The theatre of the empire of Great Britaine presenting an exact geography of the kingdomes of England, Scotland, Ireland, and the iles adioyning: with the shires, hundreds, cities and shire-townes, within ye kingdome of England, divided and described by Iohn Speed.

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The theatre of the empire of Great Britaine presenting an exact geography of the kingdomes of England, Scotland, Ireland, and the iles adioyning: with the shires, hundreds, cities and shire-townes, within ye kingdome of England, divided and described by Iohn Speed.
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Speed, John, 1552?-1629.
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Imprinted at London :: [By William Hall] anno cum privilegio 1611 and are to be solde by Iohn Sudbury & Georg Humble, in Popes-head alley at ye signe of ye white Horse,
[1611, i.e. 1612]
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"The theatre of the empire of Great Britaine presenting an exact geography of the kingdomes of England, Scotland, Ireland, and the iles adioyning: with the shires, hundreds, cities and shire-townes, within ye kingdome of England, divided and described by Iohn Speed." In the digital collection Early English Books Online. https://name.umdl.umich.edu/A68764.0001.001. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed May 27, 2025.

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Page 155

THE SITE AND CIRCVIT OF GREAT BRITAINES MONARCHIE. (Book 5)

CHAPTER I.

BESIDES those fruitfull Ilands that dispersedly are scattered about the Mayne, like to beautifull pearls that incompasse a Diademe, the Ile of GREAT BRI∣TAINE doth raise it selfe first to our sight, as the Bo∣die of that most famous & mighty Empire, whereof many other Kingdomes and Countries are parcels and members. Being by the Almighty so set in the maine * 1.1Ocean, as that shee is thereby the High Admirall of the Seas, and in the terrestriall Globe so seated, as that she is worthily reputed both The Garden of Pleasure, and The Storehouse of Profit, opening her Hauens euery way, fit to receiue all forraine trafficke, and to vtter her owne into all other parts: and therefore (as the Soueraigne Lady and Empresse of the rest) deserues our description in the first place.

(2) This Iland is so spacious and ample, that Ce∣sar (the first Romane discouerer thereof) supposed * 1.2that he had found out another World: for to his see∣ming it appeared, that the Ocean was rather contained within that Mayne, then that Mayne to be compassed with the Ocan about. And Iulius Solinus, for her cir∣cuit and largenesse, saith that it deserueth the name of * 1.3Another World. But Aristides a Greeke Author speakes much more properly, who by way of excellencie ter∣meth BRITAINE, The Great Iland: As likewise * 1.4Tacitus, that vndertooke to describe BRITAINE * 1.5 by his owne knowledge, who saith, that of all Ilands knowen to the Romanes it was the greatest: And so doth Dionysius in his description of the World.

(3) But as Strabo compares the then knowen World, to a Cloake, Rutilius Numatianus Italy, to an Oken leafe, and Dionysius Spaine, vnto an Oxe-hide: so the * 1.6said Tacitus in the life of Agricola, from Liuie his anci∣ent, and Fabius Rusticus his moderne, doth liken the fashion thereof to a long Dish, or two-headed Axe: whose forme notwithstanding may better be exposed to the eie, in the draught before seene, then can be ex∣plained in words to conceit, or vnto any other thing bee compared besides it selfe: especially seeing that so many good Writers haue had but very bad suc∣cesse in their resemblances of Countries. And this of them is rather vnlike to either, if wee speake of the whole, which then was vnknowen, as it seemeth by * 1.7 Tacitus. And the huge enorme tract of ground be∣yond Caledonia, which runneth vnto the furthermost point, growing narrow and sharpe like a wedge, was first redoubled with the Romane fleet by Iulius Agri∣cola, and BRITAINE discouered to bee an Iland▪ one hundred thirty and six yeeres after Iulius Cesars first entrance therein.

* 1.8 (4) Some haue beene induced by the narrow∣nesse of the Sea, and likenesse of the Soile, to thinke that BRITAINE was sometimes ioined to the con∣tinent of France: whereunto Seruius Honoratius sub∣scribeth in his Commentarie vpon the first Eclog of Virgil, who there mentioneth

* 1.9 —Penitùs toto diuisos orbe Britannos, The Britaine people quite from all the world disioin'd.

As likewise by Claudian another ancient Poet it is stiled,

—nostro deduct a Britannia mundo, The Britaine soile remooued from our worlds continent.

* 1.10 And Vinianus with them affirmes, that in the be∣ginning Britaine and Gallia were both one Land. The like doth Virgil verifie of the Ile of Sicilie, which in * 1.11 times past hee reports to haue beene one with Italie. Others hold, that all Ilands had their first separation from the Mayne by the rage of the generall Deluge, and that the mountaines thereby shewed their tops a∣boue the plaine grounds▪ and the plaines setling low∣er, became deepe vallies. When or howsoeuer, by Gods diuine ordinance and wisdome, wee see that these Ilands situated in the Seas, doe no lesse serue and adorne the Ocean it selfe, then the Lakes and Pooles of water doe the drie land, and all of them (as members of one masse) to minister sustenance for the life of all things liuing, and pleasures to the vse and seruice of man.

* 1.12 (5) The Iland of BRITAINE, of all others the most famous (by Catullus reputed the furthest to∣wards the West) is bounded on the South with Nor∣mandie and France, vpon the East with Germany and Denmarke, vpon the West with Ireland and the Atlan∣ticke Ocean, and vpon the North with the vast Deuca∣lidon Seas. The length thereof, measured by the gra∣duations to both extremes, that is, from the Lysard Point Southward in Cornwall, which lieth in the Lati∣tude of 50. degrees and 6. minutes, to the Straithy head in Scotland (being the furthest point of this Iland

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towards the North) set in the degree 60. and 30. mi∣nutes containeth (according to the scale of the terre∣striall * 1.13Globe) six hundred twenty foure miles: not to trouble the Reader with other accounts, seeing the same so exactly to agree with the spaces of the hea∣uens. And the extent of the Land in the brodest part is from the Lands end in Cornwall in the West (situa∣ted in 14. degrees and 37. minutes of Longitude, ac∣cording to Mercator his Atlas) vnto the Iland Tenet in the East of Kent (lying in 22. degrees 30. minutes) * 1.14and containeth miles 340. as they haue deliuered, that with curious search haue laid the dimension thereof.

* 1.15 (6) The site of this Iland is set by the Mathema∣ticks in the eighth Climate for Latitude, and the Lon∣gitude likewise placed betwixt the Parallels four∣teene and twenty six: a seat as well for Aire as Soile, both fruitfull and milde; and for length of daies, pleasant and delightfull: for in the height of Summer the day is said to bee eighteene equinoctiall houres long, wherof sixteen and a halfe are spent from Sunne * 1.16 to Sunne. Yea and Tacitus saith, that in the furthest North part of the Iland the nights are so short, that be∣twixt the going out and comming in of the day the space is hardly perceiued, and the Sunne seene neither to set nor arise: Because (saith he) the extreme and plaine parts of the earth proiect a low shadow, and raise not the dark∣nesse on high, so the night falleth vnder the skie and starre. Better might hee haue said, by reason of the inclina∣tion of his Circle to the Horizon descending not di∣rectly, but passing obliquely, razing as it were vnder their Horizon.

(7) The aire, saith Strabo and Tacitus, is rather in∣clinable * 1.17to showers then to snow. And Cesar com∣mends * 1.18it to bee more temperate, and the cold lesser, then that in France, as not subiect to either extremes, as the more Northerne and Southerne Countries are: to which temperature Cescenius Getulicus a very anci∣ent Poet seemeth to haue respect, when of this Iland thus he versifieth:

* 1.19 Non illîc Aries verno ferit aëra cornu, Gnosia nec Gemini praecedunt cornua Tauri. The horned Ram there butteth not the aire of tender spring: The Twins, nor Bull do to this soile vntimely seasons bring.

* 1.20 (8) And although the Seas thereof are accoun∣ted and called by Nubiensis the Arabian, The darke and dangerous Seas, in regard of the misty vapors that ther∣from arise, yet in the winter season those clouds are di∣spersed into still showers of raine, that doe dissolue the rigour and great extremitie of the cold: yea and those Seas themselues stirred and working to and fro * 1.21 with the windes, doe thereby wax warme (as Cice∣ro saith) so that a man may easily perceiue within that world of waters a certaine heat inclosed. And Minu∣tius Foelix prouing that GOD hath a speciall regard to the seuerall parts of the world, as well as to the whole, saith, that BRITAINE, though otherwhiles wanting the aspect of the Sunne, yet is it releeued with the * 1.22warmth of her enuironing Seas; and as much refresh∣ed, we may well say, by those sweet and gentle windes that in the height of Summer are sent from those seas, and doe abate the rigor of the Sunnes great scorching heat; and yeeldeth not only entercourse for traffique into all parts of the World, but plentifully aboundeth with all sorts of fish, to the great benefit of the Inha∣bitants; * 1.23and bringeth foorth Pearles, as Tacitus shew∣eth, which were vsually cast out with the flood, and ga∣thered at the ebbe. These Pearles, though not altoge∣ther so orient as they in India, by Amianus in his 23. booke and 12. chapter, are called Rich Gemmes. And Pliny in his ninth booke and thirty fifth chapter, v∣seth * 1.24the like terme: The desire whereof (as Sueto∣nius saith) drew Cesars affection for the Conquest of BRITAINE.

(9) The soile (saith Tacitus) setting aside the Oliue, the Vine, and such other plants as are onely pro∣per * 1.25to hotter Countries, taketh all kinde of Graine, and beareth it in abundance: it shooteth vp quickly, and ripeneth slowly: the cause of both is the same, the ouer-much moisture of the soile, and the aire. And Cesar writeth, that for timber it was stored of all * 1.26kindes, as in Gallia, the Beech and Firre tree onely ex∣cepted. For abundance of Graine, Britaine is said to * 1.27bee The seat of Queene Ceres, by Orpheus the old Poet; and the Granary and Storehouse for the Westerne World, as Charles the great tearmed it: and by our owne An∣cestors in the blacke Booke of the Exchequer it is called a Paradise of pleasure. From whence the Ro∣manes * 1.28 were wont yeerely to transport (with a fleet of eight hundred vessels bigger then Barges) great store of corne for the maintenance of their Armies. But vnto the particular relation of each seuerall blessing belonging to this most happie Iland, wee will not a∣gaine enter, seeing that in euery County wee haue suf∣ficiently, and no more then truly, spoken thereof. Only, if you please, heare what hath beene said of this Land by the Romane Orators, and first in the Pane∣gyricke to Constantius the Emperour.

* 1.29 (10) O happie BRITAINE, and more fortunate then all other Lands beside, which first didst see Constan∣tine Emperour! For good cause hath nature endowed thee * 1.30 with all blessings both of aire and soile: wherin there is nei∣ther excessiue cold of Winter, nor extreme heat of Summer: wherein there is so great abundance of graine, that it suffi∣ceth both for bread and drinke. There the forrests are free from sauage beasts, and the ground void of noisome ser∣pents: in whose stead an infinite multitude of tame cattle there are, with their vdders strutting ful of milke, and loden with sleeces to the ground. And verily (that which for the vse of our liues wee most esteeme) the daies are therein very long, and the nights neuer without some light, for that those * 1.31vtmost plaines by the sea side cast and raise no shadowes on high; and the aspect both of skie and starres passeth beyond the bound of the night: yea the very Sunne it selfe, which vnto vs seemeth for to set, appeareth there only to passe by a little, and goe aside.

* 1.32 And in another, spoken to Constantius, the father of Constantine the Great, thus is said:

Though BRITAINE be but a single name, yet surely the States losses haue beene manifold, in forgoing a Land so plentifull in fruit and graine, so rich in pasturage, so full of mines and veines of metall, so gainfull in tributes * 1.33and reuenewes, so accommodated with many hauens, and for circuit so large and spacious.

* 1.34 And a Poet of good antiquity, of natures motherly affection towards this our Iland, hath thus written:

Tu nimio nec stricta gelu, nec sydere feruens, Clementi coelo temperiéque places. Cùm parcret Natura parens, varióque fauore Diuideret dotes omnibus vna locis, Seposuit potiora tibi, matrémque professa, Insula sis foelix, plenáque pacis, ait. Quicquid amat luxus, quicquid desider at vsus, Ex te proueniet, vel aliunde tibi. Nor freezing cold, nor scorching hot thou art; Thy aire a heauenly temper, sweetly breath'd: So pleas'd Dame Nature when she first bequeath'd To euery soile of herrich gifts a part; Then Mother-like best choice for thee she sought: Be thou (quoth she) the blessed Ile of peace. What euer pleasure yeelds, or wealths increase, From thee shall grow, or shall to thee be brought.

(11) And that BRITAINE hath beene taken for those fortunate Ilands whereof the Poets haue imagined a perpetuall spring time, is certaine by Isa∣cius * 1.35Tzetzes a Greeke Author of good account. And in Robert of Auesburie wee read, what time Pope Cle∣ment * 1.36 the sixth had elected Lewis of Spaine to be Prince of the Fortunate Ilands, raising him powers both in Italie and France, the English Ligier Embassadours, that lay then in Rome for King Edward the third, were so deepely set in the opinion, that this preparation was madeagainst BRITAINE, that they wrote their suspicions conceiued, and presently with-drew themselues into England, to certifie the King of these designes. And it seemeth Pope Innocent the fourth was of the same minde, when (as Matth. Paris. wri∣teth) * 1.37hee said, Verè hortus deliciarum est Anglia: verè puteus inexhaustus est: Et vbi multa abundant, de multis

Page 157

multa possunt extorqueri, &c. Certes the Kingdome of En∣gland is the very Paradise of pleasures, a Well which can neuer bee drawen drie: where many things doe abound, * 1.38and whence many things may bee extorted, &c. With which his conceit he was afterward so farre transpor∣ted with a longing desire, as hee made great meanes and earnest suit to the King of England (as the said Author writeth, ad ann. 1250.) that hee might come into England to see that Country which was euery where so much renowned. In a word, BRITAINE is so rich in commodities, so beautifull in situation, and so resplendent in all glory, that if the Omnipotent * 1.39(as one hath said) had vouchsafed to fashion the world round like a ring, as he did like a globe, it might haue beene most worthily the onely Gemme therein. Whose Vallies are like Eden: whose Hilles are as Lebanon: whose Springs are as Pisgah: whose Riuers are as Iordan: whose Walles is the Ocean: and whose defense is the Lord IEHOVAH.

(12) The body then of this Imperiall Monar∣chie sheweth not onely the greatnesse of it selfe in it selfe, butalso extendeth her beautifull branches into many other Countries and Kingdomes farre iacent * 1.40and remote. This greatnesse is made the more sensi∣ble, for that the Iland in times past sustained at once no lesse then eleuen Kings in their royall estates, all of them wearing Crownes, and commanding great powers. Such was the Heptarchie of the Saxons seuen Kingdomes, seated on the South of Seuerius his Wall. Two Kingdomes thence had their sites in that Nor∣therne part, and their seuerall Kings of Scots and Picts ruling on both sides the Clude, euen vnto the Deucale∣donian Seas. And two Kingdomes (if not more) diui∣ded into North and South, and their Kings of the ancient Britaines ruling the West part of this Iland * 1.41beyond the Clawdh Offa, or Offa his Ditch, commonly called WALES.

* 1.42 (13) The Ilands likewise belonging to this Em∣pire had Kings of their owne, as that of Man, the Or∣cades, and in Ireland at one time fiue Kings raigning together. France also is annexed, and so was Cyprus * 1.43sometimes with some Prouinces of Syria, subdued by King Richard the first, surnamed Caeur-de-lion. And at this present in the new World of America a Colonie of * 1.44BRITAINES is seated in that part now called VIR∣GINEA; whereby the borders of our Soueraignes command and most rightfull title may bee inlarged, & the Gospell of Iesus Christ further preached, which no doubt will in time be imbraced, to the saluation of many, and great honour to the BRITAINES. And that the borders of this most roiall Tent haue beene wide spread in former times, White of Basing stocke is of * 1.45 opinion, who affirmeth that the limits of the British Em∣pire in old time was from the Orcades vnto the Pyrenean Mountaines. And that King Athelstan after his con∣quest of those Northerne parts with that of Denmarke wrote so his title: which further is confirmed by the Charter of King Edgar for the foundation of the Ca∣thedrall Church at Worcester, wherein likewise he so stiled himselfe. The inlargement whereof we pray to be accomplished, especially in those parts where God is not knowen, according to the saying of the Pro∣phet, that the curtaines of our habitations may bee fur∣ther * 1.46spread, with increase on the right hand and on the left: and that our seed may possesse those GENTILES, * 1.47and dwell in their Cities: whereby the ninth Nati∣on may bee conuerted vnto CHRIST, as eight others before this time by English-men haue beene.

THE NAMES THAT HAVE BEENE ATTRIBVTED VNTO THIS ILAND OF GREAT BRITAINE.

CHAPTER II.

AS touching the first Inha∣bitants and originall Names of this Iland, things so farre cast into the mistie dark∣nesse of obscuritie and ob∣liuion, that there is▪ no * 1.48 hope left vs, so lately born, to discouer them; especi∣ally knowing that the first Inhabitants being meerely barbarous, neuer troubled themselues with care to transmit their Originals to posteritie: neither if they would, could haue done, being without Letters, which only doe preserue and transferre knowledge vnto o∣thers. And say they had letters, yet was it not lawfull for them to commit their affaires to writing, as Cesar doth testifie of the Druides, the only wise and learned men among them, that had the managing both of Iustice and religious Rites. And had they commit∣ted these things to writing, yet doubtlesse had they perished in the reuolutions of so many ages as are pas∣sed, and so many conuersions or euersions of the State. Gildas and Ninius, the Britaines first Historians, confesse plainly, that they had no vnderstanding of the ancient affaires of this Iland, but from forraine Writers▪ and neither that aboue two hundred and odde yeeres before the birth of our Sauiour Christ. At which time Polybius a most graue Writer, and an at∣tendant * 1.49vpon Scipio, saith, that the Regions Northward from Narbona (as this is) were vtterly vnknowen; and whatsoeuer was written or reported of them, was but a * 1.50dreame. And therefore vntill such time as the Ro∣mane Writers reach foorth their hands to direct vs, wee shall wander, as without a guide, and shall seeme to heape more rubbish vpon former ruines.

(2) Yet let this bee granted, that the Originall names of Countries and Prouinces were first assumed * 1.51 from their possessors, whereof Iosephus in the seuenth Chapter of his first Booke of Antiquities is a sufficient Witnesse, who in the dispersion of Noahs sonnes and his nephewes, nameth the Countries according to their families. So did the children of Dan name Laish after their father: Iair his Cities that he conquered in the Land of Gilead▪ and Iudea from Iudah whose King was of him. And that this also was the practise of the Gentiles, Perionius doth shew, who saith, that himselfe * 1.52 knew no Nation in the earth, which would not haue their names either from their Prince, Captaine, or King: the example whereofhee inserteth, that Spaine was so na∣med from Hispalus, Italy from Italus, and the like.

(3) And accordingly from Samothes the sixth sonne of Iapheth (whom Moses calleth Mesech) the brother of Gomer, and of Iauan, whose seed is said in the tenth of Genesis to haue replenished the Iles of the

Page 158

Gentiles, is brought by some Authors into this Iland, the yeere after the generall Flood two hundred fiftie and two, where he seated, and gaue Lawes to his peo∣ple, and left to his posteritie the name thereof to bee called Samothea, after his owne. But sith the credit of * 1.53this Samothes and his Samothea ariseth onely from a small and new pamphlet, bearing the name of Berosus the Chaldean, bolstred out vnder a shew of aged An∣tiquitie, and thrust into the world vnder the counte∣nance of the ancient Historian himselfe: I meane not to enforce, seeing my purpose is to expose this most beautifull Iland in her owne beseeming attire, and not deformed by these rotten and patched ragges. And of this forged Berosus we haue better cause to vpbraid Iohannes Annius his Countenancer and Commenter, * 1.54 then the Egyptian Priests had to twit Solon, in accusing the Grecians, that for historie had not attained to the yeeres of a gray head. For it exceeds not much one hundred and twenty yeeres since the same booke first appea∣red in the world; and then vehemently suspected as fabulous by Lodouicus Viues, and afterwards conui∣cted by the learned Gasperus Varrerius in a seuerall treatise, and now vniuersally reiected of all skilfull Antiquaries.

* 1.55 (4) But the name ALBION is better receiued, being found so tearmed of the Grecians in ancient time, as in the booke De Mundo, written to Alexander, and supposed to be Aristotles, Pliny in his Naturall Hi∣storie, Ptolomie, Strabo, and others: yet vpon what ground it should bee so called there arise many conie∣ctures. * 1.56Pomponius Mela, Nicolas Perottus, Rigmanus Philesius, Aristotle, and Humfrey Lhuyd, deriue it from * 1.57Albion Mareoticus a Giant, and sonne of Neptune, that conquered (as they say) these Samotheans, and seated himselfe in this Iland the yeere after the Flood three hundred thirty fiue. And if that be true which Perot∣tus and Lilius Giraldus haue written, then may this Albion giue name to this Iland. Notwithstanding, * 1.58Strabo, Munster, and Frier Bartholomew, will haue it so named ab albis rupibus, of the rockes and white clifts appearing towards the coasts of France: which carri∣eth the more likelihood through the credit of Orphe∣us a most ancient Poet, who in his Argonauticks (if so be they were his) calleth the Iland next vnto Hibernia * 1.59or Hernin, which questionlesse is this of ours, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, the white Land. And accordingly haue * 1.60the Welsh Poets called it Inis Wen. And this is further confirmed from Cicero, who termeth these whitish clifts mirificas moles; as also by the anticke Coines of * 1.61 Antonius Pius and Seuerus the Romane Emperours, wheron BRITAINE is stamped in a womans attire sitting vpon rocks. And the same being chalkie, or of a plaster-like substance, Fracastorius supposeth was the cause of the sweating sicknesse, and whereof Albion had the name. Vnlesse some will deriue it from Al∣phon, which as Festus saith, doth signifie white in Greeke; or Olbion, rich or happie, in regard of the fertilitie of the soile, wholesome temperature of the aire, and the rich commodities in the same: either from Albion for * 1.62the high situation. But from the Latine albis rupibus it could not bee deriued, when that language was vn∣knowen * 1.63 to the world. Marianus the Monke, Iohn Rous, Dauid Pencair, and William Caxton, from others more ancient, doe fetch the name thereof from Albina the beautifull daughter of Dioclesian King of Syria, who with her sisters, thirty in number, for the slaugh∣ter of their husbands, were banished their Countrey, and without man, oares, or tackles, were committed to the mercy of the Seas, who after many aduentures, * 1.64lastly arriued vpon this shoare, where they inhabited, and gaue name to this Iland, calling it Albion after the name of their eldest sister: and accompanying with Diuels, brought foorth a progenie of Giants, if we will beleeue the Legend of this most impudent lier, which is worthily reiected by Badius, Volateranus, Harding, Bale, Iohn Rous, and others. But that the name Albion was both of great acceptance and long continuance, is apparent by the worthy Epitheton of King Edgar the Saxon, who in his Charter for the foundation of the Abbie of Ely, hath these words: Ego Edgarus Basileus * 1.65dilectae Insulae Albionis, subditis nobis sceptris Scotorum, Cumbrorum, & omnium circumcirca Regionum, quieta pace fruens, &c. By which hee knitteth the whole Iland together, as a Land worthily to be beloued, and calleth it ALBION.

* 1.66 (5) The next name ascribed vnto this Iland is BRITAINE, and that first found and giuen by the Grecians, who were the first discouerers of these We∣sterne parts of the world: either from their painted bodies, as their neighbours (if not ancestours) the Gaules were named of their long shaggie haire, or of their rich metals therein gotten, and thence carried in abundance into other Countries; or from Brute, that with his dispersed Troians conquered it, as he of Monmouth hath translated; or what occasion soeuer, * 1.67I dispute not: only it feares me I shall giue but small satisfaction to the desirous Reader, of the cause and originall of this name, being consorted with so many * 1.68vncertainties, wherein the further we follow this in∣tangled threed, the further are we lead into the Laby∣rinth of ambiguitie. But as Plutarch, Liuy, and other Latine Writers haue complained of the many fictions * 1.69and fables of Poets intermingled with the histories of truth, whereby truth it selfe was often made inctedible; so we in rehearsing the diuers names of Britannie, and the reasons thereof by sundry Writers alleged, rest free in our relations, either from impeaching the power of Antiquitie, or approouing those things that are as yet wrapped vp in Times Obliuions, leauing the credit to them that haue left the same vnto vs, and the censure of their opinions to the iudgement of the learned, and those of better experience.

* 1.70 (6) The vulgar receiued opinion, held on with foure hundred yeeres continuance, (some few mens exceptions had against the same) is, that this Iland tooke the name of Britannia from Brute the sonne of Syluius, of whom more shall bee spoken in the next Chapter for the peopling of this Iland, and from whom some (following a suspected Gildas) doe write the name Brutaine: for so doth Hierome, who transla∣ting Aethicus that excellent Scythian Philosopher, cal∣leth both this and the Ilands adiacent, Insulas Bruta∣nicas. But besides the many obiections made both by forraine and home-bred Writers, that seeme to make the storie of Brute doubtfull, Humfrey Lhuyd a * 1.71Cambre-Britaine, a learned and diligent searcher of Antiquities, doth confidently deny the name Britaine to be taken from Brute; and among many other ob∣seruations, makes this an infallible argument, that the letter B. is not the first radicall of that name; and affir∣meth * 1.72boldly, that there is not any British word whose first radicall letter is B. And therefore hee will haue it to be anciently written PRYDCAIN, compoun∣ded of two British words, PRYD and CAIN, which * 1.73signifie (as he saith) Beauty and White; the C. being lost in the latter word, for the more easie pronuntiation in the British tongue; and the P. in the former changed into B. by the Latines, for the more gentle and pleasant sounds sake: so that himselfe thinketh, that those learned and ex∣pert men in the British tongue, which wrote the Ilands name with B. doe therein rather follow the Latines, then iudging that to bee the true name indeed: for proofe whereof hee citeth both ancient Copies and Traditions of their owne old Poets the Bardi, by whom * 1.74(saith he) it was vsually called Prydain, as the fittest denomination for so beautifull a Land. But if either colour or commodities were her Godfathers at the font-stone, why was she not rather named The Palace of Queene Ceres, as old Orpheus termes her; either In∣sula * 1.75florum, as it hath beene found written in a very ancient manu-script? And yet to second this his con∣ceited name, I finde recorded by Bishop Cooper, a lear∣ned * 1.76Writer, that which makes for that purpose. At Euychurch (saith he) two miles from Salisburie, in the dig∣ging * 1.77downe of a wall, a booke containing twenty leaues of very thicke velome was found, which from the hands of Master Richard Pace, chiefe Secretarie to the King, I re∣ceiued; * 1.78but being sore defaced, could read no one sentence

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thorow, yet did I well perceiue the word PRYTANIA, * 1.79(not called so, from the adiuncts white and Beauteous) but rather from the Greeke word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Prytania, which as he saith, doth signifie mettals. For the Grecians flou∣rishing in wisedome, and experience, entred the Ocean, and finding this Iland full of Brasse, Tynne, Lead, Iron, Gold, and Siluer gaue name thereunto accordingly and called it Prytania. Thus farre he. And some in re∣gard of these rich commodities thence brought, will haue it named Britannia, as vpon like occasion Vibius * 1.80Sequester affirmeth Calabria sometimes to haue beene so called. Others, and those many, do hold a more strange opinion, namely, that this Iland was called Britannia * 1.81of Bretta a Spanish word which signifieth Earth, for that it was separated from the maine land, and, say they, it was once ioined with the continent of France. Of * 1.82this opinion are Antonius Volscus, Dominicus Marius Niger, Seruius Honoratus, Vinianus, Bodine, Twyne, and Verstegan. But how that name from that separation may be gathered I vnderstand not: for if it be gran∣ted, that this Iland also was cut from the continent (as it is thought all others in the world were,) by the vio∣lent rage of the vniuersall floud, yet it followeth not, that this only should claime that name, and from that occasion, more then any other, or then all of them so diuided and set apart in the maine Ocean. Others * 1.83 there are that would haue the name Britaine to bee brought from Britona a Nymph in Greece, daughter to Mars, who (as they say) to auoid the lasciuious intents of Minos, forsooke the country, and passing the seas a∣riued in this Iland and by her the name arose, this * 1.84hath Textor. But I might as well cite Calepine for his Anglia, and Marianus for his Albina, being all fables * 1.85consorting alike together, and fictions of the same au∣thority that Virgils Dido is. Hesychius deriueth the name Britaine from Britannus the father of Celtice on * 1.86 whom Hercules begat Cltus the originall of the Celtae as Parthenius Nicaeus a very ancient author writeth. And Sir Thomas Eliot a learned Knight draweth the name of this Iland from the Greek fountaine also, but of other signification, viz. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Prutania, by which terme the Athenians signified their publike reue∣nues, * 1.87 and yet that is iustly excepted against, seeing that it is a peculiar terme only to the Athenians, and that the Grecians called this Iland 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 not 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉Goro∣pius Becanus in his Originall of Antwerp saith, that the Danes sought here to plant themselues, and so named this Iland Bridania, that is, free Denmarke. And others de∣riue it from Prutenia a country in Germany. But that both these are fictions it manifestly appeareth, for * 1.88 that this Iland was famous by the name of Britaine many hundred yeeres before that either Dania or Prutania were heard of in the world.

Pomponius Laetus would haue it Briton, and that name giuen it from the Britons in France. Indeed it is probable, that from the Celtes, the old Gaules, our ori∣ginals descended: but that the name should come of them hath no colour of truth, seeing that those Britons * 1.89 came from vs, and not we from them: and in Caesars time that coast was called Armorica, but this of ours Britaine. Forcatulus deriueth the name thereof from Brithin a drinke, which as Athenaeus saith was vsed a∣mong the Greeks. And others will haue it from the Brutij a roauing and stragling people in Italy: both which are accounted but idle conceits and for no lesse we will leaue them. White of Basing stocke will haue the name thereof deriued from an Hebrew word, and I∣sidore from a word of her own language. Thus then is Britanny burthened with many titles vnder one truth; and these are the ascriptions, causes and exceptions, as far as we are able to gather: all which must giue place to that which is to follow out of the painfull collecti∣ons and iudicious obseruances of our illustruous An∣tiquarie Master Cambden. Whose words I will a∣bridge, * 1.90and by his good fauour bring to furnish this chapter, and further to satisfie the vnsatisfied Reader.

* 1.91 (7) This then he holdeth for granted, that ancient nations in the beginning had names of their own: and that after from these the Greeks and Latines by wresting them to the analogie or proportion of their speech▪ imposed names vpon Regions and countries, which tooke their denominati∣ons from their people and in-dwellers. So Iewry was na∣med * 1.92 from the Iewes, Media from the Medes, Persia of the Persians, Scythia of the Scythians, &c. And why not then by the authority of Martial, Iuuenal, Ausonius, Proco∣pius, and in old inscriptions set vp by the Britaines them∣selues, BRITTA, BRITO, BRITONES, BRIT∣TVS, from BRIT, or BRITH, from whom any one being of that nation might be termed NATIONE BRITTO, as is seene so inscribed in Saint Mary the Round at Rome? The Saxons likewise themselues called the Britains 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and Witichindas the Saxon euerie * 1.93 where nameth the Britaines Britae: so that the word BRIT is doubtlesse the Primitiue, from whence BRIT∣TO * 1.94is deriued, and from whence the first glimpse of light leading to the word BRITAINE, seemeth to appeare. And that all nations deuised their names of that, wherein they either excelled others, or were knowen by from others, whether in regard of their first founders honor, as the Iones of Iauan, the Israelites of Israel, the Cananites of Canaan; * 1.95 or whether in respect of their nature, conditions, and incli∣nations; as the Iberi after the Hebrew Etymologie because they were Miners; the Heneti because they were straglers; the Nomades for that they were breeders of Cattell; the Almanes for their esteemed valour and manhood; the Frankners for being free; the Pannonians, as Dio concei∣teth, of their coats with cloth-sleeues; the Aethiopians of their blacke hue: and the Albanes because they were borne with white haire, for so saith Solinus, that the colour of their heads gaue name vnto the people. Seeing then that these our Ilanders were known and called by a name com∣mon * 1.96 to both them and their neighbors, Cimbri or Cumeri, and had no better marke to be distinguished and knowen from the borderers, then by their custome of painting their bodies, whereof the most approued authors doe witnesse, as Caesar, Mela, Pliny, Martial and others, who affirme that the Britanes vsed to colour themselues with woad, called in * 1.97the Latine glastum (and Glase at this day with them doth signifie blew) what if I then should coniecture (saith he) that they were called Britains from this their painted bo∣dies? for what is thus stained or coloured, in their ancient country speech is called BRITH. Neither let this Etymolo∣gie of Britains seeme to be either harsh or absurd, seeing the very words sound alike, and the name also as an expresse image representeth the thing which in Etymologies are chiefly required; for Brith, and Brit, doe passing well accord: * 1.98And the word Brith among the Britaines, implieth that which the Britans were indeed, to wit, painted, stained, di∣ed, and coloured, as the Latine poets describe them: hauing their backes pide or medly coloured, as Oppianus termeth * 1.99 them. From which colours and vse of painting, the an∣cient Britaines (as he thinketh) had their names, and as yet in vse among the Welsh. But this is certaine that a Britain is called in the British tongue BRITHON, and as BRITO came of BRITH, so did BRITANNIA, who as Isidore saith tooke the name from a word of their owne nation: for what time the ancient Greeks (that first * 1.100gaue name to this Iland) either as rouers or merchants tra∣uelled into other remote and farre disioined countries (as Eratosthenes reporteth) learned from the Inhabitants * 1.101themselues, or els of the Gaules which spake the same lan∣guage, that this our nation was called Brith and Brithon: They then vnto the word BRITH, added TANIA, * 1.102which in the Greek Glossaries betokeneth a REGION, and whereof they made a compound name 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, the BRITONS-LAND. And that this is so, the countries also lying in the West part of the world, as Mauritania, Lu∣sitania, and Aquitania, doe sufficiently confirme: for the Grecians being the first Surueiors of those regions, of Mau∣ri, * 1.103 whom Strabo saith was called Numidia, made Mauri∣tania; of Lusus the sonne of Bacchus, Lusitania, and of Aquis (waters, as Iuo Carnotensis is of opinion) called the country Aquitania: as also Turditania, and Bastinania, Prouinces in Spain, might arise from the Turdi, and Basti their possessors. And that this manner of composition is most vsuall in the names of countries we see: For came not Ire∣land by composition of the Irish word Erim? Did not An∣gle terre grow together of an English and French word

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* 1.104 and became England, Doth not Franc-lond proceed from a French and Saxon word? Came not Poleland from a Po∣lonian * 1.105word, which with them betokeneth a plaine? and was not Danmarch compounded of Dan and the Dutch word March, which signifieth a bound or limit? Neither haue we * 1.106cause to wonder at this Greek addition TANIA, seeing that S. Hierome in his questions vpon Genesis, proued out of most ancient Authors, that the Greekes inhabited along the sea coasts and Isles of Europe thorowout as far as to this our Iland. Let vs read, saith he, Varroes bookes of Anti∣quities, and those of Sisinius Capito, as also the Greeke * 1.107writer Phlegon, with the rest of the great learned men, and * 1.108we shall see, all the Ilands well neere, and all the sea coasts of the whole world, to haue been taken vp with Greek inhabi∣tants, who, as I said before, from the mountaines Amanus and Taurus euen to the British Ocean, possessed all the parts along the sea side. And verely, that the Greeks ariued in this our region, viewed and considered well the site and nature * 1.109thereof, there will be no doubt nor question made: if we ob∣serue what Athenaeus hath written concerning Phileas * 1.110 Taurominites who was in Britaine in the yeere one hun∣dred and sixty before Caesars comming: if we call to re∣membrance the Altar with an inscription vnto Vlysses in Greek letters, erected in Caledonia as Solinus saith, and lastly if we marke what Pytheas before the time of the Ro∣mans here, hath deliuered and written as touching the di∣stance of Thule from Britaine. For who had euer discoue∣red vnto the Greeks, Britain, Thule, the Belgick countries, and their sea coasts especially, if the Greek ships had not entred the British and German Ocean, yea and related the description therof vnto their Geographers? Had Pytheas, thinke you, come to the knowledge of six daies sailing beyond Britaine, vnlesse some of the Greeks had shewed the same? * 1.111Who euer told them of Scandia, Bergos and Nerigon, out of which men may saile into Thule? And these names seem to haue been better knowen vnto the most ancient Greeks, then either to Pliny or to any Roman. Wherupon Mela te∣stifieth, that Thule was much mentioned and renowned in Greek writers: Pliny likewise writeth thus; Britain an Iland famous in the monuments and records both of the Greeks and of vs. By this meanes therefore, so many Greeke * 1.112 words haue crept into the British, French, and withall, into the Belgick or Low-Dutch language. And if Lazarus Baysins, and Budaeus doe make their vant and glory in this, that their French-men haue been of old 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 that is, louers and studious of the Greeks, grounding their reason vpon few French words of that Idiome, which receiue some marks and tokens of the Greek tongue: if Hadrianus Iu∣nius ioyeth no lesse, because in the Belgick words there lie couertly Greek Etymologies: then may the Britains make their boast in whose language many words there be deriued from the Greeks. Thus farre M. Cambdens iudgement for Britannia.

Which name we find first mentioned by Polybius the Greeks historian, who liued and traueled with Scipio thorow most parts of Europe, about 265. yeers before * 1.113 the birth of Christ. And after him Athenaeus a Greek authour of good account, and before the yeere of grace 179. mentioneth the name of Britaine, and that vpon this occasion: King Hiero, saith he, fra∣ming a ship of such hugenesse and burden, as was admira∣ble to the world, was much troubled for a tree, whereof he might make the maine mast: which at last with much adoe * 1.114was found in Britaine, by the direction of a Swineheard: and by Phileas Taurominites the Mechanick conueied into Sicilie, whereby that want was sufficiently suppli∣ed. * 1.115To this let not the Criticks from Caesar say, that Britaine brought foorth neither Beech nor Firre, as he in * 1.116his fift book of commentaries affirmeth (if by fagus he meane the Beech) seeing that the same kind doth most plentifully grow in all parts of this Iland, and the Firre-trees for masts in the North west of Scotland vp∣on the bankes of the Lough argicke of such great height and thicknesse, that at the root they beare 28. handfuls about, and the bodies mounted to 90. foot of height they beare at that length 20. inches Diame∣tre, as hath been measured by some in commission, & so certified to his Maiesty: and at this present growing vpon the lands of the right worthy Knight Sir Alex∣ander Hayes, his Maiesties principal Secretay for Scotland. But among the Latine Writers Lucretius was the first that before Cesar mentioneth Britaine in these verses: * 1.117

Nam quid Britannum coelum deferre putamus, Et quod in Aegypto est, quà mundi claudicat Axis:
We see the difference in the spheeres where Britaines Sunne doth goe From Egypts Clime, wherein Charles waine is forc'd to draw so low.

(8) Other names hath this Iland beene termed by, and that either by way of note for her situation, as Insula Caeruli, the Iland in the Sea, so written in the * 1.118sonet or parodia made against Ventidius Bassus, and by Claudian confirmed, whose sides (saith hee) the azure Sea doth wash. And in a very ancient manuscript it is found written, Insula florum, an Iland of flowers, for the abundance of Graine therein growing: as also for her subiection to the Romanes, hath beene called * 1.119 by Aegisippus, the Romane World, and by her owne Hi∣storian Gildas, Romania: for being first subdued by them, the very name of seruitude (saith he) stucke fast to the soile. And Prosperus Aquitanis in expresse words calleth it, the Romane Iland, and so did the South-sai∣ers when the statues of Tacitus and Florianus the Em∣perours were by lightning ouerthrowen, who prophe∣cied, that an Emperour should arise out of their familie, that should send a Pro-consull to the Romane Iland. Vp∣on the like cause of conquest and subiection we read in * 1.120Amianus, that what time the Iland had assaied a dan∣gerous reuolt in the raigne of Valentinianus the Empe∣ror, Theodosius as then Gouernor of Britaine, reducing them vnder their wonted obedience, in honor of Va∣lentinianus, caused the Iland to bee called VALEN∣TIA, * 1.121which name notwithstanding died either with, or immediately after the death of the said Emperour.

* 1.122 (9) But about the same time, when as by Gods de∣cree the Romanes fulnesse was come to the wane, and the greatnesse of their glory did abate; by the downe∣fall of that one Empire many Kingdomes beganne to arise, and to haue their Rulers, Lawes, and Limits of themselues. Among the rest, this Iland Britaine short∣lie * 1.123 came to be diuided into three seuerall Kingdomes, and each of them to retaine an absolute power in their owne dominions, and knowen by their seuerall and proper names. The first was Scotland from Sco∣tia, and that from Scythia, as the best suppose, whose Southerne bounds was the famous Wall from Carlile to Newcastle, and from thence the enorme tract of all that Northerne promontorie was called Scotia, or Scotland. The second was Cambria, of vs called Wales, * 1.124 sited in the West of this Iland, inclosing those waste mountaines with a ditch drawen from Basingwarke in Flint-shire in the North, to the mouth of Wye neere Bristoll in the South, so separated by great Offa the Mercian King. And the third was Angle-lond, the East, the most fruitfull, and best of the Iland, lying coasted * 1.125 with the French and Germane Seas; so named when the vnited Heptarchie of the Saxons was ruled by King Eg∣bert, who by his edict dated at Winchester, Anno 819. commanded the same to bee called Angle-lond, accor∣ding * 1.126to the name of the place from whence his ance∣stors the Angle-Saxons came, which was out of the continent part of Denmarke, lying betwixt Iuitland and Holsatia, where to this day the place retaineth the name Engloen. And therefore Calepine is to be reiected, that would haue the name from Queene Angela, and Goropius, of good Anglers; either from Pope Gregorie * 1.127his attribute of Angell-like faces; or from others that would faine it from Angula the Giant-like brother to Danus; or force it from Angulus Orbis.

* 1.128 (10) Neither indeed was it called England before the daies of Canutus the Dane; but with Angle-land, retained still the names both of Albion and Britaine, as in a Saxon Charter made by King Edgar the tenth in succession from Egbert, and no lesse then one hun∣dred * 1.129forty and nine yeeres after this Edict is seene, where in the beginning he stileth himselfe thus: Ego Edgar totius Albionis Basileus, &c. And in the end of the same charter thus: Edgar Rex totius Britanniae Donoco∣nem

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cum sigillo S. Crucis confirmaui. And yet vpon his Coines wrote himselfe Rex Anglis, whereby wee see the rellish of the former names not vtterly extinct▪ though a new was imposed by the Saxons.

* 1.130 (11) This last name this Iland still retained▪ though two seuerall Conquests of two seuerall Nati∣ons were made of the same. Neither did William the Conquerour attempt to alter it, it sounding belike so Angel-like in his eares, accounting himselfe most hap∣pie to be King of so worthy a Kingdome: the glorie * 1.131whereof is further inlarged by the ranking of Christi∣an nations, assembled in their generall Councels▪ wherein England is accounted the fifth, and hath place of presidencie before kingdomes of larger territories. This name of England continued for the space of se∣uen * 1.132hundred eighty and three yeeres, vnto the com∣ming in of our Soueraigne Lord King IAMES, in anno 1602. who by the hand of GOD hath vnited all these Diademes into one Imperiall Crowne▪ and redu∣ced the many Kingdomes in one Iland, vnder the go∣uernment of one Monarch: and after the manifold conquests, irruptions, and dissensions, hath settled an eternall amitie; and extinguishing all differences of names, hath giuen the whole Iland the ancient name of * 1.133GREAT BRITAINE, by his Edict dated at Westminster, quartring the royal Armes of his seuerall Kingdomes in one royall Scutchion, and for his mott, as is most meet▪
BEATI PACIFICI.

THE ANCIENT NATIONS IN∣HABITING THIS ILAND OF GREAT BRI∣TAINE BEFORE THE CONQVEST THERE∣OF BY THE ROMANES.

CHAPTER III.

IT is not to bee doubted, * 1.134but that this Iland with the Vniuersall was reple∣nished with people, imme∣diately after that men be∣gan to be multiplied vpon the earth, euen in the daies of the former Patriarkes, and long before the Flood of Noah, as sundrie ancient Writers haue related. And surely if wee consider in those first ages of the world the long life of man (the only meanes to multiplication) and the worlds conti∣nuance for one thousand six hundred fiftie and six yeeres before it was destroied, wee shall easily yeeld, that euery Country and corner of the earth was plen∣tifully peopled and inhabited. And so much doe the Sacred Scriptures intimate vnto vs, where, by the Pro∣phet * 1.135Esay it is said, Thus saith the Lord, that created hea∣uen; God himselfe, that framed the earth, and made it: he hath prepared it; he created it not in vaine; he formed it to be inhabited.

(2) But when the wrath of GOD was executed vpon the world for sinne, and all ouer-whelmed with * 1.136a Flood of waters, the whole earth thereby became al∣together vnpeopled, eight persons only with the breed∣reserued * 1.137creatures saued in the floting Arke: Whose Port or Hauen was the mountaine of Araret in Arme∣nia; whence, with the blessing of procreation, man∣kinde againe began to be multiplied vpon the earth; * 1.138and from the confusion of Babels building, to be scat∣tered by Tribes and Colomes, according to the diuersi∣tie of Languages, into diuers parts and Countries of the world, giuing names to the places where they sea∣ted, according to the names of their Princes, or chiefe * 1.139 Commanders. Amongst whom the sonnes of Iapheth the eldest sonne of Noah (whom Moses declareth to haue peopled the Isles of the Gentiles) betooke them∣selues * 1.140 into Europe, these westerne parts of the world: as Sem did into Asia, and Cham into Africa: whose posterities accordingly dispersed Iosephus in his first Booke of Antiquities hath both branched into their se∣uerall diuisions, and reduced them to their first roots and originals.

* 1.141 (3) Now that the Iles of the Gentiles mentioned by Moses, were these of Europe, all learned men con∣fesse: and therefore those especially of Britannie and * 1.142 Sicilie, as Wolfangus Musculus is of opinion. And that Europe fell to Iaphets portion, Iosephus and Isidore doe agree: who affirme his off-spring to haue inhabited from the Mount Taurus all Europe Northward, so farre as the British Seas, leauing names both to places and people. And Gildas, as Nubrigensis witnesseth, and Polydore Virgil granteth, will haue this Iland inhabi∣ted euen from the Flood. But of these ancient things, * 1.143 saith Sebastian Munster, no man can write certainly, it depending only vpon coniecturals, and the same by heare-say, and flying reports of priuate men, as Ori∣gen speaketh.

* 1.144 (4) Gomer then, the eldest sonne of Iapheth, gaue name to the Gomerians, who filled almost this part of the world, leading (as Villichius saith) in the tenth * 1.145 yeere of Nimrod, a Colonie out of Armenia into Italie, which of Gomer were called Combri, and afterwards Cimbri▪ whence such as departed Italy went into the North parts and gaue name to Cimbrica Chersonesus: from whence it is certaine we the English proceede, and of whom also it is likely the Britaines came. For so iudgeth a learned Britain himselfe, who saith his countrimen the Welsh which are vnlearned, as yet know no other name for their land and people, but only Cumbri.

* 1.146 (5) And that of these Gomerians were also the Gaules, learned Clarenceaux that brightest lampe to all Antiquities, out of Iosephus and Zonaras sufficiently hath obserued; who that they were also called Cim∣bri, he proueth out of Cicero, & Appian Alexandrinus; * 1.147that those Barbarians whom Marius defeated, Cice∣ro plainly termeth Gaules, where he saith C. Marius re∣pressed the armies of the Gaules, entring in great num∣bers * 1.148into Italy: which, as all Historians witnesse, were the Cimbrians. And the Habergeon of their king Beleus digged vp at Aquae Sextiae, where Marius put them to flight, doth shew the same: whereon was en∣grauen in strange characters BELEOS CIM∣BROS; as also the testimony of Lucan doth no * 1.149 lesse, who calleth the Ruffine hired to kill Marius, a Cimbrian, whom Liuy and Plutarch in the life of Mari∣us affirme to be a Gaule. They also who vnder the conduct of Brennus spoiled Delphi in Greece, were * 1.150Gaules, as all writers with one voice agree▪ and yet that these were named Cimbri, Appian in his Illyricks

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* 1.151 doth testifie. And for Brennus their Grand-Captaine, our Historians report him to be a Britaine: as likewise * 1.152Virgil (though in taunting wise) termeth that Gram∣marian the Britaine Thucydides, whom Quintilian af∣firmes to be a Cimbrian.

* 1.153 (6) And if of the rest of Noahs nephewes, seated in seuerall countries, the Nations proceeding from them, are knowen by their originall names, as the Turkes of Togorma, whom the Iewes to this day so terme, the Iones from Iauan, the Medes from Madai, the Thracians from Tiras, and so of the rest, whose names as yet sound not much vnlike to their first planters; why then shall not we thinke, that our Bri∣tanes * 1.154or Cumerians, are the very of-spring of Gomer, and of Gomer tooke their denomination, the name so neere according? Sith granted it is, that they planted * 1.155themselues in the vtmost borders of Europe, as Isodore * 1.156 hath said. For the Ark resting in Armenia, and the peo∣ple thence flowing like waters from the spring, reple∣nished those parts first that lay next their site: as Asia the lesse, and Greece before Italy: Italy before Gaule, and Gaule before Britaine. And if we consider the oc∣casions, that might be offered, either for disburde∣ning * 1.157the multitudes of people, for conquest, desire of nouelties, smalnesse of distance, or commodities of the aire and soile, we may easily conceiue this Iland to haue been peopled from thence. For it standeth with * 1.158sense that euery country receiued their first inhabi∣tants from places neere bordering, rather then from them that lay more remote: for so was Cyprus peopled out of Asia, Sicile and Candie out of Greece; Corsica and Sardinia, out of Italy, Zeland out of Germany, Island out of Norway, and so of the rest. Now that Britaine * 1.159had her first inhabitants from Gaule, sufficiently is proued by the name, site, religion, manners, and lan∣guages, by all which the most ancient Gaules and Bri∣taines haue beene as it were linked together in some mutuall society; as is at large proued by our Arch-Antiquary * 1.160in his famous worke, to which I refer the studious reader.

(7) And although the inner parts of the Iland * 1.161were inhabited, as Caesar saith, of such whom they themselues out of their owne records, report to haue * 1.162been borne in the Iland: yet the sea coasts were peo∣pled by those, who vpon purpose to make war, had passed thither out of Belgia, and Gaule, who still caried the names of those cities and states, out of which they came: as the Belgae, the Attrebatij, Parisi, and the like names of people both in Gaule, and in Britaine, that after the warres there remained. Which is the more * 1.163confirmed in that both the Prouinces were gouerned by one and the same Prince, as Caesar in his owne re∣membrance knew, and nameth one Diuitiacus to hold a good part of Gaule, and also of Britaine vnder his go∣uernment. Yea and Tacitus the most curious searcher * 1.164into Britaines affaires, in the life of Agricola thus disci∣phereth them. Now (saith hee) what manner of men the first inhabitants of Britannie were, forraine brought in, or borne in the land, as among a barbarous people, it is not certainly knowen. Their complexions are different, and thence may some coniectures bee taken: for the red * 1.165 haire of the dwellers in Caledonia, and mighty limmes, import a German descent. The coloured countenances of the Silures, and haire most commonly curled, and site against Spaine, seeme to induce, that the old Spaniards passed the Sea, and possessed those places. The neerest to France likewise resemble the French, either because they retaine of the race from which they descended, or that in Countries butting together, the same aspect of the heauens doth yeeld the same complexions of bodies. But * 1.166generally it is most likely, the French being neerest, did people the Land. In their ceremonies and superstitious perswasions, there is to be seene an apparant conformitie. The Language differeth not much: like boldnesse to chal∣lenge and set into dangers: when dangers come, like feare in refusing: sauing that the Britaines make shew of great courage, as being not mollified yet by long peace.

* 1.167 (8) Whereby wee see, that these Cimbrians (of whom, as Appian Alexandrinus saith, came the Celts, and of them the Gaules, as Plutarch in the life of Ca∣millus * 1.168 affirmeth, with whom both Plato and Aristotle agree) were the ancient progenitors of these our Bri∣taines: and them, with the Gaules, to be both one and the same people, is allowed by Pliny, that placeth * 1.169them both in the continent of France; for so Eustathi∣us in his Commentarie vnderstandeth Dionysius Afar, that these Britaines in Gaule gaue name to the Iland now called GREAT BRITAINE, as Pomponius * 1.170Laetus and Beda before him had done. These things considered, with the neerenesse of their sites for ready entercourse, made both Cesar and Tacitus to conceiue as they did. Neither were these things following small motiues vnto them: for their religion was alike, saith * 1.171 Lucan and Tacitus: their boldnesse in warres, and ma∣ner of armes alike, saith Strabo, Tacitus, Dion, Pliny, Herodian, and Mela: Their building alike, saith Cesar and Strabo: their ornaments and manners alike, saith Pliny and Cesar: their wits alike, saith Strabo and Taci∣tus: their language alike, saith learned Bodine: and in * 1.172all things the vnconquered Britaines to the ancient Gaules alike, saith Tacitus. And all these doe warrant * 1.173vs (me thinkes) to come from the Cimbrians, whose * 1.174 sonnes, and our fathers, were the Celts and Gaules: the bands of whose amities were so linked together, that the Britaines gaue aid, and assisted the Gaules a∣gainst Cesar, which was no small cause of his quarrell against them.

* 1.175 (9) Not to deriue the truth of our historie from the fained inuentions of a forged Berosus, that bring∣eth Samothes to people this Iland, about one hundred fiftie two yeeres after the Flood, to giue lawes to the Land, and to leaue it to his posteritie, for three hun∣dred thirty fiue yeeres continuance: although hee be * 1.176countenanced by Amandus Zirixaus in the annotati∣ons of White of Basingstocke: and magnified vnto vs by the names of Dis and Meshech the sixt sonne of Ia∣pheth, from whom this Iland with a Sect of Philoso∣phers tooke their names, saith Textor, Bale, Holinshead, * 1.177and Caius: yet seeing this building hath no better a foundation but Berosus, and he not only iustly suspe∣cted, but long since fully conuicted for a counterfeit, we leaue it, as better fitting the pens of vulgar Chroni∣clers, then the relish or liking of iudicious Readers: whilest with Laertius wee iudge rather, that those So∣phes * 1.178were termed Semnothoes, and they not from Sa∣mothea, as Villichus would haue vs beleeue.

(10) Neither soundeth the musicke of Albions le∣gion tunable in our eares, whom Berosus with full note, and Annius alloweth to be the fourth sonne of * 1.179 Neptune, and him the same that Moses calleth Napth∣tahim, the fourth sonne of Mizraim, the second sonne of Cham, the third sonne of Noah, (because his fictions should be countenanced with the first) who being put into this Iland by Neptune his father (accounted for∣sooth the god of the Seas) about the yeere after the * 1.180flood three hundred thirty and fiue, ouercame the Sa∣motheans, as easily he might, being a man of so great strength in bodie, and largenesse of limmes, that hee is accounted among the Giants of the earth. Him Her∣cules * 1.181surnamed Lybicus in battle assailed for the death of Osiris his father, and after forty foure yeeres tyran∣nie * 1.182(saith Bale) slew him with his brother Bergion in the continent of Gallia neere to the mouth of the ri∣uer Rhodanus: whence Hercules trauelled into this Iland, as Giraldus (from Gildas the ancient Briton Po∣et) * 1.183coniectureth, whose fifth dialogue of Poetrie hee had seene; and the rather beleeued, because Ptolemy calleth that head of Land in Cornwall, Promontorium * 1.184Herculis, and left the possession of the Iland vnto them of Cham, contrarie to the meaning of the Scriptures, that made him a Captiue, but neuer a Conquerour ouer his brethren, whiles their first Policies were standing. * 1.185

(11) The last, but much applauded opinion, for the possessing and peopling of this Iland, is that of Brute, generally held for the space of these last foure hundred yeeres (some few mens exceptions reserued) * 1.186who with his dispersed Troians came into, and made conquest of this Iland the yeere of the worlds creation

Page 163

2887. and after the vniuersall flood 1231. in the eigh∣teenth yeere of Heli his Priesthood in the land of Isra∣el, and before the incarnation of Christ our Sauiour one thousand fifty nine. This Brute is brought from * 1.187the ancient Troians by descent, yea and from the per∣sons of the heathen deified Gods: as that he was the sonne of Syluius, who was the sonne of Ascanius, the sonne of Aeneas, the sonne of Anchises by Venus the Goddesse, and daughter to Iupiter their greatest in ac∣count. And if Pliny and Varro hold it praise worthy * 1.188 to challenge descents (though falsly) from famous personages, wherby, as they say, appeareth an inclina∣tion to vertue, and a valorous conceit to perswade * 1.189 vnto honor, as sprung from a race diuine and power∣full: then by all meanes let vs listen to him of Mon∣mouth, who hath brought his Nation to ranke in de∣gree with the rest of the Gentiles, which claime them∣selues to be the Generation of the Gods.

(12) But why do I attribute the worke to him, as * 1.190the Author, sith he professeth himselfe to be but the translator of that history out of the British tongue, which Walter the Archdeacon of Oxford brought out of Normandie, and deliuered vnto him? For the fur∣ther confirmation thereof, and more credit to his sto∣ry, * 1.191Henry of Huntington, who liued in the time of king Stephen, and wrote likewise the history of this land, bringeth the line of Brute from Aeneas the Troiane, * 1.192 and his arriuage and conquest to happen in the time of Heli his Priesthood in the land of Israel, as Geffrey ap Arthur hath also done: not taking (as some thinke) a∣ny thing thereof from him, but rather out of an an∣cient booke intituled De Origine Regum Britanno∣rum, found by himselfe in the library of the Abbey of Bec, as he trauelled towards Rome: which history be∣gan at the arriuall of Brute, and ended with the acts of Cadwalader, as by a treatise of his owne inditing, bea∣ring the same title, hath been compared, and found in all things agreeing with our vulgar history, as indu∣strious * 1.193 Lamberd affirmeth himselfe to haue seen. And Ninius is said by the writer of the reformed history, to bring these Britaines from the race of the Troians, foure hundred yeeres before that Geffrey wrote: yea and long before Ninius also, Taliesin a Briton Poet in an Ode called Hanes, of Taiess his course of life, in these words, Mia deythym yma at Wedillion Troia, that is, I came hither to the Remnants of Troy.

* 1.194 (13) That William of Malmesbury (who wrote in the daies of King Henry the first) was before him of Monmouth, is most certaine; yet doth he make menti∣on * 1.195of Arthur a Prince (saith he) deseruing rather to be aduanced by the truth of records, then abused by false im∣putation of fables; being the only prop and vpholder of his * 1.196country. And Beda, his ancient also, nameth Ambrosius Aurelianus to be King of the Britaines, long before that Geffrey was borne: So was Brennus mentioned * 1.197 by Liuy; Bellinus, (if he be Belgius) by Iustine; Cassibe∣lan by Caesar; Cunobilin by Suetonius; Aruiragus by Martial; Lucius by Eusebius; Coel, Constantius, Carau∣sius, and others by Eutropius, and Paulus Diaconus; and Helena by Nicephorus, Ambrose, and Socrates. These are the affirmatiues that giue countenance to the Arch∣deacon of Monmouths translation, and credit to Brutes conquests and successours; yea and Iohn Harding his Herauld, in his home-spun poetry, can easily emblaze his armes to be Gules, charged with two lions rampant endorsed Ore; and the same to be borne by the Kings * 1.198of Troy. And his banner displaied at his entrance is said to be Vert a Diana of gold fitchel, crowned, and in∣thronized, the same that AEneas bare, when he entred the land of the Latines. But the censures of these rela∣tions I leaue to the best liking of iudicious Readers, only wishing them to be vnlike the inhabitants vnder * 1.199 the rockes of the Cataracts of Nilus, whereof Cicero and Ammianus make mention, who were made deafe by the continuall noise of the fall of Nilus: lest by the sound and loud voices of these writers, the excep∣tions of others can not be heard, which from the ful∣nesse of their pennes I will likewise declare, without offence, I hope, vnto any.

(14) First (with a reuerend reseruation had to the sacred histories) Varro the most learned Latine writer, * 1.200diuiding times motions into three seuerall parts, that is, from the creation to the flood, which he termeth al∣together vncertaine: from the flood to the first Olympi∣ad (by Beroaldus computation set in the yeere of the * 1.201 world 3154. and thirty one of the raigne of Ioas, king of Iudah: seuen hundred seuenty and foure yeers before the birth of our Sauiour) he calleth fabu∣lous: * 1.202and the last age from the first Olympiad to him∣selfe he nameth historicall. Now the story of Brute be∣ginning * 1.203two hundred sixty seuen yeeres before the first Olympiad, falleth in the time wherein nothing els is related, either of the Greeks or Latines, the only lear∣ned writers, but fables and tales, as both himselfe and others haue told vs, much more then, among the bar∣barous, vnlettred, and vnciuill nations, as all these parts of the world then were.

* 1.204 (15) Whereupon Gildas our ancientest home∣borne writer, (cited and in whole sentences followed by venerable Beda, who termeth him the Britaines hi∣storiographer) * 1.205in this of Brute is silent, and in his lamen∣table passions neuer dreames of him, but as one ouer∣whelmed with griefe bewaileth the wickednesse of the time wherein he liued, who was born, as himselfe saith, in the forty fourth yeere after the Saxons first en∣trance, about the yeere of Christs incarnation 493. and died, as Bale citeth out of Polydore, the yeere of our re∣demption * 1.206 580. Ninius also another ancient writer, who liued aboue eight hundred yeeres since, taking in hand the Chronicles of the Britaines, complaineth that their great Masters and doctors could giue him no assistance, being ignorant of skill, and had left no memoriall of things passed, nor committed their acts vnto writing, whereby hee was inforced to gather what he had gotten from the annals and Chronicles of the holy fathers. Beda likewise, whose history ended in * 1.207 anno 733, beginneth no sooner then with Iulius Cae∣sars entrance; notwithstanding he had the assistance of the Abbat Albinus, who was brought vp vnder The∣odorus Archbishop of Canterbury, and had begun the history of this land with most diligent search from the records of the kingdome of Kent, and the prouin∣ces adioining; as also being further assisted by Daniel Bishop of the West-Saxons, who sent him all the re∣cords * 1.208that were to be found of the same Bishoprick, South-Saxons, and the ile of Wight. The like helpes had he from Abbat Essius, for the country of East-Angles; * 1.209from Cymbertus and the brethren of Laestinge for the * 1.210 prouince of Mercia, and East-Saxons. And from the brethren of Lindisfarnum, for the country of Nor∣thumberland; besides his owne paines in collections, knowledge and experience: all which he did disgest and historically compile, and before the publication thereof sent it to king Ceolulphe at that time raigning in Northumberland, to be approued or corrected by his most learned skill: yet in none of these sound he * 1.211 that history of Brute nor his successors, which as some would haue it, was then vnbegotten in the world.

(16) After him Elward, as William of Malmsburie calleth him, or rather (as he writeth himselfe) Patrici∣us Consul fabius Questor Ethelwerdus, a diligent sear∣cher of antiquities, a reuerend person, and of the blood roiall, wrote foure bookes, briefly comprising the whole history of England, from the beginning of the world vnto the time of king Edgar wherein he li∣ued; * 1.212 of Brute nor his Britaines speaketh a word; but passeth with silence to the Romans and Saxons. What need I to cite Ingulphus, who died anno 1109. Flo∣rentius of Worcester, that florished in the daies of King Henry the first, or William of Malmsbury, that wrote vn∣to * 1.213 the end of his raigne; all of them writers before Geffrey of Monmouth, but none of them mentioning this story of Brute. This moued William of Newbourgh, borne (as himselfe saith) in the beginning of King Stephens raign, & liuing at one and the same time with this Archdeacon of Monmouth, too too bitterly to in∣ueigh against him and his history, euen so soone as the same came foorth: as in the proeme of his booke is to

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be seen. And that the words are his and not our own, take them from him as they lie. In these our daies (saith * 1.214he) there is a certaine writer risen vp, deuising fictions and tales of the Britaines out of the vaine humors of his owne braine, extolling them far aboue the valorous Macedoni∣ans, or worthy Romans; his name is Geffrey, and may well assume the sirname Arthur, whose tales he hath taken out of the old fables of the Britaines, and by his owne in∣uention augmented with many vntruths, foiling them ouer with a new colour of the Latine tongue, and hath inuested them into the body of an history. Aduenturing further to * 1.215diuulge vnder the name of autentick prophesies, deceit∣full coniectures and foredeemings of one Merline (a Wi∣zard), whereunto also he addeth a great deale of his owne. And againe: In his booke which he hath intituled the Bri∣taines History, how shamelesly, and with a bold counte∣nance he doth lie, there is no man that readeth therein can doubt, vnlesse he hath no knowledge at all in ancient true hi∣stories; for hauing not learned the truth of things indeed, he admitteth without discretion and iudgement, the vanitie and vntruths of fables. I forbeare to speake (saith he) what great matters this fellow hath forged of the Britaines acts before the Empire and comming in of Caesar. Thus farre Paruus.

* 1.216 But I know the answer to this so great an accusation: namely, that this William making suit vnto Dauid ap Owen Gwyneth, Prince of North-wales, for the Bisho∣prick of Saint Assaphs, after the death of Geffrey, and thereof failing, falsly scandalized and impudently be∣lied that most reuerend man. Which surely had been a great fault, and might of vs be beleeued, had not o∣thers of the same ranke and time, verified asmuch.

* 1.217 (17) For Syluester Giraldus, commonly called Cam∣brensis, that flourished in the same time with the said author, made no doubt to terme it The fabulous story of Geffrey. The like is verified by Iohn Weathamstead Ab∣bat of Saint Albanes, a most iudicious man that wrote in anno 1440. who in his Granarie giueth sentence of this history as followeth. The whole discourse of Bru∣tus (saith he) is rather poeticall, then historicall, and for diuers reasons is built more vpon opinion then truth, first * 1.218because there is no mention thereof made in the Romane story, either of his killing his father, or of the said birth, or yet of banishing the sonne. Secondly, for that Ascanius * 1.219begat no such sonne who had for his proper name Syluius by any approued Author: for according to them, he begat only one sonne, and his name was Iulius, from whom the family of the Iulii tooke their beginning. And thirdly, Syl∣uius Posthumus, whom perhaps Geffrey meaneth; was the sonne of Aeneas by his wife Lauinia, and he begetting his sonne Aeneas in the thirty eighth yeer of his raigne, en∣ded his life by course of naturall death. The kingdome ther∣fore * 1.220now called England, was not heretofore, as many will haue, named Britaine of Brutus the sonne of Syluius. Wherefore it is a vaine opinion and ridiculous to challenge noble blood, and yet to want a probable ground of the chal∣lenge: * 1.221for it is manhood only, that enobleth a nation; and it is the mind also with perfect vnderstanding, and nothing els, that gaineth gentility to a man. And therefore Seneca * 1.222writeth in his Epistles to Plato; that there is no King but he came from vassals, and no vassall but he came from Kings. Wherefore to conclude, let this suffice (saith he) that the Britaines from the beginning of their nobility haue been couragious and valiant in fight, that they haue subdu∣ed their enemies on euery side, and that they vtterly refuse the yoke of seruitude.

(18) Now that William of Newborough, had suffi∣cient cause (say some) to exclaime against the fantacies of Merline, and the fictions of Arthur, is made mani∣fest in the sequel, not only by the decree of that ob∣truded Councell of Trent, wherein was inhibited the * 1.223publication of Merlines books; but also (in effect) by the statute enacted the fifth yeere of our last decea∣sed * 1.224Queene Elizabeth of blessed and immortall memorie, wherein is forbidden such fantasticall predictions, vpon occasions of Armes, Fields, Beasts, Badges, Cogni∣zances, * 1.225or Signets, such as Merline stood most vpon; and likewise William of Malmsbury saith that Arthur being the only proppe that vpheld his country, de∣serued rather to be aduanced by truth, then abused with fables wherewith that story is most plentifully stored. And also, that Weathamstead had reason to ac∣count Brutes acts and conquests, to be rather poeticall then any waies warranted by the records of truth, ap∣peareth by the silence of the Romane writers therein, who name neither Brute nor his father in the genea∣logie * 1.226of the Latine Kings: and if any such were, (saith the contradictors) how could they be ignorant of the vntimely death of their king, slaine by the hand of his naturall (though in this act vnnaturall) sonne? or what should moue them, being so lauish in their own commendations, to be thus silent in their Brutes worthinesse, that with seuen thousand dispersed Tro∣ians warred so victoriously in Gallia, conquered a king∣dome of Giants; subdued a most famous Iland, raigned gloriously, and left the same to his posterity; none of them, either in prose or poetry once handled, but left to destiny to be preserued by a long ensuing meanes, or to perish in obliuion for euer? And surely this mo∣ued the whole senate of great Clerks to giue sentence, * 1.227that neuer any such Brute raigned in the world; such as were Boccace, Viues, Hadrian Iunius, Polydore, Bucha∣nan, Vignier, Genebrard, Molinaeus, Bodine, and others.

(19) Yea, and there are some Criticks that faine would take aduantage from the defenders of Brutes history themselues, as from Sir Iohn Prys, that produ∣ceth many vncertaine ensamples of the originall of o∣ther nations; which granted, (say they) doth no waies confirme the truth or certainty of our owne; neither is it any honour to deriue these Britaines from the * 1.228scumme of such conquered people as the Troians were. Humfrey Lhuyd likewise denying absolutely the deriuation of the Britaines name from Brute, and bringing it from two compounded words, (as we haue said) doth thereby weaken the credit of his con∣quest * 1.229of this Iland to their vnderstanding, as also the catalogue of his successors, which are said to raigne successiuely for many hundred of yeeres after him. And another industrious British writer, hauing the helpe of two most ancient British copies, the collecti∣ons * 1.230of Caradock of Carnaruan, their owne Bardies eue∣ry third-yeeres visitation, and twenty seuen authors of good account, (all of them cited in the preface of his Chronicle) besides his helps had in the offices of re∣cords for this realme; yet ascending no higher then to the person of Cadwallader, Prince of Wales, whose raign was in the yeere of Christs incarnation 6 8 2. and no lesse then one thousand seuen hundred twenty and sixe yeeres, after that Brute is said to come into this Iland, doth not warrant (say they) the story that is in∣cluded betwixt, but rather euen the same is enterlaced * 1.231with many doubtfull vncertainties, and so left dis∣putable by the said compiler himselfe; as namely whether that this Cadwallader whom the Britaines * 1.232claime to be their king, be not the same Chedwald * 1.233whom the Saxons would haue theirs; both liuing at one time, both in acts alike, and names neere, both a∣bandoning their kingdomes, both taking the habit of religion, both dying in Rome, both buried in one Church, nay, say they, in one Sepulchre. The like he bringeth of the Britaines Iuor, and the Saxons Iue, in the like coherences of names, acts, deuotions, and deaths: so that this history of Brute carieth not so smooth a current for passage as is wished, nor is that Gordeons knot so easily vnloosed. * 1.234

Againe, the Reformer of the British history himselfe, al∣though he hath written one whole chapter in defence of Geffrey Monmouth, and straineth to make his booke authenticall, complaining often and accusing learned and vnpartiall Cambden seuerall times, for blowing a∣way * 1.235sixty of the Britaine Kings with one blast: yet when he compareth the generations with the time, is forced thus to write: From Porrex to Mynogen are twenti one Kings in a lineall descent, and but yeers ninety * 1.236two: now diuide 92. by 2 1. and you shall find, that chil∣dren beget children, and these (saith he) by George Owen Harry in his book of pedegrees dedicated to his Ma∣iesty appeareth to be in a lineall descent, besides three or

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foure collaterals. And yet goeth further: Though the * 1.237 Scripture (saith hee) allege Iudah, Hezron, Salomon, and Ezekiah, to be but yoong when they begat their sonnes, which (as Rabbi Isack saith) might be at thirteene yeeres of age: And although Saint Augustine say, that the strength of youth may beget children yoong; and Hierome bringeth instance of a boy that at ten yeeres of age begot a childe: yet this doth not helpe to excuse the mistaking of yeeres for the British Kings aboue mentioned.

Thus far Iohn Lewis: and for the exceptions made a∣gainst Brute: wherin I haue altogether vsed the words of others; and will now (without offense, I hope) adde a supposall of mine owne, seeing I am fallen into the computation of times, which is the onely touch-stone to the truth of histories, especially such as are limited by the bounds of the sacred Scriptures, as this for * 1.238Brutes entrance is. And that the same cannot bee so ancient (supposing it were neuer so certaine) as the vulgar opinion hitherto hath held, the circumstance of time, to my seeming, sufficiently doth prooue.

* 1.239 (20) For Brutes conquest and entrance are brought by his Authour to fall in the eighteenth yeere of Heli his Priesthood in the Land of Israel, and so is fastned into a computation that cannot erre. Now the eigh∣teenth * 1.240yeere of Helies gouernment, by the holy Scrip∣tures * 1.241most sure account, is set in the yeere of the worlds creation 2887. after the vniuersall flood 1231. and be∣fore the birth of our blessed Sauiour 1059. yeeres. Brute then liuing in this foresaid time, was foure descents from the conquered Troians, (as he of Monmouth hath laid downe) which were Aeneas, Ascanius, Syluius, and himselfe: so that by these generations successiue in order, the very yeere almost of Troys destruction may certainly be pointed out and knowen: which in searching hath beene found so doubtful, that by some it hath beene thought to be a meere fable. Yet with more reuerence to antiquitie obserued, let vs cast and compare the continuance of these foure generations vnto Brutes Conquest, not shortning them with Ba∣ruch, * 1.242to be but ten yeeres to an age; neither length∣ning them with Iosephus, who accounteth one hun∣dred and seuenty yeeres for a generation: but with * 1.243more indifferencie let vs with Herodotus, who wrote neerer these times, allow thirty yeeres for a succes∣sion, as hee accounteth in his second booke. Now foure times thirty make one hundred and twenty, the number of yeeres that these foure Princes successiuely did liue: by which computation likewise measured by Scripture, the ruination of Troy fell in the thirtie eighth yeere of Gideons gouernment in Israel, and was * 1.244the yeere after the worlds creation 2768. But the authoritie of Clemens Alexandrinus, alleged out of Menander, Pergamenus, and Letus, destroieth that time of Troies destruction, and placeth it fully two hun∣dred and thirtie yeeres after, euen in the raigne of * 1.245King Salomon: for in his first booke Stromatn thus he writeth: Menelaus from the ouerthrow of Troy came into Phoenicia, at that time when Hiram King of Tyrus gaue his daughter in mariage vnto Salomon King of Isra∣el. Where, by him we see, that Troies ruines and Sa∣omons raigne fell both vpon one time. And so Brute hath lost of his antiquity, by this account, 230. yeeres; * 1.246 and entred not in Helies Priesthood, but rather in the vsurpation of Iudahs Kingdome by Athalia, and in the yeere of the world 3118.

(21) To whom let vsioine Iosephus, an Authour of great credit, and without suspicion in this case, who in his Nations defense against Appion, in both his bookes, confidently affirmeth himselfe able to proue * 1.247 by the Phoenician Records of warrantable credit, that the City Carthage was built by Dido, sister to Pigmalion, one hundred fiftie and fiue yeeres after the aigne of King Hiram, which was Salomons friend, and one hundred * 1.248forty three yeeres and eight moneths after the building of his most beautifull Temple. Now wee know by Virgil, from whom all these glorious tales of Troy are told, * 1.249that Carthage was in building by the same Dido at such time as Aeneas came from Troies ouerthrow, through the Seas of his manifold aduentures. If this testimo∣nie of Iosephus be true, then fals Troies destruction a∣bout the twentieth yeere of Ioas raigne ouer Iudah, which was the yeere of the worlds creation 3143▪ wherunto if we adde one hundred and twenty yeeres for the foure descents before specified, then wil Brutes conquest of this Iland fall with the twelfth of Iothams * 1.250 raigne in the Kingdome of Iudah, which meets with the yeere of the worlds continuance 3263. And so hath he againe lost of his antiquitie no lesse then 375. yeeres.

(22) And yet to make a deeper breach into Brutes storie, and to set the time, in a point so vncer∣taine, as from which neither circle nor line can be tru∣lie * 1.251drawen; Manethon the Historian Priest of Egypt, in his second booke cited by Iosephus, affirmeth that the Israelites departure from Egypt was almost a thousand yeeres before the warres of Troy. If this be so (as it see∣meth Iosephus alloweth it so) and one hundred and twenty yeeres more added, for the foure descents a∣boue mentioned, the number will fall about the yeere of the worlds creation 3630. long after the death of Alexander the Great, and Greeke Monarch. By which account the great supposed antiquity of Brute, is now lessened by seuen hundred fiftie and two yeeres; and the time so scantelized betwixt his and Cesars en∣trance, that two hundred forty six yeeres onely re∣maine: * 1.252a time by much too short for seuenty two Princes, which successiuely are said to raigne each af∣ter others, and from Brute to Cesar recorded to haue swaied the regall Scepter of this Iland.

(23) But vnto these obiections I know the an∣swer will be ready; namely, the diuersities of Scrip∣tures * 1.253account, being so sundrie and different, that the storie of Brute cannot thereby bee touched, but still standeth firme vpon it selfe. Indeed I must confesse, that from the first Creation, to the yeere of mans Re∣demption, the learned Hebrewes, Greekes, and Latines, differ much, and that not only each from others, but euen among themselues so farre, that there can be no indifferent reconcillation made, as by these seuerall computations may be seene, as followeth:

Hebrewes:Baal Seder-Holem—3518.
Talmundistes—3784.
New Rabbins—3760.
Rabbi Nahsson—3740.
Rabbi Leui—3786.
Rabbi Moses Germidisi—4058.
Iosephus—4192.
* 1.254 Greekes:Metheodorus—5000.
Eusebius—5190.
Theophilus Antioch—5476.
Latines:Saint Hierome—3941.
Saint Augustine—5351.
Isidore—5210.
Orosius—5190.
Beda—3952.
Alphonsus—5984.

And yet doe these disagreements helpe little the Obiectors if this be considered, that the maine foun∣dation of these diuersities consisteth chiefly in the first world before the Flood, wherein it is manifest, that * 1.255 addeth to the Hebrew Origi∣nall fiue hundred eighty and six yeeres. And from the Flood to Abrahams birth, is accounted two hun∣dred and fiue yeeres more then Moses hath. As like∣wise * 1.256the like is done in the latter times: for from the Captiuitie of Babylon to the death of Christ, one hun∣dred thirty and seuen yeeres are added, more then the Sunnes course hath measured: so that it seemeth the differences were not great for the times of Heli, Salo∣mon, nor Iudahs Kings, in whose raignes Brute is brought to people and possesse this Iland. But leauing these diuersities, and to come to a certaintie, let vs calculate the yeeres of the holy historie according as * 1.257 Functius, Beroaldus, and sundry other Theologicke Chro∣nologers

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* 1.258 haue done; who from the Scriptures most sure account, so tie the stories of times together, that like to a golden chaine, the linkes are fastned each to o∣ther, and the whole so compleat, that a yeere is not missing from the fall of man, vnto the full time of his redemption.

* 1.259 (24) First then from the Creation to the Flood are reckoned yeeres 1656. gathered by a triple account, from the ages, begettings, and deaths of the fathers. * 1.260The like is thence obserued for foure hundred twen∣tie and seuen yeeres, that is, to the seuentie fifth of A∣brahams life, wherein God began to tie the times ac∣counts in holier summes: for Terah, the first recorded * 1.261Idolater, was the last in honour that had the Sunnes course measured by mans life. And now the bounds * 1.262 of time tie the Promise to Abraham, to bee before the Law foure hundred and thirty yeeres, as the Apostle to the Galathians affirmeth. From the Law to the buil∣ding of Salomons Temple, and that in the fourth yeere of his raigne, were yeeres foure hundred and eightie: and from that foundation, to his death, were thirtie six yeeres: for his whole raigne was fortie. From his death and Kingdomes diuision, vnto the burning of that Temple, which was executed in the nineteenth of Nebuchadnezzar King of Babel, were yeeres three hundred and ninetie, as by the daies of Ezekiels siege and sleepe appeareth in the second and fifth verses of his fourth Chapter. From the burning of the Temple, to the end of Iudahs captiuitie, were yeeres fiftie and one, for the whole time of Babels bondage contained seuenty yeeres, as Ieremy 25. 11. whereof nineteene were expired; and fifty one remaining vnto the first yeere of Cyrus their deliuerer, whom the Lord in that regard calleth his annointed Isay. 45. 1. In the first yeere of whose Monarchie he published an Edict for the re∣turne of the Iewes and new building of their Temple, as in the books of Chronicles and of Ezra is seene. And from this first yeere and proclamation of King Cyrus, vnto the last yeere and death of Christ our Sauiour the great yeere of Iubilie, the acceptable time, wherein he troad the winepresse alone; to the finishing of the cere∣monies, the taking away of sinne, the reconciling of ini∣quity, the bringing in of euerhasting righteousnesse, to the sealing vp of vision and prophecie, and to the anoin∣ting of the most holy; were yeeres foure hundred and ninety, as the Prophet Daniel from the Angell Gabriel * 1.263receiued, and vnto vs hath deliuered Dan. 9. 24. all which added together make the number to be three thousand nine hundred and threescore yeeres. And by this said computation, I haue accounted Brutes story, as all others wherein I shall bee occasioned to speake.

(25) Lastly, if from among these misty cloudes of ignorance no light can be gotten, and that we will needs haue our descents from the Troians; may wee not then more truly deriue our blood from them through the Romanes, who for the space of foure hun∣dred * 1.264 threescore and six yeeres were planted amongst vs? in which continuance it is most certaine, they tooke of our women to be their wiues, and gaue their women to be wiues vnto vs, seeing that some of their Emperors did the like themselues, and from whose blood, saith Beda, the Britaines Ambrosius lineally des∣cended. And if beauty and parts be the instigaters vn∣to loue, as in the first world we see it was, no doubt then the features of the Britains were mouing Angels vnto the Romanes, whose faces euen in those times were accounted to be angelicall, and whose persona∣ges as yet, are respected as the best (if not better) then any other in the world. But that the Romans them∣selues descended from the Troians, or AEneas should be the roote of the Iulian family, howsoeuer the ficti∣ons * 1.265of Poets as a spring tide haue flowed from the fulnesse of their pennes, yet Tacitus their best writer accounteth those things not far vnlike to old fables, * 1.266wherein he iudgeth that Nero to win credit before the Consuls, and to get reputation in the glory of elo∣quence vndertooke the pleading of the Ilienses cause, declaring the Romanes descent from Troy: and the Iulij from the loines of AEneas, which notwithstan∣ding he censureth as is said. And Iosephus in the dis∣persion of Noahs sonnes and families, affirmeth that * 1.267Romus was the Originall of the old Romanes and he of Chus, and Cham, if he meane as he speaketh. To con∣clude; (by what destiny I know not) nations desire their originals from the Troians; yet certaine it is, that no honor from them can be brought, whose city * 1.268 and fame stood but for six descents, as vnder the raignes of Dardanus, Erithonius, Troos, Ilion, Laomedon, and Priamus, during which time they were thrice van∣quished; twice by Hercules in the daies of Laomedon, and the third time rased by the rage of the Grecians in the raigne of King Priamus, and the Troians them∣selues made as it were the scum of a conquered peo∣ple. And therefore as France hath cast off their Fran∣cio King Priamus his sonne, Scotland their Scotia King Pharaoes daughter, Denmarke their Danus, Ireland their Hiberus, and other Countries their Demi-gods; so let BRITAINES likewise with them disclaime their BRVTE, that bringeth no honour to so renow∣ned * 1.269a Nation, but rather cloudeth their glorie in the murders of his parents, and imbaseth their descents, as sprung from Venus that lasciuious Adulteresse.

THE MANNERS AND CVS∣TOMES OF THE ANCIENT BRITAINES.

CHAPTER IV.

HAuing thus farre spoken of the ancient Names of this famous Iland, and of the Nations acknowledg∣ed to bee the first Planters and Possessors thereof; it remaineth that somewhat be mentioned of the Man∣ners and Customes of those people and times, though not so pleasing or acceptable as were to be wished; for that the clouds of ignorance and barbarous inciuilitie did then shadow and ouer-spread almost all the Nati∣ons of the earth: wherein I desire to lay imputation no further then is sufficiently warranted by most au∣tenticke Writers: and first from Cesar, who formost of all the Romanes discouered and described our anci∣ent Britaines.

* 1.270 (2) Touching their persons: All the Britaines (saith Cesar) vsed to die themselues with woad, which setteth a blew colour vpon them, and that maketh them more terri∣ble to behold in battle. But Pomponius Mela therein mo∣ueth

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a doubt. They died their bodies (saith he) with woad; but whether to make a gallant shew, or for what * 1.271other cause else is vncertaine. And yet Herodian here∣in absolutely determineth, where hee saith, that the * 1.272 Britaines knew no vse of garments at all, but about their wastes and neckes wore chaines of iron, suppo∣sing them a goodly ornament▪ and a proofe of their wealth: and their bare bodies they marked with sun∣dry pictures representing all manner of liuing crea∣tures; and therefore they would not be clad, for hi∣ding the gay paintings of their bodies. To which painting Pliny also agreeth, and describeth that hearbe woad, to bee like to the Plantine in Gallia, naming it Glastum, with the iuice whereof (saith he) the women of Britaine, as well wiues as yoong women, anoint and die their bodies all ouer, resembling by that tincture the colour of the Aethiopians, in which manner they vse at solemne feasts and sacrifices to goe all naked. And Dio Nicaeus out of the epitome of Xiphilinus, saith, that the custome of that Nation was, to abide in tents all naked and vnshod. Notwithstanding, Ce∣sar doth elsewhere report, that they clad themselues in leather, which perchance is meant of the ciuiller sort of them, and in time of battle. Solinus likewise speaking of the Britaines, saith, their Country is peo∣pled partly with Barbarians, who by meanes of artifi∣ciall incisions of sundry formes, haue from their child∣hood diuers shapes of beasts incorporate vpon them; and hauing their markes deepely imprinted within their bodies, looke how their growth for stature, so doe these pictured characters likewise increase. Nei∣ther do these sauage Nations repute any thing a grea∣ter testimonie of their patience, then by such durable skarres to cause their limmes drinke in much painting * 1.273 and colour. These skarres by Tertullian are tearmed Britannorum stigmata, The Britaines markes. And vn∣to this skie-colour, or blewish dyings, it seemeth Mar∣tial * 1.274had relation in his praises of Lady Claudia:

Claudia caeruleis cùm sit Rufina Britannis, Edita cur Latiae pectora plebis habet? Sith Claudia comes of Azurde Britaines race, Whence comes her minde so deckt with Roman grace?

* 1.275 And of this vse of painting, as our great Antiquarie * 1.276iudgeth, both the Britaines had their primitiue deri∣uation, and the Picts (a branch of British race) a long * 1.277 time after, for that their accustomed manner, were called Picti by the Romanes, that is, the painted people.

(3) The haire of their heads, saith Cesar, they let grow, and wore long, which naturally was curled, and of colour yellow, (as in the Panegyricke Oration a∣scribed * 1.278to Mamertinus, and spoken in praise of Maxi∣mianus, is to be seene) all other parts of their bodies being shauen, sauing only the head and vpper lippe. Yet their complexions were much different, as by * 1.279Tacitus wee see, who auoucheth that some of those Ilanders were red of haire, as the Caledonians in the * 1.280 Northerne Promontories; the haire of the Silures co∣loured and curled, like to the old Spaniards; and those neerest vnto Gallia resembled their complexions, though not altogether so yellow, saith Strabo. But * 1.281their wit by Tacitus is preferred before them, and their statures more tall, as Strabo affirmeth, whose li∣neaments * 1.282shewed a good making of body, and mea∣surable proportion in all parts answerable. Their women faire, and of exceeding good features, as is * 1.283 described by the Romane Writers. Such was Boudicea, saith Xiphilinus; Claudia and Helena, saith Martial and Eutropius.

(4) That the strength of nature wrought long in * 1.284 the Britaines, we read out of Plutarch, who reporteth that the people liued one hundred and twenty yeeres, for that, saith he, their cold and frozen Country kept in their naturall heat: whose conditions by Diodorus * 1.285Siculus are commended to be plaine and vpright, farre from the wilinesse and craft of the Romanes. And by * 1.286Strabo thei dispositions are partly resembled to the Gaules, but yet somewhat more rude and plaine; and those most ciuill, who were the inhabitants of Kent, by reason of their oftner conuersing with other Nati∣ons, as Cesar sheweth. But the farther from the con∣tinent, * 1.287 the more rude, and lesse acquainted with other kind of riches besides cattell, as Pomponius Mela affir∣meth.

* 1.288 (5) Now touching their domestick matters▪ Their buildings were many, and like to them of the Gaules saith Iulius Caesar; notwithstanding they giue the name of Townes to certaine combersome woods, which they haue fortified with rampires and ditches, whither they retreat, and resort to eschue the inuasions of their enemies. Which stand them in good stead, saith Strabo: for when they haue by felling of trees, mounted, and fenced there∣with a spacious round plot of ground; there they build for themselues houses and cottages, and for their cattell set vp stalls and folds, but those for the present vse onely, and not for long continuance. Which, as Diodorus Siculus saith were vsually thacked * 1.289with reed; but the cities without walls, and the coun∣try without townes, as Dion describeth the Calidoni∣ans * 1.290and Meats.

* 1.291 (6) Their wiues were ten or twelue a peece, as Caesar hath alledged, which they held common a∣mong brothers and parents, yet the issue reputed his▪ who first maried the mother when she was a maide: and Dio indeed affirmeth no lesse, adding withall, that * 1.292the children thus begotten, were fostred and brought vp in common among them. And Eusebius likewise * 1.293testifieth, that many Britaines together kept one wife in common to them all. This community in mariage moued Iulia the Empresse of Seuerus, to twite the * 1.294wife of Argetecaxus, that the fashion of the women of Britaine in accompanying with men, was very impu∣dent; to whom she replied and said, we British women * 1.295do indeed herein differ from you Roman Ladies; for wee satisfie our appetite, by accompanying with the worthiest * 1.296men, and that openly, but you with euery base fellow, in a corner.

* 1.297 (7) For their diet; it was a heinous matter with them to eat either Hen, Hare, or Goose, saith Caesar, which notwithstanding they bred for their plea∣sures; neither fed daintily at full and rich tables, as Diodorus Siculus affirmeth, but rather in necessity * 1.298 could liue vpon barkes and roots of trees, and with a kind of meat no bigger then a beane, after which for a good time they did neither hunger nor thirst, saith Dio Nicaeus: who likewise testifieth that the Britains, * 1.299did till no ground, neither eat fish, though their ri∣uers * 1.300thereof be pleneously stored, but liue vpon prey, venison, and fruits: to which also Caesar addeth milke, * 1.301 whereof (saith Strabo), they had not then skill to make cheese. And according to Solinus, their vsuall drinke was made of barley. But for tillage Pliny see∣meth to contradict Dio, affirming that the Britaines manured their grounds with Marle in stead of dung; which argueth no such simplicity in gardening, plan∣ting, and in other like points of husbandry as Strabo * 1.302doth taxe them with. And this foresaid temperance of diet differeth much from that, which Saint Hie∣rome chargeth their neighbors the Anthropophagi of * 1.303Ireland, who vsed to feed on the buttocks of boies, and womens paps, as their most dainty and delicate dish.

* 1.304 (8) For their religion, or rather diabolicall super∣stition, was as the rest of the world, (some few excep∣ted) when Satan had clouded the truth of Gods do∣ctrine, by the foggy mists of confused darknesse. For Tacitus makes their superstitions, and ceremonies to be the same in conformity with the Gaules. And what that was, Dio Cassius in his Nero, and Solinus in his hi∣story, * 1.305doe declare; who doe ascribe to them the most inhumane offering of mans flesh in their sacrifices. * 1.306 And besides their ancient Idols, such as Dis, Iupiter, Apollo, Diana, and the like, they worshipped Andates for their Goddesse of Victory, vnto all which they performed no small adorations and honors, imputing their prosperities vnto them: vnto whom also they erected temples with such magnificence as they then had; whose walles, as it seemeth, long after remained, whereon some of those prophane portraitures with deformed lineaments were seene by mournfull Gil∣das,

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* 1.307 carrying a sterne and grim countenance, after the * 1.308wonted heathenish manner: here see we (saith he) vpon these desert walles, the vgly features of the Britains Idols, meerly diabolicall, and in number almost exceeding those of Egypt. So by Tacitus they are noted with the com∣mon custome of the Gentiles, which was that they sought for the direction of their Gods by the looking into the entralls of Beasts, yea and of men too; and that they honored the Altars of their Gods with the sacrifice and blood of such as they tooke captiue in * 1.309 wars. And Plinie writing of Magick, saith, that in his daies the art thereof in Britaine was highly honored, and all the people thereunto so much deuoted, yea and with all such complements of ceremonies in the same to be performed, that a man would thinke the Persians had learned all their Magick skill from them. Priests and instructers had they, whereof the chiefe were called Druides, whose office was imploied about * 1.310holy things, saith Caesar; for they had the managing of publike and priuate sacrifices, and to interpret and discusse matters of religion. Vnto them doe resort great numbers of yong men to learne at their hands, and they be had in great reuerence. For they deter∣mine * 1.311almost all controuersies, and matters in vari∣ance, as well publike as priuate. And if there happen any thing to be done amisse, if there be any murther committed, if there rise any controuersie concerning inheritance or bounds of lands, they take the matter into their power, and award either recompence or penalties in the case. And if there be any, be he priuate person, or be it corporation, that will not stand to their iudgement, they interdict him, which punish∣ment among them is held most grieuous. They that * 1.312are so excommunicated are accounted in the number of the wicked and vngratious: all men shun them, all men eschue their company and communication, lst by conuersing with them, they should defile them∣selues and receiue harme. If they demand law, they may not haue it: neither may they enioy any place of * 1.313honor. Ouer all these Druides there is one Primate, which hath chiefe authority ouer them. When he is dead if there be any of the rest that excelleth in wor∣thinesse, he succeedeth: or if there be any equall, he is chosen by voices of the rest, and diuers times they striue for the soueraignty by force of armes.

These men at a certaine season of the yeere, in the * 1.314borders of the Caruntes (whose country is counted the middle of all Gallia) do sit together in a place hal∣lowed, whereunto resort from all sides all such as haue any controuersies: and looke what is decreed and iudged by them, that they stand vnto. This order * 1.315 of discipline is thought to haue had beginning in Bri∣taine, and from thence to haue been brought into Gal∣lia. And at this day, they that are desirous to attaine this skill more exactly, do commonly repaire thither to learne it. These Druides customably are exempted from the wars, neither do they pay taxes and tallages with other folke: for they are priuiledged as from the warres, so from all other burthens. Allured with so great rewards, many euen of their owne accord, do register themselues in that order, and diuers are sent thither by their parents and kinsfolke. Where they * 1.316are reported to learne a great number of verses by heart. Whereof it commeth to passe, that diuers continue twenty yeeres in learning. Neither do they thinke it lawfull to put them in writing, whereas in all other things, for their accounts, as well publike as priuate, they vse the Greek letters.

* 1.317 This order they seeme (in mine opinion) saith he, to haue taken for two considerations: partly because they will not haue their discipline published among the common people; and partly because they will not that they which shall learne, trusting too much to their bookes, should haue the lesse regard of remem∣brance: in that it hapneth well neere to most men, that vpon trust of the helpe of their booke, they are slacker in learning things by heart, and lesse care to * 1.318beare them in mind. This is one of the chiefest things that they labour most to beat into mens minds, that the Soules die not, but do after death passe from one to another: and hereby they thinke men should be most stirred vnto virtue, when the feare of death is nothing regarded. Also they dispute many other things: as of the starres, and of their mouings: of the * 1.319bignesse of the world, and the earth: of the nature of things: of the strength and power of the goddes im∣mortall: and do therein instruct the youth. Vnto these Druides and their doctrine had Lucan the Poet * 1.320relation in his first booke towards the end, where he writeth thus of them.

Et vos barbaricos ritus, morem{que} sinistrum Sacrorum, Druidae, positis repetistis ab armis. Solis nosce Deos & Caeli sydera vobi Aut solis nescire datum. Nemora alta remotis Incolitis Lucis▪ Vobis autoribus, vmbrae Non tacitas Erebi sedes Ditis{que} profundi Pallida regna petunt, regit idem spiritus artus Orbe alio: longae, canitis si cognita, vitae Mors media est. Certè, populi quos despicit Arctos, Foelices errore suo, quos, ille timorum Maximus, haud vrgent laethi metus: inde ruendi Inferrum mens prona viris, animae{que} capaces Mortis: & ignauum est rediturae parcere vitae.

In English thus.

You (Druides) free from wars, with barbarous deuices Sinistrous rites performe, and vncouth sacrifices. High Mysteries, of God, and Heauens, you only know; Or only erre therein. Where shady woods doe grow; There you repose; and teach, that Soules immortall be; Nor silent Erebus, nor Plutoes Hall shall see. And, (if your Sawes be sooth) Death is no finall dome, But only Mid-way, twixt life past, and life to come. Braue Britain bloods perdi! warmd with this happy error, Death (greatest feare of feares) amates th with no terror. Hence t'is▪ they manly rush on pikes, and griesly death, And scorne base minds, that stick to spd reuiuing breath.

* 1.321 (9) These Britaines being meerly barbarous, as most of the Western parts of the world then were, li∣ued priuately to themselues with scarce any com∣merce, or entercourse with any other nation: neither indeed were much known to forraine people, for a long time. For the first notice of them extant, was by * 1.322Polybius the Greek writer, that accompanied Scipio in his warres, about the yeere of the worlds creation 3720. and two hundred and nine, before the birth of our Sauiour Christ. Which Author nameth their Iland * 1.323to be plenteously stored with Tynne: but of other things therin is silent, saying that al those parts which lay betwixt Tanais and Narbor bending Northward in his daies were vnknown and vncertaine, and there∣fore the reporters of them he held as dreamers. So doth Master Cambden another Polybius, & no way his * 1.324inferior, account it a prodigall humor of credulity, to be perswaded that Himilco, from the state of Carthage sent to discouer the coasts of Europe, in the said expe∣dition * 1.325 entred this Iland: or that Hannibal should war in this Iland, because Polybius in the Eclogues of his tenth booke saith that he was inclosed within the streits of Britaine, which place is mistaken for the Brutij in Italy: or that Alexander came from the East Indians, to Gades, and from thence into Britaine, though Cedrenus say so, seeing all other writers are a∣gainst it; or that Vlysses, (ancient enough if he be that * 1.326Elishah the sonne of Iauan, the fourth sonne of Ia∣pheth) should visit Britaine in his trauels, whereof Bro∣daeus maketh doubt; though Solinus report that an Altar in Caledonia was erected, and Vlysses in Greeke letters thereon inscribed. Which might very well be: for who doubteth but that the Greekes, in their vaine deuotions, did both build and sacrifice vnto their Gods, which they made of their worthiest men? and sith Vlysses, (in regard of his farre sea-trauels) was had * 1.327in speciall account among all nauigators, why might not such monuments be reared, and his name inscri∣bed, as farre as the Grecians trauelled, though his per∣son neuer came there?

And if the Romanes, at whose greatnesse the whole world trembled, were so lately known in those anci∣ent

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times, as that neither Thucydides nor Herodotus made mention of them: yea and with much adoe at * 1.328last were heard of by the Grecians themselues: as Iose∣phus affirmeth; And if the Gaules and Spaniards, (in∣habitants in the continent) for many yeeres together were vtterly vnknowen to the worlds historiogra∣phers; shall we then thinke, that this remote Iland, and people then far from ciuility, were noted foorth with markes of more certainty? surely to my see∣ming, nothing lesse: seing that their next neighbours * 1.329 the Gaules knew not so much as what manner of men they were: none resorting thither, except some few merchants, and they no further, then vpon the sea coasts, neither able to describe the bignesle of the I∣land, the puissance of the inhabitants, their order for war, the lawes that they vsed, the customes of the people, nor their hauens for the receit of ships; all which Caesar by diligent inquiry sought after, but could find no satisfaction till he had sent some pur∣posely to search it out.

(10) Neither is this their want of knowledge to bee wondred at, seeing the entercourse of their traf∣ficke * 1.330 was vpheld by so meane commodities: for Stra∣bo saith, that their merchandizing chiefly consisted in Iuory Boxes, Sheeres, Onches, Bits, and Bridles, Wreaths & Chains, with other conceits made of Am∣ber and Glasse; for which notwithstanding they were compelled to pay customes and imposts vnto Octaui∣an Augustus, as elsewhere shall be shewed.

(11) And as their commodities were very mean, so were their meanes either for exportation or im∣portation very slender in those times; I meane their * 1.331 shipping. It is true, that some are of opinion, that Ships were first inuented in these our Seas: but that this should be true, I haue cause to doubt, that Art being long before inspired by God himselfe into the heart of Noah for making the Arke, and no doubt practised by that paterne of many others. But that the ancient Britaines had ships of reasonable vse, * 1.332though of simple Art, Cesar testifieth, saying, that the keeles and ribs of their ships were of light wood, and couered ouer with leather: which kinde the now-Britaines call Corraghs: and with them (saith Polyhistor) they did saile betwixt Britannie and Ireland, (which sea for rough∣nesse and danger may bee compared with any other whatsoeuer) though the bulke of their vessels were but of some flexible wood, couered with the hides of Bufflles: and as long as they were sailing, so long did they abstaine from meat: whereby it seemeth they neuer sailed any great * 1.333iourneys. And of this their shipping Pliny also speak∣eth, and Lucan singeth, thus:

Primùm cana salix, madefacto vimine, paruam Texitur in puppim, caeso{que} induta iuuenco, Vectoris patiens tumidum super emicat amnem: Sic Venetus stagnante Pado, fuso{que} Britannus, Nauigat Oceano.— At first, of hoary sallowes wreathed boughs, the ships Small bulke is trimly twist, and clad in bullocks hide: Then, patient to be rul'd, on swelling waues she skips. Thus on the spacious Poe the Venice Merchants glide, And Britaine Pilots saile on surge of Ocean wide.

But after-times brought the Britaines to more exqui∣site skill in nauall affaires, insomuch as the royall Na∣uie of this Kingdome hath beene reputed (and so is at this day) not only the inuincible walles of our owne, but the incredible terror of al other Kingdoms, which haue or shall enuy our happie peace: and the aduen∣tures likewise of Merchants, and the skill of our Sea∣men, hath left no corner of the world vnsearcht.

* 1.334 (12) And their trafficke amongst themselues was not of much worth, in that, as Cesar saith, the Coines * 1.335which they had were either of brasse, or else iron rings sized at a certaine waight, which they vsed for their monies. Of which kind some haue auerred they haue seene found and lately taken vp in little cruses or pitchers of earth. But as times grew more ciuill, and trafficke more fre∣quent, they shortly after stamped both siluer and gold; * 1.336and thereon the faces of their Kings, euen in the daies of Iulius Caesar, who was the first that had his owne stampt on the Romane Coynes. Many of these are a∣mongst vs remaining, whereof I haue inserted some few, as in their due places shall follow, which I recei∣ued from the liberall hand of that most learned Knight, and worthy storer of Antiquities Sir Robert * 1.337Cotten of Cunington. These Coynes are commonly im∣bossed * 1.338outward and shield-like, whereon the inscripti∣on, or face, is seen; the reuerse hollow, and therein their deuise set: and by these formes are they known to be the Britaines, no other nation stamping the like, except some few among the Grecians. * 1.339

(13 We come lastly, to speake of the manner of their warfare, which Caesar thus describeth. First (saith he) they ride round about all parts of the battell, ca∣sting off their darts: and often times with the terrible * 1.340noise of their horses, and the ratling of their chariot wheeles, they amaze the enemy and breake their ar∣ray. And when they haue wound themselues in a∣mong the troopes of horsemen, they leape foorth of their waggons, and fight on foot. In the meane while the waggoners withdraw themselues somewhat out of the battell, and set their waggons in such order, that if they be ouercharged by the enemy, they may haue speedy and easie recourse vnto them. By meanes whereof they are both as ready to remoue as the horsemen, and as stedfast to stand in the battell as the footmen, and supply both duties in one. And they are come to such perfectnesse by daily practice and exer∣cise, that euen in steepe and falling places they will stop their horses running a full gallop, and guide and turne them in a short roome, & run vpon the vergies, and stand stedfastly vpon the beames, and quickly re∣couer themselues back againe into the waggons.

* 1.341 These would often giue ground to egge their ene∣mies from their maine battell, and then would leape out of their chariots and fight on foot. And they kept also such an order in fighting on horseback, that whe∣ther the enemies chased, or were chased, they were alwaies in danger. For they neuer fought in great * 1.342companies together, but scatteringly a great way di∣stant the one from the other, and had stals lying in diuers places one to supply another, hauing euer fresh * 1.343 and lusty men in the roomes of them that were wea∣ry. Of this their manner of fight in chariots, Strabo al∣so declareth; and Diodorus Siculus saith that the Bri∣taines liued after the manner of the first age of the world, vsing chariots in their fight, as the report goes of the ancient Greeks at the Troian warres. Pomponius Mela also describing these Britaines, affirmeth that their fight was not only with horsemen and footmen, but also with waggons and chariots, harnessed, and armed at the ends of the axle-trees with hookes and sithes, after the manner of the Gaules; but with appa∣rance of greater courage, as Tacitus saith; as being * 1.344not yet mollified by long peace. Their strength in * 1.345field consisteth most of footmen, yet some countries there are (saith he) that war in waggons, the greatest persons guiding the same; and so much doth Iuuenal * 1.346intimate, who in shew of prophecie but indeed in flattery of the Emperor Domitian, salutes him after this manner.

It boads thee Triumph great; to captiuate some King; Or fierce Aruiragus from Chariots beame to ding.
Dio Nicaeus from Xiphilinus more particularly decla∣reth * 1.347their strength; Their horses (saith he) are but little, yet therewithall swift of pace: their footmen also run very * 1.348 speedily, but in their standing are the strongest: their armor are shields, and short speares, in the nether end whereof is fastned a round bell of brasse like vnto a ball, which at the first onset of incounter they shake with great courage, sup∣posing that such a ratling noise doth much amate the enemy. And Herodian saith that their shields were nar∣row * 1.349and speares short, wearing swords hanging down their naked loines, hauing neither knowledge nor vse either of corslet or helmet.

* 1.350 (14) Some haue thought that their women also were not exempted from the wars; but certaine it is that many of that sex were renowned for their valour amongst them. Which made Tacitus to say, it was vsu∣all

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for the Britains to fight vnder the conduct of women, (which the Romans found to their smart) nor to make any difference of sexes for gouernment. A more noble patterne whereof, neuer had any age, then in our late * 1.351glorious Virgin Queen, (the wonder of her sexe, and of al future ages,) who, as she was inferior to no Prince euer liuing, for her admirable gouernment in vphol∣ding of her kingdomes peace, so was she a match (to say no more) to the proudest monarchs, in her mana∣ging * 1.352of her wars; as (when occasion was offered) she was ready to make good, in her owne roiall person in the field. But besides the vse of armes, the ancient Bri∣tish women had another imploiment in the field, * 1.353which I will only set downe in Tacitus his words, speaking of Paulinus Suetonius his assailing of Angle∣sey: The British Army (saith he) stood on the shore, thicke of men and munition, and women running vp and downe amongst them, like furies, carrying burning firebrands in * 1.354rufull attire, and with their haire hanging about their shoulders. The Druides meane while went with their hands lift vp to heauen, pouring out praiers and imprecations. The strangenesse of which sight so amazed the Ro∣man souldiers, that they stood still like stocks, whiles the other wounded them at their pleasure; till Pauli∣nus encouraged them, and they excited one another, not to be so danted by an army of women and wi∣zards. &c.

(15) In the relations of these things, let no man thinke, that the glory of these ancient and warlike nation of Britains, is any waies disparaged, or made in∣ferior to them that would be more famous, whose * 1.355beginning haue been as meane, and state as rude, if not more. For let vs consider the Romans so lauish in their owne worths and greatnesse; who notwithstanding, bring their name and originall from Romulus, a ba∣stard by birth, nourished by a beast, educated among a sort of rustick shepheards: and grown to the ripe∣nesse of his owne affections, he became ring-leader of a damned crue, that liued by robberies and without lawes: besides the shedding of his naturall brothers blood, as Titus Liuie their owne historian witnes∣seth: * 1.356and both himselfe and followers, had in such contempt and derision by their neighbour nations, that they both disdained and refused to giue them their daughters in mariage, lest in time they also should become lawlesse, vntill that by subtilty and force, they had rauished their virgins, and thereby made them vnworthy of other matches. Yet when their after fortunes and successe had mounted them vpon the wings of glory, and seated them on the necks of their subdued neighbors, their Caesars would needs be more then mortall, and their pedigrees must lineally be brought from the Gods.

* 1.357 (14) And, to let passe many others, the like may be said of the beginners of the Scythian and Turkish Empires, two golden pillers raised vpon leaden bases, howsoeuer now, the power of their command, circles three parts of the earth. Nay what more is, that preti∣ous, roiall, and Gods only people, from whom the e∣ternall * 1.358King of Kings descended, in their offrings made in time of their highest glory, were by the Lord thus commanded to acknowledge and say: A Syrian was * 1.359my father, who being ready to perish for hunger, went down into Egypt, and soiourned with a small company. And the richest stone of that most beauteous building in his highest pride is counselled by the Prophet, to looke back * 1.360to the rocke whence it was hewen, and to the hole of the pit whence it had been digged.

THE GOVERNMENT OF GREAT BRITAINE.

CHAPTER V.

WEE come, at length, to * 1.361speake of the gouernment and politicall estate of the Britaines, which doubtlesse (the times then conside∣red) was as honorable in their rulers, and as ma∣nageable in the subiects, as any other nations in these West parts of the world: their temperance, religion, learning, and no∣ble resolution shewing no lesse. But in this point I must craue pardon of our British Heraulds, and some learned Antiquaries, if I bring not a lineall succession * 1.362from Brute, and a monarchicall gouernment in those times of obscurity, through whose mists no Egles eies could pierce, before the daies of Geffrey ap Arthur, as before was touched. And therefore following his counsell, who is best able in these things to giue dire∣ction; I will begin the succession of Great Britains Mo∣narchs, * 1.363at the entrance and person of Iulius Caesar; at which time, it seemeth, by him and other Latine wri∣ters (the best Recorders of kingdoms affaires,) this I∣land was gouerned rather after the manner of an Ari∣stocratie, that is, by certaine great Nobles and Potent men, then vnder the command of any One as an absolute Monarch: though herein is a difference, in that in the Aristocraticall regiment, the rulers are all Peeres of one Common wealth; whereas here, as many Princes, so many seuerall Publike weales. For so Caesar himselfe found the state of Britaine to be * 1.364diuided into Prouinces vnder the names of her in∣habitants; and to be ruled by diuers Peeres or petty Kings.

(2) And such a Gouernor was Cassibelan, ouer the Trinobantes: Cingetorix, Caruilius, Taximagulus, and Segonax, all foure Rulers together in Kent: Comes sup∣posed to be King of the Atrebatij, and to be the same Comius of Arras, whom Caesar imploied to tease and worke the Britaines to his subiection. Caractacus the warlike King of the Silures, Galgacus the worthy King of the Caledonians; yea and women also, without ex∣ception * 1.365of sex, held gouernment among them, such as was faithlesse Cartismandua Queen of the Brigantes, * 1.366and famous Boudicea Queene of the Icenians. Where∣by it seemeth that euery seuerall Prouince owed ser∣uice and alleageance only to their owne Prince. And as their gouernments were confined vnto certaine bounds and limits, so were the Inhabitants diuided and distinguished by diuers Names: of whom because we shall haue occasion hereafter often to speak, it shal not therfore be amisse in this place once for all, table∣wise to lay downe the same; whereby our narrations may passe vntroubled without more explanations, and the readers mind carried with lesse incombran∣ces. Those ancient names of people, and places for abode, throughout the whole Iland, from Ptolemie were as follow.

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A TABLE OF THE ANCIENT INHABITANTS, AND THE SITES OF THEIR POSSESSIONS AS THEY WERE CALLED BY PTOLEMY, AND OFTEN SINCE MEN∣TIONED IN THE ROMAN WRITERS.

People.Countries.
CANTII.—Kent.
REGNI.—Sussex.
Surrey.
DVROTRIGES.—Dorsetshire.
DAMNONII.—Deuonshire.
Cornwal.
BELGAE.—Somersetshire.
Wiltshire.
Hampshire.
ATREBATII.—Barkshire.
DOBVNI.—Oxfordshire.
Glocester.
CATIEVCHLANI.Warwickshire.
Buckingham.
Bedfordshire.
TRINOBANTES.Hertford.
Essex.
Middlesex.
ICENI.—Suffolke.
Norfolke.
Cambridge.
Ely Iland.
Huntington.
CORITANI.—Rutlandshire.
Lincolnshire.
Northhampton.
Leicestershire.
Darbishire.
Nottingham.
CORNABII.—Staffordshire.
Worcestershire.
Cheshire.
Shropshire.
 Lancaster.
 Yorkshire.
BRIGANTES.Richmondshire.
PARISI.Duram.
 Westmerland.
 Cumberland.
ORDOVICES.—Flintshire.
Denbighshire.
Caernaruon.
Montgomery.
Merionethshire.
SILVRES.—Herefordshire.
Radnorshire.
Brecknock.
Monmouth.
Glamorgan.
DIMETAE.—Caermarden.
Penbrookshire.
Cardiganshire.
People.Countries.
OTTADINI.—Northumberland.
Teifidale.
Twedale.
Merch.
Louthien.
SELGOVAE.—Lidesdale.
Ensdale.
Eskdale.
Annandale.
Niddisdale.
NOVANTES.—Gallowey.
Carick.
Kyle.
Cunningham.
DAMNII.—Cluydsdale.
Renfraw.
Lennox.
Striueling.
Menteth.
Fifa.
 Perth.
CALEDONII▪Strathern.
GADINI.Albin.
 Argile.
 Lorne.
EPIDII.—Cantyre.
VICEMAGI.—Murray.
VENNICONES.—Mernia.
Anguis.
Mar.
TAEZALI.—Buquhane.
CANTAE. 
CREONES.Rosse.
CERONTES.Sutherland.
CARNONACAE.Strathnauern.
CARINI.
CORNABII.
SIMERTAE.Caithnes.
LOGI.

Page 172

* 1.367 (3) These States ambitiously banding ech against others, to raise their owne Prince to a more soue∣raigne supremacy, and to enlarge their Prouinces vp∣on the borders of the next, were euer ready, the least * 1.368occasion ministred, saith Pomponius Mela, to enter quarels, and seldome held amity, or were quiet. This was the cause, as Tacitus tells vs, which brought that pu∣issant * 1.369nation into bondage: and was the only helpe to the Romans victories: for seldome it chanced (saith he) that two or three states met in counsell, and concurred in o∣pinion to repulse the common danger▪ so that whilst they resisted and fought one by one, all at length were sub∣dued. But this was not at once performed by Iulius Caesar the first Roman enterer, who (as he saith) rather * 1.370shewed the place to posterities, then gaue them the possession thereof, supposing it his glory sufficient, to haue done what he did. For vnto the daies of Domitian, they held play with the Romans, and that with such valour, that the subduing of some small part of this Iland was ac∣counted by themselues to match the conquests of o∣ther mightier countries, and more notes of honour shewed in their publike triumphs for one Britaines misfortune, then vsually was solemnized for whole * 1.371kingdomes subdued.

(4) That such people possessed, and that many Kings together raigned here in Britaine, Pomponius Mela doth shew: Britaine (saith he) bringeth foorth Nations, and Kings of nations, though they be all without ciuility and barbarous. And Caesars intendments being known vnto them, it is said that many of their Cities sent him by their Embassadors profers of submission: whereby appeareth their diuersities of States, where∣of only two held promise, and the rest failing was the occasion of his second expedition for Britaine. And Ta∣citus, * 1.372speaking of the shipwrack suffered by the Ro∣mans in the raigne of Tiberius, saith, that many of their souldiers then distressed and torne, being cast vpon the coasts of Britaine, were by the people curteously releeued, and by their petty Kings sent backe vnto Germanicus their Generall into Germanie; which Princes or petty Kings, were drawn (as else where he saith) by emulati∣on into many partialities and factions; which was in∣deed their owne destruction. And by Gildas these * 1.373 were termed cruell Tyrants, taking his authority out of Saint Hierome.

(5) Let thus farre suffice, in generall, of these an∣cient Britains; whose particulars we will further pro∣secute in the places of their resistances, lest otherwise they should seeme to fight only against themselues. And therefore so many of these Gouernors, as either yeelded their subiections to the Romans, or stood their opposits till their owne strengths were spent, I will briefly touch, vntill such time as the land was made a Prouince, by the valour and industry of Iu∣lius Agricola the first Roman that found it an Iland, and left it more ciuill, and in subiection to the Roman Empire; and by the way I will insert some of such ancient Coynes, as among them were then vsed, expressing their names, and places of coy∣nage.

THE KINGS AND GOVERNORS OF GREAT BRITAIN VVITH THE ANCI∣ENT COINES VSED IN THEIR TIMES.

CHAPTER VI.

[illustration]

COM.

2. GOL.

REX

THe first British Coyne (as is supposed) both by the fa∣shion thereof being shield∣like, and Name thereupon inscribed REXCOM: denoteth Comius, (if he be a Britaine) King of the A∣trebatij in this Iland: whom some iudge to haue fled thence vnto Caesar, as * 1.374a traytor to his Natiue country; and in Gallia vanqui∣shed those parts, that lay coasted against the Whight, wherein (by Ptolemy) the people called likewise the Atrebatij inhabited: ouer whom he receiued the go∣uernment by the gift of Caesar, and was by him im∣ploied to worke the Britaines to his obedience. And that he was King of the Atrebatij in Britaine, may be strengthned by that which Caesar in his second book of Commentaries affirmeth, where, by his owne knowledge he saith, that one Diuitiacus raigned ouer a great part of Gallia, and some portion of Britaine also: and so likewise this Comius is reported to be of great respect among our Britaines, and able in that country to doe much. Neither is it altogether * 1.375vnlikely, seeing the Britaines distasted his loyalty to Caesar, and his Ambassage for their subiection, with such dislikes, that they laid violent hands on∣ly vpon him, and cast him in prison; vsing no such rigor against the rest of their owne Ambassadors. Notwithstanding when successe altered, they set him at liberty, and made him their meanes to pacifie Caesar.

Other Coynes I haue inserted to such British princes as by their inscriptions are known to be theirs. And whereas some are not yet noted by that honor to the world; I haue vnto such added only blankes, if happily more be reueiled hereafter, and the bowels of the earth deliuer to others, her trea∣sures hid, as formerly (and in these our searching daies) she hath already done.

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[illustration]

2 GOL.

(2) Cassibelan, as the most worthy among the Britains Kings, to withstand the common danger now ready to light vpon them all, by the inuasions and wars of the Romans; was by a generall consent cho∣sen their chieftaine, though in times past, he had mo∣lested his neighbouring prouinces to the inlargement of his owne. Whose signiories, as Caesar saith, were * 1.376seuered from the Cities towards the sea coast by the riuer Thames, about fourescore miles from the same. He had obtained the gouernment of the Trinoban∣tes, by the slaughter of Imanuence, and the expulsion of Mandubrace his sonne. And, with great valour, held opposit to the Romans, vntill the reuolt of his chiefe Citie, the Cenimagues, Segontians, Ancalits, Bibroces, Cas∣sians, and other states, which drew backe, and yeelded to the enemie; his confederates, the foure Kings of Kent, ouerthrown, his owne towne won, and himselfe forced to yeeld vnto Caesar, and the land to pay a tri∣bute of 3000. pound yeerly to Rome. A British Coyne of gold with the inscription CAS in scattered letters we haue inserted; as also another wheron is instamped the word VER, supposed to be his, because it is thought to haue bin coined in antient Verolam, the City of Cas∣sibelan, * 1.377and that in his daies, before the Romans won it.

[illustration]

TASCIA

1 SIL.

VER

(3)

  • Cingetorix:
  • Caruill:
  • Taximagull:
  • Segonax:
whom Caesar calleth Kings that raigned in Kent, were in∣stigated by Cassibelan suddain∣ly to set vpon, and to assault the Roman forces, that lay incamped vpon the sea shore whilst he kept Caesar occupied further in the mayne: which thing they attempted, but failed of their hoped expectation, their men being slaine, three of them chased, and Cingetorix the chiefest taken cap∣tiue. This heauy newes and vnfortunate successe, cau∣sed Cassibelan to sue vnto Caesar, and by the meanes of Comius obtained his peace.

[illustration]

(4) Mandubrace a prince of the Trinobantes, but a traytor to his country; whose father Imanuence being slaine by Cassibelan, and his owne life likewise sought after, and in danger, fled vnto Caesar into Gal∣lia, and followed his fortunes in the wars; wherein, he was a great spurre vnto Caesars forwardnesse for Britain, both to be reuenged vpon the murtherer of his father, and to recouer the gouernment of the Tri∣nobantes vsurped by Cassibelan: preferring his owne ambitious desire, and the reuenge of one mans death, before the freedome of his natiue Country, or the deaths of many his coūtrimen, that daily stopped the Romans passage with streames of their blood. He recouering his chiefest City with the protection of the Romans, yeelded subiection, & forty hostages to Caesar: whose example drew others to sell their owne liberty, & to buy many miseries at too deere a rate, and with * 1.378too late repentance, him doth Beda call Androgorius.

[illustration]

(5)

CenimaguesInhabi∣tants ofNorfolk. Suff. Cam. &c.
SegontiansHantshire.
* 1.379 AncalitsHendly hund. in Oxford.
BibrocesBray hund. in Barkshire.
CassiansCaishow hund. in Hartf.
These people or states, seeing the proceedings and happy successe of Caesar, after the example of the Tri∣nobantes, whose chiefest Citie had yeelded him obedi∣ence, and were thereby secured, and protected from the harmes of his souldiers, sent him like∣wise their submissions, and were accepted into subiection: so ready were they to saue their owne stakes, that they left the whole to the hazard of losse, which soone after followed as an ouerflowing flood, wherein was lastly drenched the whole I∣lands liberty.

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[illustration]

CVNO

2 SIL.

TASCIO

[illustration]

CVNO

COP.

CAMV

[illustration]

CVNO

BELIN.

1. COP.

TASCIO

[illustration]

ELINE

CVNOB

1. SIL.

[illustration]

CAMV

2 GOL.

CVNO

[illustration]

CVNO

1. SIL.

TASCE

[illustration]

TASC

VANIT

1 SIL.

CVNOBELI

[illustration]

CVNO

BELINE

1. COP.

TASCIIOVANIT

(6) Cunobeline (for so vpon his Coynes his name is instamped) was the son of Theomantius and he the sonne of Lud (as say our British historians, by whom his name is corruptly writ∣ten Kymbeline) he liued at Rome, and in great fauour with Augustus Caesar the Emperor, by whom he was made Knight, and by his meanes the peace of Britain was continued without the paiment of their Tribute, as Fabian out of Guido de Columna hath gathered. In the foure∣teenthyeere * 1.380of his raigne the Day-star of Iacob ap∣peared, and the rod out of Ishai did flourish from * 1.381the wombe of a Virgin, when the wonderfull * 1.382Counsellor, the mighty God and Prince of Peace, the Emmanuel with vs was borne at Beth-lehem of his maiden-mother the blessed Virgin Mary, and was made man like vnto vs in all things, sinne only * 1.383excepted. These were the times that great Kings and Prophets desired to see, but saw them not, when the Wolfe and the Lambe, the Leopard and the Kid, * 1.384the Calfe and the Lyon fed together; for war was not heard of then in the world, but rather their * 1.385swords were made into mattocks, and their speares turned into sithes, as the Prophets, Sibyls, and Poets from them haue affirmed. In Rome the temple of Ianus was shut, and in Britaine Cunobeline enioied peace with the rest of the world, and his fame made more famous by the many Coynes instamped of him, and whose face thereon among all the British Kings was first inscribed, as by these here inserted doth eui∣dently appeare, one with two faces, like vnto Ianus, and foure more with his owne, besides three others wherein is read his name, one of them with a womans head, another with a horse, and the third with a wreath; all these (if not more) are knowne to be his, which shew∣eth his wealth, his fame, and his ciuill respect. The chiefest Citie for his princely resi∣dence was Camalodunum, now Malden in Essex, wonne by Claudius from the sonnes of Cu∣nobeline, as by the inscription of the Coyne next ensuing appeareth, and wherein many of the British monies also receiued their im∣presse. This City with the free towne Vero∣lam afterwards felt the heauy hand of merci∣lesse BODVO in her reuenge against the Ro∣mans, who laid the beauty and gorgeous buil∣dings thereof so leuell with the earth that those walles and mounted turrets neuer since aspi∣red to halfe their wonted heights.

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[illustration]

ΒΡΕΤΑΝΝΙΚΟΣ

3 COP.

ΜΗΤΡΟΠΟΑΙΣΕΤΙΜΙΝΑΙΟΥΒΑ

(7) Adminius the first sonne of Cunobeline, King of the Britaines, by Suetonius his report, vpon some offence was banished the Iland by his father; and with a small traine fled ouer the seas into Belgia; where Caius Caligula was in making his ridiculous expedition against the Ocean. And yeelding him∣selfe to his protection, added matter to his vaine glorious humors, as of a great victory and conquest; * 1.386sending the newes therof to Rome, with an especiall command that his letters should be deliuered in the Temple of Mars, and that in the assembly of a full Senate. It is iudged by learned Cambden that the Roman Coyne aboue prefixed, vpon whose reuerse is inscribed Metropolis Etiminij Regis, to be meant of this Adiminius the sonne of Cunobeline, whose Citie Camalodunum, Claudius Caesar the Emperour after∣wards wonne, and wherein a temple was built and consecrated vnto him, attended by the Priests Au∣gustals: which heauily burdened the poore estates of the Britaines.

[illustration]

* 1.387 (8) Catacratus another son of Cunobeline, immedi∣atly after the death of his father, found himself agree∣ued at the Romans, for the retaining of certaine fugi∣tiues the betraiers of their natiue country; whereof one Bericus was a chiefe, and a great firebrand of Clau∣dius his attempts against the Britains. This Catacratus maintained resistance against Aulus Plautius the Em∣perors Deputy, with such noble resolution and warlike encounters, that often he endangered both his per∣son and army. But Fortune and victory attending the Romans, brought at length Catacratus their captiue into bands, with great slaughters of his Bri∣taines, himselfe led shortly after in great triumph through Rome, in honor of Plautius his so fortu∣nate successe. The miseries of others thus made the Romans to mount the chaire of their triumphs; and the chaines of their captiues, the records of their pre∣sent aspired pride.

But the bordering Dobuni seeing his fall, made their owne standings surer by yeelding themselues subiects to Rome.

[illustration]

(9) Togodamnus the third sonne of Cunobeline, and successor to Catacratus, prosecuted his countries quarrell with the like boldnesse and resolution as his * 1.388brother before him had done: & was the only touch∣stone that gaue Vespasian his lustre, whose interpositi∣ons (as Tacitus saith) was the beginning of that great∣nesse whereunto afterwards he aspired. And with such manhood followed the chase of the Romans, that in a bloody battell he ended his life, and brought Plautius their Lieutenant vnto a stand, where straitned in dangers both of place and people, he was forced to send to Claudius the Emperor; whose con∣ceit was then grounded, that in Britaine was grea∣test glory to be gotten, and therefore came to his as∣sistance in person himselfe, the first since Iulius Caesar that attempted their conquest. His recorded com∣positions made with Aruiragus, the mariage of his daughter and building of Glocester, I leaue to be read out of Geffrey of Monmouth, and to be allowed at the choice of his hearer; only noting that the possession of so faire a land drew the affection and aged per∣son of this Emperor to vndergoe so farre distant and dangerous a iournie, as this of Britaine lay from Rome.

[illustration]

(10) Cogidunus a Britain borne, receiued in pure gift at the hands of the Romans, certain Cities, ouer which he peaceably raigned their King. For when they had conquered the neerest part of this Iland, and reduced it into the forme of a Prouince; according to their an∣cient policie, it was their custome, (saith Tacitus) to

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* 1.389 vse Kings themselues for instruments of bondage, both in admittance of their authority, and in pro∣tecting them against their opposits. Other memoriall of him none remaineth, but that he is reported to haue rested euer most faithfull to the Romans, and was of them accordingly esteemed, albeit his owne people bare him no such good will, but rather ac∣counted him and others his like, to be Romes only instruments, and Britaines vipers, that brought in strangers to eat out the home-bred inhabitants, and fettered the freedome of their land, with the heauy chaines of a forrein subiection.

[illustration]

TAS CIF

2 GOL.

A

EPATI C

(11) Caractacus the most renowned prince of the Silures, in nine yeeres resistance waded through many aduentures against the common enemy. For when as the Icenians, Cangi, and Brigantes began to aint and giue ouer, he only with the Ordouices held out with such seruice and fame, that thereby he grew both famous and fearefull to the Romans. But Desti∣nies determining the downfall of Britain, the props that were set to stay it still vp, proued too slender and brake vnder the waight. For this bold Caractacus o∣uerthrown in battell, his wife, daughter, and brethren taken prisoners, and his forces defeated, committed himselfe to the protection of Cartismandua the Bri∣gantes faithlesse Queene: who by her was deliuered to the Romans; and by P. Ostorius brought to Rome; where beholding the riches and glory of that City, he openly and boldly checked the auarice and ambi∣tious humors of the Romans, who being owners of so great and glorious things, were (notwithstanding) couetous and greedy for the poore possessions of the Britains. And there being led in triumph, with admi∣ration he was beheld of all the spectators, and for his * 1.390vndanted spirit and magnanimous resolution relea∣sed of bands, and taken into fauour by Claudius the Emperor. And the Lords of the Senate assembled to∣gether made glorious discourses touching Caractacus captiuity, affirming it to be no lesse honorable then when P. Scipio shewed Syphax vnto the people, and * 1.391L. Paulus, Perses, or if any other had exhibited to the view of the people kings vanquished and ouercome. The British Coyne here aboue shewed, by the scatte∣red letters therein inscribed, is by the iudicious obseruers of such ancient monies supposed to be his.

[illustration]

2 SIL.

VANO. C

(12) Venutius, a famous King of the Brigantes, and husband to Cartismandua, (a woman of an high and noble linage, but of a base and vnsatisfied lust:) finding his bed abused by Vellocatus his seruant and harnesse-bearer, raised his power against her, and her paramour. With him sided his Brigantes, and the neighbour countries adioining, whose good will went generally with the lawfull husband, fearing the ambitious authority of a lustfull woman. With her went the Romans, at the command of Didius their De∣putie: and hese striking battell won the day: yet so, as the war continued to the Romans, the kingdome to Venutius, and the infamy with Cartismandua, both for betraying the pledge of her trust reposed by Caracta∣cus in his distresse, and her truth to Venutius her noble Lord and husband: preferring the licentious plea∣sures of a vassall, before the bed of chast mariage, or the nuptiall imbracements of a worthy King, and hath to ages following left her name noted with the scarres of infamy, that time nor continuance shall euer weare away. His ancient coyne is thought to be as thou seest here aboue described.

[illustration]

BODVO

2 GOL.

(13)

  • Prasutagus
  • Boduo
King and Queene of the Iceni∣ans, a people vnshaken by war, and themselues rich, (as Tacitus reporteth;) the only cause of their ruines, for which the Romans then war∣red; were brought to destruction vpon this insuing occasion. King Prasutagus dying, by will left Nero his heire (supposing by this meanes to leaue his state the safer,) together with the protection of his two daughters. These, contrary to trust, were abused and defloured, the mother Boduo turned out of all, and against all manly ciuility, or womanly (much lesse, princely) respect, contumeliously and despitefully whipped. In the reuenge of which vnsufferable wrongs she so opposed and oppressed the Romans, that at one battell seuenty thousand (or as Dion Cassi∣us saith 80000. of their slaughtered bodies she sacri∣ficed to her dead husbands ghost; and hath left the fame of her proceedings registred, euen by her ene∣mies themselues, to her immortall and neuer dying memory. The strong Cities, Camalodunum, and Vero∣lanium,

Page 177

she sacked with the rage of mercilesse war; Pe∣tilius, Lieutenant of the ninth Legion, she discomfited, Catus the Procurator droue ouer the seas, Posthumus the Campe-master durst not resist her, and all indeed feared the valour of this heroick Lady: whose lawes were not martiall to saue vpon ransome: whose re∣uenge was not pacified with yeeldings or submission, nor did she thinke there was blood enough in the Ro∣mans to imbrue the altars of her assisting gods, or to wash off the staine of their vnnoble and vnmanly iniuries. But when successe altered, after losse, and valorous resistance, she made an end of her life by poison, lest liuing she should see either her owne mise∣ries in their triumphs, or leaue her remembrance in the records of their lauish and selfe-pleasing histo∣rians. Her Coyne of gold we haue here expressed, the forme shield-like, and vpon the embossement thus inscribed: BODVO.

[illustration]

ARIVOG.

1 SIL.

ONO

NVS

(14) Aruiragus, the valiant British King, whom Humfrey Lhuyd confidently affirmeth to be the same man that is called Meurigus, and is said to withstand Claudius in his enterprises for Britaine, vntill a com∣position of mariage was concluded betwixt the Em∣perors daughter and himselfe. Notwithstanding by Iuuenal it is plaine, that this Aruiragus was in his fame in the daies of Domitian, vnto whom the Poet, as a Prophet, would foredoome his happy successe in the dispossession of his gouernment ouer the Britaines, as in these his verses are seene;

It bodes great honor to thy selfe, some King thou shalt depriue, Or els Aruiragus from the rule of Britains waine shalt driue.
An ancient British Coyne of siluer is here inserted, and a mans head thereon instamped, which is supposed to be his, the letters alluding so neere to his name.

[illustration]

1. SIL.

CALEDV

(15) Galgacus, a worthy and most valiant prince of the Caledonians, for vertue, and birth, preferred before any other in the Northern parts of this Iland, and made their Generall against the inuasions of Iuli∣us Agricola, was the last Britaine, that against the Ro∣mans stood out: accounting those only happy, which were free from the contagion of that Roman tyranny, and themselues the flower of all the British nobility, that yet had not subiected their necks to their yoke. The resistance which he made was great and warlike, but against the decree of God no man can stand; for the Romans, risen to their greatnesse, bare downe all that withstood them; and in a bloody battaile sub∣dued him, and his forces, making all silent before them where they came, and leauing desolation in the places where they had been. Thus then was the whole Iland subiected to the Roman Emperors, about one hundred thirty and six yeeres after Caesars first entrance, and the land that had been ruled by many petty kings, was brought now (as most parts of the world besides were) vnder the gouernment of one absolute Monarch. Grieuous, no doubt, was the losse of their liberties, but a greater gaine was gotten not many yeeres after; for from the rude and sauage manners of the barbarous, they were reclaimed, and became most ciuill. And he that had giuen their Iland to his Christ, prepared their hearts to receiue * 1.392him their King; vnto whose subiection also they were motiues to the Romans themselues. Two ancient British Coynes stamped in siluer we haue here set downe, attributing them both to this Galgacus of Ca∣ledonia. Notwithstanding in these (as in the rest) I must submit my selfe to the more experienced, and the cen∣sures of these ancient things to the learned and more iudicious.

[illustration]

1 SIL.

REX

CALIE

(16) These then were the resisters of the Ro∣mans proceedings, that rather yeelded their brests to the sword, then their necks to the yoke of a forrein subiection, and made their assaulters more famous in their conquests, and themselues more renowned to following posterities: neither in these relations haue we followed the records of our owne, but the appro∣ued testimony of their best writers, who haue deli∣uered what we haue said, and no doubt felt the like repugnancy of many others, both in the South and North of this Iland, though their names died with their valiant resistance. And as these Britains held the Romans at euen hand the space of one hun∣dred thirty and six yeeres, neither yet then were sub∣dued without themselues, that euer sided with the enemy against themselues, and whose factions made way for the feet of their conquerors, as from Tacitus we haue declared: So their successors the Saxons found as warlike withstanders, till God for Britains sinnes had cast downe their strength, whereof more shall follow (Christ assisting) in the due place of their stories, that from the raigne of Vortigerne the scourge

Page 178

of his country to Cadwallader the last prince of the Britains, spent their liues in the quarrell of liberty, and hath left their memorials famous for their countries defence.

(17) But the state of kingdomes (how largely so euer extended, or by what humane wisedome strengthned with defence) do find their periods not to exceed much the number of six hundred yeeres, as by common experience among most nations is seene. In these times therefore when the world was shaken with wars, first by the Romans that stroue to mount hie the spires of their intended glory, and were by Gods decree appointed to ouerrun and afflict the earth, when Kings of people (I say) were en∣forced to lay the Crownes from their heads at their conquering feet; and free nations loaded with the * 1.393yokes of their bondage: then was fulfilled the reso∣lution of this question demanded, Alas who shall liue when God doth this? And then among the rest, Bri∣taine gaue place to necessity with as manlike resi∣stance as did states more stronger, or kingdomes confined with far more larger compasse. And Caesar himselfe bought his entrance with such losse to the Romans that no Emperor after assaied the like, be∣fore aged Claudius, whose opinion was, that thence the remembrance of his succeeding glory should wholly arise.

But when the props of that Empire began for to faile, as nothing can bee firme in this still-wea∣ring world, the Saxons, for their valour a second triumphant nation, began as it were where the Ro∣mans left: for besides the continuall possession of their owne country, as in that case vnpartiall Tacitus doth tell vs; their legions were transported into all parts of the world, and without whom almost no victory was wonne: of whose power and prowesse in the expeditions of warre both Dionysius, Arrianus and Seneca, doe speake. To these then likewise if the Britains gaue place, their lots came foorth with the like price of the rest, and in this Iland they bought their conquests as deere as they had done in any other part of the world. Neither was Britaine sub∣dued by either of these nations, or their inuersion and exchange of policie altered, but with as vnwil∣ling subiection and streames of blood as had been slu∣sed out of the sides of their mightier nations, or by them had bin tamed to follow their triumphal chari∣ots. And more honour attributed to passe these British seas, with more admiration only to see the I∣land it selfe, then was vsually conceiued of king∣domes more larger, or that lay iacent as farre from Rome. And the conquest of some small parts of Bri∣taine in no small selfe-glory to be inscribed as tro∣phies of their victories vpon their Coynes, and to giue sirnames to the Emperors and their sonnes: as shall be shewed, when the age of this history▪ shall be increased with the times of the Romans affaires in this Iland. Free from subiection before the attempts of Caius Iulius Caesar by the testimony of Diodorus Sicu∣lus, and neuer had yeelded to any forrein power, as not prouoked by Dionysius or Hercules, nor inforced by any to maintaine their liberties by the feats of warre. But Caesar in Gallia thirsting after nouelties, or his conceited humor to purchase renowne, made the sea seeme safe from dangers in passage, and himselfe resolute to venture his person amongst those bold and barbarous Britains: wherein he left no meanes vnassaied for their conquest and subiection, nor his successors omitted any prouident care to retaine and keepe the land in their possessions, which whilst it stood a prouince in their obedience was held and ac∣counted the fairest plume in their triumphant Dia∣dem, and the losse thereof (if no more but only in name) as was publikely affirmed, wold proue a great detriment to the Empire. This made the Romans to desire it as they did, who besides the great glory they conceiued in the conquest, made it the granary for the westerne garisons, besides the delicate prouisions for their Emperors owne tables.

And the German Saxons straitned in their owne countries through increase of their people, or haply to supply their owne wants, infested with piracies these West parts of the world, and among all others set the eie of their affections vpon this most beautifull Iland, and neuer left their at∣tempts vnassaulted till they set the glorious diadem thereof vpon their owne heads. Changing the name Britannia into Anglia, a terme most fit to expresse that subiect, and pleasing in sound as Angelicall like, nei∣ther haue themselues proued vnworthy of so rich a possession, that in wars haue maintained, and by voi∣ages made known her fame as far as the sunne hath his beames, or the endlesse Ocean her ebbes and tides. But of these things wee shall haue occasion here∣after.

And now addresse our selues to describe our anci∣ent Britaines, and to shew their true pictures as they are reported. At first rude and vnciuil (I taske them no further then all others then were in the world, some few excepted that were only taught by God) and with the first were reclaimed to a more ciuill re∣spect, both in their apparell and apprehension of lite∣rature; whose pictures in the Chapter succeeding we will demonstrate as they are described by Caesar, Pliny, Dio, Herodian and others; at first altogether naked, cut, and painted as thou seest, afterwards partly clad in imitation of others which frequented their coun∣try either for traffick or conquest; in both which manner take them as they are reported to bee by these authours, and impute no liberty in the draught to the workmans best liking, nor thy selfe any whit disparaged to be brought from such parents, which * 1.394here are set as the pillars spoken of by Iosephus, that after the flood did preserue the inuented science of the celestiall bodies, lest time or elements should con∣sume that knowledge or deuoure those rules before demonstrated: So the true portrature of our ancient progenitors may by these be preserued from the ru∣ines of time & made our motiues to be thankful vnto him that hath brought vs forth in these most ciuill times, and not only clad vs with the garments of hu∣manity, but by his spirit hath guided vs vnto a cele∣stiall knowledge.

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THE PORTRAITVRES OF THE AN∣CIENT BRITAINES, OF THEIR NAKED∣NESSE, PAINTING AND FIGVRING THEIR BODIES, OF THEIR PERSONAGES HABITES, AND HABILI∣MENTS, BOTH IN PEACE AND WARRE: AS ALSO OF THE PICTS, THEIR ORIGI∣NALL AND HABITES, &c.

CHAPTER VII.

THe vnderstanding and apprehensions of men * 1.395clouded in ignorance, are by a Great Philosopher compared to the eye∣sight of such men, as stand and behold things afarre-off; because both of these, though they ap∣prehend some generall shapes and notices, yet can they not discerne of the true proportions and proprieties of their Obiects. The like happeneth in the search and suruey, as of all other Nations, so of our owne, of our first begin∣nings, our antique Customes, behauiours, habits: the true Circumstances whereof are the more difficill to find, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 that those things are not onely remote many de∣grees beyond the kenning of our Eye, (yea so ma∣nie Ages from the times wherein we liue,) but are * 1.396also shadowed and enwrapped in manifold vncer∣tainties and contrarieties, wherewith euen those Wri∣ters haue perplexed our way, who vndertooke to be both our Guides and our Lights. Notwithstanding, our purpose being to propose vnto the eye of our now glorious and gorgious Britaines, some generall draughts of our poore and rude Progenitours, (that as King Agathocles in his chiefe feasts vsed onely earthen dishes to put himselfe in minde that his Father was but a Potter, so wee may remember that true British Nobilitie is more in Vertue then in Auncestors;) let vs first see what the principall notes and markes are whereby the persons of those first Britaines were made so remarkeable among all other Nations.

* 1.397 (2) These Notes were chiefly three; first, their going naked; secondly, their staining and colouring of their whole Bodies; thirdly, their cutting, pincking and pouncing of their flesh, with garnishments (for so they thought them) of sundry shapes and fashions, as the two first ensuing Icones or Portraitures doe repre∣sent. Touching all which, the reports of Authors are very discrepant: and therefore, sith light is gotten out by collision of flintes, wee will essay, whether out of those Writers contradictions (brought to the stroke, and confronted together) we may strike some glime∣ring light to direct vs how to paint them forth, who so delighted in painting themselues.

* 1.398 (3) First touching their going naked, the autho∣rity of Caesar must ouersway (as being auncientest) the too-generall reports of such others, as seeme to re∣late that the Britaines generally vsed no Couerture, as neglectiue either of weathers iniurie, or of ciuill modesty; for he saith, interiores pleri{que} pellibus sunt ve∣stiti: * 1.399the In-land men for the most part were clad with skinnes. And yet these Inlanders were the rudest of all the rest, the Kenish and Sea-borders being full of humanity and little differing from the French ciuilitie. So that when Herodian saith, Vestis vsum non cognos∣cunt, * 1.400nec induuntur quidem, They neither know the vse of Garments: nor put any on: either he speaks on hearesay, or his large report must bee restrained to some cer∣taine Persons, Times, and Places. And for certaine Persons and Times indeed Plynie somewhat limits it, * 1.401saying, that their married weomen, both elder and yon∣ger, (coniuges, nurus{que}) in certaine festiuals vsed to goe starke naked: so doth Dio also for certaine Places: in * 1.402their Tents (saith he) they liued naked and vnshod, where he seemeth to allow them some couerture abroade. The like may be supposed in time of Winter or War, where Herodian himselfe saith onely, plera{que} corporis * 1.403nudi, A great part of their body was bare.

(4) It may seeme hereby, that those Originals of Particular Nations were not much vnlike that first beginning of the vniuersall prosemination of Man∣kind, when our first Parents innocencie walked in naked simplicitie: the foundations of all things be∣ing, as farthest from our sight, so more simple and farre from those artificiall fraudes, which some call Wit and cunning. And though an * 1.404 ancient Father be mistaken, in conceauing that by the foure letters of the name of Adam, were signified the foure quarters of the World, (that being an Hebrue name of three letters, and not a Greeke of foure) yet all those Quar∣ters of the World participate somewhat of Adams dis∣positions; and as all Naturall things retourne by course to that whereof first they were framed, so if Lawes, discipline, and Customes, did not restraine men, they would in time, of themselues reuolue to that first neglectiue condition, and carelessenes of those outward respects whence men are now named Ciuill.

* 1.405 (5) But in our Britaines, three reasons there seeme of this their going vncloathed. First, their hardines, which was partly naturall, and partly acquired by practise of their bodies to durance: of whom Dio re∣cords * 1.406that all of them had an excellent habit in tolerating hunger, cold, and labours insomuch as they could endure to abide many daies together in the water vp to the chinne without any food at all; that they would liue in the woods on roots and barkes of trees; though one kind of foode he there mencioneth vnknowne in our times, where∣of vsing to make as much as a beane onely, they were not subiect either to hunger or thirst. No maruaile, if those, who would endure this, could endure the want of garments: especially in a soile whereof wee find this * 1.407Euloge.

Tu nimium nec stricta gelu, &c.
Nor freezing cold, nor scorching hot thou art; Twixt both thou hold'st the meane and pleasing'st part.
The like patience we find euen now not onely in the wilder Irish, and Virgineans, but in rogues and Wan∣derers of our owne Countrey, who often pittilesse of
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themselues voluntarily depriue their Bodies of this Protection against the Aires offence, to procure pit∣tie of others. And what speake we of these? seeing euen children for Custome, and Women for pride, wil suffer their Breasts, and most tender parts of their Body, to be exposed not only to offence of weather, but of modesty also? yea generally, the handes, and fa∣ces, being of most subtilest sence, yet by custome are enabled now to endure that, which by the like cu∣stome the olde Britaines endured in their whole Bo∣dies; * 1.408whereby Plutarch thinkes they vsually liued so long euen to the age of sixescore, the externe cold keeping-in and augmenting their internall heate.

* 1.409 (6) As abilitie to endure colde, so ignorance (in many) of meanes to preuent it, may seeme another occasion of these Britaines nakednes. The Romans (it seemes) in their old Consuls times, and after, had not the skill nor vse of Hats, Breeches, &c. That Britaine abounded with wooll and other materials for cloa∣thing, * 1.410is past all doubt, for which cause, by one Pane∣gyrick, it is named Riche in Pasturage, which by ano∣ther is thus explicated, that therein was an infinite multitude of tame cattell both with Vdders full of milke, and loaden with Fleeces to the ground. So then Woll was not wanting, but Will, or Skill, the latter in most like∣lihood: for, as Strabo saith, that though those strut∣ting * 1.411Vdders yeelded great store of milk, yet some of them had not skill to make cheese, and hauing so rich grounds, yet had not the art of tillage, so their sheepe might haue such heauy fleeces, yet some of their Owners no cun∣ning to keepe themselues warme therewith. Some of them, I say; for otherwise, as Pliny, touching Tillage, giues light to Strabo, witnessing, that others of them * 1.412were so good Husbands as to manure their grounds * 1.413with Marle, as likewise doth Dioscorides, saying they had skill to make drinke of Barley: so probable is it, that * 1.414 those other who were by Caesar and Tacitus said to be so like the French in conditions, had also some part of their Art in fitting the Burthen of their Sheepes backes to couer their owne.

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* 1.415 (7) The last reason of such their going nake sometimes, was out of an opinion that no cloathing so adorned them, as their painting and damasking of their Bodies, for which cause (saith Herodian) they * 1.416would not couer themselues, lest then their gay painting * 1.417should not be seene: but Pomponius Mela makes doubt, whether their thus painting themselues were for or∣nament or for some other vse; which doubt Caesar seems * 1.418to resolue, as if the men did it; because it made them looke more terrible in warre.

* 1.419 (8) And thus we are now orderly fallen on the second of those three notes appropriated by Au∣thors to our Britaines, which is their painting and stai∣ning of their Bodies, which appeares by Caesar to haue beene more vniuersally vsed, then going naked, for all the Britaines (saith he) die their bodies with staining. As Authours differ in the reason of this their painting, (as we shewed) so in the name, perchance also in the substance of that wherewith they stained themselues, and somewhat also in the colour it selfe. The substance Caesar calles luteum, which yet in vulgar acception is * 1.420 thought to be some yellow substance, as Pliny cals lute∣um oui, the yolke of the Egge; Pliny himselfe saith the Frenchmen call it glastum, describing it to be an herbe * 1.421like Plantayne, which Oribasius (as learned Cambden sheweth) doth terme Vitrum, in which sense Mela is vnderstood, to say, that they were stained Vitro (and not Vltrò,) it being generally taken to be Woad, from those ancient times hitherto vsed for the surest staine. But for the colour which is made, Caesar and the rest agree, it was Caeruleus, blewish or azure, which colour the Cambro-Britannes doe yet call glace, whence our glasse for windowes (called also vitrum) seemeth by * 1.422reason of the colour, to haue taken name. Onely Pliny leaueth some scruple, in saying, that the naked painted women imitated the Aethiopian colour; which must be vnderstood either comparatiuely, in respect of People white and vnpainted, or because blew a farre-of hath the appearance of blacke.

* 1.423 (9) That the Britaines tooke their Name from

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this painting, hath beene already shewed out of Isi∣dore, * 1.424 who writes, that they had that name from a word of their owne language, wherein Breeth signifieth as much as painted or stained; but whether those other Inhabitants of the more Northerne parts of this I∣land, called also Picti or painted, had their name vpon the same ground, & whether they were some branch of the British stocke, or of some transmarine Colonie, it is a question not yet decided. Pomponius Laetus, and some other, deriue them from Germany, some from the Pictones in France; but Beda, from Scythia, whence saith hec, they are reported to haue come into Ireland in a few long bottomes, and finding no seating there to * 1.425haue entered into Britaine. Though Beda his autho∣ritie be venerable, yet the learned find reasons to in∣duce them rather to beleeue, that they were the re∣maines of those ancient Britaines which either inha∣bited the North-part of this Iland, before the Romanes entrance, or which (vpon their Conquest) fled the∣ther to auoid the Romish yoake, where the difficulties of the aire & soiie protected them from the Romanes * 1.426ambition and inuasion. Whereto Tacitus well accor∣deth, saying, that Agricola droue the Romanes Ene∣mies (he meanes the more vntractable Britaines) into those parts, as it were into another Iland. And it is thought incredible, that those Enemies of the Ro∣manes, who sent forth against Agricola an Army of thirty thousand strong, and who so vexed Seuerus, that in one Expedition he loste seuenty thousand of his Ro∣manes, & their Aiders were so vtterly extinct, as that none of them remained; but that rather they won∣derfully multiplied, being those who afterward much perpllexed and ouerran the Romane Prouince, and to whom (not vnlikely) some other, such as Beda mentioneth, did afterward ioine themselues.

(10) If we would adde reasons vnto Authorities, to proue that these Picts were no other then that multiplied ofspring of those Britaines, we could pro∣duce their * 1.427 language, their manners, their kind of Go∣uernment (all bearing British Resemblance) to con∣firme

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the same. But what neede? since the selfe-man∣ner of painting is an vndoubted marke in the Chil∣dren representing of what Parents they were borne. That they were painted, Claudian shewes, calling * 1.428 them, The Pictes, so truly named; which Isidore well ex∣pounds, The Pictish Nation had their name from their Bodie, depainted with the iuice of an herbe growing a∣mongst them. When therefore the Romanes exclu∣ded them from their other Prouinciall Britaines, this name (Pictes) for distinctions sake was in vse amongst them; before which times, yea and long after, they were knowne to Writers by no other name then Bri∣taines, and the Romaine Emperor, Commodus, Seuerus, Bassianus, Geta, vpon the Conquests of them, instiled themselues Britannici, British (not Pictish) Conquerors. But after the Romane tongue had preuailed with the Romane sword, the Britaines themselues vsed to name any thing painted by the name of Picte; as may bee gathered out of Vegetius, who saith, that the Britanes called certaine Shallops, Picts, because their sailes, tac∣kle, aud Marriners apparell, were coloured blew, the very colour, wherewith these British Pictes (as * 1.429some∣where they are truely called) vsed to staine them∣selues. When afterward the Irish-Scots had confede∣rated themselues with these against the Romanes, they all beganne by degrees to be more ciuilized: the more Southerly of them being by Ninian the Britaine con∣uerted vnto Christ, about the yeere of Grace 430. those other more Northward, by Columbanus Anno 565. by which time, it is likely, that Ciuilitie increa∣sing, their painting and other like ruder Customes were well nigh forgotten, both amongst them, and also amongst those other Britaines vnder the Romanes Gouernment. In which regard we haue besides those praefixed Icones, and Parternes of their first and most sauaged times, here added also their Habits, when they beganne to put on, with conditions, a little bet∣ter cloathing also. * 1.430

(11) Neither may we thinke that formerly they refused such Apparell, onely to shew this staining and

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colouring of their Bodies: for besides it, some other bellishments they had, which they esteemed much more gracefull, then either their painting was, or any * 1.431Cloathes could be. Which of the Britaines, Solinus thus deliuereth: The Country is in part (note that he makes it not generall) inhabited by People barbarous, who by artificial formes of incision haue from their Child∣hood sundry shapes of Beasts depourtraied in their bodies, and as their limmes increase in growth, so doth the pictu∣red worke together therewith, neither doth these wild Peo∣ple boast of any greater kind of patience, then in bearing long-lasting scarres, where the paint had deeply suncke in∣to their sliced flesh. The very parallel whereof is al∣so * 1.432by Isidore set downe touching our Picts whose bo∣dies siced and pinked be an artificiall punchion, did suck in the iuice of the stayning herb, carying these rasures on * 1.433their pictured limmes, as badges of their Noblenes, thus endamasked. Neither only the shapes of Beasts, but of all other things, were so printed in their flesh; * 1.434which Herodian takes to bee the prime reason, why they delighted to goe naked, least they should hide these their pleasing garnishments. Where also by the way may be obserued, since Solinus saith that the bar∣barous onely vsed so to doe, and Herodian, that those who did so, vsed therefore to goe naked; that therefore not the Britaines in generall, but the most barbarous of them vsed to goe naked. And very answerable to * 1.435Solinus, (who elegantly calleth such their figuring of themselues, inscriptis visceribus, a writing on their Bo∣dies,) * 1.436is that of Claudian, Perlegit exanimes Picto mori∣ente figuras, On dying Picts he reades the breathles shapes, as if the beasts so liuely portraited on them, seemed to lie dead together with the murdered bodies of the Picts.

(12) By these varieties of picturing, (if * 1.437 some * 1.438haue not misinformed vs out of their alleaged anci∣ent Authors,) those people so distinguished them∣selues, that the maried weomen were knowne by ha∣uing pictured on their shoulders, elbowes, and knees, the heads of some fierce beasts, as Lions, Gryphens, &c. On their Belly, the Sunne spreading his beames: on their Pappes, Moones and Starres &c. On their armes, thighes, and legges, some other fancies of their owne * 1.439Choice. But for their Virgins, their whole Body was garnished ouer with the shapes of all the fairest kinds of flowers & herbes; which (to speake indifferently) could not but yeeld, though a strange, yet no vnplea∣sing * 1.440aspect. Whereas the Men were (as Caesar speakes) very horrible to bee looked on, hauing all their breast & bodie disfigured with vgly Beasts, Serpents, rauenous Birdes, scales and finnes of fishes &c. In which relation yet, this scruple will not easily be re∣moued (if it bee true, that from their childhood their prints encreased with their bodies) how those, who be∣ing Virgins had no prints but of herbes and flowers, becomming Wiues were so easily transformed either into Beasts or heauenly Creatures.

* 1.441 (13) The later Women, (as you see by the later portraicture,) became farre more modest, that is in∣deed more womenly; hauing learned that then they openly shew most beauty, when openly they shew not their beautie; much lesse should they expose to the view, that which nature most endeuoured to hide, as knowing it least worth the viewing: yea * some obserue that weomen being drowned, natural∣ly * 1.442swimme with their face and foreparts downward, whereas Men doe contrary, as if the impression of modesty were not to leaue a Woman euen after death. Agryppa who mentioneth it, reporteth also of some Matrones, so too-modest, that they chose ra∣ther to die, then to expose some hidden diseases to their Chirurgians view: A point vnfortunately inser∣ted into his witty booke, in praise of women, which he dedicated to Margaret wife to Maximilian (after∣ward Emperour) shee, of womanly bashfulnes choo∣sing rather to die, then to haue her thigh cured, which was broken with a fall from a horse. The picture of this British woman here last deportraied, is framed to that description of the most valient British Lady. Bou∣dicea, of whose braue attempts on the Romanes you shall read more heareafter in the 7. Chapter of the Sixt Booke.

* 1.443 (14) Of which Sex, though naturally the wea∣ker, yet in most Writers their are remembrances of some, whose Actions both politicke and Warlike haue beene no way inferiour to the worthiest Men; as our owne Age hath giuen testimony to the World in a∣nother Great Lady of British race, (the ofspring of the * 1.444valiant and louely Meredicke of Wales,) the glorie of whose Raigne and Regall vertues shall bee as lasting as the World. Whose iust, wise, and resolute kind∣of Gouernement hath iustified that Custome of our old Britains and Picts, of the former of which Tacitus * 1.445 reports, as Beda doth of the later, that they made no dif∣ference of Sexe for the Soueraigne Command, yea and vsed to warre vnder the conduct of women. In which respect though their Ordinary sort of weomen were not im∣ploied in martiall seruices, otherwise then before we shewed in the fourth Chapter, yet because some of the choisest of them haue been so imploied, we haue so deciphered them in their Martiall habit.

* 1.446 (15) For their other habiliments of warre, and the manner thereof, we haue described it in the same 4. Chapter; their fight being (as Diodorus saith) after * 1.447the fashion of the Heroes in the first age of the World, who fought in Chariots; yet on foote also they were most strong (saith Dio) and also most swift; which makes me mar∣uaile * 1.448why Strabo should say, they were pedibus malè suf∣fulti, not strongly vnderpropped; Who also ads that they were (as himselfe obserued at Rome) much tauller then the Gaulles, but yet of no very elegant shape and tim∣ber; Vsing as (Caesar saith) to weare their haire very long and curling, otherwise shauen all their bodie ouer, except onely the vpper lippe. Their weapons (saith Herodian) * 1.449were narrow shields, and short speares, at the end where∣of (saith Dio) was a little bell like a ball, which they * 1.450shooke at their first encounter in Warre for terror of the Enemy. Swords also had they, but short, hanging * 1.451at their naked sides; but helmet and corslet they vsed none, as esteeming them burdens rather then helps in warre. But about their necks they wore a round circle of Iron (as an ornament no lesse esteemed then gold with other Nations) as also about their waste, whereat they hung their skeines: being doubtlesse, a most warlike Nation, (as their posterity haue euer since proued,) and most desirous to spill blood, wherein yet their Ofspring by di∣uine blessing are now most different from their An∣cestors.

Notes

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