A treatyse of the donation or gyfte and endowme[n]t of possessyons, gyuen and graunted vnto Syluester pope of Rhome, by Constantyne emperour of Rome [and] what truth is in the same grau[n] thou mayst se, and rede ye iugement of certayne great lerned men, whose names on the other page of this leafe done appere.

¶ The delamation of Lau. Valla / a noble man & of the senatours of blode of Rome / against the vntruly for¦ged & falsely beleued donation or gifte of Cōstātyne.

¶ The first {per}te of this oration / in which thautor she¦weth this entēt & the order / after which he wyll {pro}cede in this worke / & also that neither Constātyne of lyke lyhed was wyllyng / or coude be suffred to gyue / nei∣ther Syluester was wyllyng / or myght laufully re∣ceyue the thynges mencioned in the donation.

I Haue made and put forth many & diuers bokes welne••e in euery kynde of doctryne and scyen∣ces. In whiche bookes / bycause I doo varry and disagree in mynde and opynion from certayne great authours / and whiche haue ben nowe of longe tyme

& contynuaunce approued & alowed / seyng that there be some men / which ar miscontent & angry therwith / & which therfore do accuse me as a presūptuous {per}son and as one that had cōmytted sacriledge: I pray you what is than to de supposed / that certayn {per}sones wyl do now? how gretly shal they rage & rayle agaīste me ye / & if it shal lye in theyr power / how vyolētly / & how curryshely shall they hale & drawe me to execution? which nat only do write agaynst them / that be deade: but also agaynst them that be yet a lyue / and that nat agaynst one or two alone: but agaynst a great meyny & nat agaynst priuate persons onely: but also agaīst those / which are in auctorite / & be heed offycers / go∣uernours & rulers. But what heedoffycers or rulers? verely y^e pope highest of all bisshoppes / which is nat onely armed with the tēporall swerd / * 1.1 after the maner and custome of kinges and princes: but also with the ecclesyasticall or spirituall swerde / that a mā can nat defende himselfe so from him. No / nat vnder the very shelde (that I may so saye) of any of the princes: but that shall be stricken with excōmunication / the great sentence & the lesse course. And if that man haue ben iuged to haue doone also as wisely / as he dyd speake whiche sayd / that he wolde nat write agaynst them / whiche haue power to proscrybe or banisshe: Howe moche more semeth it / that I ought to do the same / & to be ware / * 1.2 how I do write agaynst him / which shall nat so moch as leaue any place to proscryption or ba∣nisshemēt / & which may so pursue me with the spūall vltyō of his power & auctoryte: that I may ryghtful¦ly say with y^e prophet Dauid / * 1.3 in the psalme. whether shal I go from thy spyrite? & whether shal I fle from thy face? excepte parauēture we suppose / y^t the Pope shal take these thīges more paciently / than other mea¦ne prestes wold do. But that is nothyng so / for Ana∣nias the hyghest and heed preest / * 1.4 commaunded / euyn in the presence of the hyghe captayne / whiche sat as iudge: that Paule shuld be strycken and beten on the face / because he sayd / that him selfe had lyued & bene cōuersaunt among the Iewes / with a good conscien¦ce

/ and Phaffur beyng endued with the same dignite / * 1.5 dyd caste the prophete Hieremie into prison: because he dyd speke the trouth boldely and frelye / but yet the hyghe captayne / & the Emperours deputie was both able and also wyllyng to defende Paule / & the Kyng both myghte and wolde defende Hieremie agaynste the iniurie of the highe preste or bysshoppe / * 1.6 but what captayne? what deputie or ruler? what kynge shalbe able? although he were willyng to delyuer me frome the hādes of the pope / if he may ones lay handes vpō me? But there is no cause / * 1.7 why this double feare of ieoperdy shuld trouble my mynde / or holde me backe from my purpose: for neither may the pope / eyther bī¦de or loose any thynge contrary to ryght and goddes lawe / and to loose and spende the lyfe in the defence & mayntenaunce of trouthe and iustyce:* 1.8 is a poynte of most hyghe vertue / of moste hyghe prayse / and of most hyghe and greattest rewarde. Haue nat many men put them selues willingly in daunger and peryll of deathe: for the defence of their earthely coūtrye. & shal I thā be afraide to put my self in daūger of deth / for to get & optayn the heuenly coūtrey (which those men do gette & optayne / that do please god:* 1.9 and nat they whiche do please men) Therfore fare wel feare / and adewe drede. The cause of trouthe / the cause of rightuosenesse / the cause of god: is to be defended with a stronge and bolde mynde / with great courage & confydence / and with good hope / for he is nat to be accompted a right oratour which hathe crafte & con∣nyng to make a good oration and to speake well:* 1.10 ex∣cept he dare also boldely do it. Let vs therfore be bol∣de and hardy / to accuse whosoeuer doth cōmytte thin¦ges worthy accusacion / * 1.11 and he which trespasseth a∣gaynst all men: let him be checked and rebuked by the mouth of one man / for all. But perauenture som wyll saye / that I ought nat to chyde or rebuke my brother openly / but secretely bitwene hym & me. yes verely / He which trespasseth & offendeth openly / and which wolde nat receyue close & secrete coūsaile / is to be rep̄ued & rebuked opēly y^t by thēsāple of him / other

may be put in feare & drede.* 1.12 Dyd not Paule) whose wordes these were / y^t I last receyued) repreue. Peter to his face / in the presēce and syght of the congregati¦on / because he was reprouable and worthy rebuke? & he hath lefte this in wrytīg:* 1.13 to our doctryne & instruc¦tion. But some man happely wyll saye agayne / that I am nat Paule / which may worthely rebuke Peter / yes verely / I am Paule: in that I do folowe Paule euyn lykewise as y^e whiche is a moch greatter thing. I am made one spirite with god:* 1.14 wha I do dilygēt∣ly obserue & obey his cōmaūdementes. Neither is it the dignyte of any man / that may him safe and sure frome blame or rebukes / whiche dyd nat saue Peter frome reprefe / nor many other men of the same highe estate and degree: but that they haue ben rebuked / as Marcellus / bicause he had made sacrifyce to goddes and Celestine / bycause he was of the same opinion: that Nestorius y^e heretyke was of / & as we do knowe also / that in our tyme & remembraūce / certayne haue ben of their inferiours. (For who is nat inferiour to the pope) repreued and rebuked (I wyl nat say con∣dempned) And verely I doo nat this / * 1.15 bycause I do coueyte to rayle vpon any man / and to write suche reuilyng & rebukefull orations agaynst him / as were the oratyons of Cicero / agaynst maister Antonius / whiche orations are called philyppice (for god sheld me from doīg suche a dede) but that I myght loose & plucke a way erroures & wronge opinions frō mēnes myndes. and that I myght kepe thē farre away from vyces & sīnes / either by admonisshīg & counsaylyng: or els by reprouīg & rebukīg of them. I dare nat be so bolde to say / that other men taught by me / may with a hooke or byll cutte & kepe lowe y^e papale see (whi∣che is y^e vineyarde of god) beīg now ouer ranke & ha¦uyng to many superfluous braunches / and compelle it to beare full grappes / and nat the small buryes of the wylde vyne / which thynge whan I do: shall there be any man wylling either to stoppe my mouth or his own eares: I wyll nat say to offre or put vnto me punishment & dethe? that man that wolde so do

although he be the pope hym selfe / what shall I saye that he is? Shall I say that he is a good shepherde? or elles rather a deafe serpent / which wyl nat heare y^e voyce of the charmer or inchaunter / * 1.16 but is wyllyng to hurte his membres with her bytyng and poysone. I knowe that y^e mennes eares haue ben nowe a good whyle desyrouse and longyng to here / what faute or cryme I wyll lay to y^e popes charge / for sothe a great and a huge cryme / either of neglygent ignoraunce / or elles of outragyouse couetousnesse / whiche is the seruitute of ydoles / or elles of vanyte / and desyre of hauyng dominion and rule / whiche vyce / * 1.17 tiranny al∣wayes accompanyeth / for now certayn hūdreth yeres either they haue perceyued and vnderstande / that the donation or graunte of Constantyne is but a forged or fayned thyng / or elles thēselues haue fayned it / or els those that haue comen after / settyng their fete fast in the gyles of their predecessours / haue defended it for trewe / whiche they knewe well was false / dysho∣noringe the maiestie of the papall estate / disworship∣pynge the memorie of the olde popes / shamynge the christen relygion / and troublyng and fyllyng all the worlde with murthers / threttes / and abhomynable synnes. ❀ They say that the cytie of Rome is theirs that the kyngdome of Nables is their owne good. And that all Italy / Fraunce / Spayne / Germanye / Englande / and all the west parte of the worlde / be∣longeth to them selues. For all these nations & coun∣treis (they say) are contayned in the instrument and writte of the donation or graunt. Are than / all these afore rehersed kyngdomes / thyne highe bysshoppe? Is it thy mynde? & arte thou purposed to recouer all these agayn? to spoyle & bereue all the kynges & prin¦ces of the west {per}te / their cyties & townes? or to cōpell them to pay yerely trybutes to the? But I do say & thynke clene cōtrary / that y^e kynges may more right∣fully spoyle & depriue the of all thempire & dominion that thou hast. For as I shall declare & open / y^u that graunt or gyfte / wherof the popes wyll their right & tytell to haue taken his origynall / was knowen both

to Syluester and also to Constantyne.* 1.18 But are euer I do come to the confutyng and disprouyng of the in¦strument or writte of the sayde donation (whiche is their onely defence / but bothe a false defence and a fo∣lysshe) the order requyreth that I reherce the matter somwhat farther of / and nere from the very begynnīg [ .i.] And fyrst of all I wyll shewe / that Constantyne and Syluester were no suche maner men / * 1.19 that either the one (I meane Cōstantyne) wolde be wyllyng to gy∣ue or els might rightfully gyue / or els that it dyd lye in his owne power / to delyuer them in to the handes of any other men / or els that the other (that is to wyt Syluester) wolde be wyllyng to receyue / or els miʒt laufully receyue and take them. Secondarily I wyl [ .ii.] shewe / that albeit these thynges were nat so / whiche are most trewe and euydent. yet that neither Sylue∣ster dyd receyue / neither Constātyne dyd delyuer pos¦sessyon of those thynges / whiche are sayd to haue ben gyuen / but that those thynges haue alwayes cōtyne∣wed and remayned in the hādes and gouernaunce or rule of the emperours. Thirdly / that nothyng at all [ iii.] was gyuen of Constantyne to Syluester / but to the pope that was nexte predecessoure to Syluester / for Constātyne was baptysed afore that Syluester was pope. And that those gyftes were but small or meane gyftes / wherwith the pope might sustayne his lyfe. Fourthly I wyll shewe / that it is falsely & vntrewly [ iiii.] sayd / that the copy of the donation or graunt / is ey∣ther founde in the decrees / or els that it is taken of the historie and lyfe of saint Syluester: which neither is founde in that historie / neither yet in any other histo∣rie at all. Also I wyll declare and shewe / that in the sayd writte or copy / be contayned certayne contrary and repugnant thinges / impossyble thynges / folysshe thynges / barbarous thynges / & madde tryfels / wor∣thy to be laughed at. Furthermore I wyll speake of the donation or gyft of certayne other emperours / be¦yng outher fayned / or els trifelyng / vayne / and of non effecte / wher I wyll putte to / that though Syluester had possessed these thynges / yet that nat withstādyng

either hym selfe / or els any other pope / who euer he was / beyng ones driuen out & put from the possession of thē / they can nat nowe after so great space of tyme betwene be asked or claymed agayne: neither by god¦des lawe / neither yet by the lawe of man. Last of all [ v.] I shall shewe / that of those thynges whiche the pope doth holde / there can be no prescription made by any contynuaūce of tyme / be it neuer so longe. And nowe as touchyng to the fyrst parte (and let vs speke fyrste of Cōstantyne & afterwardes of Syluester) we must take hede & beware / that we doo nat pleade the em∣perours / ye / & in a maner the comune cause / with as slendre and smal eloquence and speche: as priuate or meane mennes causes ar wonte to be pleaded / there∣fore as it were makyng an oration in the assemble & audience of Kynges and Princes (as doutles I do / for this myne oration shall come into theyr handes) it pleaseth me to speke vnto them / as if they were pre∣sente / and set in syght afore myn eyes. I call and spe∣ke vnto you Kynges and Princes (for it is harde for a priuate man which is in none offyce or auctorite to conceyue the Image of a royall and princely mynde) I serche and enquyre your mynde. I examine your conscience. I aske & requyre your testimonie, wolde any of you / if he had ben in Cōstantines roume / haue thought / * 1.20 that himselfe ought or that it had bē mete & cōueniēt bicause of liberte to haue giuē to another mā y^e cyte of Rome his own coūtrey / y^e chefe & heed place of all y^e world / the lady & quene of cytees / most of po∣wer & might / most noble / and most rich of people / the venquessher & triumphant conquerour of all natiōs / the which is honorable & full of maiestie / euyn in the sight and beholdyng of it. And to gete hym selfe to a vyle and poore towne afterwardes / that is to witte to Bizantium. ye / moreouer that he shulde with the cyte of Rome / gyue Italy also / whiche is nat a pro∣uince: but the heed of prouinces / sholde gyue from him selfe the .iii. partes of Frauner / the .ii. Spay∣nes / shulde gyue Germanye / shulde gyue Englande / and all the hole weste parte of the worlde / and shulde

depriue himselfe of one of the .ii. eyes of the empier. No man can bringe me in mynde to beleue / that any man wolde do this / whiche were in his right mynde. For what thinge dothe god gyue you more desyred and longed for?* 1.21 What thyng is more plesaunt? What is more acceptable and better welcome / than to en∣large and encreace your kingdome and empiers? and very greatly to amplyfie and setforthe your dition and dominion both in length and bredthe / about this thynge (as me thinke I perceyue right well) all your care / all your cogitation and thoughte / and all your labour & trauayle / is spente and bestowed bothe day and night. Herof do you principally and chefly hope to haue glory / for this thīg you do forsake pleasures / for this you do putte youre selues in a thousande pe∣rylles and ieoperdes. for this you ar contente to lose your most derely beloued childrē. ye for this / you do nat grudge to lose {per}re of your owne bodis / for I ne∣uer herde or redde / that any of you hath ben feared a∣way from the endeuourment and goyng about to am¦plyfie and enlarge his empier: bycause he had loste either an eye / a hande / or a legge / or els any other membre or parte of his body. But this hote and fer∣uent desyre of hauing great and large dominion / as euery man is moste of might and power: so it moste troubleth and vexeth or chafeth his mynde.* 1.22 Alexandre nat content to haue walked on fote through the deser¦tes and wildernesses of Affrike / and that he had con∣quered the Eest parte of the worlde / euyn vnto the formast parte of the Occian see.* 1.23 and that he had sub∣dued the Northe parte: in the myddes of so many woundes / and of so many mischaunces / whan his soudiers refused and forsoke so farre / so sharpe / and paynfull vyages and iornayes: yet he thoughte all that euer he had done before / was nothyng at all: ex∣cept he had also made the West parte / and all nations tributary to himselfe / either by force and violence / or elles by the auctorite of his name. yt is but a small thinge / wherof I do yet speke. He had purposed moreouer to passe ouer the Occian see / and to serche

whether there were any other worlde / & to subdue it to his power / ye / & at the last (as I suppose) he wold haue entreprised & attempted to clyme vp into heuen Suche for the most parte is the wyll / desyre / and ap¦petyte of all kynges and princes: all be it they haue nat all lyke corage and boldnesse. I wyll nat here reherce / how great synnes / and howe many abhomi∣nable thinges haue ben cōmitted and done / either for the winnyng & gettyng of empier & dominion: or els for the amplyfiyng & enlargyng of the same / in so mo¦che that the one brother hath nat holden his handes from the murdryng & kyllyng of the other / neither the chyldren haue refrayned from the wycked effusion of theyr fathers blode / neither the fathers haue refray∣ned from the kyllyng of theyr owne sonnes: So that the temerite & folysshe lewde boldnes of man / is wōte in nothyng to rage more / or to vse more cruelty / & to cōmytte more haynouse offences or synnes: than he∣re in this thynge. ye / & which a man may more mar∣uayle at / you may see the myndes of olde men herein no lesse quycke & full of courage: than be the myndes of yonge men / & of them that be chyldles: no lesse than of those that be fathers / & haue chyldren / & of Kynges & Princes: no lesse than of tyrauntes. Now if domi∣nion than or empire is wonte with so gret enforcemēt to be desyred & sought for: with how moche more in∣forcement & busines must it nedes be kepte & mentey∣ned? Neither is it so miserable & wretched a thinge / nat to amplyfie & enlarge the ēpier / as it is to minissh it & to make it lesse. Neither is it so shamfull a thīge for the / not to ioyne or put another māns realme vn∣to thyne: as it is that thyne shulde be ioyned to y^e em¦pier of an other man / for where we do rede / that cer∣tayne Kynges or certayn people / haue made some mē gouernours of theyr kyngdome or of theyr Cytyes: that was done so / not of the chefest or principall / nor of the greattest parte of the empyer: but in a maner of the hynmoste or worste / & the lest parte therof / & that vnder suche maner & cōdityon / that he to whom suche gouernaunce & rule was gyuen: shulde alwayes ac∣knowlege

the gyuer to be as lorde / and hīself to be as a minister & seruaūte vnder him. I be seche you than do nat they seme to be of an abiecte / vyle / & cowardly mynde / and nothyng of gentle & high or couragiouse stomake: which do thīke & suppose / that Cōstantine dyd alyenate & gyue from himselfe the better parte of the empier. I do nat meane Rome & Italy / & other: but the thre Fraunces / where he had made warres & batayles / where he alone had of longe season ruled and had dominion / * 1.24 where he had sette the rudimen∣tes and fyrst foundation of his Empyre and of hys glorte: seynge also that he was a man / whiche for the desire to haue dominion / had made warre vpon nations / and whiche persecuting his owne frendes / and men of his alyaunce with ciuyll warre: had de∣priued them of their empier / and which also had nat yet perfytly ouercome & subdued those that were lefte and remayned of the contrary facyon & parte / whych also nat only was wonte for hope of glorie & renowne to make warre with many nations: but also was of necessyte cōpelled to do so / bycause he was prouoked ther vnto dayly of the Barbarians / which moreouer had abūdance & plentie of chyldren / of kynsefolke / & also of frendes / which knew also right well / that the senatours & the people of Rome / wolde repugne and stryue agaynst his dede / whiche besydes all this had proued & founde by experience the instabilite of y^e na∣tions venquesshed & subdued / which welnere at eue∣ry change of the emperour or gouernoure of the Ro∣maynes: were wonte to ryse & rebelle / whiche therto dyd remembre himselfe / after the maner & custome of other emperours nat to haue come to that dominion and empier / by the election of the senatours / and con¦sent of the people or communes / but to haue gotten and wonne it with an army of men / with the swerde with warre and batayle. What so great and stronge cause? what so vrgent and necessarie thinge was there / why he shuld (all these thynges nothynge re∣garded / but vtterly despised and sette at nought) be willyng to vse so excedyng great lybertie. They say /

bycause he was made a christen man. What? shulde he therfore depriue himselfe of the beste parte of the empire. ye / I wysse / I suppose it was synne / ye and that great sine and wicked abhomination / to raigne than any longer / and that to be an emperour and go∣uernour of realmes: coulde nat be ioyned or stande togyther with the Christen relygion. Those that be in auoutry / those that haue made themselues riche by vsury / those which vniustly do possesse other mēs goo¦des: after that they haue receyued baptisme / are won¦te to restore the wyfe / to restore the money / and to re∣store the goodes / whiche they had of other mennes. yf you haue this cogitations or thought with you / O Cōstantine: you ought to restore to cyties their ly¦bertie / and nat to chaunge the lorde / making theym where afore they were bounde to you: nowe bounde to another. But some man wyll say / this was nat the cause / but that you were moued to do this thinge / onely for the honour of relygion and holynesse or de∣uotion / as who wolde saye / that it were a more holy and deuoute thing to lay from you your empire: thā to administre and gouerne it for the defēce and mayn¦tenaunce of faith and relygion. For as touchinge to the receyuers of it: this your donation or gyfte / shal neither be worshipfull or honest: neither yet profy∣table vnto them. But if you wyll shewe your selfe a Christen man / if you wyll shewe tokens of your holy¦nesse and deuotion / if you wyll do good / and prouy∣de / I do nat saye for the churche of Rome / but for the churche of god: now specyally and principally play the prince and gouernour / that you may fyght for thē which neither maye / neither ought to fyght for them selfe / that you may by your auctorite make thē safe & sure from ieoperdy: which ar in daunger of traynes and iniuries. It hathe pleased almighty god in ty∣mes past / to open and shewe to Nabugodonosor / to Cyrus / to Assuerus / and to many other kynges and princes: the highe ministerie of the trouthe. yet for all that / he neuer required of any of them: that he shulde renounce and forsake his empier / that he shuld

gyue awaye parte of his kyngdome: but onely that he shulde restore lybertie to the Hebrues / and defende them frome the iniuries and noyaunce of their ene∣myes / that bordred vpon them. This was suffycient to the Iewes: this same also shall be suffyciente to Christen men. Constantine you are now made chri∣sten. But is it nat a shamfull thinge / that you beyng nowe a Christen emperour / are a smaler prince in do¦minion and empier: than you were beyng yet an In∣fydele?* 1.25 For to be a prince or gouernour: is a certayn principall and chefe gyfte of god / whervnto euyn the hethen princes also are iudged to be called & chosen of god. But happely some mā shall say / that Cōstātyne was eased & delyuered frō his lepry / & therfore it is ve¦ry lyke to be true / that he wolde make recompence / & paye home agayne with gretter measure: y^t whiche he had receyued / Is it so in dede? Naaman y^t noble mā of Syria / * 1.26 whan he was cured & healed of his lepry by the prophete Helizeus / was wyllyng & content onely to offre gyftes & presentes to him: but nat to gyue the one half of his substaunce & goodes / & wolde Cōstan∣tine offre the one halfe of his ēpier? It greueth me to make answere to this shamfull lyeng tale: as it were to an historie / of certaynte and vndouted trouth. For this lyeng fable is forged & coūterfaited to y^e lykenes of the historie of Naaman & Helyzeus: as that other tale of the dragō in the lyfe of Siluester / is imagined to the lykenes of that fable of the dragō of Bell. But though I do graunt these thīges to be true:* 1.27 is there any mētion made of the donation in this historie? no verely nat one worde. But of this we shall speke bet¦ter & in more cōueniēt & mete place here after. well / I graunt he was delyuered from the lepry / he toke ther∣fore a Christen minde to him / he was endued with the feare of god / with the loue of god / he was desirous & wyllyng to do him honour & worshyppe / what of all this? yet cā nat I for al that be {per}swaded & brought in mīde to beleue that he wold be willing to gyue away from hīselfe so great thīges / for as moth as I do see no man / niether Gētyle / for y^e honour of his false god∣des / neither Christen mā / for the honore of y^e lyuing

god: that hath forsaken & layde from hīselfe his ēpier / & gyuē it to preestes. For none of y^e kinges of Israel coulde be brought in the mīde / * 1.28 that he wold su••••re the people to go aft y^e maner vsed aforetyme / to y^e tēple of Ierusalē / for to make sacrifice / & al because they fered & dreded / leste the people being put in remēbraūce / by that holy exercyse of religion / & by the maiestie of the tēple: hapely might returne agayn to the kyng of Iu¦da frō whō they had fled & gone away. But how mo∣che gretter a thyng is this: which Constātine is said to haue done / & be cause you shall nat flatter & begyle your self / by the reason of this healyng from lepre / thynkyng this a sufficient cause / wherfore Constātin shulde make that graūte. Hieroboam was the fyrste / that was chosen of god / to be kynge of Israell / & that truly frō most vile & lowe cōdition or estate / * 1.29 which in my iudgement / is a more great thyng than it is to be holpen & cured frō lepry / & yet for all that he durst nat betake or delyuer vp his kingdome to god / wilt thou y^t Cōstātine did gyue his kingdom & Empere to god which he had nat receyued of god? namely seyng y^t in so doyng / he shulde offēde & greue his owne children (which thing could nat haue chaūced to Hieroboam) Shulde cast downe his frēdes / shulde despise those y^t belonged to him / shulde hurte his coūtrey / shuld put all men to heuines & sorowe / & be him selfe as it were tourned into a newe man? at y^e lest wise doutles there shulde nat haue lacked some / which wolde haue admi¦nistred him / & put hī in remēbraūce / & in especiall his chyldren / his kynsfolke / & his frēdes / whom who is he which wold nat thynke that they wolde forthwith haue gone to the Emperour? Ymagyn therfore them afore your eyes / after they haue herde Constantines mynde: tremblynge and full of feare / makyng haste and with sorowfull syghes & teares fallyng down at the knees of theyr prince / and vsynge these wordes & oratyon / so as here foloweth vnto him.

¶The oratyon of Constantines sonnes / and of his kynsfolke and frendes / made vnto him full of lamen∣table complaynte / for that he gothe about without /

ye / and contrary to their deseruynge so to take frome them their inheritaunce. &c.

FAther / whiche haue ben heretofore the most lo∣uyng and naturall father / that might be in the worlde vnto your children: Do you in this wise now depriue? disherite / and put vs your owne sonnes frō youre lyuelyhode and possessyons / euyn in youre lyfe tyme / and as it were refuse vs and forsake vs for your children. For that you ar willyng and mynded to gy∣ue frome yourselfe the best and the greattest parte of the empyer. we doo nat so greatly complayne therof / as we do meruayle therat. But we do complayne / that you do offre it to other men / with our bothe losse and also shame and rebuke. For what cause is there / wherfore you do defraude your chyldren / and do ke∣pe from them the successyon or inheritaunce of the em¦pier / that they wayted & loked after: which haue your selfe raigned to gyther with your father. What haue we offended or trespased agaynste you? or what vn∣kyndnes or vnlouīg behauiour haue we vsed toward you? or what agaynst our countrey? what agaynst the name of the Romaynes / and the maiestie of the empier? for whiche we seme to you worthy to be de∣priued by you and put frome the princypall and beest parte of the empier / and to be banisshed frome oure fathers house / from the syght of our natyue countrey from the ayre that we haue ben wonted vnto / and frō the auncient and olde custome. Shal we now being banisshed men / forsake our owne houses / the temples and the sepulcres of our forfathers / kynsfolke / & fren¦des: knowyng nat where or in what regiō of y^e worl∣de we shal become?* 1.30 what? we that ar your kynsfolke what? we that are your frendes whiche haue so often tymes stande with you in fyght & batayle / which ha∣ue sene our brethrē / our fathers / our sonnes strickyn in / and thruste through afore our face with the wea∣pons of our enemies / & beatyng & tremblyng vpon y^e grounde / and haue nat bene afrayde with the deth of other men / but haue bene redye also ourselues to dye for your sake in your cause: are we all together now

now thus forsaken of you? we which do beare heed of fyces in Rome / & we whiche now haue the rule & go∣uernaūce / or in tyme to come shulde be rulers & gouer¦nours in the Cyties of Italy / in the .iii. {per}tes of Fraū¦ce / in the .ii. partes of Spayne / & in other prouinces: are we all reuoked or called backe agayn? & are we al cōmaunded to be priuate persones without office / dy∣gnite / or auctorite? will you recompence vs this gret losse another way / how can you be able to do it accor∣dyng to our deseruynge / & accordinge to our worthy∣nes and dygnyte: whan you shall haue gyuen ones from you so great a parte of the worlde vnto another man / he that before was ruler & gouernour ouer an C Nations / wyll you / O Cesar make him gouernour & ruler ouer one nation / how fortuneth it that euer this thing could come into your mynde? how cometh it to passe y^t you haue thus sodenly forgottē all yours: that neither you haue any whit pite of your frēdes. neither of your nere kynsmē / no / neither yet of yo^r own sōnes / wold god / O Ceser (so y^t your dignite & victory we∣re saued) that it had ben our fortune & chaūce to haue ben slayne in baytayle: rather thā that we shuld euer se these thynges: & verely as touchyng your empyre / you may do with it accordyng to your own lust & plea¦sure / & so may you also with vs / onely one thinge ex∣cepted / in which we wyll cōtinually be disobediēt euē vnto deth / that is / that we wyl nat in any wise ceasse frō the honorīg of y^e ydols / to the greate ensample also of other men / that you may know how lytell good or profyte your larges & lyberalyte shal do to the Chri∣sten relygiō. For if you do nat gyue y^e empier to Sil¦uester: we are willyng & content to be come Christen with you / and many men shall take ensample of our dede / to do lykewise. But if you do gyue it to him: nat onely we can nat fynde in oure hertes to be made christē mē: but also you shal make this name of Christ hatful / detestable / cursed / & abhominable to vs / & you shal make vs in suche case / y^t at the last you wil haue pyte both of our lyfe & also of our dethe / and do nat accuse vs of harde hertes and stubburnes: but ac∣cuse

your owne selfe. Wolde nat Cōstantine (thinke you) if he were nat meued by his own accorde and of his owne mynde & free wyll: at the leastwise haue ben meued and styrred with this oration / except we wyll that all humanyte was plucked out from his breest by the harde rotes. What if he wolde nat haue harde these men / nor regarded their oration or spech / were ther nat be sydes these / some which wold haue repug¦ned & be agaīst this his dede / both with their wordes and also with their hande & power. wolde the sena∣tours and the people of Rome haue supposed: that thēselues ought to do nothīg in this so gret & weghty a mater / wolde nat they haue called to thē an oratour (as Virgile saith) beīge a man of grauyte & auctorite for his loue & benefytes towardes his countre:* 1.31 which shulde make this oration to Cōstantine.

¶ The oration of y^e senatours & the people of Rome made to Cōstātine / in which they nat only do shewe that Constantine hath no right nor auctorite to gyue the ēpier from him: but also that they wyll in no wise suffre it to be done / & that for many cōsyderatiōs / but raither flee both the receyuer / & him also the gyuer.

MOst noble Cesar / if you haue no mynde or re∣membraūce neither of those that be nere to you neither of your selfe / so that ye wyl neither their inhe¦ritaunce to remaine hole to your sonnes / neither their riches & substaūce to your kynsfolke / neither their ho¦nours to your frēdes. neither y^e empyre to your owne selfe: yet for all that / the senatours & the people of Ro¦me can nat forget / or be vnmyndeful of their ryght & of their dignite / for how do you take vpon you so mo¦che power / as to do this of the empyre of Rome: whi¦ch was neuer wonne or gottē with the effusyō of your blode / but of ours. wil you cut & deuide one body into ii. {per}tes / & wyl you of one kīgdome make two / two hee¦des & to wylles. And wyll you as it were / offre swer∣des vnto two bretherne / whiche maye stryue & fyght togider for the inheritaunce. We do gyue to such cy∣ties

as haue ben frendly / & haue done good vnto this cyte of Rome: we do gyue to thē the lybertes of this cytie / that they may be citezins of Rome. And do you take away from vs the one halfe of the empire / that it shall nat aknowlege this cytie the parent & mother of it. ❀ In the hyues of bees / if there be bredde two kynges or maister bees / we do kyll the tone / * 1.32 whiche is the worst of them two. And do you suppose or thin¦ke it mete / in the hyue of the Romayne empire / wher you are the onely and the best gouernoure / another heed and gouernour to be sette and placed / & that the very worst and nat a profytable bee / but and vnprofita¦ble drane.* 1.33 In this thyng / we do greatly require wis¦dome in you most noble emperour / for what shal hap¦pen or come to passe by y^e reason herof / if either in the tyme of your lyfe / or els after your decease. Barba∣rous nations shall make warre / either agaynst this parte of the empire / whiche you do alyenate and gy¦ue from you / or els agaynst the other parte / whiche you do reserue and kepe styll to your self. With what strength of souldiers / or with what hostes or armies shall we than resyst them? We can scantly withstāde them nowe with the might and power of the hole em¦pire: and shall we than be able to resyst thē? Shall these two membres or partes of thempire be alwayes at vnyte and cōcorde togider / the one with the other? As we suppose this is nat possyble / for as moche as Rome wyll rule and be maistresse / and the other {per}te will nat be seruaūte and obey. ye / moreouer euen you beyng yet a lyue / within shorte tyme the olde garny∣son reuoked & newe put in their stede / and you beyng gone in to your kyngdome / & lyuing ferre hens / and another man gouernynge & rulynge here: Shall nat all thynges than be chaūged & newe / that is to say / dy¦uers & cōtrary? Cōmenly whan a kyngdome is deuy¦ded betwene two bretherne / forthwith the myndes of the people and commens are deuyded / and they be∣gynne to make warre a monge theym selues / afore that they make warre agaynste their ennemyes of out natyons. ❀ Who dothe nat see / that the same

thinge shall happen lykewise in this empier. Do you nat knowe / that in olde tyme this was the principall cause to the nobles and great estates / why they sayd / that they wolde rather dye in the syght of y^e people of Rome / than they wold suffre that lawe or statute to be made and to go forthe / that parte of the senatours and parte of the cōmen people / shulde be sente to inha¦bite the cyte called Veii. in Ethruria / and that .ii. cy¦ties shulde be cōmune to the people of Rome. Forse∣yng there was so moch dissētion in one cyte of Rome: Howe moche more than shulde there be in two cyties. So lykewise in this tyme / if there be so moche dis∣corde / debate and strife now in one empier: (wherof I reporte me to your owne conscience / and to the la∣bours and trauayle whiche you haue taken) what dis¦corde shal there be in two empiers. Go to / moreouer do you suppose or wene that you shall haue anye men from hence: which either shal be wyllyng / or els shall haue cōnyng & knowledge how to helpe you or ayde you / whan you shall be occupied & busyed with war∣res? They whiche shalbe made captaynes ouer the soldyers and rulers or gouernours of Cyties / shal be as vnacquaynted with all feates of cheualry / & haue their mīdes as ferre set away from warre & baytayle: as he that maketh them captaynes and rulers. what? Shall nat either the Legions of Rome / or elles the very prouinces selues / attempte and take in hande to spoyle this gouernour / beyng so vnskylled of doyng the offyce of a prince & gouernour / & so easy to suffre and take wronge: bycause they shall hope that either he shall make no resistence: or els shall nat reuenge him selfe / nor do any punisshement to them. In good fayth I beleue they shall nat contynue in doyng their duety / nat so moche as one moneth space / but y^t they wyl rebelle forthwith / & euyn at the very begynnyng of your departyng from hence. what wyl you thā do? what counsayll wyll you than take: whan you shal be pursued and kepte in with double / ye / more ouer with manyfolde warre and batayle / we can scarsely rule & kepe in good ordre the Nations which we haue con∣quered

& subdued. How shal we be able than to resyst thē: whan we shal besydes thē haue warre with other nations also / whiche are fre and vnsubdued. Cesar concerning suche thinges as belonge to your owne selfe / aduise you what you lyst to do. But this mat∣ter ought to be no lesse cared for of vs: than of you / your selfe are mortall: but the empier of the people of Rome ought to be immortall / and so shall it be as mo¦che as shall lye in our power. ye / and nat onely the empier: but also the honestie and shamfastnes of the same people. Shall we so in dede? shall we receyue them to our gouernours and rulers: whose relygion and secte we do despise? and we that be princes and rulers of the worlde: shall we become seruauntes and subiectes to this most vile and wretched man? Whan the cyte of Rome was taken and wonne by the Fren∣che men: the olde auncyent father of Rome could nat suffre / that their conquerours shulde stroke their ber¦de / or drawe it through their handes. And shall now so many men of the senatorie ordre / So many of the pretorie ordre / So many of the order and degree of Trybunes / So many men that haue ben Consules and which haue victoriously tryumphed / suffre them to be rulers and lordes ouer them: to whom them sel¦ues haue done all maner contumely rebuke & punissh¦ment / as it were to lewde or euyll bondmen. Shall these men make heedoffycers? shal they gouerne the prouinces? shall they make batayles & warres? shall they gyue sentence of lyfe and dethe vpon vs? Sall the nobilyte of Rome / warre and take wages vnder them? shall they hope or wayte for honoures? or shall they gette offyces and rewardes vnder them? what more greate or more depely persyng wounde may we receyue or take: than this? Thinke nat / O Cesar / that the blode of the Romaynes is so chaunged and gone out of kynde / that they wyll suffre this with a pacient and quiet mynde. and nat thinke it to be by all maner meanes eschewed and auoyded / whiche in good fayth / nat the very women could suffre or abyde but raither wolde brenne themselues togyther with

their swete chyldren and their howses / with the wor∣shipfull goddes of the same. So that the women of Carthage haue nat ben more bolde and stronge her∣ted / than the women of Rome wolde be / For Cesar / if we had chosen and made you a kynge: verely you shulde haue great power and lybertie / to do with the empier of Rome what you pleased / but yet nat so: that you might minisshe / but euen the leaste poynt of the maiestie therof. For els we that hadde made you king / by the same power we wolde bydde you laye your kyngdome from you / and wolde depose you / nat onely you coulde nat be suffred to deuide or parte the kyngdome / nat onely you could nat alyenate and gyue from you so many prouīces / nat only you could nat be suffred to gyue the very heed and principall parte of the kyngdome vtterly and for euer to an Ali∣an and most vile man. we haue made a dogge ouer∣seer and kepar of the folde of shepe / whiche if he had leuer playe the wolfe / than do his owne offyce and du¦tie: either we wyll dryue him out / or els we wyll kill him. Now seyng that you haue so longe tyme vsed the offyce of a dogge / in defendyng the folde of the Romayns: wyl you now at the last ende be tourned in to a wolfe / so as neuer was any afore you. And we let you well to wytte (for as moche as you do compelle vs / to speake somwhat sharpely for our righte) you haue no power / right / nor tytle in the empeir of the people of Rome. Iulyus Cesar wanne thempier and gatte it by force and vyolence. Augustus also gatte it by vyolence / and by ouercōming and vanquesshyng of the aduersarie partes / made himselfe lorde and go¦uernoure. Tiberius / Caius / Claudius / Nero / Galla Othouitellus / Vespasiane / and other / either by the same / or elles by lyke waye / haue spoyled and robbed vs of our lybertie. you also your selfe / by expellyng and driuyng out other / or els by kyllyng and sleyng of other: haue bene made lorde and Emperour. we passeouer here / that you are nat borne of matrimony wherefore / Cesar (to gyue you playne knowledge of our mynde) if you lyst nat your selfe to be heed gouer¦nour

of Rome: you haue sonnes. Make one of them accordyng to the lawe of nature / gouernour in your stede / which thyng we wyll both suffre you / and also desyer you to do. if you wyll nat: we are mynded and purposed to defende bothe the publyke maiestie / and the priuate dignyte. For this is no lesse iniurye to the Cytezens of Rome: than was in olde tyme the defoylyng of Lucrecia / neyther we shall lacke one / whiche shall be captayne to this people for the recoue¦ryng of theyr lybertye: lykewise as Brute was cap∣tayne to them agaynst Tarquine / and fyrst we shall drawe out our swerdes agaynst them / whom you do make rulers ouer vs: and than afterwardes agaynst you also / which thynge we haue done agaynst many Emperours / & that truly for lyghter and smaller ma∣ter than this. These wordes doutles wolde greatly haue moued & stirred Cōstantyne: excepte we do iu∣ge him to haue ben a stone or a stocke / which wordes although the people had nat spoken to his face: yet it was credyble & lykely / that they spake them amonge theyr selues / and euerywhere dyd grudge / & shewe them selues miscontente / with suche maner wordes. Let vs than now go and say / that Constantyne was wyllyng to do Syluester pleasure / whom he dyd bri¦ge in daunger of so many mennes hatered / and of so many mēnes swerdes: that (as farre as I do thynke or iudge) Siluester shulde scasely haue lyued y^e spa∣ce of one day / for if he / and a fewe mo had ben rydde out of the way: all suspition of so cruell iniury / and despite or contumely semeth to be clene taken away & rydde out from the hertes & myndes of the Romains Go to now: moreouer / let vs graunt / if we thynke it possyble: that neyther intreatyng and prayers / ney∣ther manacyng or threttes / neyther any other way or meane coulde any thyng auayle / and that Constātine doth styll contynue stedfastly in his purpose / neither wyll in any wyse leue or forsake / or go from the opi∣nion / whiche he hathe ones taken: who wyll nat yet agre herevnto / that he wolde haue ben moued & styr∣red at the wordes and oration of Siluester? whiche

doutles wolde haue ben after suche maner as here fo∣loweth: if this hadde ben a true thing doone matter in dede.

¶ The oration of Siluester to Cōstantine / in whi¦che he sheweth it to be neither laufull / neither profy∣table for him / to receyue Constātines offre / although it were so as it is nat / that Constantine might right¦fully / & without any impediment or offending of any persone / giue suche thinges as he offred from himself and his children.

MOst noble and best disposed prince / and sonne Cesar: I can nat verely but greatly loue and embrace this your so redy and lyberall deuotion / and godly mynde / but yet that you do somedele erre and mistake / and are deceyued in your opynyon aboute the offryng of gyftes / and makyng of sacrifice to god I do nothyng meruayle / for as moche as you ar yet but a nouy••e and a yong soldyer in the Christen rely∣gion / * 1.34 and Christen warre / as in the old tyme it was nat semely nor conuenyent / euery maner beest / whe∣ther it were wylde or tame / nor euery maner shepe to be offred vp in sacrifice by the preest: so nat euery ma¦ner gyfte or oblation is to be receyued and takē of the preest. I am a preest / & a bysshoppe / whiche ought to consyder and loke well aboute / what thynge I do suffre to be offred vp at the aultre. Lest parauenture I do nat say / any vnclene beaste: but lest a vipere or a serpent be offred vp there. Therfore this you shall vnderstande / If it lay in your power & lybertye to gyue parte of the Empire and of the Cyty of Rome / the lady & Empresse of the worlde / to any other man than to your owne chyldren (whiche thynge I do nat suppose or thynke) and if this people of Rome / If Italy / If the other nations coulde suffre / and fynde in theyr hertes to be subiectes vnder the dominion & gouernaunce of them / whom they do hate / and who∣se relygiō and sette they do refuse and forsake / beyng delyted and blynded with the plesaunte entisementes

of the world (whiche thinge is vnpossyble) yet if you thinke most loued sonne / that I am any white to be beloued: I can by no meane be perswaded & brought in the mynde / to assent and agree vnto you / excepte I wolde be vnlyke my selfe / and forget my condition and estate / and in a maner renounce and forsake my lorde Iesu. For your gyftes / or (as you wyll haue them called) your remunerations or recōpensations shulde pollute / stayne / or defoyle: ye / and also vtter∣ly destroye the glorie / the innocentie / and the holy ly¦uyng bothe of me: and also of all that shall succede me / and also shulde stoppe & close vp the way to them whiche shall be wyllyng to come to the knowledge of the trouth. Helizeus wolde nat take any reward of Naaman that noble man of Syria:* 1.35 whome he had cured and heled from lepry. And shall I receyue reward of you: bycause you are cured of the same disease. He forsoke and refused gyftes. And shall I suffre hole realmes and kyngdomes to be gyuen to me. He wolde nat spotte or defyle the personne of a prophete / and shall I fynde in my herte / to defyle the persone of Christ / whiche I do represent and beare in me. But why dyd he thinke the persone of a pro∣phete to be defyled by taking of giftes? verely bycau¦se he might haue semed thā to selle holy thinges / & to lende forth the gyfte of god / for to haue increace and auauntage therby / and to nede the worldly socoure and aydes of them / and to minisshe and appayre the dignyte of his benefyte. He had leuer therfore make princes and kynges beholding to him / for his bene∣fytes don to them: than him self to be bounde to them for any benefyte receyued of them. ye / moreouer he wolde nat so moche. as take any recompence agayne for his benefytes. For it is a moche more blessed thinge (as the lorde sayth) to gyue:* 1.36 than to take and receyue. The same cause haue I: that Helizeus had ye / and a moche greatter cause / whiche am cōmaun∣ded also of the lorde / that sayd.* 1.37 Heale you those that be sycke / rayse vp those that be deed / clense them that be full of lepry / cast you out deuyls & wicked spirites

you haue receyued frely: gyue you also frely. Shal I Cesar cōmytte so great offence / as nat to obey and execute the cōmaūdemētes of god / and to pollute and distaine my glorie. It is better (as sayd Paule) that I dye: than that any man shulde bereue me my glory Our glory is to make honorable our ministeri afore god / * 1.38 as the same Paul sayth. I say to you Gentyles / As long as I am the apostle of the Gentiles: I wyll glorify my ministerie. Shulde I than / O Cesar / be bothe an ensample / and also a cause to other men for to offende and synne: I whiche am a Christen man / the preest of god / the bisshoppe of Rome / and the vi∣care of Christ. Moreouer / howe shall preestes saue their innocencie of lyuing amonge riches? amonge gret offyces & dignites? amonge the administration of seculare and worldly busynesses. Do we therfore renounce and forsake erthly thinges: that we myght gette the same thinges more plentuously. And haue we therfore cast away our owne priuate goodes: that we might possesse other mennes goodes / and the com¦mune goodes. Cyties shall be ours / Trybutes shall be ours / Rentes / tolles / and customes / shall be ours. And why shall it be lauful for vs to be called Clereci / that is to saye Clerkes: if we shall do these thinges Our parte our lotte (whiche in the Greke tonge is called Cliros / of whō cometh this word Clericus is) nat y^e erthly dominion: but y^e heuēly. The Leuites in the olde law (which were Clerkes) had nat {per}te with their brethern / * 1.39 & wolde you y^t we shuld also haue the portion of our brethern? wherfore / or for what intente shuld I haue riches & possessyōs: which am cōmaun∣ded by y^e wordes of my lorde / * 1.40 nat to be careful so moch as for to morow?* 1.41 & to whō he sayd also these wordes. Do nat gather or hurd vp treasur vpon erth. Do nat possesse golde / neither syluer / neither money in your purses.* 1.42 And it is a harder thing for a riche mā to ētre into y^e kyngdome of heuen:* 1.43 than it is / y^t a camell do passe through the eye of a nedle. And therfore he chose to himselfe poore ministers / and those which had for∣saken all thinges / that they might folowe him. And

he him selfe also was the ensample of pouertie. So moche is euen but the handlyng of riches & money / * 1.44 enemy & contrary to innocēcie and vertue: nat onely the possessyon and dominion of them. Onely Iu∣das which had the bagges / & dyd beare suche thīges as were sent: dyde play the false traytoure.* 1.45 and for the loue of money / whervnto he was wōted: He both repreued and betrayed his maister / lorde / and god. I feare therfore o Cesar / lest you wyl make me of Peter to be Iudas. Herken also what Paule sayth. We brought nothyng into this worlde / and it is no doute that we shall also cary nothinge with vs from hence.* 1.46 Hauing meate & drinke & clothes to be couered with all: Let vs be cōtented therwith / for they that couer to be made riche: do fall into temptation / and into the snare of the deuyll / and into many desyers / both vn∣profytable and also noysome / whiche do drowne men and cast them downe into dethe and perdition. For couetousnesse is the rote of all euylles / whiche cer∣tayne men desyring haue erred from the faithe / and haue wrapped themselues in many dolours and soro¦wes. But thou being the man of god: flee & eschew these thinges. And do you Cesar / bydde me recey¦ue those thinges: whiche I ought to eschewe and a∣uoyde euen as venome or poyson?* 1.47 And moreouer I praye you accordīg to your wisedome consyder / what place / tyme / or leysure can be lefte among these thīges to make sacrifyce / & to do goddes seruyce? The a∣postles / * 1.48 whan certayn men gruged & were miscōtent that their widowes wer dispised in y^e daily ministeri made answer / that it was nat mete or cōueniēt / y^t their selues shuld leaue y^e prechīg of y^e word of god. & mi∣nistre or serue y^e table. And yet to ministre to wido∣wes / is a farre other maner thyng: than to exacte & re¦quire tributes / rentes / customes / collage / than to haue care & charge of the treasure house / to paye soldiers wages / to be entāgled with a thousād lyke cares & bu¦synesses No mā / y^t is y^e soldiar of god:* 1.49 entāgleth hī∣self with worldly busynes / saith Paule. Did Aaron and other that were of y^e stocke of Leuy: medle with

the administratiō or ordring of any other thing / than onely of the tabernacle of the lorde.* 1.50 His sonnes / bi cause they had taken other mennes fyer (whiche was nat mete nor according) into their sencers / were brent and consumed with fyer sent from heuen. And do you byd or will vs to take the fyer of worldly riches / whi¦che is bothe forbydden and also prophane: into the holy sencers / * 1.51 that is to say / into to the offyce and wor¦kes belonging to preestes. Eleazar / Phinees / and other bisshoppes & ministers either of the tabernacle or of the temple: dyd they administre or medle with the ordring of any thinge / but onely of that / whiche belonge to the doinge of sacrifyce / and to the wor∣shippyng of god. Do I say / dyd they administre? nay morouer might they haue administred any other thing: if they wolde satisfye and fullfyll their offyce and dutie? whiche thinge if they wolde nat do: they shulde here the curse of the lorde / which sayth.* 1.52 Cur∣sed be they: whiche do the worke of the lorde reche∣lesly / whiche execration or curse / though it may falle vpon all men: yet moste of all and principally vpon prestes. O / howe great is the offyce of a bisshoppe? how greate a thinge is it / to be heed of the churche? how great a thynge to be made pastor and ouerseer / and gouernour of so great a folde of shepe? of whose hande shall be required the blode of euery lambe and shepe / that shall perisshe and be lost. To whom also it was sayd.* 1.53 If thou louest me more then other do / so as thou confessest and knoledgest thyselfe to do: fe∣de my lambes. Agayne / if thou doest loue me / so as thou sayest: fede my shepe. And the thirde tyme also / if thou louest me: fede my shepe. And do you Cesar wyll me to fede also gottes and hogges: whiche can nat be fedde nor kepte all of one / and the same herdes man. Besydes this / you ar willyng and aboutward to make me a kynge / or raither an emperour / that is to say / heed & chef of kīges. But our lord Iesu Christ beyng both god & man / kynge & preest / whā he sayd y^t his self was a kynge: Herkē of what kingdome he did speke.* 1.54 My kingdome (saith he) is nat of this worlde. For

if my kingedome were of this world / * 1.55 doutles my ser¦uauntes wolde fyght for me. And what were the firste wordes of his preachinge / and the thinge whiche he oftentimes rehersed in his sermons. was it nat this? Do you penaunce / for the kingdome of heuen is ap∣proched and drawen nere.* 1.56 The kingdome of god is approched: to the which the kingdome of heuens shal be compared and lykened. Did he nat whan he spake these wordes / declare / that the seculare kingdome do∣the nothing apperteyne to him? And therfore nat on¦ly he dyd nat desyre / nor seche for suche maner king∣dome: but also / whan it was offred to him / hi wolde nat take it. For whan he perceyued / * 1.57 and vnderstode vpon a certayn tyme / that the people had purposed & appoynted in their myndes / to take him / and to ma∣ke him kyng:* 1.58 he fledde into y^e solytarines of the moū¦taynes / whiche thynge he hath gyuen and taught to vs / that be his successours / for to be folowed / nat o∣nely by his example: but also by his precepte and cō∣maundemēt / saying in this wyse. The prynces and gouernours of the gentiles are lordes ouer thē.* 1.59 And they whiche ar greattest / do exercyse power and auc∣torite vpon them. It shall nat be so among you / but who so euer is wyllyng among you to be made great¦test: let him be your mynistre. And who so euer wol¦de be chefest among you: shall be your seruaunte / ly¦kewyse as the sonne of man hath nat come to be myni∣stred vnto: but to mynistre / and to gyue his lyfe for the redemption of many. God in the olde tyme (to let you vnderstand / O Cesar) dyd constitute and set iu∣ges ouer the chyldren of Israell to gouerne them: and nat kynges / & he did hate the people desiryng to haue a Kynge / & that he gaue thē a kynge? it was done / * 1.60 be∣cause of the hardnesse of theyr hertes / * 1.61 euyn lykewyse as for the same cause. He had permytted and suffred them to diuorce from theyr wyues / which thyng.* 1.62 He had reuoked in the new law of the gospel / & shal I thā take or receyue a kyngdome: whiche am scasely per∣mitted or suffred to be a iuge?* 1.63 Do you nat know (say∣th Paule) that sayntes and holy men shall Iuge of

this world? And if the worlde shall be iudged by you are you nat vnmete personnes to iudge of small tri∣fles? Do you nat knowe that we shall iuge aungels? Howe moche more than / seculare thynges? Therfore if you shall haue seculare iugementes: make them iu¦ges in suche maters / whiche are moste contemptible and of least reputation in the churche or cōgregation But the iudges dyd onely iudge of matters being in contrauersie and strife betwen partie and partie / they dyd nat also exacte tributes. And shall I than exacte them: whiche do knowe that our lorde demaunded of Peter / of whom the erthly kynges toke tribute or payment of money / of sonnes: or elles of forayners and straungers?* 1.64 And whan Peter had made answer that of forayners: Christ sayd agayne. Than are the sonnes free. Wherfore / O Cesar / if all men be my son¦nes / as certaynly they be: All men shall be free / and no man shall paye any thing. I haue no nede therfore of this your donation or gifte / wherby I shall gette nought els but labour / suche as in any wise I neither ought / neither may suffre or abide. ye / and wherby I shall moreouer of necessite be constrayned to exer∣cise power and auctorite to kille and slee / to punisshe malefactours / to make batayles and warres / to ran∣sake and spoyle cities / & to destroy regions with fyer and swerde. For I can nat beleue / that I could other wise than by these meanes be able to saue and mayn∣tayne those thinges / which you had giuen to me. And if I shall do these thinges: Am I a bisshoppe? Am I the vicare of Christ? Shall I nat than here him thondryng and terryble sayng these wordes to me. My house shall be called the house of prayer to all na¦tions.* 1.65 And thou hast made it a denne of theues. I ca∣me nat into the worlde (sayde the lorde) to Iudge or condēpne the worlde: but to delyuer it / & shal I which am his successour be the cause of many mēnes deth? to whom it was sayd also in the person of Peter.* 1.66 Tour∣ne thy swerde agayne into his owne place / for who so euer shall take the swerde in hande: shall perysshe with the swerde. It is nat laufull for vs so moche

as to defende our selues with the swerde / for Peter wolde haue defended his mayster / whan he dyd cut of the seruauntes care / And wyll you that we shall oc¦cupie the swerde for the cause of getyng / or de••ēdyng and sauyng of ryches. Our power: is the power of y^e kayes / wytnesse the lorde whan he sayd to the / * 1.67 wyl I gyue the kayes of the kyngdome of heuens / what so euer thynge thou shalte bynde vpon erthe: it shall be bounde also in heuens / and what so euer thyng thou shalte lose vpon erthe: it shall be also losed in heuens & y^e gates of hell shall nat preuayle agaīst them. No¦thyng can be added or putte to / for to the augmētyng of this power / of this dignite / of this kyngdome / * 1.68 with which who so euer is nat contente: he desyreth a certayn other kyngdome to him selfe of the deuyll / whiche was bolde to say to our lorde. I shall gyue to the al the kyngdomes of the worlde: if thou wylt fal downe vpon the grounde / and worshyppe me.* 1.69 Wher¦fore Cesar (take no displeasure with that / whiche I shall say) play nat the deuylles parte with me / byd∣dyng me / lykewyse as he bad / Christe / to receyue the kyngdomes of the worlde / of your gyfte / for I had leuer despyse them: than possesse them / & that I may now speke somewhat of the infydeles / but whiche I trust / and hope shall be made faythfull beleuers: do nat make me to them / of the aungell of lyght / an aū¦gell of darkenes / whose hertes I desyre and couete to induce to the fayth / and to godly lyuyng: and nat to put the yoke of seruytude and boundage vpon the neckes of them / and wyth the spirytuall swerde / * 1.70 whi∣che is the worde of god / and nat with the swerde of yren / to subdue them vnto me / lest they myght be ma¦de worse / lest they myght wynche or kycke agayne / and rebelle / leste they myght str•••• me with theyr horne / leste they myght be prouok•••• through myne erroure and faute / to blaspheme and speake euyll of the name of god. My desyre is to make them my derely beloued sonnes / and nat my bondemen / to adopte and chose them to my chyldren / nat to bye theym / to gendre and begette theym spyrytually /

and nat to make them my bonde seruauntes / to offre the soules of them / a sacrifyce to god: and nat their bodies a sacrifyce to the deuyll. Learne you at me (saith the lorde) whiche am mylde and humble herted

* 1.71Take my yoke vpon you / and you shall fynde rest to your soules. for my youke is swete and plesaunte / and my burdayne lyght and easy. Whose sentence in the mater here folowyng (to conclude now and make an ende) take you as gyuen bytwene you & me. Gyue to Cesar those thinges which apperteyneth to Cesar and to god those thynges which belong to god.* 1.72 Wher¦fore it is so / that neither you oughte to leue and for∣sake youre possesiyons: neither I oughte to receyue and take those thinges / that belong to Cesar / which surely I wyll neuer receyue: although you wolde offre them to me a thousand tymes. At this oration of Syluester / so godly and according for an Aposto∣lyke man. What coulde Constantine haue to laye a∣gaynst it for himselfe any longer? Seyng than that it is thus: Are nat they which say y^t this donation or gyfte of Constantyne was made in very dede / iniuri∣ous agaynst Constantyne / * 1.73 whom they iuge to haue ben wyllyng to disherite his owne children / & to we∣ken and feblysshe thempire of Rome? Are they nat al¦so iniuryous to the senatours & the people of Rome / to Italy / & to all the West parte of the worlde / whom they suppose to haue suffred thempire to be chaūged / agaynst both goddes lawe and mans lawe? Are they nat also iniurious agaynst Syluester / whō they iu∣ge to haue accepted the donation vnmete & vnsemely for so holy a man as he was? And are they nat iniuri¦ous also to the pope / to whom they do iuge it laufull / to possesse erthly kyngdomes / & to gouerne thempire of Rome? and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 all these thynges hetherto spoken & reherced: apper••ayne here vnto only that it might ap¦pere and be open / that Constantyne among so many impedimentes & lettes / wolde neuer gyue from him selfe vnto Siluester / the grettest parte of the Ro∣mayne Empire / whiche thyng these men do say that he dyd.

¶ The seconde princypall parte of this oration / in whiche the author sheweth / that / although both Con¦stantine might haue ben suffred / and had ben willing to make this gyfte / and Siluester also willyng to ac¦cepte it (the contrary wherof hath ben afore proued) yet dyd neuer Constātine delyuer possessyō to Silue¦ster / but the same thinges remayned alwayes styll in the handes and gouernaūce of themperours. &c.

BVt go to nowe / moreouer / if we shulde beleue this donation / wherof your writte maketh mē¦tion: it ought also to be sure & out of dout / that Syl¦uester dyd accepte the same gyfte. Now therof haue we non euydence: wherby we might be assured and put out of dout. But parauēture you wyll saye / it is credyble and lykely / that he dyd accept that graunt. ye / ywysse / I thinke so / and that nat onely he dyd ac¦cepte and alowe that donation: but also that it is cre¦dyble and lykely / that he dyd craue & desyre it. And that through continuall & importunate requestes and prayers: He gat it of Constātine / in a maner whe∣ther he wold or nat. Why / I say / do you cal that thīg credible: which is contrary to the opinion of al men? And all be it there is mention made of the donation or gifte in the pagine or writte of the priuyledge: yet is nat therfore to be supposed & thought / that the dona¦tion was accepted & taken. But rather contrary wise bycause there is no mention made of the acceptation: it is to be sayd / that it was nat gyuen. So / than it maketh more agaīst you / that Syluester refused this gyfte: than it maketh with you / that Cōstātine wold gyue it / & a benefyte is nat gyuen to any man against his wyll: if he lyste nat to receyue it. And we ought nat onely to deme / that Syluester dyd refuse these gyftes: but also that he dyd secretely shewe / that nei¦ther Constātine might rightfully gyue them / neither himselfe laufully receyue or take them. But O blinde and alwayes folysshe / and mysaduysed couetousnesse Let vs graunt that you could also bringe forthe wri∣tynges / whiche were true / incorrupte / syncere / and

perfyte of the assente and agremente of Syluester to the same: Dothe it folowe therfore / that those thyn∣ges hath ben gyuen in very dede / which are concey∣ued in the writynges? Where was possessyon gyuen? Where was the delyuering vp in to his handes? For if Constantine dyd gyue to Syluester nothing elses but onely the dede or writīg: than was nat his mynde to do Siluester a pleasure or good turne: but to gyue him a mocke. you saye it is very lykely / that he / whi¦che doth gyue any thinge: dothe also delyuer posses∣syon of the same. Take hede / and be ware what you speke / seing that it is vndoubted / that possessyon was neuer delyuered: and it is also doubte / whether euer the ryght and tytle were gyuen or nat. It is lyke to be true / that he which gaue nat the possessyon wolde nat gyue the right and tytle. Is it nat vndouted and of certaynte / that possessyon was neuer delyuered? whiche thyng who so euer wyll denye: he is without all honestie / and vtterly shamles. Dyd Constantine brynge or lede Siluester in to the Capitoly house / as it were one tryumphing / amonge the reioysynges & ioyfull showtynges of the multytude of the Cyti∣zens of Rome / beyng yet meydels and hethen men? Dyd he set him in a chayre or seate of golde / all the hole company of senatours beyng assystent and stan∣dyng by? And dyd he cōmaūde the heed offycers / eche one of them accordyng to his dignyte / to salute him and to honour him / as kynge or chefe gouernoure?

These be the thynges / whiche are wonte to be done towardes newe princes: and nat onely some one pa∣lace (as for example the palace of Lateran) to be de∣lyuered. Dyd he afterwardes lede hī about through all Italy? wente he with him to all the thre partes of Fraūce? Dyd he go with him in to both Spaynes? Wente he with him to the Germaynes / and to the re∣sydue of the West regiōs? or if they both were greued and lothe to trauayle in their owne persones ouer so great a parte of the worlde / and so many dyuerse lan¦des and coūtrees: whom made they their deputies? and to whom assygned they so great an office? which

shulde bothe in the emperours stede delyuer posses∣syon: and in Syluesters stede receyue and take it? Doutlesse these must nedes haue ben some great men and of exellent auctorite / and yet who they were: no man can tell. In the tyme of our remembraunce (by∣cause I wyl passe ouer the aunciēt ensamples of olde tyme) we neuer sawe it otherwise done / whan any mā hathe ben made lorde / either of any cyte / regyon / or prouynce: but that so onely possessyon hathe ben iu∣ged to be gyuen and delyuered to him: if they olde offycers be deposed or put downe / and new be ma∣de and put in their stedes? Though Syluester wold nat at that tyme haue requyred this to be done: yet dyd it appertayne and belonge to the magnifycencie of Constantyne (that he might declare / nat onely by his wordes / but also by his dede / that he dyd gyue pos¦sessyon to Syluester / to haue deposed his owne de∣putes / lyeutynauntes / and other offycers / & to com∣maunde other to be put into their roumes / by the no∣mination & assygnement of Syluester. No man can saye / that possessyon was delyuered or gyuen vp: whi¦che remayneth styll in the handes of the same men / whiche possessed it before / and whan the newe lorde dare nat put them from it. But suppose / y^t this thinge also doth nothyng let or withstand / but that we may thinke neuer the lesse / that Syluester had possessyon and let vs saye / that all thinges were than admini∣stred and done contrary to the commune maner and custome / & contrary to nature: I pray you / after that Constātine was gone awaye / what gouernours and rulers dyd Syluester make of the prouince or cytes? what warres or batayles made he? what natiōs that were rebelles dyd he oppresse or holde vnder? or by what captaynes & offycers did he these thīges / * 1.74 you do make answere & saye / we do knowe none of all these thinges. Verely I do thinke the same. All these thin¦ges were done in the nyghte tyme / and therfore no man coulde se them. Go to now furthermore / I pray you / was Syluester in possessyon? Who than dyd put him out of possessyon? For he was nat euer conty¦nually

in possessyon / neither any of his successoures / at the least wise / vnto Gregorius Magnus / whiche also was without possessyon. Nowe who so euer is out of possession / and can nat proue that himself hath ben driuen out of possessyon: doutlesse that man had neuer possessyon. And if he will saye / that himselfe hath had at any tyme possession: he his starke madde Seest thou here nowe / how I do proue the also to be madde? For elles: tell thou me / who droue the pope out of possessyon? Constātine himselfe / or his chyl∣dren / or Iulianus / or els any other em{per}our? Shewe the name of him / that dyd put him from possessyon. Shewe the tyme whan it was done. Shewe wher∣fore he was fyrst expulsed. Wherfrō nexte / & so forth in ordre. Whether was he expulsed by sedicion and manslaughter / or elles without these thynges? Dyd al nations conspire agaīst him to gether at one time / or els whiche of them began fyrst? What? Dyd no man at all helpe or aide him? Nat somoch as any of those / whiche had ben made gouernours & rulers of cyties & prouīces by Syluester / or by some other po¦pe? Dyd he lese all to gether in one daye: or els by ly¦tell & lytell. One {per}te at one tyme / & a nother parte at a nother tyme? Dyd he & his heed offycers make resi¦stence: or els dyd they at the first rebellyon & busynes gyue vp their possession & offices / & put thēselues frō all to gether? What? the cōquerours & ouer comers? dyd they nat make hauocke / with killīg & sleing those wretches & vile sorte of men / whome they iuged vn∣worthy of y^e empier: to the reuengyng of their owne cōtumelie & iniurie? to the defence & mayntenaūce of the dominiō: which they had wōne & gotten by force and violēce / to the contēpte & despyte of our relygiō / and also to the example of thē that shulde come after their tyme? Did no man of all those / whiche were vanquesshed & ouercome: flie or rōne away? Did no man lurke and hide hīselfe? was no man afraide? O meruaylouse & wōderfull chaūce / that the empire of Rome / which was gotten & wonne with so great la∣bours / with so moche blodeshed shulde so pesably /

so quietly / either be gotten or lost of the Christen pre¦stes: that no blodshedynge / no warre / neither yet any complaynte hath come bytwene / and also (which thinge a man ought no lesse to meruayle at) that no man knoweth or can tell / by whom this thinge was done / nor at what tyme / nor howe or which waye / nor how longe it was in doing. A man might suppose & wene / that Syluester had raigned in the woddes a¦monge trees: nat at Rome amonge men / and that he was driuen out of possessyon / by the winter showers and colde stormes: & nat by men. Who is he that doth nat knowe / if he be any thing acquaīted with histori¦es: how many kynges / how many cōsules / how many dictatours / how many protectoures of the cōmune pe¦ple / called Tribuni plebis / how many controllers & iuges of mēnes maners / called Censores / how many chamberlayns called Cediles / haue ben created and made in Rome? And there is nat one of so great a multytude & nombre / of so auncient & olde antyquite vnknowen to vs. We do know also / how many noble captaynes haue ben of the Athenienses / how many of the Thebanes / howe many of the Lacedemoniās. we haue knowledge of all their fyghtes / battayles and skirmisshes / made both on the lāde & on y^e water. we do know also / who hath ben kinges & gouernours of the Perses / of the Medes / of the Chaldeis / & of the Hebrues / & of many other peoples & nations / & howe euery one of these hath receyued their kīgdomes / or hathe holden & kepte it / or how they haue lost it / or ha¦ue recouered it againe. But the empier of Rome / or¦elles the empier of Syluester: vnder what maner it hath begōne / or how it hath ended. whan / & by whom no man can tell / nor it is nat knowen / nat so moch as in the cyte of Rome it self. For I do aske & demaūde of you / what recordes or what authors can you brin∣ge forthe of those thinges? you do answer & say / that you can bringe forth none. And are you nat a shamed than / you beestes rather than men: to say that it is ly∣kely that Syluester hath had possessyon? But seyng that you can bringe forth no proffes for your parte: I

shall on the contrary parte shewe euydently / that Cō¦stantine / euyn vnto y^e last day of his lyfe. And so forth from hī / that all the emperours eche of thē after other had the possessyōs of these realmes: so y^t you shal nat haue one worde to speake. But it is a very hadre thin¦ge / and a great maistri / as I suppose: to shewe this. Turne ouer & rede y^e histories both in Greke & latyn / Rede the other authors & writers whiche haue made mēcion of those tymes / yet shall ye fynde none / that disagreeth from other in this thinge. Let one testi∣monie of a thousāde suffyce. Eutropius / which sawe Constātine / * 1.75 which saw the thre sonnes of Constātine whom he lefte behynde him / emperours of y^e worlde whiche writeth in this wise of Iuliane / which was sonne to Cōstātines brother,* 1.76 This Iulianus / whi¦che was a deacon in y^e church of Rome / & made empe¦roure also: fell from the true faith / to worshippīge of ydoles. He gouerned the ēpier / & with great prepa¦ration & ordinaūce he made warre vpō y^e Parthians At the whiche viage & settīg forth I was present also myne owne selfe. This Eutropius (I say) neither wolde haue passed ouer with sylēce the donatiō of the empier of y^e West regiōs / neither wolde he haue writ¦ten a lytell after / in this wise of Iouiane / which suc∣ceded next after Iuliane.* 1.77 He made peace with Sa∣pore. A nedfull peace verely: but a shamfull peace / chaūging y^e bondes of thēpier / & gyuēg vp a certayn portion of y^e Romayne ēpier / which thīge neuer hap∣pened afore: syns y^e Romayne ēpier was fyrst begon. Moreouer our legions at Claudiū propontiū Tele∣stinū / & at Numantiū in Spayne / & in Numidie / in token of subiection / were caused to passe through vn¦der a spere (as it was the maner than) but yet was there none of the bownes or termes of the Empier gy¦uen & delyuered vp. Here in this place it pleaseth me to speke to you / y^e popes of Rome: which haue dyed of very late tyme / & to the Eugenie which arte alyue / but yet with the leaue & lycence of Felix / why do you so proudely bragge & boste of the donation of Cōstan¦tyne? why do you so oftentymes manace & threttē cer¦tayn kynges & princes: that you wyl reuēge y^e takyng

of the Empier frō you? & how do you extorte of Cesar whā he is tobe crowned / a certaī cōfessyō & knolegīg of seruitude & subiection to you / & lykewyse of certaī other prīces / as of the kynge of Naples / & of Sicilie which thynge neuer any of the auncient popes of Ro¦me in olde tyme did? Nat Damasus of Theodosius nat Syryne of Archadius / nat Anastasius of Hono∣rius / nat Ihon̄ of Iustiniane / nat other most holy po¦pes of other most noble emperours / but they haue al∣ways openly graūted / Rome & Italye with the pro∣uinces afore named to belonge to the ēperours / & ther¦fore y^e peaces of golde coyned in those tymes (because I wyl nat speke of other monumētes / & of y^e tēples of the Cyte of Rome) wherof some are yet remaynyng: hath their scripture written / nat in Greke lr̄es / but in latyn lr̄es / both the coynes of Cōstātyne after he was become christē: & also of y^e other emperours / almost euery one after him in ordre / of which coynes / I haue my self many in myne own hādes / cōmunely hauyng vnder the Image of the crosse / this subscription. Con¦cordia orbis. A thausande such ioynes shulde there be foūde also of the popes: if euer you had ben the chefe gouernours & rulers of Rome / wherof now there is none foūde / neither of golde / neither of syluer / neither is it reported or sayd / y^t euer any mā hath seen any su¦che / & yet coude it nat be otherwise chosen / but y^e nede¦ly he must haue had at y^t time his {pro}pre coyne: who so euer helde thā thēpier of Rome / at y^e leste wise vnder the image of our sauiour / or els of Peter. Oh / y^e igno¦rance & folysshnes of men / do you nat se / if the donati¦on of Cōstātyne be true / y^t no thyng at al is lefte to y^e emperours? De latino loquor. Lo / I pray you / what maner ēperour / what maner kynge of the Romaynes shall he be: whose kyngdom if any mā had / & had no∣thing els besyde / he shuld haue vtterly nothyng at al? wherfore if it be euydēt (as it is) y^t Siluester had ne∣uer possession / y^t is to say / y^e Cōstātine did neuer giue or delyuer possession: it foloweth also vndoutedly / y^e Cōstantine neuer gaue (as I haue sayd) so moche as right or title to possesse thē / excepte you do say / y^t the right was geuyn / but the possessyon nat delyuered for some cause or consyderation: ye I wysse / he gaue

that thynge / which he knewe shulde nat come to passe He gaue that: which he could nat delyuer. He gaue that / which he knewe was nat possyble to come into the hādes of him / to whom it was gyuen: afore that it shulde be destroied. He gaue a gyfte / which shulde neuer be of strengthe or stande in any stede / or at the least / nat afore .v.C. yeres were expired. To speke this / or thinke it: is playne madnesse. But now it is tyme (lest I be made to longe & tediouse) seyng that we haue cutte & mangled the cause of our aduersarys to giue it his dedly woūde / & to kyl it with one stroke.

¶The thyrde princypall parte of this oration / in which the author sheweth / that Constantine was be∣come Christen afore that Siluester was pope / & that those gyftes whiche Constātine gaue: were gyuen to the pope nexte after Siluester / which same also were but meane or small thinges / & no more than suffycient to the popes sustentation.

EVery hystorie almost / which is worthy the na∣me of an historie: telleth and maketh mention / that Constātine / * 1.78 euyn whan he was a childe: became Christē with his father Constātius / & y^e long tyme a∣fore that Siluester was pope / as Eusebius y^e writer of the ecclesiasticall historie / whome Rufyne a man right exellently lerned / hath trāslated / into the latyne tonge / and hathe also added two bokes of his owne tyme / which were bothe of them welnere in Cōstan∣tines tyme. Besydes this / we haue also y^e testimonie & witnesse of y^e pope of Rome / whiche nat onely was present at the doyng of these thinges: but also bare a great rule in the same / beyng also nat a witnesse: but the author or doer / nat y^e teller or rehercer of another mānes busynes: but of his owne. He whome I do meane:* 1.79 is Melchiades y^e pope nexte afore Siluester which saith in this wise. The church was come euyn vnto this poynt now: y^t nat only people & natiōs / but also the princes of Rome / whiche helde thempier of the worlde: dyd come together to the faith of Christ and to the sacramentes of the faith. Among whom /

the most deuoute man Constantine fyrst of all other openly gettyng the faith & belefe of the trouth: gaue lycence through out all y^e worlde / to as many as were vnder his dominion and gouernaunce / nat onely to be made Christen men: but also to buylde churches / and he ordayned landes to be gyuen. And to be short the afore rehersed emperoure gaue exceding gret gif∣tes / and he began first the buyldinge of the churche of saynt Peter / in so moche that he did forsake his em¦periall seate or place: and graunted it to the vse and behofe of blessed Peter / & his successours. Lo / here Melchiades maketh mention of nothyng that was gyuen by Constātine: but onely the palace of Late∣rane / and certayne other lādes / of whiche Gregorie very ofte maketh mētion in his regestre. Where than are they nowe / whiche do nat suffre it to be doubted / whether the donation of Constātine be of value and strengthe / or nat? seyng that the sayde donation or gyfte bothe was made afore Syluesters tyme / and was also of priuate thinges onely? which thyng al∣though it is playne & euident ynough: yet that nat withstanding / we must somwhat dispute & reson of that priuilege / which these folyssh felowes are wonte to alledge and bring forth.

¶ The fourth prīcipall {per}te of this oration / in which the author sheweth it to be vntruly sayde / that the co∣pye or example of this donation is founde in the de∣crees / or elles taken out of the historie of saynt Syl∣uester / and also declareth what folysshe / what impos¦syble / what barbarous / and what repugnaūt & con∣trary thīges / with other vnresonablenes / is cōtayned in the sayde copie. & besydes this he maketh mention of the fayned or friuolouse donation of certayn other emperours. And laste of al he sheweth / that in case it were / so that Syluester or any other pope had at any tyme possessed these thīges: yet being ones put out of possessyō / & so long cōtinuīg dispossessed as they haue done: they cā nat now after so long space of tyme clay¦me thē agayn / neither by the lawe of god nor man. &c.

ANd fyrst of all to begyne with / nat onely that felowe which wolde fayne seme to be Gratian whiche added certayn thynges to the worke of Graci¦an / is to be repreued of lewde vnshamfastnes: but al∣so they are to be reproued of ignoraunce and folyshe¦nes / * 1.80 which do wene or suppose / that the pagine of the priuilege is contayned in Gratians worke / whiche thynge neyther any lerned man dyd euer suppose: & agayn it is nat founde in the moste auncyēt and eldest bokes of the decrees / & if in any place Gratian shuld haue made mention of this thīge / he shuld haue done it nat in this place (where they do put it interrupting and breking of the ordre and contexte of his oration and speche) but rather in that place / where he speketh of the paction & couenaunte of Ludouyke. Besydes this there are two thousād places in the decrees: whi¦che do proue this place nat to be true / of the whiche that place is one / where the afore rehersed wordes of Melchiades are alleged. Some men do say / that he whiche added this chapitour to the decrees: was cal¦led Palea / * 1.81 either for that this was his very right na∣me: or els bycause these thinges / whiche he dyd adde or put to of his own / if they be cōpayred to Gratiane are iuged to be / as it were / chaffe nere to the corne. But how so euer the trouthe is concerning this: it is a very great shame & an vnshamely thinge to beleue / that collector & gatherer of the decrees / either dyd nat know these thinges / whiche haue ben added & put to syns of Palea: or els dyd set gretly by them / and ac∣compe and take them for true thinges. This is well than / we are sufficed / we haue the victory & our owne purpose. First that Gratiane doth nat saye this thīge so as they belyed him: but moreouer he denyeth it and preueth it false and vntrue / as easily it maye be perceyued by a thousand places and mo. Seconda∣relye / that they do alledge for theym selues one man alone / and that suche one as is vnknowen / and of none auctorite / a tryfler / and so folysshe also: that he hath added certayne thynges of his owne fay∣nyng to the sayd Gratiane: whiche can nat agree

with the other sayinges of the same Gratian / is this than this authour / that you bryng forth? do you vse the testimonie of him alone? Do you recite a folyshe writtyng of him in paper / for the confyrmation of so gret a matter: agaīst six hundred kynges of proffes? But I loked for it / that you shulde haue shewed ly∣tell Images of golde / tytles & wrytynges in marble / and a thousand authours. But you do say / that Pa∣lea him selfe bryngeth forth the author / and sheweth the very fountayne of the historie / and calleth to wit¦nesse Gelasius the pope / with many other bisshoppes Of the historie (sayth he) of Siluester whiche bles∣sed Gelasius in the counsell of .lxx. bysshoppes repor¦teth to be redde of Catholyke men / and saith / that ma¦ny churches doth folow this same maner / accordyng to the olde aunciēt vsage / in y^e which historie it is red¦de / Constantyne. &c. And a gret deale before where mention is made of bokes whiche are to be redde / & which nat to be redde: he hath sayd also / we do know that the actes of saynte Siluester the bysshoppe are redde of many catholyke men in the cyte of Rome: al be it that we do nat know y^e name of him that wrote them / and the churches accordynge to the olde vsage do folowe the same. Oh / here is a wonderfull autho¦rite / a meruaylouse testimonie and recorde / & a stron¦ge & inuincyble probation. I graunt you this / that Gelasius sayd this: where he speaketh of the councel of .lxx. bysshoppes / dyd he therfore say that the pagi¦ne or copie of the preuilege is redde in the lyfe or ac∣tes of saynte Siluester? and that at Rome: the auc∣torite of whiche churche many other churches do fo∣lowe / whiche thynge I do nat denye: but I graunt / confesse / and knowlege / ye / and I do offre my self to be a wytnesse therof with Gelasius / but what cā this thynge profyght or auayle you? but onely that it myght appere / that you wolde haue lyed / in alled∣gynge and bryngynge forth witnesses and recordes. His name is nat knowen / which added this to y^e de∣crees / & yet he alone doth say this thynge / his name is nat knowen / which wrote y^e historie of Siluester

and yet he alone is brought forth / and that falsly for a wytnesse and a recorde. And do you good and wyse men iuge this to be sufficient / ye / and more than suffi∣cient / to the testimonie and witnessyng of so greate a matter? But consyder now and se / how great diffe∣rence there is betwene your iugemente and myne. I truly? al though this priuylege were contayned in y^e historie of Syluester:* 1.82 wolde nat for all that thynke that it were to be accompted and taken for true. For as moche as that historie is none historie: but a fay∣ned and a shamlese lyeng tale / as I shall shewe and declare herafter / and also / seing that none other mā / namely beyng of any auctorite: dothe make any men¦tion of this priuylege.* 1.83 And Iacobus Voraginen∣sis / whiche bare great fauour and loue to the clergie as beyng himselfe an arche bisshoppe: yet in his stori of saītes lyues / and of the actes of holy men / speketh nat one worde of the donation of Constantine: but passeth it ouer with sylence / as beyng but a lyeng fa∣ble / and nat worthy to be put among y^e actes of Syl∣uester / in whiche dede he gyueth in a maner sentence against them: if any wolde haue put these thinges in writyng. But I wyll drawe that falsyfier and forger of writtes / and very chaffe in dede / and nat whete: in to iugement / writhyng his necke / whether he wyll or nat. What sayst thou false forger of writyng{is}? How fortuneth it / or wherof is it longe / that we do nat re∣de this priuylege among the actes and dedes of Sil∣uester? I suppose this is a gesone boke / and harde to be founde / * 1.84 and there is but very few that haue it / and it is kept secretly / euen lykewise as the Regester or Kalender bokes of the Romaynes were kepte in the olde tyme of the bisshoppes / and as the bokes of Si∣billee were kepte of the .x. men / and it is written in the language of the Grekes / of the Iewes / or of the Caldayes. Gelasius recordeth / that it is redde of many Catholyke men. Iacobus Voraginensis ma∣keth mention of it. We also haue sene a thousand co∣pies of it / and that written in the olde tyme / and they are red almoste in euery Cathedrall churche / vpon

saynt Siluesters day / and yet no mā sayth / that euer he redde therin this that thou forgest and ymaginest. No man that euer he hath seen / no man that euer he dreamed of any suche thynges. It is parauēture so∣me other certayn historie / whiche other historie shall that be? I know none other historie / neither I do iu∣ge that thou doste meane of any other historie / than this / for thou spekest of that historie which Gelasius sayth / redde ofte in many chuches / but in this histo∣rie we do nat fynde the priuylege / if thā it be nat red∣de in the lyfe of Siluester: why dost thou say that it is redde there? why durst thou be so bolde to bourde in so great a matter? and to mocke and deceyue the couetouse desyre of lyght and folysshe personnes?

But I am a fole / whiche do rather rebuke his bold∣nesse: than the peuysshnesse of theym / whiche ga∣ue credence to him / yf any man amonge the Grekes / amonge the Hebrues: ye / amonge the Barbarians / shulde say this thinge is founde written: wolde you nat bydde him name the author / and the booke to be brought forth / and the place to be expowned & decla∣red of some faythfull exposytour: er euer you wolde gyue credence to it? Nowe mention is made of your owne language / of a booke most cōmunely knowen / and yet you do nat make inquisytion or any serche of so vnbeleuable a dede / or els whan you do nat fynde it writtē: yet you ar so light of credēce geuyng / y^t you do accōpt it for writtē & for true / & thīkyng this title to be suffycient / you make great trouble & busynesse in the worlde / and as though there were no doute in it at all: you do put them in feare with warre & other threttenynges / that do nat gyue credence to you?

O good Iesu: how gret is the strength / howe gret is the diuinite or godly power of the trouth? whiche by it selfe / without any great enforcement or labour / defendeth it selfe from all gyles & deceytes / that nat without a cause / whan a great contention was ry∣sen vp afore kyng Darius / * 1.85 what thynge shulde be of most myght and strength / and dyuerse men named dyuerse thynges: at the last the vyctorie & chefe price

was geuyn to veryte and trouth / and for as moche as now at this tyme I haue to do with prestes / and nat with seculares or lay men: I must reherse rather ec∣clesyasticall examples / than seculare examples. Iu¦das Machabeus / whan by sendynge the ambassa∣dours to Rome / * 1.86 he had optayned a leage and amite or frendshippe of the senatours: He prouyded the wordes of the leage to be grauen in brasse / and to be borne to Hierusalem. I passe ouer here the stony tables of the .x. cōmaundementes: whiche god gaue to Moyses.* 1.87 And these so royall & meruaylouse stran∣ge donation of Constantine / can be proued by none other maner euydence and tokens / neither in golde / neither in syluer / neither in brasse / neither in marble / neither last of all in bokes: but onely (if we beleue this felowe (in a pece of paper or parchment.* 1.88 Ioball the fyrst inuentour of musyke (as we do rede in Iose¦phus) bycause in his tyme / it was a cōmune opinion lefte to theym of their forefathers / that the worlde / whiche was ones destroyed with water / shulde agay¦ne be destroyed with fyer: He wrot his doctrine in .ii. pyllers / y^e one of bricke / agaynst the iniurie & hurt of fyer: and the other of stonne / agaynste the hurte of waters (which piller of stone remained euyn to Iose¦phus tyme / as he himselfe writeth) to thentent / that his benefyte towardes all men / shulde alwayes re∣mayne and be seen. And amonge the Romayns beīg yet rude and grose / whan there was yet but smalle learnyng / and letters were rare and geason: yet that natwithstandyng the lawes of the .xii.* 1.89 tables were grauen in brasse / whiche were founde afterwardes safe and vnperisshed: Whan the cyte was taken and set on a fyer by Frenchemen. Suche is the vertue and myght of circumspecte prouidence: that it is a∣ble to ouercome y^e two grettest thinges in al y^e worlde that is to witte diuturnite or longe contynuaunce of tyme / and the vyolence of fortune. And dyd Costan∣tyne marke or seale this donation of the worlde / one∣ly with paper and ynke? namely seyng that the for∣ger of this fable / who euer he was / dothe make Con¦stātyne

in the pagyne of that priuylege / sayeng these wordes: that he dyd suppose / that there shulde nat lacke men after his tyme / whiche through wicked co∣uetousnesse wolde breake and disanull this donation or gyfte. Feare you this thynge / O Constantyne / * 1.90 and do you nat beware and prouyde: lest they whi∣che wolde take away Rome from Syluester / myght also priuely conuay awaye this dede or writte in pa∣per? What? Syluester himselfe? Doth he no thinge at all for himselfe? Dothe he so remyt all thinges to Constantyne? Is he so carelesse / so slowe / and so pea∣kishe? dothe he in so great a busynes no thynge pro∣uyde for himselfe? nothyng for his churche? nothing for them that shulde come after his tyme? Beholde here / O Constantyne / to what maner man you do cōmyt the administratyon and gouernaunce of the empier of Rome: whiche slepeth in so great a mater and in the thyng / wherof shulde come either so great lucre: or elles so great ieoperdy and daunger. For the paper wherin the priuylege is contayned / ones taken away: doutles the donation or gyfte can nat be pro∣ued to haue ben made in processe of tyme. The mad felowe calleth it the pagyne of the priuilege. Callest thou the donation of the worlde / a priuilege? (for it pleaseth me to rebuke him / as if he were present) and wylt thou / that this priuilege was written in a pagi∣ne? and that Constantyne vsed suche maner oration and speche? if the tytle be folish and agaynst reason: what maner thīges shal we iuge the resydue to be / y^t do after folowe? ¶Constantinus īperator quarto die sue baptismatis priuilegium Ro. ecclesiae ponti∣fici contulit / vt in vrbe Roma sacerdotes ita hunc ca∣put habeant / sicut iudices regem. Cōstantyne the emperour / the fourth daye after he was Christened: gaue a priuylege to the bysshoppe of the churche of Rome / that in the cyte of Rome the preestes shulde take hym for heed / euyn so as the iuges do take the kynge. These wordes be contayned in the very histo¦rye of Syluester / by reason wherof it can nat be dou¦ted / in what place this priuilege is sygnifyed to haue

ben writen. But after the maner of them / whiche do deuyse and forge lyes or lesynges / he began with the trouthe: to thentent / that he might cause men to gyue credence to the false & vntrue thinges that do folowe. Euen lykewise as Sinon in Virgyle / sayd fyrste to Priamus these wordes.* 1.91 Without fayle noble kyng all the trouth I shall say / & that I am a Greke borne I shall nat say nay. And in this he sayd trouthe / but afterwardes he made many false leasinges: so in this place dothe our subtyle & crafty Sinon / * 1.92 which whā he had begonne with the trouthe: by & by after dyd adde these wordes. ¶ In eo priuilegio ita inter cae∣tera legitur / vtile iudicauimus vna cum omnibus satrapis nostris / & vniuerso senatu / opeimatib{us} etiā & cum cucto populo imperio Ro. ecclie subiacenti / vt sicut beatus Petrus in terris vicari{us} dei videtur esse constitutus: ita & pontifices ipsi{us} principis Ap••o{rum} vicem / principatus potestatem / amplius {quam} terrenae imperialis nostrae serenitatis mansuetudo habere vi¦detur / cōcessam a nobis nostro{que} imperio obtineant.

In that priuilege among other thinges / thus it is redde. We with all our dukes & erles / and with the hole senate / and the optimates / and with all y^e people beyng subiectes vnder the empier & gouernaunce of the churche of Rome / haue iuged & thought it profy∣table / that lykewise as blessed Peter semeth to haue ben constituted & ordayned the vicare of god here in erthe: euen so the popes also being the successours of the prince of the Apostles / shulde optayne and haue power & dominion graunted to them of vs & our em∣pier / more largely / than the myldenes of our erthely ēperiall serenite shulde seme to haue. O cursed and false wreche / the same historie / wherof thou takest re∣corde & witnes: telleth / that it is longe tyme ere afore euer they whiche were of y^e senatorie ordre / wolde ta∣ke vpon them y^e Christen relygion / & that Cōstātyne gaue money to poore men: that he might therby pro∣uoke them to be baptysed. And sayest thou / that forth with within .iiii. dayes / the senate / y^e noble & great estates / with y^e rulers of prouīces / as though they

had ben than alredy Christened: dyd make decrees with the emperour / to put the churche of Rome to ho¦noure and worshippe? Wylt thou besydes this / that Satrapae / that is to say / dukes or erles / were pre∣sent? O stones / O dull stockes. vse the emperours to speake after this maner? Are the decrees of the Romaynes wonte to be expressed in suche formes of wordes? Who euer herde Satrapas / that is to say / dukes or erles / to be named in the counsayls or as∣sembles of the Romaynes? I do nat remembre / that euer I red / any man / I do nat say onely beyng a Ro¦mayne / but also nat so moche as in the prouince belon¦gynge to the Romaynes: to be named a duke or an erle. But this felow calleth them the dukes and erles of the emperoure / and he setteth them before the sena∣tours / nat withstandynge that all honores / ye / euen those also / whiche are gyuen to the prince: are decre∣ed onely by the senatours / and the people of Rome ioyned with them. And this is the cause / why we do se in the stones / or brasen tables / or in the coynes of olde antiquyte / either these two letters. SC .1. Senatus consulto / that is to say / by the decree of the senatours: or elles these foure letters. SPQR .1. Senatus / Populus{que} / Romanus. that is to saye / the senatours and the people of Rome. And as Ter∣tullyane maketh mētion / whan Pontius Pilatus had written to Tiberius Cesar / of the merueylouse and wonderfull workes & dedes of Christ / and nat to the senatours (for the heed offycers & gouernours had ben wonte to write of gret maters vnto y^e senate) the senatours toke this thyng greuously / & were gret¦ly dyscontente therwith. And whan Tiberrius gaue this prerogatyue / that Iesus shulde be worshipped for a god: they gaynsayde it / onely for the preuy in∣dignation & grudge which they had in their mindes: for that the dignyte of the senatorie ordre was offen∣ded & hurte. And that thou mayst knowe of how gret strength the aucorite of the senate is: they optayned that he shulde nat be worshipped for a god.* 1.93 Besides this thou sayst the Optymates whom we vnderstāde either to be the chefe men in the cōmune weale / & than

why doest thou name these: seīg ther is no worde spo¦ken of other offycers? or els by optimates we vnder∣stāde those / which are nat Populares / that is / which seche nat to get y^e beneuolēce & good wyll of y^e people but are y^e fauourers & defēders of the best men & of y^e good {per}ties or sydes / as Cicero sheweth & declareth in a certayne oratiō / that suche are called optimates. And therfore we do say / that Cesar afore that the cō∣mune weale was oppressed: was Popularis / & that Cato was one of the optimates / the dyfferēce of whi∣che two wordes Salust hath declared. And they whi¦che are called optimates in this sygnifycatiō / are no more sayde to be called to counsayle: thā other popu∣lare persons or other good men. But what meruayle is it / if the optimates be there made of counsayle: where the hole people (if we gyue credēce to this mā) dyd iuge with y^e senate & Cesar? and that y^e people be¦yng subiecte to the church of Rome. And which peo∣ple is this? The people of Rome? whye is it than nat called y^e people of Rome: rather than the people subiecte? What newe & straūge cōtumelye / & meruay¦louse rebuke is this vnto y^t cytizēs of Rome: of whō y^e best & most exellēte poete Vergyle reporteth in this wyse. Tu regere īperio populos Romane memēto. Thou people of Rome / remembre thou to gouerne & rule people. That people whiche is the gouernour & ruler of other peoples: is called here Populos subia¦cēs a people subiect / which thīg was neuer herde here¦tofore. For in this (as Gregorius witnesseth in many epistles) diffreth y^e bisshop of Rōe frō other bisshop∣pes: for y^t he onely is the gouernour of a free people. But this admitted / that it were euen so as thou sayst Are nat other peoples also subiectes? doest thou mea¦ne of other peoples also? how coulde it be possyble / y^t all the people beīg subiectes to the churche of Rome / were within thre dayes p̄sēt at the makīg of that de∣cree? how be it all y^e vile sorte & the rascall of y^e people I am sure / dyd nat iuge or decree. Moreouer / why shulde Constantine call the people subiecte: afore that he had made them subiecte to the pope of Rome

Agayne / why are they / whiche are called subiectes: sayd to haue borne a rule / in y^e makīge of the decree? Besydes this / they are sayd to haue decreed euē this same thīg: that their selues shulde be subiectes: & that he to whom they were all redy subiectes: shulde haue them subiectes vnto hī selfe. What other thīge doste thou folysshe wretche / with those folysshe & mad ima∣ginatiōs: but onely shewe & declare / that thou haste wyll & desyre to deceyue & begyle: & that thou lackest power to do it. ¶ Eligētes nobis ipsu prīcipē apo∣stolo{rum} / vel eius vicarios / firmos apud deu else patro¦nes / et sicut nostra est terrena īperialis potēcia: ita eius sacrosāctā Ro. ecclesiā decreuim{us} venerater ho∣norare / & āplius {quam} nr̄m iperiū terrenū{que} thronū / sedē sacratissimā beati Petri gloriose exaltare / tribuētes ei potestatē / et gloriā / et dignitatē / et vigorē / & hono¦rificenciā īperialem. Chosīg the prīce of apostles hī selfe or his vicars: to be stedfast / & sure patrōs & de∣fēders to vs / afore god. And euen as our erthly ēpe∣riall power is: so haue we decreed / reuerently to ho∣nour his hole & worshipfull church of Rome / & glori∣ously to exalte y^e most worshipfull seat of blessed Pet a great deale more / thā our ēpier & erthly throne / gy∣uyng to it power / & glory / & dignite / & strēgth / & ho∣norificēce ēperiall.* 1.94 Reuyue & waxe alyue agayne a lytell whyle / O Lactāce Firmiane: & relyst this asse cryeng out so maynely. He hath so great delyte & ple¦sure in y^e claterīg noyse of proude & puffed wordes: that he repeteth & īculketh ofte agayn y^e same thīges / whiche he had sayd nat lōge afore. Dyd the scribes of thēperours (bycause I wyll nat say the horsekepers) speke after this maner & facyō / in thy tyme? Constā¦tin{us} elegit sibi illos / nat patronos: but esse patronos. He put ī y^e infynityue mode esse / to make y^e nombre of the wordes ioyne more trymly to gether. An honest and a worshypfull cause forsothe / to speake barba∣rouslye: that thyne oratyon or speche maye ronne more plesauntely and goodlye / if it be so that anye plesaūtnes or goodlynes may be in so rought a style. Chosing y^e prince of the apostles / or his vicars. you do nat chose O Cōstātine / Peter & his vicars: but

either him excludīg them / or them excludīg him. And he calleth y^e popes of Rome Peters vicars: as though Peter were yet alyue: or as though the popes were of lesse dignite than Peter was. Is nat this also a bar¦barouse maner of speakīg. Cōcessā a nobis nostro{que} imperio. Graūted to thē by vs & our ēpier? as who shulde saye / that the ēpier had minde or purpose / and also power to graūte. And he was nat cōtented nor thought it ynough to say, Obtineāt / that they shulde haue & optayne: except he dyd say also / cōcessā / graū∣ted / natwithstāding that y^e one of those wordes alone were sufficiēt. And that same / where he calleth them stedfast & sure patrons: is very elegātly spoken. For god wot / he wyll / that they be stedfast & sure: lest they myght be corrupted with money / or els myght shrike & fall for fere. And this sayeng also. Nostra terrena imperialis potestas / or erthly ēperyall power / where he ioyneth two adiectyues without a cōiūction copu∣latyue / and that also Venerāter honorare / worship∣fully to honour / & that Nostrae īperialis serenitatis māsuetudo. This gere sauoureth & smelleth of the e∣loquēce of Lactāce: where he speaketh of the power & gouernaūce of the ēpire: to name serenite & myldnes or gētelnes: & nat highnes or maiestie. which sayēg is also puffed & blowen vp with swolne pride: euen lykewise as that is: where he sayth. Gloriose exal∣tare per gloriā / et potestatē / et dignitatē / et vigorē / et honorificentiā īperialē. Gloriously to exalte by glory & power / & dignite / & strēgth / & honorificēce ēperyall. which maner of spekīg semeth to be takē out of y^t Apo¦calipse or reuelation of sait Iohn̄ / * 1.95 where it is sayde.

Worthy is the lābe / which hath ben slayn: to take or receyue power / dignite / wisedome / fortitude or strē∣gth / honour / & benedictiō. He semeth also oftētimes (as it shall euidētly appere herafter) Cōstātine to ta¦ke vpō him y^e tytles & prayses belōgīg to god / & coue∣tyng to folowe y^e maner of spekīg vsed in y^e holy scrip¦ture: which he had neuer red. At{que} decernetes sācim{us} vt prīcipatū teneat / tāsu{per} quatuor sedes / Alexādrinā Antiochenā / Hierosolimitanā / Constātinopolitanā: {quam} etiā su{per} oēs inuniuerso orbe terra{rum} dei ecclesias /

etiam pontifex qui per tempora ipsius sacrosācre Ro∣ecclesiae extiterit celsior & princeps cunctis sacerdoci∣bus / & totius mundi existatis / & euis iudicio / quae ad cultum dei & fidem Christiano{rum} / vel stabilitatē pro∣curandam fuerint: disponantur. we also by oure decree do establysshe and stedfastly ordayne / that he haue the chefe gouernaunce / as well vpon the ••oure sees / of Alexandrie / Antioche / Hierusalem / and Con∣stantinople: as also vpon all the churches of god / in the hole worlde. Also that the bisshoppe of the sayde worshipfull churche of Rome / whiche shall be from tyme to tyme: be highest and chefe heed of all prestes and of the hole worlde / and that all thinges whiche shall appertayne to the honoring of god / and to the procurynge of the Christen ••ayth / and the stabilyte therof: be disposed and ordred by his iugement.

Here I do passe ouer his barbarouse and corrupte maner of speaking / that y^e sayd / Princeps sacerdoti∣bus for princeps sacerdotum and that he did put the∣se two wordes / Extiterit & existat / bothe in one place and that whan he had sayd / & in vniuerso orbe terra{rum} He addeth agayn / et totius mudi. As if it were a cer¦tayne sondrie thinge / or as it he wolde heuen to be contayned also / which is a parte of the worlde: whā a greate parte of the worlde was nat vnder the do∣minion of Rome / and that he sayth. ad fidem Chri∣stiano{rum} / vel stabilitatem pro curandam. makyng a distinccion and seperation of the faythe of Christen men / and the stabilyce therof / as though these two might nat be bothe to gether at one tyme / and that he mēgled these two wordes. Decernere & sancire. And that he maketh Constantine nowe to decree: as if he hadde nat iuged before with other / and as though he purposed to decree & ordayne a penaltie / & that he ma¦keth hī to establissh together with y^e people. Besydes al these thīges / I say / what Christē mā can suffre this & nat sharply chastise y^e pope which suffreth this / ye / & also hereth it gladdly / and reherceth it / that where as the Romayne see hathe taken primacie & preeminence of Christe (as the .viii. synode hath declared / Gra∣tiane

bering witnes / and many of the Grekes) nowe it is sayde to haue receyued it of Constantine / being yet scasely a Christen man / as it were of Christ him∣selfe? Wolde that most discrete and lowly prince ha∣ue herde this? wolde the most godly and vertuouse pope haue herde this? god shelde them bothe from so great synne and abhomination. Agayne / standeth this with reason / or maye it be naturally / that any man myght speake of Constantinople / as of one of the patriarchall / seattes: whyche yet was neither Patryarchall / neither any se at all / neither a Chri∣sten cyte / neither so named / nether yet buylded / nether so moche as purposed or appoynted to be buylded? For the priuilege was graunted within thre dayes after that Constantine was made a Christen man / at whiche tyme it was yet Bizantium: and nat Con∣stantinople. Let me be accōpted and taken for a lyer: if this folisshe felowe dothe nat confesse the same him selfe. For nere vnto the ende of priuilege: he writeth these wordes. ¶ Vnde congruum prospeximus / no∣strū imperium et regiam potestatē oriētalib{us} trāsfer∣ri regionibus / et in Bizantinae {pro}uintiae optimo loco nomini nostro ciuitatem edificari et illic nostrum cō∣stitui imperiū. Wherfore we haue iuged it mete and according / that our empier and royall power be tran∣slated to the regions of the Este / and that in the best place of the prouince of Bizantie: a cyte be buylded to our name / and that there our empier be cōstituted and set. If he dyd nowe but purpose to translate his empier to another place: he had nat yet translated it. If he were but mynded to constitute and set his em∣pier there: he had nat yet constituted or sette it there. So lykewise / if he was than but in purpose to build a cyte / he had nat buylded it as yet. He oughte nat therfore to haue made mention of it as of one beyng patriarchal / as of one of the foure sees / as of a christē cyte / as of one so named / as of one allredy buylded: of the building wherof he was nat yet so moch as in thought & purpose / after y^e mynde of y^e historie / which Palea bringeth forth to witnesse & recorde. But this

beest (whether he be Palea / or who so euer he be / whō the other doth folowe) doth nat parceyue and se / that he desagreeth from him / for there it is sayde / that Cō¦stantine nat of his own voluntarie mynde: but by the admonition and warnyng of god / as he slepte / nat at Rome: but at Bizācie / and nat within fewe dayes but after certayn yeres was purposed & determyned to buylde the cyte / & that he gaue to it the name / whi∣che he was warned and taught to gyue in his slepe / who than doth nat see / that he whiche made the priui∣lege: was longe after the tyme of Constantyne? and that whiles he wolde garnysshe and set forth his lye: he forgate that he had sayd before / that these thynges were done at Rome / the thyrde day after that Constā¦tine was baptised / so that the comune olde prouerbe may very accordyngly be applyed to him. Mēdacem memorem esse oportet. Alyer had nede to be good of remembraunce: Moreouer Bizantium the prouīce / (as he calleth it) was nothyng large ynough for the buyldyng of so great a Cyte / for Constantynople did contayne all olde Byzantiū / within the walles of it selfe / and yet this felowe sayth / that a cytie shulde be buylded in the best place of Bizantiū. Besydes this / he wyll that Thracia / wherin Bizanciū stode: is in the Eest parte / & yet in very dede it inclyneth towar∣de the northe / I suppose or wene that Constantyne knewe nat the place whiche he had chosen out among other / to the buyldyng of his cyte: in what quarter or parte of the worlde it was sytuate / neither whether it were a cyte or a prouynce / neither of what measure and largenesse is was ¶Ecclesus beato{rum} aplo{rum} Petri & Pauli / pro continuatione luminario{rum}: pos∣sessionū predia contulimus / & rebus diuersis eas di∣tauimus & per nostram imperalem iussionem sacram tam in oriente / {quam} in occidente / {quam} etiā a septentrione et meridionali plaga / videlicet et in Iudia / Grecia / Asia / Thracia / Affrica / & Italia / vel diuersis insu¦lis / nostra largitate / Et concessim{us} / ea prorsus rati¦one vt per manus beatissimi pacis nostri Siluestri sūmi pontificis / successorum{que} eius oia disponātur.

We haue gyuen certayn landes and possessyons to the churche of the blessyd apostles Peter and Paule / for the continuation and vpholdyng of lyghtes / and we haue endowed & enriched the same churches with dyuerse thynges / and by our sacred imperiall cōmaū¦dement of our lyberalyte and bountuousnes / we haue graunted to them our lyberty and power / as well in the Eest / as in the weste: and in the north / and in the south clymates or {per}tes of the world / that is to wytte / bothe in Inde / Grecelande / Asye / Tracia / Affrike / and Italye / or in dyuerse Ilandes / and that vtterly in suche wyse and maner: that all thynges be dyspo¦sed by the handes of most blessed Siluester our fader and pope / and by the handes of his successours /

O false wretche / were there at that tyme churches or temples in Rome / dedicated to Peter & Paule? who had buylde them? who durst haue bene bolde to buyl¦de them? seyng that than there was no place for chri∣sten men (as the historie sayth) but onely secrete cor∣ners / and lurkyng places: or if there had ben any tē∣ples in Rome dedicated to those apostles / yet they were none suche / in whiche it were mete & accordyng that so gret serges or tapers shulde be lyghted / as be∣yng but lytle or small chapels / nat temples or chur∣ches / and onely oratories within their owne houses: and nat open great churches? he ought therfore / nat to haue taken care / & made prouision for the lyghtes of the temples: afore that he hadde taken care for the temples selues. What sayest thou / which makest Constantyne called Peter and Paule / beatos / that is to say blessed / and Siluester whan he was yet ly∣uyng / beatissimū / most blessed / and called his owne cōmaundemēt (whiche had bene nat longe before an infydele or paynyme) sacred and holy? were so great thynges to be gyuen for the vpholdynge of lyghtes / that all the hole worlde shulde be made wery therby? Or whiche landes are those / namely of possessyons? we are wonte to say Possessions of landes / but nat landes of possessyons / thou gyuest landes and lorde shyppes / and dost nat declare nor expresse whiche lan¦des

they be / thou hast enriched thē with diuerse thyn¦ges: and dost nat shewe neither whan / neither with what thynges thou wylt that the plages or regions of the worlde be disposed by Siluester: but thou dost nat shewe / in what maner or kynde of disposyng or orderynge / thou haste gyuen and graunted these thynges before. Why doste thou nowe sygnifye and gyue knowledge / that thou haste begonne this daye to honour the churche of Rome / and to graunt the priuilege to it? dost thou this day graunt and gy¦ue? dost thou this day make it riche or endowe it? why dost thou than say / we haue graunted / and we haue made riche or endowed? wottest thou what thou spekest / or what thou meanest thou beeste? I speke to the / the forger of this lye: and nat to the very good prince Constantyne. But why do I require or looke for any wisdome / or any lernyng in the: whiche arte nat endowed with any wyt or any literature at all as it appereth right wel whan thou sayst Luminariorū for Luminariū and orientalib{us} trasferri regionib{us}: where thou oughtest to haue said / ad oriētales trāsfer¦ri regiones? Moreouer which be those .iiii. plages or quarters of the worlde? which reckenest thou to be y^e eest plage? Thracia? dothe it nat (as I sayd before) inclyne to the north? Iurie? but it lyeth more toward the south / as beyng nere vnto Egipte / whiche also callest thou the west plage? Italy / But these thynges were done in Italye / whiche no man lyuyng or aby∣dyng there: doth call the west plage or region / for as moch as we do say / the hispaynes to be in y^e west. And Italye on the one syde / leaneth to the southe / & on the other syde / leaneth to the northe: rather than to the west. Which callest thou the septemtrionall or north plage? Thracia? But thou thyselfe shalte haue it to be on the east syde / or els Asya? But this it selfe alone occupieth and possesseth the hole east. And the north is commune to it and Europa / which callest thou the meridionall or south plage. No dout of it / thou mea¦nest Affricke. But why diddest thou nat expresse and shewe forthe some prouince by name? excepte perad∣uenture

the moores of Ethiopia were vnder the em∣pier of Rome. And yet neuer y^e lesse Asia and Aphri∣ke haue no place here / where the worlde is deuyded in to foure partes / and the regyons of eche parte are rehersed by name: but whan it is deuyded in to thre partes / Asye / Affrike / and Europe. Excepte thou do∣ste name Asya for the Asyatike prouince / and Aphri∣ke for the prouince / whiche is nere vnto the people of Getulya / whiche I can nat see / why they shulde be principally and chefely named. Wolde Constantine haue spoken in suche wise / whan he had spoken of the foure principall partes of the worlde: that he wolde haue named these regions / & nat haue named other? and that he wolde haue begonne with Iurie / whiche is rekened and accompted a part of Syria / and whi¦che at that tyme was no longer Iurie / for as moche as Ierusalem was destroyed / and the Iewes chaced from thence and welnere destroyed / in so moche that I do suppose / that scacely any Iewe was than remai¦nynge in his owne countrey: but all inhabytid other nations? Where I besech you / was Iurie than / whi¦che was no longer called Iurie / euen lykewyse as we do se nowe at this day the name of that lande de∣stroyed? And euen as whan the Chananies were dri¦uen out / that region was no longer called Chanania but the name beyng chaunged / was called Iudia of the newe inhabytauntes the Iewes: so whan the Ie∣wes were banisshed and driuen out / and straungers did īhabyte it: it was no longer called Iurie. Thou namest Iewrie and Thracia / and Ilelandes: but the Hispaynes / and Fraunces / & Germayne / thou thyn∣kest nat worthy to be named / and whan thou spekest of other languages / as Hebrue / Greke / and Bar∣barouse: thou speakest nat of any of the prouinces vsynge the Latyne tonge or language. I perceyue now / thou dydest therfore ouerchippe or leue them out here: that thou myghtest contayne or comprehende them afterwardes in the donatyon. And what? were nat the west prouynces so moche worthe / that they myght mayntayne and vpholde the costes and char∣ges

of the lyghtes: excepte that the resydue of the worlde dyd helpe also? I passe ouer here / that thou sayest these thynges to be graunted per / largitatem that is to say of lyberalyte and bowntuousnes▪ than was it nat done for y^e healyng of the leprie / so as they do say for els it were a strāge presūptiō in hī: who so euer wolde put or reckē a remuncratiō or recōpensati¦on in stede of lyberal or free gyftes. ¶Beato Silue∣stre / e••us{que} vicario dep̄senti tradimus palatiū impe¦rit nostri Lateranense / deinde diadema / videlicet co∣ronam capitis nostri / simul{que} phrigiū / nec non su{per}hu merale / videlicet lorū / quod īperiale circūdare solet colū / veruetiam clamidē purpuream / at{que} tunicā coc¦cineā / et oīa imperialia indumēra / seu etiā dignitatē imperialiū praesidētiū equitū / conferentes ei etiam imperialia sceptra / simul{que} cūcta signa at{que} bona / et diuersa ornamēta imperialia / et oēm processionē im∣perialis culminis / et gloriā potestatis nostrae / viris etiā diuersi ordinis reuerēdissimis / clericis sāctae Ro¦manae ecclesiae seruiēcib{us} / illud colmē singula{rum} potē∣tiae / et praecellentiae / habere sāctim{us} / cui{us} ampli••sim{us} noster senatus videtur gloria adornari / .i. patritios / consules / effici. Necnou in caeteres dignitatib{us} īpe∣rialib{us} eos {pro}mulgauim{us} decorati / & quēadmodū īpe∣rialis extat decorata militia ••ita clerū sāctae Ro. eccle¦siae adorari decreuim{us}. Et quēadmodū imperial••s potētia diuersis officus cubiculario{rum} nēpe / et hostia∣rio{rum} at{que} oīm cōcubito{rum} adornatur: ita et sanctā Ro ecclesiā decorari voluim{us}. Et vt āplissime pōtificale decus {pro}fulgeat: decreuim{us} / vt et clerici santi eiusdē sāctae Ro ecclesiae / mappulis et lītheaminib{us} .i. cādi∣dissimo colore decoratos equos equitēt / et sicut noster senatus calciamētis vtitur eū vdonib{us} .i. cādido lin the amine illustrētur / et ita celestia sicut terrestria ad laudē dei decorētur. To blessed Siluester & to his vicare / we delyuer vp at this p̄sent tyme y^e palayce of our ēpier / called the palayce of Laterane / moreouer our diademe / that is to wyt y^e crowne belōgīg to our heed. Also phrigiū / the coyfe / and the su{per}humerale / that is to wit y^e collar whiche is wonte to cōpasse our

ēperiall necke / & besydes this / a purple mātyll or to∣be / & a purple cote / & all the ēperiall garmētes or ap∣paryll / as also the dignyte of the ēperyal p̄sidē••e kny¦ghtes / * 1.96 gyuīg to him also thēperiall scepters / & also al the sygnes & armes or badges / & dyuerse ornamētes ēperyall & / all the pōpouse processyō or goyng forth of the ēperyall maiestie / & the glorie of our power. And also to y^e reuerēde men of dyuerse & sōdrie ordres & de¦grees / the clerkes seruīg the holy churche of Rome: we do ordayne & establisshe / that they haue that most high power & preemynēce / with the glory wherof our most honorable senate is seen to be adourned / that is to say / that they be made Patric•••• / & Cōsules. Also we haue promulged & publysshed / that they be adour¦ned with other ēperiall dignytes. And as thēperyall cheualry is decked & apparayled: so we haue decreed that y^e clergie of the holy churche of Rome he adour¦ned.* 1.97 And as the ēperiall power is a nourned with dy¦uerse offyces / that is to wytte / of chaūberlayns / por¦ters / & watchemen: euen so we wyll y^t the holy chur∣che of Rome be adourned. And y^t the honour & wor∣shyppe of the pope may be most bright / & most glory¦ously shyne forth & appere: we haue decreed / that also the holy clerkes of y^e same holy church of Rome / shal ryde vpon horses decked with napkyns & shetes / y^t is to wit of most pure whyte colour. And as our senate wereth shoes with vdonibus .i. lytell mones / that is to say / be adourned with whyte lynnen cloth / & so that heuenly thīges may be lykewise decked & adourned: as be the erthely thīges / to the laude & prayse of god.

O blessed Iesu / wilt thou nat make answere frō a whorlewide to this felowe: which rolleth forth sēten∣ces with barbarouse and folyssh wordes? Wylt thou nat thūdre? wylt thou nat cast forth lyghtenīges / to reuenge and punisshe so great blasphemye? Doste thou suffre so great shame & abhomination in thy fa∣mylye or householde? Canst thou here this? Canst thou see this? And cāst thou wīke at it / & suffre it vn¦punisshed so long? But thou art paciente and full of mercy / But yet I do feare / lest this thy pacyence be

rather wrathe and condemnation / as it was towar∣des theym / of whome thou saydest.* 1.98 And I haue lette theym alone / to do accordynge to the desiers of their hert / and they shall walke in their owne inuen∣tions / and in another place.* 1.99 I haue gyuen them in∣to a reprobate sense or mynde 〈◊〉〈◊〉 they shulde do those thynges / whiche are nat conuenyent: bycause it dyd nat lyke them to aknowledge me. I besech the / O lorde bydde me cry out agaynst them / and peraduen¦ture they shal be conuerted.* 1.100 O you popes of Rome which are the examples of all synnes & myscheuouse vyces / to other bisshoppes. O you most leude scry∣bes and phariseis / whych do syt on y^e ••haire of Moy¦ses / and do the warkes of Dathan and Abyron:* 1.101 saye you so? shall the gorgyouse garmentes / and appa∣ryll of estate? shall the pompe of cheualrye? and to make an ende / shall all the maner lyuing of the empe¦rour / be seme the vicare of Christe? what felowship or agrement / or what comparison or lykenes / is there betwene a preest / and Cesar? Dyd Siluester do on suche garmentes vpon himselfe? went he in such ap∣paryll / and with suche pompe & roialte? dyd he lyue at home / and did he raigne with suche celebrite of ser¦uauntes? The vngraciouse men do nat parceyue and vnderstande / that Syluester ought raither to take vnto him the garmentes & apparayll of Aaron / * 1.102 whi¦che was the hyghest or chefe preest of god: thā of an hethen prince. But we shall at another tyme more so¦re inuaye / and speke agaynst these thynges / and at this tyme / lette vs speake somewhat / with this false forger of lyes: of his barbarouse language / thorow whose folysshe speche: his most shamelesse leasynge waxeth open & euydente / by the owne accorde / we de∣lyuer vp (sayth he) the palayce of our empier / called Laterane / As though he hadde done euyll / to put the gyftes of the palayce / here in this place among the or¦namentes: he rehersed the same agayne afterwardes where mention is made of gyftes / Moreouer the dia¦deme / and as though they dyd nat see / but hadde ben blynde / whiche were presente: he declareth it / say∣yng

/ that is to wytte y^e crowne belongeth to our heed but here he dyd nat put to / of golde / but afterwardes rehersyng the same thynges agayn: he sayth / of most pure golde & of precyouse stones. The vnlerned da∣starde was ignoraunte / * 1.103 that a diademe is of clothe / or els paraduenture of sylke / wherfor that wyse say∣yng of a certayn kynge / is wonte to be moche spokē of / and praysed / whiche is sayd / whan the dyademe was delyuered vnto him: to haue holde it in his hā∣des / and to haue consydered and well aduysed it a longe season / before he wolde put it on his heed / and to haue sayde / O noble: rather than prosperouse & lucky clothe / whiche if a man knew parfyghtly with how many cares / ieopardyes / & miseries / thou art replenysshed: he wolde nat so moche as ones take the vp / if thou layest on the grounde. This felowe / we∣neth it to be of nought els: than of golde / to the whi¦che / nowe a dayes the kynges do put to / a crowne of golde with preciouse stones. But Cōstantine was nat a kynge / * 1.104 neither durste he haue ben bolde to call him selfe a kynge / neither to apparaill him selfe after the maner of kynges / he was emperour or chefe cap∣tayne of Rome / nat kynge / where a kynge is: there is nat a comune weale.* 1.105 But in y^e comune weale / there haue ben many emperours or captaynes / & that euen at one tyme / for Cicero writeth oftētymes in this wi∣fe / M. Cicero imperator / illi vel illi īperatori salutē that is to say in englishe / Marcus Cicero captayne sendeth gretyng to this or y^e captayne / all be it after∣wardes the prince or gouernour of the Romayns / as beyng souerain of al: had this name ēperator appro∣priated to him / so y^t he as by a name peculiare / & pro∣prely belōgyng to hī / was called ēperour. Simul{que} phrigiū / necnon su{per} humerale videlicet lo{rum} / quod im¦periale solet circūdare collū / How great barbarous∣nes is there ī these word{is}?* 1.106 who euer harde this worde Phrigiū vsed in y^e latyn tonge? wilte thou / whā thou spekest barbarously: y^t I sholde thynke it to be y^e spe∣che of Cōstātine or of Lactāti{us}? Plaut{us} in y^e cōmedye called Menechmi / * 1.107 put this worde phrigio for a sha∣per

of garmētes / & Plini{us} calleth garmēt{is} broiderde & wroughte w^t y^e nedell. Phrigiones / because y^e peo¦ple of Phrigia were y^e fyrst fynders out & deuisers of such garmētes. But what this worde phrigiū doth si¦gnify / which is a darke worde: thou dost nat declare but this worde su{per}humerale / which is a more playn worde: thou doest expoūde & declare / sayeng. videli¦cet lorū &c. & yet thou wottest nat what Lo{rum} betoke∣neth for thou doest nat meane / y^t a girdle / * 1.108 or lease ma∣de of leddre (which is called lo{rum}) was put about Ce∣sars necke for an ornamēt / & herof it is / y^t we do call y^e raines & ledders of y^e bridles & horse harnais / & leddre thōges or scourges Lora in y^e lati tōge / & if in any pla¦ce we do finde these wordes Lora aurea: it can nat be vnderstāded but only of y^e raynes or leddres of y^e bri∣dels or collers / which ar wōt to be put about y^e gilded necke of an horse / or of some other beest / which thing / in myne opinion / begyled y^e / & whiles thou wylte put Lo{rum} about y^e necke of Cesar & Siluester: thou ma∣kest of a man / of thēperour / of y^e pope: an horse / or an Asse / or a dogge / Ve{rum} & chlamidē purpureā at{que} tu∣nicā coccinea. Because Math.* 1.109 saith clamidē cocci∣neā / & Iohn̄ saith / vestē purpureā / spekyng both of y^e purple mātill or vesture / which was don vpō Christ / in mockcage & scorne: this felow thought y^t he wolde here ioyne thē both togyther ī one place. But if pur∣purea & Coccinea do betokē both of thē one coloure / as they do ī y^e sayīges of y^e euāgelistes: why wast nat thou cōtēt so as y^e euāgelistes were cōtēt / to name the one of thē? except th••u doest vnderstāde by purpurea a kynge (as vnlerned men do speke now a dayes) of white sylken cloth / But in very dede / * 1.110 purpurea is a fysshe / w^t whose blode woll is dyed / & therfore of y^e dying y^e cloth hath his name & is called purple / who∣se colour may be takē for reed / though it be somwhat more īclynīg to blacke / & very nere to y^e colour of cole & cluddred blode / & as it were a violete colour / & ther¦fore ī Homer & Vergile it is redde / purpure{us} sāguis & marmor prophiricū / that is to saye / purple blode / and purple or Rede marble / whose coloure is lyke to the Amethiste stone / for y^e / which in the latyn tonge

is called purpura: in y^e greke is called porphyra / And what maner of garmente Chlamys is: I durst swe∣re / thou wottest nat at al / But lest he sholde bewraye him selfe to be a lyer / if he sholde haue spokē at large of euery partyculare grament: he cōprehendeth them all togyder in one worde / sayeng oīa īperialia indu∣menta / that is to say / all the emperiall garmentes / what? euyn those also / wherin he was wōt to be clad and apparailed in batayle / wherwith he was cladde in huntyng? in playes or open shewes? and in feastes or bankettes? what can be sayd more folysshely: than that all the garmentes or apparaille of Cesar / is con∣uenient or syttyng for the pope? But how properly & pleasauntly is this added of him. Seu etiam digni∣tatem imperialiū presidentiū equitum / that is to say or the dignite of the emperiall presydente knyghtes / he sayth or he wolde departe these two thīges / the one from the other: as though there were great similytu¦de or lykenes betwen them / and he falleth downe frō speakynge of the emperiall habyte or apparayll: to the dignite of knyghtes / speakyng I wote nat what he wolde fayne expresse certayne meruaylouse thyn∣ges: but he is afrayde to be perceyued & taken with a lye / and therfore with puffed and swolne chekes / & with a bowlne throte: he gyueth a sounde without witte / and speketh without any reason or wysdome / no man can tell what Conferētes etiam ei imperialia sceptra / that is to say / Geuyng to him also the emperi¦all scepters / what a maner spekyng is this? what ele¦gancie? or what ordre is herein? whiche be those em¦periall sceptres? There is but one sceptre & nat ma∣ny (if it were so / y^t the emperour did beare any sceptre at all) Shall the pope also beare the sceptre in his hā¦ne? why shal we nat thā also gyue hī a swerde? an hel¦mete / & a darte? Simul{que} cūcta signa et bāna / what meanest thou here by signa?* 1.111 signa betokeneth either carued ymages (& so we rede oftētymes these wordes signa & tabulas / for carued ymages & pictures / for in old tyme they did nat paīt vpō y^e walles: but ī tables) or els signa betokeneth stāderd{is} or bāners (of signū ī

the former 〈…〉〈…〉 whiche betokeneth a 〈…〉〈…〉 image. Dyd God ariue thā gui••e to Sinister his 〈◊〉〈◊〉 images: 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his ban∣ners the two Egles? Wha•• is more agaynst reason ••han this 〈◊〉〈◊〉 what this worde Bā••a dothe sygny¦fye. I can nat fynde / nor imagyne.* 1.112 God gy•••• the a mischefe most leude wretche: whiche makest thē spea¦kyng barbarouse / whiche were ••t the learned worlde ••••••yme. Et diuersa ornamēta imperialia▪ Bycause he had sayd Bāna: he thought he had gyuen know∣lege ynough / and therfore he concluded & contayned al other vnder this vniuersall or general worde. And how oftentymes reherceth he agayne this worde em∣peryall? as who shulde say / that there were certaine ornamentes properly belongynge to the emperoure: more than were belongynge to a Consule / to a dicta∣tor to Cesar. Et oēm {pro}cession•• imperialis culminis et gliam potestatis nr̄e. He casteth forth proude & glo¦ryouse wordes: beyng as it were Darius kyng o•• kī¦ges / & cosyn to y^e goddes / & neuer speaketh / but in the plurell nōbre. But what processyon or solēpne goyng forth is this of thēperyal cucūbre? Supposest thou y^t Cesar dyd tryūphe as ofte as he wen•• forth of his hou¦se: as the pope / these dayes is wonte to do / hauynge white horses goyng before him / whiche horses beyng trapped & decked / the seruaūtes do ioyne & couple to∣gether to the charyotte? thā which thīge (though I speke nat of other peuisshe & madde thīges) there can be none more vayne or p̄sūtuouse / neither more vnse∣mely or vnsyttīg for the pope of Rome / which is this Glorie also / that thou speakest of? wolde he beīg a la∣tyn man / haue called y^t pōpe & solēpnite of ordinaūce / glorie: after y^e maner & vsage of y^e Hebrue tōge / as y^t also militiū for ••••lites: which maner of spekīg we ha¦ue borowed of y^e Hebrues: whose bokes Cōstātine or his scribes had neuer red. But moreouer / how gret is your lyberalite & boūtuousnes / o Cesar / which do nat thīke it suffyciēt to haue adourned y^e pope hīselfe: vnlesse you did also adourne y^e hole clergy? Thou cal¦lest it y^e high toppe of power & preexcellēcie: to be ma¦de

Patrici••s or Consules. Who herde ••uer / that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 nat 〈◊〉〈◊〉 or other men were made Patricus? 〈◊〉〈◊〉 may be made Cōsules: but nat Patrici•••• men (I say) either of the senator•••• kyndred (whiche is called Da∣rius patriciae or senatoria / bycause y^e senatours were called Pa••res conscrip••••) or of the house or kyndred of thē equest•••• ordre / or of the cōmune rascall sone. And it is a gretter thinge to be a senatour: than to be Patricius. For a senatour is one of the chosen coun∣sayloures of the cōmune weale / * 1.113 but Patricius is he whiche descendeth by lynage of the senatorie house or stocke. So that he which is a senatour or one of the fathers is nat forthwith Patrici{us} / that is to say / bor∣ne of the senatour stocke. But thou wylt peraduen∣ture say / that there is mētion made of y^e dignite / whi¦che is called Dignitas patriciat{us}: in many bokes. I do nat say nay / that such mētion is made / but it is in them / which speaketh of y^e tymes after Cōstātine. It foloweth therfore / y^t this pu••lege was made after Cō¦stātines tyme. But what may y^e clerkes be made cō∣sules? Clerkes of Italy hath forbyddē thēselues ma∣riage of wyues / & shall they be made consules? And shall they cause soldyers to muster? & shall they go in to y^e prouīces / wherof they be made rulers: with le∣gyōs / & the hostes of y^e frēdes & felowes of y^e Romay∣nes? Shal y^e ministers & seruaūtes be made {con}suls? or shall they weare y^e ornamētes of mē of warre? & shal nat payers or couples of consules be made / as y^e olde vsage & custome was: but shall hole hūdredes & thou sādes of ministers / which shall serue y^e church of Ro¦me haue y^e dignite ēperiall? The ministers / shall be emperours / & the clerkes / shall be soldyers. Shall the clerkes be made soldyers? or shal they weare y^t or namētes of a soldyer? excepte thou doste gyue to all clerkes vniuersally y^e ēperiall ornamētes. For I wot no whit / what thou doest meane. And who dothe nat see an perceyue that this lyeng fable hath ben ima∣gined and deuised / by them whiche wolde themsel∣ues to haue lyberte for to weare all maner garmen∣tes / of what so euer fashyon them selues lyste / so

that if any kyndes of playes or mery pastymes be ex∣ercysed amonge the wycked spirites whiche inhabite the ayre: I do iuge they are most exercysed and most delyted / in counterfayting and expressyng / as it were in a stage playe / the appayrell / the pride and the super fluite vsed of clerkes. Whether shulde I more re∣buke and inuae agaynste / the folysshenes of the sen∣tences (whiche you haue herde alredy) or elles the fo∣lisshnes of his wordes? as for example / whan he say∣th. Senatum videri adornari? that the senate se∣meth to be adourned / as who shulde say doutles / that it is nat adourned in very dede / and that to be adour¦ned with glory / and whan he sayth that thinge to ha∣ue ben done: whiche is but in doyng / as Promulga∣nimus for promulgamus: We haue publisshed or pro¦nounced openly / for we do publysshe or pronounce openly. For in dede so the oration or speche sowndeth more plesaunlty. and whan he expre••seth one and the same thynge bothe by the present / and also by the pre∣terperryte tence: as Decernimus & decreuimus: we do decree / and we haue decreed. And that all is full of these wordes Decernimus / decoramus / imperia∣lis / imperatoria / potentia / gloria. And that he abu∣seth this verbe Ex••at / puttynge it for this verbe est (where as Extate sygnifyeth as moche as superemi∣nere or superesse: to stande vp / or to remayne and be lefte) and Nempe for Silicer. And Concubitores for contubernales. He addeth also and ioyneth to hym certayne / with whom he shulde slepe (as I wene) lest he myght feare phantasmes or apparityons and sygh¦tes in the nyght / he addeth to him chaumberlayns / he addeth porters. It is nat for nought:* 1.114 wherfore he reherceth these small thīges / he instructeth & tea∣cheth a younge warde / or elles his sonne beynge a young man: and nat an olde man / for whom / he / as a very louyng father / prepaireth all thynges: wher of his younge & tendre age hath nede: as Dauid did for Salomon. And that this lyēg tale shulde be per∣fite / & lackyng in no poynt. He gyueth horses to the clerkes / lest they might els syt vpō asses backes aft y^e

folisshe maner of Christ.* 1.115 And those horses / whiche are gyuen / are nat operti siue instrati operimentis coloris albi: but decorati colore albo. That is to say nat couered with couerynges or clothes of whyte co∣loure: but beutifyed and adourned with whyte co∣loure. And with what couerynges or clothes? nat with couerlettes or arayes clothes / nor with one o∣ther kynde of clothes: but onely / mappulis & linthea∣minibus. Mappae / that is to say / bordeclothes: be¦longe to a table. Lintheamina / that is to say shetes belonge to beddes. And as if it were doute / of what coloure table clothes / napkyns / and shetes were: He declareth it / sayeng. id est candidissimo colore. that is to witte / of very whyte coloure. Is nat this seme¦ly speche for Constantine? Is nat this eloquēce wor¦thy and mete for Lactance? bothe in other thynges: but specially in this sayng / Equos equitēt? And nat withstandyng / that he hathe spoken nothyng of the apparyll of senatours / neither of their garment cal∣led Latus clauus / neither of purple / neither of other garmentes appertaynyng to them: yet he thought it necessary / to speake of their showes. And he dyd nat call them Lunulas: but Vdones or cum vdonibus / whiche / the folysshe felowe / as he is wonte to do / ex∣powneth / sayeng: Id est candido lintheamine: as though Vdones were but lynnen cloth. It cometh nat to my remenbraunce at this tyme / where euer I haue red this worde Vdones: but onely in Valerius Martialis / * 1.116 in whom there are two verses / whose ti∣tle is. Vdones cilicini: as you wolde say sockes of heer. The verses are these.

Non hos lana dedit / sed olentis barba mariti Cymphio poterit planta latere sinu.

Whose sentence in Englisshe may be this. The stuffe wherof these are made: is nat wolle / but the heer of the stynking gottes bearde / so that nowe thou mayst hyde thy fote in a shoe or socke of gotes heer. Vdo∣nes / ther fore are nat of lynnen / neither ar nat whyte / wherwith this two foted asse doth say / nat that y^e fete of the senatours ar shoed: but that the senatours are

illustrated. At{que} per hoc ita caelestia sicut terrestria ad laudem dei decorentur. And by this meane that the heuenly thinges may be decked and adourned / e∣uen so as the erthely thinges be: to y^e laude or prayse of god. Which callest thou heuenly thinges? whiche erthely thinges? how or in what maner are the heuē¦ly thinges beutifyed or adourned? And what prayse this shulde be to god: auyse the / * 1.117 for I truly (if there be any fayth or trouthe in me) do suppose nothyng to be more hatefull neither to god / neither to other men / than so outragiouse liberte of clerkes in seculare thin¦ges. But why do I in this wise make assaulte agaīst euery particulare sayeng? The tyme wyll fayle me / if I wolde / I do nat saye amplyfie all thynges: but onely touche them. ¶ Prae oibus autem licentiam tribuim{us} beato Siluestro et successorib{us} eius / ex no∣stro in dictu / vt quem placatus proprio consilio cleri care voluerit / & in religioso numero religioso{rum} cleri∣corum cōnumerare: nullus er omnibus praesumat su¦perbe agere. Aboue all we gyue lycence to blessed Siluester / and to his successours / by our cōmaunde¦ment / that if it shall lyke & please hym to make any maner man a clerke / and to recken or accompte him in the religiouse nombre of religiouse clerkes: that no man of al men what soeuer he be / do presume to do proudly. What Melchisedech is this here / * 1.118 which bles¦seth the Patriarche Abraham? Dothe Constantyne beyng yet scasely a Christen man / gyue lycence and power of makyng clerkes / to him: of whom he was baptised / and whom he calleth blessed? As though Siluester neuer had made / neither coulde haue ma∣de any clerkes before? And with what communicati∣on or thretenyng dyd he forbydde / that no man shuld let him / or be an impedimente to him? sayeng. Nul¦lus ex omnibus presumat superbe agere: Lette none of all men presume to do proudely? And with howe gret elegancie also? sayeng. Cōnumerare in numero religioso religiosorum / et clericare clericorum / & in dictu / & placatus? And than he retourneth agayn to speke of y^e diademe. Decreuimus ita{que} & hoc / vt ipse

et successores eius diademate / videlicet corona / quā ex capite nostro illi concesserimus ex auro purissimo et gēmis preciosis: vti debeant pro honore beati Pe∣tri. We haue decreed this also / that he / and his suc∣cessours / ought to weare the diademe / that is to wit the crowne / whiche we haue gyuen to him from our owne heed / beynge of most pure golde and preciouse gemmes or stones / for the honour of saynte Peter. Here agayne he dothe interprete & declare the worde Diadema: bycause he dyd speke to barbarouse & for∣gteful {per}sons. And here he addeth also / Of most pure golde: lest peraduenture a man wolde suppose / that some coppre or brasse / or els some corruption or drosse and fylth were mengled amonge it. And whā he had sayd / gemmas which was suffycient: he added Pre∣ciosas / fearyng lykewise / lest a man wolde els perad¦uenture haue demed them to haue ben of small value and lytell worth. But why dyd he nat saye Preciosis¦stmas / that is to say most precyouse: lykewyse as he had sayd / Aurum purissimū / golde most pure? For there is more difference in value / bytwene one gem∣me or precyouse stone / and another: than is bytwene one golde / and another. And where he ought to haue sayde Distinctum gemmis .i. garnisshed or besette with preciouse stones: he said that it was ex gēmis .i. of preciouse stones. Who dothe nat see and perceyue that this maner of spekynge was taken of that place in the psalmes (whiche the hethen prince had neuer redde) Posuisti in capite eius coronā de lapide pre∣cioso .i.* 1.119 thou hast put on his heed a crowne of precy∣ouse stone? Dyd Cesar speake in suche maner wyse / through a certayne vaynegloriouse desyer to bragge and bost of his crowne (if it be so / that Cesar were crowned) beyng cōtumelyouse and rebukefull to his owne selfe / in that he dyd feare / lest men wolde haue supposed & thought hī nat to haue worn a crowne of most pure golde & precyouse stones: except he had gy¦uen them knowledge therof / and tolde it them by his owne wordes. But herken nowe the cause why he speaketh so. For the honour of blessed Peter / as who

shulde say / that Christ were nat y^e chefe corner stone / vpon which the temple of the church is buylded: but Peter / which thynge he doth also agayne afterwar∣des. But if he was desyrouse to worshippe Peter so greatly: why dyd he nat dedycate the episcopale tem¦ple at Rome to him: rather than to saynt Iohn̄ Bap¦tiste? Moreouer / dothe nat the very barbarousenes of the maner of speakyng / wytnes openly: that this caroll hath ben fayned nat in the tyme of Constan∣tyne / but in a tyme more late? whan he sayth / Decre∣uimus {quod} vti debeant .i, we haue decreed / that they ought to weare: where he shulde haue sayd Decreui¦mus vt vtātur .i. we haue decreed that they may wea¦re? Euen so speake barbarouse lawes nowe a dayes / & thus they write / Iussi {quod} deberes venire: wher they shulde say / Iussi vt venires. And he sayth here De∣creuimus et cōcessimus: we haue decreed & we haue graūted / as though these thīges were nat than in do∣yng: but had ben done at some other tyme. ¶ Ipse vero beatus papa su{per} coronā clericat{us} / quā gerit ad gloriā beatissimi Petri: ipsa ex auro non est passus vn corona. But y^e blessed pope hīselfe / dyd nat suffre to weare y^e crowne of golde / vpon the crowne of his clarkeshippe / which he beareth to the glory & honour of most blessed Peter. O y^e singulare & excedyng foli∣shenes of you. O Constātine / you said but euen now / y^t the crowne vpon y^e popes heed: did make for the ho¦nour of saīt Peter / & now you say / y^t it maketh nothīg at all for his honour: seinge y^e Siluester refuseth it. And natwithstāding y^t you do prayse his so doīg: yet for all y^t you do byd hī / & wyll hī to weare y^e crowne of golde. And y^e thīge / which hīselfe thīketh y^t he ought nat to do: y^e same thīge / you say / that his successours ought to do / I passe ouer here / y^t thou callest y^e shauē crowne of his heed / coronā: which is wōt to be called rasura / & that thou callest the bisshop of Rome. papā / that is to say pope: whiche was nat yet at that tyme begonnen to be so called. ¶ Phrigiū vero condidis∣simo nitore splēdidū dn̄i resurrectionē designantes / eius sacratisiimo vertici manib{bus} nr̄is imposuim{us} / et

tenētes frenū equi / pro reuerētia beati Petri apli / dex¦tratoris officiū illi exhibuim{us} / statuētes eodē phrigio¦oēs eius successores sigulariter vti in processionib{us} / ad imperu nostri imitationē. And this coyfe / which by y^e brightnes of the most whyte colour represēteth y^e resurrection of our lorde: we haue put with our han¦des / vpon his most holy heed / & holding y^e bridell of his horse / for y^e reuerēce of blessed Peter the apostle: we haue done to him y^e office & dutie of a fotemā. de∣creīg & ordaynīg: y^t al his successours shal weare y^e sa¦me coyfe or cal / in y^e {pro}cessiōs / to y^e imitatiō & folowīg of our ēpier. Doth nat y^e author & fader of this fable / seme / nat through lacke of takyng hede / & vnware: but euen of set purpose / & for the nonce / to play y^e false harlotte / & to gyue men occation on eueri syde / to re∣buke him? He sayth here / in this one & the same place that by y^e whyte coyfe is both the resurrection of our lorde represēted: & also that in y^e same is the imitatiō & coūterfaytīg of y^e empier of Cesar. which two thin¦ges are most dyuerse & dysagreīg / y^e one frō the other I take god to recorde / I can nat fynde out or deuyse / with what wordes / or w^t what greuousenesse or hay∣nousnesse of wordes / I mighte rebuke / & as it were woūde this most vngratiouse & wretched knaue. he doth so parbreke forth all wordes full of madnes. He doth make Cōstātyne / nat only in office lyke to Moy¦ses.* 1.120 Which by y^e cōmaūdemēte of god dyd aparyll & adourne the highest & chefe preest Aaron: but also he doth make hī expoūding & declarīg secrete misteries / which is a very herde thīg to be done euen of thē also whiche haue studied / & ben occupied lōge seasō in the holy scriptures. Why dydest thou nat also make Cō¦stātine y^e greattest & the highest bisshoppe / as many ēperours haue bē in y^e olde tyme: y^t by so moch his or∣namētes might the better / & more esely & conueniētly be trāslated to the other high bisshop the pope? But thou wast ignorāte and vnskylled in y^e histories of an¦tiquite. I do therfore gyue thankes to god for this cause / that he hathe nat suffred so wicked and so ma∣lytiouse a mynde to be in any man: saue onely in the

beyng a starke fole without lernyng / which appereth also euidently / by that which foloweth. For he bryn∣geth in Moyses doyng y^e offyce & dutye of a foteman vnto Aaron sittyng on horse backe / & y^t nat through the myddes of the chyldren of Israell: but through y^e myddes of y^e Chananies / & of the Egiptians / that is to saye / through the cyte of infideles / where was nat so moche the empier of the worlde: as was the em¦pier of deuylles / & of people worshyppynge deuilles or wycked spirites. ¶ Vnde vt pontificalis apex nō vilescat sed magis {quam} imperii terrent dignitas / glīa et potētia decoretur: ecce tam palatiū nr̄m / quam{que} Ro. vrbem / et oēs Italiae siue ••••identaliū regionū prouincias / loca / ciuitates / 〈…〉〈…〉 pōtifici / et vni¦uersali papae / Siluestro 〈…〉〈…〉 reliquim{us} / et ab eo et successoribus eius 〈…〉〈…〉 cōstitutū decriuem{us} disponēdas / at{que} 〈…〉〈…〉 Ro. ecclesiae {per}¦manēdas. Wherfore / that y^e 〈…〉〈…〉 of y^e pope may nat waxe vile & of small 〈…〉〈…〉 / but y^t it may be beutifyed & made honorable 〈…〉〈…〉 y^e dygnyte / glori / & power of our erthely 〈…〉〈…〉 here we delyuer vp / & do leue to the most 〈◊〉〈◊〉 & vniuersall pope Siluester / as well our 〈…〉〈…〉 cyte of Ro¦me / & all y^e prouīces / palaces / cytie ••ly / or of y^e west regiōs. And by our pragmati•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 or de¦cree / we haue decreed: y^t they shal 〈…〉〈…〉 by him & his successoures / & that they shall 〈◊〉〈◊〉 & remaīe to y^e right of the hole church of Rōe 〈…〉〈…〉 we haue spoken many thīges & that largely / 〈…〉〈…〉 of the Romaynes / & in the oratiō of Silue••••••••▪ But now here is mete place to say / y^t no mā 〈…〉〈…〉 ben so vnwise: as to wrappe in & include al 〈…〉〈…〉 is of the donation in one worde. And it is nat 〈…〉〈…〉 that he whiche before had made mention of 〈…〉〈…〉 try∣fell / leauyng out or ouerhippyng nat 〈…〉〈…〉 as the shoes / the lynen clothes / the ornament•• 〈…〉〈…〉 hor∣ses: wolde nat now also reherce the 〈…〉〈…〉 by na∣me / in euery one of the whiche sayd 〈…〉〈…〉 / eche one hathe nat nowe seuerally a king or a 〈…〉〈…〉 & ••ere to a kīg. But this fals forger of writte•• ••utles

knewe nat which prouinces were vnder Constātines donation and gouernaunce: and which were nat. for of certaynte all were nat vnder him. We do se / that af¦ter Alexādre was deed / the regions eche one of them were nombred & rekened / in the {per}tityon or deuisyon made by the dukes.* 1.121 We do se that Xenophon hath na¦med the landes & the prouīces / which were either wyl¦lyng & of their owne accorde or els by conq̄st / vnder y^e empire of Cyrus.* 1.122 We se also / that Homerus maketh rehersall & rekeneth vp y^e name / the stocke or kynred / the coūtrey / the cōditions or maners / the strēgth / the beautie / & welfauerdnesse of the kynges / that were of the Grekes & of the barbarians. He cōprehendeth / as it were in a bederole / also the nōbre of the shippes / & welnere the nōbre of the souldiers. The ensample of whom / bothe many greke authors / & in especiall our latyn authours / Ennius / Vergilius / Lucanus / Sta¦tius / & certayne other haue folowed: We do se also / y^t Iosue & Moyses in the deuyding of the lande of Be∣hest / * 1.123 dyd discribe & marke out euyn all the lytell stre∣tes. And art thou greued to reherce & reken vp euyn prouīces also? Thou namest onely the occidentall or west prouinces / whiche be the meres or boūdes of the west. Where do they begyn? Where do they make an ende? Are the boūdes or meres of the west / of the eest of the North / & of the South marked forthe or sette / and as certayne, as be the boundes or meres of Asie / Affrike & Europe. Thou leauest out the wordes that were necessarie / which were nothyng nedeful. Thou sayd prouynces / places / & cyties. Are nat both prouī¦ces & cyties: places? And whan thou haddest said pro¦uinces: thou puttest after / cyties / as who wolde say / that cities were nat comprehended & vnderstāded vn¦der this worde {pro}uinces. But it is no maruayll of hī which doth alyenate and gyue from himselfe so great a parte of the worlde: if the same doth ouerhippe the names of the cyties & prouinces / and as it were one oppressed with the disease called the letharge: wot∣teth nat / what himselfe doth speake. Italiae siue oc∣cidentaliū regionum .i. of Italy or of the west regiōs

As though he had gyuē but onely the one or the other and yet he meaneth bothe of them to haue ben gyuen. And he calleth here prouincias regionum .i. the pro∣uinces of regions: natwithstandyng that rather re∣gyons are prouinciarū .i. regions / be partes belon∣gyng to prouīces. And he sayth / permanēdas: for per¦mansuras. ¶ Vnde congruū prospeximus nostrum imperiū / et regiā potestatē / orientalib{us} transferri re∣gionibus / et in Bizantinae prouīciae optimo loco / no mini nostro ciuitatē aedificaci illū nostrum constitui imperium. Wherfore we haue iuged it to be conue∣niente & mete / that oure empier and royall power be translated to the Est regions / and that a cyte be buil∣ded to our name in the best place of the prouīce of By¦zantium / and that there our empier be cōstituted and sette. I passe ouer here that he sayd / ciuitatem aedifi∣cari: where he shulde haue sayd / vrbem edificari (for ciuitas betokeneth the multytude of cytizens: whi∣che are nat edifyed or buylded) and that he sayd / Ita∣liam prouīciam. But if thou be Constātine: shewe the cause / why thou hast chosen that place prīcipally afore other / to buylde thy cyte in? For that thou dost remoue & flyt in to another place / after that thou had∣dest delyuered vp Rome out of thy handes: it is nat so moch cōuenient and mete (so as thou callest it) as it is necessary or nedfull. Neither do thou call thyself an emperour: seyng that thou hast lost Rome / & hast done very moche hurte vnto y^e name of the Romayne ēpier / whiche thou tearest in sondre & pullest in peces. Neither do thou call thy selfe a kyng / sayeng / et no∣strā regiā potestatē: which neuer none dyd afore the / excepte thou doste call thyselfe a kynge: bycause thou arte now no longer a Romane. But thou allegest a cause forth very honest & worshipfull / sayēg. Quoniā vbi prīceps sacerdotū / et christianae religionis caput cōstitutū est ab eo īperatore celesti: iustū non est / vt illie imperator terren{us} habeat potestatē. For where y^e chef & highest prest & the hed of y^e christian religiō is cōstituted & set by y^e heuenly ēperour: it is nat righte nor accordīg / that y^e erthely ēperour shulde there haue any power or auctorite. O folissh Dauid / O folissh

Salomon. O folisshe Ezechias / & O folyssh Iosias & O you other kinges of Ierusalē / than were you all foles / & without holynes & deuotiō: which haue foūd in your hertes / to dwell & a byde in the cyte of Ieru∣salē with y^e high preestes: & haue nat giuē vp the hole cyte to them / remouing your selues out of it to some other place. Cōstātyne is more wise / and hathe more knowledge in thre dayes: thā they coulde be / or haue in their hole lyfetyme. And thou callest the pope / the heuēly ēperour: bycause he hathe receyued y^e erthely ēpier / except it be god: whō thou dost meane (for thou speakest doutfully) & thā thou lyest / in sayēg y^e by hī the erthely dominion was cōstituted & set of preestes: ouer y^e cyte of Rome / & other places. ¶ Haec vero oīa quae per hanc imperialē sacram scripturā / et peralia diualia decreta statuim{us} et firmauim{us}: vs{que} in finem mūdi illibata et cōcussa {per}manere decreuim{us}. And al these thīges / which we haue decreed & establisshed by this sacred īperiall writte / & other godly decrees: we haue decreed / y^t they shall cōtynually remayne vntou¦ched / & inuiolated or vnbroken / euē vnto y^e ende of the worlde. Nat longe syns O Constātine / you had cal∣led your self erthely / & now you call your selfe Diuū¦et sacrū / and do fall agayne to gētilyte or paynīry / ye & to more than gētilyte. you make your selfe a god / & your wordes holy & inuiolable / & your decrees īmor∣tall and euerlastyng. For you cōmaunde the worlde to conserue and kepe youre byddynges vnappayred or vnbroken / hole and perfyte / you do nat thynke or remembre / who you are / that is to witte / a man whi¦che nat longe a go was wasshed / & scātely clene was∣shed from the most fylthy myer & durte of infydelyte. Why dyd you nat also saye / Rather heuen and erthe shall perissh:* 1.124 than one minome or one tytle or pricke of this priuilege shall perysshe. The kyngdome of Saull / * 1.125 which was elected & chosē by god came neuer to y^e hādes of his sōnes: & the kīgdom of Dauid was {per}ted in sōdre ī his nephues days / & afterwardes clene destroyed. And do you by your own auctorite decree that y^e kyngdom whiche you do gyue to the grettest

god: shall {per}petually remayne / & contynue euyn to the ende of the worlde? Moreouer / who thought you so sone / that the worlde shulde perishe & haue an ende? For I do nat suppose / that at this tyme you do gyue credēce to Poetes: which also do recorde the same / it foloweth therfore / y^t you wolde nat haue sayd this: but that another mā hath fayned & forged this of you But he / which but euyn ryght now spake so highly & so prowdly: now begynneth to feare and to mistrust him selfe / And therfore he falleth to besechyng & pray¦yng in goddes behalfe / and adiurations / sayenge. ¶Vnde coram deo viuo / qui nos regnare praecepit / et corā terribili ei{us} iudicio / obtestamur oēs nrōs suc∣cessores imperatores / & cūctos optimates / satrapas etiā / amplissimū {quod} senatū / & vniuersum populum in vniuerso orbe terrarū / necnon et in posterum / nullo corū quoquo modo licere hoc aut coufringere / vel in quoquo conuelli. Wherfore afore the lyuyng god / which hath cōmaunded vs to reygne / & afore his ter∣rible & dredfull iugement: we obtest & require all our successours the ēperours / & all the optimates / the du∣kes & erls also / & the most noble senatours / & all the people in the hole worlde / which now are / or herafter shall be: that none of thē all / any maner way infrīge or breake this oure priuylege / or minysshe it in anye poynte. How resonable / & howe deuoute & godly an adiuration is this? euen moche lyke / as if the wolfe shulde obtest & besech other wolues / & the shepeherds by his owne innocēcie & fidelyte: that y^e fermer sorte (that is to wit the wolues) wyll nat attempte nor en∣terprise / to take away: & that the latter sorte (that is to wit the shepeherdes) wyll nat go aboute to aske & requyre agaīe the shepe: whiche he hath takē / & hath deuyded among his sonnes and his frendes. Why are you so greatly afrayde / O Constantyne?* 1.126 If that whiche you do be of god: it can nat be dyssolued or fordone. But if it be nat of god: youre worke or dede shall now stāde. But I se & perceyue right well you dyd coueyte to coūterfeyte y^e wordes of the apoca¦lipse / where it is sayde. I testify to him that hereth

all the wordes of y^e prophecie of this boke / if any mā shall adde or put to any thing to these / * 1.127 god shal adde or put vnto him y^e plages written in thys boke. And if any man shal minissh any thing of y^e wordes of the prophecie of this boke / god shall take away his {per}te out of y^e boke of lyfe / & out of y^e holy cyte. But you neuer red y^e Apocalipse / wherfore these were nat your wordes. ¶Si quis autē (quod non credim{us}) in hoc temerator extiterit aeternis cōdēnationib{us} subiaceat cōdēnatus / et sanctos dei apostolos Petrū & Paulū sibi in praesenti / & in futura vita sentiat contrarios / At{que} in inferno inferiori scʐ concrematus / cū diabolo & oībus deficiat impits. But if any man (which thin¦ge we do nat suppose) shall breake or violate this pri¦uilege: let him lye condēned vnder euerlastyng con∣dēnations / & let him finde & fele the holy Apostles of god Peter & Paule / enemyes to hī / both in this {per}sēte lyfe / & in the lyfe to come. And beyng brente in the de¦pest hell / let him dye eternally / & banisshed be he for euermore from the syght of god / with the deuyll & all wycked persons. This fearfull sentēce & cōmination it nat wonte to be vsed of any Caesar or seculare prin¦ce: but of the prestes of the false goddes in olde tyme / & now of the ecclesiastical persons. These ar nat ther¦fore the wordes of Constantine: but of some folyshe clerke / which wotteth neither what he speaketh: nei∣ther how he speketh / but which beyng fatte and well fedde / in the myddes of his surfettyng / & in the great heate of wyne / belcheth forth suche sentences / & suche wordes / as these are / which lyght nat vpon any other man: but are tourned agayn vpon him / y^e speketh thē Fyrste / he sayth. Eternis condēnationib{us} subiaceat. let hī be subiected to euerlastyng cōdēnations. After∣wardes / as if more might be put to for y^e augmētatiō thereof he coueteth to adde other thīges. And after y^e eternal paines: he ioyneth to y^e paines of this p̄sente lyfe. And whā he hath put vs in feare w^t y^e cōdēnatiō of god: yet afterwardes (as if this were a gretter thī∣ge) he maketh vs afraide w^t y^e hatred & euyll wyll of Peter / to whō wherfor he doth ioine Paul / or why hī

alone: I can nat tell. Agayn / after his olde letharge and maner of forgettynge hym selfe / * 1.128 he retourneth agayn to the euerlasting paines / as if he had nat spo¦kē of thē before. But if these were the threttes and exe¦crations or cursynges of Cōstantyne / I wolde curse him agayn / as beyng a tyrante / and the destroyer of my cōmune weale / & after the maner of the Romains I wolde threten him / that I my selfe wolde be reuen¦ged on him. But now / who regardeth or setteth any whitte by the execration or curse of the most couetou∣se felow: and which after the maner of stage players countrefayteth and fayneth wordes (and wolde make other men afrayde vnder the person of Constantyne. This is euen properly / * 1.129 to be an hypocryte (if we set the oute and consyder well the signifycation of this greke worde hypochrita) vnder the {per}sone of another man / to hyde thyne owne. ¶ Huius vero impertalis decreti paginam proprus manibus roborantes / su{per} venerādū corpus beati Petri posuimus. And we ha¦ue strēgthyng & fortifyeng the pagyne of this ēperi∣all decree with our owne handes: haue layde it vpon the worshipfull corps or bodye of the blessed Peter / Was it paper or parchemēt: this pagine / wherin these thinges were written? How be it a pagine / we do cal the one syde of a lefe / as a quayer of .x. leues hath .xx.* 1.130 pagines or sydes. O thynge / which neuer was her∣de: & which is vnbeleueable / whā I was a very yon∣ge man / I remēbre / that I demaunded of a certayn persone / who hadde written the boke of Iob / * 1.131 and whan he hadde made answere / that Iob him selfe hadde written it: than I sayde to him agayne. Howe coulde he than make mention of his owne deth? whi¦che thynge may be sayde also of many other bokes: wherof to speke / here is no conuenient place / for how can y^e thynge be truly tolde of any man: which thinge is nat yet done? or how can y^e thynge be cōtayned w^t in y^e writte: which thing (as he him self cōfesseth was done after y^e burial (if I may so say) of y^e writ? This is none other thinge / but to say / y^t the pagine of y^e pri¦uilege was dead / ye / & buried afore y^t it was borne / &

yet that it dyd neuer retourne after his deth and bu∣rial / namely seyng that it was roborated and streng∣thed afore that it was written / and that nat with one hande but with both the handes of Cesar. And what meanest thou / whan thou sayst roboratyng & streng∣thyng? was it strengthed with the hande wryttynge of Cesar hīselfe: or els was it sealed with his signet? This was a great strengthyng doutles / and moche greatter: than if he hadde grauen it in tables of brasse.* 1.132 But yet neded it nat to wryte them in brasse: seyng that the paper was layde vpon the body of bles¦sed Peter / why spekest thou here no worde of Paule / which lyeth buryed with Peter / and they both toge¦der myght better and more safely kepe it: than the bo∣dy of the one of them alone? you see here the craftes and malycious subteltie of this our most wicked and gylefull Synon. Because the donation of Constan∣tyne can nat be euydently proued: therfore he sayde / that the priuilege is nat wrytten in tables of brasse / but of paper / and it lyeth buried and hydde with the body of the most blessed Apostle: that we shulde nat be bolde either to serche it in y^e worshypfull sepulchre or graue / or els if we wolde serche it: that we shulde thynke it to be rotten and consumed. But where was than the bodye of blessed Peter? Doutles nat in the temple or church where it is nowe / nor in no stronge or safe place / it foloweth therfore / that Cesar wolde nat haue layde the writte or pagine in that place / whe¦re the body was. Durst he nat put Siluester in trust with the pagine? was Siluester so vnholy? was he so folyshe? was he so neglygēt & rechelesse? O Peter / O Siluester / O you bysshoppes of the holy church of Rome / to whom y^e cure & charge of the lordes she∣pe is cōmytted: why do you nat kepe safe the pagine whiche was cōmitted and betaken to you? why haue you suffred it to be gnawen and eaten of wormes? & to consume and rotte away for age? I suppose it is / bycause your owne bodyes also haue rotted and haue ben consumed. Than dyd Constantyne folyshely to lay it with your bodyes. Lo / now that the pagine is

resolued and brought in to pouder or duste: the right or tytle of the priuilege is also tourned into dust and brought to nought, But yet you wyll say / that there remayneth a copie of the same pagyne / as we do see. Who thā was he: which was so presumptuouse and folissh hardy / to take this pagyne from the bosome of the most holy apostle? Doutles you ought to brynge forth or name some of the olde authours / & suche one as was alyue in Constātynes tyme. But you can nat bryng forth or name any such writer. But peraduen∣ture you wyll bryngforth some man that wrot of late tyme. Where had he this knowlege? For who so euer maketh any historie of thinges done afore his tyme / either he speaketh as the holy ghost endyteth to him / and putteth into his mynde: or els he foloweth the au¦thorite of the olde authours / & that of suche as wrote of thinges done in their owne tyme. Wherfore who so euer doth nat folowe the olde authours / he shalbe of the nombre of them whom very aūcientnesse & antiq∣tie maketh hardy and bolde to make seasynges. And if in any place this thyng be reed / it doth accorde and agree with antiquite / euyn as moch as that peuysshe and madde narration of Accursius the glose maker / * 1.133 which he telleth of embassadours sent from Rome to Grecelande for to receyue the lawes / doth accorde w^t Titus Liuius / & other most exellent authours of the olde tyme. ¶ Datum Romae tertio calendas Aprilis Constantino Augusto quareo consule / it Gallicano quarto consule .1. Gyuen at Rome the .xxx. daye of March / Cōstantine Augustus beyng than the fourth tyme consull / & Gallicanus also beyng than y^e fourth tyme consull. He hathe dated the pagyne / on the last day of Marche saue one: that we shulde suppose it to haue bene done / about the tyme of those Easter holy dayes / whiche are wonte cōmunely to fall about that tyme. Et Constātino quartum consule / and Galli∣cano quartum consule. And Constantine beyng thā the fourth tyme consull / and Gallicanus also beyng than y^e fourth tyme consull. It is a meruaylouse thīg if both Constātyne and Gallicanus had ben either of

them thryse consull afore that tyme: that than at the fourth tyme they shulde both be chosen felowes toge∣ther in that offyce. But it is a gretter meruayle / and more to be wondred at / that the emperour Augustus beyng full of the leprie / called Elephantia (bycause it passeth other dyseases: as the elephant dothe other beastes) wolde take that highe dignyte and offyce of a consull vpon him / * 1.134 seyng that Azarias / as sone as he was touched with the leprie: kepte himselfe secret within the house / cōmittyng the ordring and gouer∣naunce of his realme / to his sonne Ionathas / as for the most parte / * 1.135 all leprouse kynges were wont to do. By whiche argumente alone / all the hole priuylege is vtterly cōfuted / proued false / & ouerthrowen. And that no man may dout / but that it must nedes be / that he was infected with leprie / afore that he was made consull: let him vnderstande and know this (whiche thinge phisycions do wytnesse) that this sickenes or dysease groweth and encreaseth preuely / by lytell and lytell. And agayn lette him vnderstande and knowe this also (which appereth euydētly by olde histories) that they were wonte to entre in to the offyce of the consull / in the moneth of Ianuarie / and that it was in offyce lastyng but one yere. And these thinges are sayde to haue ben done at the March next after. And here also I can nat ouerhippe this / that in epistels is wonte to be written: Datū. &c. but nat in other wri∣tynges / excepte it be of suche as haue no lernyng / for epistels or letters are said to be gyuen: & therfore we say / * 1.136 Do tibi epistolam / or Do ad te epistolam (Do ti¦bi epistolam is asmoche to saye / as I gyue a letter to you / as to a carier for to delyuer it in to his hādes / to whom it is written or sende. Do ad te epistolā / is as moch to say / * 1.137 as I write or sende a letter to you. But this priuilege (as they call it) of Constātyne / whiche ought nat to be delyuered to any man / ought also nat to haue ben said to be gyuen / so that it may appere e∣uidently / that he whiche spake thus dyd lye falsely / & yet had no wytte or cōnyng to fayne craftely such thī∣ges / as it might be lykely to be trewe / that Constan∣tyne

either sayde or dyd. And all they make themsel∣ues pertayners and cosyns to him in folisshnesse and madnesse: who so euer do thynke and defende it / that this felowe hath sayd true thynges: albeit that they haue nothing / wherby they may / I do nat say defēde: but honestly excuse theyr opinion. Is this an honest excuse of errour / whan thou seest the trouth manifest¦ly and openly shewed / nat to be willyng to agree vn∣to it / bycause certayne great and excellent men haue ben of the contrary opinyon to the trouthe (I meane great men of dignyte: and neither of wisedome / nei∣ther of vertue) But yet wherby knowest thou / whe∣ther they / whom thou folowest / if they had herde the same thynges so playnly declared / whiche thou doest here: wolde cōtynus and abyde styll in their opinion or els wolde go from it and forsake it? And yet neuer the lesse it is a great shame / and an excedynge great offence / to regarde a man more / * 1.138 and to gyue to hym more credence: than we do regarde the trouthe / and gyue credence to it / that is to witte / to god. For ve∣rely certayne men beynge destytute of all reasons or argumentes: are wonte to aunswere in this wyse. why haue so many popes beleued this donation to be true? I testefye to you / you do prouoke me to that / whiche I am euyll willynge & loth to do / and you do compell me agaynst my wyll / to speake euyll of the popes: whom I had leuer / if I myght: to hyde and couer in their offences and trespasses. But let vs pro∣cede & holde on to speke boldely / in as moche as this cause can nat otherwise be pleaded. Thoughe I do graūt that the popes did verily so beleue / & that they dyd it nat of a crafty & malicious purpose. What mar¦ueyle is it if they dyd beleue these thynges / wherin so great lucre & aduantage is pleasaunt & lykyng to thē / * 1.139 seyng that throughe excedynge folysshnesse & lacke of knowlege / they do beleue many thynges / wherin no luc••s at all is shewed? Do we nat at Ara Celi / in so exellent a temple in the moste worshipfull and holy place / see a paynted table of Sybill and Octauian / as they say / by the auctorite and cōmaūdement of In¦nocentius

the thirde / writyng these wordes? Which also lefte in writyng of the decay & ruyne or fall of the tēple of Peace / about the tyme of the byrth of the saui¦our / y^t is to say / whā the virgin brought forth childe.

Whiche thynges ap{per}tayne more to the distructyon of faith / for that they ar false and vntrue / than to the establysshing of it / bicause they ar marueylous & wō¦derfull thīges. Dare the vicar of truth / for the appe∣raūce of trouth & godlynesse / beholde to make lyes / & wyttyngly to bynde him selfe to so great synne. why / Doth he nat lye? Ye moreouer / dothe he nat se whan he doth this / that he disagreeth & varieth frō most ho¦ly men? I passe ouer other. Doth nat saynt Ierome vse the testimony & witnesse of Varro / that ther were ten Sibels / whiche worke Varro made afore Augu∣stus his tyme.* 1.140 And the same Ierome writeth in this wyse of the tēple of Peace. Vespasianus & Titus / af¦ter that the tēple of Peace was edifyed & buylded at Rome / they dyd cōsecrate the vessels of the tēple / & al the gyftes & offrīges in the temple of the same place / which thinges the Greke & the Romayne history tel∣leth & reherseth. And this vnlerned felow alone / wold that more credēce shulde be gyuen to his peuissh lytel boke / & the same also barbarously writtē: than to the most faithfull & true histories of the most wise men / that wrot in y^e olde tyme. Bycause I haue made mē∣tion somewhat of Ieronimy: I can nat suffre this cō∣tumely done to him / to be passed ouer with sylēce. At Rome / * 1.141 by the auctorite & cōmaūdemēt of the pope / is shewed a certayne boke of the Byble / as it were a re∣lyque of some sainte / with tapers alwayes lyghted / which they say / to haue bē written with saīt Ieroni∣mes owne hāde. Wilte thou aske / by what euydēt to∣kē they know that. Bycause ther is (as Vergil saith) Multū picta•• vestis et auri••i. Moch of paynted gar∣mētes & of golde. And the very thīg selfe sheweth ra∣ther / that it was nat writtē with sainte Ieroms owne hāde. Whā I had loked somewhat more dilygētly in this boke: I foūde / that it was writtē by the cōmaū¦demēt of a kīge (Robert / as I wene) with y^e hāde of

of an vnlerned man / moche lyke hervnto is it (albeit there ar a thousande suche maner thynges at Rome) that among the holy relykes there / is shewed in a cer¦tayne table / y^t ymage or portrature of Peter & Paule whiche Syluester shewed to Constātyne / after that he had ben monysshed & taught of the same Apostels in his slepe / for the cōfyrmation of the visyon that he had sene. I do nat say this bicause I do deny y^t those ymages or purtatures be the true ymages & pictures of the aforenamed apostles (and wolde god / that the epistle / which was sente urthe name of Lentulus / * 1.142 of the ymage of Christe: were as true / whiche doutles hath bē no lesse ••eudly forged / thā this false priuilege / which we haue cōfuted) but for y^e / that Siluester did neuer shewe that table to Constātine / In which thin¦ge I can nat fynde in myne herte to kepe within me / the great meruaylyng of my mynde. For I wyll dis∣pute & reason somewhat of the tale / whiche is forged of Siluester. And bycause both al our questyō depē∣deth herof / and also seyng that I do speke to the po∣pes of Rome / it shall be most semely & accordyng for me / to speake of a pope of Rome / that by this one en∣sample / a cōiecture may easely be taken of other thin∣ges. And amonge many other fonde folyes & madde trifles / which are tolde & reherted therin:* 1.143 I wyll tou¦che that onely of the dragon / to thentent that I may euydently cause you to knowe / that Constātine was nat full of leprie (For the actes of Siluester or the hi¦storie of hī: as the interpretour witnesseth) was made by one Eusebius a certayne man of Grecelande / whi∣che nation hath alwayes be greatly gyuen to lyeng / as Iuuenale reporteth of thē / * 1.144 sayeng in his checkīg satyre. Ouicquid Graecia mēdax audet in historia .i. What so euer thynge the lyeng Grekes dare be bolde to do / in writīg of histories. From whence dyd that dragon come? Dragons are nat gendred at Rome.* 1.145 Which also had that dragon his poyson? Pestiferou∣se and venemouse dragons are sayde to be onelye in Affrike / by the reason of the excedyng and outragi∣ouse heate of y^e region. Besydes this / whence coulde

he haue so moche habundance & plentie of venome & poyson / that he might enfecte and corrupt with pesty¦lence / so large a cytie / namely seynge that hym selfe laye downe in so depe a denne or dongion / that men wente downe in to it / by an hundred and fyftie step∣pes or stayres?* 1.146 Serpentes (onely the Basilyske or Cocodrise excepted) do poyson & kyll men / nat with their breth: but with their byting. Neither Cato / whan he fledde from Cesar with so great an hoste of men / whyles he iornayed through the myddes of A∣phricke sondes / and slepte there: sawe any of his cō∣pany kylled or destroyed with the venemouse brea∣thing of any serpentes.* 1.147 Neither the peoples of that coūtrey do fele any corruption or infection of the ayre through that cause. And if we do gyue any credence to poetes fables: bothe Chimera the monstre / and Hydra / and Cerberus the mastyffe of hell / were sene and touched cōmunely / without any harme or hurte taken therby. Agayne / why wolde nat the Romayns rather haue kylled hym? Thou wilte peraduenture say / bycause they were nat able. But yet Regulus slewe a moche gretter serpente in Affrike / * 1.148 at the ban¦ke of the ryuer Bragadra. And it was no mastry to haue kylled this dragon: if they had done no more / but onely haue closed or stopped vp the mouth of the caue or denne. What? wolde they nat do so? I sup∣pose they dyd worshippe hī for a god / euyn so as the Babylonians dyd worshippe another dragon.* 1.149 Why than wolde natre Syluester rather haue slayne this dragon: so as it is sayd / that Daniell did in the olde tyme? Why wolde he nat haue bounde him with an hempen threde? and haue destroyed y^e house for euer? But the forger of this tale / wolde nat that the dragō shulde be kylled: lest men might playnly deme & iu∣ge / that he dyd reherce the narration of Danyell. Se¦yng than / that saynt Ierome / a man most exellently learned / * 1.150 and the most faythfully interpretour. And Appolinaris / and Origene / and Eusebius / and cer∣tayne other authours / do affyrme and saye / that the narration of Bell is fayned / and a forged lye: in as

moche also as the Iewes wyll nat knowlege it to be in the princypall copie of the olde Testament / * 1.151 that is to say / if all the best latyne authours / and the moste parte of the Greke authours / and euery one of the He¦brue authours / do dampne and dysalowe that narra¦tion / as beyng nought els but alyeng fable: shal nat I dysalowe and dampne this tale / which was coun∣terfayted & made to the lykenes of that fable? seyng that it can nat be strengthed and vpholden by the au∣thorite of any authour / and / agayn dothe farre passe the other tale / to whose lykenesse it was shapen / in folisshnes? For who had buylded an house vnder the grownde for y^e beast? who had put that beast in that house? and had cōmaunded him that he shulde nat come forth and flye away? For dragons do flye / as certayne men sayne / though other men do saye nay) who had deuysed and ymagined that kinde of meate? Who had cōmaunded women and those virgins and nonnes to go downe into that denne: and that neuer but on the fyrste day of the moneth? Dyd the dragon knowe whiche was the first daye of the moneth? and was he contented with so scace and syldome meate? Nor dyd the Virgins drede so depe a dongyon? so gret / so cruell / and so hungry a beast? I suppose the dragon fawned on them: bycause they were womē / * 1.152 bi¦cause they were virgins / and bycause they broughte hym meate. ye / and I suppose also / that he did com∣mune and talke with them. And why shulde he nat also (sauyng your reuerence) haue to do and gendre with them. For bothe Alexandre & also Scipio / * 1.153 are said to haue ben begoten by a serpent or dragon / that lay with their mothers. What say you moreouer / af∣ter that his wonte meate or foode was denyed hym / wolde he nat rather haue come forthe and ben slayne.

❀ O the marueylous madnesse of men / whiche do gyue credence to suche olde dotynge wyues tales. But moreouer howe longe tyme hath this thyng ben done? Whan was it begon? Afore the commynge of oure Sauyoure. After the commynge of hym.

None of all these thynges is knowē. Let vs be ascha¦med of suche triflyng tales / and of our lyghtnesse. Let a christen man be a shamed / whiche nameth him selfe y^e sōne of lyght & of trouth: to vtter or speke forth any such thīges / which nat onely are nat true: but al∣so nothīg lykely to be true. But {per}aduēture they wyll say / that deuylles & wicked spirites had suche power amonge y^e gētyles or panyms: y^t they might illude & mocke thē: bycause they did serue false goddes. Hol¦de your tonges most shāles men (bycause I wyll nat say most wicked & vngratiouse men) which haue al∣wayes such a cloke / * 1.154 to couer & hyde your fables & lyes The christyan sīceryte & trouth / nedeth nat / nor desy∣reth the helpe & defēce of falsehed & vntruth it is defē∣ded suffyciētly / ye & more than sufficiētly / by it selfe / and by it own light & verite / without any such fayned & deceytfull tales / which are very cōtumelyouse & blas¦phemus both agaīst god / agaynst Christ / & agaynst the holy ghost. Had god so delyuered mākīde into y^e power of the deuylles that they shulde be illuded and mocked / with so manyfest / with so imperiouse & lord¦ly miracles & wōders: y^t in a maner both he might be accused of īiustice / for that he cōmitted y^e shepe to the wolfe / and mē also might haue a great excuse of their errours? And if in the olde tyme / the deuylls had so great power ouer hethē men: they shulde nowe haue euen more power amōge thē / which thīge for all that we do nat se to be so / neither any suche fables or tolde of thē. I will nat speke of other peoples: but I will onely speake of the people of Rome / among whō ve∣ry few miracles or wondres are spoken of / and those of olde tyme / * 1.155 and nat of certayn. Valeri{us} Maximus sayth that the openyng or gapyng of the erthe / in the middes of the markette place / after that Curtius had caste him selfe beyng armed / and his horse also into it: came togyther and closed agayne / and forth with retourned into the olde shape agayne. Also he say•••• that Iuno Moneta / * 1.156 whan she was demaunded and asked in bourde of a souldyer of Rome / after that the Cytye Venne was takenne / whether she were

wyllyng to remoue & flytte to Rome / made answere. Ye / & yet Titus Liuius thīketh neither of these two thīges to be so / * 1.157 which is an authour both more aun∣ciēt / & of an elder tyme / thā Valeri{us} / & also of gretter authorite. For his mynde is / that y^e aforesayd openīg of the erth: or dēne dyd cōtynue & remayne styl after y^t tyme / & that it was a caue / which had bē there of lōge cōtynuāce afore y^t tyme / & nat that y^e groūde dyd thā sodeynly open & gape / and that it was there / afore y^e Rome was buylded / and that it was called Curtius Lacus: bycause y^e Curtius Meti{us} the Sabyne had lurked / & hyd hīselfe therin: whan he fledde from the hasty & vyolēt pursute of y^e Romayns. And y^e same Titus Liuius wyll also / that Iuno made none an∣swere: but onely dyd make a becke or lygne with her heed / that she was cōtented & wyllīg to remoue from thēce / to Rōe. Afterwardes this was put to the tale: that she dyd speake also. And cōcernyng the becke or signe made with her heed: it is euydēt / that they dyd lye / either by cause they dyd interprete & iuge y^e mo∣uīg of y^e ymage / whā they plucked it away / to haue ben done of y^t owne accorde: or els such wantōnes / as they vsed in demaūding or askīg questiōs of the god∣desse of their enemyes beīg of stone / & vanquesshed: the same wātōnes they vsed / in famīg her to haue ma¦de a becke or signe w^t her heed. How be it Liui{us} doth nat say / that she did make any suche signe: but onely he saith y^t / the soldyers cryed out / that she had made a becke & by such a signe gyuē / shewed herself cōtēted to remoue / which thīges for al y^e good authors do nat defēde to haue bē done in very dede: but they do excu∣se y^e sayēges of thē / For as y^e same Liui{us} sayth.* 1.158 Par∣done is gyuē to thē of olde ātiquyte / & they are holdē excused / that by y^e mēglīg of godly thinges & worlde¦ly thīges together / they myght make y^e begīnīges of cytes y^t more worshipfull. & in another place he saith / * 1.159 In thynges of olde antiqte / if any thing be lyke to be trewe. Let them be accōpted & taken for true thynges Terētius Varro / * 1.160 whiche was afore the tyme of these two / and connynger than either outher of them / and

(as I do iuge) an author of more grauyte and aucto∣ryte:* 1.161 sayth / that there were thre diuerse histories writ¦ten by thre dyuerse authors of the aforesayde Lacus Curtius. The one historie is written of Proculus / which saith / that this pytte or lake was called Lacus Curtius / of one Curtius / whiche dyd cast himselfe downe into it. The second history is writen of Piso / whiche saith / that it was named so of Curtius Me∣tius the Sabyne. The thirde was written of Corne∣lyus (to whom he ioyneth Lactātius felowe and wit¦nesse) whiche saith / that it was named of / Curtius y^e consull / to whom Marcus Genutius was felowe in offyce. And verily I wyll nat dissemble / that Vale∣rius Maximus can nat be vttly rebuked / though he dothe speke so / seyng that a lytell afterwardes he wri¦teth these wordes folowyng wisely & discretely.* 1.162 I am nat ignorant / howe doutfull the opinyon is / of y^e mo∣uyng & of the voice & spech of the goddes immortall / whiche is parceyued by the syght & hearyng of men. But bicause no newe thynges are sayd of vs / but one¦ly thynges written in tymes past / are rehersed agayn of vs. Lette the authours chalenge credence to them¦selues. He made mention here of the voice or spech of the goddes / bicause of Iuno Moneta / & bicause of y^e ymage of the goddes Fortune / whiche they do fayne to haue spoken twise by these wordes. Rite me ma∣tronae vidistis. Rite dedicastis. 1. In dew forme & ma¦ner / you matrones haue sene me. In dewe forme and maner / you haue dedicated me. But our forgers of fables do bring in eueriwhere ydols or ymages / spe∣kyng / which thyng the very paynems & worshippers of ydols do nat say / but more syncerely & faithfully do deny it / than the christen men do affyrme it. Amonge them / those very fewe myracles that ar / leaue nat vn¦to the faith & credence of the authours / but as it were to a certayne sacred and relygious cōmendation of auncient antiquite. But amonge oure tale forgers / certayn marueyles of later tyme are tolde / whiche the men of those dayes neuer knewe. ❧ ❧ ❧ *. Neyther do I derogate or minysshe the admyration

and honour of sayntes / neither do I deny the diuyne and godly workes wrought by them / for asmoche as I do knowe / that as moch faith as is the quātite of a mustarde seede / maye translate mountayns from one place to another. ye / * 1.163 moreouer I do defende & mayn¦teyne their said workes: but I cā nat suffre that they be mengled with fables & lyes. Neither can I be bro¦ught in to other belefe / than that these writers either were infydeles & miscreantes / whiche dyd it to mocke christen men / if these fayned lyes brought by gylefull felowes in to the hādes of vnlearned men / shulde be taken for true histories: or els were Christen men / * 1.164 ha∣uyng in dede a zele vnto god: but nat accordynge to knowlege (as Paule saith) which haue nat ben afrai∣de to write / nat only of the actes of sayntes: but also of y^e actes of y^e Virgine goddes mother / ye and more ouer of the actes of Christ / certaine shamles and false gospels. And y^e pope calleth these bokes Apochriphos libros / that is to wit / bokes whose author is nat kno∣wen / as who shulde say / y^t it were no faute at all: that the author of them is nat knowen / & that the thinges were beleuable / which are tolde and reherced in thē / and all though they were holy thynges / & appertay∣nyng to the cōfirmation and fortifyeng of our religiō and fayth / so that now there is no lesse faute in him / which hathe approued & alowed these euyll thynges: than is in him / whiche dyd fyrst imagyne and deuise them. We do discerne / we do disseuer the euyll money from the good / and we do refuse it / & cast it from vs. And shall we nat discerne the reprobate & false doc∣tryne: but shall we retayne & kepe it styll? but shall we mengle it with good doctryne? but shall we de∣fende it for good doctryne? I verely wyll gyue my sentence or iugemēt frely and boldly. I deny that the history of Siluester is Apocrophe (y^t is to wit / whose authour is nat knowen) (for as I sayde before / * 1.165 a cer∣tayne man called Eusebius / is sayd to be the authour therof) but I say playnly / that it is a false hystorie / and nat worthy to be redde / bothe in other thynges: and specially in those narratiōs of the dragon / of the

bull / * 1.166 and of the leprie of Constantyne / for the repro∣uyng of whiche leprie / I haue reherced these so many thynges. For all be it Naaman was a leprouse per∣sone: it foloweth nat therfore forthwith / that Cōstan¦tyne also was full of l••prie. Many authors haue ma¦de mention of Naaman / but of Constantine / which was prince and gouernour of the worlde: no man ha∣th written / nat so moche as any of his owne cytizens / but onely I wot nat what peuysshe felowe of a straū¦ge countrey / to whom no more credence is to be gyuē than is to a nother certayne felowe / whiche wrote of the waspes / that made their nestes in Vespasianus nose / * 1.167 and of the frogge / of which Nero was delyue∣red / as it had ben of chylde / wherof they say / that the place is called Laterane / {quod} rana ibi late at insepul∣chro .1. bicause the frogge is hydde there in the graue / which thynge I am sure / neither the waspes / neither y^e frogges selues wolde haue sayd: if they coulde ha∣ue spokē / except they do referre this to the goddes of the eanytoly house / as if they wolde saye / that these goddes had ben wonte to speake / and had cōmaūded this thynge to be done. But why shulde I meruayle that the popes are ignoraunte / * 1.168 & haue no perceyuing or vnderstādyng in these thynges: whan they be ig∣noraunte of their owne name? For they say that Pe∣ter was called Cephas / * 1.169 bycause he was heed of y^e A∣postles / as who shulde say: that this worde Cephas were a Greke worde cōmyng of Cephali (whiche in the Greke tong be tokeneth y^e same that Caput dothe in latyne / or heed in Englisshe) and nat a worde of the Hebrue / or rather of the Sirie tonge / which the Grekes do write Ciphys / which amonge them is in∣terpreted Petrus / and nat caput. For bothe Petrus and Petra are Greke wordes / and they do folysshely which do expounde and declare this worde Petra by a latyne etimologie / sayeng Petra quasi pede trita. And they do put a dyfference bytwen Metropolitan{us} and Archiepiscopus / * 1.170 sayeng / that Metropolitanus cometh of Metron .1. mēīura / & poly .1. ciuitas / so y^e thā Metropolitanus is sayd / a mensura ciuitatis .1.

of the measure of a cyte▪ where as in very dede / in the greke tonge they do nat say Metropolis: but Mitro¦polis / which is as moch to say in the latyne tonge / as Matere ciuitatis / or vrbis. And they wyll also / * 1.171 that Patriarcha is so called: bycause he is / as it were pa∣cer patrum .1. father of fathers / and that this worde Papa cometh of the interiection papae / whiche is an interiection of meruaylyng or wondryng / * 1.172 and that it is called Fides orthodoxa / quasi recta glia:* 1.173 where as in very dede / orthodoxa betokeneth nat rectam glo¦ri••m / but is as moche to saye / as rectae opinionis: of eighte opinion. And they do pronounce this worde Simonem with the mydle syllable shorte: whan in very dede they oughte to pronounce that worde with the mydle syllable longe / euyn so as they do pronoūce this worde Platonem / and this worde Catonē / and many other lyke thinges / which I passe ouer / lest for the faute of certayne: I might seme to blame and re∣buke all popes. These thinges haue I spokē to then∣tente / that no man shulde meruayle / if many popes coulde nat espye and perceyue / that the donatyon of Constātine was but a famed or forged thyng / allbeit yet. I do iuge / that this dys••eyte & gyle was begōne and brought vp first by one of the sayde popes. But you wyll saye / why do nat the emperours / to whose hurte this thynge dyd tourne: denye the donation of Constātine but graunt and knowlege it / affirme it / and conserue or kepe it? Forsoth this is an excedyng stronge argumente / and a wonderfull defence.* 1.174 for of what imperour speakest thou? If thou doest speake of the Greke emperour / which was the very ēperour in dede: than wyll I denye that euer he confessed or graūted the sayde donation. But if thou doest speke of the latyne emperoure: I my selfe also wyll confesse thy forlong to be true. For who is he which knoweth nat that the latyne emperoure was frely made of the daye? Steuen (as I w••ne) whiche deposed and put 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Greke emperoure:* 1.175 bycause he wolde nat bringe helpe and ayde to Italye / and made a latyne emperour / so that the emperoure shulde receyue mo

thynges of the pope:* 1.176 than the pope of the emperour▪ Doutles / the pope & the emperour departed and de∣uyded the empier bytwene them selues alone / by cer∣tayne pactions and couenaūtes: euyn as Achilles and Patroclus dyd deuyde bytwene them two alone / the riches of Troye / * 1.177 which thynge (as me semeth) euyn the very wordes of Ludouicus do declare and shew / whan he sayth. I Ludouike emperour of Rome / do decree / and graunt by this pacte of our cōfrontation / to the / * 1.178 blessed Peter prince of the apostles / and by the to thy vycare lorde Paschalis beyng pope / and to his successours for euermore (be lykewise as you haue holden them of our predecessours / in your power and dominiō / * 1.179 euē vnto this tyme) the cyte of Rome / with the dukedome belongyng to it / and all places within the precincte of the sayd cytie / and all villages / stre∣tes / territories belongyng to it / both in the moūtayns and in the see costes / hauens / or al ryties / castels / tow¦nes / and vyllages / in the parties of. Thustiab. &c. Ludouike do you make partes / couenauntes / or bar∣gaynes with Paschalis the pope if these aforesayd thynges be yours / that is to saye / if they do appertay¦ne to the empier of Rome: why do you graunt and gyue them to another? if they be his and be possessed of him: what nedeth you to confirme them? Agayne how lytell of the Romayne empier shall be yours: if you haue lost y^e very heed and chefe cyte of y^e empier? The Romayne emperour hathe his name of Rome. Moreouer the residue which you haue in possessyon / are they yours: or do they belonge to Paschalis? I suppose / you wyll say that they are your owne. Thā it foloweth / that the donation of Constātine is of no strength / seīg that you haue in your possessyon those thinges / which were gyuen by him to the pope. If it be of strength: by what righte dothe Paschalis re∣mitte or release the other thynges to you: retayninge to him selfe onely those thynges / which he hath in pos¦sessyon? Is this it that is meaned by so great la••gy∣tion of the Romayne empier / of you towardes him / or of him towardes you? Thā do you worthely▪ and

nat without a cause / call it a pacte / that is as a man wolde say / a certayne collutiō or false packīg bytwen you two. But peraduēture you wyll say to me / what shall I do? Shall I go about to recouer by warre / those thynges whiche the pope violētly & wrongfully holdeth frō me? That shulde nothīge auayle me / * 1.180 for he is of more mighte & power that waye: than I am myselfe. Shal I make clayme & tytle to thē / by right and lawe? That coulde nat helpe / for my right is no more: but euen so moch / as it shall please hī to graūt me. For I came nat to the ēpier by the waye of inhe∣rytaunce: but onely by pacte and couenaunte / that if I wolde be emperour: I shulde promyse suche and such thinges / to the pope agayne of my parte.* 1.181 Shal I say / that Constantine gaue no whitte at all of the empier? If I dyd so: I shulde defende the cause of the Greke emperour / and put my selfe clene from all the dygnyte of the empier. For the pope saythe / that he maketh me emperour vpon this condityon: that I shulde be as a certayne vycare or deputie vnder hī / and excepte that I wyll promyse so to be: he wyll nat make me emperour. And excepte that I wyll obeye him accordyng to my promyse: he sayth / that he wyl depose me agayne. So that he wyll gyue these thyn∣ges to me: I wyll cōfesse and knowlege all thynges / I wyll promyse and couenaunte with him / what so euer thynges he shall requyre of me. But yet bele∣ue me / if I had Rome / or Thustia in my possession / nat onely I wolde nat than do as I do now: but also it shulde be labours all in vayne / for Paschalis to tell me that tale of the donation of Constantine / whiche as I deme / is falsly forged. But nowe I do graunt and gyue those thinges / which neither I haue in my possessyon: neither do hope that euer I shall haue. To enquyre and make serche of the popes right: that appertayneth nat to me / but to the emperour of Con∣stantinople. Now Ludouike you haue excused your selfe to me suffyciētly / & whatsoeuer other ēperour is lyke to Ludouike. What ought to be demed of y^e pac∣tion & promise made bytwen other em{per}ours & the po∣pes:

whan we do know so euydētly / what Sigismū∣dus hath done / * 1.182 which verily at all other tymes / & in all other poyntes / was the best & most valyaūte prīce: but now in extreme age / nat so hardy & valyant as he was before / whom we haue our selues sene / hauynge but a fewe seruauntes or a small garde about hym / to wander through Italy / knowyng nat this day / howe or where to haue his dyner to morowe / & lykewise to haue ben famisshed at Rome / if Eugenius had nat gi¦uen him fode / * 1.183 but nat for nought / for he extorted a do∣nation of him. This Sigismundus / whan he was comen to Rome for to be crowned there / them{per}our of the romains / * 1.184 he coude nat be crowned by any meanes of y^e pope / but onely vpō this cōdition / that he shulde alowe & confyrme the donation of Cōstātine / & gyue and graūt the same thīges now agayne a fressh. what thinge is more repugnaūt & cōtrary / than y^t he shulde be crowned ēperour of Rome: whiche had renoūced & gyuen from hīselfe y^e cyte of Rome?* 1.185 and y^t he shuld be crowned of him: whō both himselfe doth cōfesse & knowlege / & also as moch as lyeth in hī / he doth ma∣ke lorde of the Romaīe empier? and y^t he shulde alow & confirme y^e donation of Constātine which if it were true: nothīg at all of the empier / shulde be lefte or re∣mayne to the emperour? Which thīge / as I suppose and iuge:* 1.186 nat very chyldrē wolde haue done. Wher∣fore it is so moche lesse meruayle / if the pope do cha∣lenge & take vpon hī the coronation of thēperour: whi¦che ought to ap{per}tayne vnto y^e people of Rōe. If thou O pope / both arte able to depriue the Greke ēperour: of Italy & of the prouīces of the West. And doest also make y^e latyne ēperour: Why vsest thou such pactiōs / promyses / and couenaūtes? Why doest thou parte & deuyde y^e goodes of Cesar?* 1.187 Why doest thou trāslate the ēpier vnto thy selfe? wherfore let him know / who so euer is ēperour of Rome: that in my iugemēt he is neither Augustus / neither Cesar / neither emperour: excepte he do holde & kepe the ēpier & gouernaunce of Rome / & excepte he do gyue dilygēce / & enforce hīself to recouer the cytie of Rome: that he is periured and

forsworne. For the emperours in olde tyme / * 1.188 of whom Constantine was the fyrst: were nat constrayned to make any such solempne othe / wherwith now adaies but emperours are bounden. but onely / that / as mo∣che as might be done by mannes power: they shulde minysshe nothinge of the amplytude and maiesty of the empier of Rome. but that with all their labour and dilygence they shulde augmente and increace it. yet were they nat therfore called Augusti / {quod} imperiū augere deberent. 1. for that they ought to augmente the empier (as the opinion of some men is / whiche are vnskylled in the latyne tonge) But Augustus is as moch to say / as Sacer / holy or worshipfulle and it is said Ab aulum gustu .1.* 1.189 of the tastyng or eating of the byrdes. whiche thynge was greatly obserued / marked / and taken hede of in the olde tyme: whan they wolde diuyne of the lucke that shulde folow any earnest thinge that they toke in hande / * 1.190 and therfore where the latyne men do saye Augustus: the Grekes do say Sebastos .1. venerādus or honorabilis.* 1.191 The pope might better be called Augustusab augendo .1. of encreasing or augmentyng: saue onely / that why∣les he encreaseth temporall thīges / he minyssheth the spūall thinges. And therfore may you se / * 1.192 that as e∣uery pope was most victouse and worst disposed: so he gaue him selfe most to the defending of this dona∣tion. of which sorte / Boniface the eyght was:* 1.193 * 1.194 why∣che deceyued Celestyne by trumpes putte within the wall. This Bonifacius also writeth of the donatiō of Constantine. and he depriued or deposed the king of Fraunce. and iuged the kyngedome of Fraunce (as if he wolde haue put the sayd donation in execu∣tion) to haue ben / and to be subiecte to the churche of Rome. which thynge / as being leude & against right shortly after his successours Benedicte / and Clemēt / did rebuke. But what meaneth this your carefull di∣lygence / O you popes of Rome / * 1.195 that you do requyre of euery emperour the confirmation of the sayde do∣nation of Constantine: but that you put diffydence and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in your ryght & tytle? But you labour

〈1+ pages missing〉〈1+ pages missing〉 amples wherof we may fynde euery where. Neither it is ordayned by the lawe of nature / * 1.196 that one people shuld subdue & make subiect another people to it self. We may coūsayle & teche / & exhort other men / but we may nat play y^e lordes ouer thē / & do vyolēce to them: excepte we wyll renoūce & forsake all humanite / and coūterfayte & folow y^e moste ferce & cruel bestes / whi∣che done exercyse a cruell & a blody empier vpon the weaker beastes / & those which are of lesse might and strēgth. as the lyon / ouer four foted beastes / the egte ouer fowles of the ayer / & the Dolphyn ouer fyshes. But yet for all this / these afore rehersed beestes / do nat chalenge or vsurpe any power ouer the beestes of their owne kynde: but onely vpon those y^t be of other lower kyndes / how moche more than ought we to do so: & one man to haue regarde & reuerence to another man / * 1.197 seyng y^e (as Maister Fabius sayd) there liueth none so wode a beest vpō erthe: but he dothe regarde his owne Image / & doth auoyde the hurtyng therof. There is therfore .iiii.* 1.198 causes / wherfore most cōmēly warres & batayles are made / either it is for to reuēge iniuryes or wronges / & to defende our frendes / or els it is for feare of calamite / y^t we shal receyue after war¦des: if the strēgth & might or power of other / were suf¦fred to growe & increse / or els it is for y^e hope of praye / or els for the desire of glorye & renowne / of the which foure causes / the fyrst is somewhat honeste / the secōd but lytle honeste / the two last are in no wyfe honeste. And in very dede warres haue bene made oftētymes agaynst the Romayns. but after they had defended thēselues they made warre both vpō them & other ••••∣tions. Neither is there any nation or people / which hath geuē place / & bē obediēt to their dominiō: except they were vainqueshed and subdued by batayle / how well and how rightfully / or for what cause: auise thē selues / for I wyll nat neither condemne them / as if they haue tought wrongfully: neither assoyle or quite theym / as if they haue fought ryghtfullye. This onely I wyll saye: that by the same reason / and for the same cause / the Romayns made warre vpō other

nations: by whiche reason / and for the whiche cause / other kinges & peoples dyd. And that it was laufull for them / vpon whom warre was be gonne / and whi∣che were vaīquesshed or ouercome by bataile / to haue gone from the Romaynes / and to haue forsaken thē: euyn so as they had done from other lordes / whiche had subdued them. Left peraduenture (which thing no man wolde say) all the empiers might be brought agayne to those most aunciente lordes of the olde ty∣me: whiche were fyrst lordes / that is to saye / whiche first toke away other mines lādes and goodes. And yet is there better right to the people of Rome in the nations conquered by batayle: than is to the emper∣ours / oppressynge the cōmune weale. Wherfore if it was laufull for nations & peoples to shrinke or go a∣waye from Constātine / and (which is a gretter thīg) from the people of Rome: without any doute / it shal be laufull for them / to refuse and forsake him for their gouernour: to whom so euer Constātine hathe gyuē and released his right & tytle. And that I may speke more boldely / if it was laufull for the Romaynes / ei∣ther to depose or driue out Constātine / so as they did Tarquine? or els to kyll him / * 1.199 so as they dyd Iulius Cesar: moch more it shal be laufull for the Romaynes or the prouinces / to kyll him: whiche is succeded (so as it is) in to the roume / and stede of Constantyne. This thing / albeit that it is true: yet is it beyonde the bondes of my cause or mater. And therfore I wil refrayne and rule or measure my selfe. and I will in∣ferre or conclude none other thīg at this tyme of these thinges afore reherced: but only / that it is peuisshnes or madnesse / where the vyolence or force or armes is: there any man to allege or brīge in y^e right or tytle of wordes (for y^e same thīg which is gottē or wōnē w^t warre: is also lost againe w^t batayle) & that by so mo∣che the more / seing that other straunge nations (as we haue herde say of y^e gothes) whiche were neuer vn¦der thempier of Rome: haue wonne Italy / and many prouīces / and entred vpō them / driuyng out the olde inhabytaūtes / which now to be called agayne into y^e

seruitude / ī which they were neuer before: what right or equyte (I beseche you) is it: namely these natyōs which haue cōquered into the seruytude of them / per∣aduēture: which haue ben cōquered? At which tyme if any cyties & nations (as we knowe it to haue ben done in very dede) beyng destituted & forsaken of the emperour of Rome: were cōstrayned / at the cōmyng of the Barbarous pope / of nec••••syte / to chuse a king to thē selues / vnder whose gouernaūce they haue go∣ten the vyctory: shulde they afterwardes depose him from his kīgedome? or shulde they be wyllīg & desyer to haue his sonnes lyue priuate / without any rule or auctorite (which are worthy to be fauoured / both for their fathers sake / & also for their own vertue & man∣lynes) that their selues might be agayne vnder y^e em∣perour of Rome? namely whan their selues shulde cōtynually nede the labour & dilygence of them: and shulde nat hope to haue helpe or ayde frō any where els? If Cesar him self / or Constātine / if he were aly∣ue agayne / or also the senate and the people of Rome wolde call the mater to the cōmune iugemēt / such as was some tyme the iugemente of the Amphictions in Grece lande:* 1.200 he shulde be put backe / & cast forthwith at the fyrst action: For that he dyd demaūde & clayme agayne in to the seruyce & bondage / those men whom he being their gouernoure / had forsaken long syns / and which had lyued so longe season vnder another prīce & gouernour / and which neuer had ben subiect / to a kinge of another coūtrey / & which fynally were men borne to lybertie / & which were restored in to ly∣bertie / by the strēgth & valyaūtnes bothe of mynde & body. So that it may cuydētly appere / if Cesar / if the people of Rome / be excluded frō claymīg them a∣gayne in to subiectiōs & seruytude: moch more than the pope is excluded frō making suche clayme. And if it be laufull for other nations / which were vnder Ro¦me / either to create & make a kinge ouer them selues or to kepe & holde a cōmune welth: moche more it is laufull for the people of Rome to do the same thing / namely & agaīst y^e new & straūg tyrāny of y^e pope.

¶ The fy••th prīcipall parte & the last of this worke / •• whiche it is shewed / y^t the pope can nat make any p̄∣scription ••n those thīges which he possesseth: howe so ouer longe tyme he hath had them in his possessyon.

BIcause our aduersaryes are nowe excluded frō defēdyng of the donation of Constātine / in as moche as there was neuer any suche donation made / and though there hadde ben / it shulde nowe haue ben deade / through the condition and state of tymes: they do runne to another kynde of defence / & as you wolde say / forsakyng the cyte: they gette them selues into a castell or fortelage / which forthwith they shall be cō∣pelled to yelde vp: bycause their vytayles shall fayle them.* 1.201 The church of Rome (they saye) hathe made prescription in those thīges: which it possesseth. Why doth than the sayde churche requyre & clayme againe those thynges (which is the greater parte) in whiche it selfe hathe nat made prescription / & in which other men hath prescribed? excepte it be nat laufull for o∣ther men / to do the same thynge to the pope: whiche it is laufull for him / to do to other men. The churche of Rome (you say) hath prescrybed. Why dothe she than gyue so greatly care and dilygence / to haue her ryght & tytle to ofte cōfirmed of the emperours? why doth the sayde church than bost the donation / and the confirmation of the emperours: if this thynge alone (that is to wit / prescription) were suffycient? Thou doest iniury to it: if thou doest nat kepe sylence of the other ryght or tytle also. Why doest thou nat than ke¦pe sylence of the one? Verely / bycause this alone is nat suffyciēt.* 1.202 Thou sayest y^e church of Rome hath p̄∣scribed. How can y^e church of Rōe haue made p̄scrip∣tion: wher ther is none euydēce or certētie of any rizyogh;t title / but onely a false & vniust possession / or els if thou dost deny y^t it is a vniust possession and of yuell faith / forsoth you can nat deny it to haue ben a possession of folisshe faith or credēce. Ought the ignorāce / as they cal it: Facti et iuris to be holden excused ī so gret a ma¦ter: & so open & manyfest / y^e ignorāce of y^e dede / I call

nat to knowe that Constātyne dyd neuer gyue Rome & the prouynces / wherof to be ignoraūte: ••s a poynt•• of an idyate or vnlerned man / & nat of a pope. Ig∣noraunce of the right / * 1.203 I meane / nat to knowe that those thīges coulde neither be gyuen of the one parte: neither b•• receyued of the other parte / wherof to be ignoraunte is a poynt of him that is scarsely a Chri∣sten man. Shall than the folysshe credulyte or lyght¦nes of gyueng credence / cause the to haue right and tytle in those thinges: which / if thou haddest ben wi¦ser / shulde neuer haue ben thyne? What? Shalte thou nat nowe at the least wyse lose that right & tytle (if thou haddest any at al) seing that I haue declared so playnly / that it was longe of ignoraunce & folyssh∣nesse: that thou dyddest possesse them? And that thīg whiche ignoraunce leudly and wrongfully hath gyuē to the: shall nat knowledge well and rightfully take agayn y^e same a way frō the? And shall nat the bonde man or prentyce retourne agayne from the uniust lor∣de / to the right maister? ye•• peraduenture euyn with the frute and profyte whiche thou hast taken / by the occupyeng and vsyng of him? For if thou doest con∣tynue & holde on to possesse them yet styll: now thyne ignoraunce is tourned into malyce & fraude or gyle / and thou arte playnly and vtterly made (as they call it in latyne tonge) Malae fidei possessor / that is to say / a possessor of euyll faith / in as moch as thou kno∣west y^t he had no right to gyue those thynges / which thou possessest: of whom thou dyddest receyue them. you dyd say / that y^e church of Rome hath prescribed.

* 1.204O vnlerned foles / O you ignoraunt persons & vn∣skylled of goddes lawe. No nombre of yeres / be it neuer so great: can abolysshe or wipe away the true and iust tytle. In cause it were so / that I had ben ta∣ken prisoner of the Barbarions / and had ben suppo∣sed verely to haue ben deed / if now after an hundreth yeres in which I had ben prisoner / I dyd retourne agayne in to myne owne countrey: shall I be exclu∣ded therfore from claymyng and makyng tytle to the inherytaunce / which my father hathe lefte me? what

thinge can be more cruell / and more cōtrary to all hu∣manite: than this? And to brynge you some example.

Whan the chyldrē or sōnes of Ammon / dyd requyre and clayme agayne the lande / from the costes or bor¦ders of Arnon euyn vnto Iabue / and vnto the ryuer Iordane: dyd Iepthe the captayne of Israell make answere in this wyse to them. The israelytes haue prescribed now by the space of thre hūdred yeres? or dyd he shewe that the lāde which they claymed: had / neuer ben possessed of them / but of the Amorreanes? and that this was an euydente argument or profe / that the sayde lande dyd nat belonge to the Ammoni¦tes: seyng that within the cōpasse of so many yeres / they had neither claymed nor demaunded it agayne. The churche of Rome hathe prescrybed.* 1.205 Holde thy peace wicked & mischeuouse tonge. Thou doest tran∣slate prescryption / whiche is made onely of doumbe thinges and vnresonable: vnto man / whom by how moch the longer they haue possessed in seruytude and bondage: so moch the more detestable their possessiō is. Byrdes / and wylde beestes / wyll nat that any prescryptyon be made vpon them selues, but how so euer longe tyme they haue ben had in possessyon: yet whan they lyst / and occasyon shall be offred to them: they do go away. and shall it nat be laufull for a man of whom another man hath had the possessyon: lyke wyse to go away from him / as the birde or wylde best dothe? Herken nowe a thyng / wherby the fraude or gyle of popes / rather than the ignoraunce of theym may appere. which done vse to be tryed and iuged by warre and batayle: and nat by right and lawe.* 1.206 And I suppose verily / that the fyrst popes in takyng pos∣sessyon / and entryng vpon the cyte of Rome / and the other townes / dyd in moch lyke maner faciō. A lytel before I was borne (I take recorde of them / whiche were presente and do remēbre it well ynough) Rome toke or receyued the empier rule / and gouernaūce / or rather the tyrāny of the pope / where long afore that tyme / it had ben free: by a straūge kynde of fraude or gyle / suche as hath nat ben herde of herafore. The

pope at the tyme of whom I do speke: was Boniface the nynth / * 1.207 pere & egall to Boniface y^e eyght / in fraude & in name / if it be to that they are to be called Boni∣facii: that is to say good doers: Qui pessime faciūt / that is to saye / whiche are most euyll & shrode doers. And whan the Romayns / after y^t they had perceyued the fraude & gyle / were angry in their myndes / & dis∣contente amōge them selues:* 1.208 Boniface y^e pope / after the maner of Tarquini{us} stroke of all the highest hed∣des of y^e popies or chessebouls with a rodde or wāde so caused he the hedes of them to be stricken of / which were of most might & power. which thyng / whā In∣nocēcius / * 1.209 which succeded wolde haue counterfayted and folowed: he was driuen or chased out of the cyte. I wyll nat speke of other popes / * 1.210 which haue alwaies holden Rome oppressed by vyolence & force of armes. Albeit / as ofte as it myght: it hathe alwayes rebel∣led / as syx yeres ago / whā it coulde nat optayn peace of Eugenius / neither the enemies had peace / whiche dyd besege it: it selfe also beseged y^e pope within his owne house / * 1.211 & wolde nat suffre him to go from thēce afore that either he dyd make peace with y^e enemyes: or els wolde remitte and release the administration & gouernaūce of the Cytie to y^e citizens / But he chose raither to forsake the cytie / disgysyng him selfe in the habite or wede of another man / & hauyng but one to wayte vpon him: than to do pleasure to the citizens / which desired nothynge of him / but suche thynges as were agreable to ryght & equite / which if they were put to free choyse: who doth not know / but that they wolde chose rather lybertie / than thraldome & bonda¦ge. It pleaseth me to deme & iuge the same of other ci∣ties: which be retayned and holden in seruitude of the pope / by whom they ought to haue ben deliuered frō thraldome. It were to longe a thyng to reherce howe many cities y^e people of Rome hath made free: which they dyd wynne & take of their enemyes / * 1.212 in so moch that Titus Flaminius did bydde or wyll all Grecelā¦de which had ben in subiectiō vnder Antiochus: to be free / & to vse their owne lawes. But the pope / as we

may euydētly se) lyeth in wayte all y^e euer he can: to begyle peoples / & to spoyle thē of their lyberty.* 1.213 And therfore they lykewyse agayne of their parte / whan they haue occasyon offred: do rebell (take exāple her∣of euen nowe of Bonony) whiche if at any tyme / of their owne accorde / which thing is possyble ynough to haue chaūced) & with good wyll / they dyd cōsente to the papale empier / by the reason of some great ieo∣perdy y^t was towardes them / & nere at hande from o∣ther outnations & people: it is nat yet so to be vnder∣stāded & taken / that they dyd cōsente to make thēsel∣ues bōdmen / so y^t they myght neuer withdrawe their neckes from vnder the yoke / & so that they also: whi∣che shulde be borne afterwardes: shulde nat be at ly∣berty / neither haue any power ouer their owne selues for this were ouer moch agaynst right & reason. We come to the / O pope / of oure owne free wylles: that thou shuldest gouerne vs. Now agayne of our owne free wylles / we do go frō the & forsake the / that thou shuldest gouerne vs no lenger. If thou thynke that we be any thynge in thy dette: let accompte be made of suche thinges as haue ben gyuen & receyued / both of thy parte & of ours. But thou wylte gouerne vs spite of our tethe / & whether we will or no / as though we were wardes / or chyldren vnder full age. and yet peraduēture we coulde gouerne the more wysely: thā thou cānest gouerne vs. Besydes this / many iniuri∣es and great wronges are done verye oftymes to this cytye: by the and thyne heed officers / we take god to recorde / Iniurye constrayneth vs to rebelle / & to go from the: as it dyd cause the childrē of Israell in olde tyme to rebelle agaynst Roboam.* 1.214 And what so great iniurie / or how great a portion of our calamite was that / I meane to pay to sore or greuouse tributes?* 1.215 For what if thou do euacuate / empouerishe & cōsume the substaunce of our cōmune weale? Thou hast done so / what if thou dost spoyle or robbe churches? Thou hast spoyled thē / what if thou dost defloure virgyns & defyle wyues? Thou hast done it w^tout fayle / what if thou dost embrue the cytie with the blode of y^e cyti∣zens

causīg them to make batayle & warre amōg thē selfe / one with another? Thou hast nat fayled to do so. Ought we to suffre those thīges? or els rather / se∣yng that thou hast ceassed to be a fader to vs: shal we also forget / y^t we be thy sōnes? This people called y^t to them & chose the pope / for to be a father. or (if this do please & delyte y^e more) to be a lorde or gouernour vnto thē / nat to be an enemy & a tyrānouse murtherer of them. And thou wilt nat play y^e father or the lorde & gouernour: but y^e enemy & the tourmētour. We / albe¦it y^t we myght rightfully folowe y^e ensāple of thy cru∣elte & impiete / cōsydering y^e extreme iniuries whiche thou doest to vs: yet y^t natwithstādīg / for as moch as we be christen men / we wyll nat. Neither wyll we be reuēged vpon the with y^e swerde / takīg thy lyfe from the: but onely disposīg the / we wyll chose to vs ano∣ther father or lorde. The sōnes may fle or rōne away from their parētes / of whō they were begottē: if the sayde parētes be euyll & cruell. And shall it nat be lau∣full for vs to fle frō the: which art nat our very & na∣turall father / but onely a father adoptyue & by electiō (for y^e it pleaseth vs to chose & call y^e thervnto) & whi∣che doest intreate vs in the worst & most cruell maner & facyon? And medle thou / & take thou care for the or∣dryng of such thīges / which do belonge to y^e offyce of a preest:* 1.216 & be nat in mīde or wyll / to buylde the a seate in the north. and from thence to thūdre & throw forthe flaming lyghtenīg{is} / vpon this people / & other. But what nedeth me to make any mo wordes in this thīg / which is most open & euydent? I say playnly to abyd by it / nat only y^t Constātine neuer gaue so great thin∣ges / nat onely y^t the pope of Rome coulde nat prescri¦be in y^e same thīges: but also in case that the one had gyuen / & the other had prescribed: yet that nothynge withstāding / I saye / that bothe these right{is} or tytles are lost & destroyed / * 1.217 through y^e abhomynable offēces & crymes of y^e possessours. For as moch as we do se / that y^e calamite / decaye / & ruine / or destruction of al Italy / & of many prouīces: hathe flowen out of this one foūtayne & sprīge alone. If the foūtaine be bitter in it selfe: the riuer or streame / that cometh from it /

must nedes also be bitter / if the roote be vnclene & poi¦soned: y^e braūches must nedes be lykewyse poysoned.* 1.218 So contrary wyse agayn / if y^e ryuer or streme be bit∣ter: y^e foūtayne or sprynge is to be stopped vp / if the braūches be vnclene & vnholsome: the faute cometh frō the roote. Si missa sācta non est delibatio quo{que} abomināda est. May we brīge forth & allege y^e on̄a∣tion of the papale power for right & lawe: which we do se to be y^e cause of so great sines / & of so great mis∣cheuouse euylles / of all kindes & sortes? wherfore I do say / & also do cry out with loude voyce (for I wyl nat feare men: putting my confydēce & truste in god:* 1.219 that there hath ben no pope in my tyme / which in his popedome hath ben either a faythfull or a wyse dispē∣satour / * 1.220 & which also nat only hath nat giuen meate & brede to the household seruaūtes of god: but also hath deuoured thē. The pope both him selfe maketh war∣re vpon people / which are in quietnes & peace / * 1.221 & also soweth debates & stri••fes betwen cities & prices. The pope bothe thristeth or gredily desyreth the ryches or goodes of other men: & suppeth of his own (beyng as Achilles sayd against Agamēnon) a kīge / * 1.222 the deuou∣rer of the peoples substaūce. The pope nat only sel∣leth & getteth lucre & aduātage by y^e cōmune weale / which thīg neither Verres / neither Catilyne / * 1.223 nether any other robber of y^e cōmune weale / wolde haue ben hardy or bolde to do: but also he selleth y^e sacramētes & the offyces of the church. ye / & the holy ghost also / which thīge / y^e Symon y^e inchaūtour doth detestate & defye. And whan he is admonysshed of these thīges & rebuked therfore of certayn good mē: he doth nat de¦ny these thīges / but opēly cōfesseth & knowlegeth thē / ye / & also bosteth & reioyseth therof / sayeng y^t it is lau¦full for hī / by all maner wayes & meanes / to extorte & wrest out y^e patrimony of y^e churche / which was gyuē by Cōstātyne: frō the hādes of thē / which violētly do holde it in theyr possession. As who shulde say / that if that were recouered & gotten agayn: y^• than the chri∣sten religion shulde be blessed and happy / and nat ra∣ther more oppressed & ouerwhelmed with all synnes /

ryotous su{per}••••uitees / & lechery (if it be possyble to be more oppressed: than it is. & that there shall be place lefte for mo mischeuouse sīnes:* 1.224 than are alredy. Ther¦fore / for the recoueryng & wīnyng agayn of the other mēbres & partes of the donaton / the money which he taketh euyll away from good men: he spendeth moch worse / and norissheth & mayntayneth hostes and ar∣mes of horsemen & fotemen / which do noysaunce and hurtes to all men, where as Christ in the meane seasō dyeth in so many thousādes of poore men / for lacke of foode & clothyng. Neither perceyueth he (O pituous case) whā he laboureth to take from the seculars such thynges / as appertayneh to them: that they lykewyse agayne of their parte / either are induced or brought in minde through the most vngratiouse exāple of the pope. or els are constrayned & cōpelled through neces∣syte (albeit it is no true necessyte) to take away from the ecclesyastycall persons / such goodes & possessions as do belonge and appertayne vnto them. So than there is no relygion or holynes / anywhere. No ver∣tuouse lyuyng. No drede of god. and (which thynge also maketh me to sheuer & quake now / to reherce it) all wicked & myscheuouse synners / * 1.225 do take the excu∣sation of all their synnes & vyces from the pope. At him / * 1.226 & in his wayters on: is the ensāple of all sinne and mischef. so that we may say with Esaia & Paule agaynst the pope / & those y^t be next the pope. By you: the name of god is blasphemed among the gentils / you y^t do teache other men: you do not teache your sel¦ues / you y^t do preache & teache opēly / y^t no mā ought to steale / or to be a thefe: your selues are opē robbers you y^t do abhorre / hate / & defye Idoles: do your sel∣ues cōmytte sacrilege / * 1.227 you which do bragge & boste / reioysyng in the lawe / & in the offyce of a bysshoppe: by the trāsgression & brekyng of the lawe / you do dis∣honour god / * 1.228 whiche is the very byshoppe / wherfore if the people of Rome / by the reason of ouer gret plē¦ty of ryches: lost that true Romanite / & very manly∣nesse & valyauntnes / so greatly renoumed and dredde of all nations. If Salomon also through ouer moch

aboundance of ryches / fell in to Idolatrye for the loue of women:* 1.229 do we nat suppose the same thynge to be done & brought to passe in the pope & other cler∣kes? And yet we do afterwardes wene / y^e god wolde suffre Syluester / to receyue the thynge: that shulde be the matter & occasyon of synnīg. I wyll nat suffre this wrong & eniurie to be done to the most good and vertuouse bisshoppe: that he shalbe reported & sayde to haue receyued & taken empiers / kyngdoms / & pro¦uynces: whiche thynges euen they also are wonte to renounce: which desyer / & are in wyll to be made cler¦kes. Syluester had but a fewe thinges in possessyon / * 1.230 & y^e other popes were but small possessioners: whose visage & syght was had in gret worshippe & reuerēce euen of the enemyes / as for exāple the aspecte of that pope Leo / which dyd put in feare / ye / & ouercome the cruell & ferce mynde of the barbarouse kinge:* 1.231 whom the puysaunce & power of the Romayns / neither was able to breake and ouercome: neither yet to make a¦frayde. But the popes of late tyme / that is to wytte / flowing in riches & pleasurs: seme to labour & enforce thē selues hervnto only / that as moch as y^e olde popes were wyse & holy: so moche their selues may be both wicked and folysshe / * 1.232 and that with all shamefull vy∣ces: they may passe and ouercome the exellent and commendable vertues of them / what Christen man is he: that can suffre these thynges with a pacient & a quiete mynde? But I in this my fyrste oration / wyl nat exhorte & cal vpon princes and peoples / that they shulde stoppe and inhibite the pope / whiche conneth at large with an vnbridled & vnruly course / and that they shulde compelle him / to reste & to abyde within his owne boundes or meares: but onely / that they do admonisshe him / for paraduenture now that he shall ones haue knowlege of the trouth: he shal of his own free will gete hīselfe forth frō another mānes house in to his owne house / & from the outragiouse waues or belawes / & cruell tēpestes or stormes: īto y^e porte or ha¦uē. But if he wyl refuse so to do: thā shal we buckle & prepayre our selues / to y^e makyng of another oration

moch more ferce & cruell than this.* 1.233 Wolde god that I myghte ones (for there is no thynge / that I do more longe for) se it brought to passe / & that namely by my coūsayle: that the pope were only the vicare of Christ and nat also the vicare of the emperour / and that this horryble sayeng may be no more herde. The church fyghteth & warreth agaynst y^e perusians. The chur¦che fyghteth against the people of Bonony. It is nat the churche that fyghteth or warreth agaynst Christē men:* 1.234 but it is the pope / that so doth. The church figh¦teth agaynst wycked spirites in the regiōs of the ayre Than shall the pope both be called: & also be in very dede / an holy father / the father of all men / the father of the churche / neither shall he than raise or styrre vp warres & batayles among Christen men: but he shall alay & ceasse the warres / which haue bē stirred vp by other: by his apostolike censure & papall maiestie.

¶ Thus endeth the declamation of Laurence Valla: agaynste the forged priuilege / called the donation of Constantyne.

Notes

• * 1.1

  The pope oc∣cupieth bothe the temporall and the spiri∣tuall swerde.
• * 1.2

  There is no where any re¦fuge to be had from the vio∣lente power of the Pope.
• * 1.3

  Psal. 88.
• * 1.4

  Actes. 2••. Ananias com¦maunded salt Paule to be beaten on the mouth for sai¦yng the trou∣th.
• * 1.5

  Iere. 20. Ieremy was cast in to pri∣son by the hi∣ghe preest / for spekynge the truthe.
• * 1.6

  Iere. 26.
• * 1.7

  The pope cā nat bynde or lose any thyn¦ge cōtrary to right / and the lawe of god.
• * 1.8

  Let no man shrinke to spē¦de his lyfe / in the defence of trouth and iu¦stice.
• * 1.9

  Heuyn is go••∣ten by pleasī¦ge of god / & nat by pleasī¦ge of men.
• * 1.10

  who is a god oratour.
• * 1.11

  Mat. 18. Open siners & which wyll nat receiue se¦crete coūsa••le are to be rebu¦ked openly.

  The first epi¦stell to Timo¦the / & .v. cha.
• * 1.12

  Gala. 2. To the gala∣tianes the se∣cond chapi.
• * 1.13

  He that ob∣serueth the cō¦maundemen∣tes of god: is made one spy¦rite with god
• * 1.14

  No mā is to be spared be∣cause of his dignite but if he be reprefe word•• ••he mat & ought to be reproued.

  Marcel∣lus pope. Celestine pope.
• * 1.15

  For what en¦tēte valla ma¦de this wor∣ke.
• * 1.16

  Psal. 57.
• * 1.17

  Ephe. 5.
• * 1.18

  Neither Con¦stantyne ney∣ther Syluer∣ster knewe e∣uer any thīge at such dona∣tion.
• * 1.19

  The order of his processe in this oratiō & the deuisyon of his worke.
• * 1.20

  The authors sheweth it to be nothyng ly¦kely that any prince beynge in his ryghte mynde wolde of him self be wyllyng to gi¦ue from him selfe so great thynges: as are fayned in the priuiledge to haue bē ge¦uen of Con∣stantyne.
• * 1.21

  Of all thīges princes desire most to enlar¦ge their domi¦nion & empire and the cōtra¦ry they moste hate.
• * 1.22

  The insacia∣ble ambicyon of great Alex¦ander.
• * 1.23

  Rede Plutar¦che in the lyfe of Alexander
• * 1.24

  Mani cōside¦rations / why Constantyne wolde nat gy¦ue from hym the best parte of the Empi∣re.
• * 1.25

  All power & auctorite is the gyfte of god.
• * 1.26

  Rede the .v. chapit of the iiii. bokes of Kynges.
• * 1.27

  Dan̄. 14. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the .xiiii chapit of the prophete Da¦niel: how he slewe the dra¦gon (whiche the people of ••••••••lon dyd worshippe) without swer¦de or ••ta••fe.
• * 1.28

  3. Regū 12 Exāple here∣of you may fī¦de / of Hiero∣boam in the third boke of Kynges / & xii. chapit / som∣what nere to the ēde of the same chapit.
• * 1.29

  3. Regū 12 Rede in the third boke of Kynges the xii. cha.
• * 1.30

  The kyns∣folke & frē∣des.
• * 1.31

  Enedos. 1
• * 1.32

  A symilytude taken of bees
• * 1.33

  Of the diuy∣syon of them¦pire ī twayne shal ensue ma¦ny incōueniē∣ces / & finally the decay of it
• * 1.34

  Rede the .xxii chapit of Le∣uitici.
• * 1.35

  4. Reg. ••. Rede the iiii. boke of kyn∣ges the .v cha¦pit
• * 1.36

  Actes. 20.
• * 1.37

  Math. 10
• * 1.38

  1. Cor̄. 9.
• * 1.39

  Rede in Deu¦te the .x. and the xviii. cha. & in the boke of noumbres the xviii. cha.
• * 1.40

  Math. 6.
• * 1.41

  Math. 6.
• * 1.42

  Math. 10
• * 1.43

  Mark. 10
• * 1.44

  Mark. 10
• * 1.45

  Iohn̄. 13.
• * 1.46

  1. Tim. 6.
• * 1.47

  Riches is po••¦son to men of the churche.
• * 1.48

  Actes. 6.
• * 1.49

  2. Tim. 2. Nume. 3.
• * 1.50

  Rede in the boke of Leui¦tici the .x. cha.
• * 1.51

  Rede in the boke of Nu∣meri.
• * 1.52

  Hiere. 48
• * 1.53

  Iohn̄. 10.
• * 1.54

  Iohn̄. 18.
• * 1.55

  Christes kīg¦dome: is nat of this world
• * 1.56

  Math. 4.
• * 1.57

  Iohn̄. 6.
• * 1.58

  Christ fledde whan the peo¦ple wolde ha¦ue made him Kynge euer them.
• * 1.59

  Math. ••••
• * 1.60

  1. Reg. 8.
• * 1.61

  Deut. 24.
• * 1.62

  Math. 19
• * 1.63

  .1. Cor̄. 6.
• * 1.64

  Math 17
• * 1.65

  Esaie 56. Mark 11. Iohn̄. 12.
• * 1.66

  Mat, 26.
• * 1.67

  Math. 16 The power of ecclesiasti¦call persons whiche was geuē to them by Christ: is the power of the keyes.
• * 1.68

  Spiritualmē nat contente with the pow¦er of the ke••∣es: desyre wo¦rldly Kyng∣domes of the deuyll.
• * 1.69

  Math. & Luke. 4.
• * 1.70

  Ephes, 6.
• * 1.71

  Math. 11.
• * 1.72

  Math. 22
• * 1.73

  To how ma∣ny {per}tes they are iniurious which beleue the donation of Constanty¦ne to be true.
• * 1.74

  A bytter mocke.
• * 1.75

  Eutropi{us}
• * 1.76

  Iulian{us} apostata.
• * 1.77

  Iouiane thē∣perour nexte successour to Iuliane the Apostata.
• * 1.78

  Constanty∣ne was made Christen of a chylde / long a¦fore that Sil¦uester was pope.

  Eusebius the author of the ecclesiasticall historie.
• * 1.79

  Melchiades pope nexte a¦fore Sylues∣ter.
• * 1.80

  The pagine of the donati¦on / is nat foū¦de in the olde decrees collec¦ted by Grati¦an.
• * 1.81

  Palea in la∣tin sygnify∣eth chaffe.
• * 1.82

  The historye of Siluester is but a fay∣ned and a ly∣yng historye.
• * 1.83

  Iacobus vo∣raginēsis / the writter of sa••¦••es lyues.
• * 1.84

  A bytter Irome.
• * 1.85

  Rede in .iiii. chapt. of the thirde boke of Esdras in the Bible.
• * 1.86

  1. Maca∣beorum. 8
• * 1.87

  Exodi 24
• * 1.88

  Iobal his po¦lytike deuise / for the {per}petu¦al p̄seruation of the crafte fyrste by him inuēted / that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to witte Musike.
• * 1.89

  The lawes of the .xii. ta¦bles were gra¦uen in brasse.
• * 1.90

  An apostro∣phe or tour∣nynge of the speche to Cō¦stantyne.
• * 1.91

  Eneidos secundo.
• * 1.92

  Sinon.
• * 1.93

  Howe greate the auctorite of the senate was.
• * 1.94

  Lactance fir¦miane wrote so eloquent∣ly: that saynt Iherome cal¦leth him ••lu∣uiū Tulliane eloquentlye / the flowynge ryuer of Tul¦lys eloquēce,
• * 1.95

  Apocalip¦sis the .v. cha.
• * 1.96

  Banna
• * 1.97

  Concubi∣toribus.
• * 1.98

  Psalmo. lxxx.
• * 1.99

  Roma. i.
• * 1.100

  All other by∣shoppes take exāple of mis¦cheuouse vi∣ces at the po∣pe of Rome /
• * 1.101

  Mathu. xxiii. Nume. xvi.
• * 1.102

  Exodi. xxviii. & xxix.
• * 1.103

  A diademe is of cloth or els of sylke.
• * 1.104

  Constantyne was nat a kyng neither dyd he weare any crowne.
• * 1.105

  Impera∣tor.
• * 1.106

  Phrigiū.
• * 1.107

  Phrigio.
• * 1.108

  Lorum,
• * 1.109

  Math •••• Iohn̄. 9.
• * 1.110

  what purpu∣ra betoke∣neth.
• * 1.111

  Signa.
• * 1.112

  Banna
• * 1.113

  Patrici{us}
• * 1.114

  An ironie
• * 1.115

  Mat xxi. To folowe Christ in po∣uertye & hum¦blenes: is ac∣compted foli¦shenes of the clergye / nowe a dayes.
• * 1.116

  Vdones.
• * 1.117

  The seculary¦te of the cler∣gye / is odible bothe to god and man.
• * 1.118

  Gene. 14,
• * 1.119

  Psal. 20.
• * 1.120

  Leuiticis Exodi. 28
• * 1.121

  Xenophon.
• * 1.122

  Homer.
• * 1.123

  Rede in the boke of Io∣sue from the xiii. chap. of the .xix. inclu¦siuelye:
• * 1.124

  Math 24
• * 1.125

  Rede the last chap. of the fyrste boke of kynges & the xii. chap. of the thirde bo∣ke.
• * 1.126

  An abusiō to the wordes of Gamaliel in the .v. chap. of the actes.
• * 1.127

  Apocalip¦se the last chap.
• * 1.128

  Lethargus to a disease / ma¦kyng men to be meruailou¦se slepie: and also forger∣full.
• * 1.129

  Hypocrita si¦mulator mi∣mus / A fay∣ner or contre fayter.
• * 1.130

  Pagina.
• * 1.131

  The boke or historie of Iob / was nat written by Iob hī selfe.
• * 1.132

  An Ironi
• * 1.133

  Accurs••us.
• * 1.134

  4 Reg 13.
• * 1.135

  Ioseph{us}. libro no∣no cha. 11.
• * 1.136

  Do tibi epistolā.
• * 1.137

  Do ad te epistolā.
• * 1.138

  It is an exce¦dyng shame / to gyue more credēce to a∣ny man: than we do gyue to the trouth selfe.
• * 1.139

  Popes foly∣she / and igno¦raunte.
• * 1.140

  Ierome.
• * 1.141

  A boke of the bible is kept & shewed for a relique at rome / as tho∣ugh it had bē written with saynt Ihero∣mes owne hā¦de: whiche was written of an vnter∣ned man.
• * 1.142

  The epistle of Lentidus / cōcerning the ymage of chri¦ste: is a false forged thīge.
• * 1.143

  The confuta¦tion of that fained tale of the dragon / which is red¦de in the lyfe of saint Sil¦uester.
• * 1.144

  who was the author of sa∣lt Siluesters lyfe.
• * 1.145

  The histori∣es of the Gre¦kes ar corrup¦ted with lyes
• * 1.146

  Serpētes ar noysome nat with theyr brethe: but with their bi¦tynge: onely the cocodrice except.
• * 1.147

  Cato.
• * 1.148

  Marcus Tili{us} Re¦gulus.
• * 1.149

  Dan̄. 14.
• * 1.150

  In the prolo¦ge afore the boke of Da∣niel.
• * 1.151

  The naratiō of hell is nat in the hebrus bokes.
• * 1.152

  An irony
• * 1.153

  Rede plutar∣che in the ly∣ues of Alex∣dre & Scipio
• * 1.154

  The Christē verite nedeth nat any help of vntruethe of falshed / it is stronge y∣nough of it selfe alone.
• * 1.155

  Libro quinto titulo serto / de pi••tate er¦ga patriā ch. v.c.xxxviii.
• * 1.156

  Libro primo titulo octauo de miraculis chap. xciiii.
• * 1.157

  Titus Liui{us} disagreeth frō Valeri{us} Maximus.
• * 1.158

  Titus li∣uius.
• * 1.159

  Titus li∣uius.
• * 1.160

  Terenti{us} Varro.
• * 1.161

  Thre diuerse histories wri¦ten by thre sō¦drie authors of the pyt cal¦led Lacus cur¦tius.
• * 1.162

  Libro primo chap. xcviii.
• * 1.163

  Luke. 17.
• * 1.164

  Roma. 10
• * 1.165

  It is sayd•• that Eusebi∣us a Geccian is the auctor of saint Sil¦uesters lyfe.
• * 1.166

  Constantyne was neuer meseld: so as they do faine
• * 1.167

  The tale of the waspes in vespasia∣nes nose / & of the forgge wherof Nero was dely∣uered: ar fals forged▪ tales
• * 1.168

  The excedīg ignoraunce of the popes
• * 1.169

  Cephas.
• * 1.170

  Metropo∣litanus.
• * 1.171

  Patriar∣cha.
• * 1.172

  Papa.
• * 1.173

  Fides or∣thodoxa.
• * 1.174

  An irony
• * 1.175

  Stephen the second trans¦lated the em∣pier from the Grekz to the frenche men.
• * 1.176

  The pope & the ēperour deuided the ēpier betwen them two a∣lone.
• * 1.177

  Achilles / and Pa∣troclus.
• * 1.178

  In decretis distinctione lxiii. Ego Lu¦douicus. &c.
• * 1.179

  Ludouike the emperour cal¦led Iewes the mylde.
• * 1.180

  The pope is strōger in ba¦tayle thā the emperour.
• * 1.181

  The pope ha¦th made em∣perours vpō certayn con∣dicions & co∣uenauntes.
• * 1.182

  Sigismunde the emperour brought ī his extreme age / to excedynge gret pouerte.
• * 1.183

  Popes do no thyngs for nought.
• * 1.184

  Sigismunde ere he coude be crowned at Rome / was fayne to con∣fyrme the da∣nation of Cō¦stantine.
• * 1.185

  Marke well this geare / howe well it standeth toge¦ther.
• * 1.186

  The corona∣tion of them∣perour ought to appartay∣ne to the peo∣ple of Rome which 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the pope cha¦lengeth to hī selfe onely.
• * 1.187

  He is no very emperoure / & also he is for∣sworne: that goeth nat a∣bout to reco∣uer the cite of Rome / from the pope.
• * 1.188

  The em{per}ors in olde tyme / wer nat swor¦ne solempne∣ly to the pope as they are now a dayes
• * 1.189

  what Augus∣tus signifieth & why the em¦perours were called Augu∣sti.
• * 1.190

  August{us}
• * 1.191

  how the pope might be cal∣led Augustus
• * 1.192

  The worst po¦pe / did moste defēde the do¦nation of Cō¦stantyne.
• * 1.193

  Nota.
• * 1.194

  Boniface the viii. an vn∣gratiouse & a myscheuouse pope / & al set vpon worldly pride: had a myscheuouse ēde as the cro¦nicles do testi¦fye.
• * 1.195

  Bened. 12 Clement pope.
• * 1.196

  It is agaynst humanite and cōtrary to the nature of mā to exercyse vi¦olente rule o∣uer other of his owne hin¦de:
• * 1.197

  Mayster Fabius.
• * 1.198

  Foure causes warrior war¦res are made moste commu¦nely.
• * 1.199

  Tarquin the proude the la¦ste kynge of the Romains of Iulyus Ce¦sar. Rede sue¦tonius in the lyfe of hym.
• * 1.200

  Rede the pro¦uerbe Amphi¦ctiones.
• * 1.201

  Prescription is / whan any mā hath had possession of house or lan∣des so longe tyme as any man alyue cā remembre as by the space of an. c. yeres or more:
• * 1.202

  Malae fi∣dei posses¦sio.

  Stulfae fi¦dei posses¦sio.

  Ignoran¦tia facti.
• * 1.203

  Ignoran¦tia Iuris
• * 1.204

  Nota.
• * 1.205

  Prescription is made only of dumbe & vnresonable thynges.
• * 1.206

  Popes wyll trye their ry∣ght by warre & nat by the lawe.
• * 1.207

  The fraude & crafte of pope Boniface the ix. nat inferi¦our in wicked¦nes to Boni∣face the viii.
• * 1.208

  Tarquin
• * 1.209

  A propre & se∣mely acte for a pope to do.
• * 1.210

  Innocentius the vii. was driuen out of Rome.
• * 1.211

  Eugenius the iiii. of that na¦me was fame ••o di••gyse hī selfe in a mon¦kes coule / & so to saue the water of Ty¦bi•• / the Ro∣mayns sho∣••••••g & ••••••o∣wyng stones after him.
• * 1.212

  Titus fla¦minius.
• * 1.213

  The pope stu¦dieth as mo∣che as he can to brynge all men into bōn¦dage & thral∣dome.
• * 1.214

  3. Regū. 2
• * 1.215

  The Roma is haue farre gretter cause / to rebelle a∣gaynst the po¦pe: than the Israelytes had agaynste Roboam.
• * 1.216

  Esaie 14.
• * 1.217

  The fountai¦ne•• and origi¦nall cause of the ruine and decaye of Ita¦lye.
• * 1.218

  Iacobi .3.
• * 1.219

  Psal. 117
• * 1.220

  Mat. 24 Lucae. 12.
• * 1.221

  The pope so∣weth the sede of discorde & debate.
• * 1.222

  Are nat these very apo••to•••• call vertues.
• * 1.223

  The pope sel¦leth all thyn∣ges / the comu¦ne weale / the sacramentes / the ecclesiasti¦call offyces / yee / & the ho∣ly ghoste to / for money.
• * 1.224

  The goodes / which the po∣pe getteth sin¦fully / and vn¦gratiously: he spendeth mo∣re vngratiou¦sly & wickedly
• * 1.225

  Esaie. 36.
• * 1.226

  At the pope & his folowers / do all abomi¦nable sinners fetche the en¦sample / & also the excusatiō of their wret¦ched & nough¦ty lyfe.
• * 1.227

  Roma. 2.
• * 1.228

  Ouer moche welth & aboū¦daunce of ry∣ches destroied the valiaunt¦nes of the Ro¦mayns.
• * 1.229

  3. Regū. 11
• * 1.230

  Siluester and the other ho∣ly popes we∣re but small possessioners.
• * 1.231

  Pope Leo the .9.
• * 1.232

  Our popes of late tyme / ••••¦dy to be as ••er¦re excellent in wickednes & folye: as the old popes we¦re excellent 〈◊〉〈◊〉 vertue, wy••∣dome.
• * 1.233

  O the chari∣table and god¦lye wisshe of Valla.
• * 1.234

  Ephes. 6.