not by Usurpation, King, to Hildebrand who * 1.19 is no longer Pope, but a Wicked Monk. You very justly deserve this Title, having been the cause of that Confusion, which the Church at present labours under, and which is so great that there is scarce a Man but has had his share in your Curses. For without making much mention of other Things, you have lay'd under your feet Arch-bishops, Bishops, Priests, and others of the Lord's Anointed, to get the Applause of the People, and to make them believe that you know every thing, but that they know nothing........ WE have born with you as long as WE thought WE might with safety do it without prejudice to the Holy See; but you fancy'd that WE did that out of fear, which Humility put US upon doing. You have advanc'd your self against the Regal Power; you have dar'd to threaten to divest US thereof, as if it were you who had bestow'd it on US, and as if WE had not receiv'd it from God, who has call'd US to the Empire, but not you to the Papacy; for you were advanc'd thereto by Craft and Fraud, and by your Mony gain'd the favour you had. This favour you thus gain'd has put you upon making use of the Sword to ascend the Throne of Peace, and being mounted thereon, you have disturb'd the Peace, by Arming the Subjects against those whom they ought to obey, by bringing a contempt on those Bishops whom God hath call'd, even you who who had no call.... You your self have assaulted OUR Royal Person, though an Anointed King, and one who could not be call'd to Account but by God alone, nor be depos'd for any other Crime but that of Apostatizing from the Faith...... For as much there∣fore as you are Anathematiz'd and Condemn'd by OUR Sentence, and by the Sentence of OUR Bishops, quit the Holy Apostolick See which you have unjustly usurp'd, and let another take your Office, who exercises no Violence under the Umbrage of Religion; but who Teaches the pure Doctrin of S. Peter. WE Henry by the Grace of God King, with all our Bishops, enjoyn you to descend from the Papal Chair.

Henry at the same time wrote likewise to the Laity and Clergy of Rome, that Hildebrand being depos'd, he order'd them to turn him out of the Holy See, and to receive him in who had been Elected in his place. He sent likewise Embassadors to the Christian Kings and Princes, to prevail upon them to Recognize Clement, and to withdraw their Obedience from Gregory.

From Words they came at last on both sides to Blows. The Pope, to make his party good * 1.20 against Henry, reconcil'd himself with Robert Guiscard Duke of Pozzuolo, who promis'd him all manner of Assistance and Obedience; and by way of Retaliation receiv'd the Investiture of the Countries which he possess'd, with a permission of enjoying (durante beneplacito)

Salerno, Melpha, and part of the March of Fermo, which he had invaded. This Accomo∣dation gave the Pope a Right of imploring his Aid by the Letter, which is the Fifth of the eighth Book, dated July 21. Afterwards, to fall particularly on Guilbert, he nominates ano∣ther Arch-bishop of Ravenna, declares he would come with the assistance of the Normans of Pozzuolo to turn out Guilbert, and exhorts those of Ravenna, Fermo, and Spoleto to abandon him, and to place him whom he had nominated, into Possession of that Arch-bishoprick. These are the Seventh, Twelfth, Thirteenth, and Fourteenth Letters of the eighth Book. He wrote likewise to the German Rebels, by the Ninth Letter of the same Book, dated Sep∣tember 22. by which he exhorts them to behave themselves like Men, and vindicate the Ho∣nor of the Church of Rome.

Henry for his part, prosecuted his design against the Saxons, with whom he had hitherto engag'd without Fortune's declaring her self absolutely on either side. But at last Octob. 15. * 1.21 in the same Year, there was a bloody Engagement between Henry and Radulphus. The Engagement was very sharp on both sides, and Radulphus seem'd to have the better of it, till such time as being hot in the Engagement, he receiv'd a Wound in his Arm. This oblig'd him to retreat, and leave the Field to his Enemy: He was carry'd to Mersburg, where he dy'd within a short time after, shewing a great deal of concern for having swerv'd from his Allegiance to his King. Henry entred Saxony, and made there great Havock, and upon his return re-took all Suabia.

Gregory was the more concern'd for the Death of Radulphus, because it expos'd him to the Mercy of Henry, who prepard to fall down into Italy. He had the Princess Matilda at his Devotion; but the Forces which she had, were weak in comparison of Henry's. A great many advis'd him to adjust Matters with that Prince: But being resolv'd to try his utmost before he came to that, he wrote to the Bishop of Passaw, and to the Abbot of Richenou, who still held out against Henry; to learn of them, whether they were in a capacity of giving him any Assistance, and exhorted them to choose instead of Radulphus, a King entirely devoted to the Interests of the Holy See, sending them likewise the form of an Oath which he would have him take. He wrote likewise at the same time to the Ab∣bot of Mount Cassin, to desire Assistance from Robert Guiscard, and he himself desir'd the same of that Prince, as appears by the Eleventh and Seventeenth Letters of the same Book.

In the mean time Henry after he had given necessary Orders for the Affairs of Germany, * 1.22 march'd into Italy in the Year, 1081, at the Head of an Army. He march'd directly to Rome without meeting any opposition, only when he came near that place he engag'd with the Forces of Matilda, which he quickly defeated. But the City of Rome shutting the Gates against him, he ravag'd and laid wast all the adjacent Countries as he retreated to Lombardy. The next year he return'd and laid Siege to that City, which he vigorously as∣saulted during all Lent: But Easter coming on, and the Heat being insupportable, he quarter'd his Forces round about Rome, and return'd to Lombardy, leaving Guilbert at Tivoli to Command the Blockades. The next Campagn he return'd, and took the Town Leo∣nina, where he caus'd Guilbert to be ordain'd, some say by the Bishops of Modena and Rimini; others by the Bishops of Bologne, Vincenza, and Cervia. Afterwards he carry'd on a vigo∣rous Assault against the City. At this time the Romans being weary of so long a Siege, ad∣vis'd Gregory to call a Council to put an end to these disasters. Henry consented to it, and promis'd to grant a free Pass-port to all the Prelates, who should come to that Synod. But he Arrested by the way the Deputies of the German Rebels, and Otho Cardinal Bishop of Ostia who came along with them. Notwithstanding this, the Pope held that Council in November; and tho' his Affairs were so desperate, yet they had much ado to prevent him from pronouncing a new Sentence of Excommunication against Henry, so full of Passion was he. He would not so much as hearken to an Accomodation, so that this Synod which last∣ed three Days, determin'd nothing, and was wholly taken up with Complaints and In∣vectives against Henry. In short, the Romans perceiving themselves very much incom∣moded by the Army of that Prince, and won over by the Mony he distributed among them, surrender'd the City to him the beginning of the Year, 1084. and Gregory fled in∣to the Castle of S. Angelo, where he was besieg'd by Henry. That Prince being Ma∣ster of Rome, caus'd himself to be Crown'd Emperor by Gilbert on Easter-Day in the same Year. Gregory in this Exigency had recourse to Robert Guiscard, who return'd with all expedition from Greece, (whither he had went to Fight the Emperor Alexis) in order to set the Pope at Liberty. Henry did not stay for his coming, whether * 1.23 it was for fear that he was not strong enough to oppose him, or rather because the pre∣sent state of his Affairs call'd him back again to Germany (for the German Rebels had Elected in the Year, 1082, one Herman in the place of Radulphus) he•• left Rome, took Gilbert along with him, and re-pass'd the Mountains, to go in all hast to Germany. The Pope was still besieg'd by part of his Army, and by the Romans: But Robert Guisoard rais'd the Siege; and having entred Rome in Triumph with his Army, he laid * 1.24 part of the City in Ashes, and restor'd it to the Pope's Authority. Henry's Party was likewise worsted in Lombardy. In Germany that Prince laid Siege to the City of Aus∣burg,

which the Rebels had seiz'd upon, and re-took it from them. Afterwards he made it his business to punish those who had declar'd against him, and turn'd those Bishops who had been his Adversaries, out of their Churches.

The year 1085. was more quiet, the two Parties being contented to have several Confe∣rences, * 1.25 and to hold Conventions one against the other. There was one the beginning of the year at Gostat or Berchach, where Otho Cardinal Bishop of Ostia appear'd. Tho' it chiefly consisted of those of Herman's Faction, yet there came some of Henry's Deputies to maintain his Right. The Question discuss'd, was; Whether the Pope had a lawful Power to excom∣municate King Henry, and deprive him of his Dominions. It was debated by Gebehard Arch-bishop of Salzburgh on the behalf of Herman, and by Wicelin, who had succeeded Sigefroy in the Arch-bishoprick of Mayence, on the behalf of Henry. The one strongly maintain'd the Negative, the other the Affirmative: But each continu'd obstinate in his Opi∣nion, and nothing was determin'd in that Convention.

There was another held after Easter at Quintilineburgh, in the Presence, and by the Order * 1.26 of Herman, and the Cardinal of Ostia, compos'd of Arch-bishops, Bishops, and other Pre∣lats and Lords of their Party, who began by determining that it was not lawful to question whether the Pope's Judgment were lawful or no, and that no body could meddle with it. Gunibert Clerk of Bamberg, being willing to argue upon this Proposition, was contradicted by the whole Assembly, and forc'd to withdraw. In this Convention, they declar'd the Ordination of Wiceline to the Arch-bishoprick of Mayence, that of Sigefroy to the Bishop∣rick of Ausburg, that of Norbert to the Bishoprick of Chur or Coire, and in general all the Ordinations and Consecrations made by excommunicated Persons, to be Null and Void. They there Condemn'd Wiceline, as one who maintain'd, that Laicks when dispossess'd of their Estates, could not be subject to the Judgment of the Ecclesiasticks, nor be excommu∣nicated; and that those who were excommunicated for their Temporal Estates, might be receiv'd into Communion, without being reconcil'd. They there prohibited the receiving such into Communion, who had been excommunicated by their Bishops, unless they had re∣ceiv'd Absolution. They there renew'd the Law which enjoyn'd Celibacy to Priests, Dea∣cons and Sub-deacons. They prohibited Laicks from meddling with the Consecrated Ves∣sels or Coverings of the Chalice belonging to the Altar, and from possessing of Tenths. They order'd that the Ember-Week in the Spring should be observ'd the first Week in Lent; and That in Summer the Week after Whitsontide; that no Person shall eat Eggs or Cheese during Lent. They there ratified and confirm'd all that Gebeherd Bishop of Constance had done as Legat of the Holy See. But there arose some difficulty about the Legality of the Marriage of King Herman, who they said had Marry'd his Kinswoman. He said he would refer the Determination thereof to the Synod; but that Affair could not there be try'd, be∣cause there were not any of his Accusers. Lastly, They pronounc'd an Anathema, by light∣ed Candles, against Guilbert, whom they call'd Arch-Heretick and Intruder into the Holy See; and against Cardinal Hugh, John Bishop of Porto, Peter the Chancellor, Liemar Arch-bishop of Breme, Uto Bishop of Hildesheim, Otho of Constance, Burchard of Basil, Husman of Spires; and against Wiceline Arch-bishop of Mayence, Sigefroy Bishop of Ausburg, Norbert of Coire and their Accomplices. This Decree is Sign'd by Herman, by Cardinal Otho, by the Arch-bishops of Salzburgh and Magdeburgh, by twelve Bishops of Germany, who were most of them ordain'd Bishops in the room of those of King Henry's Party, who had been depos'd. For at that time there were several Churches which had two Bishops; the One of King Henry's placing, and the Other of the Pope's: And he of the two whose Party was most pre∣valent in the City, was in Possession.

Henry soon reveng'd himself on this Convention, for in May he held another more nume∣rous * 1.27 Convention at Mayence, at which Assisted the Bishop of Porto, and two Priests of Rome, who took upon them the Character of the Legats of Clement III. the Arch-bishops of Mayence, of Treves, of Cologne and of Breme, twenty Bishops of Germany, and a great many other Bi∣shops of France and Italy. Hildebrand, his Legat Otho, and his Adherents were there Con∣demn'd, together with the fourteen Prelates of the Assembly of Quintilineburgh, whom they depos'd, as being Guilty of Perjury, Rebellion and Homicide. They excommunicated Her∣man, Eckbert of Saxony, and the Lord Welpho; prohibited all Christians from holding any Correspondence with them, and plac'd other Bishops in the room of those who were of Her∣man's Party.

Whilst these things pass'd in Germany, Gregory VII. not finding himself secure enough in * 1.28 Rome, because the Romans look'd upon him as the cause of that Desolation which they en∣dur'd; went to Mount Cassin, and from thence retir'd to Salerno, where he dy'd May 24th, of the Year, 1085. Authors do not agree about what were the last Thoughts he had con∣cerning his Difference with Henry. Some say that he testified a great deal of regret for what he had done; and others on the contrary tell us, That he continued fix'd in the same Mind to his very Last; and that he said, that he dyed in Exile, because he had lov'd Justice and hated Iniquity. However, the Case stood, 'tis plain that his Death did not put an end to that no∣torious Quarrel which he had rais'd, and which had drawn along with it such dreadful Conse∣quences,

as were the cause of a world of Mischiefs, both to the Church and to the Empire, as we shall shew in the sequel; after we have done with that which relates to Gregory VII.

The Emperor was not the only Person with whom Gregory VII. was Engag'd: He had likewise Contests with the Kings of France and England, and his aim was to bring all the * 1.29 Crown'd Heads under his subjection, and to oblige them to hold their Kingdoms as Fiefs from the Holy See, and to govern them at his Discretion.

Philip I. was then King of France: And since the Death of Baldwin, who had been Re∣gent of the Kingdom during his Minority, he took the Government into his own Hands; but he Administred it so remissly, that France was full of Disorders and Disturbances. The Churches, which have always greater Sufferings than other Societies, when Justice is not maintain'd in a State, were the first who were oppress'd. Gregory VII. who never slip'd an opportunity of making himself the Judge and Reformer of Princes, cast several reproaches upon him for it, and threatned to punish severely his unjust proceedings against the Churches. The King assur'd him by Alberic, that he would reform his Conduct, and go∣vern the Churches according to such Rules as his Holiness should prescribe him. Gregory who was not satisfied with empty Words, required that he would begin to demonstrate the rea∣lity of his Promises, by permitting that the Arch-deacon of Autun, elected Bishop of Mas∣con, after a long vacancy, by the Clergy and People, and even by the consent of the King, should be put into the Possession of that Church, without giving any Thing for it. To this purpose he wrote to the Bishop of Chalons upon the Seyne, and to the Arch-bishop of Lions: And at the same time acquaints them, that in case the King should refuse to do what he de∣sir'd, and would not permit the Churches of France to be supply'd with Bishops without Si∣mony, he should be oblig'd to excommunicate all the French Nation, if they continu'd in their Alliegance to Philip. He likewise enjoyns the Arch-bishop of Lions to ordain that Arch-dea∣con Bishop of Mascon, what opposition soever he might meet with, either from the King, or the other Competitor. These two Letters are dated December 4th, 1073. and are the Thirty fifth and the Thirty sixth of the first Book. The Bishops of France would not venture to or∣dain the Bishop of Mascon, whereupon the Pope ordain'd him himself, as he sent word to the Arch bishop of Lions, by the Seventy sixth Letter of the same Book, dated August the 4th, 1074. Two days before, he had written expressly to King Philip, to oblige him to make reparation for the wrong he had done to the Church of Beauvais: And had absolv'd those of that City, who had abus'd their Bishop. See the Seventy fourth and the Seventy fifth Letters of the same Book.

That same year Gregory VII. renew'd his Complaints and his Threatnings against Philip, with a great deal more Noise, by writing a large Letter to all the Bishops of France, where∣in after he had given a description of the Disorders of that Kingdom, he says that the King, whom he ventures to call Tyrant, is the Author and Cause of all; because his whole Life being one continu'd Debauch, he took no care to punish the Crimes, whereof he him∣self gave so bad an Example. That he not only converted the Revenues of Churches to Profane and Criminal uses, but within a little while ago exacted a very considerable sum of Merchants, who were come from all parts to import their Effects into France, under the publick Faith. He likewise accuses the Bishops of contributing to these disorders, either by their Approbation or Connivance: He upbraids them for their Remissness, and exhorts them to meet, and to tell the King plainly of his Faults, that he may correct them, and re∣gulate the Affairs of his Kingdom; and in his Name to declare, that if he does not do it, he can no longer shelter himself from the Censure of the Holy See: That after∣wards they should separate themselves from Communion with that Prince, and forbear performing Divine Service in all France: That if he does still hold out notwithstanding this Punishment, he would have the whole World take notice, that he would use his utmost endeavours to deprive him of the Kingdom of France. This Letter dated Sep∣tember the 10th, 1074. is the Fifth of the second Book.

Some time after he wrote likewise to William Duke of Aquitain, against King Phi∣lip, and pray'd that Duke to do all he could to bring the King to change his Con∣duct; declaring that if he did not reform, he would excommunicate him and all the Subjects who paid him any Obedience; and that he would lay this Excommunication on S. Peter's Altar, in order to reiterate it every day. This Letter dated November the 13th, of the same year, is the Eighteenth of the second Book.

He continu'd these menaces in the Two and thirtieth Letter of that Book, dated De∣cember the 8th, directed to Manasses Arch-bishop of Rheims.

However, it does not appear that Gregory has acted any thing more against the Per∣son of the King of France, but he took upon him the sole Jurisdiction over the Bishops and the Ecclesiastical Affairs of that Kingdom; and sent thither Hugh Bishop of Dia * 1.30 with other Legats, who took cognizance of the Life, Manners and Elections of the Bi∣shops; took upon them the liberty of citing them to the Synods, which they call'd; of passing Sentence upon them; of injoyning them Pennance; and even of deposing them, in case they would not make their Appearance: And Lastly, Of disposing abso∣lutely the Affairs of that Kingdom, without minding whether the King concern'd him∣self

with the defending of them, or with vindicating the Liberty of the Churches of France. So that these Bishops were oblig'd to go to Rome to beg the Pope's Favour for their re-esta∣blishment, and upon such Terms as he saw fit; which Gregory did not scruple to grant them. There are a great many Instances of this Nature; and the Seventeenth Letter of the fifth Book furnishes us with a great many. For Hugh Bishop of Dia having cited to a Synod, which he held at Autun, the Arch-bishops of Rheims, Besanson, Sens, Bourges and Tours, and having inflicted several Penalties upon them, because they had not made their appear∣ance; they were forc'd to wait upon the Pope, who absolutely re-establish'd the Arch-bishop of Rheims and the rest, upon condition that they would clear themselves before his Legat. This is what he orders by the foremention'd Letter, dated March the 9th, in the Year, 1078. That Legat having excommunicated the Bishops of Paris and Chartres, they went likewise to Rome, and obtain'd a favourable Sentence from the Pope. See the Fif∣teenth and Sixteenth Letters of the ninth Book.

But Gregory was not satisfied with taking Cognizance of the Ecclesiastical Affairs of France; he likewise endeavour'd to make them his Tributaries, as he had made England and all other Countries. 'Tis upon this Account that he wrote to the Bishop of Albania, and the Prince of Salerno, his Legats in France, that they acquaint all the French, and enjoyn them in his Name, that each House pay at least a Penny every Year to S. Peter, as an ac∣knowledgment of his being their Father and Pastor. He pretends that Charlemagne rais'd every Year upon his Subjects a Tax of Twelve hundred Livres for the use of the Church of Rome, and that he had offer'd Saxony to the Holy See. These are two such Matters of Fact as are only grounded on the imagination of Gregory VII. This is the Three and twen∣tieth Letter of the eighth Book.

This is what relates to the Kingdom of France; we now proceed to what concerns Eng∣land, * 1.31 which met with a little better Treatment from Gregory; because King William took care to ingratiate himself with him by a seeming Submission and Respect. That Prince, to give him some signs thereof, took care to send him a complimental Letter on his Advance∣ment to the Popedom, wherein he declares to him, That tho' he was very sorry for the Death of Alexander II. yet he was as glad to see him in his Place. Gregory answers him by the Seventieth Letter of the first Book, dated April the 4th, 1074. wherein he tells him, That he is oblig'd to him for the Affection which he express'd towards him; and ex∣horts him to demonstrate the Submission which he bore to the Holy See by its Effects. At the same time he acquainted him of the dangers to which the Church of Rome was expos'd. He confirm'd the Privilege of the Monastery of S. Stephen, and recommended to that Prince to take care of the Revenues which the Church of Rome possess'd in England. He wrote likewise to Matilda Queen of England the Seventy first Letter, by which he exhorts her to persevere in Virtue, and to give her Husband good Counsel.

By another Letter written to the Bishops and Abbots of England, dated August the 28th, in the same year, he exhorts them to come to Rome to his Synod, and to put in Execu∣tion the Ecclesiastical Laws concerning the Marriages of Kindred. This Letter is the First of the second Book.

The King of England would not suffer the Bishops of his Kingdom to go to Rome. This very much displeas'd the Pope, who complain'd of it by the First Letter of the seventh Book, directed to Hubert his Legat, who was sent into that Kingdom to Collect the Peter-Pence. He therein presses that Legat to return with all speed, and orders him to admonish the King of England to pay, and cause to be paid the Deference which is due to the Holy See; withal threatning him, if he did not do it, he should incur his Displeasure. He or∣ders him to prevail upon the Prelates of England and Normandy to send to Rome, to the approaching Synod, at least two Bishops out of each Arch-bishoprick. This Letter bears date September the 23d, 1079.

The Three and twentieth, and the Four and twentieth Letters of the same Book, dated April the 25th, and May the 8th, in the Year 1080. are full of Exhortations to the King of England, to bear a due Submission to the Church of Rome, and to Govern his Kingdom with Justice, and in the fear of the Lord. The Six and twentieth is a Letter of Compliment to the Queen of England; and the Seven and twentieth a Letter to Ro∣bert, the Son of the King of England, whereby he exhorts him to be subject to his Father, and to follow his Advice.

In the Fifth Letter of the ninth Book, he order'd Hugh Bishop of Dia to restore the Bi∣shops of Normandy, which he had depos'd, for not appearing at his Synod. This he did that he might not exasperate King William, who paid greater Deference to the Holy See, than any other Prince. And he order'd him to behave himself more tenderly towards that Prin∣ce's Subjects, and to grant Absolution to the Soldiers which had kept back some Tithes.

Part of Spain being (as we said before) in the Hands of the Moors, Gregory VII. from thence * 1.32 took an occasion of becoming Lord of those Countries, which could be taken from these Infi∣dels. To this purpose he pretended that the Kingdom of Spain formerly belong'd to the Holy See; and that tho' the Pagans had since seiz'd upon it, yet the Right of the Holy See was not thereby disannul'd; because no Prescription can take place to the prejudice of the Church.

'Tis upon the account of this pretension, that he granted to Ebold Count of Rocey all the Country which he could recover from the Barbarians, upon condition that he would hold it in Fee from the Holy See, and pay him a certain Duty. He likewise granted the same Do∣nation to those who would assist that Count, or undertake the same Thing upon the same Conditions. And that this Agreement might be put in execution, he gave Orders to Cardi∣nal Hugh the White to go into Spain, and wrote to the Princes of Spain to aid the Count of Rocey. This is the Subject Matter of the Sixth and Seventh Letters of the first Book, dated April the 30th, 1073.

Gregory VII. had not only a design of bringing the Provinces of Spain, which were newly Conquer'd, under his Subjection, but likewise sought to establish an absolute Dominion over the ancient Churches of that Kingdom. It was upon this account that he wrote the Sixty third and fourth Letters of the first Book to Sancho King of Arragon, and to Alphonso King of Castile, recommending to them the Submission which they ought to bear to the Holy See, and to order the Roman Office to be receiv'd in their Kingdoms. These two Letters are dated March the 19th and 20th, 1074. He wrote upon the same Subject to Simeon a Bi∣shop of that Kingdom, by the Eighteenth Letter of the third Book.

In the Eight and twentieth of the fourth Book, directed to the Kings and Princes of Spain, he renews the Pretensions which the Holy See made to that Country, as being a Kingdom which belong'd to it before the Sarazens were Masters thereof; and exhorts them to pay the Tribute which he pretended was due from them to the Church of Rome. This Letter is dated June the 28th, 1077.

The Sixth Letter of the seventh Book, dated in October 1079, is directed to Alphonso King of Castile, whom he compliments for his good Intentions towards the Holy See, send∣ing him a small Golden Key with S. Peter's Chain affixt to it, by a Legat whom he recom∣mended to him.

Some time after that Prince, harkening to the Advice of a Monk nam'd Robert, would no longer be so subject to the Pope as he had been, and openly took upon him to grant the In∣vestitures of the Benefices in his Kingdom. This provok'd Gregory very much: He ex∣communicated Robert, and order'd him to be confin'd in the Monastery of Cluny. He wrote to Alphonso, willing him, To harken no longer to his Counsels; to make reparation for the ill he had done; to part from the Relation of his Wife, whom he had Marry'd, and to do what Richard his Legat should advise him. See the Second, Third, and Fourth Letters of the eighth Book, which are dated in the Year, 1080.

That Prince very probably submitted to the Counsels of Gregory: For by the Second Letter of the ninth Book, the Pope wrote to him, as to a Prince entirely devoted to the Holy See; who had introduc'd the Service of the Church of Rome into his Dominions; who refer'd the choice of the Arch-bishops of his Kingdom to the Pope; and who ask'd his ad∣vice upon some Cases of Conscience, and upon what concern'd the Churches of Spain. Gre∣gory by this Letter admonishes him, not to tolerate the Jews to have Christian Slaves, and grants Absolution to him and his Adherents of all their Sins, and wishes them an absolute Victory over all their Enemies.

Spain was not the only Kingdom of Europe which Gregory VII. pretended did formerly belong to the Holy See; he maintain'd the same Pretension with respect to most of the other * 1.33 Countries of Europe; and was of Opinion, that those who were in Possession of them, ought to hold them as Fiefs from him. He more especially carry'd this Pretension to the most re∣mote Countries whose Kings were newly converted to the Christian Religion. This he grounded upon the account that these Princes, at the time of their Conversion, had either remitted their Crowns into the hands of the Pope to receive them again from him, or thrown their Kingdoms under the protection of the Holy See. Or Lastly, Permitted the Raising of a certain Contribution for the Church of Rome. He establish'd upon these de∣monstrations of Submission, and upon these Alms or Liberalities, a certain Tribute to be * 1.34 paid to the Holy See. 'Tis upon this Principle that he took it ill that Solomon King of Hungary had receiv'd that Kingdom from the hands of King Henry: Because (as he pre∣tended) Stephen formerly after his Conversion had offer'd and given it to the Holy See; and the Emperor Henry after he had Conquer'd it, had sent to Rome its Lance and its Crown: From whence he concludes that he ought to receive the Scepter from his hands, and threat∣ens him, if he did it not, he would make use of the Apostolick Authority against him. This is the Subject of the Thirteenth Letter of the second Book, directed to that Prince, dated October the 28th, 1074. Gregory wrote likewise a consolatory Letter to Queen Judith his Wife, who was the Daughter of the Emperor Henry; it is the Four and fortieth of the second Book, dated June the 10th, 1075.

Solomon had a Kinsman nam'd Geisa, who was at War with him. This Geisa sent Am∣bassadors to Gregory, to gain him on his side. The Pope by his Letters express'd kindness to him, and exhorts him to be entirely devoted to the Holy See; assuring him that his Kinsman [Solomon] had not faln into the Misfortunes he labour'd under, if he had receiv'd the Crown from the Holy See, and not from the Hands of the King of Germany. He advises him to make Peace with Solomon; withal giving him some hopes that he would enter into his Interests,

so soon as he was assur'd what overtures he would make to the Holy See. You may consult the Fifty eighth Letter of the first Book, and the Sixty third and Seventieth of the second.

In the Five and twentieth of the fourth Book, he exhorts the Arch-bishop of Strigonia to bring it about, that he who is Elected King of Hungary, should be made sensible of the Duty he ow'd to the Holy See. It bears date June the 9th, in the Year, 1077.

In the Nine and twentieth of the sixth Book, he extols the Piety of King Ladislaus, and his Submission to the Holy See. He recommends to him several Persons who were un∣justly Banish'd, and exhorts him to take the Churches into his Protection; and to send him forthwith Embassadors, if he had not already done it.

All the Kings of Europe receiv'd either Reprimands or Admonitions from Gregory. The * 1.35 King of Denmark had neglected to write to him in the beginning of his Pontificate; he checks him for it in the Fiftieth Letter of the second Book, and gives him some Instructions about the Government of his Kingdom. He tells him likewise, that he had sent him Legats upon the Affairs about which he had written to the Holy See, in the time of Pope Alexander: But that they could not get to him, because of the Wars of Germany. That therefore if he were deeply concern'd for any one of these Affairs, he ought to send Deputies to him with full Instructions, that so he might consult with them what ought to be done in the Case. Lastly, He prays him to send word what Assistance the Holy See could expect from him, against her Enemies; and acquaints him that there is a Province not far from Rome, held by Here∣ticks, which one of his Sons, if he would come into Italy with a small Force, might easily Conquer. This Letter bears date January the 27th, in the Year, 1075. In the Seventy seventh Letter of the same Book, he offers to grant that King, all that in Justice he could, of the things which he should desire of him by his Envoys, or by the Legats which were dis∣patch'd to his Kingdom. This Letter is dated April the 17th, in the same Year. That King being dead, and his Son succeeding him, Gregory VII. continues his exhortations to him, to be submissive to the Holy See, by the Tenth Letter of the fifth Book, dated November the 6th, in the Year, 1077. He likewise gave the like exhortation to King Canute, who was in Possession of that Kingdom, by the Fifth Letter of the seventh Book, dated October the 15th, 1079. and by the One and twentieth of the same Book, dated May the 19th, 1080.

The Sovereigns of Poland and Russia felt likewise the Effects of the desire which Gre∣gory * 1.36 VII. had to have an hand in the Affairs of all Kingdoms. He recommended to them, as well as to others, the being devoted to the Holy See, and wedded to its Interests; gave them Instructions about the methods of administring the Government; sent them Legats to regu∣late the Ecclesiastical Affairs of their Countries: Enjoyns Boleslaus Duke of Poland, to re∣store to Demetrius King of Russia, the Mony which he had taken from him; and to the Holy See, the Lands which belong'd to it; and undertook to bestow the Kingdom of Russia, on the Son of Demetrius. This is what we gather from the Seventy third and fourth Letters of the second Book, the First of which, directed to Boleslaus, is dated April the 15th, in the Year, 1075. and the Second, directed to Demetrius, bears date the 17th of the same Month.

Gregory VII. was no less careful even of Norway; for he wrote to Olaus the King of that * 1.37 Country, exhorting him to get himself fully instructed in the Christian Faith, and for that end to send some of his Nation to Rome, that he might send him back necessary Instru∣ctions, how he ought to demean himself towards the Holy See. He forbids him siding with either of the two Brothers, who pretended to the Crown of Denmark, and orders him to procure a Peace to be made between them. This Letter, which is the Thirteenth of the sixth Book, is dated December the 15th, 1079.

He gave a King to Dalmatia; and a Lord of that Country intending to rise up in Arms against him, he enjoyns that Lord to acknowledge and obey him, under pain of Excommu∣nication, by the Fourth Letter of the seventh Book, dated October the 4th, in the Year, 1079.

Uratislaus Duke of Bohemia, was entirely in Pope Gergory the Seventh's Interest. He * 1.38 had admitted into his Dominions the Pope's Legats, in spight of Jaromir Bishop of Prague, as appears by the Seventeenth Letter of the first Book. In a grateful acknowledgment of this, the Pope confirm'd to him, by the Eight and thirtieth Letter of the same Book, dated December the 16th, 1073. all the Privileges which had been granted him by Alexander II. his Predecessor, and exhorts him to persevere in his Obedience; assuring him that he him∣self will determine such Causes, as his Legats could not pass a definitive Judgment up∣on.

The Bishop of Prague, who had been interdicted and divested of the Revenues of his Church by the Sentence of the Pope's Legats, having sent word to Rome that he could not come thither, because he had not wherewithal to defray the charge of his Journey; the Pope gave Orders that he should be put into Possession of his Revenues, except those to which John Bishop of Moravia laid claim: And he desires the Duke of Bohemia, by the Five and fortieth Letter of the first Book dated January the 30th in the Year, 1074. to

cause them to be restor'd to that Bishop, and to send him to Rome, with the Bishop of Mo∣ravia and some Embassadors, that with them he might regulate all the Ecclesiastical Affairs of his Dominions. By another Letter of the same date, which is the Four and fortieth of the Book, he acquaints the Bishop of Prague, that he had written to the Duke to put him in same Possession of the Revenues of his Church.

Sigefroy Arch-bishop of Maience, at the Instance of Jeromir Bishop of Prague, who was afraid of the Popes Judgment, was minded to take cognizance of the difference between him and the Bishop of Moravia. Gregory being advertis'd thereof, wrote forthwith to Sige∣froy, that he should not dare to concern himself in an Affair, which was referr'd to the Ho∣ly See, and at the same time he sent word to Uratislaus, that he should not be concern'd at the rash proceedings of that Arch-bishop. These two Letters dated March the 18th 1074. are the Sixtieth and Sixty first of the first Book.

At last the Bishop of Prague perceiving that he could no longer shift off the Pope's Sentence, went express to Rome, and when he appear'd before Gregory, he acknowledg'd part of what was laid to his Charge, declaring that he was ready to make Satisfaction; and justified him∣self with respect to other Things, particularly as to the ill usage which was said that he of∣fer'd to the Bishop of Moravia, or his People. The Pope who requir'd nothing more than such a Submission, sent him back to his own Country reconcil'd and re-established, with a Recommendatory Letter to the Duke of Bohemia, which is the Seventy eighth of the first Book, dated April the 16th 1074. wherein he takes notice to him that he could not put an end to the Difference between that Bishop and the Bishop of Moravia, because of the absence of the latter; but that he would decide it in the first Council: That in the mean time he allow'd Provision to be made in behalf of the Bishop of Moravia for the Territory that was in Dispute. He advises the Duke to silence the Complaints of the Bishop of Prague con∣cerning the Right which he pretended to have to a certain Castle; if not, he orders him to send his Deputies to the first Synod, to examine whether he has any Right to it, or no.

The Bishop of Prague being return'd to his own Country in Triumph for his Re-establishment, seiz'd upon the Lands which were in dispute between him and the Bishop of Moravia, being confident that the Pope had adjudged them to be his. Gregory being in∣form'd that he thus abus'd the Levity he had shewn him, wrote him a Letter full of In∣vectives about it, and enjoyns him to restore to the Bishop of Moravia the Castle which he had seis'd on; and orders Duke Uratislaus to cause him to restore it to the Bishop, whom he com∣forts in a particular Letter. These three Letters are the Sixth, Seventh, and Eighth of the second Book, dated October the 22d in the Year, 1074. In the second Letter he thanks the Duke of Bohemia for having sent him the Tribute which he paid to the Holy See. This Affair between the Bishops of Prague and Moravia was again discuss'd in the Year, 1075. and ended at Rome by an agreement between them, by which they agreed to divide into equal shares the Lands which were in dispute, till either of them could produce more authen∣tick Titles; which they continu'd to do for the space of Ten Years. And this Accomodation was approv'd of by a Bull of Gregory, dated March the 2d which is the Fifty third Letter of the second Book.

The Seventy first Letter of the second Book, is written to Uratislaus, in favour of his Nephew Frederick, for whom the Pope demands of that Prince the Lands which his Father had left him. At the same time he exhorts him to live peaceably with his Subjects. This Letter is dated April the 14th 1075. By the next Letter written the Day after, he exhorts all the Faithful of Bohemia to lead a Christian and Innocent Life.

Since Gregory VII. had pretensions to Kingdoms so remote as those we have been speaking of, it is not to be wondred that he should imagine that all Italy, and the Islands of Sicily, * 1.39 Sardinia and Corfu belong'd to him; that he might dispose of them as he thought fit; and that all the Lords of these Countries were oblig'd to take an Oath of Allegiance to him. It was no difficult matter for him to bring the petty Princes round about Rome under his Sub∣jection; because being weak, they desir'd nothing more, than the support of the Holy See: But he had much ado to bring his design about upon the Normans, whose Power became formidable in Italy, forasmuch as they were establish'd so firmly there as we shall now relate.

Several Norman Lords having been invited to the Relief of the Greeks and Italians against the Sarazens of Sicily, upon Condition that they should have share in their Conquests; after * 1.40 they had done wonderful things against these Infidels, were dealt falsly with by the Greeks, who refus'd to give them what they had promis'd, But these Bravoes knew very well how to do themselves Justice, and seiz'd on Pozzuolo under the Conduct of William Firebrass their General, who in a short time after defeated the Greeks in a great Engagement, and weaken'd them so far, that in a small time they lost all that they had left in Italy. The Nor∣mans afterwards turn'd their Arms against the Lords of Italy their Neighbours, and seiz'd upon some Lands which belong'd to the Holy See. The Popes, who could not without Jealousy behold so formidable an Enemy so nigh at Hand, declar'd against them, and Leo IX. engag'd in a War with them: But the Forces of that Pope having been defeated,

and himself taken Prisoner, as we formerly said, that Respect which they shew'd him, by setting him at Liberty, and reconducting him to Rome with all the Demonstrations of Honour and Submission, inclind'd that Pope to grant them by way of Recompence all the Lands which they had Conquer'd from the Greeks and Sarazens. Robert Guiscard, in league with Onfroy, Brother to William Firebrass, extended these Conquests, and having made an end of taking Calabria, caus'd himself to be call'd Count thereof for the space of two Years, and afterwards took upon him the Title of Duke. His Brother Roger undertook to Conquer Sicily from the Sarazens, and having at first taken Panorma and Messina, he open'd him∣self a way to become Master of the whole Island, of which he took upon him the Quality of Count.

It was very difficult for these Warriers to forbear Contesting with the Lords their Neigh∣bours; * 1.41 and their Forces who were used to Plunder, could not forbear seizing upon the Lands, Castles, and Territories of private Persons; upon Churches, upon Abbies; and even upon the Holy See it self. This was the cause of the many Anathemas thunder'd out against them by Gregory, who from the very beginning of his Popedom excommunicated Robert, Ro∣ger, and all the Normans who made any attempts upon the Revenues of Churches, or of the Holy See, or upon those Lords who were under its Protection. But afterwards foreseeing that he might stand in need of their Assistance, he grew milder, and by his Letter dated March the 13th 1076. which is the Eleventh of the third Book, he grants the Bishop of Cirenza Power to absolve Roger and all his Soldiers, upon condition that he would promise to Obey the Holy See; do Penance for his Offences, and abstain for the future from all capital Crimes. At the same time he advis'd that Bishop, that if Count Roger should speak to him about his Brother Duke Robert, he should declare to him, that the Church of Rome was ready to shew Mercy to those who being affected with true Repentance, would give Satisfaction for the Scandal, which they had given: That therefore if Duke Robert would be obedient to the Holy See, he was ready to give him Absolution, and to receive him in∣to the Communion of the Church: But that if he would not, Roger ought not to communi∣cate with him. Lastly, he order'd that Bishop to give the Bishop of Melpha Absolution. In the fifteenth Letter of the same Book to Wifroy, Lord of the Milanois, he sends word that the Affairs of the Normans were in a hopeful way of Accommodation, and that he hoped shortly to render them faithful to the Church of Rome. However this Accomodation was not so soon concluded; and we see by a Letter dated October the 31st of the same Year, di∣rected to the same Wifroy and to two other Lords of the same Country, that the Normans were still contesting with the Pope about the Revenues of the Church, which they had seiz'd upon; but that he hop'd to reclaim them as soon as Henry. This Letter is the Seventh of the fourth Book.

At last Robert thought fit to submit to the Pope, to take an Oath to him to be always faithful to the Holy See; to assist it in the Defence of the Pope's Person and its Revenues; to pay him an annual Rent for the Church Lands which he held; to permit the Churches of his Dominions to enjoy quietly their Revenues, and to procure a free Election of a Pope, in case Gregory should dy before him. This Rent amounts to twelve Pence, the Coyn of Pa∣via, payable every Year at Easter. In pursuance of this Treaty, the Pope invested Duke Robert with all the Lands which the Popes Nicholas II. and Alexander II. his Predecessors had formerly granted him: And as to others which he unjustly held; to wit, Salerno, Melpha, and part of the March of Fermo, he left them to him by way of Connivance. This Treaty was made June the 29th in the Year 1080.

In the same Year Michael Ducas being turn'd out of the Empire of the East, sent into Italy to beg Assistance of the Pope and Duke Robert. The Pope wrote to the Bishops of Pozzuolo and Calabria, by the sixth Letter of the eighth Book, desiring them to exhort the Faithful to engage in this Expedition with Duke Robert; and before they went away, to enjoyn them Penance for their Faults, and to give them Absolution.

Gregory soon after had himself need of the Assistance of Robert, to protect him against Hen∣ry. Whereupon he wrote to the Abbot of Mount Cassin, to know of him whether he could bring him any Assistance about Easter, or send him some. This is the Subject matter of the fourth Letter of the ninth Book, which doubtless belongs to the Year, 1081.

Henry at his coming into Italy, wisely foreseeing that the greatest Enemy he had to fear was Duke Robert, propos'd to come to an Accomodation with him, upon condition that his Son should Marry that Duke's Daughter, and give him the March of Ancona. The Pope being inform'd of this Proposal, by the Princess Matilda, was very much surpriz'd at it, and forthwith wrote to Didier Abbot of Mount Cassin, to prevail upon Robert to keep his Word to him. This is the Subject matter of the eleventh Letter of the ninth Book.

By the Seventeenth of the same Book, written to that Duke, he exhorts him to come to the Assistance of the Church of Rome, which was annoy'd by King Henry.

In the mean time whilst Robert was in the East with all his Forces, the Normans of Italy perceiving that Henry was like to become Master of Rome, and being afraid what the Con∣sequence would prove to them, endeavour'd to bring about the Peace between the Pope and

the Emperor, and sent Didier Abbot of Mount Cassin, with the Prince of Capua, and se∣veral Deputies to Henry, to treat with him. But neither the Pope nor the Emperor were inclinable to it; and the latter receiv'd some Mony from the Emperor of Constantinople to carry on the War against Robert. That Duke understanding this, and being sent for by the Pope, left his Son in the East, and immediately return'd to Italy to the Pope's Assistance, whom he relieved, as we formerly have declar'd.

Gregory VII. was likewise willing to make the Islands of Corfu and Sardinia his Tributa∣ries. For part of the former having been retaken by the Christians from the Sarazens, he * 1.42 immediately sent a Legat thither to govern absolutely, and promis'd them Succours to Con∣quer the rest; upon condition that this Island should be dependent on the Holy See. This appears by the Second and fourth Letters of the fifth Book, dated September the 1st and 16th in the Year, 1077. He afterwards bestow'd this Legation on Landulphus Bishop of Pisa, and his Successors, with one Moyety of the Revenues of that Island, reserving the other Moye∣ty for the Holy See, together with all the Fortresses, whose Governors however he was willing should still be dependent on that Legat, as appears by the twelfth Letter of the sixth Book, dated November the 30th in the Year, 1079.

With respect to Sardinia, he was so strongly perswaded that it belong'd to the Holy See, that writing to the Sovereign of that Island, he shew'd that Prince what a piece of service He [the Pope] had done in having refus'd to give it to the Normans and Lombards, who had demanded it of him, tho' they offer'd him the Moyety of their Conquests; till such time as he should see after what manner that Prince would receive the Pope's Legat, and how he was inclin'd to the Holy See. By this means he suppos'd, that if that Prince would not be subject to the Holy see, he was so far the Disposer of his Estates, as to give them to whom he pleas'd. This is the subject of the tenth Letter of the eighth Book, dated October the 5th 1080.

After all this 'tis no wonder that he should treat all the Lords near Rome, as his Vassals, and exact from the Oaths of Fidelity. We have one made by Landulphus, Duke of Bene∣vento, * 1.43 by which he engages himself to forfeit his Dutchy, if he fail'd in his Duty to the Ho∣ly See, or to Gregory and his Successors, and if he did any wrong to the Church of Rome or its Members. This Treaty sign'd by the Bishops of Porto, Frescati, Palestrina, by Didier and Peter, Cardinals of the Church of Rome, is in the first Book of Gregory's Letters, after the Eighteenth, and is dated August the 11th in the Year, 1073.

He also exacted the like Oath from Richard Duke of Capua, by which that Prince was engag'd to enter into no League against the Pope; upon all occasions to defend the Revenues and Rights of the Church of Rome and of his Holiness; to make no Pillage on its Territo∣ries, and to suffer no body else to do it; to pay yearly the Rent which he ow'd for the Lands which he held in S. Peter's Patrimony; to be faithful to King Henry, and his Suc∣cessors; yet without prejudice to the Fidelity he ows to the Holy See: And lastly, that whenever the Pope should die, he should do his utmost to get him to be elected and or∣dain'd Pope, who should have the Suffrages of the major part of the Cardinals, Clergy, and Laity. This Oath dated September the 24th 1073. is after the One and twentieth Let∣ter of the first Book.

There is another Oath of this Nature taken by Bertran Count of Provence, after the twelfth Letter of the ninth Book.

Lastly, Gregory VII. not willing to omit any one means of aggrandizing the Church of Rome, had resolv'd upon a CROISADE, to go into the East at the head of an Army, to * 1.44 assist the Christians, and to fall upon the Infidels. Big with this Design he wrote to Wil∣liam Count of Burgundy, by the Six and fortieth Letter of the first Book, dated February the 2d in the Year, 1074. ordering him to be ready, and to give notice to his Allies, to furnish him with Forces, that so he might, after he had reduc'd the Normans of Pozzuolo to their Duty, march directly with an Army to Constantinople, and relieve the Christians of the East.

By the Nine and fortieth Letter of the same Book, dated March ensuing, he exhorts all the Christians of the West to unite together for the relief of the Christians of the East against the Infidels. He did the same thing by the Seven and thirtieth Letter of the second Book, which bears date the 16th of December of the same Year.

This Project of Gregory had not that success which he desir'd: But he engag'd Duke Ro∣bert to lead an Army into the East, under Colour of placing Michael Ducas again upon the Throne of the Eastern Empire. This Duke gave Battle to the Emperor Alexis in Thrace, and became Master of the Field, tho' the Enemy were much superior in Number. The Difficulties which the Pope's Affairs labour'd under, and the War with the Emperor Henry prevented that Duke from pursuing his Conquests in the East, and from extending the Li∣mits of the Roman Church, and the Authority of the Holy See by his Victories: The which Gregory had attempted in vain, by the way of Accommodation, in sending to the Emperor Michael (who had writ to him, and made proposals on his part for the re-union of the two Churches) Dominick Patriarch of Venice, to treat with him viva voce concerning this Peace; and in remonstrating to that Emperor, by his Answer, that the Division which had been be∣tween

the Roman and the Greek Church, had done great prejudice to the Affairs of the Holy See, and the Empire of the East. This Letter is the Eighteenth of the first Book, dated June the 9th 1073.

Gregory VII. was no less Solicitous about the Churches of Africa; and having understood * 1.45 that the Christians of Carthage, tho' persecuted by the Sarazens, quarrell'd among themselves, and that some of them had betray'd Cyriacus their Arch-bishop into the Hands of those In∣fidels, who had very much abused him: He wrote a neat Letter to the Clergy and Faith∣ful of that City, whereby he exhorts them to suffer patiently the Persecution of the Sara∣zens, and to live in Peace and Unity one with another; and after he had in a very lively manner represented to them the Enormity of the Offence committed in betraying Cyriacus, he exhorts them who were guilty of it, to do Penance. This Letter dated September the 15th 1073. is the Two and twentieth of the first Book.

In the next Letter of the same date, he comforts that good Bishop, extolls his Constancy, and exhorts him to rejoyce in his Sufferings, and to persevere in the Faith; assuring him that he would continually offer up his Prayers to God, that he would be pleas'd to look down with an Ey of Pity and Compassion upon the Church of Africa, which has so long groan'd under the pressures of Persecution and Distress.

Some time after the Church of Africa being reduc'd to the Government only of two Bishops, the Africans were oblig'd to send one Servandus to Rome, whom they had elected Bishop of Hippo, to be ordain'd by the Pope. Gregory ordain'd him, and sent him away with Recommendatory Letters directed to the Arch-bishop of Carthage, to the People of Hip∣po, and to Auzir King of Mauritania. These are the three last Letters of the third Book, and belong to the Year, 1076.

In the first Letter of the eighth Book directed to the Arch-bishop of Synnada Patriarch of * 1.46 the Armenians, dated June the 6th in the Year, 1080. Gregory reproves several Errors, or rather several Practices contrary to the Discipline of the Church, wherewith the Armenians were charg'd: Namely, That in their Churches they did not mix Water with the Wine in the Celebration of the Holy Sacrifice of the Mass; that they made the Holy Chrism with Butter, and not with Balsom; and that they had a regard to the memory of Dioscorus. The Deputy of the Arch-bishop of Synnada, who was come to cause an Armenian Heretick, who was fled to Italy, to be driven thence, had assur'd the Pope that all these Things were only groundless Surmises: But for his better Satisfaction Gregory desires that that Arch-bishop would inform him by Writing what were his Thoughts, and send him a profession of Faith. At the same time he advises him to leave out these Words in the TRISA∣GION, who wast crucified for us, because they were not us'd in any other Church of the East, no more than they were in the Church of the West, and because they might be perverted to an ill Sense. He commends the practice of their Churches in making use of Unleaven'd Bread, and Fortifies them against the Objections of the Greeks.

As to the Churches of the West, we may safely say that Pope Gregory VII. govern'd al∣most all of them, as if they belong'd to his own Diocess, either by sending to them his Le∣gats a Latere; or by nominating Vicars to them; or by citing the Bishops to Rome, to give an account of their Conduct; or by confirming or approving their Elections; or by receiving the Appeals of their Decisions; or by admitting the Complaints of their Dio∣cesans; or by appointing Judges upon the place; or by deciding several Points of Disci∣pline: In a Word, by having an hand in the particulars of all that happen'd in the Churches of Europe.

In the first place as to Legats, 'tis certain that nothing conduc'd more to establishing the * 1.47 absolute Authority of the Popes, than the sending Legats a Latere to reside upon the spot. At first the Popes were satisfied with nominating the Bishops of the Country for their Vi∣cars, or for their Legats, and granted them a Commission to call Councils, and to act in their Names: But for as much as these Prelates might have particular Interests to carry on, and were not entirely devoted to the Will and Pleasure of the Popes, the Court of Rome thought it more advisable to send upon the places Legats who were Strangers, with full Commission of calling Councils, of making Rules of Discipline, of judging Priests, and even Bishops themselves; of excommunicating those whom they thought fit, upon condition that they would return a faithful Account of all their Proceedings to the Pope; and provid∣ed that those who thought themselves injur'd by their Decisions, might come Personally to Rome, to complain to the Pope himself. By this means the Holy See judg'd the same Cause twice over, and kept all the World in Awe. For those who had been Condemn'd by the Le∣gats, hoping to meet with kinder usage from the Pope, went to Rome in the nature of Sup∣pliants and Penitents, and seldom fail'd of clearing themselves, or of receiving their Absolu∣tion; which on the one side, advanc'd the Authority of the Holy See, and on the other, made them its Creatures. This Custom of sending Legats a Latere into the Provinces, be∣gan to prevail in the foregoing Century, and became very common in this, especially in Italy, and France: However, it met at first with some opposition in Germany, where they main∣tain'd that no other Legat of the Holy See ought to be acknowledg'd beside the Arch-bishop of Mayence; but Gregory VII. play'd his part so well as to introduce it there. In the Church

of France, the Arch-bishop of Rheims pretended, by virtue of his Privileges, to be exempt from the Jurisdiction of the Legats, at least of those who were not Romans, and were imme∣diately come from Rome; and for this Reason would not appear before Hugh Bishop of Dia and the Abbot of Cluny, whom Gregory had nominated to be his Legats in France. But the Pope sent him word by the Second Letter of the sixth Book, dated August the 22d, 1078, that the Holy See had always a Liberty of sending Legats immediately from Rome, or of nominating those who liv'd upon the place, or of taking them whence it pleas'd. England maintain'd its Right much longer, and rejected Foreign Legats; for we read in the Hi∣story of Eadmerus, that Pope Urban successor to Gregory VII. having sent in the Year, 1100. Guy Arch-bishop of Vienna as Legat of the Holy See to England, all the Kingdom was startled at this Legation, which was look'd upon as a dangerous Innovation, because it was too well known, that there could be no other Vicar of the Holy See in England, beside the Arch-bishop of Canterbury; that thereupon the Arch-bishop of Vienna return▪d just as he came, without having been acknowledg'd by any one as Legat, and without doing any thing in that Quality.

Gregory VII. who himself had been Legat in France, had no mind to abrogate this Cu∣stom; on the contrary, the first thing he did after he was Elected Pope, was to continue the Legats sent by his Predecessors, and to send new ones into those parts, where there were none. By the Sixth Letter of the first Book, he confirms the Legation of Gerard Cardinal Bishop of Ostia, and of the Sub-deacon Rainbold Legats in France, orders them to do their utmost in making up the Breach between Hugh Abbot of Cluny and his Monks, and sends them Hugh the White a Cardinal, to go into Spain, if they thought fit.

In the Eighth Letter, he likewise continues the Legation of Hubert and Albert, and ex∣horts them to execute the Commission which his Predecessor Alexander had given them.

In the Sixteenth, he shews how he would have his Legats demean themselves towards him, by writing to Cardinal Gerard of Ostia, that he was very much surpriz'd at his not sending him word by an Express, what had been done in the Synod which he had held in Spain, because it was customary, and withal necessary that when a Legat of the Ho∣ly See held a Council in a remote Country, he should come and give an account of what he had done, or at least send one to do it for him: That tho' that Cardinal had ac∣quainted him with part of the Proceedings, yet since there was no Person, who either saw or heard, how things went in that Synod, to inform him about it, he was very much at a stand what answer to give those, who complain'd of having been excommunicated, depos'd or interdicted unjustly; for fear he should either be deceiv'd by the intricacy of the Causes, or should not fully exercise his Authority: That however, 'tis look'd upon as a piece of Cruelty and Contempt, to defer giving these kind of Answers, be∣cause of the dangers they are in, who are under Ecclesiastical Censures: That as to the bu∣siness of William Arch-bishop of Auche, whose re-establishment he desir'd him to grant; he had himself rais'd perplexities in his mind, by taking notice to him that he had been de∣pos'd only for having voluntarily communicated with an excommunicate Person; and that yet he had not clear'd himself Canonically, but only offer'd to do it before Pope Alexander: That after this Affair had been debated, at last they came to this Resolution, That if the Arch-bishop of Auche were guilty of nothing else, but of having communicated with an ex∣communicate Person, he ought not to be depos'd; but that if he were charg'd with any other Crimes of which he was not clear'd, the determination thereof ought to be referr'd to the Holy See: That Pontius Bishop of Beziers, who (as he sent word) had been depos'd for the same Offence, was come to Rome to make his complaint; but that he had declin'd giving him any answer out of Respect to him: That however, since the like Sentence ought to be pass'd on Cases that are alike, if he were guilty of no other fault, he ought to re-establish him. The Arch-bishop of Auche was re-establish'd, and the Pope wrote in his behalf to the Bishop of Beziers, and to the other Suffragans, that they should acknow∣ledge him, and shew him the Respect which they ow'd him. This is the Five and fiftieth Letter of the first Book, dated March the 16th, 1074.

The Pope's Legats did not meet with the same Reception in all places. Those whom he sent into Bohemia, were not much regarded, particularly by the Bishop of Prague, whom they had Reprimanded and Condemned as one guilty of Simony. Gregory thereupon wrote to the Duke of Bohemia, and thank'd him for the Respect which he shew'd to his Legats; but withal told him, That he had great Reason to complain of their being slighted in his Country, because formerly Legats were not sent so frequently; which he says happend through the remissness of his Predecessors. In particular, he accuses the Bishop of Prague, and threatens to confirm the Interdiction pronounc'd against him by his Legats, if he did not obey them, by doing what they requir'd of him. This Letter is the Seventeenth of the first Book, dated July the 8th, in the Year, 1073.

In the Fortieth of the second Book, Gregory VII. charges all the Faithful to Respect his Legats: And in the One and fortieth, he sends them to be present at the Election of the Bishop of Eugubio.

He sent his Legats even to the most remote Countries; as for instance to Poland, as ap∣pears by the Sixty third Letter of the second Book; to Sclavonia, Russia, Denmark, &c. as appears by several other Letters.

Of all the Legations, none was more considerable than that of the two Hughs in France, nor were there any Legats who exercis'd it with greater Authority, or dispatch'd more Af∣fairs. The one was Bishop of Dia, and the other Abbot of Cluny. The former had been Elected Bishop of Dia by the Clergy and Laity of that City, with the Approbation of William their Count. After his Election, he had taken an Oath of Fidelity to that Count: But not being forward to pay him the Sum of Mony which was usually exacted for the Right of Investiture, he disoblig'd him so much, that he was no sooner gone to Rome to be Consecrated, but the Count seiz'd of the Revenues of his Church. The Pope having read over the Act of Hugh's Election, Consecrated him, but upon condition that he would not tolerate any Simony in his Diccess, nor Consecrate any Church that had its dependence on any Lay Patrons. This is what he acquaints that Count with, by the Sixty ninth Letter of of the first Book, wherein he upbraids him for having seiz'd on the Revenues of the Church of Dia. This Letter bears date March the 16th, 1074.

By the Three and fortieth Letter of the second Book, dated January the 5th, 1075. he or∣ders that Bishop to accept of the Restitutions which those of his Church should make him, and to absolve them, upon condition that they would come and appear before the Synod of Rome.

Gregory VII. reposing a great deal of Confidence on this Bishop, made him his Legat or Vicar in France; and in that quality referr'd to him a great many Affairs: Among others, that which related to the Bishop of Cambray, who after he had been Elected, had receiv'd the Investiture thereof from King Henry. The Pope orders his Legat by the Two and twentieth Letter of the fourth Book, to examine this Affair in a Council, with Hugh Abbot of Cluny, and several Bishops of France: And that if he who was Elected to the Bishop∣rick of Cambray, would swear, that when he receiv'd the Investiture from Henry, he did not know that he was excommunicated, or that the Pope had prohibited such Investitures, he should confirm his Election. By the same Letter he likewise committed to him, the taking cognizance of the Affairs which related to the Bishop of Chalons, the Churches of Chartres, Puy and Clermont, and that of the Monastery of S. Dennis. This Letter is dated May the 2d, in the Year, 1077.

This Legat in pursuance of his Commission, held several Councils in France in the Year, * 1.48 1077. Among the rest he held one at Clermont, wherein he depos'd the Bishop of that City, and the Bishop of Puy in Velay: Another at Dijon against the Simoniacal: A third at Au∣tun, to which he cited most of the Arch-bishops of France, and condemn'd all those who would not appear; to wit, Manasses Arch-bishop of Rheims, accus'd of Simony by his Clergy; the Arch-bishop of Sens, because he would not acknowledge the Legat; the Arch-bishop of Bordeaux, because he had not appear••d at the Council of Clermont, and because after he had been Suspended, he still continu'd to discharge his Functions; the Arch-bishop of Bourges, for having relinquish'd his Church; the Arch-bishop of Tours, accus'd of being Vexatious and Simoniacal; the Arch-bishop of Lions, convicted of Simony, in whose place Gebuin Arch-deacon of Langres, was elected and ordain'd; the Bishops of Senlis, Chartres, Auxerre, for having receiv'd the Investiture from the King; the Bishop of Noyon, who own'd himself Guilty of Simony; and the Bishop of Autun, for not assisting at the Coun∣cil.

The next year Hugh Bishop of Dia, held another Council at Poitiers, spight of the Pro∣hibitions * 1.49 of the King of France, who perceiving how roughly his Bishops were handled, had written to the Count of Poitiers and to the Bishops of his Kingdom, not to suffer the Pope's Legat to hold such Councils, which he Nicknames Conventicles. The Arch-bishop of Tours and the Bishop of Rennes came to this Council, but it was to disturb it; for which the Legat suspended both of them. However, they still spoke boldly against the Legat's Proceedings, and even offer'd some Violence to him. Afterwards they withdrew with the Suffragan Bishops of the Arch-bishoprick of Tours, and left him with a very small number of Prelates. The next day he held a Council in the Church of S. Hilary: The Arch-bishop of Tours persisted to inveigh hotly against the Legat, who suspended him; and appeal'd to the Holy See. The Legat referr'd him to the Pope. Afterwards he depos'd the Abbot of Bergues, as being Guilty of Simony. The Arch-bishop of Bezanzon was suspended for not appearing at the Synod of Autun and Poitiers. The Judgment of the Bishops of Beauvais and Noyon, accus'd of Simony, was referr'd to the Pope. He who had intruded into the Church of Amiens was likewise referr'd to the Pope, together with the Bishops of Laon, Senlis and Soissons, who had ordain'd him. The Absolution of the Count of Angers, was likewise referr'd to the Holy See. Hugh of Dia in this Council, heard the Cause between the Bishops of Terrouane and Poitiers, and after he had discuss'd these Personal Causes, he made ten Canons upon the Discipline of the Church.

In the First, Ecclesiasticks are prohibited from receiving the Investiture or Collation of Benefices, from the King, or any Lay Patron. The Laicks who held any Churches in their Possession, were excommunicated, and these Churches interdicted. * 1.50

In the Second, It is prohibited, to hold two Benefices in two different Churches.

The Third imports, That no Person shall pretend to hold Ecclesiastical Benefices, by right of Succession.

The Fourth imports, That Bishops shall take nothing for Ordinations, nor for Consecrat∣ing Churches.

The Fifth, That neither Abbots nor Monks shall administer the Sacrament of Pennance, without the Commission of the Bishop first had.

The Sixth, That neither Abbots, Monks, nor Prebendaries shall purchase Churches, or get the Impropriation of them by any method whatsoever, unless it be with the consent of the Bishop, in whose Diocess these Churches are: That however, they shall still hold, and qui∣etly possess the Benefices which they already have; but that the Priest who serves them, shall be answerable to the Bishop for the Charge of Souls, and for his Ministery.

The Seventh, That the Abbots, Deans, and Arch-priests who are not Priests, shall enter into Priest's Orders, or lose their Benefices: And that the Arch-deacons shall be Deacons, under the same Penalty.

The Eighth, That the Children of Priests, and Bastards, shall not be admitted into Holy Orders, unless they be Monks, or live in a regular Convent: But that they shall not hold any Ecclesiastical Preferments. That Slaves cannot be admitted into Or∣ders, unless their Masters give them their Freedom.

The Ninth, That the Sub-deacons, Deacons, and Priests shall have no Concubines, or any other suspicious Women in their Houses; and that all those, who shall wittingly hear the Mass of a Priest who keeps a Concubine, or is Guilty of Simony, shall be excommuni∣cated.

The Tenth, That Clerks who bear Arms, or are Usurers, shall be depos'd.

Most of the Prelates, who were Condemn'd by Hugh Bishop of Dia, had recourse to the Pope, who releas'd them from their Condemnations, upon condition (as we said before) that they would clear themselves before his Legat. For this, you may consult the Letters of Hugh of Dia to Gregory VII. those of Manasses to the same; and the Letter of that Pope by which he re-establishes them, which is the Seventeenth of the fifth Book, dated March the 8th, 1078.

Of all these Prelates, Manasses was almost the only Person who persisted in his Resolu∣tion of not owning Hugh of Dia as Legat, who continued to prosecute him till he had pro∣nounc'd a definitive Sentence against him, in the Council which he held at Lions in the Year, 1080. wherein he depos'd him; and his Judgment was confirm'd by Gregory VII. as appears by this Seventh Letter of the fifth Book.

The same year this Legat held two other Councils: The one at Avignon, wherein * 1.51 Achard, who had intruded into the Church of Arles, was turn'd out, and Gibelin put into his place: And the other at Meaux, wherein he depos'd Ursion, Bishop of Soissons, and caus'd Arnulphus, Monk of S. Medard, to be elected in his room.

In the Year, 1082. he held another Council at Meaux, wherein he ordain'd Robert Abbot of Rebais, Bishop of that City. But because this Ordination was done without the Appro∣bation of Richerus Arch-bishop of Sens, the Bishops of the Province would not own him; and Richerus ordain'd another Bishop, after he had excommunicated Robert.

The Pope referr'd to Hugh of Dia, the Absolution of Robert Count of Flanders, excom∣municated by the Bishop of Langres, with Commission to put other Persons in his place; this appears by the Seventh Letter of the sixth Book, dated November the 25th, 1079.

By the Sixteenth Letter of the seventh Book, dated March the 26th, 1080. he orders Hu∣bert Bishop of Terrouane, whom Hugh of Dia had cited twice before him, to justify himself before that Legat.

Hugh of Dia as a Recompence of the good Services he had done to the Holy See, was translated from the Bishoprick of Dia, to the Arch-bishoprick of Lions, in the Year, 1083. and became so powerful, that after the Death of Gregory VII. he was one of those who pretended to the Popedom; and upon that Subject, had contests with Victor III. who had been preferr'd before him. That Pope excommunicated him: However, in the Popedom of Urban II. Hugh was re-taken again into Favour, and continued to exercise his Legation in France, as we shall shew in its proper place. He dy'd in the Year, 1106. in October, at Susa, in his Journey to the Council which Pope Paschal II. held about the end of that year at Guastilla, in the Dukedom of Mantua.

There are a great many other Affairs relating to France, Normandy, Flanders, England and Bretagne, which Hugh and his Collegues took Cognizance of, and pass'd Sentence upon either Definitively, after it had been referr'd to them by the Pope, or else Provisionally for any to have liberty of appealing to the Holy See. We shall have opportunity of speaking more largely of these things hereafter.

Gregory VII. to add the more Strength to his Authority, thought it expedient to make choice of one of the most eminent Sees of France, on which he might confer the perpetual Vicarship or Primacy of the Holy See. The Vicarship of the Popes in France, (by virtue * 1.52 of which those, to whom it was granted, pretended to a Jurisdiction above Metropolitans), and the Quality of Primates, had till then pass'd from Church to Church, according as they had been more or less favour'd by the Holy See. The Church of Arles is the first on whom this Privilege was conferr'd by Pope Zozimus, in consideration of the Merits of Patroclus, who was Arch-bishop of that place. Pope Symmachus confirm'd this Privilege in favour of Cesareus Arch-bishop of Arles, as to that part of Gaul, which was then under the Dominion of the Goths: But at the same time he made S. Remy, Archbishop of Rheims, his Vicar in the Kingdom under Clovis. However, afterward the Vicarship of the Arch-bishop of Arles spread it self in the Kingdom under Childebert, and even through all France, by the favour of the Popes Vigilius, Pelagius I. Gregory the Great, and John VIII. But Adrian I. restor'd this Honour to the Arch-bishop of Rheims; and the Popes Benedict III. and Nicholas I. confirm'd it. Pope Sergius granted it to the Bishop of Metz, in consideration of the Person of Dreux, the Em∣peror's Uncle. But the Bishops of France would not acknowledge him, and we do not find that his Successors have pretended thereto. Ansegisus Arch-bishop of Sens, obtain'd the same Privilege from John VIII. and his Successors retain'd the Quality of Primats of Gaul and Germany, tho' the Bishops of France would not acknowledge it in the Council of Pontyon, and ever since it has been disputed with them.

At last Gregory VII. made choice of the Church of Lions, as the Church of most note, * 1.53 to Honour with this Quality, and granted it the Primacy over four Provinces of France; namely, of Lions, Roan, Tours, and Sens, by the Four and thirtieth Letter of the sixth Book, directed to Gebwin Arch-bishop of Lions; and by the Five and thirtieth Letter of the same Book, directed to the Arch-bishops of Roan, Tours and Sens, which are both dated April the 20th, in the Year, 1079. To establish this, he supposes that the distinction of Diocesses, Provinces, Primacies, and Metropolitanships was made by the Apostles themselves, or by the Holy Apostolick See, and that the Dignity of Primate had been granted by his Predecessors to the Arch-bishop of Lions. However, it would be a hard matter to prove this out of any Authentick Record. Besides, the Arch-bishops of Sens and Roan, would not acknowledge the Arch-bishop of Lions for Primate: Which oblig'd Urban II. in the Council held at Cler∣mont, in the Year, 1095. to suspend Richerus Arch-bishop of Sens from the use of the Pall; to enjoyn his Suffragans not to obey him; and to threaten the Arch-bishop of Roan with the same Punishment, if he did not within three Months acknowledge the Primacy of the Arch-bishop of Lions.

The Rights or Privileges annex'd to the Pope's Vicars or Primates in France, have been * 1.54 of a greater or less extent, according to the difference of the Times. Pope Zozimus grant∣ed three Things to the Arch-bishop of Arles, viz. (1.) That all the Bishops who were mind∣ed to come to Rome, shall be oblig'd to take along with them recommendatory Letters from the Arch-bishop of Arles. (2.) That the Ordinations in the Provinces of Vienna and Nar∣bonne shall be his Peculiars. (3.) That he shall have the same Jurisdiction over the Churches, which he has had over them for a long time, tho' they be not in his Territory. Of these three Privileges, the two last belong to the Arch-bishop of Arles as Metropolitan; and the first was granted him as Vicar of the Pope. Simmachus, besides these, granted him a Power of calling Councils of the Bishops of France and Spain: Vigilius added thereto the Honour of wearing the Pall; but he desires that if he should meet with any difficult Point, which could not be determin'd by the Councils, he should make his Report thereof to the Holy See. Pelagius granted him in general, a Power of Acting in France, with respect to every thing which concern'd the Administration of Ecclesiastical Affairs. Lastly, Pope Gregory took notice in particular, wherein this Power consisted, which is, (1.) To cause all the Canons to be Religiously observ'd, and to maintain the Faith. (2.) To call a Synod when 'tis necessary. (3.) To make his Report to the Holy See, of the Controversies of Faith, and of the most momentary and difficult Causes. The Privilege granted by the Popes to the Arch-bishops of Rheims, consists chiefly in being immedi∣ately subject to no other than the Holy See, and in having the Right of Ordination and Inspection in the whole compass of his Vicarship. The Bishop of Metz had a Commission to call general Councils; to receive the Judgments pass'd in the Provincial Synods; to hear upon the first instance, the Causes of Appealing to the Holy See; to inform himself of the Lives of the Abbots and Bishops, and to provide for the necessities of the Church. The Privileges granted to the Arch-bishop of Sens, are to call Councils, and to examine into all the Ecclesiastical Affairs of France and Germany; to receive and publish the Decrees of the Holy See, and to make his Report to it, of all the Affairs of Moment and Consequence.

Gregory VII. does not enter into the particulars of the Privileges of the Arch-bishop of Lions; but only says in general, that the Ecclesiastical Affairs of any Consequence ought to be brought before him; and that it belongs to him to confirm and disannul the Judgments of the Ordinaries, and to judge the Causes of Bishops, and the Affairs of Importance, but with∣out prejudice to the Holy See.

Before Gregory VII. was Pope, Manasses was Arch-bishop of Rheims. That Prelate being very powerful, thought that the Monks of the Abby of S. Remy of that City, ought to pay an entire Submission to him. He was for giving them such an Abbot as he thought fit, and took * 1.55 part of their Revenues into his Possession. These Monks having preferr'd their Complaints to Alexander II. that Pope wrote to Manasses, and admonished him to put an end to these Com∣plaints, and to give Orders that that Abbey should be provided with a regular Abbot, who should have the Administration both of Spirituals and Temporals in his own hands. Gre∣gory VII. continued the same Remonstrances: But being inform'd that Manasses, notwith∣standing all the Promises which he had made by his Deputies, to give him satisfaction, con∣tinu'd his Abuses to those Religious, and enjoy'd their Revenues, He wrote a Letter to him full of Invectives, wherein he threatens to shew him the utmost severity, if he did not immediately cause a Regular Abbot to be put into that Abbey, and if he did not give such Orders as that the Religious might have no farther Reason to complain of him: And at the same time he orders Hugh Abbot of Cluny to convey that Letter to him, and to learn his Answer. These are the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Letters of the first Book, dated June the 29th, 1073. and the first which Gregory wrote after his Ordination.

Manasses obey'd the Pope's Orders, and caus'd William, Abbot of S. Arnulphus of Metz, to be elected also Abbot of S. Remy of Rheims. The Pope approv'd of the Choice of the Person; but he thought it hard that one Man should have the Charge of two Abbeys. However, he permitted William to hold, or relinquish that of Remy, as he thought fit. He held it for some time; but not being able to endure the Tyranny and Oppression of Manasses, he resign'd that Abbey. The Pope wrote to Manasses to order another Abbot to be elected, and gave at the same time notice to Herman Bishop of Metz, that Abbot William was willing to reside in the Abbey of his Diocess. This is the Subject matter of the Fifty second and third Letters of the first Book, dated March the 14th, 1074.

The next year the Pope, by the Fifty sixth Letter of the second Book, dated March the 4th, committed to Manasses, the Execution of the Sentence pass'd against the Bishop of Cha∣lons, who had been depos'd for not appearing before the Synod of Rome, to which he had been cited, upon the account of some Differences between Him and his Clergy. And by the Fifty eighth dated the 5th of the same Month, he orders him to cause the Bishop of Noyon to restore to the Bishop of Utrecht, a Church which he had unlawfully seiz'd up∣on.

Hugh Bishop of Dia, Legat of the Holy See in France, having cited Manasses to a Coun∣cil, which he had call'd at Autun, that Arch-bishop thought it beneath him to appear there; which caus'd the Legat to Condemn him. Manasses went immediately to Rome to clear himself; and by the Pope's order waited there three Months together for Hugh of Dia. But when that Bishop came not, the Cause of Manasses was argu'd in a Council, between Him and the Deputies of Hugh of Dia. Manasses having no Body to Accuse him, did with ease justify himself; and having affirm'd that it was not in contempt of the Holy See, that he did not appear before the Council of Autun, the Sentence pass'd against him in that Council was declar'd invalid, upon condition that he would appear before the Pope's Legat, when∣ever he should be Summoned: But he declar'd that he would not admit the Bishop of Dia to be his Judge. The Pope ask'd him whom he was willing should be his Judge; Ma∣nasses reply'd▪ The Abbot of CLUNY: Whereupon the Pope deputed that Abbot to be the Judge in the Cause of Manasses; after he had made him promise, that if he were call'd to any Synod by the Holy See, or to any by that Legat, he would not fail to make his Appearance. Manasses being return'd to France, was Summond in the Name of Hugh of Dia and the Abbot of Cluny, to a Council to be held at Troyes; he went thither with part of his Clergy: But the Clerks who accus'd him not daring to come thither, he was coun∣termanded, and the Legats of the Pope were not at that Council. Manasses appeard there, notwithstanding the Orders to the contrary, and thought he had discharg'd the Promise which he had made to the Pope. He pretended likewise that according to the Promises he made, he was oblig'd to appear before none beside the Pope, or before the Roman Legats sent immediately from the Holy See, and not before the Bishops on the other side the Moun∣tains. He wrote to the Pope about it, and at the same time complain'd of the Arch-bishop of Vienna, who had depos'd and re-establish'd several Priests of the Diocess of Rheims; and of the Bishops of Laon and Soissons his Suffragans, who had ordain'd a Bishop of Amiens without consulting him, and even whilst he was at Rome. Gregory reply'd to him by the Se∣cond Letter of the sixth Book, dated August the 22d, 1078. That he ought to acknowledge the Legats nam'd by the Holy See upon the place, as well as those who were sent immediately from Rome; and that he ought forthwith to clear himself of the Things laid to his Charge before Hugh of Dia and the Abbot of Cluny; and that they should do him Justice, with re∣spect to the Complaints which he had made. This is what he acquaints the Bishop of Dia with, by the next Letter dated the same day.

In the mean time Hugh of Dia caus'd Manasses to be Summon'd twice to a Council to be held at Lions, to answer to the Accusations which Count Manasses, and several Clerks of the Church of Rheims preferr'd against him. The Arch-bishop of Rheims refus'd to come to that

Council, and publish'd an Apology or Manifesto, wherein he alledges several Reasons for his not appearing. The first is, Because there is no mention made of the Abbot of Cluny in the Order, by which he was Summon'd to that Council. The Second, Because that Council was held in a City, which was not in that part of France, wherein he ought to be Judg'd. The Third, Because the Province which lay between that of Rheims and that of Lions, and through which he must pass, was engag'd in a War; so that he could not come without danger of being made Prisoner. The Fourth, Because he understood that that Council was to consist of the same Persons, who had already Condemn'd him rashly and unjustly. The Fifth, Because according to the Canons, it was requir'd that such a place should be made choice of to Try any one, as was near to his own Country, where one might produce Wit∣nesses, and pass a definitive Sentence. That besides, he was reconcil'd to Count Manasses, and to all those who were at Difference with him, except Bruno, who was neither his Clerk, nor Born nor Baptiz'd in his Diocess, but a Prebendary of S. Cunibert of Cologne, for whom he was not much concern'd; and who had serv'd him basely, tho' under particular Obligations to him; and except another Clerk, nam'd Pontius, whom he had convicted of Falshood in the Council of Rome. That if he had no Accusers, he was not oblig'd to come and clear himself before the Council, by the Testimony of six Bishops of an unblame∣able Life: That when he would have done it, he could not, because of the shortness of the time that was allow'd him; and that it would be difficult to find in his Province six Bishops, who were not his Enemies, and without Reproach: That when he had promis'd to the Pope to appear before the Council which should be held by his Legats, he meant only such a Council as should be held in France, and in case he had not lawful Reasons to excuse his Non-appearance: Lastly, That for his part, he did not acknowlege Hugh of Dia to be Legat; since the Pope had granted him the favour of refusing him for his Judge: That however, to shew his Submission to the Holy See, he offer'd him to appear at a Synod which should be held in some City near to Rheims, either in Lent or at Easter; and that he would there receive him with all the Honour that was due to the Legats of the Pope: That he exhorted him to accept of this Offer; because it would be more advantageous to the Holy See, to attract the Respect and Submission of the French by Acts of Moderation, than by Acts of Severity to keep them at a distance: That if notwithstanding this Remon∣strance, he still would persist in the same mind, and pronounce a Sentence of Deposition and Excommunication against him, the Popes S. Gregory and S. Leo had instructed him that he ought not to look upon such an Excommunication as issuing from the Holy See. These are the Reasons contain'd in the Apology of Manasses, which is a very fine Piece, and writ∣ten in a very elegant Style, and publish'd by Father Mabillon in the first Tome of his Trea∣sury of Italy.

Hugh of Dia had no regard to this Manifesto, but in the Council of Lions pronounc'd a Sentence of Deposition against Manasses, and the Pope confirm'd it in the Synod of Rome, held the beginning of the Year, 1080. and gave Manasses notice of it by the Twentieth Letter of the Seventh Book, dated April the 7th of the same Year; allowing him notwith∣standing further time till the Feast of S. Michael to justifie himself, either at Rome, or before his Legats; by producing as an Evidence of his Innocence some Bishops his Suffragans; by restoring to the two Persons who had accus'd him, the Revenues which he had taken from them; and upon Condition that he would retire to Cluny or some other Monastery till Ascen∣sion-day, and forbear till then all Episcopal Functions.

Manasses did not hearken to this Sentence, and continued in Possession of his Archbishop∣rick without submitting in the least to the Pope; who wrote immediately to the Clergy and Laity of Rheims, to the Suffragans of that Metropolitanship, to King Philip and to Count Ebold, ordering them no longer to acknowledge him for Archbishop of Rheims, to turn him out of that Church, and to Elect or cause to be Elected another in his stead. This is the subject Matter of the Seventeenth, Eighteenth, Nineteenth and Twentieth Letters of the Eighth Book, dated Decemb. 27th in the same Year.

This Manasses is accus'd by the Authors of that time of having attain'd to the Archbi∣shoprick of Rheims by Simony, and of having exercis'd an insupportable Tyranny and Op∣pression over his Clergy; of having rifled Churches, plunder'd Monasteries, exacted Mony from his Clergy, persecuted Men of Estates; of seizing the Revenues of the richest Abbies; of having liv'd more like a Great Lord, than a Bishop; of having greater Care of his Sol∣diers, than of his Clergy; of having more Concern for the Temporalities, than for the Spiri∣tualities of his Archbishoprick; and of being so impious as to say, That the Archbishoprick of Rheims would be a very pretty Thing, if no singing of Mass were required. 'Tis thus that he is set out by William Abbot of S. Arnulphus of Metz, Guilbert Abbot of Nogent, and Hugh of Flaviany. However, Fulcoius Subdeacon of Meaux, has made his Elogy; and the Clergy of Noyon (in a Letter which they wrote at that very time to the Clergy of Cambray, to prove that the Sons of Clerks and Priests might be admitted into Priests Orders) maintain, That the Excommunication of Manasses had been made by a Motive of Envy; and that it was rash and unjust. This Letter is related by Father Mabillon, after the Apology of Ma∣nasses.

All this makes it appear, That tho' Manasses had been as guilty as they would have him thought to be, yet he was not condemn'd in due Form.

There had been for several Years past a Contest between the Archbishop of Tours and the * 1.56 Bishop of Dol, who pretended likewise to the Dignity of an Archbishop, or the Right of Me∣tropolian over the Bishops of Bretagne. The Popes always declar'd themselves in favour of the Archbishop of Tours. Gregory VII. seem'd at first to favour the Bishop of Dol; for the Clergy and Laity having sent to the Pope him whom they had elected to be Bishop, he re∣fused to ordain him because he was too young: But having chosen Yves Abbot of S. Melaine, who was come to Rome with the Deputies of Dol, he consecrated him by their Consent, and granted him the Pall, upon Condition that he would come to Rome whenever he should be sent for thither, to regulate the Contest which was between the Church of Dol and that of Tours about the Right of Metropolitanship. The Archbishop of Tours thinking that the Pope had by this prejudiced his Right, complain'd of it; but Gregory sent him word that he had no occasion to complain, since he had taken such Measures that what he had done should be no Prejudice to him, and that he would do him Justice, when that Affair was in a Posture of being try'd. This is the Subject Matter of the Fourth, Fifth, and Thirteenth Letters of the Fourth Book, of which the two first, about the Ordination of Yves, are directed, the one to the People of Dol, and the other to the Bishops of Bretagne, dated September 27, in the Year, 1076. and the last to Radulphus Archbishop of Tours, dated the First of March, 1077.

The Pope was deceived in the Choice of the Man whom he had ordain'd to the Church of Dol. He soon receiv'd Complaints of his bad Conduct: And after he had examin'd the Ac∣cusations brought against him, he was just ready to depose him; when he received a Letter from William King of England, who interceded for him. This caus'd the Pope to supersede the Execution of that Sentence, till he should send upon the Place Hugh Bishop of Dia, and two other Legats, to inform themselves more fully about that Affair. This appears by the Seventeenth Letter of the Fourth Book, written to the King of England, and dated March the 2d, in the Year, 1077. He committed the Determination of that Affair to Hugh of Dia, to the Abbot of Cluny, and to two other Clerks, by the Two and three and twentieth Letters of the Fifth Book, dated May 22d, 1078.

At last the Contest between the Churches of Tours and Dol, for the Right of Metropoli∣tanship, having been debated in the Council held at Rome the beginning of the Year, 1080. And the Archbishop of Tours having made it appear, by good Titles, That Bretagne belong'd to his Metropolitanship; whereas the Bishop of Dol not being able to produce such Authen∣tick ones, was pleas'd to say, That he had forgot behind him several of his Titles: The Pope granted him a farther time, and declar'd that he would send Legats upon the Place, to deter∣mine that Affair: And that if it appear'd that the Bishop of Dol had sufficient Titles whereon to ground his Exception, he should still remain in Possession of it; if not, that then the Bishop of Dol and the other Bishops of Bretagne shall be subject to the Archbishop of Tours, as to their Metropolitan; upon Condition however that the Bishop of Dol shall still enjoy the Privilege of wearing the Pall. This is what he intimates to the People of Tours and Bretagne, by the Fifteenth Letter of the Seventh Book, dated March 8th, in the Year, 1080.

The Bishop of Toul having refus'd to one of his Clerks a Church which he pretended to * 1.57 belong to his Prebendship, and having absolutely suspended him, that Clerk was incens'd against him, and accus'd him of selling Benefices and Sacred things; of holding a shameful and dishonorable Commerce with a certain Woman, and of having bought his Bishoprick. The Bishop's Friends, to avenge his Quarrel, threaten to be even with that Clerk, if ever they could catch him. Whereupon that Clerk not thinking himself secure absconded, and the Bishop immediately caus'd all that he had to be sold. That Clerk having made his Complaints thereof to Rome, Gregory VII. by the Tenth Letter of the second Book, dated October the 14th, 1074. Commission'd the Arch-bishop of Treves, and the Bishop of Metz, to Try this Cause. He enjoyns them in the first place to put that Clerk into the Possession of his Benefice; afterwards to make enquiry into the Life of the Bishop: If he were In∣nocent, to punish the Clerk who had scandaliz'd him; and if he were Guilty, to depose him.

William Duke of Aquitain, and Count of Poitiers, having Marry'd one of his Relations, * 1.58 the Legat of the Holy See, and the Arch-bishop of Bordeaux call'd a Synod, to oblige him to part from her. Isembert Bishop of Poitiers disturb'd that Assembly, and offer'd violence to those who were there. However, the Duke of his own accord parted from his Wife. Gregory no less pleas'd with his Submission, than he was offended at the Action of the Bishop of Poitiers, complimented the Duke upon it by the third Letter of the second Book, and cited the Bishop to the Council of Rome by the second Letter of the same Book, threatning to depose and excommunicate him; and by the Fourth of the same Book advises the Arch-bishop of Bordeaux to come to Rome, or to send some body thither to accuse Isem∣bert. These Three Letters are dated September the 2d, 1074. Isembert not appearing at the Synod, the Pope not only confirm'd the Suspension which his Legat had pronounc'd against him, but likewise excommunicated him, till such time as he should come to the Sy∣nod,

to be held at Rome the beginning of Lent, as appears by the Three and Four and twen∣tieth Letters of the same Book, dated November the 16th, in the same Year.

The Letters of Gregory are full of Instances of Bishops whom he cited to Rome, to give * 1.59 an account of their Conduct, or condemn'd for not appearing; or absolv'd when they did appear; or depos'd or enjoyn'd to do Pennance. We may consult beside those already men∣tion'd, the Fifty sixth Letter of the first Book, by which he Summons the Bishop of Chalons, to come and clear himself at Rome: The Fifty seventh, by which he orders the Bishop of Pavia, to come to him with the Marquiss Aso, accus'd of Incest with that Bishop's Sister. This Woman's Name was Matilda, which gave occasion to some Authors, to think her to be the same with the Princess Matilda, the Wife of Godfrey. But she was quite another Woman; for she whom we speak of, was the Sister of William Bishop of Pavia, who had Marry'd her Kinsman Aso, before the Death of Godfrey, the Princess Matilda's Husband. The Pope wrote to her by the Thirty sixth Letter of the second Book to part from Aso, till such time as she should prove in the Synod of Rome, that the Marquiss was not her Kinsman. And by the Thirty fifth Letter, he likewise cited William Bishop of Pavia upon the same account. These two Letters are dated December the 16th, 1074.

Sometimes Gregory VII. Commission'd Bishops upon the places to pass a definitive Sen∣tence * 1.60 upon the Affairs in dispute. Thus he committed to the Arch-bishops of Bourges and Tours, the Determination of the Process between the Monastery of Dol, and the Abbey of S. Sulpicius, by the Ninth Letter of the second Book: To Richerus Arch-bishop of Sens, by the Twentieth Letter of the same Book, the correcting of Lancelin, who had injur'd the Arch-bishop of Tours.

By the Sixteenth Letter of the fourth Book, he referr'd to Hugh Bishop of Dia, the Tryal of the Difference which was between the Clergy of Romagne, and the Arch-bishop of Vi∣enna.

In the Twentieth of the same Book, he referr'd to Josefroy Bishop of Paris, the Abso∣lution of several Persons excommunicated by the Arch-bishop of Rheims, and granted him power to Absolve them, in case he found them innocent, if that Arch-bishop would not do it.

In the One and twentieth, he referr'd to Herman Bishop of Metz, the Tryal of the Pro∣cess between the Bishop of Liege, and the Abbot of S. Lawrence, who having been turn'd out of his Monastery by the Bishop, had Appeal'd to the Holy See.

In the Fourth Letter of the sixth Book, he referr'd to the Arch-bishop of Treves and the Bishop of Metz, the Cause of one who complain'd that he had been unjustly excommunicat∣ed by the Bishop of Liege.

In the Fifth of the same Book, he advises Herman Bishop of Metz, to assist the Bishop of Toul, whom he had order'd to call a Council of six Bishops, to clear himself Cononically of what had been laid to his charge.

By the Thirty ninth of the same Book, he referr'd to the Bishop of Cumae, the Tryal of the Election of the Bishop of Pergamo.

By the Eight and twentieth Letter of the seventh Book, he committed to the Bishop of Benevento, and the Abbot of Mount Cassin, the Tryal of an Armenian Heretick.

By the Nineteenth Letter of the ninth Book, he referr'd to the Arch-bishop of Lions, the Tryal of the Cause of an Abbot, who produc'd a Grant of Alexander II. which prov'd that he had been falsly accus'd.

By the Two and twentieth of the same Book, he referr'd to a Council of the Province, to be held in the presence of his Legats, the Tryal of the Count of Angiers, excom∣municated by the Arch-bishop of Tours, upon the account of a Concubine which he kept.

He referr'd to the same Arch-bishop, by the Thirty second Letter of the same Book, the Cause of the Bishop of Terrouanne, who being favour'd by the Count of Flanders, had broke open the Church, and offer'd several Violences. You may consult on this Subject the Thirteenth, Two and thirtieth, Three and thirtieth, and Four and thirtieth Letters of the ninth Book, and the First of the eleventh.

By the Thirty first of the same Book, he referr'd to a Bishop the Tryal of the Difference which was between the Clergy of Autun, and the Monks of Fleury, about a Privilege which the latter pretended to.

To conclude, there were scarce any Controversies in the Diocesses between the Bishops * 1.61 and their Clerks, or Monks, and even Laicks themselves, which Gregory VII. was not mind∣ed to take Cognizance of, to try at Rome, and to oblige the Bishops to put his Sentence into Execution, as may be seen by a great many Letters, about several Subjects.

In the Fifty fourth of the first Book, he orders against the Bishop of Poitiers, that the Canons of that City shall observe their usual Custom concerning their Stations upon the Feasts of S. Hilary, and All-Saints In the One and twentieth of the second Book, he en∣joyns the Abbot of Beauieu, to be obedient to the Arch-bishop of Tours; and that if he thought he had any Reason not to be subject to him, he should come to Rome, and make his Pretensions good. In the Two and twentieth, he enjoyns Hugh, Knight of S. Maur,

to restore to the Arch-bishop of Tours the Revenues of his Church, which he had taken away from him: And in case that he thought that they belong'd to him, to come to Rome to demand Justice in the case. In the Five and twentieth, he orders the Bishop of Cologne to Try the Difference which was between the Bishop of Osnabrux and the Abbot of Corbey in Saxony, upon condition that if he could not determine it, he would send them to his Sy∣nod of Rome. In the Thirty third, he reproves the Bishop of Turin for not coming to the Sy∣nod of Rome, and for having offer'd an Injury to the Monastery of S. Michael.

By the Sixty fourth and Sixty fifth Letters of the second Book, dated March the 25th, in the Year, 1075. he orders that the Accusation which the Monks of S. Dennis in France had brought against their Abbot, shall be Try'd by his Legats, or in a Synod of Rome. He like∣wise call'd to Rome by the Sixty ninth, the Contest which was between the Bishop of Turin, and the Monks of the Monastery of S. Michael; this Letter is dated April the 9th, in the same year. By the Thirteenth Letter of the third Book, he determines a Difference which was between the Church of Roscelle and the Church of Piombino, in favour of the for∣mer.

There was at that time a great Contest in the Church of Orleans, concerning a Deanery, * 1.62 between the Bishop and his Prebendaries. The Cause having been brought before Pope Alex∣ander, he had determin'd it in favour of Josceline, whom the Prebendaries were for, and excommunicated Everard whom the Bishop had favour'd. Notwithstanding this Sentence, the Bishop of Orleans had still supported Everard, and was likewise accus'd of having re∣ceiv'd Mony for the Collation of a Prebendship, the Revenue whereof was appropriated to the maintenance of the Poor: Gregory VII. being inform'd of it, in the first place cited Everard to Rome, by the Fifty second Letter of the second Book, dated March the 1st, 1075. and afterwards having confirm'd the Sentence pass'd by his Predecessor against him, he wrote to the Bishop of Orleans to turn him out, to put Josceline into Possession of the Prebendship then in question, and to suffer the Poor to enjoy the Revenue of that Pre∣bendship which belong'd to them; if not, he threatned to excommunicate him; and at the same time he order'd Richerus Arch-bishop of Sens to do it, if he did not submit. These two Letters are the Sixteenth and Seventeenth of the third Book, dated in April 1076. The Bishop of Orleans returning no answer to Gregory, that Pope wrote a second time to the Arch-bishop of Sens, ordering him to thunder out the Excommunication against that Bishop, unless he assur'd him upon Oath, that he had not come to the least knowlege of the Pope's Letter; and he order'd him to come to Rome along with the Parties con∣cern'd in that Affair. He likewise by this Letter Commissions Richerus Arch-bishop of Sens, not only to take Cognizance of this, but also of several other Matters which concern'd the Churches of France. This is the Subject Matter of the Ninth Letter of the fourth Book, dated November the 2d, in the same year.

The Bishop of Orleans did not much regard all these Menaces of the Pope, and caus'd the Person who brought his Letters to be apprehended. Gregory enrag'd at this proceeding, wrote to the Arch bishop of Sens and Bourges, ordering them to cite him before them at a place which they should appoint him; and if he continu'd Refractory, to depose him, and put Sanzon in his place: He likewise advertiz'd the Bishop of Orleans, that he had given this Order. These are the Eighth and Ninth Letters of the fifth Book, dated October the 6th, 1077. This Sanzon was elected in pursuance of this Order, and the Pope by the Fourteenth Letter of the same Book, dated January the 28th, in the Year, 1078. orders the Clergy and Laity of Orleans to acknowldge him: However, by another Letter dated April the 24th, which is the Twentieth of the same Book, he writes to Rainier, who was the depos'd Bishop of Orleans, ordering him to appear at the Synod which should be ap∣pointed by Hugh Bishop of Dia, and Hugh Abbot of Cluny, in order to receive a final Sentence. Lastly, By the Three and twentieth of the sixth Book, dated March the 5th, 1079. he acquaints the People of Orleans that he approv'd of the Election of Sanzon, but that he could not confirm him in Form, till such time as he should send Legats upon the place.

Robert Abbot of S. Euphemia in Calabria, had been nominated by the King of France to * 1.63 the Bishoprick of Chartres. Gregory VII. who lik'd not such sort of Nominations, and look'd upon them as Simonaical, charg'd him by his Legat to quit his Bishoprick. But Robert was not very forward to obey; whereupon the Pope declar'd him to have for∣feited his Title to it, order'd the People of Chartres to elect another Bishop, and en∣joyn'd Richerus Arch-bishop of Sens and his Suffragans to see this Order put in Exe∣cution. You may consult the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Letters of the Fourth Book, dated March the 4th, 1077. However, by a Letter directed to Hugh of Dia, which is the Eleventh of the Fifth Book, he gave that Bishop orders to examine into that bu∣siness, and to make his Report thereof to him.

Stephen Bishop of Annecy had the same fortune. Hugh of Dia the Pope's Legat excommu∣nicated * 1.64 him, and Gregory ratified his Sentence by two Letters; the one written to the Cler∣gy of Annecy, and the other to the Bishops of France, which are the Eighteenth and Nine∣teenth of the Fourth Book, dated March the 23d, in the Year, 1077.

The Arch-bishop of Roan being grown infirm and uncapable of governing his Diocess, Gregory VII. sent him one Hubert a Subdeacon, to enquire whether things were so or no, and to perswade him to give his Consent, that another be put in his place, if he were ca∣pable * 1.65 of giving such a Consent; and in case he were wholly infirm, to cause another to be elected. This is what he acquaints the King of England with, by the Nineteenth Letter of the fifth Book, dated April the 4th, 1078.

The Canons of the Castle of S. Paul and S. Omer, having sent Deputies to Rome, to com∣plain * 1.66 of the Counts Hubert, Guy and Hugh, who had seiz'd upon some Revenues which be∣long'd to them; the Pope wrote to these Counts, ordering them to make Restitution, ac∣cording as it had been enjoyn'd in a Council held at Poitiers by Hugh of Dia, or else to justify their Pretensions to these Revenues before that Legat within the space of forty Days. If they would not obey, he order'd the Defenders of the Church to re-enter upon the Premisses, and the Canons of Terrouanne to see that this Sentence be put in Execution. This is the Subject Matter of the Eighth and Ninth Letters of the sixth Book, dated November the 25th. 1079.

In the Seventh and Eighth Letters of the sixth Book, he approves of the Election which * 1.67 the Monks of Marseilles had made of Cardinal Richard for their Abbot: He declares to them that he wish'd that that Monastery were united to the Monastery of S. Paul.

We will conclude the Account of the Letters of Gregory VII. with several Points of Ec∣clesiastical and Monastical Discipline, which he decided, and of which we have had no op∣portunity of speaking.

In the Fifth Letter of the first Book, directed to Rainier Arch-bishop of Florence, he de∣termines that a Woman who had Marry'd one of her Kinsmen, and was become a Widow, ought not to receive her Dowry from any part of her Husband's Revenue, nor to have any advantage of that Marriage, which was in its own nature Null.

In the Four and twentieth Letter of the first Book, he recommends to the Bishop of Ve∣rona a constant Submission to the Holy See, and promises him the Pall, provided he would come in his proper Person to Rome: Because his Predecessors had order'd that the Pall should be bestow'd only on Persons who were present. This Letter bears date September the 24th, 1073.

In the Four and thirtieth Letter of the same Book, directed to the Bishop of Lincoln, he determines that according to the Opinions of the Fathers, a Priest who had been guilty of Homicide, ought no longer to attend at the Service of the Altar; but he is willing that in case he be truly Penitent, a Subsistence should be allow'd him out of the Ecclesiastical Con∣tributions. Afterwards he gives that Bishop Absolution of all his Sins.

In the Seven and fortieth of the same Book, he exhorts the Princess Matilda to frequent Communion, and to bear a due Respect and Devotion to the blessed Vir∣gin.

In the Eight and fortieth, he enjoyns that a Woman accus'd by her Husband of Adul∣tery, shall be admitted to justify her Innocence.

In the Sixty fifth, he reproves the People of Ragusa for having first apprehended Vitalius their Bishop, and then elected another in his room. He enjoyns them to set him at Liberty, and to suffer his Cause to be try'd by the Arch-bishop of Siponto, whom he had Commission'd for that very purpose, with a Charge that if it could not be determin'd upon the place, they should send to Rome their old Bishop, and him whom they had newly elected, that so he might decide the Controversy between them.

In the Seven and fortieth of the second Book, he acquaints the Lord Rainier, that he had order'd the Bishop of Chiusi, to turn out of the Provostship of a Church, a Priest who had been Condemn'd by his Predecessor Alexander, and whom that Bishop would re-establish in defiance to the Authority of the Holy See.

In the Eight and fortieth, he orders two of his Legats to prevent a Man who had kill'd his Brother, from Marrying till he had done Pennance.

By the Fiftieth, he determines that one who is not Born in lawful Wedlock, cannot be ad∣vanc'd to the Episcopacy, because 'tis contrary to the Canons. He likewise therein de∣clares, that he would not accept of the Resignation of the Bishop of Arragon, who had de∣sir'd to relinquish his Bishoprick because of his Infirmities. He says, that he had advis'd him to make use of an Ecclesiastick to take care of the Temporalities of his Diocess, and to apply himself wholly to Spiritual Affairs with the assistance of his Neighbouring Bi∣shops; and that if his Infirmities continu'd upon him longer than an Year, and he were no longer capable of discharging his Episcopal Functions, one might with the Consent of the Clergy of that Church accept of his Resignation, and ordain in his stead the Person who should be elected to assist him in the Government of his Diocess, if he were fit for that Dignity. This Letter is directed to Sancho King of Arragon, and bears date January the 25th, 1075.

In the Seventy seventh Letter of the same Book, directed to Gebehard Arch-bishop of Salz∣bourg, he advertises that Arch-bishop, that he ought not to detain the Tenths of a certain Ter∣ritory, wherein a Bishoprick had been founded in the time of Alexander II.

In the Sixth Letter of the fourth Book, he determines that one cannot communicate with a dead Bishop who is excommunicate, nor pray for him: And he absolves him in case that he had involuntarily Subscrib'd to what the Emperor had acted against the Church. And in the Eighth Letter of the same Book, he orders Absolution to be given at the point of Death to an excommunicate Bishop, if he requir'd it, even before he had finish'd the Pen∣nance assign'd him.

In the Tenth Letter of the same Book, directed to the Countess of Flanders, he declares that the Clerks who kept Concubines, ought not to be tolerated to say Mass, or celebrate any Divine Office. And in the Twentieth and several others he says, That the People ought not to assist them therein.

In the First Letter of the fifth Book, he reproves the Canons of Lucca for having bought their Benefices, and interdicts all those who had given Mony for being Instituted and in∣ducted into a great Church, and prohibits them from holding such Benefices.

In the Thirteenth, Fifteenth and Sixteenth of the same Book, he determines that the Elections of Bishops ought to be done by the Clergy and Laity, with an unanimous Free∣dom and Consent.

In the Eleventh Letter of the sixth Book, he enjoyns the Canons of S. Martins of Lucca to live Regularly and in Common, or at least to allow their Bishop a Prebendship for the Neces∣sities of the Church.

In the Six and thirtieth of the same Book, he threatens to excommunicate those who should buy Benefices. In the Thirty fourth, he had reckon'd up three sorts of Simony, viz. a Manu, ab obsequio, a lingua: The first sort is when one gives Mony either in ones own Person, or by others, for the obtaining a Benefice. The second is when in hopes of a Be∣nefice one does some signal Service to a Patron, who bestows it by way of Recompence for that Service. The third is when one Petitions, or causes another in ones behalf to Petition for a Benefice, and when one obtains it by Recommendation.

In the Second Letter of the seventh Book, he declares the Canons who disobey their Bi∣shop, to have for ever forfeited their Benefices, and forbids both Clergy and Laity from communicating with them.

In the Tenth of the same Book, he desires that the Canonical Discipline of Pennance should be re-establish'd in England, and sends a Legat thither for that purpose. He therein declares that that Pennance is Hypocritical, which is not attended with an amendment of Life.

In the Eleventh he would not permit Divine Service to be celebrated among the Sclavo∣nians in their own Language.

In the Thirteenth, he orders the Bishop of Verdun to enjoyn a Count Pennance, who had Robb'd a Bishop of Liege in his Journey to Rome, and to anathematize him, in case he would not submit to the Pennance.

In the Eighth Letter of the eighth Book, he congratulates the Bishop of Salerno, for having found the Relicks of S. Matthew, and exhorts him to shew them the Veneration which they deserve.

In the Tenth of the same Book, it is observ'd that the Legat of the Holy See in Sar∣dinia, oblig'd a Grecian Arch-bishop to cut off his Beard; the which Gregory approv'd of.

In the Fifteenth of the same Book, he declares that he had order'd a Bishop of Italy, who had without just cause relinquish'd his Bishoprick, to retire to the Monastery of Mount Cassin, and to stay there till such time as it was determin'd what should be done with him. But that Bishop instead of obeying him, re-enter'd upon his Church without his permission: Wherefore he prohibits his Clergy from acknowledging him for their Bishop, and from obeying him.

In the Second Letter of the fourth Book, and in the One and twentieth of the eighth, he un∣dertakes to prove that the Popes might excommunicate Kings and Sovereign Princes, and even absolve their Subjects from the Oath of Allegiance taken to them. But all the Authorities and Arguments which he makes use of to prove the Latter, are such as are either Suppo∣sititious, or founded on false Matters of Fact, or such as conclude nothing.

In the First Letter of the ninth Book, he reproves the Arch-bishop of Roan, for not having sent to desire the Pall from the Holy See, and prohibits him from performing any Ordina∣tion, or any Consecration of the Church, till such time as he should receive it from thence. This is the first Instance we meet with of the Popes obliging Arch-bishops to take the Pall, under the Penalty of being depos'd till they should receive them.

In the Four and twentieth of the same Book, he refus'd to ordain a Bishop of Malta, be∣cause that Ordination belong'd to the Bishop of Reatino.

With respect to the Monastical Discipline, Gregory VII. apply'd himself chiefly to preserve * 1.68 or increase the Exemptions and Privileges of Monasteries, or to regulate the Differences which happen'd between the Abbots, the Religious and the Bishops. We have already men∣tion'd several of these kind of Causes, which he Try'd himself at Rome, or referr'd to his Le∣gats, or to other Commissaries upon the place. We will now relate some others which we have not had occasion to speak of.

By the Two and thirtieth Letter of the first Book, dated November the 27th, 1073. he orders the Bishop of Chartres to re-establish Isimbard Abbot of S. Laumer, who had quitted his Abbey to go to Jerusalem, in case he were guilty of no other Fault, and to turn out Guy, who had been put in his place, and who, they said, had not so much Piety as Isim∣bard, nor was so proper to govern that Monastery.

In the Three and thirtieth, dated the next Day, he writes word to the Religious of the Monastery of Saint Mary, in the Diocess of Tortone, that he was not willing to confirm the Privilege, which being under the Name of Alexander II. had been presented to him, by Benedict whom they had elected their Abbot in the room of Hubert; since he had discover'd it to be forg'd upon these two Accounts, first because it had false Latin in it, and secondly because it contain'd something in it contrary to the Intention of the Canons: That he did not think it advisable to grant them a new one, till the Church of Tortone had a Bishop elected according to the Canon, by whose consent he might grant them a Privilege conformable to the Ecclesiastical Authority. With respect to him whom they had elected for their Abbot, he acquaints them, that he did not think him proper for that Place, by reason of his great Age, and his Infirmities, and that he had advised him to resign it.

In the One and fiftieth Letter of the first Book, he reprimands the Abbot of S. Severus, for not appearing at the Synod of Rome, to answer the Complaints preferr'd against him, concerning the Monastery of the Holy Cross, from which this Abbot was minded to take a Church. He prohibits him from giving that Monastery any disturbance, and orders him if he thought he had Reason for what he did, to come to the Synod held in November with the Abbot of the Holy Cross. This Letter is dated March the 14th, in the Year, 1074.

By the Sixty sixth, Sixty seventh, Sixty eighth, Seventy second, Eighty first, Eighty se∣cond Letters of the same Book; by the Fifteenth, Seventeenth, Forty sixth, Fifty ninth, Sixtieth, and Sixty first of the second Book; by the Twenty fourth, Twenty fifth, Thirty first, and Thirty third of the sixth Book; by the Seventeenth, Eighteenth, Nineteenth, and Twenty fourth of the seventh Book; and by the Sixth, Seventh, and Twenty ninth of the ninth Book, he vindicates the Privilege of several Monasteries against the Bishops, or any other Persons who seiz'd on their Revenues, and had done any prejudice to their Rights or Immunities.

Thus have we given you a full Account of the Actions, Conduct, Life, Writings, Sen∣tences, and Determinations of Gregory VII. during his Pontificate, extracted out of his Let∣ters, wherein he has describ'd his own Character, and discover'd what his Sentiments and Designs were. They are in all 359. which Compose a Register divided into Nine Books, con∣taining all the Letters which he wrote from April 1073, to the Year, 1082. 'Tis observ'd that there was a Tenth Book, but 'tis lost: That which is call'd the Eleventh, contains only one entire Letter, and the Fragment of another, which may be connected with Seven or Eight other Letters extracted out of Lanfrank, and S. Anselm, or other Authors.

The Judgments which have been pass'd on the Person, Conduct, Manners and Genius of * 1.69 Gregory VII. have been wholly contrary to each other. His Partisans have represented him to us as a Man very Religious and Pious, Just, Equitable, Humble, Patient, Unblameable both in his Life and Morals; a learned Canonist and a good Divine, Zealous for the Welfare of the Church, a Lover of Discipline, an Enemy to Vice, a Protector of the Innocent, an undaunted Defender of the Ecclesiastical Rights and Privileges, and a faithful Imitator of Gregory the Great in his Pastoral Care. His Enemies on the contrary have made him pass for a cruel, ambitious, and perfidious Man, who having seiz'd by force on the Papal Chair, had put the whole Church into Confusion to gratify his Ambition, and to attain to his De∣signs; who without respect to the Royal Majesty or to the Sacerdotal Dignity, had a Mind to make Kings his Slaves, and Bishops his Creatures, by depriving the one of their States, and by unjustly Condemning the others, that he might afterwards give them Absolution: Who had utterly overturn'd the Discipline of the Church, by being willing to establish in his own Person a Monarchy, or rather Tyranny over things both Spiritual and Temporal: Who had advanc'd this unheard of Error so far as to maintain, that Popes might by Ex∣communicating Kings and Princes, divest them of their States, and absolve their Subjects from the Oath of Alliegance taken to them: Who had thunder'd out so many Excommuni∣cations, and extended them so far, that there was scarce a Man in his time who was sure of not being excommunicated. I omit speaking of the other gross Enormities with which they charg'd him; such as his being guilty of Sorcery, of holding a dishonest Familiarity with the Princess Matilda, and of being in the same Error as Berenger was about the Eu∣charist. There is no doubt to be made but that the Zeal of the One, and the Passion of the Others, carry'd them both into Extreams. To pass therefore a right Judgment upon him, it must be acknowledg'd that this Pope was a great Genius, capable of great Things, con∣stant and undaunted in the execution of his Designs, well vers'd in the Constitutions of his Predecessors, Zealous for the Interests of the Holy See, an Enemy to Simony and Li∣bertinism, Vices which he strongly oppos'd, full of Christian Thoughts and Zeal for the Reformation of the Manners of the Clergy; and there is not the least Colour to think that

he was tainted in his own Morals. But it must likewise be confess'd, that he was advanc'd to the Papal Chair a little too Precipitately: That his Zeal to promote the Grandeur of the Holy See catry'd him to undertake such things as were unreasonable and beyond his Power: That he was the Cause of great Disturbances both in the Church and in the Em∣pire: That he assum'd to himself a Power over Kings and their States, which he never had: And that he carry'd the Ecclesiastical Authority of the Holy See beyond its due Bounds. This is the Judgment which we suppose every one will pass upon him, who shall read over his Letters with a disinterested and unprejudic'd Mind. In short, they are penn'd with a great deal of Eloquence, full of good Matter, and embellish'd with noble and pious Thoughts: And we may boldly say, that no Pope since Gregory I. wrote such strong and fine Letters as this last Gregory did.

We find among his Letters, after the Fifty fifth of the second Book, a piece Intituled, DICTATUS PAPAE. i. e. An Edict of the Pope, or Papal Decisions; which contains Se∣ven * 1.70 and twenty Propositions, concerning the Rights of the Holy See, some Feign'd and some True. The Summary of them is as follows. (1.) That the Church of Rome ows its Foundation to none but God alone. (2.) That no other Person beside the Pope of Rome has a Right to be call'd UNIVERSAL BISHOP. (3.) That 'tis he alone who can de∣pose Bishops and re-establish them. (4.) That his Legat ought in Council to preside over all Bishops, even tho' he be inferior to them in Dignity; and that he may pronounce a Sen∣tence of Deposition against them. (5.) That the Pope may depose even absent Bishops. (6.) That no Man ought to live in the same House with them whom he has excommuni∣cated. (7.) That 'tis Lawful for him alone to make new Laws, when Times require it, to found new Churches, to turn a Canonship into an Abbey, to divide a Rich Bishoprick in∣to two, and to consolidate Poor ones. (8.) That 'tis he alone, who can wear the imperial Robes. (9.) That all Princes should kiss the Pope's Feet, and that 'tis to him alone they ought to pay this Honor. (10.) That his Name alone is to be repeated in the Churches. (11.) That there is no other Name but his in the World (that is, according to some, that to him alone belongs the Name of Pope; an Explication which seems to be very much strain'd. (12.) That 'tis lawful for him to depose Emperors. (13.) That he has the Power of Translating Bishops from one Bishoprick to another, when there is a necessity for it. (14.) That he can ordain a Clerk in any Church whatsoever. (15.) That a Clerk whom he has ordain'd, may enter into another Church; but that he cannot be oblig'd to serve there; and that he cannot be promoted to a superior Order by any other Bishop. (16.) That no general Council ought to be held without his Order. (17.) That no Book can be Canoni∣cal without his Authority. (18.) That his Judgment ought to be corrected by none, and that he can correct the Judgments of all other Persons. (19.) That no Person ought to Judge him. (20.) That no Person whatsoever dare to Condemn him, who appeals to the Holy See. (21.) That the Cognizance of the most material Causes of all Churches belongs to him. (22.) That the Church of Rome has always been, and will always be Infallible, ac∣cording to the Testimony of the Scriptures. (23.) That the Pope of Rome ordain'd Cano∣nically, becomes unquestionably HOLY by the Merits of S. Peter, according to the Te∣stimony of Ennodius Bishop of Pavia, approv'd of by several Saints, and as it is recorded in the Decretals of Pope Symmachus. (24.) That by his permission 'tis lawful for Inferiours to accuse Superiors. (25.) That he can depose and re-establish Bishops without calling a Synod. (26.) That he who does not agree with the Church of Rome, is no true Catholick. (27.) That he can declare the Subjects of wicked Princes, absolv'd from the Oath of Allie∣gance, which they have taken to them.

This Piece has no relation to the Letter which preceeds it, nor to that which follows it; and we have not the least proof that it was made in the Council of Rome in the Year, 1076. as Baronius pretends. Nor is it probable that it belongs to Gregory VII. For tho' there be in this Collection several Propositions which have relation to what he wrote in his Letters, yet there are a great many which he never advanc'd, nor approv'd of. There are like∣wise some of them that are equivocal, others express'd in odious Terms, and others Into∣lerable. They are almost all of them drawn up so ill, that one cannot say Gregory VII. who had a good Genius, was the Author of them. This is what inclines me to believe that 'tis the Work of one who was an Enemy to Gregory, who was minded to render his Doctrin odious, by comprehending it in these Seven and twenty Propositions drawn up at random, which bear some resemblance to the Genius and Manners of that Pope. If this Conjecture be not agreeable to some, we may say that 'tis the Work of some Roman bigot∣ted to the Maxims of the Court of Rome, who suppos'd he might deduce these Propositions from the Letters of Gregory VII. and made this Collection of them, which has been since inserted in the Register of that Pope. Let the Case be how it will, one cannot say with∣out injustice to Gregory, that 'tis his Piece, nor maintain all these Propositions without doing injury to the Holy See.

'Tis to be observ'd, that the Commentary upon the Seven Penitential Psalms, ascrib'd to Gregory the Great, was compos'd in the Time of Gregory VII. because the Author of this Com∣mentary speaks in three places, viz. in Psal. 5. v. 9, 26. and in Psal. 27. against an Em∣peror

of his Days, whom he accuses of renewing Simony in the Church; of having di∣sturb'd it by a dangerous Schism, of having a Mind to make it his Slave; of having seiz'd upon what belong'd to it; of making himself Master of the Church of Rome, and of having * 1.71 begun to exercise his Power against it. This has inclin'd many to believe that 'tis the Work of Gregory VII. which his Name made others think that it belong'd to Gregory the Great: But the Style of this Piece does not seem so elegant as the Style of that Pope: How∣ever perhaps he might be more remiss in a Work of this Nature. There is in England a Commentary upon S. Mathew in Manuscript, which is ascribed to Gregory VII. and which they say he compos'd whilst he was only a simple Religious: But it has never yet been Publish'd.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Gregory VII.
• * 1.2

  An Account of the Dif∣ference be∣tween Henry and Gregory VII.
• * 1.3

  The Coun∣cil of Rome in the Year, 1074.
• * 1.4

  The Coun∣cil of Rome in the Year 1075.
• * 1.5

  The Pope is Arrested by Cincius.
• * 1.6

  King Hen∣ry's Let∣ter.
• * 1.7

  The Let∣ter of Thi∣erry Bi∣shop of Verdun. The Let∣ter of En∣gelbert Arch-bi∣shop of Treves. The Assem∣bly of Worms against Gregory VII. held in the Year, 1076.
• * 1.8

  The Coun∣cil of Romé a∣gainst Henry in the Year, 1076.
• * 1.9

  The Con∣vention at Oppen∣heim.
• * 1.10

  King Hen∣ry's Jour∣ney into Italy.
• * 1.11

  The Com∣plaints which the Lombards made of Henry's Conduct.
• * 1.12

  The Con∣vention at Forcheim, where Ra∣dulphus is Elected King.
• * 1.13

  The Coun∣cil of Rome in the Year, 1078.
• * 1.14

  The Coun∣cil of Rome, December 1078.
• * 1.15

  The Coun∣cil of Rome, in the Year 1079.
• * 1.16

  The Coun∣cil of Rome in the Year 1080. wherein Henry is excommu∣nicated and depos'd by the Pope.
• * 1.17

  The Coun∣cil of Bresse a∣gainst Gre∣gory VII.
• * 1.18

  Clement III. the Anti-Pope.
• * 1.19

  The Let∣ter of Hen∣ry to Gre∣gory VII.
• * 1.20

  The prepa∣rations of War be∣tween Hen, and Gre.
• * 1.21

  Henry de∣feats Ra∣dulphus.
• * 1.22

  Henry's Expedition into Italy, and the Siege of Rome.
• * 1.23

  Henry re∣turns into Germany.
• * 1.24

  Gregory VII. is set at liberty by the Nor∣mans.
• * 1.25

  The Con∣vention at Berchach.
• * 1.26

  The Con∣vention at Quinti∣lineburgh.
• * 1.27

  The Con∣vention as Mayence.
• * 1.28

  The Death of Grego∣ry VII.
• * 1.29

  The Dif∣ference be∣tween Gregory VII. and Philip I. King of France.
• * 1.30

  The Judg∣ments pass'd by Hugh Bi∣shop of Dia.
• * 1.31

  The Let∣ters of Gregory relating to England.
• * 1.32

  The Pre∣tensions of Gregory VII. upon Spain.
• * 1.33

  The Pre∣tensions of Gregory to the Kingdoms newly con∣verted.
• * 1.34

  The Pre∣tensions of Gregory to Hun∣gary.
• * 1.35

  The Let∣ters of Gregory to the Kings of Denmark.
• * 1.36

  The Let∣ters of Gregory sent to Po∣land and Russia.
• * 1.37

  The Let∣ters of Gregory sent to Nor∣way and Dalmatia.
• * 1.38

  The Let∣ters of Gregory concerning Bohemia.
• * 1.39

  The Pre∣tensions of Gregory to Italy.
• * 1.40

  The Con∣quests of the Nor∣mans in Italy.
• * 1.41

  The Diffe∣rences and Agreement of Grego∣ry VII. with the Normans.
• * 1.42

  The Pre∣tentions of Gregory VII. to Sardinia and Corfu.
• * 1.43

  The Oath of Fidelity exacted by Gregory VII. from the Princes of Italy.
• * 1.44

  The Project of the CROI∣SADE set on foot by Grego∣ry VII.
• * 1.45

  The Let∣ters of Gregory sent into Africa.
• * 1.46

  The Let∣ters of Gregory VII. against the Errors charg'd up∣on the Ar∣menians.
• * 1.47

  Legats sent by Gre∣gory VII. to several Parts.
• * 1.48

  Councils held in France, by Hugh Bishop of Dia, in the Year, 1077.
• * 1.49

  The Coun∣cil of Poitiers, in the Year, 1078.
• * 1.50

  The Can∣ons of the Council of Poitiers.
• * 1.51

  The Coun∣cils of Avignon and Meaux in the Year, 1080. The Coun∣cil of Meaux, in the Year, 1082.
• * 1.52

  Vicars of the Popes in France.
• * 1.53

  The erect∣ing the Pri∣macy of Lions, by Gregory VII.
• * 1.54

  The Rights or Privi∣leges of the Pri∣mates of France.
• * 1.55

  The Cause of Ma∣nasses Arch-bishop of Rheims.
• * 1.56

  The Cause of the Arch-bishop of Tours, and the Bi∣shop of Dol.
• * 1.57

  The Cause of the Bi∣shop of Toul.
• * 1.58

  The Cause of William Duke of Aquitain.
• * 1.59

  The Causes which Gre∣gory VII. hear'd and try'd at Rome.
• * 1.60

  Causes re∣ferr'd by the Pope to his Legats.
• * 1.61

  The Causes cited to, and Judg'd at Rome by Gregory VII.
• * 1.62

  The Cause of Eve∣rard Dean of Orleans
• * 1.63

  The Cause of Robert, nominated to the Bi∣shoprick of Chartres.
• * 1.64

  The Cause of the Bi∣shop of Annecy.
• * 1.65

  The Cause of the Arch-bishop of Roan.
• * 1.66

  The Cause of the Ca∣nons of S. Omers.
• * 1.67

  Cardinal Richard elected Ab∣bot of Mar∣seilles. The Let∣ters of Gregory VII. con∣cerning Discipline.
• * 1.68

  The Let∣ters of Gregory VII. con∣cerning Monastical Discipline.
• * 1.69

  The various Judgments pass'd upon Gregory VII.
• * 1.70

  An Exa∣men of the Decree said to be∣long to Gregory VII.
• * 1.71

  Other Writings of Gregory VII.