The history of popery, or, Pacquet of advice from Rome the fourth volume containing the lives of eighteen popes and the most remarkable occurrences in the church, for near one hundred and fifty years, viz. from the beginning of Wickliff's preaching, to the first appearance of Martin Luther, intermixt with several large polemical discourses, as whether the present Church of Rome be to be accounted a Church of Christ, whether any Protestant may be present at Mass and other important subjects : together with continued courants, or innocent reflections weekly on the distempers of the times.

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Title
The history of popery, or, Pacquet of advice from Rome the fourth volume containing the lives of eighteen popes and the most remarkable occurrences in the church, for near one hundred and fifty years, viz. from the beginning of Wickliff's preaching, to the first appearance of Martin Luther, intermixt with several large polemical discourses, as whether the present Church of Rome be to be accounted a Church of Christ, whether any Protestant may be present at Mass and other important subjects : together with continued courants, or innocent reflections weekly on the distempers of the times.
Author
Care, Henry, 1646-1688.
Publication
London :: Printed for, and are to be sold by Langley Curtis ...,
1682.
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Subject terms
Catholic Church -- History -- Modern period, 1500-
Catholic Church -- Relations -- Church of England.
Popes -- Biography.
Link to this Item
http://name.umdl.umich.edu/A69775.0001.001
Cite this Item
"The history of popery, or, Pacquet of advice from Rome the fourth volume containing the lives of eighteen popes and the most remarkable occurrences in the church, for near one hundred and fifty years, viz. from the beginning of Wickliff's preaching, to the first appearance of Martin Luther, intermixt with several large polemical discourses, as whether the present Church of Rome be to be accounted a Church of Christ, whether any Protestant may be present at Mass and other important subjects : together with continued courants, or innocent reflections weekly on the distempers of the times." In the digital collection Early English Books Online. https://name.umdl.umich.edu/A69775.0001.001. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed June 13, 2024.

Pages

Page 209

The Weekly Pacquet OF Advice from Rome: OR, The History of POPERY. (Book 27)

The Fourth Volume. FRIDAY, June 23. 1682. (Book 27)

Tu Portentorum locus es, conformis eorum, Cum Nilo portenta paris, nutris Crocodilos.
Theodor. à Nyem. L. 3. Ca. 41. ad Romam.

The Papal History after the Council of Constance, prosecuted. The loud complaints of Clemangis and other learned Godly men of the miserable corruptions of the Church in those Times. The Life of Martin the V. His tricks to avoid a Reformation, he dispenses with a man to Marry his own Sister.

THough we have made a long, yet perhaps neither al∣together useless nor unseasonable digression, to give our Country-men a true Idea of the Church of Rome, and what a necessity there is incumbent on all true Christians to abandon her Communion, and not pollute their Souls by mixing with her damnable Idolatries and Super∣stitions: We must remember to return and reassume the inter∣mitted not neglected Thred of Papal History. Which the Reader may remember we diverted from Numb. the 8. concluding with the flagitious and detestable Life and justly deserv'd deposal of

Page 210

that most Holy Monster John the 23d. lias the 24th. and that most scandalous tug for the uerring Chair, which for several years depended between him, and Gregory and Benedict his two Com∣petitors, who being at last all three cashier'd by the Council of Constance: In their stead was set up Otho Colonna, by the name of Martin the 5th. The beginning of whose Popedome their best Chronologies assign to the Year of our Lord 1417.

But before we proceed to the particular story of his Life, it will be necessary for clearing some passages that we may meet with therein, to take a brief review of the lamentable state and condition of the Church in general, in and about those times, which we find so sensibly described and bewail'd by several pious learned men of that Age, that their complaints seem rather writ with Tears of Blood than Ink.

Amongst these, Clemangis Arch-Deacon of Bayeux in France, for his courage and zeal to truth, deserves to lead the Van; His Book De Corrupto Ecclesiae Statu, of the corrupt Estate of the Church, as it was produced at the Council of Constance, so it well deserves every studious Gentlemans Reading, that would fully satisfy him∣self touching the horrid abominations of Rome. I shall only select a few passages,—Having set forth by what steps and degrees the Church at one and the same time rose to her temporal height and spiritual declination, and by what subtleties the Popes engrossed all Dominion, and how greedily they and their Creatures the Cardinals hunted after gain, he proceeds to their further Cha∣racter thus.—They bear more patiently the loss of Ten thousand Souls, than of Ten Groats; nay, they regard the ruin of Souls with no consideration or emotion of mind at all, but for the least diminution of their own private pecuniary advantages they presently grow mad and furious.—The Study of Divinity, and such as make Profession thereof, are made a meer May-game and Laughing-stock, even (which is most monstrous) to the Popes themselves, who prefer their own Tradition far before the Commandments of God. And now that worthy and excellent function of Preaching, sometimes attributed to Pastors only, is of that base account with them, that they think it too mean a work for them to meddle with, and that nothing is more un∣becoming their dignity.

The same Author in his Epistle concerning the Study of Divi∣nity, tells us, That in those days the Monasteries both of Monks and Nuns, [each Sex it seems was as bad as the other] are become so many

Page 211

Brothel-Houses; their Divinity meerly Scholastick and Chimerical, the very same which St. Paul intended to describe by those words,— They dote about Questions and strife of words. Their fruits are like those of the Lake of Sodom, outwardly fair, but inwardly smoak and filthy ashes; Ecclesiastical Persons are generally the Successors rather of Simon Magus than Simon Peter: No man hath Orders given him without silver or gold, nor is any refus'd or debarr'd from the sacred function that brings mony, be he never so wicked. To such a prodigie of wantonness and debauchery are they grown, that their people the better to defend their Wives chastity from the attempts of these Clergy-stallions, will have no Priests except such as are known to keep Concubines. The Legends of Saints are read instead of the holy Scriptures, and the Saints brought into the place of God. And in a Letter to a Student at Paris, discoursing of the Council of Constance, he assigns several reasons why no Reformation of the raigning abuses of the Church was to be expected thence: For, saith he, these Carnal Sons of the Church do not only not regard spiri∣tual things, nor have any feeling of them themselves, but they persecute those that are according to the Spirit, as ever since the time of just Abel, whom Carnal Cain murdered, it hath been, and will be to the worlds end. These are they that for Temporal Commodities fly to the Church, and yet living even worse than secular men, they covet, scrape and rob all they can, desiring to bear Rule, but not to serve, glorying in their superiority, oppressing their inferiours, and rejoycing in their own pride and luxury. They account gain godliness, and are always ready to act or suffer any thing whatsoever for their temporalities, how lewdly soever they are gotten, scorning and laughing at all those that are de∣sirous to live justly, holily, chastly, innocently and spiritually; with such the Church at this day is so full, that almost in every Chap∣ter and College scarce any other can be found. And can we imagine that such will endeavour the Reformation of the Church in manners and discipline, and honesty of Life, who count that Reformation their greatest Calamity, and desire nothing so much as that it may be lawful for them to do whatsoever pleaseth them freely, without controul or punishment?—Thus far Clemangis of the manners of the Dignified Clergy, almost 300 years ago, and I wish the Picture may not serve too well for some Ages since.

Nor was he the only complainant, Cardinal Zabarella a famous Lawyer in his Treatise De Schismate, written about the year 1406, talks much at the same rate, and affirms, That with the flattering

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Canonists there was nothing so unlawful, which they thought not law∣ful for them to do, insomuch that they extolled the Pope above God himself, making him more than God, so that (saith he) if God afford not his helping hand to the present state of the Church, it is in danger of an utter overthrow.

Nor was John Gerson the Learned Chancellour of the Parisian University (who was also one of the Assistants at the Council of Constance) silent. In his Book De Examine Doctrinarum, It is not (saith he) in the power of the Pope or any Council to change what is prescribed by the Evangelists and St. Paul, as some do Dote: Yea, we are to give more credit in a matter of Doctrine to the assertion of a simple unlearned man speaking according to the Scriptures, than to the Declaration of the Pope or Council, being contrary thereunto.

We have seen in what a maimed condition the Church was, and that there were some able Physicians that both saw, and might they have been suffered, were able 'tis probable to have cured her wounds: Nay, all the Empericks at Constance pretended at least the same design. But they made use of but an ill expedi∣ent, when they elected the before-mentioned Martin the Fifth. For though in the Council he had carried himself very subtilly, and under colour of moderation had not only avoided opposing either party, but given each side grounds to hope him most in∣clinable to their particular Faction, which much facilitated his choice, the rather for that the Emperour was much taken with that stayedness of his temper, and expected no small fruits of Re∣formation from so unbiass'd a Conduct, yet no sooner were his Temples Impaled with the Triple-Crown, but he appeared divest∣ed of that moderation which before he made shew of, and wholly addicted to advance the secular interest, Dominion and Treasure of his Chair. Therefore when soon after his Election, the Emperor Sigismund, who had had so great an influence in his promotion, press'd him earnestly to proceed on vigorously with the promised Reformation, the crafty old Father wheadled it off, That the Bishops &c. continuing so long together at Constance, was a great inconvenience to their respective Churches and charges; that there∣fore it was now very necessary to give them a short recess? that Re∣formation was a thing highly needful, but withal being a matter of great importance, it required mature deliberation. Therefore he thought fit to dissolve the Council at present, on condition that another should be call'd within 5 years, and in the mean time he would endea∣vour

Page 213

to prepare matters; and that afterwards in 7 years they should have another Council, and thence forwards for ever a Decennial one, that is to say, a general Council every 10 years should be con∣ven'd and sit to Redress the grievances of the Church.—Having Cajoled them with these fair stories, to make them the rather believe that he was in honest earnest, he presently ordains and appoints a place for the next general Synod, viz. That it should be held within 5 years at Pavia in Italy. And then in the 45th. Session (they having done very little, or indeed nothing towards Reforming the Root of all the Churches corruptions, but only fiddle-fadled about number of Canons for ordering of Annates, Collations, Reserved Causes, Appeals, Commendums and the like Ec∣clesiastical Trumpery, comes Cardinal Winbald, (like the Popes Chancellor) and dissolves them, by pronouncing these words— Domini ite in paceMy Lords, you may be packing, or get ye gone in peace. Which was done, saith Platina, sublato omnium consensu maximè verò Imperatoris, without any of their consents, but especially against that of the Emperour.

Nor could the Emperour prevail with Martin to continue a while in Germany, but he would away for Rome, alledging that in the absence of the Popes, the Saints Chappels were gone to de∣cay, and (which was a more cogent reason by half) Tyrants had seized a great part of St. Peter's Patrimony. He was no sooner got into Italy, but he engaged in several wars, and reduced the Dutchy, Spoletto, Perusia, Bononia and other places which had set up for themselves: He likewise made Lewis of Anjou King of Naples, though Joan the Queen thereof had before declared Al∣phonsus King of Aragon her Hir.

The time being come for holding the Council at Pavia, the Pope for fashion sake sends thither one Arch-bishop, a Bishop, an Abbot and a Friar, who met there only two Abbots of Burgundy, and these six began forsooth a Council; a Worshipful Representa∣tion of the whole Catholick Church on Earth! But the Plague breaking out, they adjourn'd from thence to Sena, where things not fadging just as Pope Martin would have them, he quickly gave that Assembly too a Writ of Ease, without their effecting any thing. But for a colour still promises to call frequent Councils, and that next seventh year they should have one at Basil.

Having thus sham'd off the means of Redressing the Churches grievances, and correcting abuses, he settles at Rome, and begins

Page 214

to reedify several decay'd buildings, which the Romish Historians gloriously Intitle Restoring the Church. But his main business was to scrape money together. For saith Antoninus, He was generally blam'd as one that too greedily labour'd to heap up riches, being in no wise able to say with the Apostle (whose Successor he pretended to be) silver and gold have I none. But all his vast Treasure was lewdly consumed by his Kinsmen, and especially by his Nephew the Prince of Salerno, to whom it fell by his death, he bestowing most of it on hired Soldiers and Enemies against the Church.

And now he had spun out the time, till the Council at Basil was to Assemble, how he would have shuffled it off, or rendred it insignificant, we know not, since then God was pleased to cut him off, dying of an Apoplexy the 20 of February 1431. in the 53 year of his Age, and when he had held the Chair 13 years 3 months and 12 days.

This is that Pope whom many flattering Popish Authors extol for his vertues to the Skies, when yet besides his sordid covetous∣ness and other pranks before-mentioned, Angelus de Clavasio, a Friar Minorite, in his Book call'd Summa Angelica, in the word Pope affirms, that this very Martin after long consultation, gave a man leave to marry with his own Sister, dispensing with the Po∣sitive Law of God and Nature.

This Pope likewise was a very busie stirrer up of persecutions and bloody wars against the poor Bohemians as Hereticks, they having sometime before embraced Wickliffs Doctrine. But of this, and the other troubles of those people for the sake of the Gospel, we shall take another opportunity to discourse.

Page 215

The COURANT.

Truem.

MEthinks you look Cloudily to day, Monsieur Tory? does Tuesdays Verdict stick in your Gizzard? would not the Sham take? Could not poor Nat get a Christian Jury (as he call'd it) that might believe the Sun was a Bottle of Ink, and that Sir Edmondbuy Godfrey Killed himself 4 days after he was Murthered?

Tory.

Prethee why dee talk so? you know I never justified that story, I think 'twas very ill done, and the Contrivers of it deserve to be punisht.

Truem.

Why, this 'tis, for a man to be unfortunate, and down the wind; his friends streight abandon him, as vermine run from falling Houses. All the while bonny Nat was towring upon the wing, alarming the world with his Regiments of Five-Hundreds, and his Troops of Sixty's, that should Swear Canon-pooof, and drive the Nail home and Clench it, then you and all your party appeared openly in favour of the welcome News—I know not what to think on't, says one, I was never satisfied in that business of Godfrey's Murder. Nay, quoth a second, there are shrewd Circumstances in these two Letters to Prance, they are ingeniously Pen'd, and a great deal of weight in them. Alas, Sir! adds a third; 'tis not to be doubted but he can make it all out (and by such a number of Protestant Witnesses too, not so much, you see, as a suspected Papist is concerned) else you must think he would never write so confidently, I fancy here will be a notable discovery, and then what will become of Madam Plot, when she has lost one of her main Crutches. Damme, concludes the fourth man, that story of Godfrey's being Killed at Sommerset-house was all Bubble; why the Divel should the Papists meddle with him? the three poor fellows were meerly sworn out of their Lives, and so were all the rest; that noise of a Popish Plot was nothing in the world but an intrigue of the Whigs to destroy the Kings best Friends, and the Devil fetch me to Hell in a Hand basket, if I might have my will, there should not be one Fa∣natical Dog left alive in the three Kingdoms.—This Gentlemen was wont e're while to be the stile of Discourse at Sam's and Margarets, and now when the Oracle Nathaniel's 600 and 60 witnesses are dwindled to half a dozen, and they only serv'd to prove him and his associates impudent lying villains, and that he

Page 216

is like to scour a Pillory; do you desert the Cause, and come sneaking like a Quaker, and Cry—Friends never own'd it?

Tory.

A Pillory! never fear it. Nat Ile promise you has friends in a Corner; what he did was only to Print the Papers for money in the way of his Trade, and he has discover'd his Authors, what would you have more of the honest man?

Truem.

I will not presume to prejudge his doom; I doubt not but the Reverend Judges will do him and the Nation Right, but for what you alleadge, that he did it for others, in way of his Trade, will for him be but a vain excuse; for he has made it his own Act, he did not do it Ignorantly, or by surprize, not imposed upon by false Information, or mistake, but willfully, and with a malicious design, as appears,

1. For that it was contrary to his own personal knowledge, he himself view'd the Boy at the White-house (as is proved by Affidavit) and from the Testimony of his own Eys, he himself then Printed that there was no Blood, that it was evident he was strangled, &c. 2 When he first publisht his pre∣tended Sarum-Letter (which was only to sound the waters) there was pre∣sently a satisfactory answer return'd, yet soon after he Printed his first Let∣ter to Prance, and that too being solidly refuted, he flung out a second, and has himself all along in his Intelligence, and by word of mouth espoused the thing and boasted he would prove it sometimes by 500, sometimes by 60 witnes∣ses. Nay since the very last Term, has vapored in Print at the same rate, and endeavoured before hand to cast a scandal on any Jury that should try him. Now if such a man, in such a cause, wherein the honor of the King, and of the Justice of the Nation, and the whole Protestant Interest is so highly concern'd, and so impudently arraigned and aspersed, shall escape without some exemplary mark from that Justice, which he has so daringly affronted, it might prove an unaccountable precedent.

Tory.

But what should be his design in all this?

Truem.

We need not go to Gabury to discover that; 'tis plain it was to sham off the belief of the Popish Plot, that it may still proceed; to excuse the Papists from that barbarous murder, and fix the Odium of being guilty of innocent blood on the King and his Judges, and all the Protestants in the Nation▪ for putting Green, Berry and Hill to death wrongfully, And this alone, methinks should open your eyes to see through the boasted Loyalty of Thomp∣son & all such fellows, and their kindless forsooth to the Church of England, and what interest it is, that under that disguise they serve. And to shew all the world that the Popish Plot is still working on, for it can never be imagined that three such little inconsiderable fellows would ever have troubled their heads with such a business, or dar'd to have broach'd it in that audacious manner, had not men of wier heads and greater figure abetted them. Though Pin and Farwell own'd themselves Authors of the Letters, yet if ever the matter can be throughly sifted, Te wager that a Jesuit or Priest was the Composer of them.

Printed for Langley Curtis, 1682

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