Purchas his pilgrimes. part 1 In fiue bookes. The first, contayning the voyages and peregrinations made by ancient kings, patriarkes, apostles, philosophers, and others, to and thorow the remoter parts of the knowne world: enquiries also of languages and religions, especially of the moderne diuersified professions of Christianitie. The second, a description of all the circum-nauigations of the globe. The third, nauigations and voyages of English-men, alongst the coasts of Africa ... The fourth, English voyages beyond the East Indies, to the ilands of Iapan, China, Cauchinchina, the Philippinæ with others ... The fifth, nauigations, voyages, traffiques, discoueries, of the English nation in the easterne parts of the world ... The first part.

THE VOYAGES AND PEREGRINATIONS MADE BY ANTIENT KINGS, PATRIARKES, APOSTLES, PHILOSO∣PHERS, AND OTHERS, TO AND THOROW THE REMOTER PARTS of the knowne World: Enquiries also of Languages and Religions, especially of the moderne diuersified Professions of CHRISTIANITIE. THE FIRST BOOKE. (Book 1)

CHAP. I. A large Treatise of King SALOMONS Nauie sent from Eziongeber to Ophir: Wherein, besides the Typicall Mysteries briefly vnuailed, and many Morall Speculations obserued; the voyage is largely discussed out of Diuine, Ecclesiasticall and Humane Testimonies: Intended as an historicall Preface to the Histories following.

INtending to present the World to the World in the most certaine view, I thought a world of Authors fitter for that [ 50] purpose, then any One Author writing of the World: whose discourse might haply bee more euen, facile, methodicall, and contracted to a more compendious forme; but could not auoid to be dispendioas (if I may so speake) in the mat∣ter, and to suspend the Readers iudgement for the authori∣tie. Oculatus testis vnus praeestat auritis decem.* 1.1 I had rather heare the meanest of Vlysses his followers relating his wanderings, then wander from the certaintie with Ho∣mer after all his readings and coniectures. Lo here then [ 60] (after my Pilgrimage of the former Nature, for such as better like that course) in open Theatre presented a Shew of Discoueries on an English Stage, wherein the World is both the Spectacle and Spectator; the Actors are the Authors themselues, each presen∣ting

his owne actions and passions in that kind, kindly (in generous and genuine History) acting their acts;* 1.2 not affectedly straining, or scenic-all-ly playing their part; the Arts in∣deed of the Poet, Maker, or Composer, aiming at delight more then truth (Populo vt pla∣cerent, quas fecisset Fabulas) seeking to please the vulgar with fabulous wonders, and wonder-foole fables.

And for a Prologue, behold Salomons Ophirian Nauigation, that Worthy of Men, being most worthy to bee Our Choragus, whose ayme is in this long Worke to fetch from Ophir Materialls for the Temples structure, and to edifie Christs Church, with more full and euident knowledge of Gods Workes in the World, both of Creati∣on [ 10] and Prouidence, then any one Naturall or Humane Historian, yea (absit inuidia verbo) then all hitherto in this (perhaps in any) course haue done. I compare not with Aristotle, Plinie, and others in philosophicall and learned speculation of Reason, but in euident demonstration of Sense, and herein (not to vs Lord, not to vs, but to thy Name be giuen the glory) it exceedeth not modesty to speake thus much in behalfe of this cloud of witnesses which we bring, testifying what they haue seen, that these exceed the former in certainty (relating what they haue seene) and in fulnesse (by aduantage of New Worlds found in, and besides the World knowne to them) no lesse then they are exceeded in Anti∣quitie and learning. [ 20]

For mee, I say with Agur, surely I am more foolish then any man, and haue not the vnderstanding of a man in mee;* 1.3 Alas Master (I may proclaime to each Reader) all is borrowed: I neuer trauelled out of this Kingdome (ingenuously I confesse, it is the totall summe of all my Trauell-readings) the Centre of the Worlds good things, and Heart of her happinesse; and yet (yea thereby) haue, as thou seest, conceiued (where Dinahs gadding gained onely losse) and trauelled of a Gad,* 1.4 a Troup of Trauellers; So said Leah, A troup commeth, and shee called his name Gad. And seeing we haue stumbled on that Word, let it be ominous, so others read it Foeliciter, Bagad, being by the Hebrewes resolued into * 1.5 Ba Mazal tob, that is; Good fortune commeth. I am not Leah, I take no such authority [ 30] on mee, but when shee hath left bearing (when better leisures, quicker wits, sounder health, profounder learning, and all abler meanes looke on) let not Iacobs Bed, for the pro∣pagation and edification of the Church, be enuied to Zilpah, Leahs mayd; And let this my Seruice in conceiuing and nursing vp this Gad be accepted of all Iacobs Friends. And that it might bee accepted, I haue begun (Dimidium facti qui bene cepit habet) with the most acceptable Voyages mentioned in the Old and New Testaments; the one a Type of the other; those of Solomon to Ophir, and of the Apostles about the World.

Salomon was first in time, and shall bee first here; the first in all things which vsual∣ly are accounted first, Royaltie, Sanctitie, Wisdome, Wealth, Magnificence, Munificence, [ 40] Politie, Exploits, Renowme: Salomon in all his glory, is prouerbiall, and He first in these by the first and greatest of testimonies;* 1.6 the particulars of Salomons voyage are recorded in the first, best, and more then humane Histories; Yea the things recorded, are first indeed, before other things, yea before and greater then themselues, and that which the First and Last hath said, is true of them all in typicall relation, A greater then Sa∣lomon is here.* 1.7 Let Salomon then, as elsewhere, so here also haue the preeminence; let Salomons name as the Character of peace and happinesse, boad holy, happy, and peaceable successe to this Work; and let Thy Name, O thou Greater then Salomon, grant protection, assistance, & some part of Salomons wisdome and prosperity to our Ophirian voiage, that [ 50] we may buy of thee Gold tried in the fire to make vs rich in grace, so to prepare vs to that holy Ierusalem,* 1.8 descending out of Heauen from God, hauing the Glory of God; a Citie of pure Gold like vnto cleere glasse, where the Lord God Almighty and the Lambe are the Temple, and the Glory of God doth lighten it, and the Lambe is the light thereof. Be thou, O Christ, in this our Nauigation both Load-starre and Sunne, for direction of our course, and knowledge of our true height and latitude: Let our Sayles hoised vp in thy Name, be filled with inspiration of thy Spirit, and aspiration of thy fauour, till they arriue in the Fair-hauens of humane Pleasure and Profit,* 1.9 thy Churches seruice and edifying, Diuine acceptance and glory. Amen, O Amen. [ 60]

O•• S••lomon the holy Scriptures ••aue thus recorded. 1. Kings 9.26, 27, 28. And King Solomon made a Nauie of Ships in Fzion Geber, which is beside Eloth, on the shoare of the Red Sea in the Land of E••o••. A••d Hiram sent in the N••u••e his seruants, Shipmen that had knowledge of the Sea with the

seruants of Solomon. And they came to Ophir and fet from thence Gold 420. Talents, and brought it to King Solomon. And Cap. 10.11. The Nauie also of Hiram, that brought Gold from Ophir brought in from Ophir great plenty of Almug trees and precious stones; 12. And the King made of the Almug trees, Pillars for the house of the Lord, & for the Kings House; Harps also and Psalteries for Sin∣gers: there came no such Almug Trees, nor were seene vnto this day. 13. Now the weight of Gold that came to Solomon in one yeere was 666. Talents of Gold. 15. Besides that he had of the Merchant-men, and of the trafficke of the Spice-Merchants, and of all the Kings of Arabia, and of the Gouernours of the Countrey. V. 21. And all King Solomons drinking Vessells were of Gold, and all the Vessells of the House of the Forrest of Lebanon were of pure Gold: none were of Siluer, it was nothing accounted of in the dayes of Solomon. For the Kings Ships (the cause is added, 2. Chro. 9.21.) went to Tarshish with the [ 10] seruants of Hiram: euery three yeeres once came the Ships of Tarshish, bringing Gold and Siluer; Iuory, and Apes, and Peacockes. 22. And King Solomon passed all the Kings of the Earth in Riches and Wisdome. 26. And hee reigned ouer all the Kings, from the Riuer, euen vnto the Land of the Phili∣stines, and to the border of Egypt. 27. And the King made Siluer in Ierusalem as Stones, and Cedar Trees made hee as the Sycomore Trees, that are in the Low Plaines in abundance.

§. I. The Allegoricall and Anagogicall sense or application of SOLOMONS [ 20] Ophirian Nauigation.

THis is an extract of Solomons Story, so much as concernes our present purpose, the autho∣ritie whereof is Sacred, a Diuine, infallible, inuiolable, and vndenyable veritie; the fitter ground for many high and worthy consequences hereafter to be deliuered. I shall here leaue to the Diuinitie Schooles, in more leisurely contemplation to behold the Allegoricall sense (shall I say, or application?) wherein Solomon seemes to signifie Christ,* 1.10 his Nauy the Church, (long before liuely represented in that first of Ships, the Ark of Noah) which in the Sea of this variable World seekes for the golden Treasures of Wisdome and Knowledge, with (that plentifull riches) the rich plentie of good Workes. The Seruants of Hiram,* 1.11 the Doctors [ 30] chosen out of the Gentiles, with the learned Christian Iewes (the seruants of Solomon) imployed ioyntly in this Ophirian Discouery, thence bring the rich materialls (as the Israelites the Aegyp∣tian spoyles for the Tabernacle, so these) for building and adorning the Temple (the true sense of Scripture) after long absence by a troublesome Nauigation (in the search of Authors Diuine, Ec∣clesiasticall and Humane, an Ocean of toyle) from their homes. For the naturall man, that abides at home in himselfe, and hath not trauelled from his owne Wisdome and Selfe-conceit, knowes not the things of God, nor the great Mysteries of Godlinesse; he must leaue the Land, his Earthly Wisdome (Terrae{que} vrbes{que} recedant) and lanch into the deepe, there hauing his sayles filled with the winde, the illumination of that Spirit, which leads into all truth; the Scriptures being their Card, the faithful heart the Load-stone, Christ himselfe the Load-starre and Sunne of Truth, as before is intimated. [ 40] Thus shall the Temple, and Church of God be edified, enriched, adorned, after wee haue arriued at Ophir, and haue seene our owne weaknesse, and taken paines in myning Gods Treasures, and vn∣dermining our owne hearts, searching and trying our owne and Gods wayes; casting off, and pur∣ging from vs all superfluous Earth, and detaining the Gold and richer Mettall, which wee may carry and present, as the Talents gained by our Talents, in the best improuement of Gods graces, when wee shall returne to our Solomon, the Iudge of quicke and dead, after our Nauigation and earthly Pilgrimage ended. But alas how many make shipwracke of Faith by the way, and either are split on the Rockes of enormous crying Sinnes, or sinke in the smaller innumerable sands of habituall Lusts, couered with the shallowes (meere shadowes) of ciuill Righteousnesse.

Or if you had rather adioyne to the Allegory, the Anagogicall sense and vse; this History [ 50] will appeare also a Mystery and Type of Eternitie. Euery Christian man is a ship, a weake ves∣sell, in this Nauie of Solomon, and dwelling in a mortall body, is within lesse then foure inches, then one inch of death. From Ierusalem the Word and Law of our Solomon first proceeded, by preaching of Solomons and Hirams seruants, the Pastors and Elect vessells to carry his Name, ga∣thered out of Iewes and Gentiles, which guide these Ships through a stormy Sea, beginning at the Red Sea, Christs bloudy Crosse, which yeelded Water and Bloud, till they arriue at Ophir, the communion of Saints in the holy Catholike Church. Thither by the water of Baptisme first, and by the waters of Repentance, drawn out of our hearts and eyes in manifold Mortifications after; (the feare of God beginning this Wisdome, the windy lusts of concupiscence, and vnstable waues of the world in vaine assailing) they attaine in the certaintie of Faith and assurance:* 1.12 where seeking [ 60] for Knowledge as for Siluer, and searching for her as for hidden Treasures, they doe as it were labour in the Mynes for Gold, which they further purifie by experimentall practise and studie of good Workes: yet not in such perfection, but that to this foundation, Gold, Siluer, precious Stones,* 1.13 some Almug trees are added for the Temples Pillars, oftentimes also of our owne, Hay and Stub∣ble, as worse and more combustible matter ioyned; the Iuory, being a dead Bone may serue for a

secular Throne and worldly vse; but here death is dead; the Apes and Peacockes liuely expresse Hypocrisic and worldly pompe, which in the best of Saints vsually leaue some tincture in their voyage for Heauen. In the returne to Solomon, these shall be burnt (as those were by Nebuzara∣dan) but he himselfe shall bee saued;* 1.14 and the former admitted by that Prince of Peace, the Heauen∣ly Solomon to the building of that Temple in the new Ierusalem, for charitie neuer falleth away. This is that holy Citie figured by that of Palestina, where all is brought to Solomon, that God may bee all in all, as the Alpha which set them forth, so the Omega, who hath made all things for himselfe,* 1.15 for whose will and glories sake, all things are and were created: And the Kings of the Earth bring their glory and honour vnto this Citie. Not that hee needs any thing, but that wee need the same, who in seeing him as hee is, doe all partake of his glory. Happy are thy men (may more truly be said of this Solomons seruants) happy are these thy seruants which may stand in thy [ 10] presence and heare thy wisdome:* 1.16 which may enioy eternitie, signified by Gold, which alone of mettalls neither fire, nor rust, nor age consumeth (and this Citie is pure Gold) and that Inheri∣tance of the Saints in light,* 1.17 figured by Siluer, the most lightsome and delightsome of mettalls to the eye. As for precious Stones, the foundations of the Wall of the Citie are garnished with all manner of them.* 1.18 And touching the Almuggim Trees, whereof Solomon made Pillars for the Temple and Psalteries, euery Tree which here beareth good fruit, and euery one that ouercom∣meth, will this Solomon there make a Pillar in the Temple of his God, and hee shall goe no more out. And they shall serue him Day and Night in his Temple, and hee that sitteth on the Throne shall dwell a∣mong them. These haue also the Harps of God, And they sing the Song of Moses, and the Song of the Lamb, nay these are the Psalteries and Harpes, which filled with all fulnesse of God, alway re∣sound [ 20] praises & thanks vnto the King of Saints,* 1.19 and with euerlasting harmony in that Angellical Quire, are tuned with Alleluiah, and Te Deum, and Holy, holy, holy, in fulnesse of ioy at his right hand,* 1.20 and pleasures for euermore. Thus in diuers respects are they both the Citie, and Temple, and Kings and Priests, and Instruments, and all these, and none of these: For I saw no Temple therein, saith that Seer, for the Lord God Almightie, and the Lambe are the Temple of it. Euen God himselfe shall bee with them, and God shall bee all in all: and as hee is incomprehensible, so Eye hath not seene, nor eare hath heard, nor can the heart of man conceiue what God hath prepared for them that loue him: Coeli coelorum Domino, terram dedit Filijs Hominem. And vnmeet is it for me to attempt so high climing.

Not so the Tropologie or Morall vse, not so the History, for our learning wherein the same is [ 30] written. And although the History in Nature should precede, yet because wee intend the Tro∣pologicall sense or application of this History, as a kind of Preface or preamble to the many Hi∣stories ensuing, wee haue here giuen it the first place.

§. II. The Tropologicall vse of the Story; and of the lawfulnesse of Discoueries and Negotiation by Sea.

[ 40]

HErein therefore Solomon may become a wise guide vnto vs, and first by his example teach vs the lawfulnesse of Nauigation to remote Regions. His particular Dominion is Palestina, his subiect Prouinces added, extend not beyond Egypt and the Riuer Eu∣phrates, as is before deliuered. But God which had enlarged Solomons heart with Wis∣dome, did not enlarge it to iniustice by an ouerlarge conscience: and hee which renounced the price of a Dog and a Whore in his offerings, would not permit the Temple, which sanctifieth the offe∣rings, to bee built and adorned with robbery and spoyle. It remaines then that Solomon had a right, not extraordinary as the Israelites to spoyle the Egyptians, by Diuine especiall Precept; but such a right wherein Hiram was interessed also.* 1.21 The Ebrewes might both at Gods command, who is Lord of all, and in Equitie demand wages of the Egyptians for so long and tedious seruice; which [ 50] ••ad not Diuine Precept and power interposed, the same tyranny which had imposed the one, would haue denied the other. But what had the Ophirians wronged Solomon, of whom and whose Countrey they had not ••eard, that thus by a numerous and strong Fleet hee should enter on their Coasts? We must not thinke godly Solomon to be Alexanders predecessour, whom the Poet calls Terrarum fatale malum & sidus iniquum Gentibu••: whom the Pirat accused as the greater, * 1.22 finding no other difference betwixt them, but a smal Ship and a great Fleet. Remot•• iustitia, quid sunt regna saith Augustine, nisi magna latrocinia, quia & ipsa latrocinia quid sunt, nisi parua regna? And before him Cyprian, * 1.23 Homicidium cum admittunt singuli, crimen est, virtus vocatur cùm publicè geritur. Im∣punitatem acquirit saeuitiae magnitudo. Surely Solomons right was his being a Man, which as a wise & a mightie King of Men, hee might the better exercise and execute. For howsoeuer God hath giuen to euery man & to euery Nation, a kind of proprietie in their peculiar possessions; yet there [ 60] is an vniuersall tenure in the Vniuerse, by the Lawes of God and Nature, still remaining to each man as hee is a Man, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as the common or Royall right of the King or State is nei∣ther confounded nor taken away by the priuate proprietie of the Subiect.

True it is that God, which hath made of one bloud all Nations of men for to dwell on all the face of the earth, and hath determined the times appointed, hath also determined the bounds of their habitation. But not so straitly of Negotiation. In Habitation proprietie is requisite, that euery man may sit vnder his owne Vine, and vnder his owne Fig-tree, and drinke the waters out of his owne Cisterne and running waters out of his owne Well, and that they bee onely his owne, and not the strangers with him.* 1.24 But hee that hath made all Nations of one bloud, would still they should bee as fellow members one of another; (a shadow of which was in the Law, permitting to eat in the neighbours Vineyard,* 1.25 but not to carry forth;) and that there should still remaine mutuall Necessitie, the Mother of mutuall Commerce, that one should not bee hungry, and another drunken, but the superfluitie of one [ 10] Countrey, should supply the necessities of another, in exchange for such things, which are here also necessary, and there abound; that thus the whole World might bee as one Body of mankind,* 1.26 the Nations as so many members, the superabundance in each, concocted, distributed, retained or ex∣pelled by merchandising (as by the Naturall bodily Offices and Faculties in nourishment) where∣by not without mutuall gaine One may releeue others Wants. Non omnia possumus omne••▪ may bee said of Arts; Nec vero terra ferre omnes omnia possunt, may bee added of Regions,* 1.27 each Countrey hauing her owne, both Artificiall and Naturall Commodities, whereby to inrich them∣selues with enriching of others. Thus in old times, Tyrus chief Staple of the worlds Merchandise, and consequently chiefe Store-house of the worlds Treasures; (see the same elegantly & particu∣larly disciphered by the holy Ghost) as it receiued from all parts,* 1.28 so when her wares went forth out of the Seas, shee filled many people, and did enrich the Kings of the Earth, with the multitude of her [ 20] riches and merchandise.

And because no one National Law could prescribe in that wherin all are interessed, God himself is the Law giuer, and hath written by the stile of Nature this Law in the hearts of men, called in regard of the efficient, the Law of Nature, in respect of the obiect, the Law of Nations, whereto all Men, Nations, Commonwealths, Kingdomes and Kings are subiect. And as he hath written this Equity in mans heart by Nature, so hath he therfore encompassed the Earth with the Sea, adding so many inlets, bayes, hauens and other naturall inducements and opportunities to inuite men to this mutuall commerce. Therefore hath he also diuersified the Windes, which in their shifting quarrels conspire to humaine trafficke. Therefore hath hee diuided the Earth with so many Riuers, and made the shoares conspicuous by Capes and promontories; yea, hath admitted the [ 30] Sunne and Starres in their direction and assistance vnto this Generall Councell,* 1.29 wherein Nature within vs and without vs, by euerlasting Canons hath decreed Communitie of Trade the world thorow. And thus hath she taught them who had no other instructor,* 1.30 with dislike and disdaine to admire at such immanity & inhumanity, Quod genus hoc hominum, quaeue hunc tam barbara mo∣rem, Permittit patria? hospitio prohibemur arena! yea whereas by Nature the Earth was common Mother, and in equall community to be enioyed of all hers.* 1.31

Nam propriae telluris herum Natura nec illum, Nec me, nec quenquam statuit:

and howsoeuer this case is since altered in this ele∣ment, lest the idle should liue on the sweate of others browes: yet the other and nobler elements still remaine in greatest part in their originall communitie,* 1.32 and cannot so fully bee appropria∣ted [ 40] to priuare possession, since the supposed Golden age is vanished, and this Iron (or golden in another sence) hath succeeded. Yea, then also the house, wife, children,* 1.33 and such things as are wasted or growne worse in the vse, as meate, drinke, apparell, were appropriate and priuate chat∣tels to the possesser, howsoeuer things immoueable continued the freehold of euery man in the common tenure of common humanity, as still in the life of Brasilians and other Sauages in the fol∣lowing relations is to be seene. By humaine 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and diuine dispensation the Earth was diui∣ded among the Sonnes of Noah.

Communemque prius ceu lumina solis & aurae.* 1.34 Cautus humum longo signauit limite messor.

Thus some things became publike, that is, proper to the Kingdome, State, or Nation:* 1.35 other [ 50] things priuate, as each mans possession, and that also in differing degrees, as the Commons, and Champaine Countries with vs in their differing tenure from grounds inclosed, doe manifestly enough argue. But since that diuision of Languages and Lands; the Poet still proclaimes Na∣tures right,

Quid prohibetis aquas? vsus communis aquarum est. Nec solem proprium Natura nec Aera fecit, Nec tenues vndas. In publica munera veni.

and another:

—Cunctis vndamque auramque patentem.

These so farre as they haue not by possession of other men before,* 1.36 or otherwise by their own Nature cannot be appropriated, are Natures Commons, which both Free-holders as Men, and [ 60] Coppie-holders, as other liuing creatures, Beasts, Fishes, Fowles, and creeping things according to their seuerall kinds do communicate in. If any quarrell this poeticall Proofe; I answere that they were Natures Secretaries in the cases of Reason, and the Common Law of Humanitie, which hauing not the Law, were a Law to themselues,* 1.37 and in like cases therefore produced as good euidence

by the Planter of the Gospel, and Doctor of the Gentiles. And if we will surmount Reason, and appeale to diuine censure,* 1.38 what need we other testimonie then this of Salomon in his best times, and for his best act, imitated herein (though with vnlike successe) by godly Iehoshaphat? These things are also written for our learning to the ends of the World, that wise, magnanimous, fortunate, peaceable and godly Kings might propound this patterne to their industries. Yea, more then in Salomons time is this lawfull to Christian Kings, in regard that the Iewish Pale is downe, and the Church is Catholike, not appropriated to One people, or circumscribed in a circumcised corner, or swadled in a small Cradle, as in that infancie of the C••rcumcision; but open and common to the Communitie of Mankind, to which in this last Age no better meane is left then Nauigation and commerce; wherein though the most aime at gaine, yet God that can raise of stones children to A∣braham, [ 10] and made Dauids Conquests and Salomons Discoueries seruiceable to the Temple, can n•• lesse conuay the Gospel then other Wares into those parts, to whome hee hath giuen such rich attractiues in the East and West, perhaps that this negotiation might further another, in barter and exchange of richer treasures for their temporall.

He which brought the Northerne people being then Pagans, into the Roman Empire, to make them Lords of it and Subiects to him, can of Merchants allured with Gold, make, or at least send with them, Preachers of his Sonne. And if the Deuill hath sent the Moores with damnable Mahumetisme in their merchandizing quite thorow the East, to peruert so many Nations with thr••ldome of their states and persons, out of the frying panne of Paynim Rites, into the fire of Mahumetrie: Shall not God be good to Israel, and gracious to the ends of the earth, so long since giuen in inheritance to his Sonne? [ 20]

§. III. The Tropologicall or Morall vse enlarged and amplified; and a view taken of Mans diuersified Dominion in Microcosmicall, Cosmopoliticall, and that spirituall or heauenly right, ouer himselfe and all things, which the Christian hath [ 30] in and by Christ.

GEnerall Rules haue exceptions. Salomon was iust and wise, well knowing the diffe∣rence of Ezion-Geber and Ophir, and that difference of Dominion which God (that made Man after his Image) hath giuen vs ouer the Creatures, diuersified both in the subiect and obiect. E Coelo descendet 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, was written in Adam by Crea∣tion, in Salomon by Reuelation, before Nature suggested that sentence to Chilo, or the Delphian Deuill (the Ape of Diuinitie) had caused it to be written in Golden Letters on the Front••spice of that Temple. To know a mans selfe aright is annexed to the knowledge of God (in whom wee liue, mooue, and are, of whom and for whom are all things) not his essence, but his expressed Image [ 40] thereof in his workes, of which, Man is in this World the principall; what hee hath receiued, what he hath lost, what he retaineth by Nature, and what he recouereth, and more then recoue∣reth by grace, in and of that diuine resemblance. In the first state all men had a naturall right in common ouer the creatures.* 1.39 But the Deuill (the greatest Incloser) by sinne inclosed these Com∣mons of Humanitie, and altered their tenure from Fee Simple, to meere Villenage: yet so (God in iustice remembring mercie) that some ruines remaine since the fall, not only in the faculties and substance of bodie and soule, but in the personall rights also ouer torpid, vegetatiue, and all vnrea∣sonable creatures, continued to him by that Charter of Reason, which in so well ordered furni∣ture, and so well furnished order as the name 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and mundus import, could not but haue beene confounded, if both the immortall and spirituall part in himselfe, should not haue exercised do∣minion [ 50] in some kind ouer the mortall and bodily; and if in the greater World, the reasonable should not haue disposed of the vnreasonable. As for the conformitie of mans will and actions to God and right, vsing of that right ouer the creature, to the sole glory of the Creator (to whom man is s••bordinate, as the creature to him) this was by the cracke of our earthen Vessell in Mans Fall lost, and as a more subtile and spirituall liquor, ranne out. Yet still remaine in this de∣faced Image some obscure lineaments, and some embers raked vp in the ashes of Mans consump∣tion, which being by naturall diligence quickned, giue liuely expressions of God; and where su∣pernaturall worke recouereth, are more then recouered, internally and inchoatiuely in the state of grace, externally also and eternally in that perfection of glorie.

Hence ariseth to a man a threefold tenure, more and more excellent then any which Littleton [ 60] hath related▪* 1.40 a Microcosmicall in respect of our selues; a Cosmopoliticall in regard of the World; a Catholike, Spirituall, and Heauenly in relation to Christ the Head, his Bodie the Church, and that euerlasting inheritance; besides that (which is the last and least of all) in reference to Politicall

Law and Societie. The first originall of all dominion and right is GOD, who is Lord of all, whose Image as is said is imprinted on and in Man, as otherwise so in this Lordship or right, which he hath first in and on himselfe Microcosmically in the members of his bodie,* 1.41 as the Regi∣ons of this Selfe-kingdome; where the continuall Court of Conscience, the large iurisdiction of Rea∣son (without which a man is, as suspended from the power of himselfe, termed impos sui, besides himselfe, as in drunkennesse and madnesse) the freedom of the Will (which is no longer will, then wil∣ling and cannot be constrained) the Naturall, and Vitall actions wrought within vs, (and yet without vs, without our owne knowledge or direction, and much lesse subiect to the correction of others) the Animall also in externall and internall senses, which cannot but exercise their fa∣culties vpon their due obiects: these all proclaime that the poorest Slaue is Lord by diuine grant, [ 10] euen since the fall, of no lesse then this little-World; yea, while he obeyeth others, he commands himselfe to that obedience; in which selfe-commands is the true exercise of vertue or vice. This Inheri∣tance and Dominion is so naturall that it cannot be alienated, without confiscation of the whole to the eternall giuer of whom he holds it. For euen in and by his eternall Law, is this made the rule of all righteousnesse, to doe as we would be done to, to loue our Neighbours as our selues; and if there were no power in and of our selues, there could neither be vertue nor vice in louing or ha∣ting our Neighbour: if no freedome of will and affections, no reward with God or man; if no gouernment of mans selfe reserued, Martyrs of all men were the most monstrous, which for o∣beying God rather then man, are the most honoured and admired. Once; subiection to God is abso∣lute; to Princes as they are called Gods, and yet die like men, with reseruation; for conscience of [ 20] Gods Commandement, where his reuealed will to the contrary frees not; and yet euen then we must by suffering doe the will of Superiours, thereby to shew our fidelitie in keeping Gods Prouiso, though with losse, of our Wils where we loue, and our liues where wee feare; shewing that we loue & feare him most of all, which yet were neither loue, nor feare, nor vertue,* 1.42 without this liberty of wil and power in our selues. He that ruleth his owne mind is better then hee that w••n∣neth a Citie. This is the greatest conquest, the greatest possession to be master of thy selfe. Nor is this power absolute to our selues ouer our selues: Wee are not our owne, wee are Gods who hath created vs; our Parents which haue procreated vs, our Countries which sustay∣neth vs, our Kings which maintayneth vs; our Neighbours in common humanity: to neglect a Mans fame or life, (much more prodigally to reiect them) is to robbe all these of their [ 30] due in vs.* 1.43

But in Christians it were a deeper Sacriledge: they are not their owne, they are bought with a price (the greatest of prices, the bloud of God) they are gained by conquest, Christ ha∣uing bound the strong man and spoiled his goods; they are giuen by the Father for the Sonnes Inheritance, and in Baptisme haue by mutuall Couenant,* 1.44 giuen ouer themselues to his ser∣uice. The freedome which Christ hath purchased for vs, doth yeeld Libertie, not Licen∣tiousnesse; frees not from duties, to doe what wee lust, but makes vs haue a lust to doe our duties; sweetly inclining the Wil, and renewing the Minde to esteeme the Seruice of God, and of men for his sake, the greatest freedome. Hee then that is Christs, is a new Crea∣ture, to which, bondage or freedome and other worldly respects,* 1.45 are meere respects and cir∣cumstances. [ 40] For hee that is bond, is the Lords freeman, and hee that is free, is the Lords Ser∣uant. It is the Deuils Sophistry, as to separate what hee hath ioyned, so to confound what hee hath distinguished; and it is obseruable, that the Pope and the Anabaptist, which are brethren in this Iniquity, haue first denied their Baptisme, the Seale of their Christianitie. For these many rights doe not subiect vs to many Masters, but subordinate our subiection in the beautie of order. Euen in Politicall or Ciuill right One may be Lord of the Fee; another of the Soile; a third of the way by ingresse, egresse, regresse; a fourth, hath right in the same ground, in time of Faire or Market; the whole Vicinity in Commoning * 1.46 times; and others other wayes: all whose Rights, are subiect to the Right Royall, and Souereigne.

And if in proprietie of strictest Nature, there may bee such communitie of subordinate rights without tumultuous crossing or pernicious confusion, how much more in things more spirituall, [ 50] and more easily communicable? In which respect, the Philosophers, held themselues of them∣selues compleate, and (in whatsoeuer state) sapientem seipso contentum esse, not dependant (where he is properly a man) of other men of the World:* 1.47 not contracting him intra cutem suam (to vse Senecaes words) in this Microcosmicall happinesse, but needing the Cosmopoliti∣call helpe ad viuendum, not ad beate viuendum; to liue at least, howsoeuer to liue well,* 1.48 a sound heart and good conscience are sufficient; to the other food and raiment are necessary, to this ex te nescentia bona: the best societie is of vertuous thoughts which make men, as Scipio said, nunquam minus solos quam cùm soli, nec minus otiosos quàm cùm otiosi sint, but vicious company (as the company of Vices) are the most horrid and desolate Wildernesse. No exile can depriue a [ 60] man of this Citie, no Prison of this Societie, no Pillage of these Riches, no bondage of this Libertie.

In this sence Socrates said he was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 all places his Countrie, all men his Countrimen; in this, Bias, when he had lost all by fortune of warre, carried all his away with him: in this,

Zeno, maruelled at nothing neither in Nature, whose depths cannot be searched, nor in Fortune, whose possibilitie of most licentious effects must be the glasse to view our owne fortune,* 1.49 and to make that light by long premeditation, which others doe by long suffering: in this, Seneca, Coe∣lo tegitur qui non habet vrnam; in this, another Seneca teacheth, Cum Orientem Occidentem{que} In∣straneris animo, cum tot animalia, tantam copiam rerum quas Natura beatissime fundit, aspexeris; emit∣tere hanc Dei voce in omnia mea sunt; in this, Diogenes when Pirats exposed him to sale, profes∣sed his art was to rule men, and bad them sell him to Xeniades, for he needed a Master; from whom when his friends would haue redeemed him, he refused, saying, Lions were Masters, and not seruants of them which fed them;* 1.50 in this, the Stoicks called their poorest Wiseman, rich, free, a King, in this sense Socrates with whom we began, said if his fortune would not sute and sort to [ 10] him, he would make himselfe sutable to his fortune.

So long as life lasteth and humanitie continueth, they are vniuersall possessors of the Vniuerse, in which kind, Aristotle ha••h left more memorable Monuments of Contemplation, then Alexan∣der of Conquest: Natures commons, the Sun, Stars, Heauens, Aire, are common, at least to their mindes in vtmost of miseries, and with internall plentie they supply all externall defects. In this Miscrocosmicall and Cosmopoliticall Wealth, consisted all the Philosophers estate and reuenue, which they called Vertue and Moralitie: which made them Masters of themselues, and there∣by of the World, the iust Circle of the Centre of Humanitie, for which it was created. These things (me thinkes) I see not without pittie, nor can resemble Them more fitly then to Horses of excellent courage; but hood-winked so, that some little transparence of light makes them more importunate to others mischiefes, and their owne praecipice (whence Philosophers haue been [ 20] called Patriarchs of Heretikes) or else like Mil-horses to compasse with this Worlds Wheele the immoueable Centre of Natures corruption,* 1.51 to which they are subiect, no lesse then others which worke at a Querne, and stand still at their Hand-mill, by a larger circumference alway moouing,* 1.52 promouendo nihil, proceeding in true freedome nothing at all. If the Sonne make you free, you shall be free indeed. These, to make the noblest comparison may seeme starres, children of the night, which in their Moralitie gaue rayes of light that to the World made them eminent Ornaments,* 1.53 and may make many of vs ashamed, which in the Daies Sun-shine of the Gospell loue and liue darknesse, and like Owles, Bats, and wild Beasts, hide our selues studiously from the Sun, flie abroad and prey in the darke, fashioning our selues to this World, haue our cogitations and [ 30] conuersations darkened. CHRIST is neuerthelesse to all that haue eyes to see, the Sunne of Righteousnesse, by whome wee are by Regeneration translated from the power of darknesse, and made the children of the day; that wee may know what wee worship, and whom we haue beleeued, not so much talking as walking, euen in this bodily prison, these liberties of the Gospell, being truly (though yet in the imperfect grouth of infancie) restored to our selues, to the World, yea to a more glorious state, whereof Nature could not so much as dreame; that wheras Man had lost both the former by suggestion of Euill, Deuil-Angels, Christ hath exalted farre aboue all Heauens visible, to supply these Thrones of Dominion, which those rebellious Thrones and Dominions lost. The euidence whereof we haue by Faith and Hope, our Head already hauing taken Liuerie and Seisin, and from thence liuing in vs, actuating and moouing vs by his [ 40] Spirit, preparing vs in this fight of militant grace to that light of triumphant glorie.

Euen these first fruits are sweet and solid; I haue learned (saith our Apostle) in whatsoeuer state I am,* 1.54 therewith to be content. And I know both how to be abased, and I know how to abound, euerie where and in all things, I am instructed both to be full and to be hungrie, and to abound and haue need. I am able to all things through Christ strengthning me. This was the true riches not in the Chist, but in the heart, which therefore neither men nor Deuils could take a way. And see his Degrees in this Schoole; first 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I haue learned this Discipline, not in the Schoole of Nature but of Grace, for we are all taught of God: secondly, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 this Science, I know: whereas the wisest of Philosophers professed to know but this one thing that hee knew nothing: thirdly 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and without all con∣trouersie this is a great mysterie of godlinesse, in which the naturall man is not initiated, hee knowes [ 50] not the things of God, nor can know them, for they are foolishnesse to him; but the vnction of the Spi∣rit only enters men in these mysteries (which the word signifieth) after which followes in due or∣der,* 1.55 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. I am able to all things, to doe, to suffer all things, (and therefore Lord of him∣selfe and of the World) but 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Christ enabling; without me saith Christ, yee can doe nothing; and not I, saith Paul but the grace of God in me: whereas those Phi∣losophers hauing no stocke, but their owne, were poore Pedlers, not Royall Merchants, which would seeme to flie but wanted wings, yea life.

And as for this CHRISTIAN selfe and World, and Heauen-interest, it troubles not, interme∣dles not,* 1.56 disturbes not Earthly possessions and powers, for the greatest is a seruant of all, and hee is often poore in secular sense which makes many rich, as hauing nothing, euen then when he possesseth [ 60] all things. Am I not free? haue we not power? saith Paul, Who when he was free from all, made him∣selfe the seruant of all that he might gaine the more; not (as they) running quasi in incertum, and figh∣ting quasi aerem verberans,* 1.57 but in this freedome and rule of the Spirit, beating downe and subdu∣ing the bodie of flesh and mortifying his earthly members, not seeking his owne but the good of others:

As I please all men in all things (lawfull, for of other things he saith, if I should please men,* 1.58 I should not be the seruant of Christ) not seeking mine owne profit, but of many, that they may bee saued. The contempt of riches and greatnesse is the most compendious way to bee rich and great (the con∣tempt I meane, which proceeds from content, not that of the vnthankfull prodigall, nor of the desperate begger) and he can neuer be poore that hath Christ, himselfe, and all things in present possession; God and Heauen in reuersion. This, this is that which lifts vp his thoughts, and so fils them with the fulnesse of God, that he neglects these bas••r and truly inferior matters; and,* 1.59 that which others are vitiously, hee is (and it is his vertue to bee) couetous, voluptuous, ambitious, but the obiects are righteousnesse, ioy in the Holy Ghost, and the Kingdome of Heauen.* 1.60

This whole Globe of Earth and Waters, seemes great to them that are little, but to thoughts [ 10] truly great and like to God, it holds its true place, price, quantitie, that is, the lowest, basest, least. Quid e•• potest videri magnum in rebus humanis, cui aeternitas omnis, totiusque Mundi nota sit magnitud••? said the Orator. Hoc est p••nctum, quod inter tot gentes ferro & igni diuiditur. O quàm ridiculi sunt m••rtalium termini? said Seneca.* 1.61 Scipio was ashamed of the Roman Empires point of this point: and another (haec est materia gloriae nostrae, hic tumultuatur humanum genus, &c.) is ashamed of this stirre for earth by foolish man, not considering quota terrarum parte gaudeat, vel cùm ad mensuram auaritiae suae propagauerit, quam tandem portionem eius defunctus obtineat. Horum agrorum possessione te effers, qui nulla pars sunt terrae? said Socrates to Alcibiades bragging o•• his lands, which yet in an vniuersall Map hee could not shew: whereas the Vniuerse it selfe is not [ 20] large enough to bee the Mappe of the Christians inheritance, whose are the world, and life,* 1.62 and death, and things present and things to come, all are theirs; the third Heauen and Paradise of God their Patrimonie; the Angels their Gard (are they not all ministring spirits sent forth for their sakes that are heires of saluation?) the Deuils, the World, Sinne, Death and Hell their triumph; Paul, Apollo, Cephas, all the Worthies, Elders, Senators & Patres Conscripti of the celestiall Ieru∣salem, those first-borne, whose names are written in Heauen, their Kindred, Brethren,* 1.63 fellow Citi∣zens, fellow members; Christ himselfe their head, their life; and God their portion, their excee∣ding great reward, their owne God amongst them, in a tenure like himselfe,* 1.64 eternall and vnspeakably glo∣rious. The degrees of this Scala Coeli, are mentioned by Paul, b 1.65 All are yours, and you Christs and Christ Gods, and this the descent of our right, God, Christ, all things; God gaue all to his Sonne, [ 30] his Sonne with all to vs. Christ with his bodie is the Centre, and God the Circumference of this mysticall Corporation.

Rowze vp then thy thoughts, O my Soule, let these worldly Pismires toile about their Hils, and busie Bees about their Hiue; and let them in Courts and Suits, where Forum c 1.66 litibus mugit in∣sanum, contest about the shadow of the Asse. Shadowes; obscure & darke shadowes are Time of Aeter∣nitie, Motion of immutabilitie, Earth, of Heauen; and in a vaine shew or shadow walks he, disquieting himselfe in vaine, that heaps vp riches and knowes not who shall gather them. All that I see is mine, said the Philosopher: Foolosopher! that I see not is mine, things seen are temporall, things not seen are e∣ternall; my faith is the euidence of things not seene, my hope were not hope if seene,* 1.67 and my Charitie mind the things aboue, & out of sight, where Christ my loue (so Ignatius called him) sits at the right [ 40] hand of the God of loue, which is loue. And yet if I affect shadowes, this Sunne yeelds so farre to my yet weaker and grosser bodily affects, and whiles it thus shines on my soule, by grace it makes the shadowes as moouing indices of time attend my bodie, this being the prerogatiue of Christian godlinesse, to haue the promises of this life, and that which is to come. Sure if I were in the starrie Hea∣uen, with mortall eyes I could not thence in such distance be able to see this small Globe, whence I see so small the greatest starres,* 1.68 whence the light of the World and King of starres (so much neerer in place, greater d 1.69 in quantitie, more vi••ible in qualitie) seeemes as little, as the head that viewes it. And should this Earth which cannot there be seene, so Eclipse my lower Moon-like borrowed beames by interposition, that all should be shadow in a double night and twofold darknesse? No, No, I will get vp thither, euen far••e aboue my selfe, farre aboue all Heauens, (say not in thine heart, who shall ascend into Heauen? that is to bring Christ from aboue) and thence [ 50] with a spirituall and heauenly eye looke on earth, and not here and hence with a carnall and sen∣suall eye looke on Heauen (this makes the heauenly bodies little, the great light of Heauen eclip∣sed, not in it selfe, but to me by euery interposed Moone, and the Heauen of Heauens wholy, inui∣sible) so shall it not annoy my sense; so shall not my sense of earth annoy my reason; so shall not my reason perplexe my faith, but I shall vse it as not vsing, as not abusing it, to helpe and not to hin∣der my present Pilgrimage.

And thinke not that we speake impossibilities: of euery Christian it is said, conresuscita••it & consedere fecit in coelestibus in Christo Iesu; and we are 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,* 1.70 planted together into the similitude of his resurrection by Baptisme, both in regard of the imputation and infusion. If this high My∣sterie [ 60] be hid, yet, as when thou hast viewed the Sunne, it makes thee vncapeable of seeing the earth, either at that time or for a space afterwards: so the soule that often by deuout contem∣plation is accustomed to view this Sunne, neither can then equally, nor cares much to fixe his eyes on earthly delights after, but hauing drunke of these heauenly waters, is not very thirstie of these muddie Springs, and of troubled Ale after such generous Wines. These things are indeed

effected by degrees, nor can we at once leape from the Cradle to the Saddle, and I suspect the forward Herculean hands that can so soone with new-borne gripes strangle old Serpents: yet is not the Christian alway a Dwarfe, but still growes vp in grace, and is euer growing into him which i•• the head,* 1.71 CHRIST. He is the Alpha and Omega, hee is Lord of all as the Son and Heire, of Man, the World and Heauen; and he with all this right is giuen vnto vs, inhabiting, purifying, quickning Mans heart by faith; whence he also is Microcosmically Master of him selfe, Cosmopoli∣tically of the World, in Catholike Christianitie heire of Heauen; All, of, in, by and for Christ, to whom be glory for euer. Amen.

[ 10]

§. IIII. The Christian and Philosopher compared in that challenge to be rich, free▪ a King▪ that this hinders not but furthers Politicall subiection: and of the happy combination of wisdome and royaltie in SALOMON, as likewise in our dayes.

ALL Arts are but the supply of Natures defects, to patch vp her ragged and worne rents, to couer rather then to cure or recouer Mans fall; euen that King of Arts, the Politicall Art of Kings, is not heire by whole bloud; but the gift of God, begotten since [ 20] the fall, and abundantly argues our vnrulinesse otherwise, which must haue Lords and Lawes to rule vs. By like fauour of God, least mans dissolution should bring a desolation, came in Politicall tenure and Ciuill state and Right amongst men. The lest possession is this, which wee call our proper, as being no part of our selues, and a small part of the smallest part of the Vniuerse: greater is the Vniuerse it selfe, and the greatest right thereto is that which is most vniuersall, whereof the soule is only capable; greater then the greater World is this Little, for whom that was made, yea, for whom the Word, the maker of both was made flesh; and as in it selfe, so also to vs,* 1.72 whom little it aduantageth to winne the whole world and loose our owne soules: greatest of all and Greatnesse it selfe is God, the lot of the Christians inheritance and the portion of his cup, to whom the Father hath giuen the Sonne, and with him all things. These things may concurre and [ 30] did in Salomon, without confusion; that the three last may also be separated from the first, and that subsist without the least knowledge of these last, is a true conclusion. And how many haue much in Politicall and Ciuill possession, which are had and held of the things they haue and hold, as the price of their freedom, not so much as dreaming of any other tenure but propriety, laughing at the Philosopher,* 1.73 and raging at the Christians farther challenge, which yet disturbes not (as not a worldly tenure) Propriety but that positiue sicut erat in principio, (in the fuit of mans incorrupted nature) is now comparatiuely more certaine, more ample by faith, and shall be in saecula saeculorum a superlatiue of fullest happinesse. Euen still proprietie in strictest sence, is the Subiects state and that with many subdiuisions and diuersifications; a higher and vniuersall right appertaineth [ 40] in each mans proprietie to the King, as Lord of all. That naked Cynike, that neither had house nor dish, not only compared himselfe with Alexander, (in emulation of his great Titles, proclay∣ming I am Diogenes the Dogge) but euen great Alexander, had he not beene Alexander, professed hee would wish to bee Diogenes. Neither feare nor desire could any whit dazzle him in that Royall lustre, but beeing questioned by Alexander, if hee feared him not, asked if hee were good or bad; beeing answered, good; and who (saith he) is afraid of good? being bid¦den aske, hee desired no-thing but the restitution of the Sunne which his interposition had taken from him; insinuating a greater riches in Natures inheritance, then in the greatest Kings beneficence; and in his owne mind, then in the Others spatious Empire. Plus era•• quod hic nollot accipere, (saith Seneca) quam quod ille posset dare. Nor had Greece alone such spirits: Calanus in India was more admired of Alexander, then the King of him. Corpora, [ 50] saith he in his Epistle to Alexander, transferes de loco ad locum, animas non coges facere, quod no∣lunt, non magis quam saxa, & ligna vocem emittere. I speake not, as approouing these men in all their speeches and actions:* 1.74 but if they could doe so much in that twilight of Nature, how much more may Christians aspire vnto, on whom, as is said before, the Sun of righteousnesse is risen? These indeed are Children of the day, which know how to honour the King, in that feare of God, which is the beginning of wisdome; which the Cynikes, Gymnosophists and Sto••kes, not hauing at∣tained, dreamed in their night, and did those things rather as men talking and walking in their sleepe, then as men truly knowing what they said and did. Like these Ophyrians wee write of, which possessed much Gold, but Salomon alone knew how to bestow it on the Temple, which sanctifieth the Gold. And yet how farre did these Philosophers Dreames exceed the seeming wa∣king [ 60] and watchfull cares of Croesus and Crassus (which rather in troubled, fe••erous, phrenzie, or Opium sleepes were more fatally perplexed) esteeming Vertue the truest treasure; and Riches ra∣ther to consist in needing little, then holding much, and a contented mind to bee a surer Cosser; then

the bottomlesse Bags of insatiate Auarice; and Natures commons of the Heauens and Elements to be greater possessions, then a few handfuls of inclosed dust; more admiring the Physicians skill,* 1.75 then the Druggists shop full of simples, or the Apothecaries of medicines; more ioying in, more enioying (as the members of the body) the publike then the priuate wealth, more the contempla∣tion, whereby the minde reasonably vseth all things, euen those of others, without further cares, then that proprietie whereby the sense distinguisheth the owner, and addes to this little owne, the great cares of getting▪ keeping, spending, and no lesse feares of loosing, yea (in many a Tantalus) of vsing, as if he were the Gaoler rather then Owner of that wealth which hee lades with Irons and strangles in his Iron Chest, for no other fault, but calling such a Mizer, Master. Quibus hoc sor∣dibus [ 10] emit vt fulgeat? vigilat in pluma; Nec intelligit miser speciosa esse sibi supplicia, & possideri ma∣gis quàm possidere diuitias. The wise man is like Isaac in whom Abrahams seede is called, whom he makes his heire: but these which are called rich, are sometimes like Ismael, thrust out of all; at the best, like the Sonnes of the Concubines, to whom Abraham gaue gifts and sent them away: the Minde, as that which alone is immortall, hath state of perpetuity and inheritance, the Sense in her propriety is capable onely of gifts and moueables.

From this glimpse of reason did those Philosophers the sonnes of Nature (how much more should we the Sons of the free women?) attribute libertie and a Kingdome to their Wise man. Saint Paul more fully, Iusto non est lex posita. Saint Ambrose laden with the spoiles of these Egyptians, therewith adornes the Christian Tabernacle. He is a free man saith he, which doth a 1.76 what he w••ll, [ 20] ^b and liues as he pleaseth, nor can be forced to any thing: now the wise man wils that which is good, hates the euill; not for feare but for loue, obeieth the commandement; seekes not to please the vncertaine vulgar, but his minde hangs euenly in the ballance poized with the sheckle of the sanctuary; not forced by Law, but he is la•• to himselfe, and hath the same written not in tables of stone, but in fleshie tables of the heart,; not fearing the Law, because his debts are acquitted, and can∣not therefore be arrested; not seruant to any, yet making himselfe the seruant of all, for their good; whose seruice to God doth not consume but consummate his libertie, for Gods seruice is perfect freedome; to whom when all things are lawfull, yet nothing is lawfull that is not expedient, that edifies not; who abides founded and grounded on Christ the rocke, and therefore feares not the swel∣ling waues, nor raging windes, fluctuates not with euery blast of doctrine: is not puffed with pros∣perity, [ 30] deiected with aduersity, but like Ioseph (which bought those that bought him, euen all the land of Egypt besides, for Pharao, after himself had bin sold for a slaue) abides himself in whatsoeuer changes of fate and state. He hath subordinated his will to Gods will, and if hee will haue him doe or suffer any thing, possesse or loose either himselfe or ought he hath, it shall be his will also. This made Iob abide himselfe, when he was shaken, and as it were thunderstricken out of all at once: yea, by a sacred antiperistasis he ga••hered his spirits together and not onely not blasphemed, but blessed; then and therefore blessed God, who is no lesse good in taking then in giuing, who hath loued vs and giuen himselfe for vs, before he takes ought from vs, yea therefore takes this that he might giue that (both himselfe and our selfe) to vs. He that looseth his life findes it, and hee that denieth himselfe and his owne will, pu•••• off the chaines of his bondage, the slauery to innumerable [ 40] tyrants, impious lusts, and is thus a free man indeede, freed from the diuell, the world, himselfe, breathing the free ayre of heauen in the lowest and darkest dungeon, yea in the closest of prisons (his owne body) closely by contemplation conue••es himselfe forth to fetch often walkes in the Paradise of God. Once, he loues Christ, hee liues Christ, and therefore cannot be compelled by another, will not be compelled and mastered by Himselfe, longs to be more and more impelled by that Spirit (which sweetly forceth into the desired hauen) and to be drawne by the Father that he may be enabled to follow the Sonne, with whom he is vnable to hold pace; and fearing because he loues, thus desires helpe, that (be it by stripes, or threates, or other tentations) his feete may be made more sure, more swift. He feares God, and therefore feares nothing. And whereas hee that committeth sinne is the seruant of sinne, he is thus not onely set free by Christ, but more high∣ly [ 50] dignified and made a King and Priest to God. He daily sacrificeth praiers, praises, good workes, his owne liuing body in reasonable seruice, not the bodies of dead and vnreasonable beasts; hath al∣way the doore of the heauenly pallace, the eare of the heauenly King open to his intercessions. He is also a King ouer himselfe (a little world, a great conquest) ouer Fortune the magnified Lady of the greater World (which he frames to his owne manners; and if he cannot bend it to h••s will, knowes how to bend his will to it) ouer the Diuell, the God of the World; ouer Death, which hee makes (as Sapores did the Roman tyrant Valerian, and Tamerlane the T••rkish Baiazeth) his foot∣stoole, or stirrop to mount vp to a higher and better life, and like Dauid cuts off the head of this Gyant (which hath defied all the armie of Mankinde) with his owne sword: hee is (a King) ouer the world, which he neither loues (for his heart and treasure is in heauen) nor feares (for what can [ 60] it doe at the worst, but further his heauenly happinesse) nor fashions himselfe to it, but it to him∣selfe, vsing it as not vsing it, not setting his heart on it, for the fashion of this world passeth away, as a Scene, where he but acts a while his part; and a strange Country thorow which he trauelleth to his true home; where his King is gone before to prepare a place for him, and leauing the earnest of his spirit with vs, hath taken our earnest, our flesh, there to take possession, to make intercessi∣on

in the presence of God for vs. Our Head is there already which cannot so farre degenerate as to neglect his body, the reall and liuing parts of Himselfe, the fulnesse of him that fils all in all things:* 1.77 This Kingdome is not meate and drinke, pompe and splendor, and much lesse intruding into the secrets, obtruding on the scepters of their soueraignes, but righteousnesse, peace, and ioy in the holy Ghost, which the Philosophers knew not, and whatsoeuer they haue challenged (as à Ratione Re∣ges) yet in comparison of true Christian•• they were but as Kings in a Play (as Plutarch said of the Stoickes) which talked, stalked, walked on their Stage, and acted that part which in deede and in spirituall right is our reall part and inheritance. And if a Kingdome be a power subiect to none, then euery true Christian is a King (not in Anabaptisticall phrensie to cast off all yoakes of loyalty, to cast out all States and Royaltie, and like their Iohn of Leyden to make himselfe a licentious Mo∣narch, pressed downe meane while with so many enuies, vices, miseries, but) in this, that pecto∣re [ 10] magno, Spemque metumque domat, vicio sublimior omni, Exemptus fatis: in that he obeieth his soue∣raigne not so much of his slauish feare, as because he loues him, and loues that God which hath giuen him soueraignty, and therefore as to the liuing image of God yeeldes obedience to him, not grudgingly or of necessitie but cheerefully, and with a willing heart, making his superiours will to be his owne (because it is Gods) will. And if he commands that which he findes counterman∣ded by the highest Law,* 1.78 he rebels not, reuiles not, Rex est qui posuit metus, Et diri mala pectoris, where he cannot be willing to doe, he will yet be willing to suffer the will of his soueraigne, Oc∣curritque suo libens Fato, nec queritur mori. Thus is this man spiritually a King and Infra se videt omnia, beholds all things beneath him, by suffering, ouercomming; by obeying, ruling, himselfe if not others. In this sence Christ saith of the Church of Smyrna, I know thy pouerty, but thou art [ 20] rich:* 1.79 and of the Laodiceans which esteemed themselues rich, encreased with goods, and needing no∣thing, that they were wretched, and miserable, and poore, and blinde, and naked. Siluer and Gold haue I none, said that rich Apostle, whose pretended successours, out of a will to be rich, haue fallen into tentation, and a snare, and many foolish and noisome lusts: For the loue of money is the roote of all euill, which while these couet after,* 1.80 they haue erred from the faith: and instead of Apostolical, haue pro∣ued Apostaticall, with Babylonicall mysteries confounding things spirituall and externall, enclo∣sing all the commons of the Church and the Spirit, to the onely vse of the Vatican; and then with the spoile of all Christians This spirituall man must iudge all, and be iudged of none, vsurping the rights of, and right ouer Kings, not considering the diuersity of these tenures. [ 30]

But yet (to returne to our Salomon▪ if a man by this Christian wisdome becomes free, rich, a King; what shall a King of men be (with addition of this wisdome) but heroicall,* 1.81 and if not more then a man, yet a worthy of men, and neerest to God? This appeares in Dauid and Salomon, two learned, no lesse then potent Kings, the one gaining greatnesse at home, the other dispersing those raies beyond their owne Orbe, to remotest Ophir. This we see in Philip and Alexander, in Caesar and Augustus. Learning is the best iewell in a Kings Crowne, and Christian wisdome like the verticall crosse vpon it; which both in Bookes (by King Alphonsus called his faithfullest Counsellours) and in their bosomes, speakes that without feare or flattery, which seruants cannot or dare not; makes them to see with their owne eyes, and not onely by experience of others; yea with the eyes of the Worthies of former times, and to conuerse with the Auncients of all ages: and searching into the causes of things to penetrate seasonably into affaires [ 40] which suddenly assault others. But especially in Marine discoueries, we are not so much indebted to the power as the learning of Kings, and both together make a blessed match, and haue produced to the world the best knowledge of it selfe. Salomon is example, who in the writings of Moses, being instructed of Ophyr, attempts the discouery. How little knowledge had the Greekes of Asia till Alexander em∣ploied both Aristotle with great costs, and Himselfe also in discouery of the Lands and Seas, besides Ne∣archus and other his Captaines,? Iulius and Augustus opened the first lights in manner to the Romans, the one in discouery of the world and thk parts adioyning, the other also vnto the Indies. How little of the world hath beene discouered for want of learning by the Turke, Mogoll, Persian, Chinois, and Abassine, howsoeuer called great? how little are most of them all? But what neede I forraine examples? How little in comparison hath our Nation (the Oceans darling, hugged continually in her bosome) discouered and [ 50] made vse of (yea they were the prey of the Easterlings and Lumbards, scarcely knowing their neighbour Seas) before the late eruption of captiued learning in the former age, and more especially in the glorious Sunshine of Queene Elizabeth, and (after that Sunset, Sol occubuit nox nulla sequuta est) in the succeeding, that I say not in Ophyrian regions, exceeding times of King Iames? I dare not presume to speake of his Maiesties learning which requires a more learned pen, and where to speake the truth would seeme flattery; nor yet of that learned Queene, who sometime brake in peeces the artlesse pictures made to represent her (for Apelles is onely fit to paint Alexander, Homer to sing Achilles, and Virgil his Au∣gustus.) Thus a more learned witnesse hath said, and I will recite: that to the last yeare of her life due∣ly and daily shee obserued her set houres for reading;* 1.82 that this part of the Island neuer had 45. yeares of better times, and yet not through the calmenesse of the season, but through the wise∣dome [ 60] of her regiment: the truth of religion established, the constant peace and security, the good administration of iustice, the temperate vse of the prerogatiue not slacked nor much strained, the flourishing state of learning, the conuenient state of wealth and meanes both of Cowne and Sub∣iect, the habit of obedience, and moderation of discontents, notwithstanding the differences of Reli∣gion,

her single life, Romes alarmes, and the neighbour Countries on fire. Hence that felicity of the State, of Religion, and especially of Nauigation, now in threescore yeeres continuance, growne, almost cut of the cradle and swadling cloathes, to the present ripenesse amongst vs. That our Virgin-mother, in her pre∣paration to the Crowne by the Crosse and in happy exploits, another Dauid; in ••are of iust Iudges and Iu∣stice Iehosaphat, in reformation H••zekiah, in restoring the Law that was lost Iosiah, in peace, plenty, successe, magnificence, and (the pillar of all this) Nauigation, another Salomon, and (with greater hap∣pinesse then his) leauing her Name without Salomons imputation of falling to Idolatry, to suruiue her per∣son, and to become her heire and successour in them all: dying in a good age (as is said of Dauid) full of daies, riches, and honour. In these times Britaine hath recouered her eyes and spirits, and hath dis∣couered the Westerne Babylon and her labyrinthian mazes and gyres of superstition, first of all Europae∣an [ 10] Kingdomes: and in maturest order casting off that yoake, which ignorance (caused by irruption of barbarians c 1.83 into all parts of the Roman Empire had brought in as a myst, whereby that Romish mistery of iniquitie might worke vnespied) had put on the neckes and veiled hearts of our forefathers, which by the light of learning was now espied and exiled: and this freedome maintained mangre all the gates and forces of Rome and Hell. Yea, he that commanded Honour thy Mother, made her sexe honorable, and caused that a Woman had the honour ouer that Sisera, that Abimelech, that Holofernes; the sword of a woman preuailed, not by close aduantages but in the sight of the Sun, in the worlds amphitheatre, all Europe looking on and wondring (yea the most, still giddie with that cup, enterposing against her.) This Christian Amazon ouerthrew those Romish both gladiatores & sicarios and (as they write of the Rhino∣ceros) tossed those Buls (which had thought to haue pushed her by their hornes of depriuation and inuasi∣on, [ 20] and the close fights of treason and insurrection, out of England and Ireland) to the admiration of men, the ioy of Angels, and acknowledgement in all of the sword of the Lord and of Gedeon, the pow∣er of the highest perfected in her weakenesse. And (which more fits our Nauigation treatise) this vi∣rago (not loosing her owne virgin-zone) by her Generall* 1.84 first loosed the virgin zone of the earth, and like another Sunne twice encircled the Globe. Learning had edged her sword then, but the successour of this our Debora, like Achilles in the Poets, hath a Panoplie, a whole armor of learned deuise; and like Apollo in the mids of the Muse••, so haue we seene him in the learned disputations of both Vniuersities; such an Apollo whose Oracle discouered the Diuels Master peece and Papall monster peece of powder treason, and brought it to poulder, by the light of his wisedome preuenting those infernall lightnings and sulfurous hellish thunders: whose learned writings as the arrowes of Pythius haue giuen the deepest * 1.85 and [ 30] most fatall wounds to this mystie mysticall Python: whose birth hath made him a great King, whose great learning hath purchased another Kingdome, and made the Schooles to admire him in Diuinitie, the Tribunall in Law, the Senate and Counsell table as the table of Counsaile and Map of humaine wise∣dome: whose armes! but blessed are we that his learning and wisedome keepe vs from their drery noise and dismall experiments; that we in the tragedies of so many Nations are spectators, that the God of peace hath with the Gospell of peace giuen vs a Salomon, truest type of the Prince of peace, whose daies are daies of peace at home, whose treaties propound wayes of peace abroad, whose sun-like raies haue shined not by bare discoueries, but by rich negotiations to this our Salomons Ophir in what part of the world soeuer the quarelsome wits of men haue placed it. If you looke neere hand, Scotland is added, and Ireland now at last made English, dispersing feares by English Cities, and plantations: If you looke further,* 1.86 with [ 40] those which seeke for Ophir in the West Indies, there may you see English Plantations and Colonies in Virginia and other parts of both those supposed Peru's, the Northerne and Southerne America: if to So∣fala on the South of Afrike, or to the East of Asia, there also haue the English fleetes passed, traded (and if you thinke nothing compleate without armes) surpassed, the most aduantagious assailants: that euen the Indians (which yeelde commonly in martiall, alway in Neptunian affaires to the Moores) haue a prouerb, three Moores to a Portugall, three Portugals to an Englishman: whose happy times haue exceeded Sa∣lomons and H••rams discoueries; euen where no writing hath mentioned any name of Noahs Sonnes, where none of Noahs Sons euer yet inhabited, where the Sun it selfe seemes affraid of vncouth Seas, horrid lands, and marine monsters, hiding himselfe diuers moneths in the yeere together, and but peeping when he doth appeare, as it were fearfully prying and compassing about with obliquer beames, there haue the beams of our [ 50] Brittish Sunne descried. b 1.87 named, and exhaled profits from those portentuous c 1.88 Dragons of the Sea (loe these the happiest warres against the beasts by Sea and Land, not like Nimrods hunting of men) and sought new d 1.89 discoueries, notwithstanding the Oceans armies of icie Ilands affronting, till the Sea it selfe (fearing totall subiection) hath embaied it selfe and locked vp all passages by vnknowne lands. And (not to mention the New Wales there discouered) England hath her Virginia, Bermuda, New England; Scotland, a New Daughter of her owne Name; yea, Ireland by the care of the present Deputie is now multiplying also in America, and his Maiestie hath sowne the seedes of New Kingdomes in that New World.

Let not the seuerer sort censure me of presumption, if I thus embellish my ruder lines with these glori∣ous names, wherein I communicating in the publike benefit, at once testifie my feare of God the Authour, [ 60] with mine honour to these two great lights of heauen to our Britaine-World, as actors, autors, instru∣ments, mortall images of the immortall. He alone it is qui tempus ab aeuo ire iubet, and makes our King a defender of the faith by which aeternitie flowes from time well husbanded, & to resemble herein also, 〈…〉〈…〉 c••ncta moueri. In this tranquilitie we may employ our industry in painfull and

gainfull labours. I also in this peace, vnder Israels Salomon, can from the shore behold with safety, with de∣light, & in this glasse let others see, the dangerous Nauigations and Ophyrian expeditions of our Countrie men, & view their warlike fights in the waterie plaine as from a fortified tower (so the Mogols did the bat∣tell of the English and Portugals) not only free from perill, but enioying, some the gaines of their paines▪ o∣thers the sweete contemplations of their laborious actions, all of vs the fruites of our labours and negotiati∣ons at home and abroad, which grow from that Iacobaean tree: whose blossomes are inscribed Beati pa∣cifici. This Worke is the fruite of that Peace, and my Song may be, Deus nobis haec otia fecit, that I may write with Inke at leisure, and (vnder the shadow of this tree) you read with pleasure, what these Pilgrimes haue written with hazard, if not with bloud in remote Seas and Lands.

I flatter not the present, I deuote to future posterity, this monument of praise to the Almighty, who hath giuen vs this Salomon, if not in all dimensions, (neuer was there, or shall be such) yet herein like, [ 10] that wee enioy vnder his wings (in the combustions of neighbour Countries) this our peace, plenty, lear∣ning, iustice, religion, the land, the sea voyages to Ophir, the world, new worlds, and (if wee haue new hearts) the communton of Saints,* 1.90 guard of Angels, saluation of Christ, and God himselfe the portion of our Cup, and lot of our inheritance. Blessed are the people that be in such a case, yea blessed are the people that haue the Lord for their God, This is the day that the Lord hath made, let vs re∣ioyce and be glad in it. And if our times yeelde some exceptions also, and the Traducer impute it to flattery that I bring not euils on the stage: I say that blessed and loyall Shem and Iapheth bid from them∣selues & others that which cursed Cham and Canaan quarrelled: Salomons times yeelded grieuances, and we liue on earth, not in heauen; there is the perfection of wisdome, holinesse, happinesse, whereof Salomons times were a compleate type: we haue the truth in part, but all fulnesse is in him, in whom dwelleth all [ 20] the fulnesse of the Godhead bodily,* 1.91 which to expect here were Epicurisme and state-Puritanisme. Quis me constituit vel iudicem vel indicem▪ Malecontent, I am no Lord of times, nor Prince of Princes (they are both Gods peculiar) I indeuour to keepe me in the offices of my calling, to choose the good part, and in conscience towards God to acknowledge Gods workes in all, and specially in those of whom he hath said, Yee are Gods: To be an accuser is the Diuels office, and they which be euill themselues will onely see euill in others.

§. V. [ 30] Of the proprietie which Infidels haue in their Lands and Goods: of proprietie in the Sea, and of Salomons proprietie of the Sea and Shoare at Ezion Geber.

THus haue wee discoursed of the prerogatiue of Gods peculiar, the right which the true Children of the Church haue in Christ and by him in all things: but what shall we say of propriety? of propriety of Infidels? Christs Kingdome is not of this world, and pro∣perly neither giues nor takes away worldly proprieties, ciuill and politicall interests; but addes to his subiects in these things a more sanctified vse, all things being pure to the pure, im∣pure [ 40] to the impure; for they are sanctified by the word and praier, which Infidels know not. In that interior court of conscience (which in the wicked is defiled) the iust haue before God a iuster vse,* 1.92 vsing the world as not abusing it, not being high minded, nor trusting in vncertaine riches: not setting their heart on them,* 1.93 though they increase, nor loosing their hearts with them in their decrease or losse: not laying vp to themselues treasures on earth where rust and moth and theefe haue power: not singing a requiem, soule take thine ease, thou hast laid vp treasure for many yeeres, when this fooles soule it selfe is the worst thing it hath, and may be turned this night out of that secure body and secu∣red state. But in the outward ciuill Court, and before Men, the Gospell alters not, remoues not the land marke of the law, but as well bids Giue to Caesar that which is Caesars, as to God that which [ 50] is Gods. And therefore the rights of men by the royall or common lawes established (all deriued from that, of Nature, and consequently from God, who is Natura naturans, the creator of Nature) are in conscience of Gods commandement to be permitted to them. Neither without Gods speciall command might the Israelites spoile (as they did) the Egyptians, or inuade the Ca∣naanites. It is Saint Iudes note of filthy Sodomites, fleepers, ignorant, beasts, disciples of Cham, Ba∣laam, and Core, rockes, clouds without water, corrupt trees twise dead, raging waues, wandring starres, to despise gouernment:* 1.94 naturall bruit beasts (saith Saint Peter prophesying of his pretended successors) spots and blots, wels without water, clouds carried about with a tempest, to whom the blacke darkenesse is reserued for euer:* 1.95 promising to others liberty, and are themselues the seruants of corruption (in this sence the seruants of seruants.) Neither could the Diuell deuise a greater scandall to the Gospell, then that it should rob Kings of their supremacy and preheminence, subiects of their lands and state, as [ 60] if to conuert to Christ were to euere out of their possessions, and subuert states: which is the cause of so few Iewes conuerted, and so peruerse conuersions in America, as I haue elsewhere shewed. The Gospell is not a sword to take away earth, but to destroy hell, and addes the Keyes of the King∣dome

of heauen, not a hammer to breake in peeces the doores of earthly Kingdomes: and least of all making instead of Keyes, Picklockes (the note of a theefe, euen though he should enter at the doore and lawfully succeede lawfull Bishops) which open and shut all at pleasure; against which there is but one word of force, and that is, force it selfe and power which their faction cannot o∣uerthrow, the Romish conscience being Lesb••an and leaden, or Iron and running compasse and va∣riation, as the Needle of that See hath touched it to obserue the Pope as the magneticall Pole, which Philosophers say is not that of heauen but of the earth. God hath made vs men, his Sonne hath called vs to be Christians, and this opinion doth turne men into Beasts, yea Christian men into wilde Beasts without all propriety, or any thing proper to humanity, which with the rights [ 10] thereof extends to Infidels.

These hold not Christ, nor hold of him, as ioynt heires: yet are they not without all right,* 1.96 yea of him also they hold in another tenure, not as sonnes, but as seruants (and the seruant abideth not in the house for euer, but the Sonne abideth euer: but if the Sonne make them free they are free indeede?) These hold, in a tenure of villenage not in state of spirituall inheritance, which yet warrants a iust title for the time, contra omnes gentes, against all men (as seruants vse their Masters goods) but be∣ing called by death to giue accompt to their Lord, are dispossessed of all and themselues also for e∣uer: whereas the children here seeme in wardship, and to receiue some short allowance in the nonage of this life, but in the day of death (the birth day of true and eternall life) as at full age, enter into full possession of heauen and earth for euer. That tenure yet of godlesse men (which are without hope, [ 20] without Christ, without God in the world) is a tenure from God,* 1.97 though as is said in a kin••e of vil∣lenage; and warrants against all men, as holden of and at the will of the Lord Christ, by whom and for whom all things were created, and hee is before all things, and in him all things consist. And hee is the Head of the Body the Church. This tenure in capite is the Churches ioynture; that of humane nature, from him whose all things are iure creationis, remaines to forreiners,* 1.98 which are strangers from the Common-wealth of Israel, and from the priuiledges of the Holy Citie the New Ierusalem. For af∣ter the Image of God, by this Image of the inuisible God were all Men created▪ which though it bee in part by sinne defaced, yet through the mercy of God in part remaineth in the worst of men, which still retaine an immortall reasonable spirit indued with vnderstanding, will, and memory (resembling the vnity and Trinity) animating and ruling (how imperfectly soeuer) the organicall [ 30] body, and with it the inferiour creatures: which dominion ouer the creatures is by God him∣selfe reckoned to the image of God; infected with sinne, and infested with a curse; but God euen in the sentencing that iudgement remembring mercy, added thornes, and ihistles, and sorrow,* 1.99 and sweate, but tooke not away the vse; yea he renewed the blessing to all the Sonnes of Noah, and enlarged their commission, indenting in mans heart this naturall right, and in the Beasts this na∣turall awe and subiection, by Natures owne hand writing.

Hee that then blessed them with, Replenish the earth, did confound their Babel building,* 1.100 and scatter them abroad from thence vpon the face of all the earth, to put it in execution, and hath made of one bloud all Nations of men (as is said before) to dwell on all the face of the earth,* 1.101 and hath deter∣mined the times and bounds of their habitation.* 1.102 Thus hee that gaue Canaan to the Israelites is said [ 40] (in a proper sense though differing manner) to haue giuen Are vnto the children of Lot for a pos∣session, the land of the Emims, and the land of the Zamzummims which hee destroyed be∣fore them: as he did that of the Horims to the children of Esau, that as the former generations entered by the Law of Nature, as first finders, so these by the law of Warre, as confounders of the former, and founders of a second state and succession, both guided by the hand of diuine pro∣uidence. Salomon gaue Hiram twenty Cities in recompence of Cedars, and Firre-trees and Gold: and innumerable are the compacts and contracts mentioned in Histories, whereby the rule of Countries and States haue beene made ouer to new Masters, or to the old in a new tenure, as Ioseph bought all Egypt, their land•• and persons to Pharaoh. But in all these workes of Me••, God is a coworker; the most high ruleth in the Kingdomes of Men, and giueth it to whomsoeuer hee [ 50] will, was verified both actiuely and passiuely in Nebuchadnezzar: Cyrus is called his seruant Pilates power is acknowledged by the Lord of power to be giuen from aboue, and to that Ro∣man soueraignty (how vniust soener their conquest was) hee submitted himselfe in his birth (oc∣casioned at Bethlehem by the decree and taxation of Augustus) in his life by paiment of tribute, and in his death by a Roman both kinde and sentence. Per me reges regnant is his Proclamation, whether * 1.103 by diuine immediate vocation as in Moses, or mixed with Lot, or meere, or free choise, or inheritance, or conquest of warre, or exchange, or gift, or cession, or mariage, or pur∣chase; or titles begun in vniust force, or fraud at first, yet afterward acknowledged by those whom it concerned, and approued by time, which in temporall things proscribeth, and prescribeth: by this King of Kings doe Kings reigne, and the powers that be are ordained of God, to which eue∣ry [ 60] soule must be subiect, euen for conscience sake, & propter Deum; Whosoeuer therefore resisteth the power, resisteth the ordenance of God, and they that resist shall receiue to themselues dam∣nation.

This was written when all Kings were Idolaters and Infidels, nor had the World many Ages after euer heard, that Infidelitie, Heresie, or Idolatry were causes sufficient for rebellion in Sub∣iects

or inuasion of Neighbours, as in the many examples of the Israelitish and Iewish Kings, which nei••her inuaded others for Infidelitie, nor were at home depriued for Heresie, though all the neighbours were Infidells, and most of those Kings Idolaters. To vsher Religion by the Sword is scarsly approued amongst Mahumetans, which permit men liberty of soule, though not of body: but to turne all the World into Timars, and Knights or Souldiers fees, is more intolerable. It was barbarous Latine to turne fides into feodum, the title of all, free lands of Subiects holden in fide, in * 1.104 trust of performing rents, seruices, and other conditions annexed to the first Donation by the superior Lord: but this more barbarous Diuinitie, to dipossesse Barbarians of their Inheri∣tance, and by their want of Faith to increase our fees of Inheritance, as if all the world were holden of the Pope in Catholike fee, obtruded on vs for Catholike Faith: Christ came not to de∣stroy [ 10] the Law but to fulfill it; and therefore did not disanull by the Gospel, that naturall Com∣mandement of Alleageance and Obedience to Princes, the Honor due to the Parents of our Coun∣trey. Neither doth Religion make a Father or Mother, but Nature; and it is said, Honour thy Fa∣ther and Mother, without annexion of qualitie good or bad. Nor could Ionathan deny filiall ob∣seruance, or loyall subiection to Saul with such excuse; nor could the Keyes that came later ex∣pell Scepters, which were of more ancient foundation: nor heauenly Keyes open or shut earthly Doores: nor can Infidelitie which concerneth Diuine Law, yea in matters supernaturall, take a∣way that right which Positiue or Naturall Law hath giuen; nor exclude from iust title on Earth, which some hold poena, rather then peccatum, in such as haue not heard: nor can a pretended Vi∣car challenge iustly, what his Lord neuer claimed, what hee also disclaimed: nor did hee send [ 20] Souldiers but Preachers, to conuert the World to the Faith truly Catholike, and therein shewed himselfe a true Salomon, a Prince of Peace, figured by this our Salomon who sent Ships of Merchan∣dise and not of Warre to Ophir. And as for any High Priests Bull (whose roaring might coniure the spirits of Princes, within the circle of Pontificall censure) those dayes knew no such brutish dialect, yea wise and iust Salomon was so farre from fearing or desiring the Bulls of Abiathar, that hee put him out of the High Priests place for intermedling with the Crowne-succession, and set Zadok in his roome. And for Ophir, long before inhabited (as appeareth, Gen. 10.) he did not for the discouery thereof, then new, challenge iurisdiction or Soueraigntie, as Lord of that Sea or Region by him discouered (no more then the Ophirians had beene Lords of Israel, if they had then discouered it) but left things as hee found them, the Countrey appropriate to the Inhabitants, [ 30] the Sea open to such as would and could in like manner aduenture. Otherwise it was with him and his right in Ezion Geber, on the shoare of the Red Sea in the land of Edom. For this was pecu∣liar (both the shoare and sea adioyning) vnto Salomon, chiefe Lord of Edom: which Dauid had before conquered, and so it continued vnder the Kings of Iuda till the euill dayes of Iehoram the sonne of good Iehoshaphat, who made like vse of this Hauen, but with vnlike effect.

True it is that if Man had continued in his first integritie, M••um & Tuum had neuer proued such quarrelling Pronounes, to make warre more then Grammaticall, in setting all the Parts of Speech together by the eares. But sinne entring into the world, yea as an inuading tyrant ruling, it was necessary that proprietie should preuent rapine of the idler and mightier, and incourage the industry of the iust laborer, which for the sweat of his browes might earne and eate his owne bread. [ 40] Thus had Cain and Abel their proper goods, he the fruits of the earth, this of his cattell, the pro∣per Obiects of their labour. And when the whole earth was filled with crueltie, God clensed the confusion of those Fence-breakers by a generall deluge. After the Floud, Noahs Posteritie had the earth diuided amongst them. And in that renouation of the world, in the Golden Age of the Church, when they had all things common; the reason was, as many as were possessours of lands sold them and brought the price: so that they had a iust proprietie of those their owne possessions, and conferred the same to others, and after it was sold the money was their owne, and remained in their owne power. Hee that refused to diuide the inheritance to brethren, would not dissolue and dissi∣pate it to strangers, and abolish one of the precepts * 1.105 of the Decalogue; for stealing in properest sense cannot bee, if there be no proprietie. Wickedly therefore doe the Anabaptists in generall, [ 50] the Papists for their owne aduantage; the one by confusion, the other by combustions, depriua∣tions, and deprauations of estates, remoue the Land-marke. Nor doe others well to take away all Sea-markes and right of Marine proprietie.

The contrary wee see in Salomons Ezion Geber. Thorow other Seas hee sailed by vniuersall and naturall right, in this as his owne proprietie, he builded his Fleet, prepared, victualled, man∣ned his Nauie, and altogether vsed the Sea and Shoares, and Port, as is his proper and iust In∣heritance.

[ 60]

§. VI. The commendations of Nauigation, as an Art worthy the care of the most Worthy; the Necessitie, Commoditie, Digni∣tie thereof.

MAn that hath the Earth for his Mother, Nurse, and Graue, cannot find any fitter obiect in this World, to busie and exercise his heauenly and better parts then in the know∣ledge of this Earthly Globe, except in his God, and that his heauenly good and In∣heritance; [ 10] vnto both which this is also subordinate, to the one as a Booke set forth by himselfe, and written of his Wisdome, Goodnesse, Power and Mercy▪ to the other as a way and passage, in which Man himselfe is a Pilgrim. Now, though I might borrow much from Ptole∣mey, Strabo, and others in Geographies prayse, yet will I rather fixe my selfe on Salomon and his Ophir.

If Wee should respect persons, and be mooued by authoritie, wee haue in this Ophirian Naui∣gation, the patterne of two most worthy Kings, as two witnesses beyond exception, Iewes and Gentiles conspiring; wee haue Reuerend Antiquitie of Time, Sanctitie of Sociall leagues, Holi∣nesse of sacred Designes, Greatnesse of highest Maiesty, Magnificence of brightest Splendour, Munificence of rarest Bountie, Wisdome of iustest Temper, Proui••ions of maturest Prudence; all [ 20] these in this Expedition of Salomon proclayming, that there is no way by Land alone to the top, of humane Felicity (wherin Salomon also was a type of a Greater) but as God hath combined the Sea and Land into one Globe, so their ioynt combination and mutuall assistance is necessary to Secular happinesse and glory. The Sea couereth one halfe of this Patrimony of Man, whereof God set him in possession when he said, replenish the earth and subdue it,* 1.106 and haue dominion ouer the fish of the Sea, and ouer the fowle of the Aire, and ouer euery liuing thing that mooueth vpon the Earth. And when the Sea had, as it were, rebelled against rebellious Man, so that all in whose nosethrils was the breath of life, and all that was in the dry Land died, yet then did it all that time in∣dure the yoke of Man, in that first of ships the Arke of Noah; and soone after the Goad also, when God renewed the former Couenant, and imposed the feare and dread of Man vpon euerie [ 30] beast of the Earth, and vpon euery foule of the Aire, vpon all that mooueth vpon the Earth,* 1.107 and vpon all the fishes of the Sea.

Thus should Man at once loose halfe his Inheritance, if the Art of Nauigation did not inable him to manage this vntamed Beast, and with the Bridle of the Winds, and Saddle of his Ship∣ping to make him seruiceable. Now for the seruices of the Sea, they are innumerable; it is the great Purueyor of the Worlds Commodities to our vse, Conueyor of the Excesse of Riuers,* 1.108 Vniter by Traffique of al Nations; it presents the eye with diuersified Colours and Motions, and is as it were with rich Brooches, adorned with various Ilands; it is an open field for Merchandize in Peace, a pitched Field for the most dreadfull fights of Warre; yeelds diuersitie of Fish and Fowle for diet, Materials for Wealth, Medicine for Health, Simples for Medicines, Pearles and other Iewels for [ 40] Ornament, Amber and Ambergrise for delight, the wonders of the Lord in the Deepe for instruction, variety of Creatures for vse, mul••iplicity of Natures for Contemplation, diuersity of accidents for admiration, compendiousnesse to the way, to full bodies healthfull euacuation, to the thirsty earth fertile moysture, to distant friends pleasant meeting, to weary persons delightfull refreshing; to studious and religious minds (a Map of Knowledge, Mystery of Temperance, Exercise of Con∣tinence, Schoole of Prayer, Meditation, Deuotion, and Sobrietie: refuge to the distressed, Por∣tage to the Merchant, passage to the Traueller, Customes to the Prince, Springs, Lakes, Riuers, to the Earth; it hath on it Tempests and Calmes to chastise the Sinnes, to exercise the faith of Sea-men; manifold affections in it selfe, to affect and stupifie the subtilest Philosopher; su∣staineth moueable Fortresses for the Souldier, mayntayneth (as in our Iland) a Wall of defence and waterie Garrison to guard the State; entertaines the Sunne with vapours, the Moone with [ 50] obsequiousnesse, the Starres also with a naturall Looking-glasse, the Skie with Clouds, the Aire with temperatenesse, the Soyle with supplenesse, the Riuers with Tydes, the Hils with moy∣sture, the Valleyes with fertilitie; contayneth most diuer••ified matter for Meteors, most multi∣forme shapes, most various, numerous kindes, most immense, difformed, deformed, vnformed Monsters: Once (for why should I longer detayne you?) the Sea yeelds Action to the bodie, Me∣ditation to the Minde, the World to the World, all parts thereof to each part, by this Art of Arts, Nauigation.

Neither should we alone loose this halfe of Natures dowrie, without the benefit of this Art, but euen the Earth it selfe would be vnknowne to the Earth; here immured by high impassable [ 60] Mountaynes, there inaccessible by barren way-lesse Deserts; here diuided and rent in sunder with violent Riuers, there ingirt with a strait siege of Sea; heere possessed with wild deuouring beasts, there inhabited with wilder man-deuouring men; here couered with huge Worlds of Wood, there buried in huger spacious Lakes; here loosing it selfe in the mids of it selfe, by showres of

Sand, there remoued, as other Worlds out of the World, in remotes Ilands; here hiding her richest Mynes and Treasures in sterill Wildernesses, which cannot bee fed but from those fertile Soyles, which there are planted, & as it were remoued hither by helpe of Nauigation. Yea, wheras other∣wise we reape but the fruits of one Land, or the little little part thereof which we call our owne lands, hereby wee are inriched with the commodities of all Lands, the whole Globe is epito∣mised, and yeel••s an Abridgement and Summarie of it selfe in each Countrie, to each man. Nor should we alone loose the full moytie of our Demesnes by Sea, and a great part of that other moy∣tie the Land, but the Heauens also would shew vs fewer starres, nor should we grow familiar with the Sunnes perambulation, to ouertake him, to disapoint him of shadow, to runne beyond him, to imitate his daily iourney, and make all the World an Iland, to beguile this Time-measurer in [ 10] exact reckonings of Time, by adding * 1.109 or loosing a day to the Sunnes account. Nor could wee know the various Climates, with their differing seasons, and diuersified affects and effects of the Heauens and Elements. Nor could we measure the Earths true Dimensions and Longitudes, nor know many creatures both vegetable and sensitiue therein (which are our Chattels) nor her high prized Minerals and Gemmes; nor yet could wee know and vse the varietie of Fowle, or (like inferiour Gods) dispose of the winds in the Ayre, bringing constant effects, out of their varie∣tie, and obserue their Seasons to flie with them about the World, had we not these Sayle-wings of shipping; whereby we out-runne the wildest beasts, out-swimme the swiftest fish, out-flie the lightest Fowles, out-stretch the fiercest Windes, out-set the strongest Currents, out-passe most spacious Seas, and tame all Nature to the nature of Man, and make him capable of his Natu∣rall [ 20] Patrimony.

What shal I say of other men? The holiest, the wisest, the Greatest of Men, of Kings, of Kings of Kings (Salomons example speaks all this) hereby honour God, hereby haue made themselues to all Posterities honorable. Wil you haue al commendations at once? Salomon the Epitome of al human worth and excellence, promised by Prophesie before his birth, named by speciall appointment of God when he was borne, founder of (that Miracle of Earth, and mysticall Mirrour of Hea∣uen) the Temple; glorious in his other Erections, Customes, Tributes, Riches, Gouernment, and in (that Soule of happinesse) the happy endowments of the Soule in Visions, Wisdome and Ho∣linesse, in his Fame exceeding Fame it selfe, his Renowme attracting all the Kings of the Earth to seeke his presence, in his Writings elected a Secretary of God to record wisdome to saluation, to all [ 30] Ages and places of the World, in these things passing others, yea surpassing himsefe (euen here may we say,* 1.110 as before is said, is a greater then Salomon) typing the Great Creatour and Sauiour of the World; This first, and most eminent of men, is ••y the first, and best of Stories, set forth as the first Founder of Long and Farre Nauigations, and Discoueries. As for Noahs Arke, it was intended rather to couer and secure from that tempestuous Deluge, and to recouer that handful, the Seed of a New World, from the common destruction, then to discouer New Worlds, or to make Voyages into any parts of the old: though if we should yeeld This the beginning of Na∣uigation (as indeed it was, though not of Discouery) wee haue hereof a greater then Salomon, God himselfe the Institutor and Author, Christs Crosse typed in the matter, Mans Baptisme in the speciall, and Saluation in the generall scope and euent. But for Heathens, Iosephus hath [ 40] shewed that Salomon was ancienter then their Gods, not their Nauigations alone; and that Car∣thage was conceiued many yeares after Salomons death: and for Greece, Plato hath recorded that Aegyptian testimony, that they in all things were children, which yet doted with age, when the Romanes were in the vigor of their youth. The Tyrians indeed were supposed Authours of this Art, but neither could they make this Voyage, but passing ouer Land through the Countries of others, there to build a Nauie, (as in this case they did with Salomon) nor is there record or like∣lihood of any farre Nauigation of theirs till this, yea, it is likely, that heere and hence beganne the greatnesse and supereminent lustre of their Name; the Art which they exercised at, and neere home before, being thus brought out of the Nest, and by Salomons wisedome taught such remote flights. [ 50]

Thus the Author, and thus Antiquity commends Nauigation: and no lesse the ends which mooued Salomon thereto, which were to get Gold, Siluer, Iu••••y, precious Wood and Stones, and other Rarities, which gaue such lustre to his State, ••ewel to his Magnificence, glory to his Name, Ornament to the Temple, splendour to Religion, Materials to the exercise of his Bodie and Minde, that I mention not the Customes increased, others by the Kings example, aduenturing the Seas, and Merchandise quickened. This also he makes the fit Obiect of his Royall thoughts and vnmatchable wisdome; not trusting others care, he went himselfe to Ezion-Geber, to make prouisions for his Nauie; yea, and not leaning to his sole Wisdome, Power, and Successe, entred into league with Hiram, and employed his Ships and Mariners, as he, which hath proclaimed to the World, vae Soli, and esteemed two better then one, and to haue better wages for their labour, and a [ 60] three-fold coard not easily broken.* 1.111 Hee was not like Behemoth, to trust that hee could draw vp Iordan into his mouth, much lesse to make a Monopoly of the Ocean as if the whole East had been crea∣ted for Ezion-geber: but amidsts his incomparable Designes framed of Greatnesse, clothed with Wealth, enliued with Wisdome, attended with Successe and Glory, disdaines not, yea, seekes

assistants, and admits a Heathen Kings Society in this, in the Temples Negotiation; inferring that they neither mind the good of the true Temple, or the Catholike Church, which will not endure Christian compartners in the Voyage to Ophir, which impound the World in a corner, and entile a corner to the World.

And as he sought not to preiudice Egypt, or any of his Neighbours, if out of their owne Ports they intended to seek the World abroad, no more did he prooue iniurious to the Ophirians, with whom he dealt, eyther in their Wealth, hindred, by prohibiting all others to trade with them; or (among his many cares of building) by erecting Forts against their wils, as Prisons of their Li∣bertie, and Fetters of their Captiuity.

For if to doe as we would be done to, be the Law and Prophets, this Prophet of the Law would not [ 10] seeke his owne profit, by inuading the publike of whole Nations remote and to him innocent, and force vpon them so vnwelcome knowledge of God and his people Israel, that through their iniuries his Name might be blasphemed amongst the Heathen:* 1.112 but as he might vse his owne right where were no people, so in places inhabited, not to neglect the security of his own, nor to vsurpe the Souereignty of the Natiues, or preuent and interuert the Rights of common humanity. God that would not (as before is intimated) the price of a Dogge or a Whore, nor the Patrociny of a lie, would not by publike Latrociny haue his Temple adorned, nor suffer his House to bee built with bloud, nor the holy Citie with iniquity. Righteousnesse and Peace kisse each other in Gods Kingdome,* 1.113 and acts of Warre though iust, excluded Dauid from the honour of building the Lords House. It followes then that Salomon was in this Ophyrian businesse, a man of peace, and thereof an ex∣ample [ 20] to all following Discouerers, according to that Christian Rule, as much as is possible to haue peace with all men.* 1.114

As SALOMONS Iustice, so his Wisdome and Prudence is exemplary, which though in him supereminent, yet found (as is alreadie obserued) no meanes at home to maintaine the glory of Salomon, no meanes by Land correspondent to such Magnificence and Munificence, but addresseth himselfe by Sea and long Voyages to seek it: nor doth he esteeme others eyes enough, nor others assistance too much, but surueyes his Nauie himselfe, & is glad of Hirams helpe? Nay, this was not only the subiect of his wisedome, but the furtherer and Purueyor, by new experi∣ments in Minerals, Gems, Beasts, Fowles, Fishes, Serpents, Wormes, Trees, Fruits, Gums, Plants, Men; Climates, Winds, Seasons, Seas, Lands, Soyles, Riuers, Fountaynes, Heauens, and Stars; [ 30] and a World of the Worlds Varieties; of all which howsoeuer he had receiued the mayne stocke of Wisdome by immediate Gift of God, yet did he frugally employ his Talent, and thriftily im∣prooue that Reuenue, labouring to be more wise, and trauelling in Wisdome and Knowledge,* 1.115 and Equi∣tie; and * 1.116 gaue his heart to search and find out wisdome by all things that are done vnder the Hea∣uen, God humbling him with this s••re trauell, although he excelled in wisdome, all that were before him in Ierusalem. Thus Homers Vlysses in the Schooles of diuers Nations & Nauigations is trained to that peerlesse wisdom, & thus Aristotle the chiefest of Natures Schollers, trauelled with Alexan∣ders Purse and Experience to furnish himselfe, and succeeding Ages with Naturall Science and Wisdome. And our Age which God hath blessed beyond many former, produced as Twinnes Nauigation and Learning, which had beene buried together in the same Giaue with the Roman [ 40] Greatnesse, and now are as it were raysed againe from the dead.

Hence it is that barbarous Empires haue neuer growne to such glory, though of more Giant-like stature, and larger Land-extension, because Learning had not fitted them for Sea attempts, nor wisdome furnished them with Nauigation. Thus the Persian, the Mogoll, the Ab••ssine, the Chinois, the Tartarian, the Turke, are called GREAT, but their greatnesse is like Polyphemus with one eye, they see at home like purblind men neere to them, not farre off with those eyes of Hea∣uen, and lights of the World, the Learned knowledge, whereof is requisite to Nauigation. The Chinois at home, is hereby stronger, and so is the Turke: but the other are braued by euery pett••. Pirat on their owne shores: the rest like Ostriches spread faire plumes, but are 〈…〉〈…〉 themselues from the Land: yea, their Lands also (as hath happened ••o the Abassine) and Sea-townes [ 50] taken from them to the downfall of their estate. One Salomon left greater testimonies of greatnesse, by this his wisdome and helpe of Nauigation, t••en many of the later Ottomans, which possessed all Salomons Territories, and perhaps a hundred times so much added. But as God giues huge strength and vast bodies to beasts, yet makes Man by art and reason secure from them, if not wholy their Masters; so to the good of Christendome, hath hee denied Learning to those Barbarians, and skill or care of remote Nauigations, which how otherwise they might infest the World, appeares by their Christian Slaues and vnchristian Pirats, whereof they make vse a∣gainst vs, and whereby their Mediterranean is guarded. But on the Arabian, the Portugals be∣fore, the English since haue put a bridle into the mouth of the Ottoman Horse,* 1.117 and shewed how easie it is to intercept his Maritime incomes, and if not to smother him (as the Floridans serue the [ 60] Whale by stopping the two holes, whereby he breath's) yet to impouerish him by diuerting the riches of the Persian and Arabian Gulphes.

And hereby is euident that as we haue obserued in Salomons Iustice, and Wisdome, so Forti••de it selfe here is exercised, hence increased: nor did Alexander thinke it enough to haue ouercome

men, but would also encounter the vnknowne Ocean. Salomons riches made him eminent and secure, his Nauigations rich. But besides the necessary exercise of Fortitude in the Mariner ex∣posed and opposing himselfe to Step-dame Elements, to Shelues and Rockes from the Earth, Whirle-pooles, Currents, Billowes and Bellowes of the Sea, Tempests, Huricanos, Tufons, Water-spouts, and dreadfull Meteors from the Aire: by Sea-fights is the safest defence of our owne (as the Oracle instructed the Graecians by Wooden-castles, to fortifie against that World of men in Xerxes his Armie) and surest offence to the Enemy. What reputation of courage, what increase of State, did the Portugals hereby attaine in Africa and Asia? cooping vp the Natiues within ••heir shoares, possessing themselues of diuers petty Kingdomes, enriching themselues with the richest Trade in the World, and that maugre the force of the Moores, of the Egyptian and Turkish Sultans? The Sea was the Work-house, and Nauigation the Anuile, whereon the [ 10] fortitude of a Woman, wrought the safetie of her Subiects, and hammered the terrours of that enemy, which was called, Omnium aetatum & totius orbis ampl••ssimi Imperij Monarcha. Nor need I name the Belgian Vnited Prouinces, whose Free estate like another Venus arose out of the Sea, and hath forced Mars to woe this Ladies loue and amitie, when force could not rauish her; which seemes since not only to contemne that force, to neglect this loue, but almost wantonly in many of hers, remembers to forget herselfe in some respects to her quondam best friends, by whose helpe this Neptunian Amazon was secured at home, by whose ayde and example, that I adde not their Name, her Fortune and Fortitude hath attempted bo••h East and West, yea, hath taken away the name of East and West out of the World, and three times compassed the Com∣passe. Thus hath a little remnant of Land by Sea-assistance, swelled to this present greatnesse, and [ 20] filled the remotest Indies with her Martiall and Mercuriall Designes.

Now for Temperance, Salomon himselfe stumbled and fell at that stone; neither are Seà-men vsually on Land the most temperate: Vlysses had not heard of Cyrce or the Syrenes, had hee not aduentured the Sea. Yet let this be a commendation of the Marine art, how euer the Mariner be to blame. It is the excellency of the thing that makes it a strong temptation; strong and sweet wines are commended, though weake braines and distempered heads bee iustly blamed for their intemperance; in the good gifts of God, beautie, wealth, and honor (as the wormes breede in best fruits) are the lists of the lust of the flesh,* 1.118 the lust of the eyes and pride of life, which are not of the Father but of the world. Nor was Heauen to blame for the fall of Angels, or Paradise for that of Men; nor the Sea if her riches make mens mindes sea-sicke, wauering, inconstant, distempered, [ 30] and like the Sea, subiect to tempestuous temptations. Yea, if you looke neerer, you shall see, as men blame and feare death for the last fatall paines, which yet are not properly of death (which is not in possession till paine and sense be quite dispossessed) but of the remainders of life; so deale they with Nauigation in this case, whereas the Sea holds them in good temper, and is a correction house to the most dissolute; but the Land makes them forget the Sea and temperance together. Salomons vxoriousnesse and idolatries were Land beasts, not Sea-fishes: nor could his Apes and Peacocks, the vainest of his Sea wares, teach him that vanitie. The wonders of the Lord in the Deepe teach many,* 1.119 no doubt, deepest Diuinitie and profoundest Temperance, though some froth swims on the top of the Sea, and beates on euery shore where the winde driues it, carried about with e∣uery blast of tentation, to the death of more in the wrongly-accused voyage of the East Indies by [ 40] Bacchus and Venus, then Neptune and Mars, and all such orher supposed Deities, and perhaps (I will not speake Dutch) that scuruy Sea-deuill too. Coelum non animum mutant qui trans mare currunt. They carry their vices with them, which because the Sea, a Schoole of sobrietie and temperance, permits not to practise, breake out on them aland in greater furie. And as Ouied•• tels of Lice, hat they leaue men a litle past the Açores, as they saile to the West Indies, and die and vanish by degrees, nor trouble them in the countrie, but at their returne about the same height (as if they had waited all that while for them) breede afresh; so is it with vices, which being 〈…〉〈…〉 Land, doe finde men on euery shore, where people and plentie offer opportunitie. Once, Earth is predominant as in our complexions, so in our conditions.

Now for the vertues called Theologicall, Faith, Hope, and Charitie, the Sea is a great Temple [ 50] not to contemplate their theorie, but really to practise them. Faith hath her greatest eclipse by interpo••••tion of Earth, as we see in the Moone; but at Sea, Coelum vndi{que}, & vndi{que} pontus, no Earth is seene, only the Heauen (the walls of our fathers Palace) and the inconstant shifting Ele∣ments, which constantly put vs in minde of our Pilgrimage, and how neere in a thin ship, and thinner, weaker, tenderer body we dwell to death, teaching vs daily to number our dayes, and ap∣ply our hearts to wise••ome. And what can more liuely traine vs in Hope then Sea-nauigation, where the life we liue is hope, where as Dauids former deliuerance confirmed him against the vncircum∣cised Philistine,* 1.120 so daily deliuerances from death in so few inches distance by windes and waues, which like the Beare and the Lion alway assault vs, may the better traine vs to the fight with Go∣liah himselfe, and as I haue said (by death escaping death) to cut off Goliahs head with his owne [ 60] sword. But the chiefest of these is Charitie, and the chiefest charitie is that which is most common; nor is there any more common then this of Nauigation, where one man is not good to another man, but so many Nations as so many persons hold commerce and intercourse of amitie withall;

Salomon and Hiram together, and both with Ophir; the West with the East, and the remotest; parts of the world are ioyned in one band of humanitie; and why not also of Christianitie? Si∣don and Sion, Iew and Gentile, Christian and Ethnike, as in this typicall storie? that as there is one Lord, one Faith, one Baptisme, one Body; one Spirit, one Inheritance, one God and Father, so there may thus be one Church truly Catholike, One Pastor and one Sheepfold? And this also wee hope shall one day be the true Oph••rian Nauigation, when Ophir shall come into Ierusalem, as Ierusalem then went vnto Ophir. Meane while, wee see a harmonie in this Sea-trade, and as it were the con∣cent of other Creatures to this consent of the Reasonable, vnited by Nauigation, howsoeuer by Rites, Languages, Customes and Countries separated. Heauen conspires with the inferior Ele∣ments, [ 10] and yeelds, as it were, a Sea Card in the Sun and Stars. The Elements which euery where else are at open warres, herein agree in sweetest symphonie; the Earth yeeding Shores, Capes, Bayes and Ports, as nests; the Aire windes as wings to these artificiall Sea-fowles (so esteemed at their first sight by the Americans, and by the Negros) and the Sea admitting strange Children in∣to her Familie, and becomming a Nurse against her Nature, to the Earths generation. What shall I say more? Omne tulit punctum qui miscun vtile dulci. To the many profitable effects of Nauiga∣tion, many pleasures may be added both of Reason in speculation, and of Sense in more then sensuall delight. Salomon in his Ophirian voyage furnished himselfe with Gold and Siluer, and o∣ther solid commodities: with Almugg•••• trees also, yea with Apes and Peacocks, the one for the musicall delights of the Temple, the other domesticall and naturall. But I am plunged in an O∣cean, [ 20] when I goe about the Oceans praise, which goes about all things: I shall sooner drowne my selfe in these Deepes, then measure the true depth of the Seas commendations, or Nauigate tho∣row the commodities of Nauigation by commerce abroad by his owne, or by Customes at home by others employments. The Text it selfe is a Sea, and needes a better Steeresman to instruct in these Points of Salomons Compasse, which saith more for Nauigation then I can, who yet to shew my loue and honour of that Noble Science haue aduentured to say this, to pay this as Custome for the whole Worke, wherein are returned so many returnes from Sea. And now it is high time we come to the History it selfe, and historicall or litterall sense; the first in our intention, howsoeuer last in execution.

[ 30]

§. VII. Of Ezion Geber, Eloth, and the Red Sea: that of Edom it receiued that name, and communicated it to the Indian Ocean, by the Phoenician Nauigations frequent in those times to India.

ANd King Salomon made a Nauie of Ships in Ezion Geber, which is beside Eloth, on the shoare of the Red Sea in the Land of Edom, &c.* 1.121

This is the first and best testimonie of a holy Nauie. Noah had by Diuine Wisdome [ 40] and Precept built a Ship, which preserued the remainders of the Old, and beginnings of the New World, a figure of that Baptisme which now saueth vs by the resurrection of Iesus Christ. The Temple, a later and liuelier figure of Heauen and Saluation it selfe,* 1.122 must bee furnished with due materialls by a whole Fleet of Ships, which shall not saue alone from dangers, but crowne with fulnesse of ioy and glory; this typically then renewed by Salomon for new supplies euery Trinitie of yeares; but there the Eternall Trinitie shall at once bee the Temple, the Sunne,* 1.123 the excee∣ding great reward, and all in all for euer. No passage was found for Israel out of Egypt to the Wil∣dernesse (a type of the life by Faith) nor for abundance of the Temples riches the shadow of glo∣ry, but by the Red Sea; so meritorious is the blood of our Redeemer, which, by bloody sweat, whippings, and a thorny Crowne, welled Springs of the water of life out of all parts of his body; [ 50] out of his hands and feet yeelded the foure Riuers which watered the Paradise of God; out of his pierced side and heart flowed a sea, a Red Sea of water and bloud to saue, to enrich vs, to purchase our Iustification by Grace, and beginnings of Sanctification growing vnto perfect Glory.

But as all faire things are farre from easie possession, so is it with Heauen, and all her myste∣ries, so is it with vs in this Voyage of Salomon, to know where this Ezion-geber was, from whence he set sayle, and to come to that Ophir, where he made his Voyage: touching both which, things otherwise enough difficult are made the harder by those mysts, which disagreeing opinions haue raised in our way. The Text giueth three markes to know the first, that it was beside Eloth, on the shoare of the Red Sea, and in the Land of Edom. This third marke of Ezion-geber is delinea∣ted by Moses, Deut. 2.8. and before in Num. 33.35. made the two and thirtieth Station of the Is∣raelites [ 60] remouing, or march in the Wilde••nesse. And heerein our Maps of that Chapiter, were in the former Bibles much to blame, which are in that and other respects much amended, in the Map of the Holy Land added to the last Translation. Now that it was on the shoare of the Red Sea, and not on the Mediterranean, this Text proueth:* 1.124 and the conceite of Goropius in this kinde that denieth Idu••••aea to extend to the Red Sea, and auerreth that this Fleet was set forth from the

dumaean Mediterranaean shoare, it is as many other disputations of his, more full of industry then wit, of wit then learning, of learning then iudgement. Strange are his conceptions, and strong his disceptations▪ but hauing weake foundations (grounded commonly on names and wordes buried vnder succession of rubbishes) they proue in the end (as Ioseph Scaliger speaketh) but Doctae nugae, more wordy then worthy guides,* 1.125 which doe but verba dare. Againe, that Iosephus placeth Esion∣geber at Berenice, is either a marginall note of some nouice Geographer crept into the Text, or else an old error; for Bere••ice is on the Aegyptian shore, Esiongeber on the Arabian, Iosephus placeth it neere Elana: and in the Text Eloth is set a guide to Esiongeber. Now Eloth being writ∣ten in the holy tongue 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 was by transmigration shifted and remoued to diuers pronuntiations, a thing vsuall in Ebrew names, both of places and persons. Hee that seeth how [ 10] Iohn or Iames are transported in such vnlike sounds from the Originall, in Greeke, Latine, French, Dutch, Spanish, Italian, English, and other languages, in all so vnlike and diuersified, would scarcely acknowledge them brothers, or to haue any kindred either to the mother tongue, or in th••se many sister languages: and so is it commonly with other names.

Strabo calls it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Iosephus 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Latins Elana, and the Gulfe or Bay neere to it is termed Elaniticus.* 1.126 O•• this place how it lieth▪ and how the Ancients were deceiued, you haue the Relations of Don Iohn Di Castro, from his owne eyes and learned iudgement, supposed to bee the same which is now called El Tor,* 1.127 or Toro. Yea the Red Sea is likeliest to haue receiued that name from Edom, as the Pamphilian, Ionian, Tyrrhene, Brittish, and other Seas are ordinarily so named of the Principall shoares they wash.* 1.128 Castro hath better examined the rednesse then any [ 20] man, and compared the Moderne and Ancient opinions with his owne eyes. And for a Booke-traueller, I must needs applaud Master Fuller, Our Country-man, who in the last Chapiter of the fourth Book of his Miscellanea Sacra▪ hath mustered the testimonies of the Ancients together, and ascribeth the name of Red-sea to Edom,* 1.129 of whom Idumaea tooke name, and of him and it, this Sea. For Ptolemey's Idumea is farre short o•• the Ancient, which contained also Nabathaea and their Citie Petra,* 1.130 whence Arabia Petrea receiued the name; Esaus Sword, (of which his Father had prophes••ed) conquering to both Seas.

This Edom or Esa•• was that Erythras, which the Grecians mention to haue giuen name to that Sea,* 1.131 by translating Edom into Erythras or Erythraeus, as Cephas into Petrus. Postellus had stumbled on this Note, which Fuller more fully and learnedly hath opened, as other things also pertaining to our purpose. That there is a rednesse in some parts of that Sea, by reason of the cleerenesse of [ 30] the water, and abundance of a kind of red Corrall, branching it selfe on the transparant bottoms, Castro hath made euident, but that in a small part of that Sea; the like whereof happneth in other Seas of cleerest waters, which show white from sands, greene from weeds, particoloured with pleasant diuersified hue, as Pineda citeth the testimony of Ferandez obserued neere to Carthagena in America, euery Stone, Shell, or whatsoeuer else was in the bottom, in those liquid waues yeelding so pleasant and various a tincture,* 1.132 as his many Nauigations had no where else obserued; an•• Captaine Saris in this Sea, called anciently Erythraean (which name, besides the Arabike and Persian Gulfes, contained the Indian Ocean, so named as it seemeth, from the frequent Nauigati∣ons out of Eloth and Esion Geber in Edom vnto India) was one night almost terrified with a glare [ 40] yeelding light to discerne Letters,* 1.133 suspected to bee some breach, and proued nothing but Cuttle Fish in the bottome.

But to returne to our Red Sea, Agatharchides in Photius his Bibliotheca, saith it is not called Red of the colour, but 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 of some man which there ruled. The Scriptures call it Siph, Suph, or Souph, translated algosum, caricosum, iuncosum, (to which accordeth Martialls Verse; Quicquid Erythraea niger inuenit Indus in alga) it seemes of the abundance of Rushes and Weeds there growing. The Moores, Turkes, and Traders thereof in later times call it the Sea of Mecca: Mela mentioneth the colour, and the King Eryhras there reigning; Plinie addes for the name, The Sunnes repercussion from the Sand and Land; Strabo cites the same out of Eratosthenes, with a tale of Ctesias of a Fountaine emptying his red-okerie waters thereinto, and the Relation of Boxus a Persian, that Erythras a Persian planted a Persian Colonie in an Iland thereof. Ouranius [ 50] in Stephanus tells of the red adioyning Mountaines: the Poets haue their Perseus, and others their other conceits and deceits, which I leaue to their Authors, as also Pinedas * 1.134 later deuice. The na∣ture of that Sea is better deliuered in the voyages of Castro, Midleton, Saris, Dounton, Haines, and others in these our Nauigations. But for Eloth and Esiongeber, Master Fuller is of opinion that Salomon in his great Wisdome, wanting fit Mariners, sent to Hiram for Tyrians and Phaenicians, and that a large Colonie was sent by Hiram to inhabit those parts, then subiect to King Salomon, by which meanes Solomon and Hiram enter into societie for the Indian traff••ck by that Sea of Edom, so to get the riches of the East in possession. This Colonie numerous and strong he placeth at Esiongeber the Arsenal, or fittest place of building Ships, and at Eloth the fittest Port, Mart, and Staple for the Indian merchandise. Thus hee, and very probably: adding that the Hebrew Aelath [ 60] in the singular▪ and Aeloth in the plurall number, was by the Phenicians turned into Ailath, whose singular is Aila, and plurall Ailan: thence the Greekes Ailae, Ailana, Eilane, Elana, and the Lati••s Aelana, and by inuersion Laeana. This Phaenician Colonie hee obserueth to haue beene of most

name of all other the Inhabitants thereof. For the Iewish yoke was soone shaken off by the Edo∣mites themselues, after Iehoshaphats death, Iehoram rebelling against God,* 1.135 and the Edomites against him. After that Azariah recouered Elath and built it. It continued not long, but Rezin King of Sy∣ria recouered Elath to Syria, and draue the Iewes from Elath, and * 1.136 the Syrians came to Elath, and dwelt there to this day. Thus the Iewes which were the Lords, and receiued the Customes, were expelled; but the Idumaean Natiues and Phaenicians, which might bee vsefull to the conquerours remained, the Tyrians being Syrophaenicians, and speaking the Syrian language, and by their mer∣chandising so profitable to their Kings.

This Elath was after called Albu•• Pagus, by Strabo called the chiefe Mart of the Nabataeans, whence the Indian and Arabian Merchandise was carried to Petra, thence to Rhinoculur•• in [ 10] Phaenicia neere Egypt, and thence dispersed to other places. Thus in the times before the Ptole∣meys. But in Salomons time, and whiles the Iewes ruled there,* 1.137 they were brought to Ierusalem and to Tyrus; and after that to Myos Hormos and Berenice, Aegyptian Ports on the other side of the Red Sea, to be thence conuayed to Alexandria.* 1.138 Arrianus in his time mentioneth the Gar∣rison at Albus Pagus and Custome there taken, the transporting of wares thence to Petra, not∣withstanding the Egyptian flourishing. Saint Ierom also placeth Ailat In extremis finibus Palesti∣nae, adioyning to the Wildernesse and the Red Sea:* 1.139 Vnde ex Aegypto in Indiam & inde ad Aegyp∣tum nauigatur. Sedet-autem ibi legio Romana cognomento Decima; Et olim quidem Ailat à veteribus dicebatur, nunc vero appellatur Aila.

[ 20] Ptolemey placeth Phaenicum oppidum, not far from Elana;* 1.140 the Ile Astarte is a Phaenician memorial also; Plinie mentioneth Gens Tyra, and Herodotus the Syrians on the Red Sea shoare; that I pursue no other Antiquities. These Tyrians it seemeth first began the sailing of the Indian Seas, and Habi∣tation on the Arabian shoares, instructed by the Wisdome, and procured by the Friendship of Sa∣lomon with Hiram: which they continued vnder many State-changes, till the Mahumetan times, the Staple of those Indian Merchandises being altered after the Iewish times, with the chiefe Mo∣narchies, Assyrian, Babylonian, Persian, Ptolemaean, Roman.* 1.141 And this is the onely Phoenix-neast made of sweet Spices, in Nature false (for God made all Fowles at first, and after brought to, and out of the Arke, in both sexes, male and female) but true in this Alegory, the Phaenicians of all the Nations known, being the only skilful Mariners in the Arabian and Indian seas, and from the one, [ 30] by the other, bringing the Spices and Riches of the East into the West, that skill being euer com∣municated not by Generation, but by Industry;* 1.142 which made Tyru•• (as Ezekiel describeth it) the Phoenix indeed of all Cities of Trade in the World. Master Fuller learnedly addeth the Fables of Bacchus and Hercules their Indian Expeditions, to this of Salomon and Hiram,* 1.143 Hercules being adored of the one, and Iehoua of the other, which name by Heathens was peruerted to 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 names of Bacchus in Hesychius; which agreeth to Plutarchs conceit, that the Iewes worshipped Bacchus on their Sabbaths, and deriueth the name Sabbatum from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,* 1.144 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a name of Bacchus, as his Priests were termed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Now for that Gulfe in which Strabo placeth Elana, and calls it therefore Elaniticus, and another towardes Egypt, I referre you to Castros following relations, which better knew those parts then Strabo could; Gaza by Stra∣bo [ 40] and Plinies reckoning seemeth to bee about one hundred and fiftie of our miles or more from thence. Salomon went in Progresse to take care of this his Ophirian Fleet from Ierusalem to Esi∣on-geber, almost as farre as from London to Yorke.

Asion Geber in Saint Ieroms interpretation signifieth ligna viri, aut lignationes viri, aut dolationes hominis, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉;* 1.145 whence some gather that much Timber grew there vsefull for building of Ships: perhaps, and I rather beleeue, for the Timbers brought thither as to an arsenall or store-yard for that purpose. For as Woods agree not with Moses his Wildernesse, so I find little men∣tion of Wood in all the Arabike shoare; at lest, later times haue knowne none there. And Soli∣man the Great Turke, A. 1538. is said to haue brought the materialls of the great Fleet which hee built at Sues in the Red Sea, to inuade Dium and expell the Portugalls out of India, from re∣mote Regions, Materiam ex longinquis colligi iussit (Damianus à Goes is our Author) illam{que} sump∣tu inaestimabili ad mare rubrum vebi curauit. Comito Venetiano, who with other Venetians were [ 50] forced to that seruice out of their Ships at Alexandria to goe to Cairo and Sues,* 1.146 more particular∣ly rela••eth that Sues is in a Desert place where no Hearb of any sort groweth, where the Arma∣da for India was made, and all the Timbers, Ironworkes, Tackling, Munitions were brought from Satalia and Constantinople by Sea to Alexandria, and thence carried on the Nile by Zerme (Boats, or Rafts) to Cairo, and thence on Camells to Sues. This Voyage is eightie miles▪ in which is nei∣ther habitation, nor water, nor any thing for life: they carry Nilus water on Camells when the Carouans goe thither. In the Pagans times, it was a great Citie and full of Cisternes, and had a trench from Nilus which filled all their Cisternes, destroyed by the Mahumetans▪ so that now they fetch their water sixe miles off from brackish Wells. There the Turke built a Fleet of seuen∣tie [ 60] six Vessells of all sorts, &c.

Don Iohn di Castro speakes of this Fleet of Salomon, and sayth, the Timber whereof it was made was brought from Libanon and Antilibanon (so little signe saw hee, or heard of any Trees or Wood•• in these parts) and saith, that from Toro all the Coast is West, and without any Port

[illustration]

HONDIVS his Map of the Deserts and Israels Pere∣grination therein.

but Sues, and that therefore Cleopatras Fleet was brought by Land from Nilus, to Sues ouer the Isthmos. This is in 29. degrees 45. minutes, supposed Arsino•• of the Ancients, Some say, Ciuitas Heroum; and said to be the Turkes Arsenale for his Armada, for those Seas, the Materials being brought from Caramania: which at Castros being there, consisted of one and forty great Gallies and nine great Ships. It seemeth by Sir Henry Middletons Story following, that their strength in those Seas is weake in later times. As that whole Wildernesse yeelded nothing for mans life, but their food was Manna from Heauen, and their apparell was by heauenly power preserued, so here Salomons wisdome is freely giuen, and his Materials for an Ophirian Fleet, and Temple stru∣cture must be not naturally there growing. His Mariners also must be borrowed, to shew that [ 50] the iust liue by faith, and in matters of grace, wee haue nothing which wee haue not receiued, not growing out of the naturall powers of free will,* 1.147 but framed out of the will freed by diuine grace, agreeing to which Mystery nothing of the Temple was framed in Moriah, nor the noyse of a Hammer once heard; the Tabernacle before built also of Egyptian spoyles; and Israel inheri∣ted Cities which they builded not, and Vineyards planted by them: and lastly, Christ himselfe was crucified without the gate, that neither Iew nor Ierusalem may challenge either Monopoly or Merit, but all may bee ascribed to meere mercie and free grace, Non nobis domine, not to vs Lord, not to vs but to thy Name be giuen the glory.

[ 60]

§. VIII. Of Ophir, diuers opinions weighed and censured; whether the Compasse was knowne to the old World; that the remote parts were lately inhabi∣ted, the New World but newly, and a great part thereof not yet.

THis Golden Countrey is like Gold, hard to find and much quarrelled, and needes a wise Myner to bring it out of the Labyrinths of darknesse, and to try and purifie the Myners [ 10] themselues and their reports. And here our best Athenians seeme Owles indeed, which d••zled with Salomons splendour hide themselues affarre off, and seeke for Easterne Ophir in Peru, and the West Indies. Such conceits haue transported Postellus, Goropius Becanus, Arias Montanus, Vatablus, Posseuinus, Genebrard, Marinus Brixianus, Sa, Eugubinus, Auenarius, Garcia, Noble Morney, and many others by their authority. Their reason is spelled out of the Letters of Ophir and Peru, so neere of Kinne. Arias Montanus in his Phaleg is both large and little in this point, saying, both much and nothing; for from the Scriptures stiling the Ophirian Gold 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Par∣uaim, he gathereth that it was brought from the two Perues, one of which he maketh new Spain, and the other that which now is called Peru; or the Northerne and Southerne moyties of Ame∣rica; and that those parts were commonly traded in ancient times. He maketh the rowe of hils [ 20] which runne from Panama, to the Magellan Straits to be Mount Sephir:* 1.148 for so it is said Gen. 10. speaking of Ioktans Sonnes, the brother of Peleg or Phaleg; And Ioktan begat Almodad, and Sheleph, and Hazarmaueth, and Ierah And Hadoram, and Vzal and Diklah, and Obal and Abi∣mael and Sheba. And Ophir and Hauilah and Iobab: all these were the sonnes of Ioktan. And their dwelling was from Mesha, as thou goest vnto Sephar, a Mount of the East; or as Tremellius, ad montes orientis vs{que}.

If learned Montanus had viewed his owne Map only, hee should haue seene his Ophir in the West, and not in the East: and if it be said Salomons fleet went by the East to the Westerne parts of the World, as the Philippinae and Moluccan shippes of the Spaniards vse to doe, yet Moses speakes of the dwelling and habitations (not of Iourneyings and Nauigations) which God after [ 30] the Babylonian conspiracy had alloted to the generations of men; their dwelling must then bee in regard of Moses when he wrote this in the Desert, or of the scattering from Babylon, whereof he wrote. But these parts of America, are more th••n halfe the Globe distant from those places Eastward, and much neerer by the West.

Againe, the name Peru or Piru is a vaine foundation, for diuers places (see Ortelius his Thesaurus Geograph.) haue like, or the same names,* 1.149 neyther is any part of America by the Inhabitants called Peru, but this name was accidentally by the Spaniards ascribed to those beginnings of their Dis∣coueries on the South Sea, and continued to that great Kingdome of the Incas found by Pizarro. Garcilasso de la Vega of the Inca bloud Royall by his mother, sonne to one of the Spanish Conque∣rors, borne and brought vp at Cozco, chiefe City of Peru, sayth that they had no generall name [ 40] for the Kingdome, but Tauantin Suyu, that is, the foure parts of the World; nor acknowledge the appellation of Peru: but the first Discouerers seising on a fisherman in a Riuer, asked him of the Countrey, and he amazed and not vnderstanding them, answered Beru, and annon added Pelu, as if he should say, my name (if you aske me thereof) is Beru, and I was fishing in the Riuer, Pe∣lu being the common name of a Riuer. The Spaniards, as if he had answered directly, corrupted a name of both those words, which they vnderstood not, and called the Region Peru, a name which the Natiues had neuer heard. The like they did in another Prouince, where asking a Na∣tiue what was the name of the Countrey, he answered, Tectetan, Tectetan, that is,* 1.150 I vnderstand you not, which they corruptly called Iucatan and Yucatan, as if the Indian had affirmed that to be the name of the Region. The like casuall names he obserueth of other American places.

The Iesuite Blas Valera, in his History of Peru affirmeth the same,* 1.151 that Peru is not the pro∣per [ 50] name but accidentall, which the Natiues know not. Acosta acknowledgeth it vnknowne to the Naturals, and an occasioned name from a small Riuer, which Vega saith was called so first by those Spaniards, which there tooke the fisherman. Thus the name which they would make as old as Salomon, began but Anno 1515. at the most, and that which is extended to New Spaine, and Peru, was knowne in neither, nor in any place else of the World.

Thirdly, I answere that Peru was not inhabited, nor yet New Spaine, one thousand yeares af∣ter Salomons time; of which I shall speake more anon, and in my following Discourse of the Apostolicall peregrinations.

Fourthly, neither could so long a Voyage then haue beene performed in three yeeres, beeing [ 60] farre more then to haue compassed the Globe, which hath cost Drake and others three yeares worke: where their worke was not in Mynes but in quicke fights.

Fiftly, this could not then be done without the Compasse. Pineda may conceit him••elfe that those times knew it, but the Phenicians haue in no Story left any such memoriall; nor others of

them, yet these were Salomons Sea men. Leuinus Lemnius, and Master Fuller would haue vs be∣leeue that the Ancients had the Compasse within the compasse of their art,* 1.152 by reason of the Phae∣nicians Marine skill and experience, which we say might be as much as it was, by the Starres, the Monsons, the Soundings, and Shores. Another reason is, the Learning and skill of those times, whereof Salomon saith, Is there any thing whereof it may be said, this is new? it hath beene alreadie of old time which was before vs. It might therefore be knowne in those times, and by barbarous in∣uasions be after lost, and by better times restored: I answer that the times were learned before and after Salomon, but when that learning should by Barbarian incursions be lost, I know no••. The Egyptian, Assyrian, Chaldaean inua••ions might rather increase and disperse, then eclipse and abo∣lish learning, being then more learned then the Greekes, who borrowed their very Letters from [ 10] the Phaenicians. The Persian times are knowne, and the Greeke Learning then grew to the highest pitch, when their Empire succeeded, and in loue of Learning exceeded the other. Hippocrates, Socrates, Plato, Xenophon, Aristotle, and before them Pythagoras and other Philosophers flouri∣shed before the Persian ru••nes, and trauelled into the East for that Learning, which they brought into Greece and Italie.

The Romanes borrowed their Arts from the Greekes, neither doe we read of Learning euapo∣rated in Barbarian flames, till the Deluges of those Sauages in the Romane Empire, which yet continued both Empire and Learning in the East, till the West had in good measure recouered it selfe out of those Mysts, and the Barbarous Saracens had growne louers of Learning, and our Teachers.* 1.153 And yet, had there beene such Barbarians which had rooted that skill out of the [ 20] World (which is vnlikely, that Marine skill beeing the best meanes to encrease their Empire, to enrich their Costers, to doe them other seruices in Warre and Peace, the ancient Conquerors vsing Fleets also to their purposes) yet some of the Bookes and Monuments of all Ages, from Salomons time being left to that of the Romans, as appeareth by Iosephus so well acquainted in the Tyrian Libraries, and other Authors of diuers Nations, and by the fragments which are comne to our hands, and by whole Bookes of Voyages in the Indian and Mediteranean Seas, as this Booke will declare; it cannot be but some mention of the act, if no description of the Art, would haue remained to Posteritie.

Now for Salomons testimony, it confuteth those which make him the author and first founder of the Loadstone (which to M. Fuller and others seemeth probable) if nothing were then new; it may aswell be alleaged for many Generations befor, that they also made ships at Esion-geber, to [ 30] goe to Ophir for like Rarities; and against all new Inuentions in any Age: which sense is al∣so contradicted by Salomon in the same Chapter, Verse 16. Where hee saith, that hee had more wisdome then all they that had beene before him in Ierusalem: and 1. Reg. 3.12. There was none like be∣fore thee, nor after thee shall arise any like vnto thee. This was then a new thing vnder the Sunne, this his wisdome, which brands vs for Fooles, if wee make him contradict himselfe and diuine Veritie.

The Scripture would goe one mile with them and shew the vanitie both of men and other crea∣tures, and they post and force it two, applying what Salomon spake of kindes, to indiuiduall acts and euents; which might aswell enforce Platoes great yeere, and a personall reuolution of each [ 40] man withall his conceits, words and acts. The Magnete is no new thing, but this vse of the Magnete was newly knowne two thousand yeares after Salomons death. The Argument to mee seemeth a merrie one, rather then serious, and I will answere it accordingly with a iest. The Iesuite Pineda (which out of Lemnius citeth these Arguments to proue that the Compasse is an∣cient) is no new thing as a Man; but as a person, as a Iesuite (a new order which beganne 1540.) as an Author which conceiteth that that great fish which tooke vp Ionas carried him in three dayes quite thorow the Mediterranean, and round about the African vast * 1.154 Circumference (statim at{que} deglutitur Ionas, reuertitur coetus velocitate incre••ibili ad mare Indicum & Sinum Arabicum, per Mediterraneum & Gaditanum fretum, imma••i totius Africae circuitu, these are his owne words) these a••e new things vnder the Sunne, and this a new interpretation, which himselfe prefaceth with Papae! nouam & inauditam exponendi rationem! These particulars are new, and yet that text [ 50] is true. I wil not adde (that were too serious and seuere) that all Iesuitisme is new, and their Expo∣sitions of Scriptures, Councels, Fathers for the Roman Monarchie, are all new, New-gay-no∣things, Vanitie of vanities and vexation of spirit; yet to lye (the genus generalissimum of Iesuiticall tenents, as they are Iesuites; CHRISTIANS is a name too old for them) is as old as the old Serpent.

But lest I be ouer-bold with our Author, and may seeme to passe from a new argument to an old quarrell, and from ieasting to ierking; I contayne my selfe, lest any Veterator take mee for a Nouelist; and with reuerence and thankes for his better paines, craue pardon for this iocoserium, and come to his third Argument out of Plautus, where in speech of sayling, hee hath these [ 60] words,

* 1.155Huc secundus ventus nu••c est, cape modo versoriam, Hic Fauonius serenus est, isthic A••ster imbricus.

Here Lemnius, Giraldus de Nauigijs, and Calcagninus with others mentioned by him, doe interprete Versoria of the Compasse: whom Pineda beleeueth not, and yet saith, hee hath quod nostro Acostae reddere possimus requirenti aliquod idoneum ex antiquitate huins aciculae testimo∣nium: notwithstanding, hee coniectureth it to bee some pole to thrust the Vessell (if any In∣strument) and acknowledgeth that the Oares and Rodder might bee Versoriae, in regard of tur∣ning the ship, and lastly concludeth it to be spoken without respect to any Nautike Instrument, interpreting Cape Versoriam to returne: and that Pl••utus his actor did point to the Heauens, not to any Instrument, when he said, huc secundus ventus est, hic Fauonius, &c. which seemeth to bee the Poets true sense.

[ 10] Pineda addes, that we ought not to doubt but that Salomon knew this of the Loadstone aswel as other Stones and Herbs. I answer we haue a better Loadstone and Leadstone for one then for the other; the Scripture speaking of him more as a Herbarist, then as a Lapidarie and Mariner. He alleageth, that the attractiue facultie would reueale that Polare. I answere, that experience hath produced many Ages to testifie the contrarie; which knew the one, not the other. His Argument from the store of Load-stones in those Easterne parts, concludes nothing for the skill, any more then that the naked artlesse Indians in Hispaniola were better Gold-smiths then the Europaeans, because they had more Gold. His last Argument is least, from the Diuine Proui∣dence which would not permit men so many Ages to be ignorant hereof. For heere we come to an, O altitudo! O the depth of the riches both of the wisdome and knowledge of God, how vnsearchable [ 20] are his iudgements, and his wayes past finding out? For who hath knowne the minde of the Lord,* 1.156 or who hath beene his Counseller?

I like much better that which Pineda addes of the Ancients abilitie to sayle without kenne of the shoare, without Magneticall helpe, which Strabo, Arianus and Plinie acknowledge: and Aratus saith, that the Phaenicians followed the Load-starre (not the Load-stone) which Tully citeth also out of him.* 1.157

Arrianus mentioneth the helpe of the Monsons (as now they terme them) or seasons of the Windes, obseruing a constant course in the Indian Ocean, which with experience of the frequented Coast, might easily teach Mippalus a compendious passage thorow the Mayne, or at least further from kenne of Land. Whereupon Plinie hauing related the former course, addes [ 30] Secuta aetas propiorem cursum tutiorem{que} &c. Compendia inuenit Mercator, Lib. 6. cap. 23. They also obserued the flying of certain Birds which they caried with them. But al these could nothing helpe to a Peruan Voyage from the Red Sea, where the knowne Starres were laid asleepe in Te••hys lap; where neither Birds carried with them, could instruct to any neere shoare, nor any Birds in the mayne Ocean were to be seene; where the Monsons and Seasons of the winde are so diuersified; where without the Compasse all things are out of compasse, and nothing but mi∣racle or chance (which neuer produce Arts) could saue or serue them. I haue spoken of the Load-stone in another place to which I referre the Reader, least that makes mee wander and drowne, which directeth and saueth others.

Lastly, Peru could not be Ophir, if wee conceiue that SALOMON brought thence Iuorie; [ 40] and Peacockes. For Peacockes they read Parrots, and for Iuorie they are forced to take it vp by the way in some place of Africa or India, which distraction must needs prolong the Voyage, which without such lets could not (as before is obserued) in three yeares bee performed. As for such (Asse for such, I might haue said) which thinke so huge and vast a tract of Land as that New World, might bee now emptie of Elephants which then it had (for it is confessed by all Classike Authors, that America neuer saw Elephant) as England is ridde of Wolues, wherewith it hath sometimes abounded; Why should not other kinds of Creatures bee vtterly destroyed as∣well as these, being more hurtfull to the Inhabitants? I meane, Tigres, Leopards, and other rauenous beasts whereof America hath more then a good many. And if they should destroy E∣lephants for their Iuorie, what piece of Iuorie was euer found in Peru or all America, before [ 50] our men came there? If Salomons men had destroyed all, it were inhumane to interuert after-ages. The hunting of Wolues in the North of Scotland at this day, and the huntings vsed by many Nations, Tartars, Cafres, &c. easily tell vs how England was cleered of Wolues; Armies, or Multitudes in a large Ring, encircling the beasts, & with Fire, Waters, Dogs, Armes, &c. bringing all into a narrow Compasse, and there killing them. But in the New World that would haue re∣quired another World to haue done it. I adde that no Elephant could come into Peru but by Miracle, the cold and high Hilles euery way encompassing, beeing impassable to that Creature, as wee shall see in our Spanish entrance with Horses. Yea, I auerre further, that an Elephant could not liue in Peru, but by Miracle. For the Hilles are cold in extre∣mitie, and the Valleyes, till the Incas made artificiall Riuers were without water, it neuer [ 60] rayning there, whereas the Elephant delights in places very hote and very moist. But I deserue blame to fight with Elephants in America, which is with lesse then a shadow, and to lay siege to Castles in the Aire.

These arguments haue no lesse force against Columbus and Vatablus their Ophir in Hispaniola:* 1.158 which from the Red Sea makes a farther fetch with like or greater improbabilities. This errour

was more fortunate then learned. For out of a right rule that the World is round, and that there∣fore men might sayle to the East by the West, Columbus first, and presently after him Sir Seba∣stian Cabot made their Discoueries,* 1.159 and stumbled on a New World by the way, whereof they had not dreamed.

Cabots Voyage was to seeke Cathay or China. Columbus his intent was for the East Indies, and finding much Gold in Hispaniola, without examining other difficulties, and falsly suppo∣sing himselfe to haue attayned the East Indies, he called that Iland Ophir; which conceit Francis Vatablus receiued.

Now for Sofala or Cefala, many arguments are alleaged by Ortelius (who here placeth Salo∣mons Ophir) and others.* 1.160 And indeed the abundance of Gold, and the excellencie thereof, as like∣wise [ 10] of Siluer, there taken out of the Mynes; Peacocks, or Parrots, whether you choose to inter∣prete; Elephants, Apes, (Monkeyes and Baboones) excellent Woods for such vses as the Al∣muggim Trees were applied; all these, together with the easie Nauigation from the Red Sea thither alongst the African shoare; and lastly the name it selfe may seeme to plead for a Sofalan Ophira, or Sophira (as Iosephus cals it) in this place. Ioaon dos Santos liued eight yeares in those parts,* 1.161 and alleageth many things to this purpose. He saith that neere to Massapa, is a great high Hill called Fura, in the Kingdome of Monomotapa, to which hee will not suffer the Portugals to passe lest the rich Mynes should cause their too potent Neighbour-hood. On the top of that Hill are old ruinous wals of lime and stone. Barrius saith, their are also vnknowne Letters ouer the gate:* 1.162 the people ignorant of such workes, say they were built by Deuils, thinking them im∣possible to men, iudging others by themselues. They are fiue hundred and ten miles from Sofa∣la, [ 20] in one and twentie degrees of Southerly latitude. He coniectureth it to bee Ptolemeys Agy∣simba,* 1.163 the buildings being still called Simbaon••. Thomas Lopez addes, that the Moores affirmed, that their Bookes and ancient Writings contayned, that King Salomon fetched his Gold in his three yeares Voyage from thence.

At that time 1502. there were warres, but formerly the Moores of Mecca and Zidem, vsed to carrie two Millions of Mitigals (which are about eight shillings a piece) yeerely from thence. But to returne to Santos, hee alleageth a Tradition of the Natiues, that these Mynes and Buil∣dings belonged to the Queene of Saba, and that others ascribe them to Salomon, making this Fu∣ra or Afura to be Ophir, See the place, * 1.164 and his pleading of this point, wherein I could be per∣swaded [ 30] to be of his minde, if that Moses did not place Ophir Eastward, Gen. 10.30. Who (it is likely) gaue name to this golden Region.

There are that seeke for Tarshish at Carthage, and some I haue knowne which place Ophir neere Gambra.* 1.165 Of this minde was Captaine Iobson, which trauelled vp that Riuer, nine hundred and sixtie miles, and heard such golden reports of the In-land Countreyes, as this Worke will from him deliuer to you. And indeed I doe easily perswade my selfe, that the richest Mynes of Gold in the World are in Africa; especially in the heart of the Land from the Line to the Tro∣pike of Capricorne. (See our Relations out of Bermudez, Iobson, Battell and others) and I cannot but wonder, that so many haue sent so many, and spent so much in remoter Voyages to the East and West, and neglected Africa in the midst; which perhaps might prooue as much richer as [ 40] neerer, then both the Indies. But Rectum est index sui & obliqui: if wee shew Ophir to bee in the East Indies, it cannot be in America or Africa, vnlesse we be of Acostas opinion, who howsoeuer he thinketh that Salomons Gold,* 1.166 &c. came from the East Indies, yet coniectureth that Ophir and Tharsis signifie no certayne Regions, but are taken in a generall sense, as the word India is with vs, applied to all remoter Countreyes. Ophir might be any of the former, remote farre from the Red Sea.

But I can tell that India receiued his name from the Riuer Indus, still called Sinde, (which hath also foiled all our Geographers hitherto,* 1.167 making it to passe thorow Cambaya, which Sir Thomas Roes Voyage will confute, that it is lesse maruell if Ophir trouble vs so much) and because the Countreves beyond India, were so meanly knowne by their true names, and Indus came from so [ 50] remote Regions, they continued and extended that name to them: and (as euen now you heard) Colon by misprision called America, India, not dreaming of a Westerne, but supposing that by the West,* 1.168 he had arriued in the Eastern India. Now, why Ophir should be so dilated, I see no such rea∣son. Tarshish we shall better examine after. And for others opinions of Ophir to be an Iland in the Red Sea called Vrphe, or Ormus in the Persian, they are not worth examining: beeing not able to yeeld Gold, and the other Commodities which Salomon sought.

The truth of Ophir must as from a deepe Myne bee drawne out of Moses, Gen. 10. Wherein although wee cannot approue the opinion of those which conceiue Moses in that Chapter, to haue set downe the iust number of Languages and Nations, as if there were seuentie two of each▪ and neither more nor fewer; yet it must needs be granted, and the Text plainly auerreth, These [ 60] are the Families of the sonnes of Noah after their generations, in their Nations, and by these were the Nations diuided in the Earth after the Floud:* 1.169 and particularly of the Sonnes of Shem (here questio∣ned) These are the sonnes of Shem, after their families, after their tongues, in their lands, after their Nations. So that wee gather that the first originalls of Nations are there mentioned, such especi∣ally

as concerned his Ecclesiasticall story, or was necessary for the Church to take knowledge of. For neither were they all differing Nations and Languages which hee mentioneth, nor are all Nations or Languages there mentioned. For eleuen of them are the sons of Canaan, which all peo∣pled that little region, which Israel after by Ioshuas conduct possessedial which also spake one lan∣guage, or else Abraham & the Patriarks must haue learned many tongues in their frequent peram∣bulations; which some thinke the same which the Israelites spake, & iudge it euident in the Hi∣story of the first Spies, and of Rahabs entertaining of the later Spies; and that it is called by the Prophet, The language of Canaan, Es. 19.18, and carried thence into Egypt before by the Patriarks, to whom Ioseph spake first by an Interpreter, but in reuealing himselfe, hee with his owne mouth [ 10] (that is, in their tongue) spake vnto them, when the Interpreter and all others were excluded. And in the whole story of the Old Testament, no difference of language is notified in all the commerce and cohabitations of all sorts of both Nations. * 1.170 Priscian saith, Lingua Poenorum Chal∣daeae vel Hebraeae similis: and Saint Ierom, Poeniquasi Phoeni, quorum lingua Hebraeae magna ex parte confinis est. Saint Augustine often saith as much; and diuers wordes of the language confirme it. As for a Shiboleth, and Siboleth, or some difference of Dialect (which wee see with vs almost in euery Shire) wee make not that a difference of, but in the Language. And so it seemeth it was in the first Ages, before Conquest and Commerce brought in so many new wordes to the Punike language. The Punike Scene in Plautus his Poenolus, by * 1.171 Scaliger, M. Selden and others is found a kind of Hebrew, after all those ages and changes. I will not herein contend with M. Fuller and others which haue written contrary. But either they were the same, or not much differing: [ 20] and (which I principally ayme at) all these eleuen Nations had the same language at lest in the Patriarkes times, and not vnlike the Hebrew, which was so little altered, after such altera∣tions of time and place.

Now because that Countrey was giuen to Abrahams posteritie, Moses is more exact in boun∣ding the places, & intimating the peoples, then ••n all Ioktans posterity (which it seemeth peopled one hundred times so much Countrey) as not pertaining to Israels Inheritance▪ and not much to their neighborhood or knowledge. And if Salomon imployed aboue eight score thousands in con∣tinuall workes so many yeeres for the Temple, how many shall we thinke imployed themselues in that Babylonian structure, which occasioned that diuersifying of languages; and which is there∣fore likely to haue happened long after Pelegs birth, by which time the world could not likely [ 30] be so peopled? Neither may wee deny more then ordinary multiplication in those first Ages after the Floud: though we grant a good space after Pelegs birth, for how else could such a mul∣titude haue assembled so soone to such a purpose? Wee see the like admirable increase of the Israe∣lites in Egypt, in despite of bloudy butchery and slauery, which yet asked aboue two hundred yeeres, from seuentie persons. And can any man thinke that where a World was multiplied, that the Fathers had no more Sonnes then are there mentioned? especially seeing of Sems line, Gen. 11. it is said they begat other sonnes: and of them are expressed fiue generations, of the other but two or three, and most of them omitted, except such as most concerned Israel in neighbour∣hood or other affaires. How could Iocktan yeeld thirteene Nations then, when Peleg giues name [ 40] to none, till of Abraham, six generations after, some were deriued? I suppose therefore that Mo∣ses there names not all Nations, as writing not a Story of the World, but those principally which by vicinitie or Inheritance, or future commerce (as this Ophir and his brethren) it behooued the Is∣raelites to take notice of; especially Him, who was to alter Moses his Tabernacle into so glorious a Temple, and to bee so liuely a figure of a greater then Moses and Salomon both. Nor is it likely but that there was a greater confusion of languages, then into so many as can bee gathered in the tenth of Genesis; or that all there mentioned differed in tongue from each other; for so Shem, Cham, and Iapheth should neuer haue vnderstood each other, nor their posteritie. It is probable therefore, that God multiplying the World in so short a space (which, as I said, I rather thinke to haue hapned some good while after Pelegs birth, then at that very time) almost to a miracle, most men of most families were there, and their languages also miraculously multiplied; (The Iewish tradition is that it hapned a little before Pelegs death, as Genebrard obserueth out of them) [ 50] but being a conspiracy against God, many others were not there and retained their ancient Ebrew; especially the pious and religious Patriarkes. Such perhaps was Peleg himselfe, then a man of yeeres, and therefore his name giuen him of that diuision in others. For if any thinke that Pelegs name intimates the building of Babel at his birth, we see that Abraham, Sarah, and Iacob had their names changed in their riper yeeres.

This diuision of languages caused that dispersion, Therefore is the name of it called Babel (or Con∣fusion) because the Lord did there confound the language of all the Earth: and from thence did the Lord scatter them abroad vpon the face of all the Earth. Yet cannot we say that presently this was wholly executed; but euen then so many as spake one language, dwelt together in one Region: [ 60] Other Persons and Families in other Regions, which then were thinly planted, and in processe of time more fully peopled, and Colonies also deriued to people remoter Regions. For although Man, (that is Mankind) hath a right to all the Earth, yet heere there was a very great part of the Earth vnpeopled in Moses time, yea to these dayes of Ours. And if we marke all the Heads

of Families mentioned by Moses, wee shall see none, which at that time had inhabited so farre as this our Britaine: but how much neerer the Regions were to the Arkes resting, and Babels confu∣sion, so much sooner were they peopled. Sure it is that some Ages after, the best and most frequent Habitations, and neerest those parts were but meanly peopled, as appeareth by Abraham, Isaac, and Iacob, Lot, Laban, and their children wandring and remoouing from place to place with their great Flockes and Herds, as if Grounds and Pastures had then euen in the Regions of Syria and Canaan beene of small value. Compare Abrahams time with Ioshua, and you shall see a great dif∣ference, more Cities and Villages seeming then builded, then before were Families of note, and that in foure hundred yeeres space. Ammon, Moab, Ishmael, all the Families of the sonnes of Ke∣turah, and that of Edom, with innumerable other were not in rerum natura, neither the language (which it seemes by mixture with others was altered) nor the Nation. [ 10]

Yea how poore a thing was our Britaine in Caesars time, either for the numbers or ciuilitie? How thinly is all the Northerne America, from thirtie degrees vpwards towardes the Pole in∣habited? a world of Continent by no probabilitie, containing in the whole so many people as some one small Region in Asia or Europe. All Virginia, New-England, and New-found∣land, cannot haue (notwithstanding such commodious habitations and innumerable commodi∣ties) so many Inhabitants, so farre as my industry can search, as this one Citie with the Suburbs containeth, though we adde all euen to the Pole, and take one hundred miles within Land alongst the Coast all the way; which easily argueth the later peopling thereof. Neither is there any thing in all America which doth not indeed proclaime it a New World.* 1.172 For as in the Old World, first there was simplicitie of Herdmen, Shepheards, and Husbandmen; and after that Trades, [ 20] Merchandise, Riches, Cities, Kingdomes, more curious Rites Ciuill and Religious, and some Mo∣numents of them (which those which had, esteemed others for the want therof Barbarians & Sa∣uages, as a wilder kind of men) and this Ciuilitie, Cities, Populations and Kingdomes began in Assyria, Egypt, and other places neerer the first confusion, and after proceeded to Greece (whom the Egyptians called children,* 1.173 as is before said, for their later Ciuilitie, Arts, and Histories) and thence to Italy, which was long swadled in Roman rusticitie, and later attained to politer Scien∣ces; and thence into France (as wee now call it) and after that into Britaine, and later into Ger∣many, all by Roman Conquests and imparting Arts with their Armes: so may wee iudge of the New World, wherein two Empires were growne great, ciuill, rich, and potent, after their man∣ner, as our Mexican and Inca stories will shew in due place. This their greatnesse produced stories [ 30] of their Acts by Quippos, Pictures and other Monuments, which deriued to posteritie the know∣ledge of former times and acts.* 1.174 By which we may gather that the Northerne America was first peopled, and that probably from the Easterne or Northerne parts of Asia; and communicated people to the Southerne parts, the Northerne Antiquities of Mexico, being ancienter then those of Peru. Those first stories also (see them in the Picture-Booke, and in Vega and Acosta follow∣ing) how raw and infantly beginnings and proceedings doe they shew? What barbarisme? Yet neither containing memorialls of one thousand yeeres: So that allow sixe hundreth yeeres to meere breedings and barbarous infancy, with creeping in dispersions, as out of the cradle of A∣merican humanity amongst them, till they were fuller of People and Townes, where one wit whetts another to new deuices, yet we scarcely come to the times of Christ and his Apostles. I [ 40] may adde, that till about one thousand two hundred yeeres after Christ, neither of those Empires were worthy the names of pettie Kingdomes, and euen then had scarcely crept out of the shell.

Now for Ilands in the Seas betwixt Asia and them, as also along the North Sea, as they cal it, on the Easterne shoare of America, in the North and South parts thereof also, these Relations will shew you Worlds of them not yet peopled. The Southerne Continent is yet but saluted on the Shoares and Ilands, of which we may no lesse coniecture much emptinesse. For the fulnesse of the Continent disburthens it selfe into Ilands; and fulnesse of the first peopled parts, Asia, Africa, and Europe, made them seeke to root out one another by the Sword, or to possesse vacant places by Sea or Land, which either chance or industry had found. But except Deucalion and Pyrrha had [ 50] sowne stones to procreate Men, or Cadmus his sowne teeth had procreated Armies, or the Clouds had rained Peoples, as they are said to doe Frogs, I know not how wise and learned men (by their leaues inconsiderately enough) fill China and America with people in those dayes before Moses and Abraham, and find great commerce and knowledge of the New World, when the Old was but yesterday begun. So necessary to Humane and Diuine knowledge is Geographie and Histo∣ry, the two Eyes with which wee see the World, without which our greatest Clerkes are not the wisest men, but in this part blind and not able to see farre off. If any deride this as paradoxicall and new, I say againe, that in America alone, so much as hath beene discouered, and whereof know∣ledge from ey-witnesses hath comne to my hand, partly in the Continent, partly in Ilands, as much (and in great part as commodious for mans vse) as all Europe, is either wholly vnhabi∣ted, or so thinly inhabited, that men roague rather then dwell there, and so as it would feed and [ 60] sustaine a hundreth, perhaps a thousand times as much people by due husbandry.

§. IX. IOCTANS Posteritie seated in the East parts of Asia, amongst them, Ophirin India vltra Gangem, where CHRYSE was of old, and now is the Kingdome of Pegu, and the Regions adioyning.

AFrica fell to Chams part, with some adoyning Regions of Asia; Asia it selfe in greatest part to Shem, and Europe with Asia Minor, and the Northerne parts of Asia to Iapheth. Their very names haue left memorialls of them, as Arias Montanus, Iunius,* 1.175 Broughton, and others haue obserued, to whose Commentaries I referre the Reader. [ 10] But for Ioctans sonnes, we find in and neere to India, the prints of all their names. Elmodad hath left his name in the Hill Emodus, whence the Indian Riuers flow, and Comedus, the greatest Hills of Asia, elsewhere called Taurus, and by diuers names as it runneth thorow diuers Coun∣tries, from the one end of Asia to the other: also in the Themeotae or Thetmontae in Sarmatia. Of Sheleph are the Mountaines Sariphi, whence Oxus floweth. Seilon is a famous Iland in these dayes. Of Hazarmaueth, Sarmatia; of Ierah, Aria and Arachosia; of Hadoram the Ori, Oritae, Oxidraca; also the Adraistae, Andresti, Adrestae: Of Vzal, Muziris, Musopalle, Ozoana, Oxus, Vdi••, or Odia a Citie, and Vdezza a Kingdome, in India; Auzacia, a Citie extra Imaum, and Auxacitis. Of Diklah, Delly, Dankalee, Tacola and Tagola; also Dela, Dekaka, the Laos, Bacola, Bengala, and [ 20] (by conuersion of D into R, not vnusuall) Rhacan and Arracan, Orixa; Dandagula and Daedala. Of Obal, the Bolitae and Cabolitae neere Paraponisus; of Abimael the Mount Imaus, and the Malli in India mentioned by Curtius.

Now for Sheba and Hauilah; Cush had Seba and Hauilah, and his sonne Raamah had also She∣ba▪ all mentioned in the same Chapiter: and Iokshan Abrahams sonne by Keturah, begat Sheba.* 1.176 Chush his two sonnes, were Authors of the Sabaeans in Arabia, so famous for the Merchandise of Myrrhe and Frankinsence;* 1.177 some distinguish the Sabaei in Arabia deserta (whose posteritie rob∣bed Iob) from the richer Sabaeans of Sheba in Arabia Foelix,* 1.178 whence that rich Queene called of the South (that Countrey is called Alieman, that is, the South, to this day) came to visit Salomon. Abrahams Sheba had his habitation Eastward in the Northerly parts of Arabia deserta;* 1.179 as if his [ 30] kindred by the flesh, the sonnes of Keturah and Hagar (the carnall Israelites,* 1.180 and such which insist on Iustification by their owne Workes of the Law) should neuer haue to doe with Canaans ferti∣litie and felicitie, the type of Heauen, Righteousnesse, Peace and Ioy in the Holy Ghost;* 1.181 but distract themselues in wandring errors, & a disconsolate miserable estate, as those Arabians do to this day.

Ioktans Sheba was Author of the Sabae beyond Ganges; of Sabana, Sabara, Sobanus; and now Siam, Champa, Camboia, are famous in these parts.

Hauila of Chus is hee which planted that Countrey, at the entrance of Susiana in Persia, com∣mended, Gen. 2. for the Gold. And of him also might Abila in Syria, and Aualites, a Bay and Port on the Red Sea, and the Aualitae p••puls, which thence remoued into Aethiopia, and the Chalybes among the Troglodytae bare names.

Ioctans Hauila might giue name to the Ile Sundiua, the Gulfe Tauai, to Aua, Martauan, Caue∣lan [ 40] also, and Cublan all Kingdomes lately subiect to the King of Pegu. The Auares in the Northerne parts might bee a deduction from him, Chaberis also and the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 a Bactrian Nation, by some called Sauadij, and the Auchaetae, where Hipanis springeth; the Abij and In∣dian Abali, and Zebae; Abarimon also in Scythia, and Iesual, a Kingdome in these daies. Of Iobab came the Iabadij, the Ibi, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (an Indian Nation) the Sobi, and Sarmatian Ibiones; Iacubel also in the Kingdome of Pegu, the Ile Iaua, Iamba, and in old times Barebe and Bepinga.

Some impression of the name of Ophir is left in Ophar, a Sarmatian Riuer, and the Opharitae, and in those names of the Hil Taurus, Paropamisus, Pharphariades, otherwise Pariades, Parthenasis,* 1.182 Par∣tao, Chaboras, Oscobar, Pariedrus, Para; Choatra, Parthaus, Tapurius, Opurocarra, Bepyrrus, Parsue∣tus, Paryadres. I might adde the renowmed Indian Iland Taprobane, the Prasij, Hippuros, the Citie Paraca, Palibothra, Perimula, Doperura, Sobura, Cottobora, Sippara, Mapura, Caespira, Brachme, Brach∣manae, [ 50] Opotura, Pharitras, and other names in Ptolomey, and the Pharasij in Curtius. Also the Hippuri in Plinie, to omit Porus the great King of India, whom Alexander subdued. And many places of principall note in India in these dayes haue such a termination, as Fetipore, Iounpore, Sin∣pore, Merepore, and the like, of more certaintie then the occasionall and yesterday name of Peru.

Thus haue wee brought arguments of names, to find all Ioctans posterity in the way to India, or the Inland Indian Countries, where it is likely they fi••st seated themselues, and afterwardes spread themselues both to the Northerne Sarmatians, and Sythians, and to the Sea Coast Souther∣ly after the Floud, some feare whereof did not a little terrifie the first Ages. At this day Tippara, [ 60] Serepore on Ganges, Caplan, the place where they find the Rubies, Saphires, and Spinells, sixe dayes iourney from Aua, Pegu it selfe, and the Bramas, which founded the New Citie, and which still people the Kingdomes of Prom, Melintay, Calam, Bacam, Miriam; and Purdabin, Purhola at the Spring, and Benpurbat the entrance of Ganges to the Sea; the Straits of Cingopura, with diuers other places in those Regions where wee place Ophir, haue some foot-prints left

of that name after so many Ages. Their Brachmanes, Probar their chiefe God, Talipoies their Priests might be added for sound. But words are windie, sounding and not sound, wordy not wor∣thy arguments, except things agreeing make the truth euident. For accidentally names are the same in diuers Countries, as if any man lust to obserue in a Geographicall Dictionary, hee shall easily see.

These are onely probabilities which are to be weighed with the words of Moses, And their dwelling was from Mesha, as thou goest vnto Sepha••, a Mount of the East; admontes Orientis vsque, Tremelius reades it: Iosephus interpreteth from Assyria to a Riuer of India called Cophene. Sepher is,* 1.183 if ye receiue Montanus, the Per••an Andes, the Mountaines of the West in the Worlds situa∣tion from Babylon, and the place where Moses wrote; Ptolemie mentions Sipphara not farre from Euphrates: Postellus makes it Imaus, Saint Hierom placeth it in India: Sepharuaim of the Assyri∣ans [ 10] (which is perhaps Ptolomies Sipphara,* 1.184 is often mentioned, and confirmeth well that opinion of Iosephus. From Mesa therefore which taketh his beginning East from those parts where Mo∣ses wrote, being also part of that hill Taurus whereto we haue found all Ioktans Sonnes neigh∣bouring (afterwards called Mount Masius, in Mesopotamia) to Sephar, another part of that great hill Taurus,* 1.185 both Eastward, and thence also in processe of time to further Easterly Mountaines, the remotest Easterne parts of Taurus, did Ioktans Posterity spread and disperse themselues; one of the most Easterly whereof we finde this questioned Ophir. Or if any like rather to finde them more Easterly, Plinie mentions the Masuae and Mesae in India, and there also is Ptolomies Sa∣para and Sippara, agreeing with Sephar: Sarpedon also and Sariph are hils so called, parts of Taurus. [ 20]

It remaines then to see whether the Commodities of those parts, and the Voyage thither be correspondent to the Scriptures description. For the Commodities, we will giue both auncient, middle, and moderne testimonies (with this difference, that the auncient and middle are not so particular nor directly expressing and notifying places and things as the last) the rather because this hath beene the stumbling stone to Ortelius, and others, to make them seeke for Ophir else∣where. The Ophirian Voyage (it is probable) comprehended all the gulfe of Bengala from Zei∣lan to Sumatra, on both sides: but the Region of Ophir we make to be all from Ganges to Menan, and most properly the large Kingdome of Pegu,* 1.186 from whence it is likely in processe of time, the Southerly parts, euen to Sumatra inclusiuely was peopled before Salomons time.

In India beyond Ganges, Ptolomie placeth both Argentea and Aurea Regi••. Super Argenteam [ 30] autem regionem, in qua multa dicuntur esse metalla non signata, superiacet Aurea Regi••, Besyngitis ap∣propinquans, quae & ipsa metalla auri quam plurima habet. Arrianus in his Periplus, or Treatise of the sailing about the Erythraean Sea (which as is said before contained the Indian) speaking of Ganges and the rising and falling thereof like Nilus, placeth 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or the Golden Region, neere to it, and addes the reports of golden Mines in those parts. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Marcianus mentions this golden Chersonessus also. * 1.187 Long before them Herodotus in his Thalia relating the Tributes paid to the Persian Monarch, saith, The Indians as they are more in number then other men, so their tribute is greater, 360. talents of Gold: and then addeth the reports of Ants, not so bigge as Dogges, but bigger then Foxes, which cast vp antheaps full of golden sands. Ar∣rianus cites Nearchus and Megasthenes (whom Strabo produceth also) for these Ants, which I [ 40] thinke rather to be an Embleme then a Story.* 1.188 For as Salomon sends the Sluggard to schoole to the Pismire, to learne of that little creature great industry and prouidence, so Salomons and other Princes Mines could not be better expressed then in such an alegory; liuing in darkenesse, and as it were buried aliue, and bearing excessiue burthens, yet baited with poore diet and wages. And thus Georgius Fabritius,* 1.189 Indi suos Metallicos 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 appellarunt, vnde fabulis locus, &c. The like fable they had of monstrous Griffons, thereby expressing the miserable monstrosity of couetous∣nesse. Plinie hath (speaking of the Indian Nations) Fertilissimi sunt auri Dardae, Setae vero argenti. Sed omnium in India prope, non modo in hoc tractu, potentiam claritatemque antecedunt Prasij, amplis∣ma vrbe ditissimaque Palibotra: vnde quidem ipsam gentem Palibotros vocant, imo vero tractum vni∣uersum à Gange. Regi eorum peditum sexcenta M. equitum triginta M. elephantorum nouem M. per [ 50] omnes dies stipendiantur,* 1.190 &c. These Prasij placed neere Ganges, Plutarch cals Praesij, Curtius Pharasij, Diodorus Tabraesij, all which names they which know any thing in Ebrew, can tell how easily they may be deriued from Ophir, passing the Greeke termination after other changes▪ And Palabothra, or Palimbothra is by Arrianus placed at the confluence of the Riuers x 1.191 Erannoboa and Ganges, Strabo speakes of the sailing vp Ganges to Palibothra against the streame, and saith that Ganges descends from the Mountaines and from the plaines takes an Eastward course; then passing by Palibothra a very great Citie, enters the Sea with one channell, although it be the greatest of the Indian Riuers. Master Fitch our Country man spent fiue moneths in passing downe Ganges (he might haue done it sooner) and mentions S••rrepore, which (as Sanbal y 1.192 by the first syllable) may seeme to be the same by the situa••ion, trafficke, and last syllable; and tels of the [ 60] Gold Mines in the way. Diodorus Siculus, speaking of India saith, Nascitur in ea ingens argenti aurique vis, non parum quoque aris, ferrique & orichalci. Another Diodorus in his Geographicall Verses saith of the Indians Gold-mining:

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

and after

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

Pomponius Mela mentions those Ants, More Gryphorum keeping the Gold, cum summa pe••∣nicie attingentium. He, Solinus, and Plinie mention Chryse and Argyre so plentifull of Mettals,* 1.193 that men reported the soyle was Gold and Siluer: so hyperbolicall reports were raised of their store.

But as the ancients knew not these parts of India so well as later times, wee will produce la∣ter [ 10] testimonies. And generally it is esteemed in the remotest East parts, that Gold by reason of the plenty hath not his true and naturall preaeminence aboue Siluer (which ordinarily is twelue to one) but lower by much, in some places more, in some lesse,* 1.194 as the following Relations will better acquaint you. So Marco Polo saith that in the Prouince of Cardandan, they giue one ounce of Gold for fiue of Siluer: Gold being exceeding plentifull, which many brought tho∣row the Desarts to change as aforesaid, the wayes being vnpassible for others. I omit the gol∣den Monument he mentions in Mien. In Tholoman hee saith, is great quantity of Gold. The former place is somewhat Northerly, this Easterly from the necke of the Chersonessus. Nicolo de Conti mentions Bels of Gold commonly sold in those parts, still in vse in Pegu to put in mens yards. Odoardo Barbosa mentions store of Gold at Queda, and in the Kingdome of Pam, in this [ 20] Chersonessus. But I am too suddenly slipt into later times: Long before these,* 1.195 Saint Isidore mentio∣neth Chryse and Argyre plentifull of Gold and Siluer, and those golden Mountaines quos adire propter Dracones & Gryphas, & immensorum hominum monstra, impossibile est. Aelian hath a long discourse of those Gryphons out of Ctesias, keeping the Gold in vast Deserts;* 1.196 of which I no∣ted before, as of the Phenix and the Ants, that a Mysterie rather then Historie is intended, either shewing the barrennesse of Misers producing no good fruites in the mids of golden abun∣dance, but rather ready to deuoure all which came in their clutches; or else intimating the difficulty to get Gold, and manifold dangers in respect of the neighbouring inhabitants,* 1.197 & of fa∣mine in those Deserts. Rabanus Ma••rus, and long after him Nicolas Lyra relate these Beasts pe∣rillous to such as seeke the Gold in these parts. And indeede for wilde Beasts, both Lizards, Ty∣gres, [ 30] and others, I thinke no places more infested then those in and neere Pegu: for which cause the Country and people are forced to build their houses aboue ground, that they may goe vp to them on Ladders. Barros tels of one Tygre which in Malacca seised on a peece of wood to which three slaues were chained, and carried all away,* 1.198 leaping therewith ouer a high wall also. Neither are the Tygres of other Countries comparable to these in these parts, being ano∣ther kinde, called Thoes, or some other kinde, rather then true Tygres, of which are many in A∣frike and America. But leauing the testimonies of auncient and midle times, wee will come to later dayes.

Ludouico Barthema in his third Booke of India, c. 16. much extolleth Pegu for riches (he wrote sixe score yeeres agoe) especially for Iewels, and he saith the King had a Million of Gold in reue∣nue: [ 40] and note that the Bramas Empire or Monarchy was not then begun.* 1.199 Barthema also menti∣ons the Gold in Somatra. Barbosas testimony is before. Caesar Fredericke which was at Pegu, neere sixty yeeres since in the Bramas reigne in Pegu,* 1.200 saith that the King had diuers Magazines full of Gold and Siluer, euery day increased without diminishing. He is Lord also of the Mines of Ru∣bies, Saphires and Spinels. He mentions also Colosses, or prodigious and more then Gyantly statues of Gold and Siluer, the foote as bigge as a mans body: innumerable Varelles or Idoll Tem∣ples couered with leafe Gold, with other things which I omit. Master Fitch,* 1.201 besides the Gold Mines at Patenaw as he descended the Ganges, relates the like golden stories of Pegu (where hee was 1586.) as Fredericke hath related, of houses of the King full of Gold, of guilded Idoll houses and statues. The Merchandise in Pegu, faith he, is Gold, Siluer, Rubies, Saphires, Spinels, Muske,* 1.202 &c. neither is their money of those mettals, but of a kinde of Brasse called Gansa, wherewith [ 50] Gold and Siluer are bought, somrtimes deerer, sometimes cheaper, no lesse then other wares. So also saith Fredericke, saying that euery man may stampe that money at his pleasure, and therewith buy Gold and Siluer, as aforesaid. Gasparo Balbi a Venetian Ieweller was there a little before Fitch, and relateth likewise of the statues, Magazens of Gold, Siluer, Ganza, Iewels, Cloathes, Muske, &c. vnder seuerall Treasurers, and concludeth, that this King, for Gold, Siluer, and Iewels, is the richest King in the world, except the King of Chinae.

But the Iesuites Letters haue best opened these Mines of the King of Pegu. N. Pimenta writes; Fernandus also from Syripore 1599. 16. Kal. Feb. of the state of Pegu; that the Kings Father a Bra∣man had subiected twelue Kingdomes to his scepter, viz. the Kingdome of Cauelan, whence come [ 60] the best Rubies and Saphires: Aua, which hath Mines of Cyprian Brasse, Lead, and Siluer: the Kingdome of Bacan which hath many Mines of Gold: the Kingdome of Iangoma, abounding with Copper, Muske, Pepper, Silke, Gold, Siluer, (all which are also had, saith he, in the rest of the Kingdomes of the Peguan Empire) Cablan abounding with Gemmes, &c. Hee proceedes to

relate the miserable ruine & destruction of that Kingdome, which then had lately happened, not yet recouered, as you may reade at large in him, and in my Pilgrimage. The former King of Pegu is reported to haue cast 366. combalengas of Gold, each containing 180. pound weight, which none knowes what is become of them. This King had 67. Idoll-statues of Gold, adorned with all kinde of Gemmes. He killed 200. Eunuches lest they might disclose his treasures. Andreas Bo∣ues,* 1.203 another Iesuite, relateth the miserable death of the King (in his Letters from Sirian in Pegu, March 28. 1000.) slaine by the King of Tangu, to whom he had yeelded himselfe, who neglecting Siluer, and things of smaller value, onely with Gold and Gemmes laded sixe or seuen hundred * 1.204 E∣lephants, and as many Horses. The King of Arracan tooke his leauings, gleaning so much Siluer as was valued at three Millions besides Ordnance 3300. Peeces. [ 10]

Now for trade of Gold out of the adioyning parts, I covld adde hither out of Fernand Mendez Pinto which trauelled from Timplan in Calaminhan (the Emperour whereof,* 1.205 he saith, hath seuen and twenty Kingdomes subiect to him) to Pegu, An. 1546. then possessed by the Braman Con∣querour. Hee reporteth that the Bramans Monarchy had anciently contained thirteene King∣domes; and that abundance of Gemmes, Gold, Siluer, and innumerable riches are in the Cala∣minhan Empire; in which is no money of Gold, or Siluer, but they trade by weight of Cates, Ta∣dis, Maazes, and Conderins. Hee also reporteth that the Lake Chia••••a containeth in circuit six∣ty Iaons, each of which is three leagues, alongst which are many Mines of Siluer, Copper, Tin, and Leade, which they carry in Cafilas of Elephants, and Badas (I thinke hee meaneth Rhinoce∣rots) to the Kingdomes of Sornan, to wit, Siam, Passiloco, Sauady, Tangu, Prom, Calaminham, [ 20] and returne therefore much Gold, and Diamonds, and Rubies. As for the Mines of Gold neere the Lake Pinator whence the Riuer of Camboia runneth, yeelding yeerely two and twenty Mil∣lions of Gold, and a rocke of Diamants there also, I referre you to the Author, which placeth them further then our limits.* 1.206

* 1.207But if we adde Sumatra (which the most thinke to be Taprobone, in which Ophirs name is e∣uidently seene still) we haue the tradition of the people, the Gold also (Bonferrus a Franciscan hath related that the Peguans are descended of Salomons seruants sent to these Mynes;* 1.208 but I know not whether the Natiues haue any such tradition, perhaps it is the Friers coniecture) as appea∣reth by the following testimonies. And if wee adde the next Neighbour on the West, which now possesseth the Easterne parts of Ganges, and the Kingdome of Bengala, I thinke wee shall vt∣terly take away Ortelius his scruple (Sed hanc Chersonesum auri diuitem olim fuisse,* 1.209 nemo vtterum, [ 30] quod sciam auctor est) ne{que} nunc etiam esse, ex recentioribus palam est:) Onely remember that in the Ophirian Voyage, we take not onely the Chersonesus, but all the Countrey from Ganges, and thence to Sumatra, placing Pegu in the centre as the Ophir of Ophir, or Ophir in most proper sence; annexing the rest, with all the Choromandell coast also, as being subiect to one and the same trade and Nauigation, all on the shoares of the gulfe of Bengala. I like Master Dees similitude, which sets the feete of his Ophirian compasse, one in Zedan, the other in Samatra, the head I place in Pegu. This head is caput caenae, the true Ophir, the other parts of the compasse, the parts cum∣passed and traded in, in this Ophirian Voyage. From Ganges to Menan are diuers Chersonesi, or rather Ilands, in regard of the Riuers which come from the Lake Chiamay; and from Bengala to [ 40] Menan is the Peguan Chersonesus, which perhaps is the true Chryse and Aurea (for that Malaccan Chersonessus hath neuer beene renowned in latter times for any great quantity of Gold that I haue read or learnd, not yet altogether destitute, as we haue shewed; but not sufficient for Salo∣mons Ophir) from which as first peopled, the Inhabitants of Samatra might (as is said) be a Colony.

Whether it were so or no, I dispute not, nor whether it or Zeilan be the true Taprobant; nor whether it were anciently an Iland, and since separated by the Seas irruption: that it is well sto∣red with Golden Mines needes no question, and therefore fit to be saluted by Salomons Naui••, then in their Ophirian Voyage, and by vs here in our Ophirian Discouery. Of Sumatra, Odoardo Bar∣bosa witnesseth that there are many Gold Mines, vi son molte minere d'Oro: and speaking of Me∣nancabo [ 50] one of the Kingdomes in the South part of that great Iland saith, & qui e il principal fonte dell'oro, &c. there is the principall originall of the Gold of that Iland, as well of the Minerals, as of that which is gathered neere the brinkes of Riuers. He wrote An. 1516. and was one of Ma∣gelans companions in his Voyage about the World. Long before him Nicol•• de Conti testified of Sumatra, that in it is abundance of Gold. Andrew Theuet mentions the gold Mines: but wee haue later and better testimonies from our owne men. Captaine Dauis was in that Iland, Anno 1599. and mentions not onely the King of Achens store,* 1.210 but the Mines of Gold and other com∣modities of that Iland: and the Brasse Mines to be also rich in Gold; and (which maketh most to our purpose) a tradition of the Natiues that Salomons Ophirian voyage for Gold was to that Countrey. Sir Iames Lancasters Voyage, and diuers other English Voyages will ratifie Sumatras [ 60] Gold. But what neede we better testimony then the Letter of that King to our King, which this story yeeldeth to your * 1.211 view, and worth your reading. To that, and to Walter Paytons testimony of the Gold of Passaman in this Iland I referre you. Likewise for the next adioyning parts on this side, I will trouble you onely with two testimonies, one of Master Fitch, who trauelling

downe the Riuer Ganges, at Patenaw obserued the golden Mines, where saith he, they digge deepe pits and wash the earth thence taken in great boles, and so finde the Gold: the other of Captaine Hawkins, who bare the name of the English Embassadour in the Mogols Court, and speaking of sixe seuerall treasuries of that King, relates the particulars of that one of Agra, which stands on Iemni or Gemini, a Riuer tributary to Ganges, where his Gold, Siluer, and Iewels may seeme to our poorer World, beyond credit. But I had rather point you to the place,* 1.212 then here trouble you with transcribing. And thus haue we vsed a threefold argument, one of names, a second of si∣tuation, a third of the principall commodities returned, to proue that Ophir was in these parts, and haue before shewed that it could be in none other alleadged. But Gold and Gemmes haue such a lustre, and Salomons other rarities were so precious, that wee may I hope be pardoned to [ 10] take longer view on them, both for our better knowledge in such things, and for better confir∣mation of the Ophirian Pegu, and the Regions adiacent.

§. X. Of the Gold, Siluer, Gemmes, Iuory, Almug-trees, Apes and Peacockes, which SALOMONS Fleet brought from Ophir, with diuers other profitable obseruations inserted.

[ 20]

MEtals are our Mothers hidden treasures, by mens couetousnesse often occasions of her violent rauishments, and no better to her then a Viperous Issue, or as Wormes, or Co-like passions in her entrals. In themselues, and in diuine Ordinance, they are many wayes profitable for medicine against diseases, armour against enemies, ornaments for peace, engines for Warre, Instruments for daily labour, vtensils for daily food, and in money-emploiment, they are All things. Of all Metals Gold hath preeminence, as likest the Sun in purity of substance, glory of splendour, powerfull attraction, longest endurance (in despite of Age and Fire) most operatiue influence, and of base Idolaters most adored. How it is found in Grains, Pip∣pins, [ 30] or Powder, this Booke elsewhere sheweth * 1.213. And although Siluer bee a durable metall, and well induring both times and flames, yet herein is it short of Gold; and notwithstanding the co∣lour is more lightsome, and the sound more delightsome, yet Gold hath in great proportion al∣way beene preferred. Iullius Pollux citeth Menander, and Hesychius, Polemarchus, which make this proportion ten fold, which the Romans also obserued in their agreement with the Aetolians, that if they paid in Gold, one peece should counteruaile ten of Siluer. The old Greekes and Per∣sians seeme to haue obserued the like rate. Plinie mentions at the first coyning, the proportions of fifteene; and neere that, to wit, fourteene and a halfe, is obserued in the Constitutions of Arca∣dius and Honorius. Herodotus makes one Talent of Gold equall to thirteene of Siluer. In Galbas time it was twelue and a halfe. But China and some parts of the East Indies, by reason of plenty [ 40] of Gold, and small store of Siluer, haue diuersly vnderualued the Gold. The most generall, which Plato also approued, and in Plinies time was currant, and is most vsuall in these parts, is ordinarily twelue for one, as an ounce of Siluer fiue shillings, of Gold three pounds.

The purest Gold, and which is as much as may be, purified from all other mixture, is called O∣bryzum, a word procreated in the Mints,* 1.214 & not of Ophirian parentage (Obrizum quasi Ophirizum) and such are (as they say) the Darike coines and our Edward Nobles; not aboue the nintie sixth part being of other mixture. They say (saith Master Brerewood) that it may be so farre refined that onely the three hundred eighty fourth part shall be of other mettall. The Greeke coines of Philip and Alexander admitted a fiftieth part of Siluer, the Romans forty eight,* 1.215 now obserued in Turkish, Hungarian, Spanish, and Venetion coines: those of Rome, Luques, Millaine haue alloy thirty two, French Crownes sixteene, Italian nine, &c. The Talmudists mention seuen kindes of Gold, [ 50] or obserue seuen names by which Gold is named in Scripture: Saint Ierom also intimateth the same, and Pineda hath long discourses of them, which I omit. The Scripture seemeth to ascribe a prerogatiue to the Gold of Ophir, before Salomons time, in Iob, and in Dauids daies, wherby it may seeme that the Voyage to Ophir for Gold was in vse long before Salomon, and some thinke that a great part of Dauids Gold consecrated to the Temple, was by his care fetched thence. For aboue his other preparations, mentioned 1. Chron. 22.14. which were a hundreth thousand talents of Gold, and a thousand thousand talents of Siluer, in the nine and twentieth chapter, he out of his proper goods giueth 3000. other talents of Gold, of the Gold of Ophir, and 7000. ta∣lents of refined Siluer: the Princes offered also 5000. talents of Gold, and 10000. drams, and of [ 60] Siluer 10000. talents, &c.

This is diuersly summed by diuers Expositors differing in their computation of a Talent. Ma∣ster Dee and Master Berewood haue seemed to haue giuen the best construct••on, deriued from Mo∣ses himselfe, Exod. 38.25, 26. which Rabbi Salomon and Lyra, had obserued before them; that a Talent containeth a 1.216 3000. Shekles, which is 375 li. a Talent of Siluer, and a Talent of Gold,

allowing twelue fold proportion, is 4500. li. According to which iust reckoning Salomons foure hundreth twenty Talents of Gold brought from Ophir, came to one million eight hundred ninety thousand pounds. Dauids 3000. Talents of Gold of Ophir, 1. Chron. 29.4. aforesaid, was thirteene millions and fiue hundreth thousand in English money. His Siluer then offered (7000. Talents) is two millions 625000. li. The offering of the Princes (5000. Talents of Gold) was two and twenty millions fiue hundreth and seuen thousand & 500. pounds: and their ten thousand Talents of Siluer came to three millions and seuen hundred fiftie thousand pounds. Salomon had also giuen him by the Queene of Sheba 120. Talents, that is fiue hundreth and fortie thousand pounds. As much was sent him by Hiram. Now the whole Furniture of the Tabernacle was twentie nine Talents of Gold,* 1.217 and 730. Shekles; in our money, one hundreth thirtie and one thousand, fiue hundreth ninety and fiue pounds; the siluer was 100. talents, and 1775. shekles, that [ 10] is, thirtie seuen thousand, seuen hundreth and twentie one pounds seuenteene shillings six pence. Thus hath Master Brerewood cast vp these summes. Now for this Ophirian Gold, Salomon is said, 2. Chron. 8.18. to haue had from Ophir foure hundred and fiftie talents, thirtie more then 1. Reg. 9. are mentioned, which thirtie Talents, it seemeth were spent in wages or other char∣ges, and came not to the Kings Coffers.

But a great scruple remaineth about the 100000. talents of Gold, mentioned before out of 1. Chron. 22.14. which amount to foure hundreth and fiftie millions of English pounds; and the million of Siluer talents to three hundreth seuentie fiue millions of pounds: summes stupendi∣ous and prodigious beyond all that the Persian, Greeke, or Roman Empires euer saw at one time, after greater and longer conquests then Dauids; and such, as euen Salomons wealth had beene by [ 20] much ouertopped by Dauids; which agreeth not either to the History * 1.218, or to the Mystery, that Heauens peace & glory should be surmounted by militant Faith and Grace. Alexander the richest Conquerour, left but eighteene millions and seuen hundreth and 50000. pound of mo∣ney at his death: and in conquest of Darius, had gotten but thirtie two millions 750000. pound•• and Cyrus out of the conquest of Asia gathered but 125. millions, which yet is the greatest sum (except that of Sardonapalus mentioned by C••esias, an Author not much to bee credited) which any Ethnick story mentioneth. Wee must therefore find another acceptation of the word there translated Talent, which is taken sometimes for a lumpe of mettall in forme of a Cake, or else that name Talent is sometimes taken for a small summe, as out of Pollux and Homer, M. Brere∣woods paines haue obserued; who also hauing cast vp the particulars, findeth that such summes [ 30] could not haue beene spent on the Temple, had the Walls and Pauements beene of massie Siluer, the Roofe and all ths Linings of the Walls and the Furniture of solid Gold.

Salomons yeerely reuenue (as some interpret, 2. Chron. 9.13.) was sixe hundreth sixty sixe talents of Gold, besides his Customes, and the rich Presents of Gold and Siluer sent him from the Kings of Arabia and the Gouernours: that lackes but three pounds of three millions in our recko∣ning. Some would make vp this great summe of the Ophirian Gold, and Hirams, and the Queene of Shebas gifts, which all lacke but six talents; as if it were not an Annuall, but Casuall Reuenue, which I cannot approue. Some interpret it of ordinary tributes leuied of his Subiects; some of the posteritie of the Chanaanites (a thing vnlikely) and some of forraine voyages, making him to send euery yeere a Fleet, though none of those Fleets returned till the third yeere. Villalpan∣dus [ 40] * 1.219 makes it but one returne from Ophir, the first, of foure hundreth and twenty Talents, the se∣cond, of foure hundreth and fiftie, the third, of sixe hundreth sixty sixe of Gold, besides Siluer and other goods. And, as for Salomons entire Reuenues, hee with great paines in the auditing, raiseth them higher then the Persians, then Alexanders, then those of the Roman Empire: ari∣sing from his Customes, his Gifts and Presents, Taxations, Tributes, prouisions of Corne, &c. That of the King of Tyrus he reckoneth a tribute, and out of Eupolemus alleageth that the Tyrians were tributaries. Wee may here also remember, that there is no mention of the summe of the Siluer which they brought from Ophir, which is likely was farre more then the Gold▪ insomuch that it was reputed as Stones, and was of none account in the dayes of Salomon. [ 50]

To mee it seemeth that the sixe hundreth sixtie sixe Talents of Gold is spoken onely of for∣raine Gold, partly by Ophirian and other merchandising Trades, and partly by Presenrs; of which the two principall, Hiram, and the Queene of the South are expressed: but it is added of others, That all the Kings of the Earth sought the presence of Salomon, and brought euery man his Present, vessells of Siluer, and vessells of Gold, and Raiment, Harnesse and Spices, Horses and Mules, a rate yeere by yeere. Grant then a Fleet yeerely set forth, which came not home till the third yeere, one suc∣ceeding another (as in the Spanish Fleets to Peru, and ours to the Indies, of which is a yeerely re∣turne, yet not of the same) and these yeerely Presents, there could not be lesse then six hundreth sixty six Talents: besides perhaps, tenne or twelue times as much in Siluer, and all the Spices, Horses, Mules, Customes of Merchants, Tributes of the Edomites, Moabites, and Vassalls, Taxes on his Israelitish * 1.220 Subiects, Reuenues out of his Pastures and innumerable Cattell and husbandry [ 60] of Crowne Lands (wee will not adde, with some, Chimistry; that might haue saued his Ophirian paines) and all the riches left him by Inheritance from his Father. Now that the six hundreth sixtie six Talents is to be vnderstood of Strangers, appeareth in that exception, Vers. 14. where

none but forraine Incombes are mentioned. And hereby most liuely is both the calling of the Gentiles figured, of which the 72. Psalme was by the Spirit of God purposely indited in corre∣spondence of this type, and the Christian Truth; as also the glory of the heauenly Ierusalem, which ariseth not out of the workes of righteousnesse which we haue done, but of free gifts, of which it is said, They shall bring the glory and honour of the Nations into it. Reu. 21. where in vision that glorious C••tie is represented, and correspondent to Salomons type, The Citie was of pure Gold, and the foundations and gates of precious stones, but there is no mention at all of S••luer.

Another question ariseth out of Dauids 3000. Talents of Gold of Ophir,* 1.221 whether hee practised the Ophirian Voyage also: and some suppose that hee ••ad made seuen voyages thither, which rec∣koning 420. Talents a time, makes much about that summe of three thousand Talents. For my [ 10] part, I thinke Dauid a greater Warrior then Merchant, allowing the greatest summes before questioned to be reserued and consecrated out of the spoiles, as himselfe confesseth,* 1.222 In my trouble I haue prepared for the house of the Lord 100000. Talents of Gold, &c. and more plainly, 1. Chroni∣cles 18.11. considering also that it was long before his State could be setled at home, and fitted a∣broad to attend such Nauigations; which likewise haue neither ground in the Sacred Story (for the Gold of Ophir is prouerbiall, vsually in Scripture for fine and pure Gold) nor agree with the type, Dauid one way, Salomon another resembling Christ, and their times the state of the Church▪ likewise that Dauid had much care of husbanding his estate to the best, thrift being the fewell of Magnificence, as appeareth in the particular enumeration of the Officers for his Rents,* 1.223 Store-hou∣ses, Husbandmen in the Field, Vineyards, Oliue-trees, Sycamores and Oyle, Herds in Sharon, and [ 20] in the Vallies, Camells, Asses, Flockes; it is no maruell if such industry acquired such substance in such continuance of time, and that hee said I haue of mine own proper goods of Gold and Siluer which I haue giuen to the house of my God, ouer and aboue all that I haue prepared (to wit, in consecrated spoyles) for the holy House three thousand Talents of Gold of Ophir, &c.* 1.224 This example of Dauid sheweth that it is no impeachment, yea the true aduancement of Honour for Princes to vse all frugall husbandry and meanes of thriuing at home; as that other of Salomon, to adde helpe of Discoueries and Trade abroad (both in a Royall manner by their iust Officers) that Magnificence may stand firme on both legs: the want whereof hath denied that wealth (not to speake of power) these many Ages to many Kings out of farre farre greater meanes (besides other incon∣ueniences to themselues and their Subiects) which Dauid, Salomon, and other Kings in the old [ 30] World had. Once these examples so moued that good King Iehoshaphat,* 1.225 that hee built Cities of store at home, and had many Flockes, and made Ships also to goe to Tarshish, and they made the Ships in Ezion-Geber, the same Port where Salomon made his Nauall prouisions; but ioyning therein with Ahaziah King of Israel, who did very wickedly (So much worse before God is an Ahaziah then a Hiram, the one an honest minded Gentile, the other a schis∣maticall Idolatrous Israelite) that the Lord br••ke the workes, and the Ships were not able to goe to Tarshish.

We haue beene very long in this metall Discourse: yet how much longer was Salomon in his three yeeres Voyage, and how much longer the most of men, which make their whole life a voy∣age to Ophir for Gold and Siluer, thorow so many diuersified Seas of Arts, force, frauds to get those [ 40] metalls which procreated neerest Hell, carry these eager seekers thither altogether? That the Sil∣uer was more by farre then the Gold, was before proued; but the quantitie is not expressed, as not agreeing with Salomons either Litterall Story, or Mysticall Glory.* 1.226 Some thinke that there was in euery voyage 24. times as much Siluer as Gold; both because they conceiue that Nature hath gi∣uen so much more thereof in quantitie, as the qualitie and price is vnderualued; and because all Stories Ancient and Moderne magnifie India for store of Siluer▪ and so prodigious prodigality, to giue Siluer in Ierusalem as stones, must haue a deep fountain for such a flowing streame,* 1.227 besides those other Siluer Hooks and Brooks mentioned in Salomons History. But we will leaue these precious, specious obiects to take view of Gemmes.* 1.228

And herein American Peru, and Sofala are beggarly in comparison of those parts of India, [ 50] where we haue placed Ophir, as the former testimonies well weighed with whatsoeuer can be brought for the other, will easily and superabundantly conuince. In Northerne America are some Turkesses, in the Southerne are saide to bee (which others question) Eme∣ralds, in both Pearles, but not comparable to the Orientall: these Bezars are twice so good; in Spices to make comparison hath no spice of knowledge. And first for the first of gemmes, Diamants, Pliny saith, Maximum in rebus humanis non solum inter gemmas,* 1.229 precium habet Adamas, vnus modo in metallis repertus. Some haue conceited it to dull the Loadstones attraction, and to resist all force of Hammer, which experience hath found contrary. The Kingdomes of Narfinga, Biznagar, Or••ssa, Masul••patan, and all the Coun∣tries on the Choromandel Coast, are the most famous for Rockes of Diamants, and now [ 60] also Soccodanna (where they diue * 1.230 for them as for Pearles) Decan, Delli, and Agra, Tarriam also in the Tract of Malacca, and Iaua. Here then is the Worlds Centre of Dia∣mants, both for the most and best. Garcias ab Horto writes, that he hath seene one of one hundreth and forty Mangels (that is seuen hundreth Graines) another of one hundreth and

twentie, and hath heard of one of two hundreth and fiftie, and a credible man told him that hee saw one as big as a small Hens Egge in Bisnager.* 1.231 This soyle is so diamantine, that where you haue digged and taken them now, in two yeeres space you may dig and find others. Neither is it poyson, as some affirm, but he hath knowne the whole stone, and the powder, taken without hurt.

The Heauen-coloured Sapphire, with some obtaineth the second place, because of the likenesse thereof vnder the feet of the Almightie when hee spake to Moses;* 1.232 of which are store in Zeilan, and the most true, hard & fine as Barbosa testifieth. But M. Fitch and M. Fredericke haue before told you of Mynes of them in Pegu; and these saith Garcias and Linschoten, are esteemed the finest, and are in great plenty. So is there also of the Rubie, a stone of greater value, none in the world ex∣c••eding that King in excellencie and varietie of Gems,* 1.233 as appeareth by generall voyce. Of Ru∣bies, [ 10] the Carbuncle is esteemed the best, the Ballas next, the Spinell in the third place, of fiery co∣lour: there are besides, White, Carnation, halfe White, halfe Red Rubies, others halfe Sapphires, halfe Rubies, and one thousand other sorts, if wee beleeue Linschoten. Garcias ascribeth this to the generation of the Ruby, which at first is whitish, and groweth vnto rednesse in processe of time: and because the Sapphire and Rubie grow in one Rocke,* 1.234 they are found sometimes such participles as is deliuered, Sapphire-rubies, called Nilacandi. The Granado and Hyacinth are also reckoned by some amongst the Rubies, calling the yellowish Rubie the Hyacynth, and the blackish a Granado. These are plentifull in Cananor, Calecut and Cambaia (neerer Westward, and in the way to the Gulfe of Bengala) in Zeilan also, as Nicolo di Conti and Andrea Corsali affirme; Pimenta his testi∣mony of Cauelan and Cablan, two gemme Kingdomes you had before. The Iaspar is found in much plenty in Cambaia; Chrysolites, and Amatists, there and in Zeilan and in Balagate (the Apen∣nine [ 20] of the Great Indian Chersonesus) where they haue also the Alaquera or Quequi, which stay∣eth the issue of bloud presently. Pegu, Brama, Zeilan, yeeld the Cats-eye and Agat, of which the Indians conceiue the owner shall increase in wealth; and Garcias saith, Hee hath tried that no fire can burne a linnen Cloth pressed to the eye of it. The Armenian Stones are found also in Ba∣lagate, the Loadstone in Zeilan, neere to which is the fishing for Pearles, but the best of the world are in the Persian Gulfe neere Ormuz: the Alambie in Cambaia. The Bezar Stones are at Pahan neere Malaca, and Cambaia, taken out of the maw of a Sheepe or Goat. The Berills are in Pegu and Zeilan. The Topaz is almost like a Diamant, and is digged out of the Earth in many places of India. There are White Sapphires and Rubies hardly knowne from Dia∣mants. In Cambaia also is found plentie of the Stone Alambre. There are found in Zei∣lan [ 30] also the Topaz,* 1.235 lagongas and Marucha, whose names I can better giue you then the vnderstan∣ding. There are also many sorts of Stones (you reade Lischoten) as well Precious Stones, as against poyson and other diseases of many properties and vertues: but I haue onely mentioned those that are daily bought and sold, and are commonly knowne. The Emeralds I mention not, though said to bee in these parts, because some doubt of them, and in other parts are found better, wherewith the Venetians haue made good gaine at Pegu in exchange for Ru∣bies: those also of Peru are suspected. For gemmes (wee now conclude) no part of the world but India, could fit Salomons turne; wherein, if Aarons brestplate were so glorious in the Tabernacle, to how precious height will Salomons Temple eleuate our thoughts? and conse∣quently [ 40] both manifest and magnifie the Indian-Ophirian Voyage, these being found either na∣turall in the Peg••an Ophir, or by trade there or in the way from Ophir by the Westerne parts of India, part of the Persian Gulfe, and the shores of Arabia and Aethiopia. Of which, Arabia is said to yeeld the Hemathite, Topaz, Sardonyke, Onyx, M••lochite, Myrrhite, Corall, Andromade, Iris;* 1.236 Aethiopia, the Chrysolite, Chrysolamp, Heliotrope, Hyacinth, Hemathite, Chrysoprase; the Persian gulfe from Babylonia the Sagda▪ & Sardy, and the best Pearles: Aegypt in ordinary trade, the Galac∣tite, Emerald, and Aegyptilla: some of which you had before particularly mentioned in India, and likely enough should there find most of the rest with many other vnknowne, if India were as much frequented with Philosophers from hence as Merchants.

Wee are next to consider the Almug Trees, whereof were made Pillars for the House of the Lord, and for the Kings House * 1.237, Harpes also and Psalteries for Singers: there came no such Almug [ 50] Trees, nor were seene vnto this day. Iosephus Interprets Pine Trees, but saith, they differed from the vsuall, resembling the Timber of the Figge Tree to the eye, but that they were whiter and brighter. There is mention of Algum Trees in Lebanon, 2. Chron. 2.8. which some thinke to bee the same with the former, and the word onely altered by transposition of letters; others, that that transposition intimates no lesse specificall difference in the wood then in the word, though otherwise hauing some likenesse to those of Lebanon, but of greater excellency. D. Dee hath written a laborious Treatise almost wholly of this Ophirian argument (the same yeere in which I was borne, A. 1577. of seuentie sheets of paper) howsoeuer intituled, Of Famous and Rich Disco∣ueries; of which I haue a written Copie, and could willingly but for the length haue published it; which may appeare in this, that he hath ten sheets of paper about these Almug trees, more profi∣table [ 60] to the leasurely Scholler, then commodious to be inserted to so voluminous a Worke, as this Library of ours. Hee there, as Commissioner for Salomons Timbers, like a learned, both Ar∣chitect and Planter, hath summoned a Iury of twelue sorts of Trees (mentioned by diuers Inter∣preters)

to examine or to bee examined rather, which of them were the Almugs here mentio∣ned. I should bring you into a Wood to relate his labours in this kind; the kinds are, the Deale, Boxe, Cedar, Cypresse, Ebonie, Ash, Iuniper, Larch, Oliue, Pine, Oke and Sandall Trees:* 1.238 all which with their seuerall qualities and fitnesse for Royall and Sacred buildings hee examineth by best testimonies, and concludeth nothing absolutely, but inclineth to Iosephus, who either by some Monuments in writing might haue learned, or in some remainders to his time in Instru∣ments Musicall, or other profane or sacred memorialls, might probably bee thought to haue seene thereof. I easily beleeue that these Pines or Thynes (Thyina) or whatsoeuer other Trees,* 1.239 were both odoriferous to the Sent, of beauteous aspect to the Eye, of fittest temper to refract sounds to the Eare, smooth to the Touch, and of long continuance and strong substance for building, there∣in [ 10] to bee seruiceable to all senses. Of which sorts it is euident out of Ancient and Moderne Wri∣ters, and out of the following Relations, that India hath the best in the World.

The liuing Creatures remaine to our ••earth, Elephants, Apes, Peacockes;* 1.240 of which I need say little, saying so much in our following Histories, and hauing said so much already. Elephants come neerest Men in vnderstanding, Apes in forme (Simia quam similis turpissima bestia nobis? said Ennius) and Peacocks for their beauty, as Parrots also, Birds of Paradise, and many other Indian Fowles might be desired. The greatest Elephants are ••ound in all this our Ophirian Tract, from Zeilin to Pegu; those esteemed to haue a naturall preeminence, and these had of late a Po∣liticall, the King of Pegu stiling himselfe, The King of White Elephants, and keeping them Royal∣ly [ 20] attended, his Subiects and Tributary Kings also▪ it is Gasper Balby his report) kneeling to them. Once all India is plentifull of them, and therefore of Iuory; this Countrey also neere Ganges is stored with the Abada or Rhinocerote, whose Horne is (in Bengala, by reason of certaine Hearbs hee there feeds on) a good Counter-poyson. Indian Asse-horne in these parts is also vsed for Bucklers, and drinking Cups, and esteemed a great Iewell, as Master Finch affirmeth, in∣fra Pag. 436.

For Peacocks or Parrats, translate which you will, heere are not onely so many of both,* 1.241 that they flie wild, as the following Relations shew, but for excellency beyond those of other parts; as the Apes also are for their beauty and strength. See Sir T. Ro••, Master Finch, and others Iour∣nalls; or rather talke with our Indian Merchants, which vsually trade and trauell those parts, [ 30] som•• of which in the Mogolls Countrey, carrying with them an English Grey-hound, one of the company shot at a great white shee Ape on a Tree, and wounded her, whereby shee with her Cub fell downe: they set on the Grey-hound, and this Ape before seeking shifts for her Cub, seeing the Grey-hound come, layd it aside and encountred the Grey-hound so fiercely about the necke,* 1.242 that hee dyed within a few houres, the company with their weapons comming in, and killing the Ape (as themselues related to mee) and carrying away the young one. The Countrey peo∣ple, in I know not what superstition forbeare to kill them, whereby they multiply exceedingly. Heere by the way may bee obserued, that it appertaineth to Royall Magnificencie, and dis∣agreeth not to humane Excellency, to procure rarities of liuing Creatures, and to keepe them as testimonies of our admiration of Gods various Workes, and exercise of the Minds Contemplati∣on, the Bodies pleasure, with the right Humane ouer Sensitiue Creatures: which Nature taught [ 40] Alexander; yea Motezuma and the Inca••, in that wilder World; and Diuine Grace our Salomon, as these Scriptures manifest. The imitation of whose Wisdome hath whetted my Studies almost to curiositie, to giue to the World a world of Rarities in that kind, as any occasion offered it selfe in these voluminous Voyages.

§. XI. Probable coniectures of the Course taken in the Ophirian Voyage, and accounts giuen of the three yeeres time spent therein: also of the Course taken in [ 50] like Voyages by the Romans: and the diuers Ports whereto the Spices and riches of India haue in diuers Ages beene brought, and thence dispersed to the seuerall parts of EVROPE.* 1.243

WEe haue now vndertaken a hard taske, where we tell not but spell a Voyage, and from reasonable coniectures grounded on other experiments, gather what is most likely in this of Salomons. D. Dee hath written 23. sheets of paper in examining the miles, the dayes, the way, the employments of the time, and mustering or Men and Ships employed in this seruice. I cannot presume either of so much learning in my Selfe, or so [ 60] much patience in the Reader. Yet I shall bee bold both to follow him, and to adde somewhat for further light. Pliny writes, that in his time this Voyage from Egypt to India was made euery yeer. Euery yeer India consumed H-S 500. (which Iacobus Delachampius in his notes summeth to 1200000. Crownes) of the Roman Empires Treasure yeerely, yeelding merchandises therefore in returne sold at

a hundreth times so much. Their course, hee saith, was from Alexandria twelue dayes by Nilus to Coptus, thence by Camells ouer Land to Berenice two hundreth fiftie eight miles (trauelling most part by night by reason of the heate) in twelue dayes more. From Berenice on the Red Sea, they beginne to set forth at Midsummer, or about the beginning of Dogge-dayes, and in thirtie dayes come to Ocelis in Arabia, (or to Canaan or Muza, if they goe not to India, but for A∣rabian Frankincense and Odours) and from Ocelis in fortie dayes they arriued at the first In∣dian Port Muziris. Remember that in this Course they both tooke benefit of the Mon∣son,* 1.244 and went the neerest way: for so a little before hee mentioneth another Course by the Shoare, Secuta aetas propiorem cursum, &c. donec compendia inuenit Mercator, Lucroque In∣dia admota est. Quippe omnibus annis nauigatur. Hee mentions the Voyage of Onesicritus and Nearchus from India to Tigris, in the bottome of the Persian Gulfe, which helde [ 10] them till the seuenth moneth. So much was Nauigation improued in Plinies time. Their Pepper they tooke in on the Malabar Coast, and returned in December the same yeere. The names which then they gaue to places were quite differing from the Antients; and the like Indian mutations haue continued to our times.

The course to Taprobane had accidentally comne to their knowledge a little before, found in Alexanders time to bee an Iland by Onesicritus, mentioned by Megasthenes. The Anti∣ents deemed it another World. The Sea is f••l•• of shoalds, the North-starre is not seene there, and they obserued their course, by sending out Birds which they carry with them and followed their flight. But in the Empire of Claudius, Annius Plocanus hauing farmed the Customes of the Red Sea, one of his Retainers or Free-men * 1.245 sayling on the Arabian Coast, was by a [ 20] Northerne storme carried alongst the Carmanian shoare to Hippuros a Port therein, and was kindly vsed by the King, who admiring his Roman Relations, sent foure Embassadours backe with him. These related amongst other things, that the side of the Iland which lieth toward In∣dia, is 10000. furlongs * 1.246, and that they had trade with the Seres. I will not recite Nearchus out of Arrianus nor Ptolemey and Marianus, which can little aduantage vs in regard of the lesse know∣ledge of the former, and lesse certainty of the later passing the ignorance of Transcribers, and aboue one thousand yeares darknesse. Yet herein is Ptolemey profitable, where his Longitudes and Lati∣tudes are false, that by his order of position and successiue setting downe of places some know∣ledge may arise. But the length of the way is better knowne by later Writers.

Iohn di Barros hath set downe the coasting distances, from the Bab or Mouth of the [ 30] Red Sea to Cape Nigraes, the Southerly part of Our Peguan Ophir, whose Portugall leagues (al∣lowing for each three English miles, and a fifth part of a mile) come to 5769 ⅗ and from that Cape to Singapura is 1008. miles more. From the Bab or Mouth of the Red Sea to the bottom, is by Comito Venetiano, in Ramusio reckoned 1441. miles, and in his returne 1514. the breadth in some places two hundreth,* 1.247 the way full of shoalds, so that it cannot bee sailed neere the shoare but by day. So troublesome is this Sea, and so difficult to bee sayled, that Don Iohn de Ca∣stro (whose voyage followeth at large) spent no lesse then three moneths in the way from the Straits to Sues, from the nine and twentieth of Ianuary, 1541. to the seuen and twentieth of April;* 1.248 and returning the eight and twentieth of April, arriued at the Bab the eighteenth of Iuly; So that here the way is to be weighed by the qualitie as well as the quantitie. Hieronimo da Santo [ 40] Stephano in Ramusio, spent from Cosir to Aden fiftie dayes, almost three hundreth miles South∣ward from Sues, and therefore so much lesse way.

We must here note also that neither the ships, nor their furniture; the shipmen also nor their furniture of skill, could in Salomons dayes, be any way comparable to these later times: and that if three moneths were spent by the Portugall Nauie from Sues to the Bab, we may at least allow so much time to these Ophirians. For if these had more haste, the other had more skill and bet∣ter ships. Neither may we thinke that they durst there saile but by day in Salomons fleete, and therefore were likely to make it longer. The lesse vessels and many men, would require also oftner staies for water and refreshing, besides the seuenth dayes rest, which Salomons seruants according [ 50] to the law, and especially in a Voyage for adorning the Temple, built in honor of the legall wor∣ship, must not breake. Being out of the Straits into the Ocean, they were neither willing nor a∣ble (as appeares by the mentioned Voyage of Onesicritus and Nearchus) to aduenture the sailing beyond ken of Land. And therefore also Ptolemie in his longitudes and latitudes, abates of Marinus and the Mariners reckonings one third part, because of the crooking in their coasting, as euery Bay and point enforced them. And that compendious way mentioned by Plinie was then new in his time, when shipping and the Mariners art had beene by frequent ex∣perience much improued, and from the swadling bands in Salomons time growne to some virili∣ty. So that except forced by distresse of weather we cannot make the Ophirian course but with∣in ken o•• shoare all the way. Now then if it were the seuenth moneth, as we haue read in Plinie, before Alexanders fleet could arriue in Tigris from Indus, in which Arrianus reporteth that there [ 60] w••r•• Phaenician, Egyptian and Cyprian, besides his best Graecian Mariners, they all bring then his subiects; we can allow no lesse to Salomons fleete before it could touch the neerest Indian Port, being no ••esse way. And howsoeuer it may be obiected that triumphall deuotions, and tempests,

and fights, and reparations of the Fleete, tooke vp much of Nearchus his time: I answere, that this Ophirian fleet was neither warranted from enemies nor tempests, & was likely also to spend time in reparations, and in prouisions, and in deuotions, specially that which was peculiar to them, the Sabbaths.

And although single ships in the Arabike gulfe, and in the Ocean might euen then make quick∣er way then this mentioned, yet in that of Castro, of N••archus, and this of Salomon, where care was to keepe a whole fleet together for mutuall helpe and common security, the greater body must needes haue slower motion. Thus then allowing three moneths to the Red Sea, and sixe moneths from thence to India, we shall follow Comito Venetiano, who reckons the one 1514. miles from the [ 10] Straits to Sues inward, and thence outward to Diu 2023. to which adde the coasting about to the Ormuzian strait, and comming to any Port in India, as namely Muziris, or any in the Mala∣bar coast, it could not much lesse then double the length of the way, and therefore the time. By this proportion we should spend the three yeeres in going and returning, if we adde that spaci∣ous way from Muziris to our neerest Port in Ophir: and so should both their labour and ours be vaine, and nothing should be done. Barros himselfe (to make this more euident) hath reckoned short of the way which Salomons Fleet must make in bouts and windings by the shoare, or which he makes no allowance. D. Dee is sparing in this calculation, and yet makes it from Ezion Geber to Cape Negraes 9155. miles; of which we deduct for the Arabike gulfe but 1514. and leaue 7641. remaining. We therefore in regard of the manifold dangers and shelfes of that Gulfe, allow to [ 20] it eighty dayes, of which deducting eleuen Sabbaths, there remaine sixtie nine, to which (one with another) we allow one and twenty miles a day, somewhat more, as much as can conuenient∣ly in that Sea be allowed to a Fleet sailing together. And this allowance is so large, that Castro was eighty eight dayes (and that in the daies of better Nauigation) in the way which we allow to sixtie nine. Now in the Ocean, where they might make better vse of the Monson and Tides, as freed from the dangers which attend the Gulfe, wee will allow thirty two miles a day one with another (the Sabbaoths deducted) which by the yeeres end will bring vs to our Port at Pe∣g••, or some other the neerest to Cape Negraes, where we may harbour our Fleete. For to Cape Negraes it selfe (deducting the one and forty Sabbaths remaining of the yeere) 7641. miles are proportioned in each daies equall sailing, in requisite and direct way, one and thirty miles and 17/244 [ 30] which being very far from any safe Port, must needs make it two & thirty miles the day to bring vs thither, allowing nothing for New Moone, or any other Iewish solemnitie, or other occasionall stay whatsoeuer▪ nor for those bords, gibes and fetching tu••n••s (which Mariners, and specially coast-winders must make) and consequently much superfluous way, which alone (besides force of stormes) would make this thirty two to be aboue forty miles a day ordinary way, broken and whole, one with another.

And if this seeme to any man a small thing,* 1.249 let him consider the weakenesse of Nauigation then, both in skill and shipping: the Phaenicians before this time not acquainted with those In∣dian Seas, but onely with the Mediterranean, as probably may be thought; their vsing the O••re more then the saile, and not daring to saile by night when they could not see shoare, their neces∣sary [ 40] occasions of stay sometimes for watering and prouisions, sometimes by fo••le weather detai∣ned, sometimes for reparations of some of the Fleet occasionally needing helpe, that all the Fleet may keepe together, sometimes for trade by the way, sometimes for healthfull ••••sport, recreati∣on and ioy: and (which is of principall obseruation in those Seas) for expectation of the Mons•••• or season of the wind••, which there keepes an euen course, as out of the following Voyages you shall see. All which laid together, it will not seeme miserably and vniustly done to haue allow∣ed the proportion before mentioned. If you read the first Discoueries b 1.250 on the coast of Africke by the Portugals, and see how little they discouered in a whole Summer, when their skill was not inferiour to these Phaenicians, and experience more, you will thinke me 〈◊〉〈◊〉 if not prodi∣gall in this allowance. Captaine Hawkins in the Hector (a ship no•• the worst of 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and which [ 50] before had beene twice at the Indies) was from the first of Apr••ll 1607. till August 24. 1608. ere he could arriue at the Barre of Sura••▪ in the neerest part of the Indies, almost seuen••••ene moneths space, where no Iewish Sabbath, no•• shore-creeping enforced then stay▪ The Dragon at the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 time was longer in her way to Suma••••••, and I beleeue many of ou•• later Voyages doe not much exceede this proportion. It seemeth therefore to me probable in a round reckoning to allow ou•• one yeere little more or lesse on the Voyage, a second in the stay at their seuerall ports, and in the mines of Gold and Siluer, and for further prouisions of Almug trees, Iuory, Apes and Peacocks; and a third yeere in their returne.

Doctor Dee allowes fiftie miles a day of requisite way, that is 1200. miles euery foure weekes,* 1.251 resting the Sabbath, and forty miles a day within the Gulfe or Red Sea: the miles he computeth [ 60] 9155. and the whole Voyage to be performed in seuen moneths and six and twenty dayes out∣ward, and as much homeward; one fortnight of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 after their landing before they fell to their Mine-workes, to be spent in mind-workes of deuout thankfulnesse, prayers and festiuall reioy∣cing; as much before their shipping for returne, the rest in their workes and purueying of commo∣dities. So that for what I allow a yeere, to each of these he alloweth the space of eight moneths

or there abouts: the third yeere he bestoweth on their businesse, rest, and triumph at home, care of their family and state preparations for the next returne, as trimming the ships (in these times the wormes which in those Seas breede in ships, and eate them, compell vs to sheath them) and o∣ther prouisions. He alloweth 4500, workemen for the mines, not all at once working▪ but in courses, some resting by turnes, others working, and then those succeeding to their workes whiles they againe rested (the workes and yeeldings whereof hee diligently examineth) three hundred for the Almug trees, for Elephants teeth twenty, for Apes and Peacockes ten: one hundred Of∣ficers: in all 5040. To this businesse he holdeth requisite fiftie tall ships, to each ship thirty Ma∣riners, in all 1500. which with the former number make vp 6540. men. Thus he and more then thus with much curiositie of minerall and nauall learning, which cannot here be expressed with∣out [ 10] that libertie of long discourse, which neither the vulgar reader could vnderstand, nor others perhaps (except some few) finde leisure to reade. Otherwise I would haue inserted it.

I honour his great industry, but cannot conceiue that that age yeelded such great ships to car∣rie so manie, nor that they could one day with another make so much way, nor that Salomon would permit so long a stay as a whole yeere, but rather presse new men. As for the Phaenician Mariners, vpon this occasion it is likely that they setled their dwelling at or neere Ezion Geber, as all antiquitie mentioning Phaenicians in the Red Sea, seemeth to argue. And for the seruants of Salomon▪* 1.252 they were the posteritie of the people that were left of the Amorites, Hittites, Periz∣zites, Hi••ites, and Iebusites, which were not of the children of Israel. Their children that were left af∣ter them in the land, whom the children of Israel also were not able vtterly to destroy; vpon those did [ 20] Salomon leuie a tribute of bond seruice vnto this day. But of the children of Israel did Salomon make no bondmen. Thus the holy writ but a few verses before the mention of this Ophirian Nauie. Of these it is said 2 Chro. 2.17.* 1.253 And Salomon numbred all the strangers that were in the land of Israel after the numbring wherewith Dauid his father had numbred them, and they were found an hundred and fiftie thousand and three thousand and sixe hundred. And hee set 70000. of them to be bearers of bur∣thens, and 80000. to be hewers in the Mountaines, and 3600. ouerseers to set the people aworke. If Sa∣lomon would not ease them by courses neerer home (for they were the Israelites which serued by those courses, not these strangers) I cannot here ease them; and if he would not employ the Is∣raelites in the neerer quarries and Forrests, neither would he send them to remoter Mines, a more dangerous and difficult worke. Now some of those hewers in the Mountaines were fittest for [ 30] this hewing and mining in the Mountains for Mettals, to which that place may also be intended and extended. Officers to Ophir and men of command he might haue out of Israel, but for the Oare by Sea and Ore at land, these were likely to be the seruants of Salomon mentioned in the text: the rather because that name euer after continued to them, as you may read euen after the return from the captiuitie in Ezra 2.55. Nehem. 7.60. This hath beene omitted by others handling this ar∣gument, and therefore I am the fuller in it.

Besides, it is as likely (which others also obserue, and before is mentioned, & agreeth to the 666. talents of Gold yeerely) that Salomon after the Temple buildings were ended,* 1.254 emploied Fleetes yeerely to Ophir, one vnder another, that each should make their voiage in three yeers, but of them euery yeere one should returne: which agrees not with D. Dees speculation of a yeers stay. Nei∣ther [ 40] is it probable that in seuen or eight moneths so much Gold and Siluer could be gotten by so vnexpert miners. Nor doth D. Dee ••onsider the Monsons of those Seas which are by six moneths regulated, and not by eight. Nor may we thinke but that many of Salomons seruants setled some abode in the Countrie, so long (at lest if we will permit courses, which I will not much quarrell amongst them) as Salomon vsed the voiage; by whom the Iuorie, Apes, and Peacockes might be procured, and Gems also without any speciall allowance of men each third yeere to that pur∣pose; except as the Fleet in comming or going might touch by the way at each good mart, for which Doctor Dees time of eight moneths seemes also too short. Yet if any approue, and lust to follow him, I haue no Empire ouer opinions.

* 1.255This Ophirian voiage which brought the riches of the East to Ezion Geber, occasioneth a qu••re [ 50] of the voiages of Spices, and the manifold shiftings of the Marts & Ports thereof in former times, i•• a worke of voiages not vnfit for consideration. The first mention of Merchants is of Ishmaelites and Midianites, which trauelled in a Carauan together with Camels carrying spicerie, & balme, and Mirrhe to Egypt. These inhabited not far from Ezion Geber, or the shoares of the red Sea. Whither their Spicerie came out of the Southerne parts of Arabia, or further out of India brought into some Arabian port,* 1.256 is not easie to determin. Their Balme they might haue at Gilead by the way, though Arabia yeelds of that also, as the Myrrhe likewise; what Spicerie the first mentioned is, is not so easie to decide. Iobs mentioning the gold of Ophir, and other passages in that Booke may cause coniecture of an Indian trade in his daies.* 1.257 But this is easily gathered out of Histories that the great Monarchs endeuoured to make them selues Lords of India for the riches aforesaid. Sem••ramis [ 60] is said to haue inuaded India, & to haue beene repelled by Sta••••••bates, which I can beleeue, though not so prodigal of faith as to accept the report of three Millions of foot,* 1.258 and fiue hundred thousand horse in her army; no more then that she was the founder of Babylon. But both Ni••u•• or Ninius (which her husband N••••us had made the sea••e of the Assyrian Empire) standing vpon Lycu•• which

floweth into Tigris; and Babylon feat of the Chaldae••n Empire on Euphrates, Seleucia also & Bagdet of later building not farre from thence, haue in their times beene fitting seats to receiue either by land or sea, or both, the Indian riches, thence to be dispersed to other Marts and thorow the world. The Persians were Lords of India, as both the Scripture & Herodotus affirme,* 1.259 & Alexander aduan∣ced the Macedonian Empire thither also; whose Empire after his death being rent into foure parts, Seleucus possessed Babylonia, and Ptolemeus Egypt, which by the red Sea made most aduantage of the Spicerie.* 1.260

Sesostris (whom Iosephus esteemeth to be Shishak, 2 Chro. 12. the King of Egypt which tooke a∣way great part of these Ophirian treasures) is by Strabo reported the first which subdued Aethio∣pia and Troglodytica:* 1.261 at the straits of Dira (where the red Sea is out sixtie furlongs or seuen miles [ 10] and a halfe broad) left Monuments of his exploits, a pillar engrauen with hieroglyphikes: he pas∣sed thence into Arabia and thorow all Asia. His westerne expedition I omit (Lucan singeth, Ve∣nit ad oc••asum mundi{que} ex trema Sesostris) but it is like that being in the time of Salomon and his e∣mulous ••nemie,* 1.262 that the glory of Salomons Ophirian arts had whetted him to this Asian and In∣dian expedition. Pliny mentions the Tyrians in this coast, and the port Dancon whence Sesostris first of al thought to bring a Nauigable Riuer to Delta of Nilus 62. miles. Necho long after (hee which sew King Iosias) is said to haue sought to make a marriage betwixt the Red Sea and Nilus (the ca••se is euident, the Arabian,* 1.263 Aethiopian and Indian commerce to be ioyned▪ with the Me∣diterra••an) and to haue sent Phoenecians from that Sea vpon discouerie round about Africa; in which ••oiage they spent two yeeres. Cambyses conquered Egypt, and built Cambis•• a Citie on the [ 20] red Sea Darius the Persian pursued Nechos proiect, thinking to perfect a trench from the Riuer to the Sea but was deterred by those which said that Sea was higher then Egypt,* 1.264 and therfore would drown••. Yet did this proiect outli••e the Persian Empire in Egypt, for Ptolemie made a trench 100. foot br••d and 30. deepe, 37. miles and 400. paces, as far as the Bitter fountaines, and then brake off fea••ing••n inundation, the red Sea being found three cubits higher then the land of Egypt. Some (saith Finie) say the feare was, lest Nilus should be corrupted by the Sea water. Yet by three waies did the then passe to Arsinoe built by Ptolemaeus Philadelphus. The Trench still continues, as Fure∣rus a Geman (which saw it in his way to Mount Sinai from Cairo) testifieth.

Cop••s way was found by King Ptolomie, and the Egyptian Exchequer thereby so aduanced, that in A••l••es time, a King nothing frugall,* 1.265 the prodigall Father of prodigious Cleopatra (Strabo cites [ 30] it out ••an Oration of Cicero) the royal reuenues came to 12500. talents, which is of English coine by M. ••erewood•• reckoning two millions, three hundreth forty three thousand & seuen hundreth & fifty ••ounds. And if that he, saith Strabo, which carelesly and negligently administred his King∣dome hd so much reuenue, what may we thinke of the present Roman gouernmēt, the Indian and Troglo••ticall Merchandises being added? For whereas afore scarsly 20. ships aduentured out of the Str••••s, now very great fleets are set forth to India and Aethiopia▪ whence precious Merchandi∣se•• are ••ought to Egypt and thence transported to other places, with the benefit of double cu∣stome 〈◊〉〈◊〉 importation and exportation. But those precious wares haue heauie imposts, because of the Mo••polies, onely Alexandria receiuing and dispersing them. Thus Strabo, who calleth Alex∣andria 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the greatest Mart in the World. How gainfull this trade was,* 1.266 and [ 40] what co••••e they held in this voiage in Plinies time, you haue heard out of him alreadie.

Alexa••dria being orewhelmed with a Saracen Deluge,* 1.267 by Schismaticall Chalipha•• beganne at last to hol vp head againe, and whiles the Mamalukes Empire lasted, was the chiefe Mart for the Spices ••ought to Mecca, and thence carried to Alexandria, the Trade whereof was in the Venetians ••nd, and enriched their Signiorie very much, till the Portugals in our Grandfathers dayes foun the way by Sea into the Indies, whereby both the Moores and Venetians were im∣pouerished▪ This Trade set Henrie that Noble Prince of Portugall on worke to begin that,* 1.268 which was so long ••efore it produced any fruit. Yea, this Indian Trade set Columbus, and after him Ca∣bot on worl to find the way to the Indies by the West; which their industrious simplicitie God rewarded 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a New World by them discouered. But to returne to our Romans, Rham••sio cites [ 50] out of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Law, the Customes for the Indian goods set downe in the Reigne of Mar∣cus and Comodus▪ viz. Cinamon, Pepper long, and white, Cloues, Costus, Ca••camo, Spikenard,* 1.269 Caes∣sia, Frankinc••e, Xilocassia, Myrrhe, Amon••um, Ginger, Malaba••••rum, Ammoniake, Galbanum, Laser, Agol••••um, Gumme Arabike, Cardamome, Carpesium, Silkes, Parthian and Babylonian Workes, Iuorie, Eboni••ll sorts of precious Stones, Pearles, Sardonix, Ceraunia, Hiacinth, Emerald▪ Diamond, Saphire, Callio, Berill, Cilindre, Indian and Sarmatian Clothes,* 1.270 &c. which I haue mentioned that we may see 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Trade then, and now are much alike.

Strabo and linie (before thi•• greatnesse of Alexandria, as it may seeme) extoll Dioscuria•• in the bottome the Euxine or Blacke Sea, where people of seuentie Languages, or as Timosth••nes affirmed, three ••undred seuerall Nations resorted; and after that the Roma••s ••sed one hundred [ 60] and thirtie Int••••pr••••ers in their businesses. In Plinies time this Babylon was wal••e. I imagine that when the Persia E••pire possessed India and Asia minor this Dioscurias was the Staple of Indian Commodities: 〈◊〉〈◊〉 partly by the Persian Golfe as farre as Tigris would permit, & the rest by Land, which is 〈…〉〈…〉 way. Or, as some thinke, and not without cause, those Seas being so in∣fested

with Pirats, as appeares in Plinie, and the Arabs being alway Robbers; they carried their goods vp the Indus (as many still doe from Tatta to Lahor) and thence by Carauan ouer the Can∣dahar and other Hils, the Riuer Oxus, and ouer the Caspian Sea to the Riuer Cyrus, and so to Dios∣curias.

When the Seleucidae succeeded in those parts, it is like that the Trade continued, though wea∣ker, till the Romans drew all to Alexandria: especially the Parthian Empire not permitting such Commerce to their Roman Enemies, as neither the Persians after.

That Barbarous myst of so many Nations which ouercame the Roman Empire, buried this Trade in darknesse, till the Saracens grew to some height, and Bagdet was made the chiefe Seate of their Caliph, builded on Tigris, and commodious to attract the Trade of the East, and disperse it [ 10] to the West. A great part of this Trade after the declination of Bagdet, the East beeing infected with Mahumetan follies,* 1.271 honoured also with colour of Religion, was conueyed by the Arabian Moores, and Moorish Indians to Mecca (the sinke of that Superstition) by the Red Se••, Iudda, and Ziden being their Ports, and thence was much of it carried to Damasco, and thence to A∣leppo, which Trade hath continued to our dayes; and another part to Cairo, hereby flouri∣shing, and thence to Alexandria as aforesaid: which is still vsed also, but much empared, and almost forsaken by the Europaean Nauigations b 1.272 into India.

Whiles the Tartarian Empire flourished, these Indian Wares were carried much (as you may reade in Polo) to Mangi or China; to Cathay, many also carried to Boghar in Bactria, an•• to Sa∣marcand, and thence to other parts. Also in those troublesome times when the Tartars h••d ouer∣runne [ 20] all, and when Boghar was in esteeme for Trade, the Indian Merchandises were shi••ped on the Caspian Sea by Oxus, and thence conuayed to Astracan, on the Riuer Rha, or Volga, ••nd so to Nouogrode, and thence partly ouer-land, partly by water to Caffa, or Theodosia, wher•• the Ge∣nowayes fetched it (who then were of great power in these parts) and dispersed it in Christian Ports; the Venetians and Genowayes being Corriuals in this Trade, as in other things, an•• in those dayes very great. Much also passed to Trapezond, that Citie so flourishing that it becam•• an Em∣pire, a Title too heauie for it, and the ruine both of Constantinople the Mother thus ••eakened, and of it selfe.

Ormuz was famous by this Trade, and Moha in the Red Sea, but both haue their cou••se to A∣leppo; of which our Trauellers shall in due time tell you in the following Discourses. ••nd now [ 30] we see London an Indian Mart, and Turkie it selfe from hence serued with Pepper, and the•• In∣dian Commodities, as Master Mun Deputie of that Company in his following Tracate will shew you.

Thus much of the Ports made famous by Indian Spicerie and Merchandize. Anastasi•• Sinaita affirmeth, that Salomons Fleet made a returne euery yeere, which of the same Fleet canot bee vnderstood. Pineda yeelds to this, but he makes vs more labour about Tharsis, to wh••ch, now wee are returned from Ophir, he enforceth vs to a new Voyage, and to finde Tharsis ••n Spaine. Iosephus Acosta also hath made a scruple both of Ophir and Tharsis, and makes them to ••••gnifie no particular set place, but generall and remote, as India doth now with vs signifie all th•• Easterne World in vulgar appellation. Yee doth he acknowledge the substance of that wee ha••e spoken, [ 40] and professeth to agree with Iosephus, so that with him wee shall haue but a Gramm••r quarrell. We will adde a word of the Phaenicians which here are expressed to haue beene Sol••ons Mari∣ners, and of their ancient Nauigation, and so shall we make an end of our Ophirian Vo••age, which to some Readers will perhaps seeme much longer then three yeeres.

§. XII. Of Tharsis or Tharshish, whether it bee the same with Ophir, and bot•• some in∣definite [ 50] remoter Countrey; whether it be the Sea, or Tartessus, ••••ny place in Spaine. Of the ancient Nauigations about Africa, and of the Phaenician Antiquities.

* 1.273LEarned Acosta hauing alleaged Reasons sufficient for confuting that ••pinion of Per•••• to be Ophir, an vpstart name, vnknowne to the Natiues; and when•• neither Iuorie nor such precious Gemmes could be brought, and whither Solomon Nauie in those times ignorant of the Load-stone, could not come to f••tch them; 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Eastern•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 [ 60] being fitter then the West for Solomons purposes the concludeth, Ego s••n•• Ophir & Tharsis in diuinis literis sapius non certum aliquem definitum{que} locum sonare sus••icor, sed gener•••• po••ius esse voca∣bulum. idem{que} efficere apud Hebr••o••, quod apud nos vulgo Indiarum vocem. He ••onciueth, that a•• India is a name giuen to any remote, rich, and strange Region very much difer••ng from our••; as

〈◊〉〈◊〉 Mexico, Brasil, Malaca, &c. So likewise Ophir and Tharsis; and as for Tharsis, it signifieth ei∣••••er the maine Sea, or most remote and strange Regions. Thus he coniectureth.

For Ophir we haue before found it, the proper name of a man and of a Region denominated of him; but withal haue acknowledged the Ophirian voyage to comprehend more then the Region of Ophir, including the other Indian Ports wherat they touched and traded in that voyage, especially the two Ilands now called Seilan and Sumatra, and all places on the Coast within the Gulfe of Bengala, which might fit their purpose. It is vsuall now to call an Indian Voyage, not only to Iacatra, Bantam, or Banda, but thereto also they reckon their touching at Soldanha, on the maine of Afrike, or at the Riuer of Saint Augu••tine in the great Iland of Saint Laurence, and the Ilands of Comoro, or Socatra, or wheresoeuer they arriue on the Abash or Mohan shoare in the Red Sea, [ 10] or in any Arabike Port, or in the Persian Gulfe before they come to India: and there also Surat, Diul, Calicut, or wheresoeuer they touch besides on this side or beyond that principal Port where they make their Voyage, as they terme it, that is, where they take in their chiefe ladings. Of which, the following Relations will giue you many instances. So the Straits Voyages, intimate not the meere sayling to or thorow the Straits of Gibraltar, in vulgar appellation, but all Voy∣ages within those Straits whether to Venice, or Ligorne, or Zant, or Constanstinople, or Scanderone, or Alexandria, or in one Voyage to visit many or all of these Ports, is yet called but a Straits Voy∣age. We may yeeld thus much therefore to Acosta, that Ophir,* 1.274 was a proper Countrey (as India also is) extending from Ganges to Menan, and betwixt the Lake Chiamay, and the Gulfe or Sea [ 20] of Bengala; but as it happened, that India being the remotest knowne Region, gaue name in old times to all later Discoueries beyond it, and in after times accidentally to the New World, which the first finders mistooke for Easterne India, so also the Voyage to Ophir, accidentally might giue name to all those Remote parts, and comprehend all the farre Ports, which by occasion of the Voyage to Ophir they visited, lying in the way thither, or somewhat wide or beyond. And as there is a Region truly and properly called India, euen al that which extends from Indus (whence it is so named) to Ganges; which name by others ignorance of the proper names of Regions; was extended further both beyond Ganges, and to all remote Regions, so was there a true Ophir, na∣med of Ophir the sonne of Ioktan, which occasioned other remote Countreyes to beare that ap∣pellation, at least in this Voyage thither.

[ 30] But for Tharsis or Tarshish, or Tharshish; we see Acosta himselfe in his finall vpshot, to make an aut of it, Aut immensum mare, aut regiones semotissimas & valde peregrinas accipi solere. So that his former Proposition admits now another, that either it is the maine Ocean (which I take to be the true sense) or some remote Region. Some are of opinion that the Voyage to Ophir,* 1.275 and that to Tharsis differed, because the Scripture saith, according to our Translation, For the King had at Sea a Nauie of Tharshish, with the Nauie of Hiram once in three yeeres, came the Nauie of Tharshish, bringing Gold and Siluer, Iuorie, and Apes and Peacockes.

Tremellius hath it. Nam classis Oceani pro rege cum classe Chirami erat: semel ternis annis veniebat classis ex Oceano afferens aurum, &c. The Vulgar, Latine and Septuagint, Nauis Tharsis erat regi Salomoni in mari cum nauibus Chiram.

[ 40] Saint Ierome in many places examineth this Tharshish, as in Es. 2. Melius est Tharsis vel mare vel pelagus absolutè ponere, and alledgeth Ionas his fleeing to Tharsis, who from Ioppe could not come to India by Sea,

Most of the late Writers agree with Tremellius, that Tharsis is the Ocean;* 1.276 and make that a difference betwixt Tharshish and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Iam which signifies the Sea, as the Red Sea, or Mediter∣ranean, and withall those lesse collections of waters as the Dead Sea, the Sea of Galilee, and that Brazen Vessell for the largenesse, called a Sea, 2. King. 25.16. whereas Tharshish is only the Maine or large Sea. R. Mose Hadarsan citeth foure significations, Tarsus a Citie of Cilicia, Carthage, India, and the Sea. This place cannot admit Tarsus nor Carthage, beeing in another Sea, to which Esiongeber, on the Red Sea had not beene the Port to haue sailed from, but Ioppe or Tyrus, or some other Hauen in the Mediterranean. Now if any thinke them two Voyages from two [ 50] seuerall Ports, the Scr••pture is plaine, where it is said, Iehoshaphat made ships of Tharshish to goe to Ophir for Gold; but they went not, for the ships were broken at Esiongeber. And lest any might thinke that they were call••d ships of Tharshish, because the materials came from Cilicia, it is more full, 2. Chron. 20.••5. And after this did Iehoshaphat King of Iudah,* 1.277 ioyne himselfe with Ahaziah King of Israel, who did very wickedly. And he ioyned himselfe with him to make ships to go to Tarshish, and they made the ships in Esiongeber. Then Eliezer prophesied, &c. and the ships were broken that they could not goe to Tarshish. Note also that the vulgar translateth in one place Sea, in the other Tharsis.

Some hence gather it to be a Region in India, as that Rabbi,* 1.278 and Ierome also doth in some sort [ 60] auerre, with Iosephus, and many late Writers. But because no such Region in India can be found, hence so many opinions. Postel••us placeth Ophir in the Golden Region where Malaca standeth, but makes Tharsis to extend further, euen to the South Sea; or the Peruan Coast, so that Ophir and Peru are diuorced for a marriage with Tharsis. The Chaldee will haue it Africa,* 1.279 and Ema∣nuel Saa in Angola; Acosta no certaine place; Ribera will haue them two Voyages, and not the

same to Ophir and Tharsis; Pineda and Goropius bring vs to Tartessus in Spaine. But I embrace the opinion of Cornelius Cornelij,* 1.280 Villalpandus (and heerein Ribera also agreeth) which say that o•• Tarshish the Sonne of Iauan, Cilicia tooke name at first, still continued to Tarsus (where Saint Paul was borne, famous in old times by Straboes report for the Vniuersitie and other Antiquities) and the Inhabitants therof, and the adioyning Regions being famous at Sea, might cause that great Sea (as the Scripture cals * 1.281 it, in comparison of the lesser Seas in Iudaea) to be called Tarshish, a name then ea••••ly by the Iewes deriued to all great Seas, whether Mediterranean or Ocean.

Now that w••ich makes Interpreters to question some place in India, or elsewhere, is the phra••e of going to and comming from Tarshish, and bringing goods from thence, a kind of speech which to Pineda seemeth ridiculous, if thereby be not meant some certaine place on Land. Wee [ 10] see at this day the Hill Atlas in Afrike, hath giuen name to that huge huge Ocean, extending e∣uen to the New Worlds of the South and West. The Straits betwixt Spaine and Afrike, giue name with our Mariners to all the Midland Sea within and beyond them. Indus gaue name to India, and all the Ocean adioyning; and the South Sea (the greatest of knowne Seas) is so ter∣med, because Vasques Balboa first saw it lying to the South from him; neither can the Westerne Scite, take away that name Del Sur to this day. Is it then any maruell, that Tarshish the Cilician Sea next adioyning to Iudaea, should giue name to all the deeper and larger parts of the Mediter∣ranean, which they had occasion after to take notice of, and to other Seas from the Red Sea for∣ward more wide and spacious. Pineda himselfe confesseth, that Tartessus which hee would haue to be Tharsis, gaue name not only to Boetica, but to all Spaine. And is it any more ridiculous or absurd to say, the King had a Nauie of Tharshish at Sea, then that which our vulgar Mariners say, [ 20] the Straits fleet is now at Sea, or the Straits fleet is come from Sea, speaking of our Merchants ships, which keep company together in the Seas for feare of Algier Pirats? Do not they cal them Straits Merchandise? and say, that such & such goods are brought out of the Straits, or caried to the Straits, that are sent thorow those Seas, and brought by those Seas to or from any Port therein? And as vsuall a Phrase it is, which Pineda iudgeth so absurde, that a Mariner being asked whither he goeth, should answere to Sea, or that Gold, Siluer, Iuorie, Peacockes and Apes should be said to be brought from Sea: For our Mariners (which learne not their Idiome of Scholers) vse to say, when all their money is spent, they will goe to Sea and get more; that they brought this or that from Sea, that shortly they are to goe to Sea, or haue lately come from Sea, without naming any Port; that such [ 30] a man hath got all his goods by Sea, great wealth hath comne to him by Sea; hee hath had great losse by Sea, and other like p••rases of Sea-men (for so also are they called, in opposition to Land-men, in regard of their Tra••e and course of life, though the habitation of both be on Land.) This then may be the sense: SALOMON had at Sea a Nauie at Tharshish, that is, ships built for long voy∣ages at Sea: as we call men of Warre, or ships of Warre; which are built for that purpose. And how ea••ie is the construction, Iehoshaphat made ships of Tharshish to goe to Ophir, in these words, a Sea-nauie, or ship of the Sea, to goe to Ophir; that is, not such Fisher-boates, as they saw in the Sea of Galilee, or such small Barkes as they vsed in Palaestina to trade from Port to Port, but a Nauie Royall of strong ships able to brooke long Voyages in the Ocean.

* 1.282I also thinke that in regard of the length of those Voyages, in which they were two thirds [ 40] of the time at Sea (after our account) and three whole yeeres in each Voyage from their Land-home, in a kind of eminence, they were in these Voyages said to goe to Tharshish or to Sea. And so Ionas likewise minding to flie from that Land whither he was sent, was hurried in the strength of temptation, a quite contrarie way, whether that ship intended Tarsus in Cilicia, or whither∣soeuer it went, he chusing rather a certaintie of flight then of scite, or setling himselfe any where, as Saint Ierome saith of him, Non ad certum fugere cupiebat locum, sed mare ingrediens, quocunque pergere festinabat. Et magis hoc conuenit fugitiuo & timido, non locum fuge otiosè eligere. sed primam occasionem arripere nauigandi. Likewise in that Psalme which mystically and fully is true of Christ in the calling of the Gentiles; typically and in part verified in Solomon (wickedly and An∣tichristianly since applied to the Pope in many passages of the last Councell of Lateran vnder Iu∣lius [ 50] the Second, and Leo the Tenth) it is said, The Kings of Tharshish and of the Iles shall bring pre∣sents, the Kings of Sheba and Seba shall offer gifts; it is plaine by the Historie of Solomon in Scrip∣ture, and by ioyning of Tharshish and Sheba together, that no Tartessus, nor Angola, nor Peru, are intended; and that Maritime Kings are meant (Tremellius reades Reges Oceani accolae) which ruled in Ilands (which is also added) or Coasts and Ports neere the Sea (sure as Hiram then was, and all remote Maritime Prouinces the Scripture cals Ilands) which vsed also (as in those parts of the East Indies, almost all the Kings are at this day Merchants) trade by Sea, and perhaps en∣ioyed the Title of the adioyning Seas (as his Maiestie is King of the Brittish Ocean, and ano∣ther Pacificus his Predecessor added it to his Royall Title, Ego Edgarus Anglorum Basileus, * 1.283 om∣nium{que}. Regum, Insularum, Oceani{que}. Britanniam circumiacentis, cunctarum{que} Nationum, quae infra [ 60] eam includuntur, Imperator & Dominus. Such were the Kings of Tharshish, whose Customes from the Sea, and Trade by it, made them haue their ships of Tharshish, & wealth from Tharshish: as in later dayes, the Kings of Aden, Ormus and Malacca; and still of Fartaque, Socatra, Calicut, Cochin, Zeilan, Achen, and many others included in the circuit of our Ophirian Voyage are; and might

therefore iustly be called Kings of Tharshish: from all which no doubt either in the course of this Ophirian Voyage and Trade, or otherwise sent by speciall Messengers, Solomon had presents, as i•• 1. Reg. 10.24.25. is expressed.

Pineda himselfe citeth out of Straboes third Booke of the Gaditans (which is Tartessus, or with him Tharshish) pleri{que} mare incolunt, pauci domi desident: and in this respect Tyrus may by the Pro∣phet be called filia Tharsis, daughter of the Sea, as seated in it, ruling on it, and liuing of it. The Chaldee Paraphrase hath the Kings of Tharsis, and the Ilands of the great Ocean Sea; which may bee vnderstood of the Indian Sea: and not as Goropius and Pineda would vrge vs, of Spaine. Pineda citeth Anastasius Sinaita, that Tharsis is Hesperia Regionis Occidentalis; and Fore∣rius [ 10] & Eugubinus to assist Goropius: whose authoritie shall so farre mooue as their reason is weightie.

As for Goropius, his fifth, sixth and seuenth Bookes of his Hispanica are principally spent on Tharshish the Sonne of Iauan, which he writes Tarsees, as signifying in that which he makes the first of Languages (the Dutch Tongue mother of ours) one that dares aduenture the Seas, or one which ••••••••ies in the Seas: therefore also sirnamed Atla•• or Atlant, quasi Hat-lant, or Hate-land, Him he makes with his brother Elisha the peoplers of Spaine, and saith, that of his skill in Astro∣nomie and inuention of the Sphere, he was fabled to beare the Heauens; and to haue named his daughters with names of starres; to haue sailed also to Ophir, so called as ouer the widest Sea, as Peru of a peere there built; and other like collections hee hath very wittie, learned and [ 20] pleasant, not solid enough to conuince, nor so contemptible as very easie to be confuted. Pineda hath written many sheets of paper to honour his Spaniish home with Salomons Voyages for the Temples structure, wherein his error amoris and not amor erroris may plead his excuse, according to that of the Poet, Nesci•• qua natale solum dulcedine cunctos Ducit, & immemores non siuit esse sui. I cannot but maruell, that two so learned men are so strongly carried by so weake reasons as the likenesse of words in Tharsis and Tartessus, when Geographers tell vs of, and themselues con∣fesse, Tarsus in Cilicia, Tarsis in Syria, Tarsius in Pannonia, and a Riuer of that name in Troas, with I know not how many others; and besides, Tartessus being a Phaenicean Colonie might of Thar∣shish or the Ocean receiue the name (whether we intend Gades or Cadiz thereby, or the whole Boetike Prouince as seated in, or on the Sea or Coast, and liuing by Maritime Arts.

[ 30] But of names of places wee haue before spoken how casuall and accidentall they are. Euen Tartarus the name of Hell is neere the former, & Strabo ghesseth that Homer called it so of this Tartessus in the remotest West; which Hellish kindred of termes, me thinks, should not be very gratefull to Spanish eares. Etimologists may easily runne mad if they bee permitted libertie; neither is any argument sound from the sound of syllables without other credible Witnesses.* 1.284 Therefore Pineda addeth the frequent Circumnauigation of Africa in those dayes; of which he citeth one out of Herodotus, of the Phaenicia••s long after this sent by Neco,* 1.285 which makes against him; for Herodotus both doubted of it, as a matter seeming to him incredible, that they should saile beyond the Sunnes course, and therefore could not be frequent; for that Nauigation would haue made both Tropikes familiar: he also saith in hunc modum Africa primum est agnita: if that [ 40] were the first Voyage, Salomons were none, or at least his Title is false,* 1.286 De frequenti & celebri à mari Arabico in Hispaniam nauigatione.

They wintered also by the way, and stayed the growing and ripening of Corne, which argu∣eth no people, at lest no Trade in those parts. His next testimonie is of Setaspes, who hauing de∣floured the Daughter of Zopyrus should therefore haue beene crucified, but by his mothers intrea∣tie Xerxes pardoned him vpon condition of this African Circumnauigation; which argueth the rarenesse of the attempt, as did the sequell also: for hauing sailed out of the Straits, and coasted some parts of Afrike, he returned (in despaire) and said he could saile no further, his ship beeing detained that it could not goe forwards. As for Darius sending to Indus, it is not to this pur∣pose. The fragments of Spanish ships in the Arabike Gulfe is mentioned by Plinie, as a wonder in [ 50] Caius Caesars time;* 1.287 and that of Hanno agreeth not with the Historie which is extant of his Voy∣age, and more credible: and for Eudoxus fleeing the tyranny of Lathyrus, and comming to Gades by that Circumnauigation it was not for Trade, but at a dead lift, to saue his life. Another is said by Antipater to haue sailed from Spaine to Aethiopia, which might be to the neerest Blackes be∣fore he came to that which now is called Guinnee.

And these are all which are brought for tha frequenti & celebri nauigatione, that of Neco and of Eudoxus, and a Spanish wracke, being all that all Age•• could yeeld vnto Plinies time; and all al∣so long after Salomon:* 1.288 and of these that of Eudoxus which is the most likely is farre otherwise told by Strabo, and at large refuted. As for the long tale of Semiramis out of Suidas, it was to In∣dia by the Indian Ocean (if it were at all) and not to Spaine. And out of Silius his Verse, Et cele∣bre [ 60] Oceano at{que} al••ernis astibus Hispal, to gather the Baetike Nauigations to India, round about A∣frica, or to Mexico & Peru, argueth the Author to be Hispalensis; a Baetike wit, rauished with I know not what beatike fancies: as that also that Salomons raigning from Sea to Sea,* 1.289 must be from the Red Sea to the Gaditan, as if from Esion-geber to Ioppe, were not from Sea to Sea.

From hence he turneth to the Phaenician Nauigations, which to mention here is more to our

purpose (they being Salomons Mariners to Ophir) then to his of Tartessus. Plinie and Mala ap∣plaud the Phenicians for inuention of Letters, Astronomie, nauall and militarie Sciences. Caius po∣steritie first in the old World, & Chams in this, florished in Arts and humaine Sciences. Ioshuahs conquest caused many of them, as Procopius and others affirme, to flee into remoter Regions, speci∣ally the Maritime parts of Africa. Commerce added Spaine, and whatsoeuer was fitting to that purpose of trade, Nauigation and riches, especially to the Phenicians, both before and after Car∣thage. Their comming in and thorow Spaine is acknowledged by Varro also (in Vninersam His∣paniam peruenisse) and they were the first discouerers of the Fortunate Ilands in Straboes opinion, and before Homers age held the best places in Africk and Spaine, till the Romans dispossessed them. Carthage in Africa is knowne a Phaenicean Colonie to schoole boies, and Plinie saith, that all the [ 10] Baetike coast was of Phaenicean originall, or of the Paeni, which in authors are often confounded with the former, of whom they proceeded, and as Saint Ierom obserueth, are called Poeni quasi Phoeni, still in great part retaining that language; as is also the name Carthaginian, of whom Polybius testifieth that they possessed all Spaine, from the Strait to the Pyrenaean hils. But be that will view a Map of the Tyrian greatnesse and the auncient Phaenicean Nauigations, Traffiques and Discoueries, let him read the 27. of Ezekiel, with some good commentarie; and from the best eui∣dence it shall appeare that all the best parts and Ports in Asia, Afrike and Europe were then fami∣liar to this Daughter of Tharshish. The Baetike by Strabo are reputed the most learned of the Spa∣niards, vsing Grammer, Poesie, Antiquities, and Lawes as they said 6000. yeeres old; which agree∣eth with their Phaenician originall. To hunt the Legends of Bacchus, & Osiris, I here purpose not, as [ 20] hauing little truth, and no mention at all of Spaine: nor is that more credible of the Phaeniceans besieged by Nabuchodonosor, and relieued from their Phaenicean Colonies in Spaine, and his reuenge vpon them therefore inuading the Spaniards. Aldrete a learned Spaniard reiects both, howeuer Megastenes other where found fabulous, may make somewhat for them.

Yet I beleeue their commerce and Phaenician originall, and great trafficke; their Mines also of Gold and Siluer: but such as yeelded more to the Phaenicians and Carthaginians then all the New World hath hitherto to the Spaniard, or many yeeres after Goropius his hitherto, added by Pineda, Gredat Indaens apella. Yea still Pineda brings testimonies to proue it no lesse rich in Mines; which makes me not a little maruell at their wisedome to be at such cost to fetch so farre off that which they haue so plentifull at home; and that as the throate which swalloweth all the meate and no∣thing [ 30] staies there (it would cause suffocation) so the Spaniards before Columbus his time were so poore and quiet accordingly; and that at that time there appeared so little monie or credit, that the Queene pawned her Iewels to borrow a small summe of 2000. Duckets, or little more; and that since, Spaine hath (except soone after the returne of the Indian Fleete) so little coine stirring but base monies. Shall we thinke them miserable, miser-like, rich-poore, or is it that their Mines seeme wholly recollected in their mindes? they being, if you beleeue Pineda, a Nati∣on opum tam contemtrix quàm lucratrix, ingenio acuto (hoc quor••••dam exterorum ineptissima iuuidia suspiciosum & callidum vocat, saith he) ad magnas res nato (hoc sordida altorum socordia superbiam & tumorem.) I enuie not their happinesse to them so much chanted by this Spaniard, I wish that they were so contented therewith, that they disturbed not the quiet of others; and that as they [ 40] haue their Nauies of Tharshish yeerely bringing Gold and Siluer (as for Apes and Peacockes they neede not goe so farre for them) so they would doe as Salomon, liue in peace with their neighbours and build the Temple at home: which had they done, much of this our paper Nauie of Tharshish had not beene, neither had their Gaditane Tartessus become a pray to Her Nauie of Tarshish, who in her daies was filia Tarshish indeede, not Venus orta Mari, but Cui coniurati venêre ad classica ven∣ti, who defended her owne at home, by home inuading, by hunting her enemies round about the World. Let vs leaue the Spaniards magnifying the present riches of their Mines, as that of Gua∣dalcanal, one of the best in the world by the Kings Treasurer reported in a Letter to our Author, dated 1607. and another of Francisco Tesada his Sonne, so farre extolling the Spanish (hee names diuers) beyond those of Potossi, that whereas a quintall (that is 1600. ounces) of Potosi Ore, or [ 50] earth digged vp, yeeldes but an ounce and halfe of pure Siluer, most of the Spanish yeelde ten oun∣ces of a quintall, some more to 15.30.60. Markes, each of eight ounces. It is fit in a long tractate, and as it were another Voyage to Ophir, to end with Mines: and fitter in Salomons Ophir to end with honorable mention of our Salomon, who without any Hirams helpe, sent her seruants to Ophir and Peru too, and round about the vniuerse to repaire that Temple, and to defend the Faith, which a greater then Salomon had by her in England restored from Babylonish captiuitie: which the greatest powers on earth sought in vaine to hinder, she sailing further by her seruants, raig∣ning longer in her owne person, more glorious in her last daies, then Salomon, and leauing a peace∣able Salomon to succeede her; yea to exceede▪ with addition of another Kingdome; (not a Rohobo∣am, to loose the greatest part of the former.) Him God defend to defend his faith long amongst vs, [ 60] with Salomons vertue and Ophirian magnificence. Amen.

CHAP. II. Mans life a Pilgrimage. The Peregrinations of Christ, and the first Encom∣passing the habitable or then inhabited World by the holy Apostles and first planters of the Gospell.

[ 10]

§. I. Man by sinne becomne a Worldly Pilgrime; Christs Pilgrimage in the flesh to recouer him: Mans spirituall Pilgrimage in and from the World.

GOD which in the beginning had made the World, and endowed Man with the Naturall inheritance thereof, whom also hee made another, a liuing and little World, yea a compendious Image of God & the World together: did in the a 1.290 ful∣nesse [ 20] of time send his owne Sonne (by whom hee had made the World and M••n) to be made a Man in the World, that he might make new and recreate the World and Man, now lost & vanishing to perdition. Which saluation first accomplished in the infinit worth and worthinesse of his person and passion, He committed to faithfull witnesses, giuing them charge to go b 1.291 into all the world and preach the Gospel to euery creature, that by those Ministerial conduits (in the cooperation of his Spirit) his amiable and imitable Example might, as the load-starre of Christians be proposed; his sauing vertue as heauenly influence infused; his all-couering and al-curing merits imputed to his beleeuing members by spirituall grace to prepare them to su∣percaelestiall Glory, whither Hee is before ascended as our Priest to make intercession, and as a King in humane flesh to take possession for Vs, by him made Kings and Priests vnto God.

[ 30] Thus haue we one Author of the World, of Man, of Peregrinations by men in and about the World. The first He made by his omnipotent Word, he commanded and in sixe dayes this huge Fabrike was both made and furnished. The second is vouchsafed greater indulgence, in prepara∣tion premised as of consultation, Let vs make Man; in the worke doing c 1.292, as of a Master-peece, he formed, and builded; in the exemplar or prototype in our owne image, after our likenesse: in his bountifull portion, the Sea and earth with all their appurtenances, subiected to his regall posses∣sion, the heauens with their reall influence and royall furniture to his wise vn-erring con∣templation.

Thus at first; but the first became last, by setting the last first, and preferring the Creature to the Creator, and therefore is iustly turned out of Paradise to wander, a Pilgrime ouer the world: [ 40] But therefore did his Creator (for medicines are of contraries) preferre this Creature to himselfe, by infinitenesse of humilitie to make satisfaction for his vnspeakable pride; and hee which had before made Man after his image, makes himselfe after mans image, to recouer that which was lost. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉! O amanda & admiranda dignatio! propicious, vnspeakeable, superadmirable bounty! The World he made that he might giue it Man. Man he made such as might be capable of the world, and gaue him now a double world, adding to the former greater, this lesser of Mans selfe. And when both these were lost, by wilfull Treason and voluntary actuall rebellion, that he might forgiue the Traitor He gaue the Prince, who to Himselfe forgaue not the demerits of his seruant; nor was content to regiue the forfaited world of creatures, but added a world supercele∣stiall, where fallen regained Man might supply the roomes of fallen forlorne * 1.293 Angels: yea Hee restored lost Man to himselfe in a surer and nobler possession: and for the complement of Bounty [ 50] he gaue to this lost Creature the Creators selfe: dedit se in meritum, dabit se in praemium. In this vnity giuen God hath obserued a Trinity of giuing. Hee gaue his Sonne vnto vs, doth giue his Spirit into vs, reserueth Himselfe for vs to be our exceeding d 1.294 great reward, our e 1.295 crown of glory & dia∣dem of beautie in that glory where we f 1.296 shall see him as he is, and g 1.297 God shall be all in all vnto vs. Nor was this a six daies worke, but he which made the world and man in sixe daies, vouchsafed to be made Man, indured to conuerse with sinners more then halfe sixtie yeeres; and not with a word commanded this new creation to be made, but the Word was commanded (& dixit h 1.298multa & ges∣sit mira & pertulit dura) God ouer all blessed foreuer was made obedient i 1.299 to the death, euen the death of the Crosse, and was made k 1.300 a curse for vs, to redeeme vs from the Curse, and to make vs heires of [ 60] blessednesse.

This was indeede the greatest of all peregrinations, when the word was made flesh and (leauing

in a sort his heauenly Country, and his Fathers house) dwelt amongst vs. The next remote pere∣grination was his ascention from the lower parts of the Earth (where also his life was a certaine vncertaine pilgrimage,l 1.301 farre m 1.302 aboue all heauens, to leade captiuitie captiue, and giue gifts to Men. And he gaue some Apostles, and some Prophets, and some Euangelists, and some Pastors and Teachers. By whom in the worke of the Ministery is effected a double remote Peregrination; one in vs, when we trauel from our selues, that each man might say to his corrupt corrupting flesh (as that traueller to his quondam Mistresse n 1.303, seeking after his returne to renew her dissolute acquaintance, and say∣ing, when she saw him strange as if he knew her not, Ego sum? Tis I: At ego non sum ego, an∣swered he, I am not I now) I trauell in birth till * 1.304 Christ be formed in me, and, I liue o 1.305 not but Christ liues in me, that I may p 1.306 deny my selfe and take vp my crosse and follow him. The other is when wee put off our earthly tabernacle, and departing from this house of clay, whose foundation is in the [ 10] dust, arriue in the faire hauens of Heauen, in the quire of Angels and triumphant societie of the Heauenly first borne. And thus is Mans whole life a Pilgrimage, either from God as Cains, or from himselfe as Abels, and all the Saints which confessed themselues Pilgrims on the earth, and to seeke another Country, that is, a heauenly. Vnto this spirituall and celestiall peregrination, was subordinated that bodily,* 1.307 of those first Euangelists vnto all Nations thorow the World to plant the Church and settle it on her foundation, which also in their q 1.308 times was effected accor∣ding to the Prophesie and precept of our Sauiour, whose peregrinations, if wee had all the parti∣culars, were alone sufficient to yeelde a large Volumne of Voyages.

Christ indeede vouchsafed, euen in literall sense, to honour peregrinations in his owne person, whose blessed Mother soone after his conception trauelled from Nazareth in Galilee, into the hill [ 20] Countries of Iudaea, to her Cousin Elizabeth, and after her returne is by Caesars Edict brought back that in r 1.309 an Inne at Bethlehem, this Pilgrime might in a Pilgrimage bee borne, the s 1.310 Gouernour of his people Israel, that is of spirituall Pilgrimes. And there from a remote place by Pilgrimes of the East is he visited; and how soone is his infancy forced to an Egyptian peregrination? how rest∣lesse and manifold were his after-peregrinations in Galilee, Samaria, the Wildernesses and Cities of Iudaea in the Coasts of Tyre and Sidon, in Decapolis by Sea, by Land, t 1.311 going about all the Cities and Villages, teaching and preaching, and healing euery disease among the people, till the Heauens receiued him into a certaine rest. But my Pen is vnworthy to follow his foot-prints.

[ 30]

§. II. How Apostles differed from Bishops: their preaching the Gospell to all Nations.

HIs Apostles as they differed from others in immediate vocation, to Euangelicall Mini∣stery,* 1.312 and infallible reuelation of the Euangelicall mysterie; so in the vnbounded li∣mits of their Mission vnto all the world: whereas other ordinary commissions and callings are (though of God, yet) by Men; nor haue priuiledge of vnerring illumina∣tion; [ 40] and must take heede to the seuerall flockes ouer which the holy Ghost hath a 1.313 set them ouersee∣ers: whence also Episcopall Churches are called Cathedrall, and sees, from their sitting b 1.314 or teach∣ing (that being the preaching posture of the ancients both Iewes and Christians) in their speciall places of charge.

Well therefore did Saint Gregorie c 1.315 Bishop of Rome hold the title Oecumenicall incompetible to a Bishop, and Antichristian: and as ill haue his Successors in that See swelled ouer all Epis∣copall bankes into Titles, and vniuersalitie Apostolicall.

The Apostles were not all in all places, and sometimes as in consideration of diuine blessing vpon Pauls Ministery amongst the Gentiles, e 1.316 as of Peters amongst the Iewes, they did especially [ 50] employ themselues where they saw their labours most fruitfull, in which respect some setled their longer abode in certayne Cities, and some scarsly departed from Ierusalem, whiles others of them went f 1.317 forth and preached euery where, and the Gospell was g 1.318 in all the World (not vertu∣ally, but actually) and was fruitfull, and was preached vnto euery creature vnder Heauen, that is in Saint Matthewes phrase,d 1.319 to h 1.320 all Nations, or to all sorts of men. After which Embassage accomplished, the Temple as CHRIST had prophesied, and all the Le∣gall Ceremonies, which dyed in the death of our Sauiour, receiued a more solemne then honourable Funerall, by the reuenging Romane; Diuine Prouidence ordering that i 1.321 The fall of the Iewes should bee the riches of the World, and the diminishing of them the riches of the Gene∣tiles; and preuenting the reuolting of weaklings, which seeing those things to remaine, which the Prophets had built, and God had ordayned, might in a Iudaizing retire, embrace the sha∣dow [ 60] for the bodie, and preferre the dazeling lustre of carnall shewes to the synceritie of faith and spirituall truth: Nimirum id Domino k 1.322 ordinante dispositum vt legis seruitus (saith Sulpitius) à libertate fidei at{que} Ecclesiae tolleretur.

And that this was accordingly in the Apostles daies effected, we haue not onely generall te∣stimonies of the Ancients, but the particular Regions and peoples mentioned and acknowledged elsewhere by that generation, l 1.323 which in the question of Antichrist hence raise a demonstration, (no lesse still serues them, their Geese are all Swans) that he is not yet comne, because the Gospel is not yet preached thorow the World. Neither doe we seeke aduantages of the word World, as it is vsed in opposition to the narrow limits of Iudaea, where the Church in her nonage was impounded, and as it were swadled in that cradle of her Infancy (so you euen now read the fall m 1.324 of the Iewes the riches of the World.) Nor in a Roman challenge, wherein Rome pre∣tends her selfe Head of the World, in the stile of her quondam Emperours (succeeded and exceeded therein by her Moderne Prelate) one of which decreed in the Edict aboue in∣timated, [ 10] That n 1.325 all the World should bee taxed; which World was no more then the Ro∣man Empire, as since also the petty Councells Papall are called Oecumenicall (euen that of Trent) and the Church of Christ, in a strange Babylonian contradiction, Catholike-Roman: Nor yet in a figuratiue Hyperbole, as that seemes spoken of the Iewes at Ieru∣salem of euery o 1.326 Nation vnder Heauen▪ which heard the Apostles in their seuerall Lan∣guages, vttering the great things of God. But their sound p 1.327 went ouer all the Earth, and their words to the ends of the World, is true of the heauenly Bodies, and these heauenly Messen∣gers; Neither can any of the World bee shewed then inhabited, that is, no Nation of the World, whereof wee haue not plaine History, or apparant probability, that the Gospel had there founded before that generation of the Apostles passed. Whereof as wee [ 20] haue alleadged Diuine both prophecie before, and testimonie after the fulfilling: so our Ecclesiasticall Authors are herein plentifull. Thus doth Saint Chrysostome q 1.328 interprete that prophecie of our Sauiour, Matthew 24. to haue beene fulfilled before the destruction of Ie∣rusalem, and proues it by the fore-alleadged places, Romans 10.18. Colossians 1.6. and 23. So Theophilact r 1.329 after him. So Saint Hilarie s 1.330 Cùm vniuersis fuerit cognitio Sacramenti coe∣lestis inuecta, tum Hierusalem occasus & finis incumbent: Then shall bee the end of Ierusa∣lem, when the knowledge of the heauenly Mysterie hath beene carried to all men. So Tetullian t 1.331, Beda, Euthimius, Lyranus, Tostarus, Iansenius, Barradius, and others cited by the Re∣uerend and learned Bishop Downam, to whom I referre the Reader. And how else had they exe∣cuted their commission to all Nations, if this mission had not succeeded? For if by succession of [ 30] after Popes or Bishops; then ought that gift of tongues to haue continued or beene restored, and that of immediate reuelation, whereby the glory of the Worlds conuersion might be Gods pecu∣liar, and not diminished by the arts (not by the acts and labours alone) of Men. u 1.332 Ad quid enim necessariae linguae gentium nisi ad conuersionem gentium? And Genebrard x 1.333 accordingly affirmes that whiles the Apostles liued, in thirtie yeeres space at most, the Gospell (which hee calls the Faith of the Romans) was diuulged thorow the World, euen all the most remote Nations and barbarous. Hereof he citeth witnesses (besides the former) Clement Alexand. Iustin Martyr, Irenaus, Origen, Cyprian, and the Prophecie of Esay. c. 66.

[ 40]

§. III. The peregrination of Saint PETER.

WE see the persecution which began against Stephen proceeded to the dispersion of the Disciples a 1.334 into the Regions of Iudaea and Samaria, and Phaenice, Cyprus, and Antioch (where they first heard the name Christians.) Peter also warned by vision, breakes the partition wall, and preacheth to Cornelius b 1.335 and other Gentiles, vnto whom soone after Paul and Barnabas receiue larger commission. Saint Peter also (as Ecclesiasticall writers testifie) besides Palestina, Syria, and the Regions adioyning to Iudaea, preached the Gospell in Antiochia,d 1.336 [ 50] and after in Rome (in both which places they constitute and celebrate his Episcopall Chaire) in Pontus, Galatia, Cappadocia, Asia, Bithynia, to whom is inscribed his former Epistle, that is, to the dispersion of the Iewes, in those Regions, he being principally the Apostle of c 1.337 the Circumcision. For the Iewes were diuided into three sorts, the Hebrewes (which were the inhabitants of Palestina) and the scattered strangers, which were either Hellenists, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or e 1.338 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the remainders of the Babylonish deportation which still continued in those parts, when others returned, and from thence were occasionally dispersed afterwards. The Metropolis of these was Babylon, of the former Alexandria. Of this sort were the Italian, Egyptian and Grecian Iewes, which vsed the Greeke tongue in their Synagogues, in which also they read the Scriptures trans∣lated by the seuentie two Interpreters: yea they were ignorant of the Hebrew, as Scaliger af∣firmes [ 60] e 1.339 of Iosephus and Philo, two of their most learned: they had a Synagogue at Ierusa∣lem, (called f 1.340 of the Alexandrians) of which were those Disputers against Stephen. Of the Ba∣bylonian dispersion were the Iewes in Asia, to whom Saint Peter wrote that Epistle from Babylon: And although Baronius g 1.341 and our Rhemists out of diuers Ancients labour to prooue thy Ba∣bylon in that place of Peter, to bee ment Rome, that some Scripture might testifie his beeing

there at least (though little could thence be inferred a 25. yeeres Episcopality, and lesse, Aposto∣like succession,* 1.342 and least of all an approbation of later nouelties successiuely hatched in the last and worst ages) yea the current of the Iesuites argue (not say onely) that Rome is the mysticall and A∣pocalypticall Babylon, and cry out vpon vs for vnhonest partiality, that there acknowledge it, here in Peter disclaime it, not considering what a hooke they swallow with this baite: yet be∣cause that Epistle of Saint Peteri 1.343 is deliuered in litterall and not mysticall forme, like the Apo∣calyps, and because that opinion of Peters fiue and twenty yeeres Bishopricke deliuered by Euse∣bius, is manifestly repugnant to the Scriptures; and because that some of the Romanists k 1.344 them∣selues differ from the receiued opinion as incredible, as l 1.345 Onuphrius and Genebrand, and Maria∣nus Scotus also alleadgeth out of Methodius that Peter preached at Babylon, to which hee also ad∣deth Corinth and almost all Italie, and because the Ancients m 1.346 receiued that conceit of Papias, a [ 10] man of no great iudgement, as appeared by the Millenary fancie deriued from his tradition: though I will not meddle with that controuersie, whether Peter were euer at Rome, or no, the negatiue whereof in whole bookes Velenus and Bernard haue written,n 1.347 yet I cannot beleeue but that he wrote that of and in the Chaldea Babylonia. The rather because that was the Metropolis of the Asian dispersion (as is said) & that it wel agrees with the prime Apostle to execute his Apo∣stolicall mission to remote and many Nations, especially to the Circumcision (whose peculiar A∣postle n 1.348 he was) in all Countries where they were scattered, as appeares by his care of the Helle∣nists and Alexandria their Mother Citie, where he placed, as Authors affirme, Saint Marke the first Bishop; and because Ecclesiasticall writers affirme that he preached vbique fere terrarum, al∣most all the world ouer (so p 1.349 Nicephorus) breuiter in totius Asiae & Europae oris, omnibusque adeo qui [ 20] in dispersione erant Indaeis & Graecis &c. q 1.350 Metaphrastes affirmeth that after the Church of Rome and many others set in order, Saint Peter went to Carthage in Africa. r 1.351 Onuphrius acknowledg∣ing his Roman See, yet will haue him a Non resident (if not an Apostle rather) not to abide there, but findes him in that fiue and twenty yeeres space at Ierusalem, after that at Antioch, seuen yeers together, whence he came to Rome and reformed that Church, constituted Linus and Cletus his s 1.352 Suffragans or Coadiutors; and trauelling thence thorow the most part of Europe, at his returne to Rome, was there crucified.

Thus in a larger sense of the word Bishop, might Peter bee stiled Bishop of Rome, as hauing care to ouersee that as a principall Church, not neglecting meane while his Apostleship, to which properly belonged the care of all Churches. And hence is that different reckoning of the Roman [ 30] Bishops, t 1.353 Hierom reckoning Peter the first, Linus second, Cletus the third, Clemens the fourth. But Irenaeus u 1.354 nameth Linus the first Bishop, Cletus the second, &c. The like difference is in the See of Antioche twixt Hierom and x 1.355 Eusebius, the one beginning with Euodius, the other with Peter, which sheweth their opinion that Peter preached in both places as an Apostle, not as Bi∣shop in proper sense. So Irenaeus y 1.356, the two Apostles (Peter and Paul) hauing founded the Ro∣man Church, committed the Bishoply charge thereof to Linus: and Rufinus z 1.357, that Linus and Cletus were Bishops while Peter liued, that they might haue the care of the Bishoply charges E∣piscopatus curam) and he might doe Apostolatus Officium, the dutie of the Apostleship: & a 1.358 Epi∣phanius, in Roma fuerunt primi Petrus & Paulus Apostoli ijdem ac Episcopi, deinde Linus, &c. Peter and Paul were both Apostles and Bishops in Rome; and after other wordes of doubt touching [ 40] Clemens his being Bishop in the times of Linus and Cletus, all of them liuing in the same times while Peter and Paul were Bishops, saith, proptera quod Apostoli saepè ad alias terras ablegabantur propter Christi praedicationem, non potuit autem vrbs Romae esse sine Episcopo, That the Apostles went often into other Countries to preach Christ, in which meane while Rome could not bee without a * 1.359 Bishop. For the Apostolicall function enioyned an vniuersall; the Episcopall, a particular charge. And as the greater Office includes the lesse, as the Office of the Lord Chancellour, or Lord Cheefe Iustice, or any Councellor of State, containeth the authority of a Iustice of peace in each shire, with larger extension and intension of power, and a diocesan Bishop the Ministeriall function in any pastorall charge in his Diocesse, which the Parson or Curate must yeelde to him being pre∣sent, and pleased to supply and execute: so, and more then so, the Apostolicall comprehends the [ 50] Episcopall commission, as lesse: and the Apostles were in this respect Bishops wheresoeuer they came, not by ordinary constitution, but by a higher and extraordinary function: to whom other Bishops are successours not in the Apostleship strictly taken, but as Bishop to Apo∣stles, as Iustices of peace in their limits to the higher Commissions either ordinary as of Itine∣rant Iustices, or extraordinarie by speciall commission on speciall occasions constituted, in part, not in all their authoritie.

We shall launch into a Whirle-poole if we proceede to declare Peters Successors (as some call the Bishops of Rome) the Fathers themselues disagreeing in their Catalogues. So farre off were they from making Papall succession an essentiall either Note of the Church, or ground and rule of Faith. But for their preaching the Gospell thorow the World, all Bishops are all Apostles suc∣cessours, [ 60] these in their limited, those in an vniuersall Commission; which either they performed, or not: if they did not, it was disobedience, as in Sauls expedition against Amalek: if they could not, it was impotence, and the command of preaching to all Nations, impleadeth defect

in the Commander, who is the wisdome of God, and the power of God. His wisdome appeared also together with his power in giuing them tongues, and not onely healthfull constitution of body, but miraculous transportation and power, Natures defects not hindring the effects of Grace, as ap∣peareth in the story of Philip and the Eunuch, Acts 8. of Pauls suruiuing a stoning, Iohn the scal∣ding in Oyle, and others other difficulties, mentioned in part, both in Diuine and Ecclesiasticall History, Neither haue Miracles and tongues necessary to such a conuersion, euer since happened, nor haue we promise that they euer shall. Nor was it euer meeter that the New King should be proclaimed, then when when hauing led captiuitie captiue, he ascended on high, and tooke posses∣sion of his supercaelestiall throne: the Apostles herein doing that, for the heauenly Salomon with spirituall magnificence, which Nathan, Zadock and others had done for the typicall Salo∣mon, [ 10] by Dauids appointment. The vniuersall Ceremonies being the same in the whole Church, and such as no generall Councell could determine, argue the vnitie of the spirit in the Apostolicall preaching, Thus as we haue partly shewed in all, and particularly shewed in Peter for his part, we will declare of the rest.

§. IIII. Of Saint ANDREW, IOHN, the two IACOBI, PHILIP [ 20] and SIMON ZELOTES.

ANdrew the brother of Saint Peter, as a 1.360 Dorotheus and Sophronius b 1.361 testifie preached to the Scythians, Sogdians, and Sacae, and to the inner or Sauage Aethiopians; was bu∣ried at Patrae in Achaia, being crucified by Aegeas Gouernour of the Edesens. Nice∣phorus c 1.362 writeth that he trauelled into Cappadocia, Galatia, and Bithynia, and thence to the Countrey of the Anthropophagi, or Man-eaters, and to the Wildernesses of the Scythians, to both the Euxine Seas, and to the Southerne and Northerne Coasts, as also to Byzantium now cal∣led Constantinople, where hee ordained Stachys Bishop: after which, hee went thorow Thrace, Macedonia, Thessalia, and Achaia. That hee was sent to the Scythians, Baronius prooueth out of [ 30] Origen, d 1.363 and Eusebius; and out of Nazianzene e 1.364 his descent into Graecia and Epirus.

SAint Iohn his banishment into Pathmos, and Epistles to the seuen Churches of Asia (which Tertullian f 1.365 cals Ioannis alumnas Ecclesias) are extant in his owne Writings. Irenaeus g 1.366 and many other mention his labours at Ephesus, Prochorus h 1.367 (his supposed Disciple) hath written a Hi∣storie of his Asian Peregrination, his actions at Ephesus, his passions at Rome, whither hee was sent, and in other places; but his authoritie is no better then of a Counterfeit, as Baronius i 1.368 hath also branded him. Of this nature we find many counterfeit Gospels and Iournals, or Histories of the Apostles acts, censured by the Ancients, the Deuill then labouring to sowe his tares in the Apostolicall Historie, which in after Ages, Antiquitie might countenance with venerable autho∣ritie. [ 40] Metaphrastes k 1.369 relateth his acts sn Phrygia and Hierapolis: That he preached in other Re∣gions of the East, Baronus l 1.370 affirmeth, especially to the Parthians, to whome his first Epistle was inscribed in ancient Copies: that hee conuerted the Bassorae, is still holden by Tradition a∣mongst them.

IAmes the brother of Iohn was put to death by Herod to please the Iewes, m 1.371 a wicked Gene∣neration not pleasing God, and contrary to all men. It is reported of some, that before his death he trauelled as farre as Spaine, and there preached the Gospel, at least to the dispersed Iewes. Ba∣ronius in his Martyrologe n 1.372 produceth a Booke of suspected faith attributed to Isidore, testify∣ing his preaching to the Nations of Spaine, and of the Westerne Regions; and the Breuiarie of [ 50] Toledo, in which are these Verses, Regens Ioannes dextra solus Asiam, Et laeua frater positus Hispa∣niam, &c. the testimonies also of Beda, Turpinus and others. All the Churches in Spaine, hee saith, o 1.373 hold the same opinion. Yet is he vncertaine, and so leaues his Reader, because of that vntimely timelinesse of his death. It is not likely that the Apostleship and office of preaching to all Nations, and the name of the Sonne of Thunder was giuen to him by Him, which as easily in∣fuseth the vertue as imposeth the name, and foreknew the times and seasons of his life and death, but that the sequell was answerable.

His hastie death argues his forward courage, as of him which stood in the forefront of the battle. That hee preached to the dispersed Tribes p 1.374 hath many authors: that his bodie was brought from Ierusalem to Spaine, the Romane Martyrologe, and the Popes Callistus and Innocen∣tius [ 60] are cited by Baronius.

THe other Iames called Alphaei, and Oblias, and Iustus, and the brother of our Lord (either be∣cause he was the sonne of Ioseph by a former wife, according to Eusebius, q 1.375 or because his

Mother was sister to the Blessed Virgin, as Saint Ierome r 1.376 rather thinketh) was a man famous for Sanctitie and Deuotion amongst the Iewes by the testimonie of Iosephus, s 1.377 which imputeth to his cruell and vniust murther, the terrible desolation which soone after befell that Nation. And 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Talmud both of t 1.378 Ierusalem and Babylon, mention him as a worker of Miracles in the N••me of Iesus.

Hegesippus a man neere the Apostles times, saith of him, Suscepit Ecclesiam Hierosolymae * 1.379 post Apostolos frater Domini Iacobus cognomento Iustus &c. Of which wordes this seemes the sense, That whereas the Apostles by common consent in a iust Aristocratie had gouerned the Church of Christ, residing at Ierusalem, vntill the time of their dispersion, to diuers parts of the World, (which as Eusebius u 1.380 citeth out of Apollonius, was the twelfth yeere after Christs Passion) they [ 10] then betaking them to their seuerall Prouinces; iointly agreed to leaue Iames the Iust at Ierusa∣lem for the regiment of the Church both there, and as from other places of the World occasions were offered thorow the Vniuerse. For as Ierusalem was farre x 1.381 the famousest of the Cities of the East, not of Iudaea alone, in other respects, as Plinie hath honoured it; so in Religion, it was by better testimonie called the y 1.382 Holy Citie, and the Citie of the great King, whose Tabernacle z 1.383 was in Salem and his dwelling in Sion; not in the time of the Law, but of the Gospel also; the Law of the Lord went out of Sion, as a 1.384 Esay had prophesied, and the Word of the Lord from Ierusalem. This was the Staple of Christian Merchandize, Emporium b 1.385 fidei Christianae (saith Espencaeus) the Mart and Mother of the Christian Faith, which therefore alway needed some graue Father to be the principall Factor in her Holy affaires: Hierusalem was before her destruction, the Cen∣ter [ 20] of Christianitie, whence all the lines of Apostolicall Missions were diffused and thither againe reduced; the Ocean, whence all the Ecclesiasticke c 1.386 streames of the Euangelicall waters of life issued, and whither they againe returned; Once, it was the Senate-house of Christian Councels and Counsailes for all Prouinces of Christianitie, the confluence of others, but specially of the Iewish dispersions, which from all Countries comming to the Legal Feasts, might there freight themselues home with Festiuall wares of Euangelicall commodities. Necessarie it was there∣fore that some Apostolicall Senator and principall Apostle should there reside, with whom in all difficulties to consult, not so much as Bishop (in proper sense) of that Citie, as of the Iewes, yea and as opportunitie lerued, of other Nations thorow the whole World. This was that Iames which wrote the Epistle bearing his name, whom Paul mentioneth to the Galatians, d 1.387 and the Acts e 1.388 often,* 1.389 especially in the fifteenth Chapter, where you see him President of the first [ 30] Councell (if not the only in strictest sense termed Generall) of the Apostles, after their Prouin∣ciall dispersions assembled at Ierusalem. For in his sentence the Councell concludes; and if the Apostles (as the Fathers concurre) had committed to him being an Apostle, the gouernment of Ierusalem, to whom might the Presidentship of Councels in that place appertaine, rather then to this Apostolicall Bishop and Bishoply Apostle, to whom the Lord first committed his throne on earth, as Epiphanius f 1.390 testifieth? As a Deputie or President resides g 1.391 in one Citie, though his gouernment be not there confined, but extends to the whole Kingdome or Region, so was it with this Apostles Bishoprike at Ierusalem, from that high Pinacle to ouersee and prouide for the affairs of the Catholike and Vniuersall Church. From that high pinacle (in another sense also) was [ 40] he cast downe, stoned, and at last with a Fullers Club brained by the Iewes, which were soone in a ter∣rible desolation called to accounts for this and other Apostolicall and Propheticall bloud, yea of the high Prophet and Apostle of our saluation, which yet the Iewes attributed to this Martyr∣dome of Iames, as lately and neerely preceding. His Successour was Simeon his brother, in that See of Ierusalem, not Simon called the Cananite, one of the twelue, as Baronius h 1.392 hath also obserued.

SAint Philip is recorded to haue preached in Asia superior, and (as the Romane i 1.393 Martyrologe saith) almost all Scythia. Baronius k 1.394 supposeth the testimonie of Isidore, and the Toletan Bre∣uiarie, that Philip conuerted the Galls, is falsly written for Galatians, which yet, if Nicephorus [ 50] Relations l 1.395 be true, needs no such correction.

Simon was called Cananite, as Nicephorus saith, for his birth at Cana, whose marriage was there celebrated when Christ turned water into Wine, and for the feruour of his Zeale, hee was sirnamed Zelotes. His preaching peregrinations he relateth thorow Egypt, Cyrene, Africa, Mau∣ritania, and all Libya euen to the Westerne Ocean, yea, to our Britaine Ilands. Hee preached last in Phrygia, and at Hierapolis was crucified.

[ 60]

§. V. Of Saint THOMAS, BARTHOLOMEW, MATTHEW, IVDE, MATTHIAS: and of counterfeit Writings in the Apostles names.

SAint Thomas called Didymus, preached to the Parthians, as m 1.396 Origen, and after him n 1.397 Eusebius haue written: Gregorie Nazianzene o 1.398 addeth the Indians: Chrysostome [ 10] p 1.399 saith, he whited the blacke Aethiopians. Theodoret q 1.400 reciteth the Parthians, Persians, Medes, Brachmans, Indians and the adioyning Nations: Nicephorus r 1.401 hath the same, and addes the Iland Taprobane, which is now called (in the opinion of the most) Samotra: in Hieroms Catalogue is added out of Sophronius, the Germanes (of India) Hircans and Bactrians, and his death at Calamina. On the Coast of Choromandel, where the Riuer Ganges is swallowed of the Sea called the Gulfe of Bengala, are diuers Christians from old times called S. Thomas Christians. Some of the Iesuits haue added China also to the labors of S. Thomas. Of these Christians, both in Narsinga, and Cranganor on that Sea where Indus falleth, and in diuers parts of the Indies you may read in s 1.402 Osorius t 1.403 Maffaeus and others. His Feast day is celebrated at Malipur, (so they now call the Citie where he lyes buried) not by the Christians alone, but the Ethnikes also of those parts. The Eunuch of [ 20] Candace u 1.404 conuerted by Saint Philip, is amongst the Aethiopians in Prester Iohns Countries ho∣noured for Plantation of the Gospel in those parts of Africa; but by Dorotheus x 1.405 said to haue preached in all the Erythrean Coast, and the Iland Taprobana, before ascribed to Saint Thomas, and in Arabia Foelix.

SAint Bartholomew (saith Chrysostome y 1.406) passed into Armenia Maior, and instructed the Ly∣caones; Sophronius z 1.407 addes the Albanians, and the Indians termed Fortunate; Origen saith the hither India; a 1.408 Socrates, India next to Aethiopia. Eusebius b 1.409 testifieth, that Pantaenus a Stoike Philosopher and Rector of the Schoole or Vniuersitie at Alexandria, was ordained Preacher of the Gospel to the Easterne Nations, and pierced to the Regions of the Indians. For there were at that [ 30] time many c 1.410 zealous imitators of the Apostles: of whom was this Pantaenus, which preached to the Indians, amongst whom he is reported to haue found the Gospel of S. Matthew, in the hands of some Christians, which c 1.411 had receiued the faith by S. Bartholomew, and left them the said Gospel in Hebrew, reserued till that time. Nicephorus d 1.412 adioyneth S. Bartholomew, to S. Philip in his Plan∣tations of the Gospel in Syria and Asia Superior, and after at Hierapolis, where he was crucified with Philip, but deliuered, and yet againe at Vrbanopolis in Cilicia, died that ignominious death and glorious Mrrtyrdome. This e 1.413 Hebrew Gospel of Saint Matthew, Saint Hierome, both saw and copied out. It was reserued in the Library of Caesarea.

SAint Matthew trauelled into Aethiopia, that namely which adhereth to India, as Socrates [ 40] f 1.414 writeth, Nicephorus g 1.415 addeth the Anthropophagi, and tels I know not what Legends, re∣iected also by Baronius. For such was the indulgent prouidence of God, not to burthen the faith of the Church with voluminous Histories of Apostolicall Acts thorow the whole World, which scarsly (as Saint Iohn hath of our Lord) the h 1.416 whole World could haue contained. Vnto the faith of all, not to the curiositie of some, was written enough by those holy Penmen, the Secre∣taries of the Holy Ghost in holy Scripture. But the Deuill impiously prouident,* 1.417 hence tooke occasion to burthen the Church with so many vnworthy Legends, both presently after their times forged in their names, and since by Vpstarts deuised and obtruded on the Credulous world, as Liues, (lies) of the Saints, Histories, yea, Misse-stories, Hisse-stories, by the old Serpent hissed and buzzed amongst superstitious men (missing worthily the right, and deceiued with [ 50] lyes, because they had not receiued the loue of the truth; to make way to the succeeding mysterie of Iniquitie; out of which Babylonian Mint, wee haue lately that babbling and fabling Abdias, by Lazius his Midwifery borne after so many Ages, an Abortiue indeed, or Changeling, as the wiser i 1.418 of themselues confesse. Hee can tell you insteed of Saint Matthewes life, many Aethiopian Fables, and intertayne you in a (Fooles) Paradise situate aboue the highest Mountains, with such delicacies, as shew that Adams children are still in loue with the forbidden fruit, and will lose, or at least aduenture the true Paradise to find a false. Inopes nos copia fecit. Their abun∣dant labours and trauels which Came, Saw, Ouercame, each so large portions of the World, left them no leisure to write Annales (whence some haue found leisure to write Aniles, olde wiues Tales) and makes the conuersion of the World an obiect of our faith, rather in beleeuing the pre∣diction [ 60] and testimony thereof in the Scripture, then of humane credit, where the Apostles and Martyrs of their golden Actions and Passions, haue found such Leaden k 1.419 Legends and woodden workmen, Makers or Poets, rather then Historians: which here once spoken may bee applied to the rest, of whose great workes so little is recorded.

Saint Augustine l 1.420 complaines of such Apocrypha Scriptures amongst the Manichees, à nescio

quibus sutoribus fabularum sub Apostolorum nomine Scriptas: and refuseth the like testimonies of Iohn and Andrew produced by the Marcionites. S. Hierom m 1.421 nameth fiue Apocrypha Bookes fals∣ly attributed to Peter; his Acts, his Gospel, his Praedication, his Apocalipse, his Iudgement. Some also mention n 1.422 Itinerarium Petri, which perhaps is the same with Clements Recognitions, ano∣ther counterfeit. In Pauls name was published a Gospel, Apocalypse, his Reuelations, his Ascent to Heauen (which the Gnostiks vsed, as saith Epiphanius o 1.423) his Acts, & third Epistles to the Corinthians, and to the Thessalonians, and one to the Laodiceans. Iohn is made a Father of other Reuelations, and of the Virgins Departure. Saint Andrewes Gospel, Saint Thomas his Gospel and Apocalypse. Saint Bartholomew; Gospel, Saint Matthews Booke of Christs Infancy, receiued by the Valentinians, are condemned by p 1.424 Gelasius. Neither did Matthias, Philip, and Thaddaeus want their Gospels, here∣ticall [ 10] births iniuriously laid at their doores: nor Barnabas also, nor Marke, no nor Iudas the Trai∣tor, which the Caians acknowledged, as Theodoret and Epiphanius haue written, lettice sutable to such polluted lips. Wee might adde the Acts (so inscribed) of Andrew, of Thomas, of Philip, of Paul and Thecla Iohns Circuit. Yea the Coliedge Apostolicall was made to father like Bastards, as the Doctrine of the Apostles, the Lots of the Apostles, the Praise of the Apostles, besides other Acts of the Apostles, and the manglings of the truly Apostolicall Pages by Addition, or Substraction. What shall I say? Our Blessed Lord escaped not hereticall Impostures in his Name, as the Booke De magia ad Petrum & Paulum. And I thinke him rather prodigall then liberall, or iust of his faith which subscribes to that story q 1.425 of Abagarus. But it were endlesse no lesse then needlesse, to intangle our selues in this diabolicall Maze and hereticall labyrinth of sacred forgeries, in that and after Ages,* 1.426 the Enuious mans super seminations to bewitch vnstable soules, not contented with Gods [ 20] dimensum and prouident allowance. If therefore of Saint Matthewes Aethiopian peregrinations, if of Saint Matthias in Aethiopia also (for a great part of Asia, * 1.427 and the greatest of Africa were stiled by that name) if of Iudas Thaddeus his preaching in Mesopotamia, Arabia, Idumaea, and the Regions adiacent, we haue so little recorded, it is no great maruell. It may be sufficient to vnder∣standing Readers, that wee haue out of the best Authors extant, named the most Countries of the then knowne world. And if euery Region and People bee not mentioned, impute it to the want of History of their seuerall Acts, who so••ght rather to write Christs Passions in the hearts, then their owne Actions in the bookes, of Men; to produce deeds not wordes, and monuments of Diuine, not their owne glory. Few places can be named in Asia or Africa, which wee haue not [ 30] mentioned in their prerigrination and preaching▪ and faire probabilitie is for those not mentio∣ned by consequence of reason, which at lest can proue nothing to the contrary; and more then probability is the Diuine testimony before obserued.

§. VI. Of Saint PAVL: of Apostolicall Assistants: some doubts discussed.

AS for Saint Paul, the Doctor of the Gentiles, he flew like a swift Fowle ouer the World: [ 40] wee haue his owne testimony of his Preaching in Arabia, his returne to Damascus, and iourney after a 1.428 three yeers to Ierusalem, thence to the Regions of Syria and Cili∣cia; yea that hee (not sprinkled, but) filled Ierusalem to Illyricum with the Gospel; of his preaching in Italy and Rome, of his purpose for Spaine, which some b 1.429 say hee fulfilled after∣wards, adding thereto Portugall France, Britaine, the Orchades, the Ilands and Regions adioyning to the Sea, and his returne by Germany into Italy, c 1.430 where hee suffered Martyrdome, being by Nero beheaded. I force no mans credit, as neither to that of Ioseph of Arimathea his preaching to the Britons, nor Saint Denis his Conuersion of the Galles, at least in all things written of them. But for the Acts of Paul, as the Apostle of the Gentiles, the Scripture is more ample then of any the rest, the greater parts of Saint Lukes History, being of Pauls Acts. [ 50]

What should wee adde the labours of Euangelists, Assistants, and Co-workemen with the A∣postles in those first Plantations, sent by them in seueral missions to diuers places? Such were Bar∣nabas,d 1.431 Silas, Philip the Deacon, Siluanus, Timothee, Titus, and others: some of which were after Bishops (as is anciently beleeued) of particular Churches. Epaenetus Saint Pauls disciple is said to haue beene Bishop of Carthage, Andronicus another of them in Pannonia, now called Hungary, Amplyas at Odyssa, Vrbanus in Macedonia, Iason at Tarsus, Trophimus at Arles, Crescens at Vienna, Aristobulus in Britaine, Asyncritus in Hyrcania, Hermes in Dalmatia, and others in other places, a Catalogue of whom in Mermannius his Theatre you may see at leasure. Saint Marke disciple of Saint Peter hauing preached to Libya, Marmarica, Ammonica, Pentapolis, and Egypt ordained Bishops in the new planted Churches. Eutropius another of Saint Peters disciples, is said to haue [ 60] preached in France: Mansuetus another of them, to some parts of Germany, as Symon of Cyrene, to other parts. But it were too tedious, to bring hither all that Authors haue written of the se∣uenty disciples, and other Apostolicall Assistants, who spent and were spent, consumed and con∣summated their course in and for the Gospel.

[illustration]

HONDIVS his Map of Saint PAVLS Peregrination.

[ 40] But here some may say, that wee haue not named all Countries of the World, and of those na∣med there is in Authors much varietie of report, in iudicious Readers much scruple to credit. I an∣swere, that it were a farre harder taske to proue that any Countrey, not here mentioned, was neg∣lected in this Ministry. Neither did the Geography of those times extend their suruey much fur∣ther, then that wee haue here in their Iournalls expressed: although it much extended it selfe be∣yond the truth. Besides, who can wonder that the Apostles found not Pen-men, to record their Euangelicall conquests thorow the World, seeking to establish a Kingdome Spirituall and Inter∣nall, contemning the worlds glory, and of vaine-glorious worldlings contemned, when the great Conquerours, which sought to subdue the World by force, and plant Empires by Armes, haue left so obscure notice of their exploits, though dedicated to humane applause and admirati∣on? Of the Aegyptian Conqueror Sesostris, Lucan sings, Venit ad occasum mundi{que} extrema Sosostris, [ 50] Et Pharios currus regum seruicibus egit! Of Nabuchodonosor the Scripture witnesseth, that his greatnesse e 1.432 reached to Heauen, and his Dominion to the end of the Earth; Yet haue they neither Iournalls nor Annalls of their great Acts left to posterity, not so much as the names of their sub∣dued Prouinces, not so much as wee haue here produced of the Apostles. Nay, what is left to me∣mory of the long-liued Assyrian Monarchy, but shadowes, glimpses, fables? Who hath left in Re∣gister the names of the one hundred twenty seuen f 1.433 Prouinces, subiect to the Persian Monarchy from India to Ethiopia? Nay, how little and how vncertaine is remaining of the Greeke Alexan∣der his Expedition, although then vndertaken, when Greece had arriued at the height of humane learning, and by him that was himselfe a famous Scholler of the most famous of Philosophers? [ 60] Did not hee deplore g 1.434 his owne vnhappinesse in this kind, treading on the Tombe of Achilles? And had not Curtius and Arrianus long long after his death, written of him (I question not the certainty) how little should wee haue of Great Alexander? Great in his Acts and Arts, greater in his Attempts, greatest in the vnbounded Ambition of Greatest Renoume to latest posterity; yet how much more is left of the Acts of Humble Apostles, then of Ambitious Alexan∣der?

And now his Conquests are obliterated and forgotten, how are theirs written not in Bookes and Lines, but in the minds and liues of Men, so great a part of the World still remaining the Vo∣lume of their Expeditions in their Christian profession?

And how much more did so, till the vnbeleefe and vnthankfulnesse of wicked men, prouoked Diuine Iustice to remoue his golden Candlestick from so many Nations thorow the World, which for contempt of Christian Truth, were againe abandoned to Ethnicke superstitions? Thus had God dealt with the Iewes before; thus after with the Christians in Africa almost generally in a great part of Europe, and in a great great part of Asia by Mahumetan madnesse, in which what that Arabian Canker-worme had left, the Tartarian Caterpiller did almost vtterly deuoure. Thus in Marco Polo, in Rubruquius, in Odoricus and Mandiuil••, yee may read of Christian Nations dis∣persed [ 10] quite thorow Asia 1200. yeeres and more after Christ, ouerwhelmed with that Tartarian deluge, where the Name of Christians in the remotest parts is extinct, till Nauigation in the last Age reuiued it. And had not Nauigation and Peregrination opened a window, no Geographer had let vs know the names of Nations, which Christians of the West found, professing the same Christ in the vnknowne Regions of the East, at once seene to bee, and to be Christian. Yea, how little of the remote North and East of Europe and Asia, or of the South of Africa, was knowne to Plinie, Ptolomey, and other ancient Geographers, where their Christian light hath shined to vs with the first notice of themselues?

I inferre not, that the Gospells lightning kindled an Euangelicall flame, and obtained Episco∣pall entertainment in euery place where the Apostles preached:* 1.435 nor that euery Lord, Tribe, and [ 20] Family heard this Diuine Message; nor that each Country was filled with the Gospel, or any with an vniuersall profession in the first Plantations, or in their times. The name Paganus which signifi∣ing a Pesant or Rustike, for this cause was altered to a Panime or Ethnike, because Religion could not, but in tract of time diffuse her bright beames and lines of light, from her Episcopall City Centre (that also not wholly Christian) to those ruder parts of her remoter circumference. This I say,* 1.436 that their sound went into all the Earth, and their words vnto the Ends of the World, in some Countries and Nations more fully, in some more obscurely, in all by fame at left, if not by the Apostles presence, as the Spirit permitted vtterance, that some of all might be conuerted.

§. VII. [ 30] Of America, whether it were then peopled.

ANd if any more scrupulous doubt of the New World, and of many places where no foot print of Chistianity is extant, I answere, * 1.437 (besides what before in our Ophirian Trac∣tate is spoken) not onely that time eates vp her owne Children, and that none can proue that Christ hath not beene there preached in former times, because these are thereof ignorant; (for a deluge of opposing persecutions, another of ecclipsing superstitions and heresies, a third of warre and inuasions, extinguishing both the Religion and People also hath suc∣ceeded, [ 40] in some the most renowmed Churches of the World: and what then may time haue done in vnknowne places?) But who can tell that America, and many parts of Asia, Afrike and Europe were then peopled with Men, the Subiects capable of this Preaching? Nay, may wee not in probabilitie think the contrary? how great a part of the World is yet without habitation? how great a part of the World is yet vnknowne? All the South Continent is in manner such, and yet in reason * 1.438 coniectured to bee very large, and as it were another New World; Also Fernand d•• Quiros saith hee hath discouered eight hundred leagues of shoare. Neither is it probable but that so temperate parts are inhabited (which in part, so farre as is knowne on the Shoares and adia∣cent Ilands, is apparant) nor is their likelihood of Christianity, where the Nations euery way ad∣ioyning are Ethnike, that I say not Sauage on the parts of Asia and America: and both these and they seeme latelier peopled then the Apostles dayes. In the new Straits beyond the Magellane, [ 50] the stupidity of the Fowles argued they knew not the face of Men, which they not at all drea∣ded. And many many Ilands not yet inhabited, this ensuing Discourse will manifest. Yea in large Tracts of the Continent of Groenland, & other parts vnto New-found-land, it is found that eyther there are no people, or they but for some time in the Summer, and for some purpose, as of hunting or fishing, not certaine and setled dwellers: a name scarcely fitting to the people in Virginia and Florida. Euen in our old World it self, how new are the eldest Monuments & Antiquities, in al the North, Norway, Sweden, Finland, Lapland, the Samoyeds, Tartars, yea the Northermost Russes, Lithu∣anians, Liuonians, Poles; how new their Arts, their Acts, their Lawes, Gouernment, Ciuility and Fame? Which therefore must needs as the World increased, bee euacuated from Countries neerer the Sunne, by necessitie inforced to harder Climates. Of Island our story will shew, it was but ye∣sterday [ 60] inhabited.

* 1.439The Scythians and Sarmatians of the ancient are more Southerly; and well may we reiect the fables of Hyperboreans, and I knowe not what deuised Northerne Peoples and Monsters, the

Creatures and Colonies of idle busie braines. These Northerne people, scarsely worthie the name of a People, did God vse when the sinnes of the Roman Empire were full, to punish their pride by so base instruments, in Gottish, Vandall, Hunnish, Saxon, Franke, and other names, in iudgement remembring mercy to the chastised Children, and to the chastising Rod, not there∣fore cast into the fire, except to refine them, but by conquering Christian Nations, them∣selues disposed by diuine hand to become a Christian Conquest, and to submit themselues to that God, to that Religion, whose looser Professors they ouercame with an ouerwhelming inunda∣tion. How vnsearchable are thy wayes, O God, and thy iudgements passing knowledge, which of Stones raisest children to Abraham, and bringest Lions into the Sheep-fold in hope of prey and spoyle, where thy discipline transformes them into Lambes? and persecuting Saul turnes a Prophet?

[ 10] The remotest Northerne and Southerne parts of America are yet thinly inhabited, and in great part not at all, as before is obserued, whereas Mexicana, and Peruuiana were abundantly peopled at the Spaniards first arriuall, with the Ilands adiacent. Two great Empires were there erected, one * 1.440 in Mexico, the other of the Ingas in Cusco; but neither of them ancient. Nor let any impute this to their illiterate barbarousnesse. For they had meanes to preserue memorie of their acts by computation no lesse certaine then ours, though more troublesome: and thereby is the Mexican Epocha, or first beginning, then beginning to bee a People, the Deuill imitating the Israelites in their Exodus towards the Countries which they after possessed, apparant to haue beene aboue seuen hundred yeeres after Christ: as that of the Ingas some hundreds later.* 1.441 For it [ 20] is most likely that America was first peopled from the North of Asia and Europe in her neerer and Northerne parts, whence by secret instinct, and hopefull allurements they were inticed to remoue neerer the Sunne, and from the Mexican to passe to che Peruuian Continent. Neither can probable reason be giuen of peopling America but from thence, as by the Discourses of A∣costa and Master Brerewood appeareth: neither did those Northerne parts receiue Inhabitants till the Regions of the World neerer Noas Arke, and of more commodious habitation were first peopled, whence the East and South parts were soone after Noas time replenished: the colder and worse successiuely, and the extreme North by later compulsion and necessitie, the better being peopled before: and there exceeding their iust proportion, they emptied themselues part∣ly by returning into the South by Conquests to ouer-runne ciuiller Nations, and partly were for∣ced to seeke further, as vicinitie of Seas and Lands affoorded, till America was also peopled. [ 30] For (besides that those Northerne parts were as fertile in the wombe, as barren in the soyle, nu∣merous beyond due food) those rough, cold mountainous habitations yeelded like constitution of body and vnquietnesse of mind strong and able to indure, bold and forward to aduenture greatest difficulties, still pressing (where worse then the present could hardly befall) and following their hopes till neerer propinquitie to the Sunne, Climates more temperate, richer Soyle, consent of Elements and Aliments bred content to their mindes and more prosperous concent of Fortunes, which softned their rigid dispositions, and by degrees disposed them to thinke on mechanicall and politike Arts, further to humanize their society, and to polish their cohabitation with Po∣litie. This we see soone done in Egypt, and Babylonia presently after the Floud: but how long before the Persians were ciuilized? how long after before the Macedonians, or Romans? yea, [ 40] how long before there were Romans?

Nature infused the first cares of necessary being, which being by the fertile habitation and in∣dustrious culture richly supplied, in the settled standing the Milke of humane wits yeelded the flower or creame of Arts for flourish and beautie, which vnsettled and discontented estates weary of the present, and pressing still forwards cannot produce; neither can a rolling stone gather mosse. And thus we finde the Germans now a ciuill Nation, which many ages after Christ were barbarous. Yea, where more feritie and sauage rudenesse then this our Britaine yeelded not long before the birth of our Sauiour, for their painting, nakednesse, and other rude demeanours worse then the Virginians now, and like some more barbarous Americans? What hath America sauouring of Antiquitie? what besides the former, not sauouring of the Cradle, and later trans∣migration?

[ 50] Those memorials which they haue of the Floud might passe with them by Tradition euen from the Arke it selfe thorow all their remoues and transmigrations. And no lesse might be said of that Ticfiuiracocha mentioned by Acosta, (whom Vega obserueth to haue many things not so truly) like to Our Men, and preached amongst them many good lessons with little effect,* 1.442 and af∣ter many miracles amongst them was slaine; whose picture some of the Spaniard•• had seene, re∣sembling those of our Saints. Vega tells another and more likely storie of Viracochas apparition in that habite, which no doubt was the Deuill. The like is recorded by Lerius, of a tradition a∣mongst the Brasilians, that innumerable Moones before, there came a Mair or Stranger, clothed [ 60] after the Christian manner, and bearded, which preached vnto them the knowledge of GOD, but none would beleeue him: after whom another came which deliuered them a Sword, since which time they haue vsed to slay and eate one another. These things, as they may be true, so may they be the New actions of the old Serpent ambitious of Deitie, or may by Tradition flie with them thorow all their habitations; or if any shall thinke it there happened (which I can∣not

beleeue) yet are they rather to interpret it of the Apostles (& so further confirmeth our opi∣nion) then of any other, seeing no such men could there haue accesse, and their speach be vnder∣stood, but by miraculous dispensation. As for the Rocke in Brasill called Etooca (where, as Ma∣ster Kniuet affirmeth, Saint Thomas preached) conuerted out of Wood into Stone, the Fishes be∣ing his auditors,* 1.443 who seeth not a Frierly supersemination in the report? wee reade in Theophra∣stus or Aristotle, or whosoeuer else be Authour of that Booke De M••rabilibus Auscultat. of a fer∣tile desart Iland found by the Carthaginians, abounding with Woods and Riuers nauigable, and other bounties of Nature, distant many dayes sailing from the African Continent: some of the Carthaginians intended there to inhabite, but were repelled, and all men prohibited on paine of death, lest the Soueraigne power and weale publike of Carthage might thence be endammaged. This is by some interpreted of the West-Indies, or some Ilands thereof; which if it be so, con∣firmes [ 10] our opinion that those parts were not then inhabited.* 1.444 Nor did any ciuilitie appeare in A∣merica to argue ciuill Progenitors, but that which was of later memorie. Plato's Atlantis wee haue elsewhere shewed to be allegoricall, at least no historicall truth: nor any likelihood in other ancient Nauigations mentioned in Plutarch, Diodorus and others to point at these parts.

If the multitudes of people found there by the first Spaniards seeme to pleade for a longer ha∣bitation then that we allow; let it be obserued that a thousand and foure hundred yeeres (for the first Discouerie was 1492. after Christ) might well fill a world with people, especially conside∣ring their Polygamie, or many Women, their simple Diet, and that which attended the same, healthfull Constitution and long Life (in some places admirable) their easie course of life con∣tented with a little, not fearing to exceed their meanes and maintenance by numerous issue; [ 20] where Nature yeelded home-spunne or rather womb-spunne attire, and the Mother Earth with little importunitie or labour yeelded food sufficient; where Plagues, Morraines, Famine, were scarse heard of; where Couetousnesse the root of all euill had so little worke; Ambition scarsely knew to diuersifie titles of honor; and warre (the inchanted circle of death, compendium of misery, Epitome of mischiefe, a Hell vpon Earth) had not Iron, Steele, Lead, not Engines, Stratagems, Ordnance, not any humane Arts of inhumanitie to fill those parts of the World with empti∣nesse, and there to erect Theaters of Desolation and Destruction. Nor did Nature yeeld many deuouring Beasts, but reserued all her sauagenesse to the Men.

To let passe the peopling of the World before and after the Floud, in no great time, we see [ 30] that in Egypt in the midst of heauy burthens, inhumane butcherie, and intolerable tyrannie, the Israelites were multiplied, in the space of two hundred and ten yeeres, from seuenty a 1.445 persons to aboue two millions, as may be ghesled, in that there were 600000. b 1.446 men, besides children, and besides the females also as appeareth in the c 1.447 second numbring by Moses, and d 1.448 in the third by him and Eleazar, when all those but Caleb and Ioshua were dead. Allowing therefore the male children not much lesse, as that third numbring euinceth, and the females in probabilitie as ma∣ny as the males (the rather for that Pharaohs cruell Edict touched not them) you cannot but find aboue 2000000. Now this their encrease was by naturall meanes though by singular proui∣dence, and therefore might as well happen in America, those impediments remoued, and many other furtherances annexed, in libertie, plenty, and largenesse of Territorie, all elements conspi∣ring [ 40] to multiplication. Neither can any thing but Diuine prouidence (which none can denie in America, and had many more easie and visible meanes, fewer lets then in Egypt) be alledged for the one more then the other. This I may say, that if any list to examine the proportion, and sup∣pose like prouidence, in that time of 1400. yeeres may follow a more numerous inundation of people, then euer America (perhaps the whole World) may probably be supposed at once to haue numbred, although large deductions be allowed both for ordinary mortality and some more dismal accidents. Neither is it likely that the first plantations were so few (if volūtarily seeking, & not by accident forced to those habitations) as 70. persons twice told: nor that America at once or from one place receiued her first Colonies, as by the diuers languages, statures, habits of men may appeare, although time, custome, accident, be allowed no litle power in these things. This we [ 50] see amongst our selues, where one Dutch or Teutonike e 1.449 hath yeelded not onely a distinction of higher and lower, but the English, Danish, Sweden, Norwegian, Islandish, Nordalbing, Frisian (besides the subdiuersified dialects which each of these multiplieth) Languages, Peoples, Rites, so much differing, and the elder both tongues and customes (as in our Saxon) by Variation and succession after a few Centuries in manner extinguished. So vaine a thing is Man. Let me conclude this dis∣course of multiplication in America, by an American example of cattell transported out of Eu∣rope thither, especially Kine, which as they beare no more at a burthen then a woman, nor oftner, so are they shorter-liued vsually by two third parts: yet haue they so increased there, that * 1.450 one man the Bishop of Venezuela had aboue 16000. yea they haue growne wilde, their numbers ex∣ceeding the care of owners, and euery man at pleasure killing them for their hides. And one man, [ 60] the f 1.451 Deane of Conception, had of one Kow liuing 26. yeeres, in her life time the increase of 800. Sic canibus catulos similes—These Indians which respected in generation little else but sen∣suality, and in manner of life resembled brute beasts rather then ciuill (that I say not Christian) Men, enioying like priuiledges of Nature in other things, might in this also.

§. VIII. The glorie of Apostolicall Conquests: the hopes of enlarging the Church in this last Age, by knowledge of Arts and Languages through the benefit of Printing and Nauigation.

LEt me conclude this Discourse of Apostolicall Peregrinations with consideration, with collaudation, with admiration euen to extasie and astonishment, of Their (shall I ••ay or Gods?) Exploits, and renowmed Acts. Little are the Acts of Great Alexander, Pom∣peius [ 10] Magnus▪ Fabius Maximus, and other Greats and Grandes of the World, who by Armes and Arts military, by Fire, Sword, Famine, Massacres forced the bodies (the least part) of Men to a compulsiue subiection, shaken off with the first opportunitie. But how shall I ad••or••e your noble Conquests, Yee Diuine Apostolicall Worthies? who walking in the flesh, not war∣ring after the flesh, without, yea, against the force of carnall weapons▪ pulled downe strong holds, cast downe imaginations, and euery high thing that exalted it selfe against the knowledge of God, and brought into captiuitie euery thought to the obedience of Christ? Herein they vsed not assistance of other Na∣tions by confederation, nor mustered multitudes in pressed and trained bands of their owne;* 1.452 nor receiued supportation by Subsidies, nor made inuasion by force, nor obtained an vnwilling conquest of Bodies (the shell wi••hout the kernel) nor entertayned clo••e intelligence, nor wro••ght [ 20] by close Treasons, nor diuided to them selues the spoiles▪ nor erected Forts, established Garrisons, imposed taxations, transplanted inhabitants, depressed Nobles, shared new Prouinces into Timars, tithed Children, planted Colonies; nor had their counsels of Warre at home, or warlike customes abroad, Engines, Stratagems, Combats, Sieges, Skirmishes, pitched Fields, Ships, Horses, Cha∣riots, Tents, Trumpets, Munition, nor that worst Baggage of Armies, Crying, Spoyl••ng, Sack∣ing, Wounding, Mayming, Killing with Multiformities of Cruelties, as if the nethermosts Hels had mustered and euaporated the most and worst of Her Fumes and Furies into Our world, which might therefore take, that they might destroy, the shapes of Men, by humane inhumanitie. But a few poore Fishermen, and Tent-makers ouerthrow the Worlds Wisemen, in the most flouri∣shing times of worldly learning, subdue the Scepters of greatest Kings and Monarchs, ruine the [ 30] gates of Hell, & vndermine the deepnesse of Satan, supplant the profoundest, suttlest, mightiest of Satanicall combinations with the whole World of Men against a handfull; and maugre their vni∣ted Forces, preaching a Crucified God,* 1.453 and teaching the Crosse as the first Principle of Christian Learning, to ouercome the edge of the Sword with suffering it, to stop the mouthes of Lions with their flesh, to quench the violence of fire with their bloud; to forsake all Goods, good Name, Wife, Life, Childe, to deny themselues, to plucke out their right eyes, to cut off their right hands, to pray for their persecutors, to recompence hatred with loue, and ouercome euill with goodnesse, looking for no other reward then what the World can neither looke on, nor for; they inuade with innocence, and with Sauing ouercome, the World; and whiles it most resisteth, per∣secuteth, ouercommeth, incline it to willingnesse, calmenesse, subiection; write their conquests [ 40] not in the bloud of the Conquered but of the Conquerors: erect Trophees, not in O••eliskes, Py∣ramides, Arches, by others industry, but in their owne Funerals, Crucifyings, Stonings, Martyr∣domes; solemnize Triumphs not with their owne Armies, not with captiued troupes, attending in greatest pompe the sublime Triumphall Chariot, but by being led forth with out-cries, shoutes, clamours, to the basest and most ignominious deaths. Those of whom the World was not worthy, re∣puted vnworthy of the World; haue the Panegyrikes of their prayses, written not by the pens of Parasites or Poets, nor in the lines, (as is said) but in the liues of men; the Christian World (as before is obserued) remayning not written, but reall Annalls of the Apostles Acts, who being poore made many rich, and hauing nothing possessed all things. The Solaecismes b 1.454 of Fish••rmen dissol∣ued the Syllogismes of Philosophers, and where but a few of any Nation could be wonne, to pro∣fesse [ 50] themselues the Disciples of any Philosophicall Sect,* 1.455 though graced and admired by the World, yet the World becomes Christian in despite of the Worlds disgraces and persecutions: nor could the immane-cruelties of some, or superfine subtleties of other, subuert, nay they conuerted men to the Gospel; the seed, the fatning of the Church was the Bloud of her slaine Martyrs; all ages, sexes, sorts of men, euen women, euen children, euen women-children, out-brauing the grea∣test, the fiercest, the wisest of Satanicall instruments▪ by suffering, conquering, and at once ouer∣comming the Deuill, the World, Themselues. Euen so O Father, because it pleased thee.

And be not angry Reader, if the passed, present vnto my contemplation future things▪ and if the consideration of diuine assistance in Tongues, Reuelations, Miracles immediately conferred for the first Plantation of Christianitie, occasion my thoughts to a more serious suruay of future [ 60] hopes in the propagation and reformauion thereof. In the first foundation of Mosaicall Rite••, God raysed Bezaleel, and Aholiab with others, by diuine instinct inabled to curious workman∣ship,* 1.456 fitting that Oeconomie of the Tabernacle, whiles that Iewish Church was as it were rocked in the Cradle, and God vouchsafed to dwell amongst those Tent-dwellers in a Tent. But after

that State was setled, and the Church flourished in the Reigne of Dauid and Salomon, God did not againe infuse Sciences by Miracle, or by miraculous disposition (as before the Egyptians were spoyled) prouided materials to that Worke; but furnished Salomons wisdome, with helpe of the two Hirams, the one a cunning workman in Gold, Siluer, Brasse, Iron, Stone, Timber, to graue any manner of grauing,* 1.457 and to find out euery deuice, the sonne of a Tyrian, by an Israelitish woman; the other his Master, the King of Tirus, a man furnished with a Nauy of ships and store of Mariners, by whose meanes the Temple and Court might be prouided of necessaries from remotest Ophir, aswell as the neerer Lebanon. I implore not, I importune not any vnwilling assent or follower of my apprehension and application hereof to what I now propound in like differing states of the Christian Church.* 1.458 Omnia contingebant illis in figurá. This was likewise founded, and as it were a Tabernacle built for Christ by the Apostles, men wholy enabled by immediate graces and gifts of [ 10] the Spirit to so diuine a Worke. A Tabernacle I call the Church, not only as being yet militant, and therefore abiding in Tents, but in comparison and respectiuely to that externall spendour which followed long after the Apostles times, when Kings became her Nursing Fathers and Queenes her Nursing Mothers, subiected their Crowne to the Crosse, shining in the highest top thereof. Albeit therefore in puritie of doctrine and manners the Apostolicall times had their spirituall preeminence (as the Tabernacle also exceeded the Temple in the ordinary Cloud, Pil∣lar of fire, Manna, Miracles, syncerest worship by Moses, and the like.) Yet when the World be∣came Christian, and the Crosse became the Imperiall Banner the Church, before persecuted, now reuiued vnder Constantine, Iouianus, Theodosius, and other Religious Monarchs, and Kings, see∣med to renew the Golden reuolutions and setled returnes of Christian Dauids and Salomons; and [ 20] they which before had not a Smith in Israel, scarsly a Bishop or Temple to be seene, had Temples, Schooles, Bishops, Councels, whence Religion was propagated and established in the seuerall Realmes and Nations of Christianity; not now by Miracles as before by the Apostles, but by the Ministery of Bishops and Priests of ordinary calling and gifts; and hee himselfe was now the greatest Miracle that beleeued not, the whole World beleeuing and wondering at infidelitie as a Monster.

And as the Temple and state of Religion declining was repaired and reformed by godly Kings, as Ioash, Hezekiah, Iosiah; and Zealous Priests such as Iehoiada; and after the ruines thereof was rebuilded by Princes and Priests, Zorobabel and Ioshua, Nehemiah and Ezra: so hath God stirred vp good Kings & Pastors in the declining age of the Church, as Charles the Great, King Alfred [ 30] and many others in Histories mentioned; & after the deportation therof into Mysticall Babylon, when shee seemed in her truest members fled out of the Worlds easier view into the Wildernesse, hath God raysed vp the Kings of England, Sweden, Denmarke, and other Christian Princes, States, and Potentates with Religious Bishops and Ministers to repaire the desolations of Sion, and restore Ierusalem with the Temple, if not to her first splendour, yet from her late Captiuity, where she had smal pleasure to sing the Lords song in a strange land, & babble her holies in the vnknown Language of Babylon.* 1.459 As therefore the first Plantation of the Tabernacle was by miracle and immediate instinct; the erection of the Temple, and succeeding reparations were by the art and humane in∣dustry of such Heroike spirits as God raysed vp and sanctified in euery age: so the Christian Church planted by Apostles, hath beene since wate••ed by faithfull Pastors, exalted by pious Em∣perours, [ 40] depressed by Heretikes and Persecutors, captiued by Popes, and in her diuersified changes and chances, rather expecteth extraordinary blessing vpon the ordinary helpes, functions, and graces, then meanes meerly extraordinary and miraculous. Amongst all which helpes by humane industry, none (in my mind) haue further preuailed then those two, the Arts of Arts, Printing and Nauigation, both in manner giuen at once to the World by diuine goodnesse, this for supply of matter, that other of forme, to this Spirituall Reedification of Gods Sanctuary. And as Hirams Art improouing natural wit by diligent industry, succeeded the infused Sciences of Bezaleel and Aho∣liab; so to that Apostolicall gift of Tongues, in the foundation of the Church hath succeeded for reformation thereof, the principall Tongues and Languages of Nations, Ebrew, Greeke, Latine, Syriake, Arabike, and the rest, partly refined, partly renewed by humane industrie, through the [ 50] benefit of Printing. For how were the learned and remoter Tongues buried and vnknowne in these parts, till that Art brought in plentie, facilitie and cheapnesse of Bookes, whereby Lan∣guages became the Keyes, Bookes the Treasuries and Storehouses of Science; whiles by those men found accesse into these; and Printing yeelded admittance to both in plentie and varietie? And thus was vnuailed that mystery of Iniquity in the age before vs, which had captiued so many Ages in worse then Egyptian darknesse. This mystery at first arose in a myst from the bottom∣lesse pit, in a time of barbarous ignorance, occasioned by irruption of Barbarians into all parts of Christendome, successiuely like wild Bores out of the Forrest, rooting vp Gods Vineyard, and preparing a way to the Romish Foxes to spoile the Vines, to corrupt and deuoure the fruits thereof. The Goths, Vandals, Hunnes, Herules, Lombards, Saracens, in Spaine, Afrike and Italy; the [ 60] Frankes, and after them the Saracens, Danes, and Normans in France, and the places adioyning; the Picts, Saxons and Angles, and after them the Danes, in these parts; the Auarés, Saracens, Tartars, Turkes in the East and South; with other deluges of Ethnikes hating learning, burning

Libraries, killing learned men, in these and other parts seconded with factions, treasons, and ci∣uill vnciuill combustions of Christians amongst themselues, made easie way first, and strong con∣firmation after to the Papacy apprehending all opportunities to aduance it selfe, first in spirituall things, after also in temporall.

But what illiterate ignorance little discerned, not muth withstood, renewed literature hath exposed to the view of all, and by reuiued Arts hath discerned the Arts of that painted Iezabel, whose fouler wrinkles, her Ieza••elicall, Iesuiticall Parasites still labour with renewed and refined Arts also to playster and fill vp a fresh; but hereby whet the industry of others to improoue their Arts and industry on the otherside, in more eagre search and diligent inquisition to take [ 10] those wise in their craftinesse, and to let men see that the materials of this later Babylon in the West are turfes of earth, which humane wits haue baked into bri••kes, and with slime of Policy, haue raysed to so superadmirable a frame and structure.

And lest so great a blessing procured by Printing, should rest and rust amongst our selues in this Westerne corner of the World, God hath added that other Art of Nauigation, as that other Hi∣rams assistance to Salomon, and of Nehemiah to Ezra, the Prince and Priest, learning and power combined. This Art was before obscure and rude,* 1.460 but by the industry of the Portugals lifted vp to higher attempts, with care of their Kings (employing Astronomie to her better furniture) enabled to new Discoueries in Africa, and after that in all the East; whose example the Spaniard following happily encountred a New World, and first of all men vnlosed the Virgin Zone of the [ 20] Earth, encompassing the whole Compasse of this vast Globe. And thus hath God giuen oppor∣tunitie by Nauigation into all parts, that in the Sun-set and Euening of the World, the Sunne of righteousnesse might arise out of our West to illuminate the East, and fill both Hemispheres with his brightnes: that what the Apostles, by extraordinary dispensation sent, by extraordinary prouidence protected & conducted into all parts, by extraordinary gift of Tongues were able to preach to all sorts of men; this latter Age following those glorious Fathers and Founders (though farre off, non passibus aequis) might attempt and in some sort attaine by helpes of these two Artes, Printing and Nauigation, that Christ may bee saluation c 1.461 to the ends of the Earth, and all Nations may serue him; that according to the Scripture innumerable numbers of all Nations and Kin∣dreds, and peoples, and Tongues, may be clothed with the white robes of the Lambe. I am no Prophet, [ 30] nor sonne of a Prophet, instructed in future reuelations, but one with all others praying, thy King∣dome come; neither dare I take vpon me the reuelation of the Reuelation in that Prophesie of the holy Ierusalem descending out of Heauen from God, newly measured with a golden Reed, to apply it to the reformation of the Church in the last times; which howsoeuer some haue interpreted only of her glorious and celestiall estate, others haue included the terrestriall also, after the calling of the Iewes (which Saint Paul cals life from the dead, as if it were the Resurrection of the World, and consequently in spirituall respects, a new Heauen and new Earth) alleadging many Argu∣ments, seeming altogether to this purpose not improbable. And least of all, will I, lesse then the least of all, take vpon me the reducing of the Iewes into I know not what externall pompe and policie, and exalt them in splendour aboue all other Nations and Monarchs (the very stumbling [ 40] stone of their downfall; this dreame of a glorious Messias, prouoking them to crucifie the Lord of glory, whose Kingdome is not of this World, though prefigured by types, and painted in sha∣dowes of Secular glorie) I meddle not with Secular States, but pray for the conuersion and spi∣rituall regeneration of all men. And Nature it selfe preacheth thus daily: if the Sunne daily,* 1.462 shal not the Sunne of righteousnesse once, enlighten all the World? It is the Holy Ghosts resemblance. If the Fathers d 1.463 of old did expect a further conuersion of Nations by the Gospel; if the Sybil∣line Oracles promise as much; if the Papists make this a demonstration that Antichrist is not yet come, because the Gospel is not yet preached to all men, which they hope hereafter shall bee ef∣fected; if the Prophecies of the glorious state of the Church mentioned in Esay and Zacharie,e 1.464 shadowed in Ezekiels Temple, and destruction of Gog and Magog, renued in the Reuelation, [ 50] seeme not yet to haue taken their full effect, but to promise some better future estate, as euen those many Ancients also conceited, whose full sayle and forward gale carried them beyond the Truth into the Millenary Errour: if our Church prayeth for all Iewes, Turkes, and Infidels, that they may be one sheep-fold vnder one Pastor: then I may also with the Streame bee carried into expectation of that dilating the Churches Pale, and a more Catholike enlarging of her bounds, specially in those parts of the World, where though we grant the Gospel preached by the Apo∣stles, yet little fruit in comparison followed in many Countries; nor any generall conuersion of Nations, except of the Romane Empire with the adioyning Regions, and some few, scarse a few Prounces annexed, hath hitherto happened. And how little to the rest of the World is all that which is called Christendome, or that also which in any setled flourishing estate of a Church hath [ 60] euer yet beene Christian? Pardon therefore this Charitie extended to all men, to pray and hope for the remotest of Nations no more remote from Christ in Nature or promise, then our selues.

And (to returne to our Nauigation) the present Nauigations, Missions, Preachings, of Iesuites

and Friers in the Heathen Nations of the World, seeme to present vnto my minde that state of the dispersed Iewes before Christs comming in the flesh. He came to his owne, and his owne receiued him not, which yet by their Scriptures, Synagogues, Rites, in their many many dispersions, had vnwitting prepared a way vnto him amongst the Gentiles. Let none contemne this figure of the Iewish Church (which yeelds d 1.465 in most obiections of Popery touching Visibility, Succession, Antiquity Vniuersality, Consent, Pontificall Priuiledges, and most of their vulgar and popular flourishes, reall and experimentall resolutions, by paraleling the Iew and Romanist; this being in∣feriour in euidence, superiour in arrogance) if herein also we see them like; and those later Phari∣ses, compassing Sea and Land to make Proselites, by preaching some Christian verities amongst their Traditionary chaffe, become Apparitors and Harbengers of a future purity, which yet them∣selues crucifie as Hereticall. Spaine hath as is said, in Nauigation best deserued (in leading the way [ 10] to others, some of which haue e 1.466 since in the Art equalled, in attempts perhaps exceeded her) and by diuine Prouidence hath beene bountifully rewarded in the East and West, both ouershadowed vnder her wings: is also one of the ten hornes (as the current of our Interpreters agree) which to∣gether with the beast receiue power as Kings, out of the ruines of the Romane Empire; of which it is prophesied that the ten hornes shall hate the Whore, and shall make her desolate and naked and shall eate her flesh and burne her with fire. For God hath put into their hearts to fulfill his will, &c. God put in∣to their hearts to be thus truly Catholike, and able to discerne the whoredoms and many witchcrafts of their mother Iezabel, the mother of fornications of the Earth; enable them to see that Catholike-Roman is the Language of Babel, where men but babble, and the word (like Esau and Iacob stri∣uing in the wombe) supplants the next preceding; that the now-Roman is but new-Roman, and [ 20] therefore Catholike no more in time then place, no more in sound apprehension of truth, then in round comprehension of the Vniuerse. And that God which hath giuen them to chase the relikes of the Moores out of Europe, to chastise them in Afrik & Asia, to find that New World of America, with her two armes of Nauigation from Lisbone and Siuill yeerely, to embrace the whole Globe, and to haue greater oportunities for so Catholike a worke then yet is granted to any other Nation; put into their hearts with other Princes and Christian Nations to fulfill this his will against that Whore; which the Prophesie enforceth to beleeue shall bee done, and their King in our Fathers dayes gaue instance how easie.* 1.467 I ring not, sound not an alarme, nor strike vp a march for warre, I determine not the particular way or instruments of that desolation. I delight not in imprecati∣ons, [ 30] nor to that Whore drunken with the bloud of Saints and Martyrs wish any bloudy reward of my selfe:* 1.468 but God himselfe hath foretold deuouring her flesh and burning her, and enioyned also, in the cup which she hath filled, fill to her double. Which howsoeuer it shall bee effected, I doe not pre∣scribe, nor doe I single out that Nation to this purpose, but ioyne them with others in my Pray∣ers for the execution of that Prophesie, both to goe out of Babylon, and to goe against it in iust reformation, that it may bee no more found at all; at least by making her naked of that protection which thence she receiueth, and redemanding their owne, may detayne the ouer-flowings of EVPHRATES that the way of the Kings of the East may bee prepared to exterminate Babylon out of the World. And is it not better thus to pray for them that they may haue an honorable part in that Prophesie, that Babylon may further fall by their falling from them, then that they should fall with her? or to reckon vp the bloudy effects of their In∣quisition [ 40] in Europe, and their inhumanity in America, and number them amongst the Kings of the Earth, who shall bewayle and lament Romes ruines; or to those Ship-masters, Ship-companies, Saylers and Traders by Sea, and Merchants of the Earth weeping for her desolations? Once, I say not that they of all men haue the most eminent oportunity to subuert Babylon by their Italian neigh∣bourhood and Territories; I pray that they endeuour to conuert the Easterne and Westerne In∣dians making that best vse of their Nauigations,* 1.469 giuing them Gold refined and truly spirituall for their temporall. And though they now of all Nations seeme most enamoured of that Roman (therein truly Catholike, that is, common) Harlot, yet Hee which hath the heart of Kings in his hand as the riuers of water, can turne it, when and whithersoeuer he will: can effect this also by o∣thers,* 1.470 [ 50] without, yea against them: can reward (as sometime hee did Nebuchadnezzar for his ser∣uice done at Tyrus, with the land of Egypt for the wages of his Armie, and the Israelites at their depar∣ture with Egyptian spoiles) can reward I say both those which at his command go out of, or when his Prouidence shall dispose, against this Babylon (which for captiuing the people of God is called Egypt,* 1.471 for filthinesse Sodom, & for the Staple of Spiritual Merchandise, is also resembled to Tyrus) with the spoyles of the Spirituall Egyptians, with the Turks destruction (which litterally possesse Egypt) with the riches of the Gentiles brought to the Church, besides their own and the Churches liberty. And as Ierusalem (to return to our similitude) being demolished by the Romans, the Church became truely Catholike, not looking any more to walls of a Temple, to carnall Sacrifices, to the petty pinfold of one Nation, to one City, as the Mart & Mother of Christian Religion and disci∣pline [ 60] (how much had the Apostles to doe whiles Ierusalem stood, to withhold * 1.472 * 1.473 Christians from Iudaizing?) so is it to bee hoped and prayed, that this Mysticall Babylon, which now by vsur∣pation challengeth to bee Mistresse and Mother of the Church, arriuing at that prophecied irreco∣uerable downefall, Catholike-Roman (vniuersall-particular) may no more bee heard, but true Ca∣tholicisme

recouering her venerable and primary Antiquitie, may without distracted faction, in free and vnanimous consent, extend her Demesnes of Vniuersalitie as farre as the Earth hath Men, and the light of her truth may shine together with the Sun-beames, round about the habi∣table World: that as Salomon by Hirams Mariners fetched materialls, Gold, Gemmes, Almuggim Trees, to the Temples structure, which by the other Hirams Art were brought and wrought in∣to due forme; so the Heauenly Salomon, the LORD IESVS, may by this his gift of Nauigati∣on supply those remote fieldes, white vnto the Haruest, with plentie of labourers, to bring into the Societie of the True Church those rude Ethnikes, of them to frame pillars in the house of God,* 1.474 ves∣sells of sanctimony in the sanctuary finer then the Gold of Ophir, enlightned with spirituall wisdome and vnderstanding of holy things, richer then Rubies, and the most incomparable It wells: that [ 10] these may by the art of Hiram, the son of an Isralitish woman by a Tyrian father, that is by the Mi∣nistery of Pastors & Doctors, learned in diuine & humane Literature be instructed, baptised,* 1.475 edifi∣ed and disciplined; that in the places where yet is no Christian, nay no Humane or Ciuill People, it may be said vnto them, yee are the Sonnes of the liuing God; that there may be one Pastor and one sheepfold, one Saluation, Redeemer and Aduocate, to Iew and Gentile, IESVS CHRIST the light of the Gentiles and the glory of his people Israel: whom my Discourse hauing now obtained to em∣brace, shall here confine it selfe with a Nunc Dimittis, and end with Amen, to that Amen, in whom all the promises of God are yea and Amen. Euen so, Amen LORD IESVS.

[ 20]

[illustration] map of the Christian world

HONDIVS his Map of the Christian World.

CHAP. III. Of diuers other principall Voyages, and Peregrinations mentioned in holy Scripture. Of the trauells and dispersions of the Iewes; and of Nationall transmigrations.

HAuing premised the two former Tractates, as the two Eyes of Peregrinations most faire Face, I shall be as briefe in the following, as I haue in them beene te∣dious [ 10] and discursiue. The first voyage of Mankind was out of Paradise into the cursed parts of the Earth,* 1.476 thence with sweat and labour to get his liuing, Cains restlesse wandrings, and yet still dwelling in the Land of Nod, tha•• is of agi∣tation and vexation, neuer being still (there is no peace saith my God, to the wic∣ked) and Henochs contrary walking with God, I need not mention. And I haue already mentio∣ned the first Ship and voyage by water,* 1.477 Noahs Arke, and the first earthly Peregrination after to the Plaine of Shinar,* 1.478 where Babels building was with mutuall babbling or confusion of Langua∣ges confounded; which gaue occasions to the dispersion of Mankind ouer the Earth, that is, to the planting and peopling of the World, of which I haue giuen account somewhat largely before, in the first Booke of my Pilgrimage.* 1.479 Abram is called out of Vr of the Chaldees, and trauells with Lot to Haran first, and after into Canaan: thence Famine forced him into Egypt; after hee sets [ 20] forth for the recouery of Lot in a Martiall Expedition against foure Kings, returning by Melchi∣sedek King of Salem. Abraham after many tent-wandrings comes to Gerar, and after Isaacs birth and blessed hopes conceiued of him,* 1.480 is sent on the most difficult iourney to Moriah: at Hebron he burieth his Wife and fellow Traueller: sends his seruant to Mesopotamia for Rebekah: and ha∣uing sent his multiplied issue by Keturah vnto the East Countrey (as before Ishmael) hee ended his earthly Pilgrimage. Isaac inherits the promises, and yet trauelleth of them by trauelling, not founding Cities but dwelling in Tabernacles, as did Iacob also, before and after his long seruice in Padan Aram,* 1.481 till at last hee descended into Egypt, whither God had sent Ioseph in a former Pe∣regrination. These both died in Faith, and gaue charge, the one for his dead body, the other for his bones to trauell to Canaan the type of their hopes. [ 30]

Out of Egypt God called his Sonne, now multiplied into an Armie as is before obserued: which yet are not presently in Canaan after the passage of the Red Sea,* 1.482 but are Pilgrims fortie yeeres in the Wildernesse. Wee also after wee haue escaped the bondage of hellish Pharao, and seene him vanq••ished in the Red Sea of Christs bloud, whereinto wee are baptised, must liue the life of Faith, passing thorow the wildernesse of this World, hauing no more sustenance to our soules from our meere naturall powers, then there their plowing and husbandry yeelded their bodies: but as their food and raiment,* 1.483 were the effects of Gods grace, and not humane labour; so not by the workes of righteousnesse, which wee haue done, but according to his mercy hee saueth vs: and by his Word and Spirit as a pillar of cloud by day, and of fire by night trauelleth with vs, till Ioshua, the [ 40] true IESVS (for Moses brings not into Canaan, nor can the Law iustifie) set vs in possession of the heauenly Canaan, where Iericho is battered not by warlike Engines, but by the power of faith in the Word and Couenant of God; and the houses which our workes builded not, and vineyards which our merits planted not, euen the Thrones which Angells lost, are made ours for euer by free grace and meere mercy. This is that rest, into which none but Trauellers can enter, and that by crowding so hard into that naerrow gate,* 1.484 that they must leaue themselues * 1.485 behind; nor take pos∣session of, but by losse of life it selfe, passing that Iordan which floweth the way of all flesh into the Dead Sea, before they can liue with God.

Nor need men thinke much to trauell, where God himselfe was a Mysticall Traueller in the Tabernacle, til Salomon built him an House adorned by Ophirian Nauigations. Saul before this had trauelled to seeke lost Asses,* 1.486 and stumbled on an earthly Kingdome: Dauid by keeping of Sheepe [ 50] and following the Ewes with yong was initiated, and after by many many trauels trained to the Mysteries of Royalty,* 1.487 which with diuersified trauells hee exercised all his dayes. Ieroboams tra∣uels to Egypt taught him those caluish deuotions, which made Israel trauell into many Assyrian Plantations;* 1.488 and Iudah also was carried captiue to Babylon, restored by a trauell from thence to Ierusalem vnder Zorobabel, Ezra, and Nehemiah; a mystery of that mystie deportation of the Christian Church, by ignorance and superstition, and her reformation by Godly Princes and Pa∣stors. Hirams Mission, the Queene of Shebas Visitation, Ionabs Iourney to Niniue, intimate the calling of the Gentiles,* 1.489 whose First-fruits were the Wisemen of the East, which came so farre a voy∣age to salute the New borne King of the Iewes.

* 1.490The Deuill also is a Traueller, and continually compasseth the Earth to and fro, and goeth about [ 60] as ••••oaring Lyon seeking whom to deuoure; trauelling of mischiefe, and conceiuing lies. Such were the Assyrian, Syrian, Persian, Babylonian, Egyptian, and other trauels of the Churches Enemies; theirs also which in blind zeale comp••ssed Sea and Land to make Pharisaicall Proselites. In Mordecais time,

you see in the Booke of Esther the Iewish dispersions thorow all the one hundred and twenty se∣uen Persian Prouinces, euen from India to Ethiopia, long after the returne vnder Zorobabel,* 1.491 which multiplied no doubt in Ages following accordingly.

But why looke I for Trauellers and Voyages there, where the Church was tied to one place,* 1.492 to trauell thither three times a yeere, and therefore ordinarily not to bee farre from thence? The Babylonian and Alexandrian dispersions, after the Captiuity we haue already mentioned; where∣by the World was strewed with Iewes (not to mention the Israelites) as Apparitors to the Mes∣sias, and preparers thereof to Christianitie in the Apostles preaching. Then indeed the Iewes were Trauellers from all parts to Ierusalem, & as men were more religiously affected, There dwelled at Ie∣salem [ 10] Iewes, deuout men out of euery Nation vnder Heauen, which being of Iewish Parentage,* 1.493 were by the place of their birth, Parthians, Medes, and Elamites, Mesopotamians, Cappadocians, of Pon∣tus and Asia, Phrygiae and Pamphilia, Egypt, and of the parts of Libya about Cyrene, Strangers of Rome, Iewes and Proselytes, Cretes and Arabians.

This was after that imprecation of theirs, His bloud bee on vs and on our children: so did God seeke to ouercome their euill with his goodnesse:* 1.494 but when they which had before persecuted the seruants, and crucified the Lord of glory himselfe, now resisted the holy Ghost,* 1.495 being vncircum∣cised in hearts and eares, and iudged themselues vnworthy of eternall life; God let out his Vineyard to other Husbandmen, and the fall of the Iewes became the riches of the World. Then came the wrath of God on them to the vtmost, and they became a trauelling Nation indeed, trauelling [ 20] now aboue 1500. yeeres from being a Nation;* 1.496 and Moses his prophecie was verified in their scattering from one end of the World to the other. Eleuen hundred thousand are said to haue perished in Ierusalem alone (where Christ had been crucified) besides all other sl••ughters in all other parts of Iudaea, in that fatall warre vnder Vespasian and Titus: 97000. were sold to be distracted slaues thorow the world, Galatinus saith 200000. thirty of them for one piece of Siluer,* 1.497 which had gi∣uen thirty pieces for him which came to make them free. Yet had not the Land spued out all her Inhabitants, but grew so queasie and full of qualmes, that the remainders in Adrians time enter∣tained Bencochab for their Messias, who with 200000. Iewes in his Army, is said to haue rebelled and bred such combustions, that this Sonne of the Starre (so his name soundeth) was after called Barchosba, the Sonne of Lying. It were prodigious * 1.498, not hyperbolicall alone, to tell what the Iewes [ 30] tell of their following slaughters: 700000. slaine in Egypt, and in Iudaea, so many as passeth all mo∣desty to relate after them. Dion Nicaeus tells of fifty Castles and nine hundred and eighty of their best Townes rased, 580000. slaine,* 1.499 besides innumerable multitudes which perished by fa∣mine, fire, diseases, and other Baggage of Inuading Campes.

Aeliu•• Adrianus banished the Iewes from Cyprus and Iudaea, erected a new City instead of Ieru∣salem, called of his owne name Aelia,* 1.500 and set Images of Swine ouer the Gates as Porters to keepe out the Iewes, yea prohibited by Edict the Iewes to looke toward it from any high place. Traian before was instigated by their rebellion, to destroy many thousands of t••em in Egypt, Cyrene, and Mesopotamia. And euer since, those which are contrary to all men,* 1.501 haue found all men contrary to them; and haue liued (if such slauery and basenesse be a life) like Cain, wandring ouer the World▪ [ 40] branded with Shame and Scorne. Spaine, England, France, Germany, Poland, Italy, Turkie, all the In∣dies as farre as China haue had them Inhabitants; haue had indeed, for many haue giuen them terrible expulsions, the rest vsing cruell and vnkind hospitalitie, so that they are strangers where they dwell, and Trauellers where they reside, still continuing in the throwes of trauell both of misery and mischiefe. But I haue handled this matter more fully in my Pilgrimage, and both Beniamin Tudelensis a Trauelling Iew, and other Trauellers in the following Relations, will giue you strange trauells of theirs thorow Asia, Africa, and Europe; in all their dispersions to this day retaining their bloud, name, rites, as disposed by a higher and most mercifull prouidence, which in his time will shew mercy on them, to see him by the eye of Faith,* 1.502 whom by the hand of Cru∣elty they had crucified, and all Israel shall be saued, and returne to the Church by a more generall [ 50] Conuersion then hath yet beene seene; and as their reiection hath proued the reconciling of the World, so the receiuing of them shall be life from the dead.

All times are in Gods hand, but hee which hath promised is able to performe: and perhaps if Rome the Spirituall Babylon bee captiued and ruined, which hath obtruded so long on them the monsters of Image worship, Transubstantiation, worshipping of so many Saints, with other see∣mings of refined Ethnicisme, and imposeth on Conuerts the losse of all their substance; the way shall bee made more plaine for them: which wee hope is growing to some ripenesse in this Age, when about so many yeeres haue passed since the calling of the Gentiles, as from Iacobs Family in Egypt, growing to the face and proportion of a People and Nation, vnto their destruction: and full out as many as were from Iosephs death in Egypt, to the destruction of the Temple vnder Ti∣tus, [ 60] and more then from Moses his Exodus, to that other Exodus and extermination vnder Adri∣an. We are no Prophets, and must learne by euent the certainty of Gods (before secret) c••••••sells. In meane while let vs pray, Hallowed be thy Name, thy Kingdome come,* 1.503 that this trauelling Nation may one day trauell in birth of Christ till he be formed in them, and with the prodigall Sonne, may trauell from their wandrings, and at once returne to their Father and to themselues, that we may all

meet in the vnity of Faith, and Gods will may bee done in Earth, as it is done in Heauen, there being but one Shepheard and one Sheepefold, Amen. As the Iewish Nation hath been litterally Trauellers, so the Christian Church is alway trauelling spiritually to her home, and from her selfe; and the Iewish deportation to Babylon, was a figure of the Antichristian Captiuity in Romish and Popish superstition, of which wee haue taken occasion to speake more fully elsewhere * 1.504.

As at first the World was peopled by peregrination successiuely from Noahs Arke, and Babels Tower: so in the worldly vicissitude of all things, a world of peregrinations haue happened in the World, and that of worlds of men together, in Nationall inuasions, plantings, supplantings, Co∣lonies and new alterations of the face of the world in each part thereof. Thus the Israelites sup∣planted the Canaanites & dwelt in their rooms;* 1.505 as did the Moabites to the giantly Emims, the Edo∣mites to the Horims, the Ammonites to the Zamzummims, and other Nations to others. To re∣cite [ 10] these were to recite all Stories in manner of the World: Lazius de Migrationibus Gentium, and others haue in part vndertaken it. For euen in Palestina alone how many successions haue beene, of Canaanites, Israelites, Assyrians (after called Samaritans) and Iewes together? Of those which the Romans placed or permitted, of Saracens, of Frankes, or Westerne Christians in so many millions as two hundred yeers space sent out of Christendome thither; of Drusians, Syrians, & a very Babylon of Nations (none and all) euer since? This Britaine of ours, besides those which first gaue it name (whose remainders still enioy Wales) hath admitted Romane sprinklings and Colonies, and after that a generall deluge of Saxons, Iuttes, and Angles; tempests and stormes out of Den∣marke and Norway, and lastly the Norman mixture and combination. Neither is there any Regi∣on of ancient Note, which hath not sustained chance ••nd change in this kind. But wee mind not [ 20] such neere peregrinations, as these vsually were, but longer Voyages and remoter Trauells. And such also we haue already mentioned in Sesostris the Egyptian, in the Phoenicians, in the Assyrians, vnder Semiramis to India, besides Eudoxu•• and other priuater persons; and such are the Fables or outworne Stories of Ethnike Antiquity, touching the Atlantines, Osiris, Bacchus, Hercules, Per∣seus, Daedalus; and those which retaine some more truth, though obscure enough, of the Argo∣nauts, Vlysses,* 1.506 Menelaus, Aenaeas, Hanno, Himilco, Iambolus, and others; some of which shall fol∣low in the following Relations. That of Alexander is more renowmed, and first opened the East to the West, and to Europe gaue the Eyes of Geography and History, to take view of India and the Regions adiacent. And here is the first solid foot-print of History in this kind, though heere also Trauellers haue beene as farre from the truth, as from their homes, and haue too often trauel∣led [ 30] of Vanitie and Lies.

CHAP. IIII. Fabulous Antiquities of the Peregrinations and Nauigations of BACCHVS, OSIRIS, HERCVLES, the Argonauts, Cadmus, the Graecian Nauie to Troy, MENELAVS, VLYSSES, AENEAS and others.

[ 40]

IT is not the fable or falshood which wee seeke in fabulous Antiquities, but that truth which lieth buried vnder poeticall rubbish. For nothing but nothing can rise of nothing. Some truth therefore gaue occasion to those fables, as Thamars and Dinahs beautie occasioned their rauishment; the Deuill (a Lier from the beginning) lusting to defloure that beautie, and then like Ammon adding a second force, in hatred turning her as much as he may out of the World. Hence the fables of Poets, Idolatries of Ethnikes, dotages of Rabbins, phrensies of Heretikes, phancies and Ly∣legends of Papists: to all which, when Histories cannot make them good, Mysteries are sought to couer their badnesse, and bald nakednesse; and were they neuer so bad before (like the shearing of [ 50] a Friar, or vailing of a Nouice Nunne) suddenly they are heereby become errant honest persons, nay venerable and religious. And thus hath that Impostor, not only insinuated and procured ad∣mission and credit to lies,* 1.507 but thence hath raised the very Faith of Infidels, which worship they know not what; and obtruded I know not what Pias fraudes, and religious Lies, forsooth, vpon vnchristian and Anti-christian Christians; to whom because they receiued not the loue of the truth to be saued,* 1.508 God hath sent the efficacy of error, that they might beleeue a lie. This is the Deuils triumph, and Mans madnesse; out of which confusion, if wee cannot try out the pure truth, yet those Di∣uine Relations and Reuelations premised, will appeare more louely and admirable from these Ethnike Fables.

I may here mention Saturnes Trauells into Latium, being eiected Heauen: Ioues fabled fiue en∣compassings of the World; Apollos daily circuit; Mercuries frequent Messages to all parts, who [ 60] was also the Trauellers God, and had his Statues in High-wayes; Iunos iealous wandrings; Bac∣chus and Hercules were renowmed by the Poets for their Peregrinations, perhaps (as before is obserued) no other but Salomon and Hirams Ophirian Voyage.* 1.509 Bacchus (they tell) was the sonne

of Iupiter and Proserpina, who being torne in pieces by the Titans, Iupiter gaue his heart to Semele to drinke, and thereby conceiued of this other Bacchus;* 1.510 whereupon iealous Iuno transformed in∣to the shape of Beroe Semeles nurse, perswaded her to desire Iupiters company in Maiesticall ap∣pearance, as hee accompanied Iuno, which was her destruction; the babe taken out and sewed in Iupiters thigh, and after put to Nysus to nurse, whereupon he was named Dyonisius. I should di∣stract you to tell the disagreeing tales of Poets touching his birth and life (for lies neuer agree) as also his Miracles, which euer make vp the greatest part of a Legend. Tigres, Ounces and Panthers, with Pans, Nymphs, Sileni, Cobals, and Satyrs were his companions and attendants. Hee was drawne in a Chariot by Tigres, and held a Thyrsus in his hand for a Scepter (which was a Speare or Iauelin, adorned with the Leaues of Vines and Iuie) and marched thus madly both to [ 10] India in the East, and to Spaine in the West, which of Pan was called Pania, whence Spania and Hispania haue beene deriued. A learned Spaniard saith, that in the eight hundred and tenth yeere, before the building of Rome, Bacchus inuaded India, moistned it with bloud,* 1.511 filled it with slaugh∣ters, polluted it with lusts, which before had beene subiect to none, and liued content and quiet in it selfe. Some apply that of Noah to him, and make him the Inuenter of Wine, Hony, and Sacri∣fices: say also that hee reigned at Nysa a Citie in Arabia; some adde other Kingdomes, and that hee had Mercurius Trismegistus his Counsellor; and leauing Hercules his Aegyptian Lieutenant, Antaeus in Lybia, Busiris in Phoenicia, conquered all the East, built Nysa, and erected Pillars in the Easterne Ocean, as did Hercules on the Westerne. His story is also confounded with that of O∣siris, this being the name which the Aegyptians gaue him, as Herodotus affirmeth.* 1.512 And Diodorus [ 20] relateth his Epitaph in hierogliphicall Letters in these words, I am Osyris the King, which tra∣uelled thorow all the world to the Indian Deserts. Ouid also singeth;

Te memorant Gange, toto{que} Oriente subactis Primitias magno seposuisse Ioui.

Cinnama tu primus captiua{que} thur a dedisti De{que} triumphate viscera tosta boue.

His iourney they describe first thorow Aethiopia, and then Arabia, and so to Persia, Media,* 1.513 Bactria, and India: after his returne, to Hellespont, Lidia, Phrygia, Thrace, Greece, and whither tra∣uelling witts please. Wee shall lose our selues to follow him further; as they doe which with worst prophanesse celebrate his drunken Holies daily.

Theseus and Hercules liued in one time, of which Theseus is famous for his Acts in Crete,* 1.514 The∣bes, [ 30] Thessaly, with the Amazons, and his descent into Hell, with other his Voyages and Nauiga∣tions: But farre farre more famous is Hercules for his Trauells, and for his twelue Labours, his Pe∣regrination being another Labor added to each of them. The Nemaean Lion, Ler••aean Hydra, Phry∣gian Bore, Arcadian Hart, Augean Stable, Cretan Bull, Thracian Diomede, with his man-eating Horses, Celtike, Alexia, Alpine passage, Italian Tenths, Stymphalide Birds, Amazonian Belt, Atlan∣tike Dragon, Balearian Geryon, Lybyan Antaeus, Aegyptian Busiris, Lydian seruice to Omphale, Thessalian Centaure, and Tartarean Cerberus, proclaime his trauells ouer and vnder the World; as his Pillars; to the end of the World, and his helping Atlas, that the World trauelled on him. Neither trauelled hee by Land alone,* 1.515 but by water also hee nauigated with those famous Argo∣nauts, which make vs another Voyage to find them.

[ 40] Hyginus hath registred their names: Iason a Thessalian, Orpheus a Thracian, Asterion of Peline, Poly∣phemus of Larissa, Iphictus, Admetus, Eurytus & Echion, Ethalides, Coeneus, Mopsus the Soothsayer, Pirithous, Menaetius, Eurydamas, Amponitus, Eribotes, Ameleon, Eurytion, Ixition, Oileus,* 1.516 Clytius and Iphitus, Peleus and Telamon, Butes, Phaler••s, Tiphys the Master of the Ship, Argus the Ship-maker, Philiasus, Hercules and Hylae his companion, Nauplius, Idmon, Castor and Pollux, Lynceus (which could see things hidden vnderground, and in the darke) and Idas, Periclymenus, Amphidamus and Cepheus, Ancaeus, Lycurgi, Augaeus, Asterion and Amphion, Euphemus (which could runne dry-foot on the water) Ancaeus Neptuni, Erginus, Meleager, Laocoon, Iphictus Thestij, Iphitus Naubo Zetes and Calais (sonnes of Aquilo with winged heads and feet, which chased away the Har∣pyes) Focus and Priasus, Eurymedon, Pal••monius, Actor, Thersanon, Hippalcinnos, Asclepius, [ 50] Atriach, Mileus, Iolaus, Deucalion, Philoctetes, Ceneus sonne of Coronis, Acastus, voluntary com∣panion to Iason. These with their Countries and Parentage Hygynus hath recorded. Their Voy∣age was to Colchos, but many of of them came not thither. Hylas was stollne by the Nymphs in Maesia, whom Hercules and Polyphemus seeking, were left behind. Tiphys died by the way, & An∣caeus son of Neptune succeeded in his Masters place. Idmon was slain by a Bore; Butes threw himsele into the Sea, allured by the Syrens Musick. In their return also Euribates was slain in Libya, Mopsus died in Africa of a Serpents byting.

Now for the Voyage of the Argonauts, they say that Polias Iasons Vncle was commanded by Oracle to sacrifice to Neptune, to which if any came with one shooe on, the other off, then his death should not bee farre off▪ Iason came thither, and wading thorow the Riuer Euhenus, left [ 60] one of his shooes in the mire, which be stayed not to take out, for feare of comming late to the Holies. Pelias seeing this, asked Iason what hee would doe, if hee had a prophecie that any man should kill him. I would send him, said hee, To fetch the Golden Fleece. This was the Fleece of the Ram (which some say was the name of a Ship hauing a Ram on the Beake, that had carried

Phryxus to Colchos, who sacrificed the Ram to Iupiter, and hanged vp the Fleece in the Groue of Mars) and thus Pelias out of his owne mouth sentenced him. Argus made the Ship which of him was called Argos, which they say was the first ship of long fashion. These first came to Lem∣nos, where they were so kindely entertained, that Iason by Hypsipila the Queene had two sons, and staied till Hercules chode them away. Next they came to Cyzicus, * 1.517 in Propontis, which li∣berally feasted them; and being gone thence, by foule weather they were put backe in the night, where Cyzicus mistaking them for enemies was slaine in fight. Thence they sailed to Bebrycia, where Amycus the King challenged them to a single encounter at whorlebats, in which Pollux slew him. Lycus a neighbour King was glad hereof and gaue the Argonauts entertainment, where Iphis or Tiphis died, and Idmon was slaine. [ 10]

Phineus the Son of Agenor a Thrasian was blinded by Iupiter for reuealing the gods secrets, and the Harpyes set to take the meate from his mouth. The Argonauts consulting with him of their future successe, must first free him of this punishment, which Zetes and Calais did, chasing them to the Strophades. Phineus shewed them how to passe the Symplegades, following the way which a Doue sent forth of the Ship, shewed them. Thence they came to the Ile Dia where the Birds 〈◊〉〈◊〉 shot quils which killed men, whom by Phineus his precepts they feared away with sounds (such as the Curetes make) and vsed thereto shields also and speares. Thus being entred the Euxine Sea to Dia, they found poore, naked, shipwracked, the Sons of Phrixus, Argus, Phron∣tides, Melas and Cylindrius, which trauelling to their Grandfather Athamas there encountered that misfortune. Iason entertained them, and they brought him to Colchos by the Riuer Thermodoon; and comming neere Colchos caused the ship to be hidden, and came to their Mother Chalciope sister [ 20] of Medea* 1.518, to whom they related Iasons kindenesse, and the cause of his comming▪ She brings Me∣dea to Iason, who as soone as she saw him, knew that it was the same whom in her dreame she had seene and loued, and promiseth him all furtherance.

Aeeta had learned by Oracle that hee should so long reigne as the Fleece which Phrixus had consecrated, remained in Mars his Temple. He therfore imposeth on Iason to yoak the bras-footed firebreathing buls to the plow, and to sow the Dragons teeth out of the Helmet, whence armed men should suddenly be produced and kill each other. This he did by Medeas helpe, and likewise cast the Dragon into a sleepe which guarded the Fleece, and so tooke it away. Aeeta hearing that Iason and his Daughter Medea were gone, sent his son Absyrtus in a ship with souldiers after him, who pursued him to Istria g 1.519 in the Adriaticke Sea, where Alcinous compounded their quarrel [ 30] so little to Absyrtus his liking, that following him to Mineruas Ile, Iason slew him, and his fol∣lowers builded there a Citie called of his name Absoris. Some tell of the Syrtes which the Argo∣nauts passing carried their ship on their shoulders twelue daies. But the varieties are inextricable and innumerable. After his returne, by Medeas helpe he made away his Vnckle Pelias (to whom she had promised to restore his youth) and gaue his Kingdome to Acastus his sonne, which had ac∣companied him to Colchos. The exile of Medea and the rest of the tale you may haue amongst the Poets. I am more then wearie with relating so much. This voyage was so admired of Antiquitie that this Argo which Homer calleth 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, was not onely praised to the stars by the Poets, but placed amongst the stars by their Minerua, and the constellation famous to these times. The [ 40] Argonauts after this instituted the Olympian games. The Poets are full of such Chymaeras, mixed lye-truths, h 1.520 not sparing any of their Gods or Heroes. Iupiter hauing stolne Europa transformed in∣to a Bull, or as some say in a ship of that name, or hauing a bull in the Beke, Cadmus and Thasus her brethren were sent by Agenor their father to seeke her. The Phenician Nauie is diuided betwixt them. Thasus hauing long sought in vaine, returned not, but in the Aegaean Sea built a Citie of his name. Cadmus built Thebes, and after that! But what and why doe I while you in these vncer∣tainties? Yet haue I touched a little of his storie who is famed the first inuenter of the Graecian Let∣ters, and of Historie. But we will turne your eyes to the most fabled of all Poeticall fables, and in a peece of an houre with a swift pen will dispatch ten yeeres worke with 1000. ships.

The Princes in the Troian siege and their ships are these: Agamemnon brought from Micenae one hundred ships: Menelaus his brother from thence also 60. Phaenix of Argos 50. Achilles of [ 50] Scyros 60. Automedon his Chariot driuer 10. Patroclus of Phthia 10. Aiax of Salamine 12. Teucer his brother as many, Vlisses of Ithaca 12. Diomedes of Argos 30. Stenelus of Argos 25. Aiax the Locrian 20. Nestor the Pylian 90. Thrasymedes his brother 15. Antilochus sonne of Nestor 20. Eu∣rypylus of Orchomene 40. Macaon of Attica 20. Podalyrius his brother 9. Tlepolemus of Mycenae 9. Idomeneus of Crete 40. Meriones from thence as many, Eumelus of Perrhebia 8. Philoctetes of Melibaea 7. Peneleus of Boeotia 12. Pithus a Baeotian also as many, and his brother Chronius 9. Arcesi∣laus 10. Prothaenor 8. Iadmenus of Argos 30. Ascalaphus 30. Schedius 30. and Epistrophus his bro∣ther 10. Elephenor, Calchodontis and Imenaretes (all likewise of Argos) 30. The sonne of Menaeus from Athens 50. Agapenor from Arcada 60. Amphimachus of Elea 10. Eurychus of Argos 15. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Mycenae 19. Polysenes from Aetolia 40. Meges the Dulichian 60. Thoas 15. Podarces his [ 60] ••rother 10. Prothous the Magnesian 40. Cycnus the Argiue 12. Nireus from thence 16. Antiphus the Thessalian 20. Polyboetes the Argiue 20. Leophites of Sicyon 19. You see the particulars amount farre aboue the thousand vsually named. The Voyage was too short, and the Siege too long for this place.

Menelaus hauing recouered his eye-sore faire Helena, is said to haue beene eight yeeres wande∣ring the world, and Vlysses longer. Menelaus his errour was about Cyprus, Phaenicia, Aegypt,* 1.521 and the neighbouring Aethiopians and Arabians (so Strabo expoundeth Homers Erembos in his first Booke, and in his sixteenth, yet there addes also the Troglodites) he produceth some which place the Sidonians in the Persian Gulfe, I know not how iustly. Homers Verses, where Menelaus re∣lateth his trauels to Telemachus are:* 1.522

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Cypres, Phaenicia, Aegypt hauing past, Th'Ethiops, Sidons, 'Erembs, I went at last. And Libya—

[ 10] Aristonicus the Grammarian, and after him Eustathius,* 1.523 interpret it of sailing round about Africa, as is said of Eudoxus and others before (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) a thing to mee altogether vnprobable, and easier to be sailed by the Poet or his Commenters in an Ink••e Sea with a quill Mast, then by the ruder Sea-men of those times. Me∣nelaus his errours we see continued more then eight yeares, yea are not yet ended, but breede new trauels in Grammarians braines. Tantae molis erat infame reducere scortum.

Vlysses returning from Troy, came to the Ciconae, the Lotophagi, and after that to Polyphemus the Giant, with one eye in his forehead, thence to t Aeolus, to the Lestrygonae, to Ae••aria infamous by Circes charmes, to Auernus, to the Syrenes, to Scylla, Sicilia, Charybdis, to Aeaea, to the Phaeaces, and at last to Ithaca. The like fables Grammer-schoole boyes can tell you of Aenaeas out of Vir∣gil, [ 20] and other Poets. I am weary of trauelling in such a loose sandy soile, where so few footeprints and paths of truth are to be found. And for Aenaeas his trauels, I will present you them in another fashion as Hondius hath in his Map described them.

I might adde Daedalus his flight from Athens, his sleight for Pasiphae in Crete, his acts in Sicilia, his arts euery where in his trauels. As for his, and his sonne Icarus his flying, the truth is found

[illustration]

HONDIVS his Map of the Nauigation of Aeneas the Troian.

in taking away the first letter, except you flye to Mysteries. And this is the salue too ordinary in all the Poets fables, Perseus, the Atlantines, and others, which I forbeare to relate.

* 1.524O her fabulous Relations of Trauellers we haue, meerely fained, as that of Heliodorus his Ae∣thiopike History, Achilles Tatius, Iamblichus, all in Loue-stories; Lucius Patrensis his Metamor∣phoses (whence Lucian had his Lucius, and thence Apuleius his Asinus) Antonius Diogenes his Thule, and other like, they are not fabulous Histories but Parables, Mysticall Fables and Poems in Historicall forme, as Vtopia and Arcadia; that I adde not more then a good many others amongst vs of worse note, which idle wits haue made both Mothers and Daughters of Idlenesse, or fruit∣lesse foolish businesse without braine or heart.

I haue more mind to giue you a History, though euen here wee cannot secure Quicquid Graecia [ 10] mendax Audet in Historia. Some things are vncertaine in the best, yet better a tattered truth then nothing.

The Philosophers and Wisemen of Greece were Trauellers for knowledge (of which some trauelled with knowledge also, and haue left Geographicall Monuments) Merchants for gaine, and mightie Potentates for Dominion and Glory. The Merchants had their reward in that which they sought, the other for better knowledge of times, deserue more leisurely view.

CHAP. V. A briefe recitall of the famous expeditions mentioned in ancient Histories, of [ 20] the Assyrians, Aegyptians, Scythians, Aethiopians, Persians, and others.

AS these last haue bin told by Poets as fables, that is truth seeked and wrought vpon by their wits for greater delight; so the stories of the first Assyrian Monarchie and Aegyptian Dynasties haue little more solidity. Ninus by the Greeke and Latine stories is renowned for his ambitious marches,* 1.525 and trauels thorow all Asia from the Red to the Euzine Sea, and thorow Scythia to the Bactrians. Hee conquered (saith Diodorus) the Armenians and their King Barchanes,* 1.526 Pharnus also King of [ 30] Media and all Asia from Tanais to Nilus, the Egyptians, Phaenicians, Syrians, Cilicians, Pamphilia, Lycia,* 1.527 Caria, Phrygia, Misia, Lydia, Troas, Propontis, Bythinia, Cappadocia, the Barbarians vpon Pontus, Cadusians, Tapyrans, Hyrcans, Dranges, Derbici, Carmani, Coronei, Rhomni, Vorcani, Par∣thians, Persians, Susians, Caspians, and many others. Ariaeus the Arabian King was his Collegue in armes in these expeditions. After which he built Ninus or Niniue, the wals one hundred foot high,* 1.528 broade enough for three Carts to passe together on the tops, with 1500. Turrets 200. foote high, the squares vnequall the two longer 150. furlongs, the two shorter 90. Hee made a second expedition against the Bactrians, and then maried Semiramis a Syrian, which he tooke from her husband Menon,* 1.529 who hanged himselfe in foolish griefe.

Semiramis succeeded, and exceeded his exploits: She inuaded Ethiopia, and whereas (if you be∣leeue [ 40] Ctesias) Ninus had with him in his last expedition against Zoroastres the Bactrian 1700000. footmen and 200000. horsemen with 10600. hooked chariots:* 1.530 She builded (as they say) Babylon, with a stupendious Garden in Chaona, and Pallace at Ecbatana, cut out highwaies in Persia, passed thorow Egypt to Libya to the Oracle of Iupiter Ammon, subiected Aethiopia, and made three yeers prouision to inuade Staurobates King of India, slew 300000. Beeues of their Hides to frame coun∣terfeit Elephants, and with 3000000. (••t is Ctesias also which taleth it) of Footmen, and 500000. Horsemen, and 2000. Ships, with Elephantine counterfeits carried on Camels, shee made that Indian inuasion, where Staurobates encountered her with greater numbers, threatning to crucifie her. On Indus was the Nauall fight, wherein the Indians had the worse, and lost 1000. Ships, but in the Field the Assyrian Armie was ouerthrowne. Thus they proceed in the Assy∣rian [ 50] Empire for 1300. yeeres together,* 1.531 and say that at the warres of Troy, Theutamo the twen∣tieth from Ninus relieued Priamus with 20000. Men, and 200. Chariots vnder the conduct of Memnon. As for Sardanapalus the thirtieth and last of them, the truth is, as in the former, a cer∣taine vncertainty. Eusebius reckoneth the time of Semiramis to haue beene the same with A∣braham, so that Moses, whom Iosephus, Clemens, African••••, Tatianus, make to be 850. yeeres be∣fore the Troian warre,* 1.532 is by his more probable reckoning made much later, yet, as hee saith, an∣cienter then the Greekish Antiquities, and their Gods also: being borne, as Scaliger calculateth out of his Positions 394. yeeres before the destruction of Troy. Now what pett••e Kinges the World had in the best peopled parts in Abrahams time, the fourth Chapter of Genesis sheweth, euen of those Regions; which some therefore make but Vice-roys vnder the Assyrian, very da∣ringly. [ 60] Ninue his numbers sauour of Nimrods Babel, which after Ages could make swel with such vanities. It may be a question (I thinke the negatiue out of question) whether the World had then so many soules so soone af••er the Flood,* 1.533 as those Indian and Assyrian Armies are said to containe.

The like may bee said of Vexores the Aegyptian Kings Expedition, which conquered to

Pontus, and Tanaus the Sc••thian, which conquered him and almost all Asia▪ as some say before Ninus. Vexores by Genebrard is supposed to bee Osiris, the first Pharao.* 1.534 And for Sesostris wee haue already in part acknowledged his greatnesse, and withall his latenesse in the time of Re∣hoboam the Sonne of Salomon. He is said to haue had in his Army 600000. Footmen,* 1.535 and 24000. Horse, 8020. Chariots of Warre, in the Red Sea foure hundred Ships. Hee conquered beyond Ganges, the Medes, the Scythians vnto Tanais, and the rest of Asia. Into Europe he passed as farre as Thrace, and left Pillars as Monuments for his victories, engrauen with the representation of a mans Priuities, if they were valiant; of a womans, if effeminate.

Not long after was that Expedition of Zerah the Ethiopian with a million of men,* 1.536 ouer∣throwne by King Asa; as that of the Queene of Sheba (some thinke shee raigned ouer [ 10] Arabia and Aethiopia) to Salomon a little before. Tiglath Pileser King of Assyria tooke Damascus, and Shalmaneser carried away the tenne Tribes into Assyria and Media, and placed Babilonians, Cutheans and others in their roomes. Senacherib soone after inuaded Iudah, but Tirhakah King of Ethiopia came out against him.* 1.537 This Tirhakah is thought to bee that Tearcon, which Strabo mentioneth,* 1.538 where hee denieth that India had beene inuaded by any but Bacchus and Hercules before Alexander, denying that of Semiramis, and al∣leadging Megasthenes both to that purpose, and that Sesostris the Egyptian,* 1.539 and Tearcon the Ethiopian pierced into Europe, yea that Nabucodonosor, or Nanocodrosor (more celebra∣ted by the Chaldaeans then Hercules) came to the Straits or Hercules his Pillars; as did al∣so Tearcon: also that Idanthyrsus the Scythian pierced as farre as Egypt; but none of them [ 20] went (saith hee) to India. Megasthenes acknowledgeth that Cyrus came neere the Indi∣ans, in his Expedition against the Massagets, but not thither. As for Nabucodonosors Asian and Egyptian Expeditions, and his Dominion in manner ouer the World wee haue diuine te∣stimony in Daniells Tree and Golden Image 1 of Cyrus also, whose Conquests are knowne, and large Peregrinations from the West parts of Asia, where hee captiued Croe∣sus and subdued his, with the adioyning Dominions, and all the Regions thence thorow Sy∣ria, Armenia, Media, Persia, to the Massagets and Scythians.* 1.540 His sonne Cambyses added Aegypt, and that foolish Expedition against the Aethiopians. Darius with 800000. men inuaded the Scythians. Xerxes, as Herodotus hath recorded, inuaded Greece with 1700000. [ 30] Footmen, 80000. Horsemen, 20000. Chariot Men, one thousand two hundred and eight saile of Ships. Ctesias (which vseth elsewhere to say the most) hath but 800000. men besides Cha∣riots, and one thousand Ships. As for other Scythian and Amazonian inuasions, with others of other Nations, for their vncertaintie I omit them. The Greeks also had their many, both Expe∣ditions and defensiue Warres against the Persians before Alexanders time. Themistocles, Xeno∣phon, and many others of them are renowmed, tàm marte quam Mercurio. And thus the Persian Empire hath brought vs to Alexander, which succeeded it, of whose Expedition wee shall anon take speciall and more leisurely view.

As for the later Empires of Carthage and Rome, to tell of their Trauellers and Trauells would proue a History of their States, and all their famous Captaines, especially the Romans when they [ 40] began to spread their wings farre from their Italian nest, and flowed out of Europaean Bankes into Africa and Asia. The Scipios in the Carthaginian warres, Lucullus in Africa, and after in the Mi∣thridatike war; Great Pompey in his Europaean, Asian, and fatall African Voyages & Expeditions; Greater Iulius, whose trauels procreated a Monarchy; Couetous Crassus, Cruell Antonius, Flouri∣shing Augustus, Seely Claudius, Triumphant Vespasian, Gentle Titus, Proud Domitian, Glorious Traian, Witty Adrian, & in manner all the rest of their Emperors forced, or forcing on their Fron∣tiers, & whose very Imperial progresse in their own State, were great voyages & peregrinations; yea their Empires (as before * 1.541 is obserued) was called by the ambitious title of the World: For better knowledge whereof I haue here presented the Map thereof. Seuere Seuerus died at Yorke, Christian Constantine arose a bright Sunne to the World out of our North; Apostata Iulian trauel∣led also and brought forth an incarnate Deuill, which after many peregrinations perished in the [ 50] East, and left the Empire to Good Iouian. To set downe the Emperours trauells would be to giue you the Imperiall History from Iulius, till the times that the World fell in trauell with Barbari∣an trauellers, Goths, Vandals, Herules, Hunnes, Auares, Frankes, Saxons, Lumbards, Saracens, which shared amongst them that vast Empire: especially the trauell of the Imperiall Seat from Rome to Constantinople, giuing the occasion both to a mysticall conception of Antichrist (which may seeme borne long after by Phocas midiwifery, and growing vp till Gregory the seuenth, when the Deuill was loosed from the bottomlesse pit, and in Christian names restored in great part the Ethnike Gentilisme) and to those inundations of Barbarians and Barbarisme, which like a smoake from the bottomlesse pit prepared the Papall way. Pipine, and especiall Charles the Great [ 60] were great Trauellers also, and vnwitting much furthered the growth of that Monster, which after swallowed vp the Imperiall Eagle, and left but the feathers and shadow remaining. The Danes and Normanes were vnwelcome Trauellers, which perfected that, which others had be∣gun: especiall the Normanes by their warres and greatnesse in Italy, growing out of the ruines of the Easterne Empire, and by that conspiracy of Vrban and Boamund, which seeking to fish in troubled waters deuised the Expeditions of the Franks to the Hierosolymitan warre, which set the

[illustration]

HONDIVS his Map of the Roman Empire.

world in trauell 200. yeers together, the Mahumetans of the South and East, and the Christians of the North and West making Palestina the stage of fury & slaughter. After these the Tartars filled [ 40] the world with innumerable armies & mischiefes, especially all Asia & one halfe of Europe. But these are later things, and some of them follow in our Relations. For the Parthians, and later Per∣sian Dynasty, and Saracenicall trauells ouer, and both spirituall and temporall conquests thorow the world, and the Ottoman, Sophian, Mogoll, and other branches from that root, I haue bin a large relater in my Pilgrimage.

CHAP. VI. The trauells of the antient Philosophers and learned men briefly mentioned.

[ 50]

NOw let vs examine the Voyages of Philosophers and Learned men, into remote parts for Wisdome and Learning. Diogenes Laertius maketh two kinds of Phi∣losophy, the one Ionike, the other Italike: this began from Pythagoras, the other from Thales, both which, with many of their Successors were great Trauellers. As for Thales, his Epistle to Pherecydes a Syrian (another trauelling Philosopher) is yet extant in Laertius, in which he mentions his & Solons trauels, in these words: For neither are I and Solon the Athenian so foolish and mad, that when we haue sailed to Crete & pier∣ced into Egypt, there to conferre with the Priests and Astronomers, we would not with like care saile to 〈◊〉〈◊〉. For Solon will come also if you thinke good. For thou being holden with liking of that place sel∣dome passest into Ionia; neither art moued with desire of Strangers: but as I hope thou onely appliest [ 60] thy selfe to writing. But wee which write nothing, * 1.542 trauell thorow Greece and Asia.

Thus haue you one testimony of two Grandees, Thales and Solon. This later, in his return from E∣gypt visited Cyprus, and after went to Croesus, who adorning himselfe in greatest glory & pompe, asked Solon if euer he had seene goodlier spectacle? Yes, said he, Cockes, Phesants, and Peacockes. Croesus being after by Cyrus sentenced to the fire, cried, O Solon, Solon, Solon, and being demanded the reason, answered, That Solon had told him, that no man might be accounted happy before his death: wherein Cyrus reading the mutabilitie of his owne fortunes, gaue him his life and a com∣petent estate. Thence Solon went into Cilicia, and built Solos▪

To Croesus is an Epistle also of Anacharsis, another trauelling Philosopher, borne in Scythia, and brother to the Scythian King, making some mention of his Trauells in these words: I, O King of Lidians, came into Greece to learne their Manners, Studies, and Instructions; and need not [ 10] Gold, esteeming it enough to returne to the Scythians a better man, and more learned. Yet I will come to thee to Sardis, much esteeming thy friendship and familiaritie. Hee was Solons guest at Athens,* 1.543 whi∣ther he came in the fortie seuenth Olympiad. Socrates the first bringer in of Ethikes or Morall Phi∣losophy, was a Traueller also, and followed the warres by Land and Sea. Xenophon his Scholler,* 1.544 was both in Arts, and Armes, and Trauells famous, and hath left Monument▪ thereof written by himselfe. His Voyage to Delphos, and thence to Cyrus, and after his Persian iourney to Agesi∣laus King of Sparta, and with him against the Thebans, and after that to Helis and Corinth, are recorded by Laertius. In his daies Ctesias a Traueller and Historian liued, which writ the Persian, Assyrian and Indian Stories, but often trauells from truth.* 1.545

Aristippus was a Cyrenian by birth, by studies an Athenian, as were many others of his Coun∣trymen, [ 20] by base flattery a trencher-worme to Dionysius the Sicilian Tyrant. Ptolemeus an Ae∣thiopian was his Scholler, and Antipater a Cyrenean. Epitemedes, Paraebates, Hegesias, Anniceris were also Cyrenaikes, holding voluptuous opinions, as also Theodorus and another Aristippus, magnifying sensuall pleasures. The Ecclesiastike Histories of Socrates and Sozomen, mention the trauells of Empedocles, which threw himselfe into the Sicilian Crateres, and of Democritus Cous which spent eightie yeeres in trauelling thorow diuers Countries. Meropius also,* 1.546 and Merodorus are mentioned with others. But wee will come to men better knowne: Plato is famous both for Philosophy and Trauelling. Hee trauelled to Euclide at Megara, to Theodorus the Mathema∣tician, into Italy to the Pythagoreans, Philolaus and Eurytus,* 1.547 thence to Egypt to the Priests (and with him Euripides also) and intended to visit the Persian Magi, but was prohibited by the Asian [ 30] warres. Returning to Athens hee set vp the Academie. Thrice hee trauelled in warfare to Ta∣nagra, to Corinth, to Delos. Thrice also hee sayled into Sicilia. First to see it, at which time Dio∣nysius the Tyrant displeased with his free speech, caused him to bee sold in Aegina; but being freed, Dionysius writ to him not to reproach him. Plato answered, Hee had not so much leisure as to thinke on Dionysius. He sailed thither to the younger Dionysius twice. His Disciples were Speusippus the Athenian, Xenocrates of Chalcedon, Aristotle the Stagirite, Dion of Syracuse, A∣myctus of Heraclea, Timolaus of Cyzicus, Heraclides of Pontus, and others of other Countries,* 1.548 his Schoole yeelding a prettie Geographicall Map of Countries. Bion was borne neere Boristhenes, but added honor to his Country by his studies. He was sold for a Slaue, and bought by an Orator which made him his heire: he sold al & went to Athens. After his studies there, he liued at Rhodes.* 1.549 [ 40] Lacydes the chief of the New Academie, was a Cyrenaean. Carneades was also of the same natiō. Clito∣machus was a Carthaginian, & his true name was Asdrubal. He went to Athens, & there bcame the scholler of Carneades & his successor. Menippus was a Phenician by birth, & liued a Cynik at Thebes.

Aristotle was borne the first yeere of the 99. Olympiad:* 1.550 at seuenteene yeers he became Platoes Scholler, and so continued twentie yeeres. After that hee went to Mitylen••, and when Alexan∣der was fifteene yeeres old to King Philip, in the second yeere of the 109. Olympiad, and hauing commended the care of young Alexander to his Cousin Callisthenes, in the second of the 111. re∣turned to Athens, and taught in Lyceo thirteene yeeres, and then went to Chalcis and there died.* 1.551 Calisthenes trauelled with Alexander, till the Persian Conquest had made him swell beyond the measure of a man, and some Greeke Foolosophers (Philosophers I dare not call them; but amongst [ 50] the Muses some haue alway beene Hedge-whores, and the learning of some in all Ages hath lic∣ked the trenchers, and fly-blowed the sores of great men; with the basest of vices, Flattery, kis∣sing the hinder parts, sucking * 1.552 the Emerodes, feeding on their excrements, themselues the ex∣crements of Mankind: but whither hath passion transported mee?) Agis an Argiue, and Cleo a Sicilian, some adde Anaxarchus also, Et caetera vrbium suarum Purgamenta (saith Curtius) would needs open Heauen to Alexander, and preferre him to Hercules, Bacchus, Castor and Pol∣lux: Alexander stood behind the hangings, whiles Cleo made a speech to perswade the Per∣sian Rites, and with them to deifie and incense their Kings. Which being grauely refuted by Callisthenes (for to him especially was the speech directed, that they which went before others in learning, should in this innouation also) that it was not for him and Cleo to make Gods, or for [ 60] the King honor to bee beholden to them for his Diuinitie, which could not giue a King 〈◊〉〈◊〉 on Earth to him, and much lesse Heauen: Alexander concealed his malice, till vpon occasion of tor∣turing some, which had conspired his death, he tortured also euen to death Callisthenes, giuing him that recompence for sauing his life, when hauing slaine Clytus in a drunken rage, hee would haue

added in a sullen and mad penance his owne death, and was by Callisthenes wisedome reclaimed. This was his preparation to the Indian Expedition.

Many other learned men followed Alexander, and writ his story, viz. Marsyas, Pellaeus, Hecataeus Abderita, Aristobulus, Clitarchus, Anaximenes, Onesicritus, Nearchus, Ptolemaeus Lagi after King of Egypt, Antipater another of Alexanders Captaines, and an Historian, Aristus, As∣clepiades; Vossius addes Archelaus, Strattis, Eamenes, Diodorus, whose stories wee haue cited by Arrianus, Strabo, Plutarch, &c. But then the World trauelled of Trauellers of all sorts, learned and vnlearned.

Zeno was a Cyprian, by birth of Phaenician parentage, and at Athens began the Stoike Sect, whi∣ther hee came with Purple out of Phenicia to sell,* 1.553 and suffered shipwracke in the Piraeum, vpon [ 10] which occasion solacing himselfe with a booke, hee followed Crates. Cleanthes was his successor, & after him Sphaerus a Bosphoran,* 1.554 which trauelled also to Alexandria to Ptolemeus Philopater. Hera∣clites the Ephesian was a trauelling Philosopher, of whose acquaintance Darius Histaspis was am∣bitious and writ to him about it. But of all the Philosophers none were more famous, then the first founder of that name Pythagoras,* 1.555 either in trauells with, or for Science. He was borne at Sa∣mos, thence passed to Lesbos, and there heard Pherecydes the Syrian. Returning to Samos, Poly∣crates the famous Minion of Fortune, commended him to Amasis King of Egypt. Hee learned the Egyptian Mysteries and Language, and trauelled thence with Epimenedes into Crete, and after that into Italy to Croton, and there began the Italike Philosophy before mentioned. But who can tell his trauells?* 1.556 Iamblichus his Scholler, saith that Pythogoras learned his Philosophy, partly of the Orphics, partly of the Egyptian Priests, partly of the Chaldees and Magi. Learned Plinie [ 20] saith of him, that to learne Zoroastres his Magia, Pythagoras nauigauit, exilio verius quàm pere∣grinatione suscepta. Hee (doe you beleeue it?) had beene Aethalides the sonne of Mercury, and after that had beene Euphorbus in the warres of Troy, who being dead, his soule passed into Her∣motinus, and trauelled to Branchidae to Apollos Temple, after whose death a new transmigration befell him into Pyrrbus a Delian F••sherman, and at last you haue Pythagoras. It seemeth hee had beene also in India, where the Brachmanes or Bramenes to this day obserue the Rites and Opini∣ons which the Westerne World ascribe to Pythagoras, as not eating of things which haue had life, transmigration of soules, and the like. Histaspis, the Father of Darius the King, is reported to haue trauelled into India and learned their Magike & Philosophy, which the Magi in Persia after [ 30] professed. Philostratus hath written a long Legend of Apollonius Tyanaeus his Pilgrimage to the Brachmanes in India, to Babylon, Aegypt, and Arabia, to Nysa, to Taxilla, to Iarchas the principall Indian Brachmane, to his Aegyptian and Aethiopian Gymnosophists, &c. But incredulus odi. I reckon him an Hospitall beggar, with whom I will haue nothing to doe. Pyrrho an Athenian Philosopher Scholler of Anaxarchus, is said to haue trauelled both to the Persian Magi, and In∣dian Gymnosophists, and learned of them that hee could learne nothing, nay learned not so much, but doubted of that also. India also yeelded some trauelling Philosophers to the Graecians, of whom the most famous is that Calanus which followed Alexander to Pasargadae, some say to Babylon, and there burned himselfe, an end sutable to his seuere profession beyond the Stoikes austeritie. An Epistle of his is registred at large by Saint Ambrose. Archimedes also trauelled into [ 40] Egypt and left famous Monuments of his Art in many parts of the World. But wee haue beene too long in trauell of this argument. More are wee beholden to the trauells of Historians, such as Herodotus,* 1.557 Megasthenes, Diodorus Siculus, Strabo, Polybius, and many others which trauelled into Italy, Egypt, Aethiopia, Greece, Asia, and diuers parts of the World, that they might giue the World vnto posteritie. Herein also they deserue mention, which then were counted fablers, as Pythias Massiliensis, whom Strabo and others reiect: yet his reports of short nights, &c. are now knowne truths. Some haue written of trauelling and sailing by the Coasts, as Arrianus his Cir∣cumnauigation of the Red or Indian Sea, and of the Blacke or Euxine Sea; the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 & 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 of Marcianus Heracleotes, published in Greeke by Dauid Hoeschelius, rare Iewells for knowledge of antient Geography, but not so fitting our common Reader. The like wee may say [ 50] of Scyllax Caryandensis, mentioned by Herodotus, Artemidorus the Ephesian, Dicearchus Mesenius, Isidorus, Conracaenus. The Learned know where to read them: the Vulgar would not regard them if they were here; Time hauing deuoured the very names by them mentioned, and not the Cities and Ports alone. Yet for a taste wee will giue you a Voyage of two of the Antients. And first that of Hanno.

[ 60]

CHAP. VII. Phoenician Voyages, and especially that of Hanno, a Carthaginian Captaine.

DIodorus Siculus reporteth of the Phoenicians (of whose Nauigations in the Indian and African Ocean, and Spanish Plantations * 1.558 we haue spoken before) that say∣ling to diuers Marts, they planted many Colonies in Africa, and some also in the West parts of Europe: that they sailed also out of the Straits into the Ocean,* 1.559 and built on the Europaean Continent the Citie Gadira (or Cadiz) and therein [ 10] erected a sumptuous Temple to Hercules, which to his dayes was holden in great reputation of Sanctitie, the Rites therein obserued after the Phoenician manner, wherein many famous Roman Commanders after their great exploits, haue paid to this God their vowed Holies. The Phoenicians sailing alongst the Lybian shore in the Ocean, were many dayes carried with tempests vnto an Iland very great and fertile, with pleasant Champaines and Mountaines,* 1.560 goodly Woods, Gardens, Houses, Fountaines, wholsome Ayre, seeming to be the dwelling rather of Gods then Men. The Tyrrhe••i (which were strong by Sea) would haue sent a Colonie thi∣ther, but were forbidden by the Carthaginians, which feared lest their Citizens allured by the goodnesse of the Countrey should betake themselues thither: and besides,* 1.561 they would res••rue it [ 20] for a place of refuge, if any aduersitie should happen to their Citie. Aristotle also in his Booke 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 hath some such thing of Carthaginian Merchan••s, which sailed from Spaine into the Westerne Ocean; but I thinke both may bee applied rather to some one of the Ilands of the Canaries, or Cape Verd, or Saint Thomas, or to some part of the African Continent,* 1.562 which they might thinke (not sailing further) to be an Iland, or to some fiction, then to Ameri∣ca. Aristotle in that Treatise mentioneth Hanno,* 1.563 which Vossius thinketh rather to be the worke of the ••ounger Aristotle, called Ponticus (Laertius mentions eight Aristotles) then of that great Oracle of learning and miracle of Nature. But of Hannos Periplus (as it was falsly termed) many Authors haue made mention. Plinie so speaketh of it, as if hee had sailed about Africa, in these words, Et Hanno, Carthaginis potentia florente, circum••ectus à Gadibus ad finem Arabiae, nauigatio∣nem [ 30] ea••▪ pro••id••t scripto; sicut ad ext••ra Europae noscenda missus eodem tempore Himilco. By which words it is apparant that Hanno and Himilco in those flourishing times of Carthage, were sent by publike decree vpon discoueries, Himiclo to the Coasts of France, Britaine, and other parts of Europe; Hanno Southwards to coast around the African shores.* 1.564 The like testimony he hath in his fifth Booke, Fuere & Hannonis Carthaginiensium Ducis commentarij,* 1.565 Punicis rebus florentissi∣mis, explorare ambitum Africe iussi: quem secuti plerique e nostris, ad a 1.566 alia quaedam fabulosa, & vrbes multas ab eo conditas ibi prodidere, quarum nec memoria vlla, nec vestigium extat. Whereby wee see that Plinie doubted of the truth of Hannos relations: yea it was a Prouerbe, as Atbenaeus, which Casaubon in his Notes vpon him, with Vossius also haue obserued; Siquid eiusmodi Iuba refert, gaudeat Lybicis libris Hannonis ac erroribus: as good a testimonie of Iuba and Hanno for [ 40] Historians as Virgils of Bauius and Maeuius for Poets. Yet, as I will not altogether cleare him,* 1.567 so I thinke that ignorance of those places in those times made him seeme the more fabulous, as Marco Polo and others did till our Grandfathers daies: which appeareth in that they make that a cir∣cumnauigation about Africk, which reached not one quarter of the way from the Pillars of Her∣cules, to the Arabian Gulfe. Artemidorus the Ephesian doth mention it,* 1.568 and Mela also with So∣linus. Mela came neere the truth, which saith that Hanno sailed a great part of the coast, and re∣turned for want of prouision, not of Sea-roome. He, and Solinus and Plinie haue cited much out of him, which perhaps might receiue a better interpretation then Antiquity could giue, as appeareth by Ramusios annotations on that Voyage, and by helpe of a Portugall Pilot expert in those coasts, comparing Hannos with the present Nauigations. We will first giue you the Text and then the Commentarie. But first we will adde out of Gal••ano touching Himilco, that hee is said to haue [ 50] sailed to Gotland and Thule, within 24. degrees of the Pole, where the day in Iune is two and twenty houres, and to haue spent in that discouery two yeeres: I know not what good proofe he hath of that Relation. Plinie whom he citeth, saith that the Northerne Ocean was sailed for the most part by the procurement of Augustus, to the Cimbrian Promontory, and the Scythian coast, and that from the East when Seleucus and Antiochus reigned, the North Sea aboue the Caspian was sailed, and called by their names Seleucida and Antiochida. But that he ioyneth the Caspian with the Ocean, makes it lesse credible, being contrary to later experience.* 1.569 No better credit hath that report of Nepos touching Indians which had for trade sailed out of India and comne about by the Northerne Ocean, and by tempest were brought into Germany, presented by the King of the [ 60] Sucuians to Quintus Metellus Celer then proconsull of Gallia, which haply were of some Na∣tion •• the Ba••tike Sea, by ••empest loosing themselues, and not finding any which could vnder∣••tand ••••eir language, were by some smattering Grammarians or trusty trauellers (which by daring 〈…〉〈…〉 aduenture on applause for skill in Geography) or else by the Giuer (which 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the mention of the Indian name would much commend his present) obtruded on the no

lesse ignorant Spectators, for Indians: a thing easily said, and not easily disproued, where none had seene any Indian. But now to Hanno.

The Nauigation of HANNO a Carthaginian Captaine on the Coasts of Africa, without HERCVLES Pillers, which he dedicated, written in the Punick tongue in the Temple of Saturne, after translated into the Greeke, and now into the English, with briefe annotations.

[ 10]

THe Carthaginians determined that Hanno should saile without Hercules Pillars, & those build Cities of the Liby-phinicians. He set saile with threescore Ships of fiftie Oares a peece, con∣ducting with him a great multitude of men and women, to the number of thirty thousand, with victuals and all other necessaries. We arriued at the Pillars, and passed them, and hauing sailed without them two daies,* 1.570 we built the first Citie, calling it Thymiaterium. It had around about it very large Champaignes. After turning toward the West, we came to a promontorie of Africa, called Soloente, couered all ouer with woods. And hauing here built a Temple to Neptune, we sai∣led halfe a day towards the East, till we arriued at a Fen, which is situated not farre from the Sea, very full of great and long Canes▪ and there were in it feeding Elephants, & many other creatures. Then hauing gone about a daies saile beyond that Fenne we built Cities on the Sea coast, calling [ 20] them by their proper names Murus, Caricus, Guta, Acra, Melitta and Arambis. Departing from thence we came to the great Riuer Lixus which descends from Africa: By it there were certaine men called Lixitae, feeders of Cattell, tending their flockes; with whom wee continued so long, that they became verie familiar. Moreouer vp in the Countrie aboue them the Negros inhabited, who will not traffique with any, and their Countrie is verie barbarous and full of wilde Beasts, and enuironed with high Mountaines, from which as they say, issues the Riuer Lixus, and round about the Mountains inhabit men of diuers shapes, which haue their abiding in Canes; they runne swifter then horses, as the Lixians report: from thence taking some Interpreters, we sailed by a desart Countrie towards the South two daies. And then wee vered one day towards the East, where in the bottome of a Gulfe we found alike Iland, that was fiue furlongs in compasse, which we inhabited, naming it Cerne, and by the way that we had sailed we iudged that that I∣land [ 30] was opposite to Carthage, for the Nauigation from Carthage to the Pillars, and from thence to Cerne seemed equall. Parting from thence, and sailing by a great Riuer called Crete, we arriued at a Lake, which had in it three Ilands greater then Cerne. From whence sailing the space of a day, we came to the further part of the Lake: there we saw very high Mountaines which ouer∣looked all the Lake: where were sauage people cloathed in beasts skins, who chased vs away with stones, not suffering vs to land: sailing from thence we came to another great and large streame full of Crocodiles, and Riuer-horses. From thence turning backe againe, wee returned to Cerne. Sailing then twelue daies Southerly, not going farre from the coast, which was peopled with Negros, who vpon sight of vs fled away, and spake so, as the Lixitae that were with vs vnderstood [ 40] them not. The last day we arriued at a Mountaine full of great trees, the wood whereof was odo∣riferous and of various colours. Hauing now coasted two daies by this Mountaine, wee found a deepe and troublesome race of Sea; on the side whereof towards the land was a plaine, where by night we saw fires kindled on euery side, distant one from the other some more some lesse. Ha∣uing watered here, we sailed by the land fiue daies, so that we arriued in a great Bay, which our Interpreters said, was called H••sperus his horne. In this there was a great Iland, and in the Iland a Lake, which seemed a Sea, and in this there was another Iland; where hauing landed, by day we saw nothing but woods, but in the night many fires were kindled, and we heard Phifes and the noise and sound of Cimbals and Drummes, and besides infinite shou••s; so that wee were ex∣ceedingly afraid, and our Diuiners commanded vs to abandon the Iland: then swiftly sailing from thence, we passed by a Countrie smelling of Spices: from which some fierie Riuers fall into [ 50] the Sea, and the land is so hot that men are not able to goe in it; therefore being some what af∣frighted we suddenly hoised out our sailes, and running along in the maine the space of foure daies, we saw by night the Country full of flames, and in the middest an exceeding high fire, greater then all the rest, which seemed to reach vnto the Starres: but wee saw this after in the day time, which was a very loftie Mountaine, called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 that is, the Chariot of the Gods. But hauing sailed three daies by fierie Riuers, we arriued in a Gulfe called Notuceras, that is, the South horne: in the inner part thereof there was a little Iland like vnto the first, which had a Lake in it, and in that there was another Iland full of Sauage men, but the women were more; they had their bodies all ouer hairie, and of our Interpreters they were called Gorgones: we pursued the [ 60] men but could take none, for they fled into precipices and defended themselues with stones; but we tooke three of the women, which did nothing but bite and scratch those that led them, and would not follow them. Therefore they killed them and flead them, and brought their skins to Carthage: and because victuals failed vs, we sailed no further.

IT appeares that Hannos wisdome for discouerie in that infancie of Nauigation * 1.571 about 2000 yeeres since, thought small Vessels fittest by which he might keepe neere the shoare, the edging whereof caused him to saile East or West, as the Land trended. The Carthaginians being of Phae∣nician originall from Tyrus, and Lybian habitation and Empire, called their Cities Lybiphaenician: of which Thymiaterium seemes to the Portugall Pilot in Ramusio, to be Azamor in 32. and a halfe, where runneth a spacious Plaine to Morocco. The Promontory Soloente seemeth Cape Cantin in 32. degrees. After which the coast runneth in much Eastward, and the abundance of Riuers cause the great Fenne mentioned; beyond which they built those Cities, the same, or neere to those now in the Kingdome of Morocco, Azafi, Goz, Aman, Mogador, Testhua, &c. After they passe [ 10] the Cape Ger, and encounter the Riuer Lixus, where the Poets fables place Hercules his Antaeus and the Hesperides Gardens. The Pilot thought it the Riuer of Sus, which runnes into the Sea at Messa in 29. degr. 30. min. Beyond that begins Mount Atlas the lesse, which runneth East∣ward quite thorow Barbary, and to which the Romans came, the sands prohibiting their approach to the greater Atlas. After this Hanno commeth to Cape Non, Cape Boiador and Cape Blanke; and then turning to the East, comes to the Ile Argin, which hee called Cerne: and thought to be as farre from the Straits in the course of their sailing, as it was betwixt those Straits and Car∣thage. For as for the height, it is plaine that they neither vsed compasse, nor obserued degrees. And for Ptolemeis degrees, they are almost euery where false or vncertaine, rather from his con∣iecture, then the Mariners calculation, and in transcribing made worse in so many barbarous and [ 20] ignorant ages: his places are of more vse in shewing their bearing East or West, North or South, short, or beyond, or wide, then for exact gradations.

The Ilands of Cape Verd in 13. are Hannos Hesperides (the Canaries or Fortunate Ilands he could not see, creeping neere the shore) and for Riuer Horses and Crocodiles, they are no rarities in Africke. From Cape Verd the race of the Sea might seeme terrible to their small Vessels, where the Riuer of Saint Mary and Rio Grande in 15. degrees, hath troubled waters. Such fires as hee mentioneth are seene to this day of those which saile on the coast of Senega and Guinea, because the Negros eate little in the day time for heate, but at night haue their fires without doores and there refresh themselues: many of which a farre off present such lights at Sea;* 1.572 the merry Negros to fray away wilde Beasts and to expresse their mirth, making such musicke with shouts and cries. [ 30] Sierra Leona is that chariot of the Gods in 8. degrees, the continuall thunders and lightnings at some times of the yeere presenting such a fierie spectacle as Hanno reporteth: yet augmented for greater wonder, as also are his fiery Riuers, that whereas the world talked of a fiery Zone, not habitable through heate, he might lye a little to saue his credit from imputation of a greater lier, if he had reported the temperature neere the line. The like humour of inclining to vulgar fancies appeareth in his tales of the Gorgones. And for the monstrous womens hairy skins, they might be of the Baboones or Pongos of those parts, some of which as Iobson and Battell our Countrimen which trauelled those parts will tell you, are greater then women, & the Pongos nothing in man∣ner differing from their shape. These were, as is probable within foure degrees of the line. The I∣land is thought to be that of Fernando Poo: but my learned friend Master Hoelstin a German, which [ 40] is now preparing a learned treasury of Geographicall antiquities to the Presse, supposeth that hee passed not the Cape Tres puntas or that de Palmas.

CHAP. VIII. IAMBVLVS his Nauigation to Arabia, and Aethiopia, and thence to a strange Iland, from whence hee sailed to Palim∣bothra in India.

[ 50] IF Hannos Voyage and Relations seemed incredible, much more may that of Iambulus, recorded by Diodorus. In what age hee liued is vncertaine, and as vncertaine what Iland it was that hee is said to come to,* 1.573 which may seeme to some to be Zeilan or Iaua, I rather thinke Sumatra. That it is wholly fabulous I cannot thinke, but that all is true therein, I were worthy also to haue my tongue slit, if I should affirme. Hee did mixe fables to the truth, to make his storie more plausible, and imitating the Poets; and without annotations the truth may easily be knowne from the fables of Platoes Republike and common women, and strange creatures, with other tales. But, if you will, thus the storie lyeth.

Iambulus was learned from his child-hood and after his Fathers death (who was a Merchant) [ 60] he exercised also Merchandizing. Passing through Arabia to buy Spices, he was taken by theeues, with the associates of his iournie: at first with one of his fellow sl••ues,* 1.574 he was appointed to bee a Keeper of Cattle: but after that, together with him hee was taken by certaine Aethiopians, and conuayed beyond the maritime Aethiopia. Seeing that they were strangers, they were ta∣ken for an expiation of that Country. The Aethiopians that inhabited those parts had a custome,

which they had anciently receiued from the Oracle of their Gods, and obserued it twenty Ages, that is sixe hundred yeeeres (for an Age is finished in thirtie yeeres.) They had a little vessell prepared able to endure the tempests of the Sea, which two men might easily steere. They put into six months victuals for two men: bringing the men aboord, they commanded them to direct their vessell towards the South according to the answere of the Oracle: and told them that they should come to a goodly Iland and courteous people, that liued happily. And by that meanes, if they safely arriued in the Iland their Countrey should bee in peace and prosperity sixe hundred yeeres. But if, being terrified through the length of the Sea they should returne backe, they should bring, as impious and debauched persons, great miseries to all their Nation. They report that the Aethiopians feasted diuers dayes by the Sea-side, and kept their holies, wishing them a lucky Voyage, and that the accustomed expiation were accomplished. After foure moneths sayle and [ 10] many a storme, they were carried to an Iland of round forme, fiue thousand furlongs in compasse. When they drew neere to the Iland,* 1.575 some of the Inhabitants sent forth a Boat to meete them. Others running to them wondred at these new come strangers: and entertayned them very kindly and courteously: imparting to them such things as they had.

The men of this Iland are not like to ours, either in their bodies or manners, yet all haue the same forme,* 1.576 but they exceed vs foure Cubits in stature. They wind their bones this way and that way as they please, a 1.577 like sinewes. Their bodies are stronger and nimbler then ours. For if they haue taken any thing into their hands, no man can pull it out of their fingers. They haue no haires, except on their head, eye-browes, eye-lids, and chinne: on the other parts of their bodies they are so smooth, that there doth not appeare the least downe. They are faire, comely, and haue wel [ 20] shaped bodies, the holes of their eares are much wider then ours, also their tongue differs from vs. For their tongue hath somewhat peculiar by Nature or Art.* 1.578 Nature hath giuen them a clouen tongue, which is diuided in the bottome, so that it seemes double from the root. So they vse a diuers speech: and doe not only speake with the voice of men, but imitate the singing of Birds. But that which seemes most notable, they speake at one time perfitly with two men, both an∣swering and discoursing. For with one part of their tongue they speake to one, and with the other to the other.* 1.579 The aire is very cleere all the yeere long, as the Poet hath written, That the Peare doth ripen vpon the Peare, and the Apple vpon the Apple, and the Grape vpon the Grape, and the fig vpon the fig. Also they say the day and night are alwayes equall. About noone, when the Sunne is ouer their heads it maketh no shadow. They liue according to their kindreds and socie∣ties: [ 30] which yet exceed not foure hundred. They dwell in Medowes, the earth bringing forth plentifully fruits freely without any tillage. For the goodnesse of the Iland and temperature of the ayre make the earth of it owne accord wonderfull fertill.

* 1.580There grow many Reeds, bearing plentifull fruit like to a white Vetch; when they haue ga∣thered these, they steepe them in water, till each of them be swolne to the quantity of a Doues Egge. Afterwards of these beaten they make bread, of a wonderfull sweetnesse. There are also in that Iland great Springs of water, whereof some flow forth very hot for the vse of Baths, and curing Diseases; and some are cold, very sweet and wholsome. They respect all kind of Lear∣ning, especially Astrologie. They vse Letters whereof they haue eight and twentie, according to the value of signification,* 1.581 yet but seuen Characters: each whereof is varied foure wayes. They [ 40] liue very long, namely one hundred and fifty yeeres, and for the most part without any sicknesse. If any haue a Feuer or be sicke in his bodie, they enforce him to dye according to their Law. They write not by the side,* 1.582 as we doe, but from the top in a straight line to the bottome. They haue a custome to liue to a certaine age, which being finished, they diuersly of their owne accord kill themselues. They haue a double plant: vpon which whosoeuer lyeth downe is brought into a sweet sleepe and dyeth. The women marry not, but are common to all. In like manner the Males are brought vp, and common to all. They often take away the children from the Mothers, that they might not know them, whereby it commeth to passe, that there is no ambition a∣mongst them, or factious affection, but they liue peaceably without iarring.

There are small creature in the Iland, whose bloud is of an admirable nature and vertue. Their [ 50] bodies are round,* 1.583 and like to Tortoises, two streakes crossing one another on the middle of them: in the extremity of each of which is an eare and an eye: so that they see with foure eyes, and heare with so many eares: they haue but one belly wherein they conuey that which they eate. They haue many feet round about, wherewith they goe both wayes. The bloud of this beast is affirmed to be of a wonderfull efficacie. For any bodie cut with gashes, while it breathes, sprink∣led with this bloud presently cleaues together. And in like manner, if a hand bee cut off, or any other member, whiles life lasts, the parts will bee ioyned together, if it bee applied to the wound while it is fresh. Euery Family nourisheth great Birds of a diuers nature, wherewith they trie what their sonnes will be. For setting their children on these Fowles, if they be not affrigh∣ted while they are carried through the Aire, they bring them vp, but if they faint through feare [ 60] or cowardlinesse, they cast them downe as vnworthy to liue any longer, and vnprofitable for any exerciese.

The eldest of euery Family, as King commands the rest, who all obey him. When hee is one

hundred and fiftie yeeres old, they take away his life according to their Law: and the eldest next him takes the Principality. The Sea wherewith the Iland is enuironed is very tempestuous, and causeth great waues, the water is fresh. The Beare and many starres which appeare to vs are not seene of them. There are seuen Ilands of the like greatnesse, like distance betweene,* 1.584 and of the same people and Lawes. Although the earth doth bring forth food of it owne accord abundant∣ly for all, yet they vse it moderately. They desire plaine dishes, seeking only nourishment: they eate their flesh rosted and boiled: they reiect the Cookes art, and all kind of sawces as vnprofi∣table. They reuerence the Gods, and that which containeth all things, and the Sunne, and the o∣ther heauenly Creatures. They take fishes and Birds of diuers sorts. There grow of their owne accord fruitfull Trees, Oliues, and Vines, from which they draw great plentie of Oile and [ 10] Wine. The Iland produceth great Serpents, but harmelesse: whose flesh they eate, which is ex∣traordinarie sweet. They make their clothes of soft and shining downe, taken out of the mid∣dest of Canes: wherewith their Purple garments died with Sea Oysters are made. There are many kinds of creatures and such as will hardly be beleeued: they obserue a certaine order of life, and eat but of one kind of meat in a day; for one day they eate fish, on another Birds, and then beasts; somtimes they feed only of oile. They are addicted to diuers exercises: some serue, some fish, others exercise their Trades, others are busied about other necessarie affaires. Some (except the old men) minister in common, or serue one another by turnes. On their Holies and Feast dayes they sing Hymnes in commendation of their Gods, and chiefly of the Sunne, to whom they dedicate themselues and their Iland. They burie their dead on the shore, heaping sand vpon the [ 20] carkasse when the Sea flowes, that with the flowing and increasing of the water, the place may be made greater. They report that the Reeds from which they gather fruit, increase and decrease according to the Moone. The sweet and wholsome water retaines the heate of the Fountaines, vnlesse it be mingled with cold water or wine.

Iambulus and he which came with him tarried in the Iland seuen yeeres,* 1.585 and at length were forced to depart at their wils, as wicked persons, and accustomed to euill conditions. Therefore preparing their Boat and victualling it, they were compelled to depart. In foure monethes they came to a King of India, through sandie and shallow places of the Sea. The other perished in a tempest: Iambulus was driuen into a certaine Village, and carried by the Inhabitants to the King into the Citie Palibothra farre distant from the Sea. The King loued Graecians, and greatly estee∣med [ 30] their Learning; hee gaue him many things, and first sent him safely into Persia, and then into Greece. Afterward Iambulus writ these things, and many things concerning India before vnknowne to others.

CHAP. IX. Great ALEXANDERS Life, Acts, Peregrinations and Con∣quests briefly related.

[ 40]

KIng Alexander, as they report, deriued his Pedigree by the Father from Hercules, by the mother from Aeacus; from the one descended his Father Philip,* 1.586 and from the other his Mother Olympia. Shee the first night of her Nuptials dreamed that she saw Lightning enter into her Wombe, and thence a great flame presently kindled. Philip also not long after seemed in his sleepe to seale his wiues belly, the Seale engrauen with a Lion. By these Aristander the Diuiner foretold that shee was with childe, because a Seale vseth not to be set on emptie things: also that shee should bring forth a child, who should haue the nature and spirit of a Lion. But when a while after Phi∣lip in the night saw through a cranie of the doore a Dragon lying by her, it abated his loue to [ 50] her, fearing Magicall Charmes, or the familiaritie of some Deitie. Notwithstanding Olympias counselled Alexander that he would assume a minde worthy of his father. Others say, that shee said Alexander would make her (by challenging to bee Iupiters sonne) hatefull to Iuno.* 1.587 On the Ides of August she was deliuered of Alexander, who although he were of a goodly feature, yet he bowed his necke somewhat to the left side, and a certaine whitenesse mixed with red beauti∣fied his face. Also such an odour issued both out of his mouth, and members,* 1.588 that his inner clothes did breath forth a wonderfull fragrant sauour. Which as it perhaps proceeded out of the tempe∣rature of his hot bodie, so surely he was by his naturall hotnesse giuen to Wine and anger. While he was young, he refrained himselfe from pleasures more then beseemed one of his yeeres,* 1.589 ma∣nifesting his couragious minde, who when his equals in yeeres asked, if he would willingly con∣tend [ 60] in the Olympian Games? willingly, saith he, if I were to contend with Kings. He greatly ex∣celled in swiftnesse of foot. Hee alwayes meditated vpon some great and extraordinary thing, that he might purchase fame. Therefore the Persian Ambassadors not a little maruelled at the cou∣rage of the youngman: seeing he questioned no triuiall, or childish thing of them, but the situa∣tion

of Countries and dangers of passages, and power of the King of Persia. He did seeme to bee angry at his Fathers victories; What said he, will my Father leaue for me to doe, if hee atchieue all noble exploits?

* 1.590About those times, Philip bought Bucephalus for thirtie three Talents a very fierce Horse; sto∣mackfull, vnmanaged, and abiding no Rider. Now when hee would suffer none to backe him, Alexander was angry with them, who could not through feare or ignorance tame the Horse, and offered himselfe to breake him. To whom his Father, if thou dost not, for thy boasting, what punishment wilt thou haue? then he answered, I will pay for the Horse. Philip smiling set the price: He seeing him mooued with his shadow, turned his head to the Sunne; then letting goe his Cloke, laying hold with his hands vpon his mane, mounted him, still blowing and tram∣pling [ 10] the sands vnder his feet. Letting goe the reines, and crying out aloud, hee spurred him and made him runne. Then holding in the reines hee easily turned him. While the people shou∣ted,* 1.591 his Father weeping for ioy, kissed him when he alighted, saying my Sonne, Macedonia cannot containe thee, thou must seeke a Kingdome competent. Afterward Philip noting the dis∣position of Alexander, that hee would rather bee induced to vertue by gentlenesse then rough dealing committed him to Aristotle to be instructed in the precepts of Philosophie. Wherein and in Physicke he so profited, that sometimes he helped his sicke friends. He learned Homers I∣liads of Aristotle: calling it the Souldiers Knap-sacke, laying it with his Dagger alwayes vn∣der his Pillow.

When he was seuenteene yeeres old, his Father warring against the By••antines, hee swayed the Scepter of Macedon.* 1.592 And when the Megarians rebelled, he discomfited them in battle, and [ 20] expelling the Barbarians, called their Citie Alexandropolis. Hee first also broke through against the sacred band of the Thebans. Wherefore the Macedonians called him King; and Philip Emperour.

Not long after Philip being slaine, Alexander beeing twentie yeeres old beganne to reigne, the Barbarians reuolting, many supposed that they were to bee appeased with clemencie and mild∣nesse. Then Alexander, we must not (saith he) maintayne our Dominions with gentlenesse, but force and magnanimitie, lest if we seeme to abate of our loftie courage, we be scorned of others: And gathering his troupes together, he repressed the mutinie of the Barbarians, chased away the King of the Triballi, ouerthrew the Thebans, sacked the Citie; and leuelled it to the ground. He [ 30] sold thirtie thousand of the Citizens: sixe thousand that remained kild themselues. In the meane while,* 1.593 the Graecians hearing that the Persians would shortly inuade them, elected Alexander to be their Leader. Who assoone as hee came to Isthmos, where their Generall Parliament was as∣sembled, went to Diogenes, whom hee found sitting in the Sunne. Then courteously saluting him, he demanded if he wanted any thing? But he answered only this, stand aside out of the Sunne. Alexander admiring the constancie of the man, departing said, if I were not Alexander, I would be Diogenes.* 1.594 Thence he went to Delphos, to consult with the Oracle about his expedi∣tion. It was an vnluckie day wherein it was not lawfull to giue Oracles. Alexander notwith∣standing, going in haste to the Temple, began almost by force to draw along the Priest of the O∣racle with him. My Sonne, said the Priest, thou art vnconquerable. Hee beeing ioyfull at these [ 40] words said, I haue no need of any other Oracle. And returning to the Campe, where abode the Army of thirtie thousand foot-men, and fiue thousand horsemen, hee did not goe aboard the ship before he had distributed all his Chattels, Lands, and Lordships amongst his friends. He to Per∣dicas asking, what will you leaue for your selfe? answered, only Hope.

Hauing sailed ouer the Hellespont, he went to Ilium. And then visited Achilles Sepulchre, and adorned his Statue with Garland••.* 1.595 Saying, O thou most happie, who hadst so faithfull a compa∣nion, liuing; and dead, so great a Poet to renowme thee.

In the meane while, the Chiefetaines of Darius, the King of Persia hastening to passe ouer Granicum with a great power, Alex. met them at the banks of the same Riuer: and getting the higher ground, as soone as he had marshalled his bands, ioyned battle with the Barbarians. The [ 50] fight waxing hot on both sides, Rhesaces & Spithridates, Darius his Captains, one with a Speare, the other with a Battle-axe, with a ful careere encountred Alexander, who was easie to be known by reason of his Target, and the Plume on his Helmet, beeing a great bush of white feathers. A∣uoyding nimbly the one, he strooke Rhesaces with his Speare and with his Sword made at the other, who without delay, tooke away his Helmet, with his Battle-axe to his haire, but while he lifted vp his hand for another blow, he was strooke through with a Lance by Clytus. Alexan∣der hauing vanquished the Commanders,* 1.596 put the rest to flight. In which flight twentie thousand of the Barbarians (two thousand Horsemen) were slaine. But Alexander lacked not aboue thir∣tie foure Souldiers.

Hauing gotten this victorie, he tooke the strong Citie Sardis, with other Townes, Miletus [ 60] and Halicarnassus. Hauing determined to try the vpshot with King Darius, if he would ioyne bat∣tle with him, he tooke Phaenicia and C••licia. From thence marching to Pamphilia, he subdued the Pisidans and Phrygians. After taking Gordium, where had beene of old King Mida•• his Pallace, he ouercame the Paphlagonians, and Cappadocians. But King Darius relying on the number of his

forces (for he had an Army of sixe hundred thousand) remooued his Campe from Susis. His Di∣uiners had flattered him in the Interpretation of a Dreame of the shining of Alexanders Armie, and Alexander ministring to him, who entring into Belu•• his Temple, was taken out of his sight. He thought basely of him also for staying so long in C••licia. There was Alexander detained in great danger of his life, hauing washed himselfe in a cold Riuer, and fallen into a sudden sicknesse. When other Physicans gaue him ouer, Philip an Acarnanian promised to recouer him in a short space: and although there came a Letter from Parmenio, warning him to take heed of Philips Treason, who was corrupted by King Darius, yet he dranke vp the potion boldly, and with all deliuered the Letter to Philip. He read it very heauily, but bad Alexander to be of good cheere. [ 10] In the meane time, while the potion entred into his bowels, the King lay almost dead. But such was the efficacie of the medicine, that he presently recouered his former health.

Darius approching, Alexander getting the higher ground, ordered his battle, and after a great slaughter put the Barbarians to flight: ten thousand were slaine, and many more taken.* 1.597 Alex∣ander himselfe was wounded. Alexander got the Tent, Money, rich St••ffe, Chariot, and Bow of Darius, all adorned with Gold. Moreouer, Darius his Mother, Wife, and two Daughters Vir∣gins were taken with the rest. To whom hee said, compassionating their fortune, seeing them weeping and lamenting, that Darius was aliue, and that they should haue no hurt. And indeed (herein was Alexander King of himselfe) they suffered no hardship or dishonor,* 1.598 but liued vnseene of any, as it were in sacred Cloysters, or Virginall Closets. Alexander did so refraine from them and all others, that he vsed to say in ieast, that the Persian Damsels were eye-sores. He was also [ 20] very temperate in his diet, for betweene euery cup, hee accustomed to spend a long time in dis∣course.

Hauing diuided the spoyles, hi•• next Exploit was the dominion of the Sea, and ouercomming Cyprus, he subdued all Phaenicia, except Tyre, which hee besieged seuen monethes with Mounts,* 1.599 Engines, and two hundred Gallies, and at length after diuers skirmishes tooke it by assault. But when he had added Gaza and Egypt to his Conquests, he resolued to visit the Temple of Iupiter Ammon. A very difficult Iourney and dreadfull, by reason of the want of water,* 1.600 and store of sands: yet his good fortune preuayled, showres making the sands firmer, and Crowes guiding him, he came thither without any harme; Whereas Cambyses his Armie had beene buried in the sands. Entring the Temple he saluted the chiefe of them, who answered, All haile,* 1.601 O Sonne of [ 30] Iupiter, which he receiued so ioyfully, that euer after hee carried himselfe more haughtily. In E∣gypt hee founded Alexandria a Greeke Colonie.

After this the Ambassadours of the King of Persia came to him with Letters,* 1.602 proffering ten thousand Talents, and all Mesopotamia, and his Daughter in marriage, and Darius himselfe to become his friend and associate, if he would cease from Warre▪ such conditions, that if I were A∣lexander, said Parmenio, I would accept them: so would I said Alexander, if I were Parmenio. He had them tell Darius, that he should receiue all courtesie of the Graecians, if he would come to them,* 1.603 if he would not, let him know that we, wil he, ••ill he, wil come to him speedily. Then going out of Egypt into Phaenicia, he took all the Country between Euphrates, and the second time remoued [ 40] his Campe against Darius. And now the Armies came in sight each of other, wherein Darius had a Million of men. The battle was fought not at Arb••la, but at Gausanela. The Bactrian Horsemen running vpon the Macedonians prouoked Alex. to fight, who encouraged his men and praying to Iupiter that he would giue him aide and victory, an Eagle is reported to haue been shewed him by Aristander his Diuiner flying aboue him ouer his head, and thence directing her flight against the Persians, which filled the Macedonians with hopes and cheerefull courage. Forcible was the im∣pression, and Alexander pierced into the midst of the enemies Campe, where beholding Darius well guarded in the midst of his troupes, he gaue a terrible assault and routed them,* 1.604 many beeing slaine. Darius was of a tall stature, comely face, Kingly countenance, and sate aloft in a Cha∣riot couered with Gold, which Darius leauing, leaped vpon a barren mare, seeking to saue his life by flight. The dignitie of this victory altogether ouerthrew the Persian Empire,* 1.605 and made Alexander King of Asia. Then he tooke Babylon and Susis, the royall Citie where he found for∣tie [ 50] thousand Talents of siluer, with royall houshold-stuffe, and of Hermionike Purple kept one hundred and ninety yeeres still fresh to the value of fiue thousand Talents.

Now did Alexander aduance into Persia, whither Darius had fled. There he found asmuch sil∣uer as before in Susis, and asmuch royall furniture and goods as laded ten thousand yokes of Mules, and fiue thousand Camels. Hee tarried foure moneths in his wintering Lodgings. And, as the report is, when he feasted vnder the golden roofe of the Kings Hall, he said, That he had obtai∣ned the fruit of his labours, seeing he so magnificently banqueted in the Palace of proud Xerxes.* 1.606 Thais an Athenian, a beautifull Strumpet, being present; enticed the King with her flatteries, [ 60] and said, I were the happiest woman of Greece, if I might in this our mirth fire Xerxes Pallace, who sometime burnt my Athens. The King smiling, the Harlot fired the House. The King bewitched with wine and her allurements, the rest furthering the flame, suffered such a goodly building to be consumed to a••hes. Alexander was naturally munificent, and kept a kinde of stately magni∣ficence in giuing: which he did illustrate with infinite testimonies of his bountie, lesse esteeming

those that refused then these that craued. About this time Darius had now the third time gathe∣red an Army. Alexa••der in eleuen dayes passed with great Iournies 3200. furlongs, conducting his Armie through rough places, that wanted water, so that the whole Armie well neere lan∣guished with thirst: a certaine common Souldier brought a Helmet full of water to Alexander; who looking vpon all of them panting for heate and thirst, gaue it him againe vntouched: thin∣king it vnfitting that he alone should cherish himselfe, and the others faint; whose continencie the Souldiers admiring, resolued to vndergoe any trouble, as long as they followed such a Leader. Then after a few dayes, the Armie of King Darius beeing gathered together, did flee assoone as they came in sight of the Macedonians. The Persians being thus discomfited, the Macedonians pursuing them, found King Darius in his Chariot stricken through with many wounds, and al∣most [ 10] dead, speaking some few things. But when Alexander came thither by chance, hee tooke very bitterly his ignoble death,* 1.607 and casting his coate vpon his carkasse, and adding the Royall En∣signes, he gaue charge to carrie it honourably to his Mother. Bessus the Murtherer, Alexander caused to be tied to two trees brought by force together, which rent him in sunder.

* 1.608Darius being ouerthrowne, he brought into his subiection Hyrcania, and all the Cities adioy∣ning to the Caspian Sea. After going into Parthia, hee attired himselfe in a habit, being a meane betweene a Persian and a Mede, that he might accustome the Macedonians the more willingly to adore him.

Passing ouer the Riuer Orexartes, which he thought to be Tanais, hee warred on the Scythians, and chased them one hundred furlongs.* 1.609 Thither Clitarchus, Polycritus, Onesicritus, Antigenes and Hister say, the Amazon came to him; which Chares, Isangelus, Ptolemaeus, A••ticlides, Phi∣lon,* 1.610 [ 20] Philippus, Hecataeus, Philippus Chalcidensis, and Duris the Samian, say was a deuised Fable: and this appeareth to be true by Alexander himselfe, who writing to Antipater an exact Relati∣on of all things, mentions the Scythian Kings offer of his Daughter in marriage, but hath no∣thing at all of the Amazon. It is said that Lysimachus, when hee heard One••icritus reading that Relation, smiled and said, Where was I th••n?

At length beholding the beautie and noble demeanour of Roxanes, Darius his Daughter, hee married her, that so he might perpetually tie the Barbarians to him; whom hee did also so reue∣rence, that he did not but solemnely enter in to her. But when hee proceeded to bring the rest of Asia to his obedience, he caused Philotas Parmenio his sonne a man of eminent place to be slaine. Also a little while after being drunke, he strucke Clitus through with a Lance, a man of a noble [ 30] courage, which had freed him from Sp••thridates Battle-axe: yet he presently repented, and snat∣ching the Lance out of Clitus his wound,* 1.611 would haue turned it into himselfe; but was restrained by the standers by, and had died with griefe, but that Aristander the Diuiner, and the Philoso∣phers Callisthenes and Anaxarchus perswaded him to patience. Callisthenes was as ill repaid as Clitus, which before we haue mentioned.

After this, Alexander sets forth towards India, and there perceiuing his Army by reason of the greatnesse of pillage to bee slow and dull, hee burned vp the baggage of the Macedonian Campe. After which he became an inexorable and seuere punisher of faults, and a terrour to his owne. He killed Menander, one of his greatest Familiars for neglecting his charge: And slue Orsodates ha∣uing [ 40] rebelled with his owne hands. He carried Babylonians (or Chaldaeans) with him, whom hee vsed in superstitious expiations.

Neere the Riuer Oxus, Proxenus found a Fountayne of Oyle and fat liquor, resembling Oyle in colour and taste, whereas that Region knoweth not Oliues. This Alexander tooke as a diuine Miracle in his fauour. The Diuiners tooke it for a token of a difficult but glorious Warre. Hee tooke two strong Rockes in his way, which seemed impregnable. When the Macedonians refu∣sed to passe thorow the Riuer to lay siege to Nysa, he tooke his shield and was readie to swimme ouer himselfe. But their Embassage for peace staid him. To Taxiles an Indian King, hee gaue a thousand Talents of siluer.

After that he warred vpon Porus King of a great part of India (some thinke Rahanni to be his Successour, and those parts which the Reisboots now hold in the parts, which whiles they please, [ 50] acknowledge the Mogoll, to haue been subiect to him.) Hydaspes ranne betwixt both their Tents, and Porus by his Elephants (futnished also with twentie thousand foot, and two thousand horse) hindered the passage of Alexander, who therefore raised continuall alarmes, noyses and tumults in his Tents, and got ouer the Riuer with great difficultie, tooke the Indian Charets, and foure hun∣dred of their Horsemen. In eight houres fight Porus lost the field and himselfe. Hee was foure Cubits and a handbreadth high, and rode vpon an Elephant, which fought valiantly for his Ri∣der: and finding himselfe spent, kneeled downe gently to preuent his fall. Alexander asked his Captiue Porus what he would haue done if he had taken him: and Porus answerd that he would haue done that which should haue beseemed the Maiestie of either of them: because this sauou∣red of no barbarousnesse, he restored him to his Kingdome, adding a Region of a free State there [ 60] subdued, in which were fifteene Nations and 5000. Cities, besides Villages. In this battle with Porus,* 1.612 or soone after it Bucephalus died, being thirtie yeeres old: for whose death Alexander did so grieue, that he built a Citie vpon Hydaspes, calling it by his name, as another also to his

Dogge Perit••s. The Souldiers now being wearie of the trouble of daily warre, when they vn∣derstood that he determined to goe to the inmost parts of India, refused to passe ouer Ganges. For they heard that Ganges was thirty two furlongs broad and a hundred fathome deepe, and the bankes couered with troupes of Horsemen, Elephants and Footmen; viz. 80000. Horsemen, 200000. Footmen, 8000. Charets, and 6000. Elephants trained to the warres, by the Ga••da∣ritan and Persian Kings. Wherefore Alexander seeing his desires could not obtaine their wished end, kept himselfe very sorrowfull in his Tent, and threatned that they should receiue no recom∣pense for that they had done, vnlesse they would passe ouer Ganges: at length ouer-come by the entreaties and teares of his Souldiers, he desisted from his intended Iourney. But longing to see the Ocean, gathering ships together he came thither by the Riuers. Where taking many Cities [ 10] he was almost slaine by the Malli, valiant men of India. For when hee had lept into the Citie from the wall (which he first ascended) he was oppressed with such a multitude of the Barba∣rians, that vnlesse the Macedonians had speedily succoured him being grieuously wounded with an Arrow and a blow with a Club vpon the necke, here he had in his rashnesse finished his dayes. But being freed from the perill of death, he ouerthrew Cities and many places, seuen monethes being so spent. At last hee came to the Ocean with his Armie. Then contemplating the shoares, and finishing his holies, he intreated the Gods that no man euer after should goe beyond his bounds: he also bad Nearchus tarrie about India, with a Nauy. He went on foot to Ori••us. But he was so distressed with the barrennesse of the Countrey, heate and diseases, that of a 120000. Footmen, and 15000. Horsemen, scarcely the fourth part liued. After sixtie dayes hee came to [ 20] Gedrosia, where being honourably entertained by the Kings and Officers which had prepared a∣gainst his comming, hee forgot all his passed troubles: so that he spent his time day and night

[illustration]

HONDIVS his Map of Alexanders Expedition.

in drinking, banqueting, singing and daliance with women. After this Nearchus returning, pre∣sently he sailed downe Euphrates: and passing ouer Arabia and Lybia, purposed to goe to Her∣cules Pillars by the Mediterranean Sea. But because his armie was very impatient, being consu∣med by the tediousnesse of the way, hauing sent backe Nearchus to defend the Sea 〈◊〉〈◊〉, he re∣turned into Persia. And bestowing his money among all his women (for that was the Kings custome, as often as they entered Persia) he celebrated the Nuptials of his companions at Susis. He also maried Statyra the other daughter of Darius. Making then a costly banquet to his com∣panions, he had 9000. Guests, and gaue euery one of them a golden cup. He opened the Sepul∣chre of Cyrus, whose Epitaph was this, Whosoeuer thou art, and whence soeuer thou commest (for I know thou wilt come) I am Cyrus which wa•• the Empire to the Persians. Enuie me not this little earth, [ 10] which couers my body. Calanus also here burned himselfe, hauing taken familiar leaue of all, and told the King he would shortly see him againe at Babylon. He also paid the debts of his souldiers, which came to 10000. talents, lacking onely 130. He found 30000. Persian youths which hee had giuen order to be trained and instructed of manly growth and comely presence, which gaue plausible testimonies of their admirable actiuity. This caused emulation to the Macedonians, which murmuring, he chose his guard of the Persians. Whereupon the Macedonians being grieued went to him, intreating him not to reiect them as vnprofitable; for they did confesse that they had beene ingratefull, and desired pardon. At length Alexander pittying their teares and habit, sent them away abundantly rewarded with gifts. He entertained others according to their dig∣nity. But when he went toward Ecbatana of Media, he gaue him selfe to plaies and spectacles, and about that time a feuer tooke away Ephestion, whose losse hee tooke so to heart that nothing [ 20] could please him. Therefore to appease his griefe, he went to warre as to a manhunting: And so raced out all the Nation of the Cossaei, as it were offering them in sacrifice to Ephestio his ghost. Those things being finished, he was admonished by some of the Chaldeans, that hee should not come to Babylon. But he went notwithstanding, where he was againe troubled with many Di∣uiners, and not onely suspected all his seruants but all his gods and deities. At length to recreate himselfe he went a little into a bathe, where he began exceedingly to sweate: And being carried to bed, after a few daies the Feuer increasing, hee gaue directions to his Princes concerning the Empire, and died. But before his body was buried, it lay a great while in hot places. And seeing it remained sound and vncorrupted, by this all suspition of poison was taken away. We will end this Relation of Alexander with Nearchus his Voyage by him set forth. [ 30]

The Voyage of NEARCHVS and his Fleet set forth by ALEXANDER the Great, from the Riuer Indus to the bottome of the Persian Gulfe.

IN this History of Voyages I thinke it not a misse to giue some accounts briefly of the Fleete which Alexander set forth from Indus to the Persian Gulfe, commanded by Nearchus, gathe∣red out of the eighth Booke of Arrianus, who had taken it out of Nearchus his owne discourse [ 40] thereof. I had the whole Relation at large by me translated, as those also of Arrianus his sai∣ling about both the Erythraean and Euxine Seas; but Time hath so altered the Names, ports and peoples, that I dare not giue you them at large. This briefly was thus:

Alexander prouided his ships in Hydaspes (a Riuer which runneth into Indus) and manned them with Phenicians,* 1.613 Cypriots, Aegyptians, men best skilled in Marine affaires. He chose also for Cap∣tains the Greek Ilanders of Ionia and Hellespont, & diuers others; amongst the rest Nearchus which writ this Nauigation, of Cretan ancestry, an Amphipolitan by habitation, whom he made Generall of the Fleet. After things set in order, he sacrificed to the Gods of his Country and to such others as the Diuiners prescribed, to Neptune, Oceanus, the Sea Nymphes, and to the Riuer Hydaspes, [ 50] and to Acesines, which floweth thereinto. He instituted also musicall and gymnicall Games (prizes for maisteries) also, distributing the remainders of the sacrifices to the Armie. A hundred and 20000. souldiers followed Alexander, who himselfe went with the ships downe Hydaspes. He had 800. ships, some long, some of burthen. Being afraid to aduenture so long a Sea Voyage, as from Indus to the Persian Gulfe, lest his glorious lustre of victory and Fortune hitherto atten∣ding him might so be drowned; the Monson seruing (the Etesia then ceasing which there blew in Summer) he committed the Fleet to Nearchus, which put forth to Sea on the twentieth day of Bo••dromion, in the eleuenth yeere of King Alexanders reigne.

Nearchus sacrificed also before his departure, to Iupiter the Sauiour, and likewise instituted Games; on that day of his departure he came to a great Riuer called Stura, about 100 furlongs, [ 60] and staied there two daies.* 1.614 On the third day hee came to another Riuer called Caumana thirty furlongs further, where the water began to be salt, and the tide ascended. Thence he sa••led twen∣ty furlongs to Coreatis within the Riuer. Mouing thence they saw the white frothy surge at the mouth of the Riuer, and in a ditch or channell made of fiue furlongs, he anchored his fleet

when the tyde came 150. furlongs, thence he came to the Ile Crocala, neere to the which are the Indian Arrhabes. Thence he remoued, hauing mount Irus on the right hand,* 1.615 and the Ile Halite∣nea on the left, to a Port which he called Alexanders Port, before which is Bubarta a small Iland. There he staid foure and twenty daies, and gathered Sea Mice and Oysters wonderfull great. The winde ceasing, he went sixtie furlongs neere the Ile Doma, where they were forced to goe twen∣ty furlongs within land for fresh water: Hauing passed 300. furlongs the next day,* 1.616 they came to the Region Saranga, and fetched water eight furlongs within land. Departing thence hee came to Sacalasis, and passing two rockes so neere that the ships edged on them as they passed by, after 300. furlongs he anchored in Morontoboris, a round, deepe and safe harbour with a narrow en∣trance, called the Womens Port. The next day he left an Iland to Sea ward of him and yet so [ 10] neere the shoare that the Sea seemed a Gut or narrow ditch. That day he sailed sixtie furlongs. On that shoare was a wood and shadie Iland. The next day he sailed thorow a narrow channell, the ebbe hauing left a great part dry, and hauing passed 120. furlongs he came to the mouth of the Ri∣uer Arabius, where is a great and safe harbour. They fetched water sixtie furlongs vp the Riuer in a Lake. At the harbour is an Iland full of Oisters and all sorts of fish.* 1.617 This Riuer confineth India; the next Regions are possessed by the Oritae; their first anchoring on the Orite-shoare was Pagali, hauing sailed 200. furlongs neere a craggie rocke. The next day 300. furlongs to Bacana: and because the shoare was rockie, hee was forced to anchor farre from land. In this way three ships were lost in a storme, but the persons were saued being neere the shoare.* 1.618

[ 20] He sa••led thence two hundred furlongs to Comala: and there went on shoare, and set vp tents to refresh his people wearied with their * 1.619 long Nauigation, and desiring to haue some rest. Here Leonnatus, to whom Alexander had giuen Commission for the Oritae, ouerthrew them in a great battell and slew 6000. The weather beaten ships being repaired, and ten daies prouisions being taken in, and those sailers which were weary of the Sea, being left with Leonnatus, some of his company supplying their roomes: the Fleete proceeded 500. furlongs, and anchored at the Riuer Thomeros. The Inhabitants dwelt in small cottages, and wondered at the Nauie as a strange No∣ueltie: they came to the shoare with lances of six cubits sharpned and burned at the ends, easily chased by those which were sent on shoare against them, which also tooke some, which had hard and sharpe nailes wherewith they killed fish, and cut softer wood (for they had no vse of Iron) [ 30] the harder they c••t with stones: their garments were beasts or fishes skins. Here Nearchus staid fiue dayes, and repaired his Nauie. Proceeding three hundred furlongs he came to Malanae, the vtmost border of the Oritae, who for the most part dwell vp within the land and vse Indian attire and armes, but differ in language and customes. Nearchus had sailed now 1000. furlongs from I••∣dus mouth to Arrhabius, and 1600. by the Oritae. Now also their shadowes fell Southward, and at noone they had no shadow. The Starres also differed in their height and appearance. After the Oritae are the Gedrosi, amongst whom Alexander found more difficulty then in all the rest of India.* 1.620 Nearchus hauing sailed 600. furlongs came to Bagisara, a conuenient harbour: the Towne Pasira is sixtie furlongs vp from the Sea. Next day he passed by a high ouerhanging Rocke, which run∣neth farre into the Sea: and digging Wels had store of water, but brackish: sailing other six hun∣dred [ 40] furlongs hee came to Calime where Cor••ina lieth one hundred furlongs into the Sea, an Iland whose Inhabitants sent Nearchus sheepe, whose flesh tasted like Sea-fowles, they being fed with fishes, there being no grasse there. Next day they sailed two hundred furlongs to Carbis, the towne Cysa was thirty furlongs from Sea. Here were small Fisher-boates, but the Fishermen at sight of the Fleete ran away. He passed next a high and craggy Cape, reaching one hundred and fifty furlongs into the Sea, vnto Mosarna a safe harbour. There he tooke Hydracces a Gedrosian Pilot for Carmania. The way from hence to the Persian gulfe is not so euill as the former.

Hauing sailed 750. furlongs, he came to the Balomon shoare, and after 400. furlongs to Barna, a towne where were Gardens of Myrtle and diuers flowers, culture of trees, and more ciuilitie of the••men. 400. furlongs further he came to Dendrobosa, where they fish in small Boats, not rowing [ 50] like the Greekes, but like diggers beating the waters on both sides. After 800. furlongs he came to Cyiza a desert shore,* 1.621 and fiue hundred furlongs from thence to the borders of the Ichthyophagi or Fish-eaters. They inuaded the Towne to get Corne which now failed them; but found little, except meale of rosted fishes, of which they make Bread. Thence he went to Bagia a rocke sa∣cred to the Sunne, thence to Talmena a good port, 1000. furlongs from Bagia. Thence to Cana∣sis a desert Citie 400. furlongs thence, 750. furlongs to Mount Canate: thence 800. furlongs to Taij; thence to Dagasira 300. furlongs,* 1.622 thence 1300. furlongs to the vtmost confines of the Ichthy∣ophagi, in great want of prouision: Here was a Cape running farre into the Sea. The coast of the Ichthyophagi is about 10000. furlongs, where all feede on fish, yet are there few fishermen, bu•• the Ebbe leaues the fish on shoare, some haue nets which reach two furlongs, made of Palme-tree [ 60] leaues. The softer fish they eate raw: the greater and harder they roast in the Sunne, and then beate them into powder and make a kinde of bread thereof, some sprinkle the powder with wheate meale. Their Beasts haue no other foode, for there is no grasse. There is store of Crabs,* 1.623 Oysters, and shel-fish; Salt also and Oyle produced by the soile it selfe: some sowe a little Corne. Their houses are made of Whales bones. The Whales casting much water into the aire,* 1.624

the people wondred what it was, and hearing that they were fishes, the Oares fell out of their hands with feare: But after being hartned, the ships went neere together, and with great shouts and noise of Oares and sound of Trumpets feared the Whales,* 1.625 and made them sinke into the deepe. The prodigious tales of the Ile Nosala sacred to the Sunne, on which, if any went a∣shoare he should neuer be seene after, Nearchus proued false by his owne experiment: as also ano∣ther tale went thereof that a Nymph there dwelt, which lay with men that came thither, and af∣ter turned them into fishes.* 1.626

* 1.627After he was come to Carmania, he anchored before a Cape where the Persian gulfe goeth inward & then sailed no longer to the West, but betwixt the West and North, for most Northerly. Being come to Padichorus he sailed thence 800. furl. to the rock Maceta, of a daies sailing, whence Cinamon [ 10] and Spices are carried to the Assyrians. After 700. furl. he came to Neapotanum and 100. furl. further to the Riuer Anenus;* 1.628 the Region is called Armozia, cultiuated and fertile▪ except of Oliues. Here they went ashoare desirous to rest from their labour, and there found a Graecian which told them that Alexanders Campe was not farre off, fiue daies iourney from the Sea. Here Nearchus repaired his Nauie, and meane while sent to the King, & after went himselfe, he and his by their changed weatherbeaten countenances and growne haire, being not knowne by those whom Alexander had sent to him. Some had made Alexander beleeue his Fleet was lost, which finding otherwise, hee wept for ioy,* 1.629 swearing by the Grecian Iupiter, and by the Lybian Ammon, that he more ioyed in those tidings then in the Empire of all Asia. After this hee instituted Musicall and Gymnicke Games, and pompe to Iupiter Seruator, to Hercules, to Apollo the chaser away of euill, and to Nep∣tuns, [ 20] with the other Sea-Gods. Especially Nearchus was eminent and glorious, the whole army casting flowers and garlands on him.

Alexander after this would haue sent another to bring the Fleet to Susae, which Nearchus en∣uying to any other, intreated that the whole glory might be entire to himselfe, and was sent backe. After sacrifice to Iupiter the sauior, Nearchus exhibited a Gymnicke game (for trying of masteries, which we call prizes) and set saile. He passed by a small Iland called Organa, and ano∣ther lesse called Oaracta, 300. furlongs from the place whence he set forth, where were many Vines, Palmes, and Fruits. Here they said was the Sepulcher of Erythrus, or King Red, which gaue name to this red Sea. The Iland was 800. furlongs long, of which hauing sailed two hun∣dred,* 1.630 he saw another Iland forty furlongs long sacred to Neptune, and reported to be inaccessible. At their departing three ships stucke fast by reason of the Tide, which at the next floud were a∣floate [ 30] againe. After forty furlongs sailing hee anchored in another Iland 300. furlongs from the Continent; thence to the Ile Pylora, in which is D••don a towne which hath nothing but fish and water. After 300. furlongs sailing, he came to a Cape running farre into the Sea, thence 300. fur∣longs to the Ile Cataa sacred to Mercury and Venus, whither dedicated Goates and Sheepe are yeerely sent which there grew wilde. Hitherto the Carmani extend about 3700. furlongs by the shoare. These liue like the Persians their neighbours. Thence Nearchus sailed to the Ile Caican∣dros, forty furlongs, and thence to an inhabited Iland where Pearles are found, fifty f. Thence to Mount Ochus,* 1.631 and thence to Aposta••e, 450. f. and after 400. f. to a Bay celebrated with many Villages; thence 600. f. to the mouth of the Riuer Oreon: thence 800. f. to Riuer Sitacus. All this [ 40] course was on the Persian shoare, she luie for the most part and fennv. Thither Alexander had sent prouision of Corne, and they staied one and twenty daies to refresh themselues, and repaire their Nauie. Sailing thence 750. f. he came to Hieratis by the Riuer Heratemis, the next day to the Riuer Padargus, where is a fertile place called Mesambria a peninsula: 200. furlongs to Ta••••nus to the great Riuer, aboue whose entrance 200. furlongs are the Persian Kings Palaces. In this way he saw a Whale dead fifty cubits long, with Oisters growing on the skin, Dolphins also bigger then those in our Seas. He proceeded 200. furlongs to the Riuer Rhogonis fifty furlongs to the Ri∣uer Brizana: thence to Arosis the bigest Riuer in all his course, the end of the Persian borders, that shoare containing 4400. furlongs.* 1.632 There begin the Susians, and within land the Vzians, as the Mardi to the Persians, and the Cossaei to the M••des.

Hauing sailed on the Susian shoare 500. furlongs, he came to Cataderbis, a fishie Lake, neere [ 50] which is the Ile Margastana: then he passed sholds which scarsely admitted ships single, discer∣ned by stakes or poles purposely fixed there, the mirie ground taking a man vp to the waste. In such way we sailed 500. furlongs.* 1.633 Thereafter in a night and day he sailed 900. f. to the mouth of Euphrates, neere Diridotis a Village of the Babylonians, a Mart for the Spices of Arabia. From thence to Babylon, Nearchus saith, are 3300. f. Nearchus hearing that Alexander was going to Susae, sailed backe toward P••sitigris, that sailing vp the streame he might meete him, hauing the Susians on the left hand, and the Lake into which Tigris runneth 600. f. from the Riuer it selfe, at Aginis a towne of the Susians. Hauing sailed 150. f. he staid till the returne of his Messengers from the King. At last both armies were ioined with incredible ioy, and Alexander exhibited diuers kinds [ 60] of game with sacrifices, & much honour was done to Nearchus; Alexander also crowned him and Leonnatus with a crown of gold. Alexander sent others on the right hand to discouer all the coasts of Arabia. And thus Europe must acknowledge Alexander the chiefe Easterne discouerer, as the Roman armes first opened to vs the West. We will adde a little out of Ecclesiasticall writers.

CHAP. X. The Trauels of MVSaeVS, THEBaeVS and others mentioned by Saint AMBROSE * 1.634; of others also mentioned in the Ecclesiasticall Hi∣stories of EVSEBIVS, RVF••INVS, SO∣CRATES and SOZOMEN.

MVsaeus Bishop of the Dolens related to the Authour of the Tractate De Moribus [ 10] Brachmanorum (supposed to be Saint Ambroses) that hee intending to goe into India to see the Brachmans, had trauelled thorow almost all the Region Serica, in which hee said there were Trees (which brought fourth not only leaues, but very fine wooll also, of which they make Garments called Serica; and that there was a memorable Pillar of stone thus inscribed; I Alexander came hitherto; and that hauing passed thorow many Countreyes, he came at last to Ariana neere the Riuer Indus, and by the intolerable heat was inforced to returne into Europe, not hauing seene the Brachmans. He reported that he had heard of Thebaeus a certaine Scholer which went into India to see and conferre with Indian Philosophers called Brachmans and Gymnosophists: but hee was there capti∣ued. For shipping himselfe with certaine Merchants in the Red Sea, he first came to the Towne [ 20] of the Adulites, or the Bay Adulicus, after that to the Promontory Aromata, and a Mart of the Troglodytes, and hence to places of the Assumites, and many dayes after to Muziris the Mart of all India on this side Ganges, and hauing stayed a while there, he passed ouer to the Ile Taprobane. This is gouerned by foure Princes, one of which is the chiefe, whom the others obey, and to him are subiect a thousand Ilands, as he reported, of the Arabian and Persian Seas, and those which they call Mammolas a 1.635. The Iland hath fiue Riuers very great, the temperature such that at the same time the same Trees produced blossomes and fruits some greene, some ripe. The men liue on Fruits, Rice and Milke, and the chiefe men eate Mutton and Goats flesh on solemne dayes. He was taken as a Spie and kept sixe yeeres in Prison, but the Gouernour which had so vsed a Roman Citizen, was by the Emperors command flayed. He reporteth true and false things blen∣ded, [ 30] and amongst others of the Brachmans thus.* 1.636 They liue naked in the Regions adioyning to the Riuer Ganges; they haue no beasts, tillage, vse of Iron, nor any kinde of Instrument to doe any worke: they haue an excellent Aire and temperate Climate. They alway worship God, of whom they professe a distinct knowledge, both of his Prouidence and Diuinity. They alwayes pray, but in their Prayer looke not to the East, but directly to Heauen. They eate (as the beasts) what they find on the ground, leaues, and herbes; they haue the herbe Inula and the Tree Acan∣thus. The men liue on the further side of Ganges, on the Ocean Coasts, the women on this side, to whom their Husbands vse to haue recourse in Iuly and August. For those moneths b 1.637 seeme colder there, because the Sunne then comes neerer to vs, and when they haue continued fortie dayes with their wiues, they returne home. When a woman hath had a child or two, her Hus∣band [ 40] forbeareth her altogether. And if in fiue yeeres a woman hath no child, shee is diuorced. And thus their number is but small. The Riuer is passed ouer with great difficultie by reason of the tyrannie of Ondonitus, which infesteth those places, and of a certaine beast so great that hee deuoureth a whole Elephant. This beast is not seene when the Brachmans time of passage is. There are Dragons also reported to be seuentie Cubits long, I saw one whose skin was two and fortie foot: Ants as great as a mans span, Scorpions a Cubit long, &c. If this Scholler Thebaeus be worthy credit. There are in the same Tractate added out of the Writers of Alexanders life many speeches and discourses of the Brachmans, which I forbeare here to insert. They indeed are in many points admirable, if some Greekes haue not rather made experiment of their wits and facultie in Philo∣sophicall discourses, then deliuered a true Historie; at least mixed truth and seeming together, as wee see here in this Bishop and his Thebaeus. Those Gymnosophists (as Megasthenes also related) condemned [ 50] Calanus, which followed Alexander, whose Epistle is extant in a worke of Saint Ambrose lesse suspected, which I haue here also inserted, out of Saint Ambrose his seuenth Epistle.

Calanus to Alexander. Thy friends perswade thee to lay hands and violence on an Indian Philosopher; not so much as dreaming of our workes. For thou maist remooue our bodies from place to place, but thou shalt not compell our minds to doe that which they are not willing, any more then thou canst make Stones or Trees to speake. A great fire causeth burning smart to liuing bodies, and worketh corruption: but we are aboue this, for we are burned aliue. No King or Prince can extort from vs to doe what we haue not determined: Nor are wee like the Philoso∣phers of Greece, which haue studied words insteed of deeds, to get themselues a name and repu∣tation. [ 60] With vs things are companions to words, and words to the things, our deeds quicke and speeches short, we haue a blessed libertie in vertue.

Eusebius c 1.638 in the Life of Constantine mentioneth an Indian Embassie sent to him with rich Presents of almost all kind of Gemmes, and beasts differing from our••, with Pictures and Statues, whereby the Indians acknowledged him Emperour, and King of all vnto the remotest Coast of

the Ocean, that as the Britaines, in the furthest West obeyed him at first, so now at last the In∣dians in the extremest East.

* 1.639Socrates and Sozomene in their Ecclesiasticall Histories haue related how in Constantines dayes Christian Religion entred the Inner India, which (as some thinke) till that time had not heard of Christ. Meropius a Philosopher of Tyre being desirous to see India (prouoked by the Exam∣ple of Metrodorus the Philosopher, which before that had trauelled thorow that Region) sailed thither with two boyes of his Kindred skilfull in the Greeke Tongue. When he had satisfied his desire, and was now readie to returne, the league betwixt the Indians and Roman Empire was broken, and the Philosopher with all his company were taken and slaine, the two youths excep∣ted, which were presented to the Indian King. The King tooke liking of them, and made one of them named Aedesius his Cup-bearer, and Frumentius (so was the other named) his Secreta∣ry. [ 10] Soone after the King dyed and gaue them liberty. The Queene seing the young King a child, desired their care and assistance till he were growne to manhood. They yeelded and Frumentius managed the gouernment, who enquiring amongst the Roman Merchants which came thither, whether there were any Christians amongst them, gaue them a place by themselues to serue God after the Christian manner, and in processe of time builded a Church to pray in. These Christi∣ans instructing some of the Indians in the mysteries of the faith, added them to their societie. When the King was come to mans estate, Frumentius and Aedesius deliuer vp their accounts, and desire leaue to returne to their Countrey, the King and his mother earnestly (but in vaine) in∣treating their stay.

Aedesius went to Tyre to see his friends, Frumentius went to Alexandria, and acquainted A∣thanasius, [ 20] then newly Bishop with the premisses, and the hopes of Indian conuersion, desiring him to send a Bishop and Clergie thither.* 1.640 Athanasius considering well the businesse, consecrateth Frumentius Bishop, saying he had no man fitter for that purpose, who thus honoured returneth and preacheth the faith to the Indians, builds many Churches, and by the grace of God worketh many Miracles, healing both bodies and soules of many. Ruffinus writeth, that hee heard these things of Aedesius himselfe,* 1.641 who also at Tyre obtayned the dignity of Priesthood. The Iberi∣ans (now called Georgians) were a the same time conuerted by meanes of a Captiue Christian woman, which by Miracles perswaded the King and people to receiue the faith of Christ, which sent Embassadors to Constantine to enter into league, and to obtayn a Bishop & Clergie, which the [ 30] same Ruffinus reporteth,* 1.642 he heard of Bacurius a great man of that Nation. Before we leaue Socra∣tes, it is meet in this Argument of Trauels, to mention his report of Palladius, a man of so strong constitution and admirable abilitie, that he in three dayes could ride from Constantinople to the Confines betwixt the Persian and Roman Empires, and returne thither againe to his Master Theodosius the Emperour in three other daies. Yea, he swiftly posted to all parts of the World to which he was sent, insomuch that one said of him, This man by his swiftnesse makes the Roman•• Empire, as large as it is, to be very narrow. The Persian King was amazed to heare these things re∣ported of him.

[ 40]

CHAP. XI. A briefe and generall consideration of * 1.643 Europe.

§. I. Of Europe compared with the other parts of the World. [ 50]

THree parts of the World haue beene three times * 1.644 visited by our more laborious then learned Muse: the Fourth for whose sake that triple-worke receiued so of∣ten suruay, hath seemed forgotten. Asia, Africa, and America, haue first bin discouered to our Reader, not as enioying the first and best place, but offering their readie seruice and best attendance vnto Europe; the least in quantity, and last in discourse, but greatest in those things which for greatnesse and goodnesse deserue the most applause and admiration. Our method hath not obserued that Feast-masters rule, at the beginning to set forth good Wine, and when men haue well drunke, then that which is worse; but we haue kept the good Wine vntill now: following His example, who in the first Creation made [ 60] Man last; in humane and reasonable designes, allots the last execution, to the first intentions; in Religions Mysteries sends the Gospel after the Law, giues Heauen after Earth, and reserues Himselfe for the last seruice, to be our exceeding great reward; when God shall be all in all vnto his seruants. Him I beseech that here also he will turne our water into Wine, that we may be able

to giue Feastiuall entertainment vnto our Guests, that as Europe excels the other parts of the World, so my Muse may here exceed her wonted selfe, and present it vnto you in ornaments of Art, Industry and Syncerity, befitting such a Subiect. Hard were our hap to suffer shipwracke in the Hauen; to faile in the last Act would marre the Comaedie; to be a stranger at home, and like the Lapwing to flie most and cry lowdest, being farthest from the Nest, were to trauell of vanitie, and bring forth folly,* 1.645 or with the wilde Prodigall in the Gospell to be still trauelling from himselfe. We are now in manner at home; when most remote, neuer out of European li∣mits, and therefore need not ••eare (as before) burning or frozen Zones, huge Oceans, new Con∣stellations, vnknowne Lands, vnpassable Deserts, vncouth Monsters, Sauage beasts, more beast∣ly and monstrous men. We need not follow the out-worne foot-prints of rare vncertaine Tra∣uellers, [ 10] where Truth herselfe is suspicious in such forren disguised habit, nor need wee doubt to want guides, except the store become a sore, and plentie troublesome. Only we may feare in this taske frequent Censurers, not rigid Catoes, or seuerer iudicious Iudges, but capricious Nouices, which hauing comne to their Lands sooner then their wits, would think the World might con∣demne them of ill-spent time, if they should not spend an indigested censure on the Bookish Trauels of others. Bu•• I should be like them if I should feare them, shallow and emptie. How∣euer, I haue aduentured on this European Stage: wherein we are first to consider the more generall Occurrences, and after that the particular Regions. Of the former sort are the Names, Bounds▪ Excellencies, Languages.

[ 20]

§. II. The Names of Europe.

THe Ancients haue differed much, nor is the question yet agreed on, about the limits of Europe,* 1.646 some comprehending Africa vnder this diuision (making but two parts of the World) others adding the same to Asia. Thus Varro diuides the Vniuerse into Hea∣uen and Earth, this into Asia and Europe, allowing to that the Southerne parts, to this the Northerne. So Silius sings of Afrike,

[ 30] Aut ingens Asiae latus, aut pars tertia rerum.

L••can otherwise,

—Si ve••tos Coelam{que} sequaris Pars erit Europae,* 1.647 ne{que} enim plus littora Nili Quam Scyth••••us Tanais primis à Gadibus absint.

This opinion is alleadged by Salust, Saint Augustine, Orosius, Paulinus,* 1.648 followed by Isocrates and others. But the most attribute to Europe only a third, and that the least part in their par∣tition of the elder World.

No lesse contention hath beene about the Etymology of the Name, which Herodotus saith is vnknowne. Others fetch from I know not what E••ropae, the daughter of Agenor, rauished by Iupiter in forme of a Bull. The Truth should indeed be rauished by our Poets, if the Fable bee re∣ceiued; [ 40] for she was transported from Phoenicia, a Region of Asia into Africa;* 1.649 others say into Cy∣prus; and if wee agree to others that it was into Creta, yet 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, vnl••kely it is a small Iland for a small stay (for shee was after that carried into Afrike) could giue name to so great a part of the World. Nor haue wee much more satisfaction in Europus, the sonne of one Hi∣merus King of some part (can you tell where?) of Europe. Europs raigned ouer the Sicyonians, saith Pausanias: at that time when Abram was borne, if wee follow Eusebius, and may bee the likelier Author of this name. Some ascribe it to the goodlinesse of the Europaean Tract, as being beautifull to the sight. Becanus deriues it from ver, * 1.650 which signifieth great or excellent, and hop, a multitude; rather chasing a Dutch then Greeke Etymologie, that people inhabiting Europe soo∣ner (as hee conceiues) then this. And in another booke noted by himselfe for a second Impression, [ 50] he liketh better that it should be composed of E, i. marriage; ur excellent; hop, hope; alluding to that prophecie of Noah, that Iapheth should dwell in the tents of Shem, whose posterity being diuor∣ced, the Church of the Gentiles in Iaphets progenie should succeed in a more stable and euerlasting marriage. Ptolemey better thinkes it might bee called Celtica, almost euery Region thereof being antiently either wholly or in part, peopled with the Celtae: which Ortelius, Paulus Merula, and others haue shewed in the particulars. Some haue called Europe Tyria, of that Tyriam ma••den aforesaid rauished by a Bull (a Bull-formed, or as others, a Bull-signed ship; after Paleph••tus, a man whose name was Bull; a Band of Souldiers say others bearing a Bull in their Banner; the Mythologians can tell you more, if this bee not too much:) Some haue of Iaphet called it Iapetia. The Abasines and Easterne Inhabitants of Asia call the Europaeans Franks, which name I suppose [ 60] was occasioned by their Expeditions and Conquests in the Holy Land, and the Countries adioy∣ning by the Westerne Forces,* 1.651 in the composition whereof the French were a principall ingredi∣ent; that I mention not a French Councell to further it, and the Crowne of Ierusalem falling to Godfrie of Bullen & his heires to reward it: whence it hapned that the Europaeans then were, and

euer since are by the Saracens and Easterne Asians called Frankes; as perhappes for the same cause the Turkes call those of the Popish Faith, stiling those of the Greekish Religion Romaans, of their chiefe Citie Constantinople, otherwise named New Rome.

§. III. The Quantitie, and Bounds.

THe quantitie of Europe is much larger, especially towards the North, then Ptolemey and [ 10] the elder Geographers haue written. At Wardhouse, and the North Cape, the longest day is reckoned two moneths and seuen houres, in 71. degrees 30. minutes, whereas at the Hill Calpe, one of Hercules Pillars, and at Cab•• Mai••i in Morea (accounted the most Southerne parts in 36. degrees) the day is but fourteene houres and an halfe at the longest. Much diffe∣rence hath beene about the Easterne Confines. Plato, Aristotle, Herodotus, and others extend it to the Riuer Phasis, or that Isthmus betwixt the Euxine and Caspian Seas; Dionysius, Arrian••s, Di••dorus, Polybius, I••rnandes, adde nothing to the Riuer Tanais: which Ortelius passeth ouer and takes in both V••lga and all the Muscouites and Tartarian Hords, as farre as the Riuer Ob. Pto∣lemey imagineth a line from Tanais Northwards; which well agrees to the method of our Histo∣ry, as including the most part of the Russian Empire. All the other parts are bounded and washed by the Sea, Palus Maeotis, the Euxine, and Egean on the East inclining to the South; the [ 20] Mediterranean on the South, on the West and North the Ocean. Bertius numbers 2400. Italian miles in the latitude, and 3000. in the longitude.

§. IIII. The Qualitie and Excellencies.

THe Qualitie of Europe exceeds her Quantitie, in this the least, in that the best of the World. For how many both Seas and Deserts take vp spacious Regions in Asia, Africa, and America? whereas in Europe neither watry Fens, nor vnstable Bogs, [ 30] nor Inland Seas, nor vnwholsome Ayres, nor wild Woods, with their wilder Sauage Inhabitants, nor snow-couered Hills, nor stiffling Frosts, nor long long Nights, nor craggy Rocks, nor barren Sands, nor any other effect of Angry Nature, where she seemes in some, or other parts thereof the hardest step-mother, can prohibite all habitation and humane societie. In the most parts Nature hath shewed her selfe a naturall and kind Mother; the prouidence of God, and industry of Man, as it were conspiring the Europaean good. Which of the Sisters are comparable in a temperate aire? which in a soile so generally fertile, so diuersified in Hills and Dales, so goodly Medowes, cheerefull Vineyards, rich Fields, fat Pastures, shadie Woods, delightfull Gardens, varietie of Creatures on it, of Metalls and Mineralls in it, of Plants and Fruits growing out of it? Which so watered with Fountaines, Brookes, Riuers, Bathes, Lakes out of her owne bowells? such sweet [ 40] Dewes and comfortable Showers from Heauen? so frequent insinuations of the Sea, both for commerce with others, and proper Marine commodities? Which so peopled with resolute coura∣ges, able bodies, well qualified mindes? so fortified with Castles, edified with Townes, crowned with Cities? And if in some of these things Asia, Afrike, and America may seeme equall, or in any thing superiour,* 1.652 yet euen therein also they are inferiour, by iust and equall inequalitie made Tributaries and Seruants to Europe: the first captiued by Alexander, the first and second by the Romans, the last and the most commodious places of the first, with all the Sea Trade, by Spanish and Portugall Discoueries and Conquests; first, second, last, All and more then they all, since and still made open and obnoxious to the English and Dutch, which haue discouered new Northerne Worlds, and in their thrice-worthy Marine Armes haue so often imbraced the inferiour Globe. [ 50] Asia yeerely sends vs her Spices, Silkes, Gemmes; Africa her Gold and Iuory; Ame∣rica receiueth seuerer Customers and Taxe-Masters, almost euery where admitting Europae∣an Colonies.

If I speake of Arts and Inuentions (which are Mans properest goods, immortall Inheritance to our mortalitie) what haue the rest of the world comparable? First the Liberall Arts are most liberall to vs, hauing long since forsaken their Seminaries in Asia and Afrike, and here erected Colledges and Vniuersities. And if one Athens in the East (the antient Europaean glory) now by Turkish Barbarisme be infected, how many many Christian Athenses haue wee in the West for it? As for Mechanicall Sciences, I could reckon our Ancestors inuentions now lost, as that mallea∣ble Glasse in the dayes of Tiberias; that oleum vi••um found in olde Sepulchers still burning, after [ 60] 1500. yeeres;* 1.653 I could glory of Archimedes his ingenuous Engines; but miserum est isthuc ver∣bum & pessimum, habuisse & non habere. I can recite later inuentions the Daughters of wonder. What eye doth not almost loose it selfe in beholding the many artificiall Mazes and Labyrinths

in our Watches, the great heauenly Orbes and motions imitated in so small a modell? What eares but Europaean, haue heard so many Musicall Inuentions for the Chamber, the Field, the Church? as for Bells, Europe alone beares the bel, and heares the Musicall consort thereof in the Steeples di∣uersified, yea thence descending to Birds and Squirells? Where hath the taste beene feasted with such varieties for delight, for health? are not Distillations, the Arts also of Candying and Preser∣uing meere Europaean? If I should descend lower, who inuented the Stirrop to ascend, the Saddle to ride the Horse? Who deuised so many kindes of motions by Clock-workes, besides Clockes and Dialls to measure Time, the measurer of all things? Who inuented wild Fires that scorne the waters force and violence? Who out of ragges to bring such varieties of Paper for Mans ma∣nifold [ 10] vse? Who so many kinds of Mills? Who euer dream't of a perpetuall Motion by Art, or De quadratura circuli, or innumerable other Mathematicall, and Chymicall deuises? And what hath Mars in the World elsewhere to parallel with our Ordnance, and all sorts of Gunnes? or the Muses with our Printing? Alas, China yeelds babes and bables in both compared with vs and ours: the rest of the World haue them borrowed of vs or not at all. And for the Art Military, the exactest Science, Discipline, Weapons, Stratagems, Engines, Resolution, Successe herein, haue honoured Europe with the Macedonian and Roman spoiles of the World: and euen still the Tur∣kish puissance is here seated; the English, Dutch, French, Italian, Spanish courages haue not de∣generated from those Ancestors, which tamed and shooke in pieces that Tamer and Terror of the World, the Roman Monarchy.

[ 20] But what speake I of Men, Arts, Armes? Nature hath yeelded her selfe to Europaean Industry. Who euer found out that Loadstone and Compasse, that findes out and compasseth the World? Who euer tooke possession of the huge Ocean, and made procession round about the vast Earth? Who euer discouered new Constellations, saluted the Frozen Poles, subiected the Burning Zones? And who else by the Art of Nauigation haue seemed to imitate Him, which laies the beames of his Chambers in the Waters, and walketh on the wings of the Wind? And is this all?* 1.654 Is Europe onely a fruitfull Field, a well watered Garden, a pleasant Paradise in Nature? A conti∣nued Citie for habitation? Queene of the World for power? A Schoole of Arts Liberall, Shop of Mechanicall, Tents of Military, Arsenall of Weapons and Shipping? And is shee but Nurse to Nature, Mistresse to Arts, Mother of resolute Courages and ingenious dispositions? Nay these are [ 30] the least of Her praises, or His rather, who hath giuen Europe more then Eagles wings, and lifted her vp aboue the Starres.

I speake it not in Poeticall fiction, or Hyperbolicall phrase, but Christian Sincerity. Europe is taught the way to scale Heauen, not by Mathematicall principles, but by Diuine veritie. IESVS CHRIST is their way, their truth, their life; who hath long since giuen a Bill of Di∣uorce to ingratefull Asia where hee was borne, and Africa the place of his flight and refuge, and is become almost wholly and onely Europaean. For little doe wee find of this name in Asia, lesse in Africa, and nothing at all in America, but later Europaean gleanings. Here are his Scrip∣tures, Oratories, Sacraments, Ministers, Mysteries. Here that Mysticall Babylon, and that Pa∣pacie (if that bee any glory) which challengeth both the Bishopricke and Empire of the World;* 1.655 [ 40] and here the victory ouer that Beast (this indeed is glory) by Christian Reformation according to the Scriptures. God himselfe is our portion, and the lot of Europes Inheritance, which hath made Nature an indulgent Mother to her, hath bowed the Heauens ouer her in the kindest influence, hath trenched the Seas about her in most commodious affluence, hath furrowed in her delightfull, profitable confluence of Streames, hath tempered the Ayre about her, fructified the Soyle on her, enriched the Mines vnder her, diuersified his Creatures to serue her, and multiplied Inhabitants to enioy her; hath giuen them so goodly composition of body, so good disposition of mind, so free condition of life, so happy successe in affaires; all these annexed as attendants to that true happinesse in Religions truth, which brings vs to God againe, that hee may bee both Alpha and Omega in all our good. Euen in Ciuilitie also Europe is the youngest of the Three, but as Benia∣min, [ 50] the best beloued, made heire to the Rest, exchanging the Pristine Barbarisme, and Inciuili∣tie (which Authors blame in our Ancestors) with Asia and Africa, for that Ciuilitie of Man∣ners, and Glory of Acts and Arts, which they (as neerer the Arkes resting place) sooner enioyed, by Moh••metan pestilence long since becomne barbarous; the best of the one fitly called Barbaria, and the best Moniments of the other being but names, ruines, carkasses, and sepulchrall Moni∣ments of her quandam Excellencies.

§. V. [ 60] Of the Languages of Europe.

AS for their particular manners, dispositions, customes, wee shall in due place obserue:* 1.656 their Mother Tongues and Originall Languages I will here out of Scaliger (our Euro∣paean Mithridates) relate. Of these he now reckons in Europe eleuen, seuen of smaller note, foure of greater, which yeeld many Dialects, seeming differing languages out of

them. These are the Greeke, Latin, Dutch, and Slavon, from whence by inflexion, traiection, mu∣tation, and mixture, are deriued many others. Thus the Slavon hath Daughters or Dialects, the Russian, Polonian, Bohemian, Illyrian, Dalmatian, and Windish tongues; some of these also not a little in themselues diuersified. They vse two sorts of letters, the Russian depraued from the Greek••, with some barbarous additions; and the Dalmatian of Saint Hieroms inuention, much vnlike the former. The Dutch hath three principall Idiomes, Teutonisme, Saxonisme, and Danisme. The first containes both ••he High and Low Dutch; the second, the Nord-albing, Frisland and English Dia∣lects; the third Danish, Sweden, and the Norwegian, Mother of that of the Islanders. The Latin hath propagated the Italian, Spanish and French. The Greeke in so many Lands and Ilands so farre distant, cannot but be much different. [ 10]

The smaller languages yet Originall, without commerce and deriuation from others are, the Epirotike, or Albanian in the Mountaines of Epirus: Secondly the Cosaks or Tartarian: Thirdly, the Hungarian, which the Hunnes and Auares brought thither out of Asia: Fourthly, that of Finnemark, which yeelds also the Lappian: Fiftly the Irish, which is vsed likewise of the Red∣shankes: Sixtly the Welsh or Brittish (the same with that of the ancient Galles, as Master Camden hath proued) spoken diuersly in Wales, Cornwall, and little Britaine: Seuenthly, the Biscaine, the remainder of the old Spanish, in vse on both sides the Pyrenaean Hills. These were all in Ecclesia∣sticall affaires subiected to the Constantinopolitan and Roman Bishops, and vsed fiue sorts of letters, the Greeke, Latin, and Gottish, besides those two formerly mentioned. The Greeke principally pos∣sesseth the South East, the Latin with her Daughters, the South; the Dutch, the North-west parts of Europe; and the North-east, the Slauon. [ 20]

And thus haue we giuen a taste, of that which sometimes was intended, an Europaean Feast: in which if I seeme to haue broken promise, I haue not done it alone; and pouertie cleeres mee of perfidie. If yet my rashnesse bee accused, in promising vpon hopes of others assistance, let him that hath relieued those wants throw the first stone at the Prom••ser. How euer, I will rather confesse the Action then stand Sute. Nor doe I now beg helpes in that kind▪ it is too late. My body is worne and old before and beyond my yeeres; and to haue borne so long two such burthens as a Pulpit and Presse, that is, Heauen and Earth, would perhaps haue tired my quarrelling Plaintiffe too, to haue ascended the one (idque Londini) twice or thrice a weeke ordinarily, and descended the other with so frequent successions, and long continuati∣ons. Hercules and Atlas were both weary of one burthen: Patience yet and pardon! for I haue paid here a great part of my debt. I haue giuen thee the Christian Sects, and Europes▪ Ecclesiastike part, with her [ 30] other Secular parts also in great p••••t both in Maps and History presented, especially there where she•• was lest knowne: and if not so fully as the former in my Pilgrimage, yet Poore men are welcome pay-ma∣sters when they come with parts each weeke or moneth, or with day-labour-set-offs; though they cannot at once discharge the whole debt. Indeed my Genius most leads mee to remotest and lest knowne things, that where few others can giue intelligence, I may supply the Intelligencers place. Of neere and knowne things, Scribimus indocti doctique poemata passim. I haue giuen thee Arctoa Regio, the Polare World;* 1.657 and Antarctica, the Southerne Continent; and both Americas; besides Asia, Africa, and Eu∣rope knowne to the Antients. Yea I haue giuen thee an Asia in Asia, and an Africa in Africa neuer knowne to the Ancients; as likewise I may affirme of the Northerne Parts of Europe. Coetera quis [ 40] nescit? Who cannot dull and deafe thine ••ares with French, Dutch, Spanish, Italian affaires? Neither are we destitute of some intelligence and sleighter knowledge of Spaine, France, and Germany, Italy and other parts, which you will find handled in one or other place of this Worke, as much as concerneth our Trauelling purpose. As for Spaine, the Kings Title is a sufficient Lecture, which some thus expresse: P. By the Grace of God King of Castile, Lions, Arragon, both Sicills, Ierusalem, Portugall, Nauarre, Grana∣da, Toledo, Valencia, Galicia, Maiorca and Minorca, Siuil, Sardinia, Corduba, Corsica, Murcia, Iaen, Algarbia, Algeria, Gibraltar, Canary Ilands, East and West Indies, of the Ilands and Continent of the Ocean; Archduke of Austria, Duke of Burgundy, Loraine, Brabant, Lunburg, Luxemburg, Geldres, Millaine, &c. Earle of Habspurg, Flanders, Tirol, Barcelona, Artois, Hannalt, Holand, Zeland, Namur, Z••tphen, &c. Marquesse of the Empire, Lord of Biscay, Friezland, Mecklin, Vtreck, Ouer-Isell, Gruningen. Ruler in Asia and in Africa. This doth more fully present the present Spaine to your [ 50] view, then to tell the Scituation, Mountaines and Riuers; of which euery Map and Traueller can in∣forme you. France also is not to be now measured by the antient Geographicall limits, but by the present Royall, so much being most properly France, as is comprehended in that most compact, best seated, well peopled, and goodliest of Kingdomes. The parts you shall see in the Diocesse hereafter following. Germa∣ny in largest sense by some is bounded by Rhene, Vistula, the Danow and the Ocean, is diuided into Kingdomes,* 1.658 Dukedomes, Counties, and Marquisates. The Kingdomes are Denmarke, Norway, Sweden, Boheme. The rest concerning Germany and other parts of Europe I teach not here; I point at rather these things, and therefore will returne to Our former discourse of languages, and therein pro∣duce a better Linguist and Artist then my selfe, Our learned Countryman, Master Brerewood in his laborious Trauells and Industrious Enquiries of Languages and Rel••gion••. [ 60]

CHAP. XII. Enquiries of Languages by EDW. BREREWOOD, lately professor of Astronomy in Gresham Colledge.

GReece, as it was anciently knowne by the name of Hellas, was inclosed betwixt the Bay of Ambracia, with the Riuer Arachthus, that falleth into it on the West,* 1.659 and the Riuer Peneneus on the North, and the Sea on other parts. So that Acar••a∣nia and Thessalie, were toward the Continent the vtmost Regions of Gre••ce. But [ 10] yet, not the Countries onely contained within those limits, but also the King∣domes of Macedon, and Epirus; being the next adioyning Prouinces (Maced••n toward the North, Epirus toward the West) had anciently the Greek•• tongue for their vul∣gar language: for although it belonged originally to Hellas alone, yet in time it became vulgar to these also.

Secondly, it was the language of all the Isles in the Aegaean Sea; of all those Ilands I say, that are betwixt Greece and Asia, both of the many small ones, that lie betweene Candie and Negro∣pont, named Cyclades (there are of them fiftie three) and of all aboue Negropont also, as farre as the Strait of Constantinople.

Thirdly, of the Iles of Candie, Scarpanto, Rhodes, and a part of Cyprus and of all the small Ilands [ 20] along the Coast of Asia, from Candie to Syria.

Fourthly, not only of all the West part of Asia the lesse, (now called Anatolia, and corrup••ly Natolia) lying toward the Aegaean Sea, as being very thicke planted with Greeke Colonies:* 1.660 of which, some one, Miletus by name, is registred by Seneca, to haue beene the Mother of seuentie fiue, by Plinie, of eightie Cities; But on the North side also toward the Euxine Sea, as farre (saith Isocrates) as Sinope, and on the South side respecting Afrique, as farre (saith Luci••••) as the Chelidonian Iles, which are ouer against the confines of Lycia with Pamphylia. And yet although within these limits onely, Greeke was generally spoken, on the Maritime Coast of Asia, yet be∣yond them, on both the shoares Eastward, were many Greeke Cities (though not without Barbarous Cities among them.) And specially I find the North coas•• of Asia, euen as farre as [ 30] Trebizond, to haue beene exceedingly well stored with them. But, it may bee further obserued likewise out of Histories, that not onely all the Maritime part of Anatolia could vnderstand and speake the Greeke tongue, but most of the Inland people also, both by reason of the great traffike, which those rich Countries had for the most part with Grecians, and for that on all sides the East onely excepted, they were inuironed with them. Yet neuerthelesse, it is worthy obseruing, that albeit the Greeke tongue preuailed so farre in the Regions of Anatolia, as to bee in a manner generall, yet for all that it neuer became vulgar, nor extinguished the vulgar languages of those Countries. For it is not onely particularly obserued of the Galatians, by Hierome,* 1.661 that beside the Greeke tongue, they had also their peculiar language like that of Trier: and of the Carians by Strabo, that in their language were found many Greeke wordes, which doth manifestly import it [ 40] to haue beene a seuerall tongue:* 1.662 but it is directly recorded by Strabo (out of Ephorus) that of sixteene seuerall Nations, inhabiting that Tract, only three were Grecians, and all the rest (whose names are there registred) barbarous; and yet are not omitted the Cappadocians, Galatians, Lydi∣ans, Maeonians, Cataonians, no small Prouinces of that Region. Euen as it is also obserued by Plinie and others, that the twentie two languages,* 1.663 whereof Mithridates King of Pontus is remembred to haue beene so skilfull, as to speake them without an Interpreter, were the languages of so ma∣ny Nations subiect to himselfe, whose dominion yet wee know to haue beene contained, for the greatest part, within Anatolia. And although all these bee euident testimonies, that the Greeke tongue was not the vulgar or natiue language of those parts, yet, among all none is more effectual, then that remembrance in the second Chapter of the Acts, where diuers of those Regions, as Cappadocia, Pontus, Asia, Phrygia, and Pamphylia,* 1.664 are brought in for instances of differing [ 50] languages.

Fiftly, Of the greatest part of the Maritime Coast of Thrace, not onely from Hellespont to By∣zantium (which was * 1.665 that part of Constantinople, in the East corner of the Citie, where the Ser∣raile of the Great Tu••ke now standeth) but aboue it, all along to the out-lets of Danubius. And yet beyond them also; I find many Greeke Cities to haue been planted along that Coast (Scylax of Carianda is my Author, with some others) as farre as the Strait of Caffa, and specially in Tau∣rica. Yea, and beyond that Strait also Eastward, along all the Sea Coast of Circassia, and Men∣grelia, to the Riuer of Phasis, and thence compassing to Trebizond, I find mention of ma∣ny scattered Greeke Cities: that is, (to speake briefly) in all the circumferences of the [ 60] Euxine Sea.

Sixtly, (from the East and North to turne toward the West) it was the language of all the West and South Ilands, that lie along the Coast of Greece, from Candie to Corfu, which also was one of them, and withall of that fertile Sicily, in which one Iland, I haue obserued in good Histo∣ries,

aboue thirtie Greeke Colonies to haue beene planted, and some of them goodly Cities, spe∣cially Agrigentum and Syracusa,* 1.666 which later Strabo hath recorded to haue been one hundred and eighty furlongs, that is, of our miles two and twenty and a halfe in circuit.

Seuenthly, not onely of all the Maritime Coast of Italie, that lyeth on the Tyrrhene Sea, from the Riuer Garigliano, (Liris it was formerly called) to Leucopet••a, the most Southerly point of Italie, for all that shoare being neere about two hundred and fortie miles, was inhabited with Greeke Colonies: And thence forward, of all that end of Italie, that lyeth towardes the Ionian Sea, about the great Bayes of Squilacci and Taranto (which was so thicke set with great and goodly Cities of Graecians, that it gained the name of Magna Graecia) but, beyond that also, of a great part of Apulia, lying towards the Adriatique Sea. Neither did these Maritime parts one∣ly, [ 10] but as it seemeth the Inland people also towards that end of Italie, speake the Greeke tongue. For I haue seene a few old Coynes of the Brutians,* 1.667 and more may bee seene in Goltzius hauing Greeke Inscriptions, wherein I obserue they are named 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, with an ae, and two it, and not as the Romane Writers terme them, Brutij. And I haue seene one piece also of Pandosia, an In∣land Citie of those parts, with the like. Neither was the vulgar vse of the Greeke Tongue, vt∣terly extinct in some of those parts of Italie, till of late: for Galateus a learned man of that Countrey, hath left written, that when he was a Boy (and he liued about one hundred and twen∣tie yeeres agoe) they spake Greeke in Callipollis, a City on the East shoare of the Bay of Taranto: But yet it continued in Ecclesiasticall vse in some other parts of that Region of Italie much later▪ for Gabriel Barrius that but liued about forty yeeres since, hath left recorded, that the Church of Rossano (an Archiepiscopall Citie in the vpper Calabria) retayned the Greeke Tongue and Cere∣mony [ 20] till his time, and then became Latine. Nay, to descend yet a little neerer the present time, Angelus Rocca that writ but about twentie yeeres agoe, hath obserued, that hee found in some parts of Calabria, and Apulia, some remaynders of the Greeke speech to bee still retayned.

Eightly, and lastly, that shoare of France, that lyeth towards the Mediterraine Sea, from Ro∣danus to Italie, was possessed with Graecians, for a 1.668 Massilia was a Colonie of the Phoceans, and from it many other Colonies were deriued, and b 1.669 placed along that shoare, as farre as Nicaea, in the beginning of Italie, which also was one of them.

And yet beside all these forenamed, I could reckon vp very many other dispersed Colonies of [ 30] the Greekes both in Europe, and Asia, and some i•• Afrique, for although I remember not, that I haue read in any History, any Colonies of the Grecians to h••ue beene planted in Afrique, any where from the greater Syrtis Westward, except one in Cirta, a City of Numidia, placed there by Micipsa the Sonne of Masinissa, as is mentioned in Strabo: yet thence Eastward it is certaine some were:* 1.670 for the great Cities of Cyrene and Alexandria, were both Greeke. And it is euident, not onely in c 1.671 Strabo and Ptolemie, but in Mela, and other Latine Writers, that most of the Ci∣ties of that part carried Greeke names. And lastly, Saint Hierome hath directly recorded, that Lybia, which is properly that part of Afrique adioyning to Aegypt, was full of Greeke Cities.

These were the places, where the Greeke Tongue was natiuely and vulgarly spoken, either [ 40] originally, or by reason of Colonies. But yet for other causes, it became much more large and generall. One was the loue of Philosophie, and the Liberall Arts written in a manner onely in Greeke. Another, the exceeding great Trade and Traffique of Graecians, in which, aboue all Na∣tions, except perhaps the old Phaenicians (to whom yet they seeme not to haue beene inferiour) they imployed themselues, A third, beyond all these▪ because those great Princes, among whom all that Alexander the Great had conquered, was diuided, were Graecians, which for many rea∣sons, could not but exceedingly spread the Greeke ••ongue, in all those parts where they were Gouernours: among whom, euen one alone, Seleucus by name, is registred by Appian, to haue founded in the East parts vnder his gouernment,* 1.672 at least sixty Cities, all of them carrying Greek names, or else named after his Father, his Wiues, or himselfe. And yet was there a fourth cause, [ 50] that in the aftertime greatly furthered this inlargement of the Greeke Tongue, namely the im∣ployment of Graecians in the gouernment of the Prouinces, after the Translation of the Imperiall Seate to Constantinople. For these causes I say, together with the mixture of Greeke Colonies, dispersed in many places (in which fruitfulnesse o•• Colonies, the Graecians farre passed the Ro∣manes) the Greeke Tongue spread very farre, especially towards the East. In so much, that all the Orient (which yet must be vnderstood with limitation, namely the Orientall part of the Roman Empire, or to speake in the Phrase of those times, the Diocesse of the Orient, which contayned Syria,* 1.673 Palestine, Cilicia, and part of Mesopotamia and of Arabia) is said by Hierome, to haue spoken Greeke: which also Isidore, specially obserueth, in Aegypt, and Syria, to haue beene the Dorique Dialect. And this great glorie, the Greeke Tongue held in the Apostles time, and long [ 60] after, in the Easterne parts, till by the inundation of the Saracens of Arabia, it came to ruine in those Prouinces, about six hundred and forty yeeres after the birth of our Sauiour, namely, in the time of the Emperor Heraclius (the Arabians bringing in their language together with their

victories, into all the Regions they subdued) euen as the Latine Tongue is supposed to haue perished by the inundation and mixture of the Gothes, and other barbarous Nations in the West.

BVt at this day, the Greeke Tongue is very much decayed, not only as touching the largenesse,* 1.674 and vulgarnesse of it, but also in the purenesse and elegancie of the Language. For as touch∣ing the former. First, in Italie, France, and other places to the West, the naturall Languages of the Countries haue vsurped vpon it. Secondly, in the skirts of Greece it selfe, namely in Epirus, and that part of Macedon, that lyeth towards the Adriatique Sea, the Sclauonique Tongue hath extinguished it. Thirdly, in Anatolia, the Turkish Tongue hath for a great part suppressed it. And lastly, in the more Eastward, and South parts, as in that part of Cilicia, that is beyond the [ 10] Riuer Piramus, in Syria, Palestine, Aegypt and Lybia, the Arabian Tongue hath abolished it: A∣bolished it I say, namely, as touching any vulgar vse, for, as touching Ecclesiasticall vse, many Christians of those parts still retayne it in their Lyturgies. So that, the parts in which the Greeke Tongue is spoken at this day, are (in few words) but these. First Greece it selfe (excepting Epi∣rus, and the West part of Macedon.) Secondly, the Iles of the Aegean Sea. Thirdly, Candie, and the Iles Eastward of Candie, along the Coast of Asia to Cyprus (although in Cyprus, diuers other Languages are spoken, beside the Greeke) and likewise the Iles Westward of Candia, along the Coasts of Greece, and Epirus, to Corfu. And lastly, a good part of Anatolia.

But as I said, the Greeke Tongue, is not onely thus restrained, in comparison of the ancient ex∣tention that it had, but it is also much degenerated and impaired, as touching the purenesse of [ 20] speech, being ouer-growne with barbarousnesse: But yet not without some rellish of the ancient elegancie. Neither is it altogether so much declined from the ancient Greeke, as the Italian is de∣parted from the Latine, as Bell••nious hath also obserued,* 1.675 and by conferring of diuers Epistles of the present Language, which you may find in Crusius his Turcograecia, with the ancient Tongue, may be put out of question which corruption yet, certainly hath not befallen that Language, through any inundation of barbarous people, as is supposed to haue altered the Latine Tongue, for although I know Greece to haue beene ouer-runne and wasted, by the Gothes, yet I finde not in Histories, any remembrance of their habitation, or long continuance in Greece, and of their coa∣lition into one people with the Graecians, without which, I conceiue not, how the Tongue could be greatly altered by them. And yet certaine it is, that long before the Turkes came among them, [ 30] their Language was growne to the corruption wherein now it is, for that, in the Writings of Cedrenus, Nicetas, and some other late Greekes (although long before the Turkes inuasion) there is found, notwithstanding they were learned men, a strong rellish of this barbarousnesse: Inso∣much that the learned Graecians themselues, acknowledge it to bee very ancient, and are vtterly ignorant, when it began in their Language: which is to me a certaine argument,* 1.676 that it had no violent nor sudden beginning, by the mixture of other forreine Nations among them, but hath gotten into their Language, by the ordinarie change, which time and many common occasions that attend on time, are wont to bring to all Languages in the World, for which reason, the cor∣ruption of speech growing vpon them, by little and little, the change hath beene vnsensible. Yet it cannot be denied (and d 1.677 some of the Graecians themselues confesse so much) that beside [ 40] many Romane words, which from the Translation of the Imperiall Seat to Constantinople, began to creepe into their Language, as we may obserue in diuers Greeke Writers of good Antiquitie, some Italian words also, and Slauonian, and Arabique, and Turkish, and of other Nations, are got∣ten into their Language, by reason of the great Traffique and Commerce, which those people exercise with the Grecians. For which cause, as Bellonius hath obserued,* 1.678 it is more altered in the Maritime parts, and such other places of forreigne concourse, then in the inner Region. But yet, the greatest part of the corruption of that Language, hath beene bred at home, and proceeded from no other cause, then their owne negligence, or affectation. As first (for example) by mu∣tilation of some words, pronouncing and writing 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 &c. Secondly,* 1.679 by compaction of seuerall words into one, as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 &c. Third∣ly, [ 50] by confusion of sound, as making no difference in the pronouncing of three vowels, namely ••, i, v, and two Dipthongues ei and ••i, all which fiue they pronounce by one Letter i, as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, they pronounce icos, icon, stithi, lipi. Fourthly, by Translation of accents, from the syllables to which in ancient pronouncing they belonged, to others. And all those foure kinds of corruption, are very common in their Language: for which reasons, and for some others, which may be obserued in Crusius, Burrana, &c. the Greeke Tongue, is become much al∣tered (euen in the proper and natiue words of the Language) from what anciently it was.* 1.680 Yet neuerthelesse it is recorded by some, that haue taken diligent obseruation of that Tongue, in the seuerall parts of Greece, that there be yet in Morea, (Peloponesus) betwixt Napoli and Monem∣basia (Nauplia and Epidaurus, they were called) some fourteene Townes, the Inhabitants whereof [ 60] are called Zacones (for Lacones) that speake yet the ancient Greeke Tongue, but farre out of Grammer Rule: yet, they vnderstand those that speake Grammatically, but vnderstand not the vulgar Greeke. As Bellonius likewise remembreth another place, neere Heraclea in Anatolia,* 1.681 that yet retayneth the pure Greeke, for their vulgar Language. But the few places beeing excepted,

it is certaine, that the difference is become so great, betwixt the present and the ancient Greeke that their Lyturgie, e 1.682 which is yet read in the ancient Greeke Tongue, namely that of Basil, on the Sabbaths and solemne dayes, and that of Chrysostome on common dayes, is not vnderstood (or but little of it) by the vulgar people, as learned men that haue beene in those parts, haue related to f 1.683 others, and to my selfe: which may be also more euidently prooued to be true by this, be∣cause the skilfull in the learned Greeke cannot vnderstand the vulgar.

THe ordinary bounds of the Romane Empire were, on the East part Euphrates, and sometimes Tigris: On the North the Riuers of Rhene and of Danubius, and the Euxine Sea: On the West the Ocean: On the South the Cataracts of Nilus in the vtmost border of Aegypt, and in [ 10] Afrique the Mountaine Atlas. Which, beginning in the West, on the shoare of the Ocean, ouer against the Canarie Ilands, runneth Eastward almost to Aegypt, being in few places distant from the Mediterrane Sea, more then two hundred miles. These I say, were the ordinary bounds of that Empire in the Continent: for although the Romanes passed these bounds sometimes, specially toward the East and North, yet they kept little of what they wanne, but within those bounds mentioned, the Empire was firmely established. But heere, in our great Ile of Britaine, the Picts wall was the limit of it, passing by New-castle and Carleil from Tinmouth on the East Sea, to Solway Frith on the West, being g 1.684 first begun by the Emperour Adrian, and after finished or ra∣ther repaired, by Septimius Seuerus.

To this greatnesse of Dominion Rome at last arriued from her small beginnings. And small her [ 20] beginnings were indeed, considering the huge Dominion to which shee attained. For first, the Circuit of the Citie wall, at the first building of it, by Romulus in Mount Palatine, could not bee fully one mile:* 1.685 for the Hill it selfe, as is obserued by Andrea Fuluio, a Citizen and Antiquarie of Rome, hath no more in circuit: And, that Romulus bounded the Pomerium of the Citie (which extended some what beyond the wall) with the foot of that Hill in compasse Gellius hath left re∣gistred. Secondly, the Territorie and Liberties of Rome, as Strabo hath remembred, extended at the first, where it stretched farthest scarce six miles from the Citie. And thirdly, the first Inha∣bitants of Rome,* 1.686 as I find recorded in Dionysius of Halicarnassus, were not in number aboue 3300. at the most. Yet, with Time, and fortunate successe, Rome so increased, that in Aurelianus his time, the circuit of the Citie wall, was fiftie miles, as Vopiscus hath recorded: And the Domini∣on, grew to the largenesse aboue mentioned, contayning aboue 3000. miles in length, and about [ 30] 1200. in breadth: and lastly the number of free Citizens, euen in the time of Marius, that is, long before forreigne Cities and Countries, began to be receiued into participation of that free∣dome, was found to be 463000. as Eusebius hath remembred: of free Citizens I say (for they one∣ly came into Cense) but if I should adde,* 1.687 their wiues, and children, and seruants, that is, general∣ly all the Inhabitants, h 1.688 a learned man hath esteemed them, and not without great likelihood of truth, to haue beene no lesse, then three or foure Millions.

Beyond these bounds therefore of the Roman Empire (to speake to the point in hand) the Ro∣man tongue could not bee in any common vse, as neither, to speake of our Kings Dominions in Ireland, Scotland, nor Northumberland, as being no subiects of the Roman Empire. And that with∣in [ 40] these bounds it stretched farre and wide (in such manner as I will afterward declare) two principall causes there were. One was the multitude of Colonies, which partly to represse re∣bellion in the subdued Prouines, partly to resist forreigne Inuasions partly to reward the ancient Souldiers, partly to abate the redundance of the City, and relieue the poorer sort, were sent forth to inhabit in all the Prouinces of the Empire: Another was the Donation of Romane free∣dome, or Communication of the right and benefit of Romane Citizens, to very many of the Pro∣uinciall, both Cities and Regions. For first, all Italie obtained that freedome in the time of Sylla and Marius,* 1.689 at the compounding of the Italian Warre, as Appian hath recorded: All Italie I say, as then it was called, and bounded, with the Riuers of Rubicon and Arnus, that is, the nar∣rower part of Italie lying betwixt the Adriatique and the Tyrrhene Seas. Secondly, Iulius Cae∣sar in like sort infranchised the rest of Italie,* 1.690 that is the border part, named then Gallia C••salpina, [ 50] as is remembred by Dion. But not long after, the forreigne Prouinces also, began to bee infran∣chised,* 1.691 France being indued with the liberty of Roman Citizens by Galba, as I find in Tacitus; Spain by Vespasian, as it is in Plinie. And at last, by Antonius Pius, all without exception, that were subiect to the Empire of Rome, as appeareth by the testimonie of Vlpian in the Digests. The benefit of which Romane freedome, they that would vse, could not with honestie doe it, remay∣ning ignorant of the Romane Tongue.

These two as I haue said, were the principall causes of inlarging that Language: yet other there were also of great importance, to further it. For first, concerning Ambassages, Suites, Ap∣peales, or whatsoeuer other businesse of the Prouincials, or Forreignes, nothing was allowed to behandled, or spoken in the Senate at Rome, but in the Latine Tongue. Secondly, the Lawes [ 60] whereby the Prouinces were gouerned, were all written in that Language, as beeing in all of them, excepting onely Municipall Cities, the ordinary Roman Law. Thirdly, the i 1.692 Praetors of the Prouinces, were not allowed to deliuer their Iudgements saue in that Language: and wee

reade in Dion Cassius, of a principall man of Greece, that by Claudius was put from the order of Iudges, for being ignorant of the Latine Tongue: and to the same effect in Valerius Maximus,* 1.693 that the Romane Magistrates would not giue audience to the Graecians, (lesse therefore I take it to the Barbarous Nations) saue in the Latine Tongue. Fourthly, the generall Schooles, erected in sundry Cities of the Prouinces, whereof wee finde mention in Tacitus, Hierome, and others (in which the Roman Tongue was the ordinary and allowed speech,* 1.694 as is vsuall in Vniuersities till this day) was no small furtherance to that Language. And, to conclude that the Romans had ge∣nerally (at least in the after-times, when Rome was become a Monarchie, and in the flourish of the Empire) great care to inlarge their Tongue, together with their Dominion, is by Augustine in his Bookes de Ciuit. Dei, specially remembred. I said it was so in after times, for certainly,* 1.695 [ 10] that the Romanes were not very anciently possessed with that humour of spreading their Lan∣guage, appeareth by Liuie, in whom we find recorded, that it was granted the Cumanes,* 1.696 for a fa∣uour, & at their Suit, that they might publikely vse the Roman Tongue, not fully one hundred and fortie yeeres before the beginning of the Emperours: And yet was Cuma but about one hundred miles distant from Rome, and at that time the Romanes had conquered all Italie, Sicilie, Sardinia, and a great part of Spaine.

But yet in all the Prouinces of the Empire, the Romane Tongue found not alike acceptance, and successe, but most inlarged and spread it selfe toward the North and West, and South bounds: for first, that in all the Regions of Pannonia, it was knowne, Velleius is mine Author: Secondly,* 1.697 that it was spoken in France and Spaine, Strabo: Thirdly, that in Afrique, Apulcius: And it see∣meth [ 20] the Sermons of Cyprian and Augustine, yet extant (of Augustine it is manifest) that they preached to the people in Latine. But in the East parts of the Empire, as in Greece, and Asia, and so likewise in Afrique, from the greater Syrtis Eastward, I cannot in my reading find that the Roman tongue euer grew into any common vse. And the reason of it seemes to be, for that in those parts of the Empire it became most frequent, where the most, and greatest Romane Colonies, were planted. And therefore ouer all Italy, it became in a manner vulgar, wherein I haue obser∣ued in Histories, and in Registers of ancient Inscriptions, to haue beene planted by the Romanes at seuerall times aboue one hundred and fiftie Colonies: as in Afrique also neere sixtie (namely fiftie seuen) in Spaine nine and twentie, in France, as it stretched to Rhene twentie sixe, and so in Illyricum, and other North parts of the Empire, betweene the Adriatique Sea, and Danubius [ 30] verie many. And yet I doubt not, but in all these parts, more there were, then any Historie or ancient Inscription that now remaynes hath remembred.

And contrariwsie in those Countries, where fewest Colonies were planted, the Latine Tongue grew nothing so common: as for example heere in Britaine, there were but foure: 1 Yorke,* 1.698 2 Chester, 3 Caeruske in Monmouth-shire, and 4 Maldon in Essex (for London, although recorded for one by Onuphrius, was none, as is manifest by his owne k 1.699 Author, in the place that himselfe alleadgeth) and therefore we find in the British Tongue which yet remaineth in Wales, but little rellish (to account of) or relikes of the Latine. And, for this cause also partly the East Prouinces of the Empire, sauoured little or nothing of the Roman Tongue. For first in Afrique beyond the greater Syrtis, I find neuer a Romane Colonie: for Onuphrius, that hath recorded l 1.700 In∣dicia [ 40] Cyrenensium for one, alleadging Vlpian for Author, was deceiued by some faultie Copie of the Digests. For the corrected Copies haue Zernensium, and for Indicia, is to be read In Dacia, as is rightly obserued (for in it the Citie of Zerne was) by Pancirellus. Secondly in Egypt, there were but two: and to be briefe, Syria onely excepted, which had about twentie Romane Colonies, but most of them late planted, especially by Septimius Seuerus, and his Sonne B••ssianus, to strengthen that side of the Empire against the Parthians (and yet I finde not that in Syria, the Romane Tongue, euer obtained any vulgar vse) the rest, had but verie few, in proportion to the largenesse of those Regions.

Of which little estimation, and vse of the Roman Tongue, in the East parts, beside the want of Colonies fore-mentioned, and to omit their loue to their owne Languages, which they held to be more ciuill then the Romane, another great cause was the Greeke, which they had in farre [ 50] greater account, both for Learning sake (insomuch that Cicero confesseth, Graeca (saith he) legun∣tur in omnibus fere gentibus, Latina suis finibus, exiguis sane, continentur) and for Traffique,* 1.701 to both which, the Graecians, aboue all Nations of the World were anciently giuen: to omit, both the excellencie of the Tongue it selfe▪ for found and copiousnesse, and that it had forestalled the Ro∣mane in those parts. And certainly, in how little regard the Romane Tongue was had in respect of the Greeke in the Easterne Countries, may appeare by this, that all the learned men of those parts, whereof most liued in the flourish of the Romane Empire, haue written in Greeke, and not in Latine: as Philo, Iosephus, Ignatius, Iustine Martyr, Clemens Alexandrinus, Origen, Eusebius, Athanasius, Basil, Gregorie Nyssene, and Nazianzene, Cirill of Alexandria, and of Ierusalem, Epi∣phanius, [ 60] Synetius, Ptolemie Strabo, Porphyrie, and verie many others, so that of all the Writers that liued in Asia, or in Afrique, beyond the greater Syrtis, I thinke wee haue not one Author in the Latine Tongue: and yet more evidently may it appeare by another instance,* 1.702 that I finde in the third Generall Councell held at Ephesus, where the Letters of the Bishop of Rome, hauing beene

read by his Legates, in the Latine Tongue, it was requested by all the Bishops, that they might be translated into Greeke, to the end they might be vnderstood. It is manifest therefore, that the Romane Tongue was neither vulgar, nor familiar in the East, when the learned men gathered out of all parts of the East vnderstood it not.

OF the weake impression therefore of the Romane Language in the East, and large enter∣tainment of it in the West,* 1.703 and other parts of the Empire, and of the causes of both, I haue said enough. But in what sort, and how farre it preuailed, namely, whether so farre, as to ex∣tinguish the ancient vulgar Languages of those parts, and it selfe, in stead of them, to become the natiue and vulgar Tongue, as Galateus hath pronounced touching the Punique, and Vines with [ 10] many others of the Gallique and Spanish, I am next to consider.

First therefore, it is certainly obserued, that there are at this day, fourteene Mother Tongues in Europe (beside the Latine) which remaine, not onely not abolished, but little or nothing alte∣red, or impaired by the Romanes. And those are the 1 Irish, spoken in Ireland, and a good part of Scotland: the 2 Brittish, in Wales, Cornwaile, and Brittaine of France: the 3 Cantabrian neere the Ocean about the Pyrene, Hils, both in France and Spaine: the 4 Arabique, in the stée∣pie Mountaines of Granata, named Alpuxarrae: the 5 Finnique, in Finland, and Lapland: the 6 Dutch, in Germany, Belgia, Denmarke, Norway, and Suedia: the old 7 Canchian, (I take it to be that, for in that part the Cauchi inhabited) in East Frisland, for m 1.704 although to strangers they speake Dutch, yet among themselues they vse a peculiar Language of their owne: the 8 Sla∣nonish, [ 20] in Polonia, Bohemia, Mosconia, Russia, and many other Regions (whereof I will after in∣treate in due place) although with notable difference of Dialect, as also the Brittish and Dutch, in the Countries mentioned haue: the old 9 Illyrian, in the Ile of Veggia, on the East side of Istria in the day of Liburnia: the 10. Greeke, in Greece, and the Ilands about it, and part of Ma∣cedon, and of Thrace: the old 11 Epirotique n 1.705 in the Mountaine of Epirus: the 12 Hungarian in the greatest part of that Kingdome: the 13 Iazygian, in the North side of Hungaria be∣twixt Danubius and Tibiscus, vtterly differing from the Hungarian Language: And lastly, the 14 Tarturian, of the Precopenses, betweene the Riuers of Tanaas and Borysthenes, neere Meotis and the Euxine Sea, for, of the English, Italian, Spanish, and French, as being deriuations, or rather degenerations, the first of the Dutch, and the other three of the Latine, seeing I now speake one∣ly of Originall or Mother Languages, I must be silent: And of all these fourteene it is cer∣taine, [ 30] except the Arabique, which is knowne to haue entred since, and perhaps the Hungarian, about which there is difference among Antiquaries, that they were in Europe in time of the Ro∣mane Empire, and sixe or seuen of them, within the Limits of the Empire.

And indeed, how hard a matter it is, vtterly to abolish a vulgar Language, in a populous Countrey, where the Conquerers are in number farre inferiour to the Natiue Inhabitants, what∣soeuer Art be practized to bring it about, may well appeare by the vaine attempt of our Nor∣man Conquerour: who although hee compelled the English, to teach their young children in the Schooles nothing but French, and set downe all the Lawes of the Land in French, and in∣forced all pleadings at the Law to be performed in that Language (which custome continued till [ 40] King Edward the Third his dayes: who disanulled it) purposing thereby to haue conquered the Language together with the Land, and to haue made all French: yet, the number of English farre exceeding the Normans, all was but labour lost, and obtained no further effect, then the mingling of a few French words with the English. And euen such also was the successe of the Frankes among the Gaules, of the Gothes among the Italians and Spaniards, and may be obserued, to be short in all such conquests, where the Conquerors (beeing yet in number farre inferiour) mingle themselues with the Natiue Inhabitants. So that, in those Countries onely the mutation of Languages hath ensued vpon Conquests, where either the ancient Inhabitants haue beene destroyed or driuen forth, as wee see in our Countrey to haue followed of the Saxons, vi∣ctories, against the Brittaines, or else at least in such sort diminished, that in number they [ 50] remained inferiour, or but little superiour to the Conquerours, whose reputation and authoritie might preu••••le more then a small excesse of multitude. But (that I digresse no further) because certaine Countries are specially alleaged, in which the Romane Tongue is supposed most to haue preuailed, I will restraine my discouse to them alone.

And first, that both the Punique and Gallique Tongues, remained in the time of Alexan∣der Seuerus the Emperour (about two hundred and thirtie yeeres after our Sauiours birth) appeareth by Vlpian, who liued at that time, and was with the Emperour of principall re∣putation, teaching, that o 1.706 Fidei commissa might bee left, not onely in Latine, or Greeke, but in the Punique or Gallique, or any other vulgar Language. Till that time therefore, it seemeth euident, that the Romane Tongue had not swallowed vp these vulgar Languages, and [ 60] it selfe become vulgar in stead of them,* 1.707 But to insist a little in either seuerally. First, touching the Punique, Aurelius, Victor hath recorded of Septimius Seuerus, that he was, Latinis lite∣ris sufficienter instructus, but Punica eloquentia promptior, quippe genitus apud Leptim pronintiae Africa. Of which Emperors sister also dwelling at Leptis (it is the Citie wee now call Tripoly

in Barbarie) and comming to see him, Spartian•••• hath left written, that shee so badly spake the Latine tongue (yet was a 1.708 Leptis a Roman Colony) that the Emperour blushed at it.* 1.709 Secondly long after that, Hierome hath recorded of his time, that the Africans had somewhat altered their language from the Phoenicians: the language therefore then remained, for else how could hee pronounce of the present difference? Thirdly, Augustine (somewhat younger then Hierom, though liuing at the same time) writeth not onely, that b 1.710 hee knew diuers Nations in Afrike, that spake the Punike tongue, but also more particularly in c 1.711 another place, mentioning a knowne Punike prouerb, he would speake it (he said) in the Latine, because all his Auditors (for Hippo, where hee preached was a Roman Colony) vnderstood not the Punike tongue: And some other d 1.712 passages could I alleadge out of Augustine, for the direct confirmation of this point, if [ 10] these were not euident and effectuall enough. Lastly, Leo Africanus, a man of late time, and good reputation, affirmeth, that there remaine yet in Barbary, very many descended of the old Inhabi∣tants, that speake the African tongue, whereby it is apparent that it was neuer extinguished by the Romanes.

Secondly, touching the antient Gallike tongue, that it also remained, and was not abolished by the Romane in the time of Strabo, who flourished vnder Tiberius Caesars gouernment, it ap∣peareth in the fourth Book of his Geography, writing that the Aquitani differed altogether in lan∣guage from the other Gaules, and they somewhat among themselues. Nor after that in Tacitus his time, noting that the language of France, differed little from that of Brittaine. No, nor long after that in Alexander Seuerus his time, for beside the authoritie of Vlpian before alleadged [ 20] out of the Digestes, it is manifest by Lampridius also, who in the life of the said Alexander, re∣membreth of a Druide woman, that when hee was passing along, in his Expedition against the Germaines through France, cried out after him in the Gallike tongue (what needed that ob∣seruation of the Gallike tongue, if it were the Romane?) Goe thy way, quoth shee, and looke not for the victory, and trust not thy Souldiers. And though Strabo bee alleadged by some,* 1.713 to proue the vulgarnesse of the Latine tongue in France, yet is it manifest, that he speaketh not of all the Gaules, but of certaine onely, in the Prouince of Narbona, about Rhodanus, for which part of France there was speciall reason, both for the more ancient and ordinary conuersing of the Romanes, in that Region aboue all the rest: for of all the seuenteene Prouinces of France, that of Narbona was first reduced into the forme of a Prouince: And the Citie of Nar∣bona [ 30] it selfe, being a Mart Towne of exceeding traffike in those dayes, was the e 1.714 first for∣raine Colonie that the Romanes planted out of Italy, Carthage onely excepted: And yet fur∣thermore, as Pliny hath recorded, many towns there were in that Prouince, infranchized, and in∣dued with the libertie and right of the Latines. And yet for all this, Strabo saith not,* 1.715 that the Roman tongue was the natiue or vulgar language in that part, but that for the more part they spake it.

Thirdly, concerning the Spanish tongue: Howsoeuer Vines writ, that the languages of France and Spaine were vtterly extinguished by the Romanes, and that the Latine was become f 1.716 Ver∣nacula Hispaniae, as also Galliae & Italiae; and g 1.717 some others of the same Nation vaunt, that had not the barbarous Nations corrupted it, the Latine tongue would haue beene at this day, as [ 40] pure in Spaine, as it was in Rome it selfe in Tullies time: yet neuerthelesse manifest it is, that the Spanish tongue was neuer vtterly suppressed by the Latine. For to omit that of Strabo, h 1.718 that there were diuers languages in the parts of Spaine, as also in i 1.719 another place, that of the speech of Aquitaine was liker the language of the Spaniards, then of the other Gaules: It is a common consent of the best Historians and Antiquaries of Spaine, k 1.720 that the Cantabrian tongue, which yet remaineth in the North part of Spaine (and hath no relish in a manner at all of the Roman) was either the ancient, or at least one of the ancient languages of Spaine. And although ^l Strabo hath recorded, that the Romane tongue was spoken in Spaine, yet hee speaketh not indefinite∣ly, but addeth a limitation, namely, about Baetis. And that in that part of Spaine, the Romane tongue so preuailed, the reason is easie to be assigned by that wee finde in Pliny. Namely, that in [ 50] Baetica, were eight Roman Colonies, eight Municipall Cities, and twentie nine others indued with the right and libertie of the Latines.

Lastly, to speake of the Pannonian tongue (Pannonia contained Hungarie, Austria, Stiria, and Carinthia) it is certaine that the Roman did not extinguish it: For first, Paterculus (who is the onely Author that I know alleadged for that purpose) saith not, that it was become the lan∣guage of the Countrey, for how could it, being but euen then newly conquered by Tiberius Caesar? but onely that in the time of Augustus, by Tiberius his meanes the knowledge of the Romane tongue was spread in all Pannonia. And secondly, Tacitus after Tiberius his time hath recorded,* 1.721 that the Os. in Germany might be knowne to be no Germanes, by the Pannonian tongue, which * 1.722 a little before in the same booke, he plainely acknowledged to be spoken euen then in Pannonia.

[ 60] And as for these reasons, it may well seeme that the Roman tongue became not the vulgar lan∣guage in any of these parts of the Empire, which are yet specially instanced, for the large vul∣garity of it: So haue I other reasons to perswade mee, that it was not in those parts, nor in any other forraine Countries subiect to the Empire, either generally or perfectly spoken. Not

generally (I say) because it is hard to conceiue, that any whole Countries, special∣ly because so large as the mentioned are, should generally speake two languages, their owne Natiue and the Romane. Secondly, there was not any Law at all of the Romanes, to inforce the subdued Nations, either to vse vulgarly the Romane tongue, or not to vse their owne natiue languages (and very extreame and vnreasonable had such Lords beene, as should compell men by Lawes, both to doe, and to speake onely what pleased them.) Neither do I see any other necessitie, or any prouocation to bring them to it, except for some speciall sorts of men, as Merchants, and Citizens, for their better traffick and trade, Lawyers for the knowledge and practise of the Romane Lawes, which carried force throughout the Empire (except priuiled∣ged places) Schollers for learning, Souldiers, for their better conuersing with the Romane Legi∣ons, and with the Latines, Trauellers, Gentlemen, Officers, or such other, as might haue occasion [ 10] of affaires and dealing with the Romans. But it soundeth altogether vnlike a truth, that the poore scattered people abroad in the Country, dwelling either in solitarie places, or in the small Towns and Villages, either generally spake it, or could possibly attaine vnto it. An example whereof, for the better euidence may at this day bee noted; in those parts of Greece, which are subiect to the Dominions of the Turks and Venetians:* 1.723 for as Bellonius hath obserued, the people that dwell in the principall Townes and Cities, subiect to the Turke, by reason of their trade, speake both the Greeke and Turkish tongues, as they also that are vnder the Venetians, both the Greeke and Italian, but the Countrey people vnder both gouernments, speake onely Greeke. So likewise in Sardinia, as is recorded by * 1.724 others, the good Townes by reason of the Spanish Gouernment and Trade, speake also the Spanish tongue, but the Countrey people the naturall Sardinian language one∣ly: [ 20] And, the like by our owne experience wee know to bee true, in the Prouinces subiect to our King, namely, both in Wales and Ireland. It seemeth therefore that the Romane tongue was neuer generally spoken in any of the Roman Prouinces forth of Italy.

And certainely much lesse can I perswade my selfe, that it was spoken abroad in the Prouinces perfectly. First, because it seemes vnpossible for forraine Nations, specially for the rude and com∣mon people, to attaine the right pronouncing of it, who, as wee know doe ordinarily much mi∣stake the true pronouncing of their natiue language: for which very cause, wee see the Chaldee tongue to haue degenerated into the Syriake among the Iewes, although they had conuersed seuen∣tie yeeres together among the Chaldeans. And moreouer, by daily experience wee see in many, [ 30] with what labour and difficulty, euen in the very Schooles, and in the most docible part of their age,* 1.725 the right speaking of the Latine tongue is attained. And to conclude, it appearth by Augu∣stine in sundry places, that the Roman tongue was vnperfect among the Africans (euen in the Colonies) as pronuncing ossum for os, floriet fo•• florebit, dolus for dolor, and such like, insomuch that hee confesseth, hee was faine sometimes to vse words that were no Latine, to the end they might vnderstand him.

* 1.726THe common opinion, which supposeth that these Nations in the flourish of the Romane Em∣pire, spake vulgarly and rightly the Latine tongue, is, that the mixture of the Northerne bar∣barous Nations among the ancient Inhabitants, was the cause of changing the Latine tonge [ 40] into the languages which now they speake, the languages becomming mingled, as the Nations themselues were. Who, while they were inforced to attemper and frame their speech, one to the vnderstanding of another, for else they could not mutually expresse their mindes (which is the end for which Nature hath giuen speech to men) they degenerated both, and so came to this medly wherein now wee finde them.

Which opinion if it were true, the Italian tongue, must of necessitie haue it beginning about the 480. yeere of our Sauiour: Because, at that time, the Barbarous Nations began first to inha∣bite Italy, vnder Odoacer, for although they had entred and wasted Italy long before, as first, the Gothes vnder Alaricus, about the yeare 414: Then the Hunnes together with the Gothes, and the Heruli, and the Gepids, and other Northerne people vnder Attila, about An. 450. Then the Wan∣dales [ 50] vnder Gensericus, crossing the Sea out of Afrike, about An. 456. (to omit some other inua∣sions of those barbarous Nations, because they prospered not) yet none of these, setled them∣selues to stay and inhabite Italy, till the Heruli, as I said vnder Odoacer, about An. 480. or a little before entred and possessed it neere hand twenty yeeres, Hee being (proclaimed by the Romanes themselues) King of Italy, about sixteene yeeres, and his people becomming inhabiters of the Countrey. But, they also, within twenty yeeres after their entrance, were in a manner rooted out of Italy, by Theodoricus King of Gothes, who allotted them onely a part of Piemont aboue Tu∣rin to inhabite: for Theodoricus being by Zeno then Emperour, inuested with the title of King of Italy, and hauing ouercome Odoacer, somewhat afore the yeere 500. ruled peaceably a long time, as King of Italy, and certaine others of the Gothes Nation succeeded after him in the same gouern∣ment, [ 60] the Gothes in the meane space, growing into one with the Italians, for the space neere hand of sixtie yeeres together. And although after that, the Dominion of Italy was by Narses a∣gaine recouered to the Empire in the time of Iustinian, and many of the Gothes expelled Italy, yet farre more of them remained, Italy in that long time being growne well with their seed and po∣steritie.

The Heruli therefore, with their associates were the first, and the Gothes the second of the barbarous Nations that inhabited Italy. The third and the last, were the Longbards, who comming into Italy about the yeere 570. and long time obtaining the Dominion and possession, in a manner of all Italy, namely aboue two hundred yeeres, and during the succession of twenty Kings or more, were neuer expelled forth of Italy, although at last their Dominion was sore bro∣ken by Pipin King of France, and after more defaced by his sonne Charles the Great, who first re∣strained and confined it to that part, which to this day, of them retaineth the name of Lombar∣dy, and shortly after vtterly extinguished it, carrying away their last King captiue into France. Now although diuers * 1.727 Antiqua••ies of Italy there bee, which referre the beginning of the Italian tongue, and the change of the Latine into it, to these third Inhabitants of Italy the Longbards, by [ 10] reason of their long and perfect coalition into one with the Italian people: yet certainely, the Italian tongue was more antient then so, for besides that there remaines yet to bee seene (as men * 1.728 worthy of credit report) in the King of France his Library at Paris, an Instrument writ∣ten in the Italian tongue, in the time of Iustinian the first, which was before the comming of the Longbards into Italy: another euidence more vulgar, to this effect, is to be found in Paulus Diaco∣nus his Miscellane History: where wee read that in the Emperour Mauritius his time, about the yeer 590. when the Langbards had indeed entred, and wasted Gallia Cisalpina, but had not inuaded the Roman dition in Italy, that by the acclamation of the word Torna, Torna, (plaine Italian) which a Roman Souldier spake to one of his fellowes afore, (whose beast had ouerturned his bur∣then) the whole Army (marching in the darke) began to cry out, Torna, Torna, and so fell to [ 20] flying away.

But the French tongue, if that afore mentioned were the cause of it, began a little before, in the time of Valentinian the third, when in a manner all the West part of the Empire fell away (and among the rest, our Countrey of England, being first forsaken of the Romans themselues, by rea∣son of grieuous warres at their owne doores, and not long after conquered and possessed by the Saxons, whose posteritie (for the most part wee are) namely, about the yeere 450▪ France be∣ing then subdued and peaceably possessed by the Franks and Burgundions, Nations of Germany: the Burgundions occupying the Eastward and outward parts of it, toward the Riuer of Rhen••, and the Franks all the inner Region. For although France before that had beene inuaded by the Wandali, Sueui, and Alani, and after by the Gothes, who hauing obtained Aquit••yn for their Seat and Ha∣bitation, [ 30] by the grant of the Emperour Honorius, expelled the former into Spaine, about A••. 410: yet notwithstanding, till the Conquest made by the Franks and Burgundions, it was not generally, nor for any long time mingled with strangers, which after that Conquest began to spread o∣uer France, and to become natiue Inhabitants of the Countrey.

But of all, the Spanish tongue for this cause must necessarily bee most antient: for the Wandali and Alani, being expelled France, about the yeere 410, beganne then to inuade and to inhabite Spaine, which they held and possessed many yeeres, till the Gothes being expelled by the Franks and Burgundians, out of France into Spaine, expelled them out of Spaine into Afrike (the Barba∣rous Nations thus like nailes driuing out one another) and not onely them, but with them all the remnants of the Roman Garrisons and gouernment, and so becomming the entire Lords and quiet [ 40] possessours of all the Countrey, from whom also the Kings of Spaine that now are be descended. Notwithstanding, euen they also within lesse then three hundred yeeres after, were driuen by the Saracens of Afrike, into the Northerne and mountainous parts of Spaine, namely Asturia, Biscay, and Guipuscoa, till after a long course of time, by little and little they recouered it out of their hands againe, which was at last fully accomplished by Ferdinand, not past one hundred and twenty yeeres agoe, there hauing passed in the meane time, from the Moores first entrance of Spaine at Gibraltar, till their last possession in Granada, about seuen hundred and seuenty yeeres.

Whereby you may see also, when the Roman tongue began to degenerate in Afrike (if that also, as is supposed spake vulgarly the Latine tongue, and if the mixture of barbarous people [ 50] were cause of the decay, and corruption of it) namely, about the yeere 430. for about that time, the Wandali and Alani, partly wearied with the Gottish warre in Spaine, and partly inuited by the Gouernour Bonifacius entred Afrike, vnder the leading of Gensericus, a part whereof for a time, they held quietly, for the Emperour Valentinianus gift: But shortly after, in the same Empe∣rours time, when all the West Prouinces in a manner fell vtterly away from the Empire, they al∣so tooke Carthage; and all the Prouince about it, from the Romans. And although the dominion of Afrike was regained by Bellizarius to the Empire almost 100. yeeres after, in Iustinians time, yet in the time of the Emperour Leontius (almost 700. yeeres after our Sauiours birth) it was lost againe, being anew conquered, and possessed by the Sarracens of Arabia (and to this day remai∣neth in their hands) bringing together with their victories, the language also, and religion (Ma∣humatanisme) [ 60] into all that coast of Afrike, euen from Aegypt to the Strait of Gibraltar, aboue 2000. miles in length.

About which time also, namely during the gouernment of Valentinian the third, Bulgariae, Seruia, Boscina, Hungarie, Austria, Stiria, Carinthia, Banaria and Sueuia (that is, all the North∣border

of the Empire, along the Riuer Danubius) and some part of Thrace, was spoiled and posses∣sed by the Hunnes, who yet principally planted themselues in the lower Pannonia, whence it ob∣tained the name of Hungarie.

Out of which discourse you may obserue these two points. First, what the Countries were, in which those wandring and warring Nations after many transmigrations from place to place, fixed at last their finall residence and habitation. Namely the Hunnes in Pannonia, the Wandales in Afrique, the East Gothes and Langbards in Italie, the West Gothes in Aquitaine and Spaine, which being both originally but one Nation, gained these names of East and West Gothes, from the position of these Countries which they conquered and inhabited, the other barbarous Nations of obscurer names, being partly consumed with the warre, and partly passing into the more fa∣mous [ 10] appellations. And Secondly, you may obserue, that the maine dissolution of the Empire, especially in Europe and Afrique, fell in the time of Valentinian the third, about the yeere 450. being caused by the barbarous Nations of the North (as after did the like dissolution of the same Empire in Asia, by the Arabians in the time of Heraclius, about the yeere 640.) and together with the ruine of the Empire in the West by the inundation of the foresaid barbarous Nations, the La∣tine tongue in all the Countries where it was vulgarly spoken (if it were rightly spoken any where in the West) became corrupted.

Wherefore if the Spanish, French and Italian tongues, proceeded from this cause, as a great num∣ber of learned men, suppose they did, you see what the antiquity of them is: But to deliuer plain∣ly my opinion, hauing searched as farre as I could, into the originals of those languages, and hauing pondered what in my reading, and in my reason I found touching them, I am of another minde (as [ 20] some learned men also are) namely, that all those tongues are more ancient, and haue not sprung from the corruption of the Latine tongue, by the inundation and mixture of barbarous people in these Prouinces, but from the first vnperfect impression & receiuing of it, in those forraine Coun∣tries. Which vnperfectnesse notwithstanding of the Roman tongue in those parts, although it had, as I take it beginning from this euill framing of forraine tongues, to the right pronouncing of the Latine, yet I withall easily beleeue, and acknowledge that it was greatly increased, by the mixture and coalition of the barbarous Nations. So that me thinkes, I haue obserued three de∣grees of corruption in the Roman tongue,* 1.729 by the degeneration whereof, these languages are sup∣posed to haue receiued their beginning. The first of them was in Rome it selfe, where towards the [ 30] latter end of the Common-wealth, and after, in the time of the Empire, the infinite multitude of seruants (which exceedingly exceeded the number of free borne Citizens) together with the vnspeakeable confluence of strangers, from all Prouinces, did much impaire the purenesse of their language, and as Isidore hath obserued, brought many barbarismes and solaecismes into it. Inso∣much, that Tertullian in his time, when as yet none of the barbarous Nations had by inuasion touched Italie (for he liued vnder Sept••mius Seuerus gouernment) chargeth the Romans to haue re∣nounced the language of their fathers.* 1.730 The Second step, was the vnperfect impression (that I touched before) made of the Roman tongue abroad in the forraine Prouinces among strangers, whose tongues could not perf••ctly frame to speake it aright. And certainly, if the Italians them∣selues, as is remembred by Cicero, failed of the right and perfect Roman pronounciation, I see not [ 40] how the tongues of strange Nations, such as the Gaules and Spaniards were, should exactly vtter it. And the Third, was that mixture of many barbarous people (to which others attribute the beginning of the languages in question) which made the Latine, that was before vnperfect, yet more corrupt then they found it, both for words and for pronouncing: So that, I rather thinke the barbarous people to haue beene a cause of increasing the corruption, and of further alteration and departure of those languages from the Roman, then of beginning them. And me thinkes I haue very good reasons so to be perswaded, beside all the arguments aboue mentioned, which I pro∣duced, both for the remaining of the vulgar languages, and for the vnperfect speaking of the Ro∣man tongue in the Prouinces. First, because the Gothes, Wandales, Langbards, as also the Franks and B••rgundians language was, by the consent of * 1.731 learned men, the Germane tongue, which hath [ 50] but small affinitie or agreement with either the Italian, French or Spanish tongues. Secondly, be∣cause among all the auncient writers (and they are many) which haue written of the miserable changes made in these West parts of the World, by those infinite swarmes of barbarous people, I finde not one, that mentioneth the change of any of these languages to haue beene caused by them: which me thinkes some ancient writers among so many learned, as those times, and those very Countries, abounded withall, and whose writings yet remaine, would certainly haue recor∣ded.* 1.732 But though we finde mention in sundry ancient writers, of changing these languages in∣to the Roman (whom yet I vnderstand of that vnperfect change before touched) yet nothing is found of any recharging of those languages from the Roman, into the state wherein now they are. But it is become a question onely of some late searchers of Antiquity, but of such, as determine in [ 60] this point, without either sound reason or good countenance of Antiquitie.

THese reasons perhaps (ioyned with the other aboue alleadged, whereby I endeuoured to proue that the Latine tongue perfectly spoken, was neuer the vulgar language of the Ro∣man

Prouinces) may perswade you as they haue done mee, that the barbarous Nations of the North, were not the first corrupters of the Latine tongue, in the Prouinces subiect to Rome, nor the beginners of the Italian, French and Spanish tongues: yet some difficulties I finde (I confesse) in writers touching these points, which when I haue resolued my opinion will appeare the more credible.

One is out of Plutarch in his Platonique questions,* 1.733 affirming that in his time all men in a man∣ner spake the Latine tongue.

Another before touched that Strabo recordeth the Roman tongue to haue beene spoken in Spaine and France, and Apuleius in Africke, which also may appeare by sundry places in Augu∣stine,* 1.734 [ 10] whose Sermons seeme (as Cyprians also) to haue bin made to the people in that language.

A third, how it falleth if these vulgar tongues of adulterate latin be so ancient, that nothing is found written in any of them of any great antiquity?

A fourth, how in Rome and Latium, where the Latine tongue was out of question, natiue, the latine could so degenerate, as at this day is found in the Italian tongue, except by some forraine corruption?

To the first of these I answere, either, that as Diuines are wont to interpret many generall propositions; Plutarch is to be vnderstood de generibus singulorum, not de singulis generum: So that the Latine tongue was spoken almost in euery Nation, but not of euery one in any forraine Nati∣on: [ 20] Or else, that they spake the Latine indeede, but yet vnperfectly and corruptly, as their tongues would frame to vtter it.

To the second I answere: first, that Strabo speaketh not generally of France or Spaine, but with limitation to certaine parts of both, the Prouince of Narbon in France, and the Tract about Boetis in Spaine. Secondly, that although they speake it, yet it followeth not, that they speake it per∣fectly and aright (except perhaps in the Colonies) so that I will not deny but it might be spoken abroad in the Prouinces, yet I say it was spoken corruptly, according as the peoples tongues would fashion to it, namely in such sort, that although the matter and body of the words, were for the most part Latine, yet the forme, and sound of them varied from the right pronouncing: which speech notwithstanding was named Latin, partly for the reason now touched, and partly [ 30] because they learned it from the Romanes or Latines, as the Spaniards call their language Romance▪ till this day, which yet we know to differ much from the right Roman Tongue:* 1.735 and as N••thar∣dus (Nephew to Charles the Great) in his Historie of the dissen••ion of the sonnes of Ludoui••us Pius called the French then vsuall (whereof hee setteth downe examples) the Romane Tongue, which yet hath no more agreement with the Latine then the French hath that is now in vse. Thirdly, to the obiection of Cyprians and Augustines preaching in Latine,* 1.736 I answere that both a 1.737 Hippo, whereof Augustine was Bishop, and b 1.738 Carthage, whereof Cyprian was Archbishop, were Roman Colonies, consisting for the most part of the progenie of Romans, for which sort of Ci∣ties, there was speciall reason. Although neither in the Colonies themselues (as it seemeth) the Roman tongue was altogether vncorrupt, both for that I alleadged before out of Spartianus of [ 40] Seuerus his sister dwelling at Leptis, and for that which I remembred out of Augustine for Hippo, where they spake c 1.739 Ossum and d 1.740 Floriet, and ^e Dolus, for Os and Florebit and dolor (and yet were both Leptis and Hippo Roman Colonies:) And yet it appeareth further by Augustine, that in their translations of the Scriptures, and in the Psalmes sung in their Churches, they had these cor∣ruptions, where yet (as it is like) their most corrupt and vulgar Latine had not place.

To the third I answere, that two reasons of it may be assigned: One, that learned men would rather write, in the learned and grammaticall, then in the vulgar and prouinciall Latine. Another, that the workes of vnlearned men would hardly continue till our times,* 1.741 seeing euen of the lear∣ned ancient writings, but few of infinite, haue remained. Furthermore it is obserued of the Ger∣maine tongue, by Tschudas and of the French by Genebrard, that it is very little aboue 400. yeeres, [ 50] since bookes began to be written in both those languages, and yet it is out of all doubt, that the tongues are much ancienter.

To the fourth I say, that there is no language, which of ordinary course is not subiect to change, although there were no forraine occasion at all: which the very fancies of men, weary of old words (as of old things) is able enough to worke, which may be well proued by obseruations and instances of former changes, in this very tongue (the Latine) whereof I now dispute.* 1.742 For Quin∣tilian recordeth, that the Verses of the Salij which were said to be composed by Numa could hardly be vnderstood of their Priests, in the latter time of the Common-wealth, for the abso∣lutenesse of the speech. And Festus in his booke de verborum significatione,* 1.743 who liued in Augu∣stus Caesars time, hath left in obseruation, that the Latine speech, which (saith he) is so named of [ 60] Latium, was then in such manner changed, that scarsly any part of it remained in knowledge. The Lawes also of the Roman Kings, and of the Decemuiri,* 1.744 (called the Lawes of the twelue Tables) collected and published in their owne words by Fuluius Vrsinus are no lesse eui∣dent testimonies, if they be compared with the later Latine, of the great alteration of that language.

Furthermore, Polybius hath also recorded, that the articles of league, betwixt the people of Rome and of Carthage,* 1.745 made presently after the expulsion of the Kings from Rome, could very hardly in his time be vnderstood, by reason of the old forsaken words, by any of the best skilled Antiq••aries in Rome. In which time notwithstanding, they receiued very few strangers into their Citie, which mixture might cause such alteration, and the difference of time was but about three hundred and fifty yeeres. And yet to adde one instance more, of a shorter reuolution of time, and a cleerer euidence of the change, that the Roman tongue was subiect to, and that, when no forraine cause thereof can be alleadged: there remaineth at this day (as it is certainely * 1.746 recorded) in the Capitall at Rome, though much defaced by the iniury of time, a Pillar (they call it Co∣lumnam rostratam, that is, decked with beakes of ships) dedicated to the memory of Duillius a [ 10] Roman Consull, vpon a nau••le victory obtained against the Carthaginians, in the first Punicke warre, not past one hundred and fifty yeeres before Ciceroes time, when the Roman tongue as∣cended to the highest flourish of Elegancie, that euer it obtained: And thus the words of the Pillar are (those that may be read) as I finde them obserued, with the later Latine vnder them. Exemet. Leciones. Macistratos. Castreis. Exfociont. Pucnandod. Cepet. En{que}. Nauebos. Marid· Exemit. Legiones. Magistratus. Castris. Effugiunt. Pugnando. Cepit. In{que}. Nauibus. Mari. Consol. Primos. Ornauet. Nauebous. Claseis. Paenicas. Sumas. Cartaciniensis. Dictatored. Altod. Consul. Primus. Ornauit. Nauibus. Classes. Punicas. Summas. Carthaginiensis. Dictatore. Alto Socieis. Triresmos. Naucis. Captom. Numei. Naualed. Praedad. Poplo▪ &c. Socijs. Triremes. Naues. Captum. Nummi. Naual••. Praeda. Populo, &c. [ 20] Where you see in many words, e. for i. c. for g. o. for u. and sometime for e. and d. superfluously added to the end of many words. But (to let forraigne tongues passe) of the great alteration that time is wont to work in languages, our own tongue may afford vs examples euident enough: wherein since the times neere after, and about the Conquest, the change hath beene so great, as I my selfe haue seene some euidences made in the time of King Henry the first, whereof I was able to vnderstand but few words. To which purpose also, a certaine remembrance is to be found in Holinsheds Chronicle, in the end of the Conquerours raigne, in a Charter giuen by him to the Ci∣tie of London.

* 1.747BVt if the discourse of these points of Antiquitie, in handling whereof I haue declared, that [ 30] while the Roman Empire flourished, it neuer abolished the vulgar languages, in France, or Spaine, or Afrique, how soeuer in Italie. If that discourse I say, moue in you perhaps a desire, to know what the ancient vulgar languages of those parts were: I will also in that point, out of my reading and search into Antiquitie, giue you the best satisfaction that I can.

And first for Italie: Certaine it is, that many were the ancient tongues in the seuerall Prouin∣ces of it, tongues I say, not dialects, for they were many more. In Apulia, the Mesap••an tongue: In Tuscanie and Vmbria, the Hetruscan, both of them vtterly perished: Yet in the booke of anci∣ent Inscriptions,* 1.748 set forth by Gruter and Scaliger, there be some few Moniments registred of these languages, but not vnderstood now of any man. In Calabria both the higher and lower, and farre along the miritime coast of the Tyrrhene Sea, the Greeke. In Latium (now Campagna di Roma) the [ 40] Latine. In Lombardie, and Liguria, the old tongue of France whatsoeuer it was. Of which last three, the two former are vtterly ceased to be vulgar: and the third, no where to be found in I∣talie, but to be sought for in some other Countrie. And although, beside these fiue, wee finde mention, in ancient writings of the Sabine, the Oscan, the Tusculan, and some other tongues in Italie, yet were they no other then differing dialects of some of the former languages, as by good obseruations, out of Varro, Festus, Seruius, Paul. Diaconus, and others, might be easily prooued.

Secondly, of France what the ancient tongue was, hath bin much disputed▪ and yet remaineth somewhat vncertaine: Some thinking it to haue beene the Germaine, others the Greeke, and some the Walsh tongue.* 1.749 But, if the meaning of these resoluers be, that one language, what∣soeuer [ 50] it were, was vulgar in all France, they are verie farre wide, Caesar and Strabo hauing both recorded, that there were diuers languages spoken in the diuers parts. But, to omit the speech of Aquitaine, which Strabo writeth to haue had much affinitie with the Spanish: And, of that part (in Caesar called Belgia) that at the Riuer of Rhene confined with Germanie, which for that neighbourhood, might partake much of the Germaine tongue: To omit those I say, the maine q••estion is, about the language of the Celiae, which as inhabiting the middle part of France, were least of all infect••d with any forraine mixture.* 1.750 And certainely, that it was not the Greeke, ap∣peareth out of Caesar, written to Q. Cicero, then besieged by the Gaules) in Greeke, lest the Gaules should intercept his Letters. And secondly, no lesse euidently by Varro, written of the Massilians that they spake three languages, the Roman, the Greeke, and the Gallique tongue: [ 60] And thirdly, the remnants of that tongue, may serue for instance, whereof many old words are found dispersed in ancient writers, that haue no affinitie at all with the Greeke. The Greeke there∣fore, was not the ancient natiue language of the Gaules; Neither was it the Germaine: for else it

had beene but an odde relation and reason of Caesars, that Ariouistus a German Prince, had liued so long in Gallia, that he spake the Gallique tongue: And that of Tacitus,* 1.751 that the Gallique tongue proued the Gothines to be no Germaines: And that of Suetonius, that Caligula compelled many of the Gaules to learne the Germaine tongue. But Hottoman (of all that I haue read) speaking most distinctly, touching the originall and composition of the French tong••e, diuideth it as now it is spoken, equally into two parts, of which he supposeth the one (and I thinke it is rather the grea∣ter part) to haue originall from the Latine tongue: and the other halfe, to be made vp, by the German and Greeke, and Brittish or Walsh words, each almost in eq••all measure. Of the deducti∣on of the French words from the Greeke, you may read Perionius, Postell, and others: Of those from the Germaine, Tschudus, Goropius, Isacius, &c. Of the Walsh, Lhuid, Camden, &c. Which [ 10] last indeede for good reason, seemeth to haue beene the natiue language of the ancient Celtae, ra∣ther then either the Greeke or Dutch tongues: for of the Greeke words found in that language, the neighbourhood of the Massilians, and their Colonies, inhabiting the maritime coast of Pro∣uince, together with the ready acceptance of that language in France (mentioned by Strabo) may be the cause: As likewise of the Germaine words, the Franks and Burgundions conquest, and pos∣session of France, may be assigned for a good reason: But of the Brittish words none at all can be iustly giuen, saue, that they are the remnants of the ancient language. Secondly, it seemeth to be so by Tacitus, written, that the speech of the Gaules, little di••••ered from that of the Brittaines. And thirdly, by Caesar recording, that it was the custome of the Gaules that were studious of the Druides discipline, often to p••sse ouer into Brittaine to be there instructed: wherefore seeing there [ 20] was no vse of bookes among them, as is in the same place affirmed by Caesar, it is apparent that they spake the same language.

Thirdly, the Spanish tongue as now it is, consisteth of the old Spanish, Latine, Gottish, and Ara∣bique (as there is good reason it should, Spaine hauing beene so long, in the possessions of the Ro∣mans, Gothes, and Meores) of which, the Latine is the greatest part (next it the Arabique) and therefore they themselues call their lang••age Romance. And certainely I haue seene an E∣pistle written by a Spaniard, whereof euery word was both good Latine and good Spanish, and an example of the like is to be seene in Merula. But the language of Valentia and Catalonia, and part of Portugall, is much tempered with the French also. Now the ancient and most ge∣nerall [ 30] language of Spaine, spoken ouer the Country before the Romaines conquest,* 1.752 seemeth to me out of question, to haue beene the Cantabrian tongue, that namely which yet they speake in Bis∣cay, Guipuscoa, Nauarre, and Asturia, that is to say, in the northerne and mountainous parts of Spaine, neere the Ocean, with which the Visconian tongue also in Aquitaine, neere the Py∣rene hils, hath as there is good reason (for out of those parts of Spaine the inhabitants of Gas∣coigne came) much affinitie and agreement. And my reason for this opinion is, that in that part of Spaine, the people haue euer continued without mixture of any forraine Nation, as being ne∣uer subdued by the Carthaginians, nor by the Moores, no, nor by the Romans (for all their long warring in Spaine) before Augustus Caesars time, and for the hillinesse, and barenesse, and vnpleasantnesse of the Countrie, hauing nothing in it, to inuite strangers to dwell among [ 40] them. For which cause, the most ancient Nations and languages are for the most part preserued in such Countries: as by Thucydides is specially obserued, of the Attiques▪ and Arcadians, in Greece,* 1.753 dwelling in barren soiles: O•• which Nations the first, for their Antiquitie, vaunted of them∣selues that they were 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and the second, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as if they had beene bred immediately of the Earth, or borne before the Moone. Another example whereof wee may see in Spaine it selfe, for in the steepy Mountaines of Granata, named Alpuxarras, the progeny of the Moores yet retaine the Arabique tongue (for the Spaniards call it Arauiga) which all the other remnants of the Moores in the plainer Region had vtterly forgotten and receiued the Castilian (till their late expulsion out of Spaine) for their vulgar language. The like whereof, is also to be seene in the old Epirotike speech and Nation, which yet continueth in the mountainous part of Epirus, be∣ing [ 50] (for the tongue) vtterly extinguished in all the Country beside. And (to let forraine ins••an∣ces goe) in the Brittaines or Welsh-men in the hilly part of our owne Countrey. What the rea∣son thereof may bee. I will not stand now curiously to enquire: whether that being inured to la∣bour, to watching, to sundry distemperatures of the aire, a••d much other hardnesse (for otherwise their liuing will not bee gotten out of such barren ground) they proue vpon occasion good and able Souldiers? Or, that the craggy Rockes and Hills (like fortresses of Natures owne erecting) are easily defended from forraine Inuaders? Or that their vnpleasant and fruitlesse soile, hath no∣thing to inuite strangers to desire it? Or that wanting riches, they want also the ordinary companions of riches, that is proud and audacious hearts, to prouoke with their iniuries other Nations to be reuenged on them, either by the conq••est or desolation of their Countries? But [ 60] whatsoeuer the cause may be, certainly in effect so it is, that the most ancie•••• Nations and Lan∣guages, are for the most part to bee found in such vnpleasant and fruitlesse Regions: Insomuch that the Byscaynes, who gaue mee occa••••on of this digression, vaunt of themselues among the Spa∣niards, that they are the right Hidalgos, (that is Gentlemen) as some also report of the Welsh-men here in Brittaine to say of themselues, which yet I that am their neighbour (to confesse a truth) neuer heard them say.

Now lastly, touching the Punike tongue, as I am not of Galateus his opinion, that it was vtter∣ly extinguished by the Romanes:* 1.754 So neither can I bee of the phantasie (for it is no better) that many * 1.755 other learned men are: namely, that it was the Arabike, that is to say the same lan∣guage, that is vulgar in Afrike at this day. For it is well knowne to the skilfull in Histories, that the Punikes were of another off-springs (not of Arabian race) and that it is not yet a thousand yeeres, since that tongue was by the Arabians, together with their victories brought into Afrike. And as certaine also it is, that the remnants of the Africans progeny, as * 1.756 Leo Africanus hath re∣corded, hath a different language from the Arabike. But the Punike tongue seemeth to mee out of question, to haue bin the Chananitish or old Hebrew language, though I doubt not somewhat alte∣red from the originall pronuntiation, as is wont in tract of time to befall Colonies, planted among [ 10] strangers farre from home. For first Carthage it selfe, the Queene of the Cities of Afrike (and well might she be termed so, that contained in circuit 24. miles, as Florus in his abridgement of Liuie hath recorded, and by the vtter wall 360. furlongs (that is 45. miles) as it is in Strabo: And held out in emulation with Rome, as is noted by Pliny, 120. yeeres, and to conclude (before the second Punike warre) had in subiection all the Coast of the Mediterrane Sea, from the bottome of the greater Syrtis in Afrike, to the Riuer Ebro (Iberus) in Spaine, which is about 2000. miles of length, that the same Carthage I say, and diuers other Cities of Afrike (of which Pliny nameth Vtica and Leptis, as being the principall) were Colonies of the Phoenicians, and namely of the Tyri∣ans, is not onely by Strabo, Mela, Liuie, Plinie, Appian, and many other certaine Authors, acknow∣ledged, and by none denied, but also the very names of Poeni and Punici, being but variations or mutilations of the name Phoenicij import so much, and lastly their language assureth it. For Hie∣rome [ 20] writing that their language was growne somewhat different from the Phoenician tongue, doth manifestly in these words imply, it had beene the same.

And what were the Phoenicians but Chanaanites? The Phoenicians I say, of whose exceeding merchandizing wee read so much in antient Histories, what were they but Chanaanites, whose very name * 1.757 signifieth Merchants? for, the very same Nation, that the Graecians called Phaenicians (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) and the Romans in imitation of that name Poenos & Punicos,* 1.758 for the exceeding store of good Palmes, wherewith that Countrey abounded: In∣somuch that in Monuments of Antiquitie, the [ 30] Palme Tree is obserued for the Ensigne of Phoeni∣cia: the same Nation I say, called themselues, and by the Israelites their next neighbours, were called Chanaanites. And that they were indeed no other, I am able easily to proue. For first, the same wo∣man that in Mathew is named a Canaanite, is in Marke called a Syropoenician. 2. Where mention is made in Iosua, of the Kings of Canaan, they are in the Septuagints translation named, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. 3. To put it out of question. All that Coast, [ 40] from Sidon to Azzah (that was Gaza) neere to Gerar, is registred by * 1.759 Moses, to haue beene pos∣sessed by the posteritie of Chanaan: Of which coast the more Northrene part aboue the promontory of Carmel,* 1.760 or rather from the riuer Chorseus (Kison the Iewes called it) that neere the promontory of Car∣mell, entreth the Sea to the Citie of Orthosia, aboue Sidon Northward, is by Strabo, Pliny, Ptolomy and others, referred to Phoenicia (although Strabo ex∣tend that name, along all the Maritime Coast of [ 50] Palestina also, to the confines of Aegypt, as Dionysius Periegetes also doth, placing Ioppa and Gaza, and Elath in Phoenicia) which very tract to haue been the seuerall possessions of Zidon, and Cheth, and Girgashi, and Harki, and Aruade, and Chamathi, six of the eleuen sonnes of Canaan (the other fiue inhabiting more to the South in Palestina) they that are skilfull in the ancient Chorography of the Holy Land cannot be ignorant. Seeing therefore out of this part of the Land of Canaan, (for in this part Tyrus was) the Carthaginians, and other Colonies of the Phoenicians in Afrike came,* 1.761 it is out of all doubt, that they were of the Chananites progeny: and for such in very deed, and no other, they reputed and professed themselues to be: for as Austine hath left recorded, who was borne and liued among them, the Countrey people of the Punikes, when they were asked touching themselue•• what they were, they would make answer that they were Channai, meaning, [ 60] as Austine himselfe doth interprete them Canaanites.

Certain therfore it is, that the natiue Punike language was the Chanaanitish tongue: but that I added for explication this clause (or the old Hebrew, meaning by the old Hebrew, that which was vulgarly spoken among the Iewes before the captiuity) you will perhaps suspect my credit,

and bee offended, for I am not ignorant how superstitiously Diuines for the most part are affec∣ted toward the Hebrew tongue: yet when I had set down the Africans language to haue been the Canaanitish tongue, I thought good to adde for plainesse sake (or the old Hebrew) because I take them indeed to bee the very same language, and that Abraham and his posterity brought it not out of Chaldaea, but learned it in the Land of Chanaan. Neither is this opinion of mine, a meere p••radox and fantasie, but I haue * 1.762 three or foure of the best skilled in the language and antiquities of that Nation, that the later times could afford of the same minde: And certainly, by * 1.763 Isaiah it is called in direct termes, the language of Chanaan: And it is moreouer manifest, that the names of the places and Cities of Chanaan (the old names I meane by which they were called before the Israelites dwelt in them, as is to be seene in the whole course of the Bookes of Moses [ 10] and of Ioshuah) were Hebrew names: touching which point, although I could produce other force∣able reasons, such as might (except my fantasie delude mee) vexe the best wit in the world to giue them iust solution, yet I will adde no more, both to auoid prolixity, and because I shall haue in another place fitter occasion.

But to speake particularly of the Punike tongue, which hath brought vs into this discourse, and which I proued before to bee the Canaanitish language: it is not onely * 1.764 in one place pronounced by Augustine (who knew it well no man better) to haue neere affinitie with the Hebrew tongue, which also the * 1.765 Punike wordes dispersed in the writings of Augustine, and others (as many as [ 20] come to my remembrance) proue to be true. But more effectually in * 1.766 another place, to agree with it in very many, yea almost in euery word. Which speech, seeing they could in no sort haue from the Israelites, being not of Abrahams poste∣ritie (both because no such transmigration of them is remembred in the holy Histories, and for that the Punike Colonies, are specially mentioned to haue beene deduced from Tyre, which neuer came into the possession of the Israelites) but from the Canaanites, whose off-spring they were: It followeth thereupon that the language of the Canaanites, was either the very same, or exceeding neere the Hebrew. And certainly, touching the [ 30] difference that was betweene the Hebrew and the Punike, I make no doubt, but the great di∣stance from their primitiue habitation, and their conuersation with strangers among whom they were planted, and together with both the length of time, which is wont to bring alterati∣on to all the Languages in the World, were the causes of it. And although that Punike speech in Plautus, which is the onely continued speech of that language,* 1.767 that to my know∣ledge remaineth extant in any Author, haue no such great conuenience with the Hebrew tongue, yet I assure my selfe the faults and corruptions that haue crept into it by many transcrip∣tions, to haue beene the cause of so great difference, by reason whereof it is much changed from what at first it was when Plautus writ it, about one thousand eight hundred yeeres agoe: And specially because in transcribing thereof there would bee so much the lesse care taken, as the lan∣guage [ 40] was lesse vnderstood by the Writers, and by the Readers, and so the escapes lesse subiect to obseruation and controlement.

MAny are the Nations that haue for their vulgar Language, the Slauonish Tongue in Europe, and some in Asia.* 1.768 Among which the principall in Europe are the Slauonians themselues inhabiting Dalmatia and Liburnia, the West Macedonians, the Epirotes, the Bosinates, Seruians, Russians, Bulgarians, Moldauians, Podolians, Russians, Musco∣uites, Bohemians, Polonians, Silesians. And in Asia the Circassians, Mangrel••ians, and Gazarites. These I say are the principall, but they are not all: for Gesner and Roccha reckon vp the names of sixtie Nations, that haue the Slauonian tongue for their vulgar language. So,* 1.769 that it is knowne to be vulgarly spoken ouer all the East parts of Europe (in more then a third part of the whole) euen [ 50] to the vtmost bounds of it the Riuers of Droyna and Tanais; Greece and Hungary, and Walachia onely excepted. Indeed the Regions of Seruia, Bosina, Bulgaria, Rascia, Moldauia, Rus••ia and Moscouia, namely all the Nations of the Easterne parts, which celebrate their diuine seruice after the Greeke Ceremony, and professe Ecclesiasticall obedience to the Patriarch of Constantinople, writ in a diuers sort of Character from that of the Dalmatians, Croatians, Istrians, Polonians, Bohe∣mians, Silesians and other Nations toward the West (both which sorts of Characters are to bee seene in Postels Booke of the Orientall languages) of which, this last is called the Dalmatian or Illyrian Character, and was of * 1.770 Hieromes diuising, that other bearing for the most part much re∣semblance with the Greeke, is termed the Seruian Character, and was of g 1.771 Cyril••s inuention: for which cause, as Roccha hath remembred, they terme the language written in that Character [ 60] * 1.772 Chiurilizza. But yet notwithstanding the difference of Characters in the writing of these Na∣tions, they speake all of them (the difference of dialect excepted) the same language.

But yet is not the Slau••nike tongue (to answere your question) for all this large extent, the vulgar language of the Turkish Empire. For of the Turks Dominion onely Epir••••, the West part

of Macedon, Bosina, Seruia, Bulgaria, Rascia, and part of Thrace, and that hee hath in Dalmatiae and Croacia (beside the Mengrelli in Asia) speake vulgarly the Slauonian tongue. But no where for the more precise limitation, neither in Asia nor in Europe is that language spoken more Southward, then the North Parallel of forty degrees: some part of Epirus onely excepted: I meane it is not spoken as the vulgar language of any Nation more Southward. For else, being ac∣ceptable and vsuall, as it is in the Great Turkes Serrail at Constantinople, and familiar with most of the Turkish Souldiers, by reason of their Garrisons and other great imployment in those parts toward the confines of Christian Princes, all which parts as before I said (Hungarie and Walachia excepted) speake that language: for these reasons I say, it is spoken by diuers particular men in many places of the Turkish Dominion, and the Ianizares and Of∣ficers [ 10] for the most part can speake it, and many others also of the better sort, but yet the generall and vulgar language of his Dominion (excepting those places afore mentio∣ned) it is not.

But in Anatolia, although the old languages still remaine, being for the most part corrupt Greeke, as also in Armenia they haue their peculiar language, yet is the Turkish tongue very fre∣quent & preuaileth in them both: which being originally none other then the Tartarian tongue, as Michouius,* 1.773 and others haue obserued, yet partaketh much, both of the Armenian & Persian, by reason of the Turkes long continuance in both those Regions, before they setled the Seat of their Dominion, and themselues among the Grecians, for which cause it is not without mixture of Greeke also, but chiefly and aboue all other of the Arabike, both by reason of their Religion writ∣ten in that language, and their training vp in Schooles vnto it, as their learned tongue. And yet al∣though [ 20] the Turkish bee well vnderstood both in Natolia and Armenia, yet hath it neither extin∣guished the vulgar languages of those parts, neither obtained to it selfe (for ought I can by my reading find) any peculiar Prouince at all, wherein it is become the sole natiue and vulgar lan∣guague, but is only a common scattered tongue, which appeareth to be so much the more euidently true, because the very Cities that haue been successiuely the Seats of the Ott••man Sultans; name∣ly, Iconium (now Cogna) in Lycaonia, then Prusa in Bithynia; thirdly, Adrianople in Thrace; and lastly, Constantinople, are yet knowne to retaine their old natiue language, the Greeke tongue: Al∣though the Turkish tongue also bee common in them all, as it is likewise in all other Greeke Cities both of Greece and Asia. [ 30]

But in the East part of Cilicia beyond the Riuer Pyramus, as in all Syria also, and Mesopotamia and Palestina, and Arabia and Aegypt, and thence Westward in all the long tract of Afrike, that extendeth from Aegypt to the Strait of Gibralter, I say, in all that lieth betwixt the Moun∣taine Atlas, and the Mediterrane Sea (now termed Barbary) excepting Marocco, and here and there some scattered remnants of the old Africans in the Inland parts, the Arabike tongue is be∣come the vulgar language, although somewhat corrupted and varied in dialect, as among so ma∣ny seuerall Nations it is vnpossible but it should bee. And although I bee farre from * 1.774 their opi∣nion, which write (too ouerlashingly) that the Arabian tongue is in vse in two third parts of the inhabited world, or in more, yet I finde that it extendeth very farre, and specially where the Religion of Mahumed is professed. For which cause (ouer and besides the parts [ 40] aboue mentioned, in which it is, as I said, become the natiue language) in all the Northerne part of the Turkish Empire also, I meane that part that lyeth on the North side of the Medi∣terrane Sea, as likewise among the Mahumetan Tartars, it is thought not the Vulgar tongue,* 1.775 yet familiar with very many, both because all their Religion is written in that language, and for that * 1.776 euery boy that goeth to schoole is taught it, as in our Schooles they are taught Latine and Greeke: Insomuch, that all the Turkes write their owne language in A∣rabike Characters. So that you see the common languages of the Turkish Empire, to be the Slauo∣nish, the Greeke, the Turkish, and Arabike tongues, seruing seuerally for the parts that I men∣tioned before.

[ 50]

THe Syriacke tongue is certainely * 1.777 thought to haue had beginning, in the time of the Cap∣tiuitie of the Iewes in Babylon, while they were mingled among the Chaldeans. In which long reuolution of seuenty yeeres, the vulgar sort of the Iewes forgot their owne language, and began to speake the Chaldee: But yet pronouncing it amisse, and framing it somewhat to their owne Countrey fashion, in notation of Points, Affixes, Coniugations, and some other proper∣ties of their ancient speech, it became a mixt language of Hebrew and Chalde••: a great part Chaldee for the substance of the wordes, but more Hebrew for the fashion, and so degenerating much from both: The old and right Hebrew remaining after that time onely among the learned men, and being taught in Schooles, as among vs the learned tongues are accustomed to bee. And yet, after the time of our Sauiour, this language began much more to alter and to depart further, [ 60] both from the Chaldee and Hebrew, as receiuing much mixture of Greeke, some of Romane and Arabike wordes, as in the Talmud (named of Ierusalem) gathered by R. Iochanan, a∣bout▪ three hundred yeeres after Christ, is apparent, being farre fuller of them, then those parts of the Chalde•• paraphrase on the holy Scriptures, which were made by

R. Ionathan, a little before Christ, and by R. Aquila, whome they call Onkelos not long after.

But yet certaine it is, both for the great difference of the wordes themselues, which are in the Syriake tongue for the most part Chaldee, and for the diuersitie of t••ose adherents of wordes, which they call praefixa, and suffixa, as also for the differing sound of some vowels, and sundry other considerations: Certaine it is I say that the vnlearned Iewes, whose vulgar speech the Syriake then was, could not vnderstand their 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 & 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is their lec∣tures of Moses and the Prophets, vsed in their Synagogues in the Hebrew tongue. And that seemeth to haue beene the originall reason, both of the publike speeches and declarations of [ 10] learned men to the people, vsuall in their Synagogues on the Sabboaths, after the readings of the Law and of the Prophets, whereof in the o 1.778 New Testament wee finde some mention, and also of the translation of Ionathan and Onkelos, and others made into their vulgar language, for that the difference betwixt the Hebrew and the Chaldee was so great, that the tongue of the one Nation could not bee vnderstood by the other. First, the tongues themselues, which yet re∣maine with vs may bee euident demonstrations, of which wee see that one may bee skilfull in the Hebrew, and yet not vnderstand the Chaldee, and therefore neither could they, whose speech the Chaldee then was (although much degenerated) vnderstand the Hebrew. Second∣ly, wee find that when p 1.779 Ezra, at the returne from the Captiuitie, read the Booke of the Law before the people, others were faine to interprete that which was read vnto them. And [ 20] thirdly, the answere made to Rabshakeh, by the Officers of King Hez••kiah may put it out of que∣stion, willing him q 1.780 to speake vnto them in the Chaldee tongue, that the common people of Ierusalem (in whose hearing it was) might not vnderstand what was spoken. But yet it might bee, that as at this day the Iewes vse to doe, so also in Christs time of conuersing on the Earth, they might also read the Chaldee Targamin (and certainely some r 1.781 learned men af∣firme they did so) together with the Hebrew lectures of Moses and the Prophets; for certaine it is, that Ionathan Ben Vziel, had before the birth of our Sauiour translated, not the Prophets onely into Chaldee, for it is his Paraphrase that wee haue at this day on the Prophets, and the Language which wee now call the Syriake, was but the Iewish Chaldee, although in the after times, by the mixture of Greeke, and many other forraine wordes it became [ 30] somewhat changed, from what in the times afore, and about our Sauiours Incarnation it had beene) but the Pentateuch also: at least, if it bee true which Sixtus hath recorded,* 1.782 namely, that such is the Tradition among the Iewes, and which Galatine writeth, that himselfe hath seene that translation of Iona∣thans,* 1.783 beside that of Onkelos, the beginning of both which hee setteth downe, differing one from another in the first wordes. Which (name∣ly, touching the publike reading of the Chal∣dee Targamin, either together with the He∣brew Text, or instead of it) I may as well con∣ceiue [ 40] to bee true, as that the forraine s 1.784 Iewes, dwelling in Alexandria and others parts of Aegypt, in Asia also, and other Greeke Prouinces a∣broad, vsed publikely in stead of the Hebrew, which now they vnderstood not the Septua∣gints Greeke translation, as is euident in Tertullian: And of some others of them in the Con∣stitutions of t 1.785 Iustinian. Which Iewes for that very cause, are sundry times in the u 1.786 Acts of the Apostles termed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. For by that name, in the iudgement of learned men, the naturall Graecians are not meant, which are alwayes named 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, not 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, But, the Iewes dispersed among the Gentiles, that vsed to read the Greeke Scriptures in their Synogogues.

And here shall be the period of my first Enquiry touching the Languages, and beginning of the second, concerning the sorts of Religions abroad in the World. In discoursing whereof you must [ 50] bee content to accept of Moderne Authors, because I am to intreate of Moderne Matters: And if I hap to step awry where I see no path, and can discerne but few steps afore mee, you must par∣don it. And yet this one thing I will promise you, that if either they that should direct mee, mislead mee not, or (where my reason suspects that my guides wander, and I am mislead) if my circumspect obseruing, or diligent inq••••ring, may preserue mee from errour, I will not depart a haire from the way of Truth.

[ 60]

CHAP. XIII. Master BR••REWOODS Enquiries of the Religions professed in the World: of Christians, Mahumetans, Iewes and Idolaters; with other Philosophicall speculations, and diuers Annotations added.

ALl Europe is possessed by Christians, except the vtmost corners of it, toward the East and the North, for the small company of Mahumetans, inhabiting their peculiar * 1.787 Villages about Wilna in Litunia, or the scattered * 1.788 remnants of Idola∣ters [ 10] in the same Prouince, and in Samogitia are not worthy mentioning. But to∣ward the North, Lappia, Scricfinia, Biarmia, Corelia, and the North part of Fin∣marke (all which together passe commonly vnder the name of Lapland, and make a Region about nine hundred miles in circuit) are inhabited by Idolaters: and toward the East, all the Region betwixt Tanais and Borysthenes, along Maeotis and the Euxine Sea (the true natiue Countrey of the ancient Gothes) being more then twice as large as the former, and withall much better peopled, is inhabited by the Tartars, called Crimaei or Praecopitae, who are all Mahumetans, excepting onely a small remainder of Christians in some parts of Taurica.

But, in all the Turkes Dominion that hee hath in Europe, inclosed after a peninsular figure, be∣tweene Danubius and the Sea, and containing in circuit about 2300. miles (for Moldauia, Wala∣chia, [ 20] and Transiluania, I reckon not for the parts of his Dominion) namely, from aboue Buda, on Danubius side, and from Ragusa on the Sea Eastward, to the vtmost bounds of Europe, as also in the Iles of the Aegaean Sea, Christians are mingled with Mahumetans. All which Dominion yet of the Turkes in Europe, though so much in circuit as I said, is neuerthelesse (measured by squares) no greater then Spaine, the Continent of it being no way answerable to the Circumfe∣rence: both, because it runneth farre out in sharpe angles, toward the West and South, namely in Hungary and Moraea, and is beside in Greece in many places extraordinarily indented with the Sea. And in his Dominion of the Turks in Europe, such is notwithstanding the mixture of Ma∣humetans with Christians, that the Christians * 1.789 make two third parts at least of the Inhabitants: [ 30] for the Turke, so that the Christians pay him his yeerely tribute (which is one fourth part of their increase, and a Saltanie for euery poll) and speake nothing against the Religion and Sect of Mahu∣met, permitteth them the liberty of their religion. And euen in Greece it selfe, although more disso∣lute then any Region of Europe subiect to the Turke (as hauing bin anciently more wasted with intestine discord, and longest groaned vnder the Turks oppression) there remaine yet neuerthelesse in * 1.790 Constantinople, the very Seat of the Turkish Empire, aboue twenty Churches of Christians, and in the Citie of Salonichi (Thessalonica) aboue thirty, whereas in the later this Mahumet••••ns haue but three, beside very many Churches abroad in the Prouince vnder suffragan Bishops, of whom the Metropolitan of Salonichi, hath no lesse then ten belonging to his Iurisdiction, as there are also recorded yet to remaine vnder the Metropolitans of Philippi, one hundred and fifty Churches: [ 40] of Athens, as many: Of Corinth one hundred, together with sundry suffragan Bishops vnder each of them.

But in Afrike, all the Regions in a manner, that Christian Religion had gained from Idolatry, Mahumetanisme hath regained from Christianitie: Insomuch, that not onely the North part of Afrike, lying along the Mediterrane Sea, namely, betwixt it and the Mountaine Atlas, euen from Spaine to Aegypt, where Christianitie sometime exceedingly flourished, as there wee reade Synodes of aboue two hundred Bishops to haue been gathered, and a 1.791 three hundred Catholi••••e Bi∣shops to haue been there expelled by Gensericus King of the Wandales: And in some one Prouince alone, b 1.792 Zengitana by name (it is that wherein Carthage stood) to haue beene one hundred sixty foure Bishops vnder one Metropolitan: Not onely that North part of Afrike I say, is at this pre∣sent [ 50] vtterly void of Christians, excepting a few Towns belonging to the King of Spaine (of which onely Septa and Tanger are Episcopall Cities:) but euen in all the vast Continent of Afrike, be∣ing about thrice as large as Europe, there is not any Region entirely possessed by Christians but the Kingdome of Habassia, no, nor yet (which is more lamentable) any other where Christians are mingled, either with Mahumetans, but onely Aegypt: or where with Idolaters, but the King∣domes of c 1.793 Conga and Angola: which two about one hundred twenty yeeres agoe, ann. 1491.) began first to receiue Christianitie: All the rest of Afrike, being entirely gouerned and possessed by Pagans or Mahumetans. To which, if I should adde those few places in Afrike afore mentioned, neere the Strait of Gibraltar, which the Kings of Portugall and Castile haue conquered from the Moores, with the other few dispersed fortresses, which the Portugalls hold in other places on the [ 60] Coast of Afrike (altogether euen betwixt Spaine and India are but eleuen or twelue) I know not where to finde euen among all the natiue Inhabitants of Af••ike, any Christians more. For, as for the large Region of Nubia, which had from the Apostles time (as is thought) pro∣fessed the Christian Faith, it hath againe aboue one hundred yeeres since forsaken it, and

embraced instead of it, partly Mahumetanisme, and partly Idolatry, and that by the most mise∣rable occasion that might befall, namely famine of the word of God through lacke of Ministers: for as Aluarez hath recorded, at his being in the King of Habassia his Court,* 1.794 there were Embas∣sadours out of Nubia, to in••••eate him for a supply of Ministers, to instruct their Nation, and re∣paire Christianitie gone to ruine among them: but were reiected.

And you are the Christians of Aegypt, namely those of the natiue Inhabitants, but verie few in respect of that infinitenesse of people, where with Aegypt doth, and euer did abound, as being esteemed not to passe * 1.795 50000. And, as touching the Kingdome of Habassia, neither is it all Chri∣stians▪ but a great part of Gentil••s, namely toward the West, and South bounds of it, and some part Mahumetans, toward the East border: neither so large and spacious, as many mens relations [ 10] haue made it thought to be. For although I cannot assent to them, who assigne to that great Kingdome▪ but about 662. leagues of compasse, by which reckoning (suppose they were Spanish league) it should be little larger then Germany (for I know full well, by infallible obseruations, th•••• spa••ing limitation of others, to be vn••rue) yet, neither can I yeelde to them, who esteeme it * 1.796 greater, then the va••te dominions of the Emperours of Turkie or of Tartari••, &c. Or, to them, that extend it from the one Tropique to the other, and from the red Sea, almost to the West Oce∣an. For first, certaine it is (that I may speake a little of the limits of this Kingdome) that it at∣taineth not to the red Sea (Eastward) neither within the straits of Babel mandel, nor without: for within those straits, along the Bay of Arabia, there is a continuall ledge of Mountains, known [ 20] to be inhabited with Moores, betwixt that Bay, and the dominion of Habassia: So that, onely one Port there is, along all that coast (Ercoco by name) where those Mountaines open to the Sea, that at this present belongeth to it. Neither without those Straits doth it any where approach to the Ocean. All that coast, as farre as M••zanbiqu••, being well knowne to be inhabited with Arabians.

And as touching the west limits of Habassia, I cannot finde by any certaine historie or relation (vnskilfull men may rumour what they will, and I know also that the common Charts repre∣sent it otherwise) I cannot finde I say, that it stretcheth beyond the Riuer Nilus, so farre com∣meth it shore of the West Ocean. For it is knowne, that all the West banke of Nilus, from the Riuer of Z••••re to the confines of Nubia, is possessed by the Anzichi, being an idolatrous and [ 30] man-eating Nation, and subiect to a great Prince of their owne; thus then it is with the bredth of the Empire of Habassia, betwixt East and West. And now to speake of the length of it, ly∣ing North and South, neither doth it approach Northward on Nilus side, further then the South end of the Isle of Meroe (Mero•• it selfe i•• inhabited by Mahumetans, and the deadly enemies of the King of Habassia) nor on the Sea side further then about the port of Suachem. And toward the South, although the bounds of that Kingdome be not perfectly knowne, yet that it approach∣eth nothing neere the circle of Capricorne, as ••ath bin supposed, is most manifest, because t••e great Kingdomes of Moenhemage, and B••nom••tapa, and some others, are scituate betwixt Habassia and that cir••le. But, as neere as I am able to coniecture, hauing made the best search that I can, in the itineraries and relations, that are extant of those parts, the South limit of that Empire, [ 40] passeth not the South parallell of six or seuen degrees at the most, where it confineth with Mo∣••nhemage. So that to make a respectiue estimate of the largenesse of that dominion, by comparing it with our knowne regions of Europe. It seemeth equall to Germany and France, and Spaine, and Italie laid together: Equall I say in dimension of ground, but nothing neere equall in habitation or multitude of people, which the distemperature of that climate, and the dry barrennesse of the ground, in many regions of it, will not allow. For which cause the torride parts of Afrique are by Piso in Strabo resembled to a Libbards skinne, the distance of whose spots, represent the disper∣sednesse of habitations or townes in Afrique. But if I should absolutely set downe the circuit of that whole dominion, I esteeme the limitation of Piga••e••ta, nere about the truth, namely, that it hath in circumference 4000. miles (about 1500. in length, and about 600. in breadth) being in∣closed with Mahumetans on the North, and East, and with Idolaters, on the West and South.

[ 50] Such then as I haue declared, is the condition of Christians in the continent of Afrique: but the Inhabitants of the Isles along the West coast of Afrique, as namely Madera; the Canarres, the Isles of Cabo verde, and of S. Thomas, and some other of lesse importance, are by the Portugals and Ca∣st••lians instruction, become Christian: but on the East side of Afrique, excepting onely * 1.797 Zocotora, there is no Christian Isle.

Euen such is the state of Christians in the firme land, and the adiacent Isles of Afrique. And it is not much better in Asia, for excepting first the Empire of Russia (and yet of it,* 1.798 a great part is I••olatrous, namely the region betweene the Riuers of Pechora and Ob, and some part of Permia) secondly, the regions of Circassia▪ and Mengrelia, lying along Moeotis and the Euxine Sea, from [ 60] Tanais Eastward as farre as the Riuer Phasis. Thirdly, the Prouine of Georgia, and fourthly the Mountaine Libanus in Syria (and yet the last of these is of the Turkes Dominion) excepting these few I say, there is not any region in all Asia, where Christians liue seuerall, without mixture, ei∣ther of Mahumetans or of Pagans, for although Vitriacus a man well experienced in some parts of the orient (as being Bishop of Acon and the Popes Legate in the East,* 1.799 at what time Palestina

and Syria were in the hands of Christians) hath lest registred, that the Christians of the Easterlie parts of Asia,* 1.800 exceeded in multitude the Christians of the Greeke and Latine Churches: yet in his time (for he writ almost foure hundred yeeres agoe) Christianitie began to decline, and since his time, it hath proceeded infinitely to decay, in all those parts of Asia: first, by the inundati∣on of the Idolatrous Tartars, who subdued all those Regions, and after by the intertayning of Mahumetanisme in many of them. The time was indeede, (and but about foure hundred yeeres agoe) when the King of Tenduc, whom the histories of those times name Presbyter Iohannes a Chri∣stian, but a Nestorian Prince, ruled farre and wide, in the North-east part of Asia: as hauing vn∣der his dominion, beside Tenduc, (which was his owne natiue and peculiar Kingdome) all the neighbouring Prouinces, which were at that time for a great part, Christian: but after that his [ 10] Empire was brought to ruine, and he subdued by Chingis a rebell of his owne Dominion (and the first founder of the Tartarian Empire) which happened about the yeere 1190. the state of Chri∣stian Religion became in short time strangely altered in those parts,* 1.801 for I finde in Marcus Paulus who liued within fiftie yeeres after Vitriacus, and was a man of more experience in those parts then be, as hauing spent seuenteene yeeres together in Tartarie, partly in the Emperours Court, and partly in trauailing ouer those Regions, about the Emperors affaires, that except the Pro∣uince of Tendu••, which as I said was the Kingdome of Presbyter Iohns residence (for it was the Prince of that Kingdome, which is rightly and vsually, by the ancienter Historians named * 1.802 Presbyter Iohn, howsoeuer the mistaking fantasies of ma∣ny, haue transported it out of Asia into Africke and by errour bestowed it on the King of Habassia) except that [ 20] Prouince of Tenduc I say, wherof * 1.803 Marcus Paulus con∣fesseth the greater part, to haue professed the Christian Religion at his being in Tartarie, the rest of the Inhabi∣tants, being partly Mahumetans, and partly Idolaters: in all the other Prouinces of those parts beside, that, hee obserueth the Christians to bee but few, as namely in the Kingdomes of a 1.804 Tanguth, of b 1.805 Chinchi••tales, of Su••cu∣ir, of c 1.806 Caraiam, of d 1.807 Cassar, of e 1.808 Carcham, of f 1.809 Ergi∣muli, of g 1.810 C••rguth, of Eg••igaia, and in the other Regions of Tartarie mentioning no Christians at all. Two Cities [ 30] onely I finde in him excepted, the one was h 1.811 Cingiangifu in Mangi, (that is China) where hee noteth, that many Christians dwelt, and the other i 1.812 Quinsay, in which later yet, (although the greatest Citie in the world) he hath recorded to bee found but one Church of Christians. But these places excepted before mentioned.k 1.813 I can finde no certaine relation, neither in Paul Venetus, nor any other, of any Christians of the natiue Inhabitants,l 1.814 in all the East of Asia, but Idolatrie keepeth still her olde possession, and ouerspreadeth all.

But yet indeede, in the more Southerly parts of Asia (especially in those where Christianitie was first planted, and had taken deepest roote) as Natolia, Syria, Palestine, Chaldaea, Ossyria, Me∣sopotamia, [ 40] Armenia, Media, Persia, the North part of Arabia, and the South of India, Christians are not onely to be found, but in certaine of those Regions, as in Natolia, Armenia, Syria, Me∣sopotamia, somewhat thicke mingled with Mahumetans: as they are also in the South of India not farre from the Promontorie of Comorijn, in some reasonable number, in the Kingdome of C••••¦tan, of Cranganor, and of Choromandel, but mingled with Idolaters. But yet, is not this mixture of Christians with them of other Religions, in any part of Asia, after the proportion of their mixture in Europe (where I obserued the Christians to make the preuayling number) but they are farre inferiour to the multitude of the Mahumetans, and of the Idolaters, among whom they are mingled, and yet touching their number, decrease euery day, in all the parts aforesaid, India one∣ly excepted. Where since the Portugals held Goa (which they haue erected into an Archbisho∣pricke) and entertayned Malabar, and some other parts of India, what with commerce, and what [ 50] with amitie, the number of Christians is greatly multiplied, in sundrie places of that Region, but yet not so, as to compare in any sort with the Mahumetans, and much lesse with the Idolaters among whom they liue.

Thus it is with Christians in the firme land of Asia: but in the Ilands about Asia, Christianitie is as yet but a tender plant: for although it hath made some entrance into the Isles called Philippi∣nas, namely into thirty of them, for so many onely of 11000. termed by that name, are subiect to the King of Spain. Th. Ies. de Conu. gant. l. 1. c. 1. by the industry of the Castilians, as also by the preach∣ing of the Portugals, into Ormuz in the Bay of Persia, and into Ce••lan in the Sea of India, and some few other of the infinite multitude of Islands, dispersed in that Easterne Sea, yet hath it hitherto found in all those places, rather some faire beginning, then any great proceeding. Onely in Iaponia [ 60] Christianity hath obtained (notwithstanding many hinderances and oppositions) more prospe∣rous successe. Insomuch that many yeeres since, there were recorded to haue beene by estimati∣on, about * 1.815 200000. Christians in Iaponia.

[illustration]

HONDIVS his Map of the Christian World.

Lastly, in America, there be foure large regions, and those of the most fruitfull and populous [ 40] part of it, possessed and gouerned by the Spaniards, that is, Nueua Espana,* 1.816 Castilla del Oro (other∣wise termed Nuebo Reino) Peru, and part of Brasil, the first three, by the Castilians, and the fourth, by the Portugal••, all which together, may by estimation, make a Region as large as Europe. In which, as also in the Islands, specially in the greater Islands of Hispaniola, Cuba, Iamaica, and Pu∣erto-rico, ••he Christian Region is so largely spred, that * 1.817 one hath presumed, to equall in a manner, the Christians of America, to those of the Latine Church in Europe: And * 1.818 another, hath left recorded, that within a few yeeres after the entrance of the Gospell among them, there were no lesse then seuen Millions, or as others reported foureteene Millions, that in the Sacrament of Bap∣tisme had giuen their names to Christ. But especially in the Kingdome of Mexico (or Nueua Es∣panna) Christian Religion obtained that plentifull and prosperous successe, that we finde recorded of sundry of the Preachers, emploied about the conuersion of that people, that they baptised each [ 50] each one of them, aboue 100000. and that in few yeeres: Insomuch that as is storied by Surius) It is to be found among the records of Charles the fift, that some old Priest hath baptised. 700000. another 300000. and certaine others very great multitudes. But yet, what maner of Christians many of those proselites were, I am loath to remember, or report (and it may be by this time, they are better affected and instructed then they were) for certainly, Ouiedo, and Benzo, men that had long liued, and were well experienced in those parts, haue left recorded, the first of * 1.819 Cuba, that there was scarce any one, or but very few, that willingly became Christians, and both Ouiedo of them, and Benz•• of the Christians of Nueua Espanna, that they had nothing almost belonging to Christianitie, but onely the bare name of Christians, being so vtterly mindelesse, and carelesse of [ 60] Christian religion, that they remembred not any thing of the couenant and profession, they made in their baptisme: Onely they kept in minde, the name they receiued then, which very name also, they forgot soone after. But all the rest of America, except the regions afore mentioned, which compared to the parts possessed by the Castilians and Portugals (to make estimation by the Maps that we haue of those regions, for the North and West coasts of America, are not yet per∣fectly discouered) may be as six to one, is possessed by Idolaters.

HAuing declared the amplitude of Christianitie, I will proceed to shew the state of other Re∣ligions in the World,* 1.820 and with all, what parts of it, the Professours of those Religions doe seuerally inhabit; and lastly, what proportion they may haue each to other, and all of them to Christians. To indeuour therefore your satisfaction in this behalfe. There are foure sorts or sects of R••ligion, obserued in the sundrie Regions of the World. Namely, Idolatry, Mahumetanisme, Iudaisme, and Christianitie. Of Christians I haue alreadie spoken: now therefore will I relate for your better contentment, of the other three; and first of Mahumetans.

Mahumetans then possesse in Europe, as I said before (hauing in that part but small mixture of Christians (all the Region betwixt Tanais and Boristhenes (Don and Nieper they are now called) being about a twentieth part of Europe: beside a 1.821 some Villages in Lituania about Wil••a, where the [ 10] vse of their Religion is by the King of Poland permitted them, for in Greece, Macedon, Thrace, Bulgaria, Rascia, Seruia, Bosina, Epirus, the greatest part of Hungaria, and some part of Dalmatia (which may be together about one fourteenth part of Europe) although the gouernment be who∣ly the Turkes, yet Mahumetans scarcely passe one third part of the Inhabitants.

But in Afrique, Mahumetanisme is spread exceeding farre; for, first to consider the maritime Coast: It possesseth all the shoare of the Atlantique Ocean, from Cape Blanco b 1.822 to the Strait of Gibralter, being about 1100. miles. Secondly, on the shoare of the Mediterraine, all from that Strait to Egypt, about 2400. miles, excepting onely on the one Coast, and on the other, some seuen Townes, in the possession of the Spaniards. Thirdly, on the East side of Afrike, all the Coast of the Bay of Arabia, euen from Suez to Cape Gardafu, about 1600. miles, excepting onely one Port (Ercoc••) being of the Dominion of the King of Habassia. And thence (doubling that Cape) [ 20] Southward, all the shoare of the Aethiopique Sea, as farre as Mozambique (that is ouer against the middest of Madagascar) about 1800. miles. And in all the Coasts of Afrike hitherto mentioned, being altogether about 7000. miles (that is, by some excesse more then halfe the circumference of Afrike) the Professors of Mahumeds Religion, haue both possession and dominion, together with the c 1.823 Maritime parts, of the great Ile of Madagascar, and many other Ilands along the Coast of Afrike.

And yet, euen beyond Mozambique also as farre as to the Cape das Corrientes, it is vnder the Circle of Capricorne) although they haue there no rule, yet they are found mingled with Idola∣ters. But yet neuerthelesse, obserued it is, that along the East shoare of Afrike, namely from Suachem to Mozambique (being towards 3000. miles of the mentioned Coast) Mahumetans pos∣sesse [ 30] onely the Margent of the Land, on the Sea shoare, and haue gotten but little footing in the Inland parts, except in the Kingdomes of Dangali and Adel, confining together, the first with∣in and the second without the Strait of Babel Mandel, which yet are but small Prouinces. And this also (to extenuate their number) is also true, that from the Kingdome of Adel, and Cape Guardafu, to Mozambique, there is found among the Mahumetans, some mixture of Idolaters, although the Dominion be onely in the Mahumetans hands.

But yet on the North and West parts of Afrike, it is farre otherwise, and farre worse: Ma∣humetanisme hauing ouer-spread all the maine Land of Afrike, betweene the Mediterrane Sea, and the great Riuer Niger: and along the course of Nilus, as farre as the Ile of Meroe, which lieth also about the same parallel with the Riuer Niger, and is possessed by Mahumetans. And [ 40] yet d 1.824 beyond Niger also, it hath inuaded and obtained, all the Kingdoms of the Nigrites that bor∣der on that Riuer. So that all Barbarie and Biled-elgerid, and Libya desert••, and the Region of Ne∣groes, are become of that Religion. Excepting first some Maritime parts toward the Atlantique Sea, namely from Cape Blanco Southward, which are inhabited by Gentiles. Secondly, the King∣dome of Borno, and some part of Nubia: And thirdly, certaine scattered multitudes of the olde African Progenie, that still retaine their ancient Gentilisme, and are found in diuers places heere and there in the Mountaines and wilder parts of Barbarie, of Biled-elgerid, and of Libya. These I say, being excepted, all Afrike beside, from the Mediterraine Sea, somewhat more Southward then the Riuer Niger, is ouer-spread with Mahumetans: which (adding these before mentioned, [ 50] along the East Coast of Aethiopia) may by estimation, take vp foure nine parts of Afrique.

And yet in Asia, Mahumatisme is farther spred, being imbraced and maintained chiefly, by foure mightie Nations, namely, the Arabians, Persians, Turkes, and Tartars. e 1.825 Arabia was in∣deed the Nest, that bred and fostered that vncleane Bird, and had it beene the Cage also, for euer to enclose it, it had beene but too much space and libertie, for Arabia is in circuit aboue 4000. miles, and except a small mixture of Christians in Elt••r, f 1.826 a Port Towne toward the inmost Angle of the Bay of Arabia; and Petra (Krac now it is called) a mid-land Towne; and two Monasteries about the Hill of Sinai, all is possessed with Mahumetans. But from Arabia that poyson hath in such sort dispersed it selfe through the veines of Asia, that neere the one halfe, is at this day corrupted by it. For although it hath not hitherto attained to the North Coast of A∣sia, which is partly inhabited by Christians, namely, from the Riuer of Dwyna to Pechora, and [ 60] partly by Idolaters from Pechora to the East Ocean: nor yet to the East Coast, which from the most Northerly part of Tartary, to the most Southerly part of India g 1.827 (except some few places in the Kingdome of Si••••) Idolaters in like sort generally obtaine: yet neuerthelesse, it is as I

said, namely, that a very great part of Asia is infected with that pestilence. For first, all the Southerly Coast of Asia, from the Bay of Arabia to the Riuer Indus, is possessed by Mahumetans: and if we proceed further along that shoare, euen beyond the Riuer of Indus also, the great King∣domes of Cambaya and Bengala, for a great part of them, and about one fourth part of the Inha∣tants of Malabar, are obserued to be Mahumetans. And secondly, to consider the Inland parts: all from the Westerly bounds of Asia, namely the Riuer Tanais, with the Euxine, Aegaean, and Mediterrane Seas, as farre Eastward, as the Mountaine Imaus (which is more then halfe the length of Asia, is possessed by them: Except, first the h 1.828 Kirgessi neere Imaus, who are Idola∣ters: and secondly, the mixture of Christians among them, who yet haue very small proportion (for their multitude) to Mahumetans, in any Prouince, of all the mentioned vast circuit, for how∣soeuer [ 10] Burchardus about 320. yeeres agoe, hath left recorded of those parts of Asia, that there were to be found in them thirtie Christians for one Mahumetan. Descr. ter. sanct. pag. 2. c. 2. §. 9. yet certainly, that in these present times the excesse of multitude is growne great on the Ma∣humetans side in respect of Christians, the experience of many putteth out of question. And if we shall proceed yet further Eastward in the In-land parts of Asia, and passe in our speculation, beyond the Mountaine Imaus, euen there also sundry Prouinces are obserued, as i 1.829 Peim, Cotam, Lop, where Mahumetans are the maine and sole Inhabitants, and many more, k 1.830 Cassar, Car∣cham, Chinchintilus, Tanguth, Ergimul, Cerguth, Tenduc, &c. where they are mingled among I∣dolaters, which may for a great part, counteruaile those Regions of Asia, which Christians and [ 20] Idolaters take vp on this side that Mountaine. So that, in my estimation, hauing about these points conferred Historie with Geographie in the most circumspect and considerate manner that I was able, about nine parts of twentie of Asia are possessed by Mahumetans.

Thus then is Mahumetanisme spread ouer the one halfe almost of the firme Land of Asia. And yet moreouer in the Ilands also that are about Asia, that Religion hath found large entertain∣ment. For not onely a good part of the small l 1.831 Iles of Malidiuia, namely those of them that are inhabited (for they are aboue 7000. in all, and most without habitation) are possessed with Mahumetans, but moreouer, all the Ports of the Ile of Ceilan (except Colombo which the Portu∣gals haue, the Sea Coasts of Sumatra, the Port of Iaua, with the Ile of Sunda, the Ports of Ban∣da, of Borneo and of Gilolo, with some of the Ilands Malucos, are in the hands of Mahu∣metans.

[ 30]

Of the great spreading and inlargement of which Religion, if the causes were demanded of me, I should make answere, that beside the Iustice of Almightie God, punishing by that violent and wicked Sect, the sinnes of Christians (for we see that by the Conquests of the Arabians, and Turkes, it hath chiefly seised on those Regions, where Christianitie in ancient time most flouri∣shed, both in Afrike and Asia, and partly in Europe) one cause I say, of the large spreading of their Religion, is the large spreading of their victories. For it hath euer beene the condition of the conquered, to follow for the most part the Religion m 1.832 of the Conquerours. A second, their peremptorie restraint (euen on the paine of death) of all disputation touching their Religion, and calling any point of it into question. A third, their suppression of the studie of Philosophy, by the light whereof, the grossenesse and vanitie of many parts of their Religion might bee discoue∣red, [ 40] which is inhibited to be taught in their Vniuersities, and so hath beene, about these foure hundred yeeres, whereas till then, it greatly flourished among them, in Cordoua, in Fez, in Ma∣roccho, in Bagded, and other Cities. And yet, as Bellonius and * 1.833 others write, the Turkes fall now againe, to those studies afresh. n 1.834 A fourth cause may well be assigned, the sensuall libertie allowed by it, namely to haue many Wiues, and the like promise of sensuall pleasures, to succeed after this life (to the Religious obseruers of it) in Paradise wherewith men for the greatest part, as beeing of things wherewith their sense is affected, and whereof they haue had certaine experience, are more allured and perswaded, then with promises of spirituall delights, pre∣sented only to their hopes, and for which present and sensible pleasures must in the meane time be forsaken.

[ 50]

NOw touching Idolaters, they possesse in Europe, a Region as I before obserued, about 900. miles in circuit (although the ordinary Geographicall Charts represent it (but falsly) more then twice so large,* 1.835 containing Lappia, Corelia, Biarmia, Scricfinia, and the North part of Fin••uarch. All which together, may by estimation make about one sixtieth part of Europe, or a little more, more I meane in magnitude rather then in multitude, for it is indeed a little greater then so. Be∣side which Prouinces, there are also to bee found in diuers places of o 1.836 Lituania, and Samagotia, some scattered remnants of Idolaters.

But in Afrike their multitude is very great, for from Cape Blanco on the Coast of Libya, the most Westerly point of all Afrike (being about the North latitude of twenty degrees) euen all the Coast of Afrike Southward, to the Cape of Buena Esperanza: And thence turning by the [ 10] backe of Afrike, as farre as the Cape of Mozambique, being (ouer against the middest of Mada∣gascar) in the South latitude of fifteene degrees: all this Coast I say, being not much lesse, then halfe the Circumference of Afrike, is inhabited by Idolaters. Onely, on the East side, from Mo∣zambique to Cape de Corrientes (which is the South latitude of twentie foure degrees) they are mingled with Mahumetans: And on the West side, in the Kingdome of Congo, and the North part of Angola, with Christians: But yet in both these places of their mixture, Idolaters are the greater multitude.

But now, if we consider the Inland Region of Afrike, all betweene the Riuer Nilus, and the West Sea of Aethiopia, from about the North parallel of ten degrees, to the South parallel of six or seuen degrees, but from that parallel of sixe or seuen degrees, euen all Aethiopia Southward, on both the sides of Nilus, from the East Sea of Aethiopia, to the West, euen to the most Sou∣therly [ 20] point of all Afrike, the Cape of Buona Speranza, is possessed by Idolaters: excepting one∣ly some part of Congo and Angola afore mentioned, toward the West Sea, inhabited by Christi∣ans, and the vtmost shoare of the East Sea, from Mozambique Northward, which is replenished with Mahumetans: And yet, beside all the Regions before mentioned, euen all the Kingdome of p 1.837 Borno, and a great part q 1.838 of Nubia is possessed by them; to speake nothing of the infinite mul∣titudes of the r 1.839 ancient Africans, dispersed in sundry Tracts of Barbary, of Biled-elgerid, and of Libya Deserta, which still continue in their ancient Paganisme. So that (ouer and beside these last) very neere about halfe Afrike, is possessed by Idolaters.

And yet in Asia Idolaters abound more then in Afrike, euen as Asia is larger then Afrike for the Continent, and for the people, better inhabited; for of Asia also, very neere about the one [ 30] halfe, or rather a little more is possessed by Idolaters. For first, if we consider the Maritime parts, all from the Riuer of Pechora, Eastward to the Ocean, and then turning downward, to the most Southerly point of India (and of all Asia) the Cape of Cincapura, and from that point returning Westward, by the South Coast, to the Out-lets of the Riuer Indus, all that Maritime Tract I say, is entirely possessed by Idolaters. Sauing onely, that in the neerer part of India, betweene Indus and Ganges, there is among them some mixture both of Mahumetans and Christians: and in the further part, the Citie and Territorie of Malacca, is held by Portugals, and some part of the Sea Coast of the Kingdome of Siam, by Moores. So that by this account, a good deale more then halfe the circumference of Asia, is possessed by Idolaters. And, although in the In-land parts their proportion be somewhat lesse, then in the Maritime, yet if we consider well, the whole di∣mension [ 40] of Asia, we shall find by good estimation, as before I said, that the one halfe, or rather a little more, is replenished with Idolaters: for the better declaring of which point, you may vnderstand,* 1.840 that as Strabo and Ptolomie, haue obserued, of the Mountaine Taurus, that beginning in the West parts of Asia (in the Confines of Lycia and Pamphilia ouer against the Chelidonian Iles) it runneth Eastward euen to the Ocean, keeping betweene the parallels of thirty and for∣ty degrees, and so deuiding the North part of Asia from the South. Euen so must we obserue of the Mountaine s 1.841 Imaus that beginning on the shoare of the North Ocean, it runneth along through the middest of Asia to the South, keeping still about the same Meridian, namely about the longitude of 130. degrees, and crossing (at right Angles in a manner) the Mountaine Taurus [ 50] deuideth the East part of Asia from the West Imaus, therfore in this sort diuiding Asia into two parts, not much vnequall, diuideth also in a manner, betweene the Idolaters and Mahumetans of Asia, for although the hither part of Asia, West of Imaus, and possessed of Mahumetans, take vp more in the longitude of the Earth, namely East and West: yet the further part East of Imaus, spreadeth more in latitude, North and South, which may make some recompence toward that excesse.

But, if withall we subtract those parts of the hither Asia, that are couered with the Persian and Caspian Seas, beside large parts of the Euxine and Mediterrane, the further Asia (I thinke) wil fully equall it. Now, although many Mahumetans be also found on the other side of Imaus, to∣ward the North-east of Asia, both seuerall in sundry Prouinces, and otherwise mingled with I∣dolaters or Christians, or with both, as before was partly obserued: Yet many more whole Re∣gions [ 60] of Idolaters (to counteruaile those Mahumetans) are found on this side Imaus, both toward the South, in the Kingdomes of the neerer India, and toward the North, betwixt Imaus and the

Riuer Pechora, all which Coast of Asia is inhabited by Idolaters. And lastly, in the middest be∣twixt both, the Kirgessi, and some other of their Neighbour Nations. And not onely in the firme land of Asia, is Idolatry thus spread: but in those many thousand Ilands that he dispersed in the vast Ocean, on the East and South-east parts of Asia: t 1.842 which ouer against China, are recorded vpon the report of Mariners, long practised in those Seas, to be 7448. and about u 1.843 India, to be 27000. And which might for their largenesse, if they were all layed together, make a Continent as large as three foure parts of Europe. In those Ilands I say, Idolatrie ouer-spreadeth all, excep∣ting onely those few, which I before obserued, to bee possessed by the Spaniards, and by the A∣rabians..

Finally, of all other parts of the Earth yet discouered, Idolatry spreadeth furthest in America, [ 10] which being but little lesse, then the Easterne Continent (that wee terme the old World) is at least sixe parts of seuen, inhabited with Heathenish and idolatrous people. For, except the Re∣gions aboue mentioned, possessed namely by the Portugals, and Castilians (and yet the inner, and wilder tracts euen of those, remaine still for a great part, in their ancient Paganisme) and many notwithstanding their Baptisme, withall worship Idols,* 1.844 together with some later Conuerts made in the Region about and aboue the Bay of California, of whom as yet, Histories make so little re∣port, that of their number I can make no estimate: And lastly, two or three Fortresses, held by the Spaniards, on the Coast of Florida, with the English Colonies in Virginia, and the French in Ca∣nada, these I say being excepted, all the rest of America (being as I said about six seuenth parts) re∣maineth [ 20] in their old Idolatry.

And thus haue I declared the three principall Sects as touching Religion, that are at this pre∣sent found in the seueral parts of the World, with their particular Regions. But beside these, obser∣ued there are, two or three irregular Nations, being for their Religion mingled as it were of some of the former Sects. As first, in Asia, the Curdi,* 1.845 inhabiting in the Mountainous Countrey aboue Mozal, betweene Armenia and Mesopotamia. Secondly, the Drusi, dwelling in Syria, about the skirts of Libanus, the Religion of which Nations (such as it is) partaketh somewhat, both of Mahumetanisme and Christianitie. And thirdly, the Morduites in Europe, possessing the middle Confines betwixt the Precopite Tartars, and the Muscouites, that are in a manner as touching their Religion, mingled of all three Sects: for they are both baptised like Christians, and circum∣cised [ 30] like Mahumetans, and withall worship Idols.

NOw will I intreat a little, of the Professors of the fourth sort and Sect of Religion, that is found in the World, namely of Iudaisme, for,* 1.846 although the Iewes haue not for their Man∣sion, any peculiar Countrey, but are dispersed abroad among forreigne Nations, for their ancient Idolatries, and their later vnthankfulnesse, in reiecting their Sauiour the Sonne of God: So that euen in Ierusalem, there be not to be found at this time, an hundred housholds of Iewes (Onely of all the Townes of Palestina, Tiberias (which Amurath the great Turke gaue to Aluarez Mendez••a Iew) and Staffiletto, are somewhat peopled with them.) Neither haue they at this present, for any thing that is certainly knowne, any other Region in the World, seuerall to themselues: Yet because there bee some Prouinces, wherein they are obserued specially to a∣bound, [ 40] as others also, whence they are excluded and banished, I will consider a little of their present condition.

The first Country of Christendome, whence the Iewes were expelled, without hope of re∣turne, was our Countrey of England, whence they were banished, Anno 1290. by King Ed∣ward the first. Not long after they were likewise banished France, Anno 1307. by Philippus Pulcher: Onely of all the Countreyes of France, in the Iurisdiction of Auignon (the Popes state) some are remayning.

Out of Spaine, Anno 1492. by Ferdinand, and shortly after out of Portugall, Anno 1497. by Emanuel. Out of the Kingdome of Naples and Sicilie, Anno 1539. by Charles the fift. In other Regions of Europe they are found, and in some of them in great numbers, as in Germa∣nie, [ 50] Boheme, Polonia, Lituania, Russia, and part of Italie, specially Venice and Rome. In Greece also a great multitude, wherein two Cities (beside all them of other places) Con∣stantinople and Thessalonica are esteemed to bee about sixteene hundred thousand Iewes. As also they are to be found by plentifull numbers, in many parts of the Turkes Dominion, both in Asia and Afrike.

And for Asia, specially in Alepp••, in Tripoli, in Damascus, in Rhodes, and almost in euerie Citie of great Trade and Traffique in the Turkish Empire: As likewise in diuers parts of the Persian gouernment, in Arabia also, and lastly in India (name∣ly about Cranganor) and in some other more remote Regions. And, to come to Afrike, they are not only found in the Cities of Alexandria, and Cair in Aegypt, but, as in [ 60] many other Regions and places of Afrike, so principally, in the Cities of Fez, and Tremis••n: and specially, in the Hilles of Sensaua, and Demen in the Kingdome of Maroccho, many of which last, are by LEO AFRICANVS;* 1.847 specially noted to bee of

that Sect, which the Iewes name * 1.848 Karraim, and by the other Iewes of Afrique, are reputed no better then Heretiques.

But yet, beside these, and such like dispersions of the Iewish Nation, that may be elsewhere in the world, there is a phantasie of many learned men, not vnworthy some diligent consideration, that the Tartars of Scythia, who about the yeere 1200. or a little before, became first knowne abroad in the world by that name, and hold at this day a [ 10] great part of Asia, in subiection: That those Tartars I say, are of the * 1.849 Israelites progeny: Name∣ly of the ten Tribes, which by Salmanazar, and some of his predecessours, were carried captiue in∣to Assyria. Which although it be as I said no other then a vaine and cappricious phantasie, yet, hath it, not onely found acceptance and entertainment, with sundry learned and vnderstanding men: but reason and authoritie are produced, or pretended to establish it for a truth. For first, It is alleadged that the word Tatari, or Totari (for so indeede they are rightly called, as * 1.850 learned men obserue, and not Tartari) signifieth in the Syriaque and Hebrew tongues, a Residue or Remainder, such as these Tartars are supposed to be of the Ten Tribes. Secondly, because (as the Patrons of this phantasie say) they haue alwaies embraced (the ancient character of Iudaisme) Circumcisi∣on. And thirdly, the auhoritie of supposed Esdras (the verie spring I take it, whence hath flowed [ 20] this streame of opinion) is alleadged. Namely, that the Ten Tribes tooke this course to themselues, that they would leaue the multitude of the heathen, and goe forth into a farther Countrie, where neuer mankinde dwelt.* 1.851 That they might there keepe their statutes, which they neuer kept in their owne land. And that they entred in at the narrow passages of the Riuer Euphrates. The most high shewing them signes, and staying the Springs of the floud, till they were passed ouer. And, that their iourney was great, e∣uen of a yeere and a halfe, and the region is called Arsareth.

But to the first of these arguments, I may answere, that the Tartars obtained that name, nei∣ther from Hebrew nor Syriaque originall, and appellation, but from the Riuer Tartar, saith Leun∣clauius, and * 1.852 others. Or else from the Region, saith H••itho, where the principall of them anci∣ently dwelled. Secondly, that the name 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in the Hebrew or Syriaque signification, [ 30] importing a residue or remainder, can but full ill (as it seemes) be applied to the Tartars in relati∣on of the Israelites,* 1.853 whom they exceedingly surpasse in multitude, as ouerspreading halfe the vast continent of Asia, or thereabout. For all the Nations of Asia, from the great Riuers of Wolgha and Oby, Eastward, and from the Caspian Sea, the Riuer Oxus, the Countries of India and China, Northward, are contained vnder the Appellation of Tartars: and yet without these bounds ma∣nie Tartars there are, both toward the West and South. And what if the innumerable people of so manie Nations, as are knowne to inhabit and ouerspread the huge continent of America, be al∣so of the same of-spring? Certainly, if I be not greatly deceiued, they are no other. For first, that their originall must be deriued from Asia is apparent, because (as he that readeth the relations and histories of those Countries of America may easily obserue) they haue no rellish nor resem∣blance [ 40] at all, of the Arts, or learning, or ciuilitie of Europe: And their colour testifieth, they are not of the Africans progenie (there being not found in all that large Continent, any blacke men, except a few about the Riuer of Saint Martha, in a small Countrie called Quarequa, which by force and violence of some tempest, are supposed to haue beene transported thither, from the parts of Guinie or Aethiopia.) Therefore it seemeth, that they had their originall from Asia. Which yet will appeare more credible, if it be obserued, which by the Spaniards discoueries is well known to be true, namely, that the West side of America respecting Asia, is exceeding much better peo∣pled then the opposite or East side, that respecteth toward Europe. And, as for these reasons it is ve∣rie likely, that America receiued her first inhabitants, from the East border of Asia: So is it al∣together vnlike, that it receiued them from any other part of all that border, saue from Tartarie. [ 50] Because, in America there is not to be discerned, any token or indication at all, of the arts or indu∣strie of China, or India, or Catata, or anie other ciuill Region, along all that border of Asia: But in their grosse ignorance of letters, and of arts, in their Idolatrie, and the specialties of it, in their inciuilitie, and many barbarous properties, they resemble the old and rude Tartars, aboue all the Nations of the Earth. Which opinion of mine, touching the Americans descending from the Tar∣tars, rather then from any other Nation in that border of Asia, after the neere vicinitie of Asia to America, this reason aboue all other, may best establish and perswade: Because it is certaine, that that North-east part of Asia possessed by the Tartars, is if not continent with the West side of America, which yet remaineth somewhat doubtfull: but certainly, and without all doubt, it is the least disioyned by Sea, of all that coast of Asia, for that those parts of Asia and America, are [ 60] continent one with the other, or at most, disioyned but by some narrow channell of the Ocean, the rauenous and harmelesse beasts, wherewith America is stored, as Beares, Lions, Tigers, Wolues, Foxes, &c. (which men as is likely, would neuer to their owne harme transport out of the one continent to the other) may import. For from Noahs Arke, which rested after the

deluge, in Asia, all those beasts must of necessitie fetch their beginning, seeing they could not pro∣ceede by the course of nature, as the vnperfect sort of liuing creatures doe, of Putrifaction: or if they might haue Putrifaction for their parentage, or receiue their originall (by any other new sort of generation) of the earth without speciall procreation of their owne kinde, then I see no necessitie, why they should by Gods speciall appointment, be so carefully pres••rued in Noahs Arke (as they were) in time of the deluge, Wherefore, seeing it is certaine, that those rauenous beasts of America, are the progenie of those of the same kinde in Asia, and that men, as is likely, conueighed them not (to their owne preiudice) from the one continent to the o∣ther, it carrieth a great likelihood and appearance of truth, that if they ioyne not together, [ 10] yet are they neere neighbours, and but little disioyned each from other, for euen to this day, in the Isles of Cuba, Iamaica, H••spaniola, Burichena, and all the rest, which are so farre remoued from the firme Land, that these beasts cannot swimme from it to them, the Spaniards record, that none of these are found. Wherefore it seemeth (to digresse no farther) that the Nation of the Tartarians, spreading so exceeding farre, as it doth,* 1.854 cannot certainly be the posterity of those captiue Israelites.

Neither (to answer the second obiection) doth their circumcision in any sort inforce it: for, neither was circumcision, among the Tartars ancienter then Mahumetanisme, but was receiued among them together with it, as Michonius hath remembred, so that to this day,* 1.855 it is not in∣tertained (for ought I can finde in Historie) among those Tartarians, which haue not receiued [ 20] Mahumetanisme, out remaine in their ancient Idolatrie, as for the most part, both the Tar∣tars of Catai••, beyond the Mountaine Imaus towards the East Ocean, and the Tartars of Sar∣matia, towards the North, on both sides the Riuer of Oby, doe. Neither if it should be gran∣ted, that circumcision had beene ancienter among them then Mahumetanisme, were that an argument of any importance, to proue them to be of the Israelites progenie. B••cause it is certainely knowne, that the ceremony and custome of circumcision hath beene and still is vsuall among many Nations, of whom there was neuer any suspition, that they descended from the Israelites, for Diodorus hath recorded of the Colchia••s, Philo Iudaeus, and Strabo, of the Aegyptians,* 1.856 Herodotus of both those Nations, and of the Aethiopians besides, that they vsed circumcision, and that that custome among the Aegyptians and Aethiopians, did seeme very ancient, euen as [ 30] it is also by both those Nations retained till this day. And yet, beside these Countries already mentioned, the like is also recorded of the Troglodites by Strabo, and by x 1.857 others: Of the Phaenici∣ans, and Arabians, by Cyprian and Nicephorus. And (to leaue this accumulating of humaine testi∣monies) it is not obscurely acknowledged by the Prophet Ieremie, to haue beene vsuall (beside the Israelites) with the Aegyptians, Edomites, Ammonites, Moa••ites▪ and the inhabitants of the desert, that is the * 1.858 Ismaelites, or Sarracens of Arabia: Of which Nations, Hierome also (to whom those regions were well knowne (as Epiphaenius also of the most of them) hath [ 40] left testified, that they retained circumcision, euen in his time. Touching some of which, al∣though it may be probably coniectured, that they receiued it (in some sort) from the Israe∣lites: if not as their progenie (which yet in some sense may be said of the inhabitants of the desert, being the posteritie of Ismael the Sonne of Abraham: and likewise of the Edo∣mites, being the seede of Esau, the sonne of I∣saac) yet at least, by imitation of Abrahams familie, to whom also in bloud they were alli∣ed, [ 50] as the Ammonites and Moabites,* 1.859 the po∣steritie of Lot,* 1.860 Abrahams brothers sonne, and who had liued long in his familiaritie and f••∣milie. Although I say of these Nations i•• may be coniectured, that their ceremonie of circumcision was taken vp, by imitation of the Israelites: yet that the same rite, or custome was also deriued originally, from them to the whole Nation of the Arabians (which was exceeding great) or to the Aegyptians,* 1.861 or other neighbouring Pro∣uinces, I know not why any should conceiue, or if they doe, yet appeareth it to be otherwise, because they circumcised not in the eight day, which is the inuiolable custome of the Israelites: [ 60] but the Aegyptians in the foureteenth yeere, as is recorded by Ambrose, and the Arabians in the thirteenth (and some of them both sexes, as x 1.862 learned men haue recorded. Euen as the x 1.863 Turkes also at this day, who receiued the rite of circumcision from the Arabians, are knowne to circum∣cise in the eight or twelfth, or fifteenth yeere, or sooner or later, as opportunitie may serue. Of these Nations I say, how circumcision should proceede from the Israelites to them, I cannot con∣ceiue:

no more then I can of the great Nation of the a 1.864 Anzichi, on the West side of Nilus be∣yond Nubia, or of the inhabitants of Iucatan in America, whereof the first yet are, and the se∣cond (till they came vnder the gouernment of the Spaniards) were meere Idolaters, for of these also, the second had, and the first still haue circumcision in vse.

And although these instances, vtterly dissolue the force of this reason, touching the Tartarians circumcision (though it were admitted to haue beene an••iently in vse among them, as being v∣suall with many other Nations, of whom no suspition at all can be conceiued, to be of the Is∣raelites progenie) yet this may furthermore declare them, not to be of that race, because namely, nothing else was to be found among them, that might fauour of Israel. For first, they were meere Idolaters, and without knowledge of the true God, as is recorded by Marcus Paulus, by Haith••, and others. Secondly, they had no remembrance of the Law at all. Thirdly, they nei∣ther [ 10] obserued the Sabboath, nor other rites and ceremonies of the Israelites: but touching their Matrimonies, married without impeachment the verie * 1.865 wiues, and sisters of their Fathers: and touching their feeding, abstained not at all from vncleane Beasts, but fed on the flesh of d 1.866 Horses, Dogges, Cats, and dead Carrion, and drunke their bloud, all vtterly forborne and forbidden among the Israelites. Fourthly, they haue no records, nor regard of their ancestors and linage, from whom, or by whom, they are descended, whereof Israelites were euer curious. Fifthly, they haue no affinitie of language at all, with either the Hebrew or Chaldee tongues, nei∣ther had any vse of those Letters, nor of any other, till together with Mahumetan Religion, the Arabique characters came in vse among some of them. Neither (in a word) doe I finde any thing at all, wherein the Tartarians fauored of Israelites; for touching their abstinence from [ 20] Swines flesh, which we finde recorded of them, neither is it generall among them, but peculiar to those that are Mahumetans: Nor if it were so, were that any good argument, because we know that the ancient e 1.867 Scythians, and f 1.868 Aegyptians, and Arabians did, and almost all Mahumetans at this day doe the same, which yet are well knowne to be in no sort descended from the Israelites.g 1.869

Now touching the authoritie of forged 1 Esdras, which hath stirred vp as it seemeth this va∣pourous fantasie, in the braines of new fangled antiquaries: neither doth that which he writeth of the ten Tribes, agree at all with the Tartars: nor, if it did, could yet the circumstances of that historie agree with the truth. It agrees not with the Tartars I say, for whereas they are noted [ 30] in that Reuelation, to be y 1.870 a peaceable people, and that they z 1.871 left the multitude of the heathen, that they might keepe their statutes, which they neuer kept in their owne land: neither of both those pro∣perties hath any conuenience or agreement at all with the Tartarians. For how are they a peace∣able people, that with their warres haue troubled and ouerturned almost all Asia, and sundry Countries of Europe, and hold a great part of the former in subiection to this day? Or how kept they the statutes of the Israelites, that were meere Idolaters, and vtterly ignorant of all Iewish Lawes and Ceremonies? And touching the Historie it selfe of the Israelites departure out of As∣syria, as it is set downe in that Apocriphall Esdras (howsoeuer it might otherwise agree with the Tartars) there is no wise or considerate man I thinke, that can bring his vnderstanding to giue credit to it. For first it contradicteth the vndoubted canonicall histories of the Chronicles, and [ 40] of the Kings,* 1.872 in both which it is recorded of them, that they were carried away into A∣shur, and disposed in seuerall parts of the Em∣pire namely * 1.873 Calach, and Chab••r, and Hara, and Gozan, vnto this day; which limitation of time (vnto this day) must at least of neces∣sitie import, the time wherein that Historie (of their remaining in Ashur) recorded in the bookes of the Kings, & of the Chronicles was written. Of which later, either Esdras him∣selfe [ 50] was the Author, as in the iudgement x 1.874 of learned men he is reputed, and therefore could not (as it seemeth) be the Author of that A∣pocryphall Historie: or, at least, if Esdras were not the Author, yet, that the Author (whosoe∣uer he was) liued and writ that historie of the Chronicles,* 1.875 after the returne of the Iewes from the captiuitie, or in the end of it (that is in Esdras time) is euident by the end of the Book: where Cyrus his benignitie, for restoring the Iewes, and his Proclamation for their returne to Ierusalem is recorded, and that in the verie same words, wherein Esdras in the beginning of his owne booke hath registred them. At that time therefore, [ 60] it is euident, that the Israelites were not departed out of the dominions of Ashur. No nor long after that in Iosephus his time▪ who hath recorded that euen then the ten Tribes remained be∣yond Euphrates,* 1.876 and were there growne into innumerable multitudes: neither yet manie hun∣dred yeeres after Iosephus was dead; for R. Beniamin a Iew, that liued but about 440. yeeres agoe,

and trauailed diligently those parts of the world, and many other to v••••te his dispersed Coun∣trimen, hath in his Itinerary left obserued, not onely,* 1.877 that he found exceeding 〈◊〉〈◊〉 greater mul∣titudes of the Israelites, to be then remaining in those Prouinces of the ancient Dominion of Ashur, then he found in other places, possessing e 1.878 large Regions, and g 1.879 many Cities, so that in the Cities of some one Region h 1.880 300000. Iewes were by him numbred, obseruing specially, that in the parts of Media, many thousand Israelites of the progeny of them that Salmanaser led into captiui∣ty, were then remaining, but withall, he setteth downe particularly and precisely,f 1.881 the very places of those Regions, where certaine of the Tribes were seated, and there growne into great multi∣tudes: as namely, in i 1.882 one place, the Tribes of Ruben, Gad, and Manasse: And in k 1.883 another, the [ 10] foure Tribes of Dan, Asher, Zebulon, and Nephtali.

But yet if there were neither authoritie of holy Scripture, nor experience to refell this fable, and the fancies that haue sprung of it: yet ordinary reason, at least of men that are not ignorant of Geography and are meanly skilled in the affaires of the world,* 1.884 may easily discerne the futilitie of it. For first, what neede was there of such a miracle, as to l 1.885 stay the course of Euphrates, for the Israelites passage from Assyria, or Media toward Tartary, the Riuer lying farre to the West, both of the one Region and of the other, and no way crossing or impeaching their iourney, which lay Northward betweene that Riuer and the Caspian Sea? Or, how might those poore captiue Israelites, disarmed as they were, and dispersed in sundry Prouinces of the Assyrian Empire, and being vnder the ouersight & gouernment of Assyrian Presidents, be able to leaue the places, where [ 20] by the Kings commandement they were to inhabite? Or, if the Israelites were able by force to depart, and free themselues from the dominion of the King of Ashur, yet were they so wise also,* 1.886 as to forsake the places where they were peaceably setled, and venture their small remainders vp∣on perils and vncertainties, namely, to finde out a place where neuer mankinde dwelt? Or, if their stomacke serued them so well, and their wit so ill, as in such manner to forsake Assyria, yet were they also able to make themselues way (euen a way as hee saith, of eighteene moneths passage) through the fierce and mighty Nations of Scythia, whom neither the conquerors of the Israelites, the Assyrians I meane, nor the Persians (and I might adde also the Grecians and the Romans) were neuer able to subdue, but were in the aftertimes subdued by them? for that the parts of Scythia should be without Inhabitants (and in Scythia it must be where they would finde that Country [ 30] where neuer mankinde dwelt, or else it is not in Tartary) is scarse credible,* 1.887 as whereof we reade in histories, to haue contended with Aegypt for antiquitie of habitation, and to haue preuailed, and for the abundance of people, to be termed Hominum Officina. Insomuch that the greatest occasion of swarming abroad of those Nations of Scythia, and of their ouerwhelming of Asia and Europe, with their infinite multitudes and Colonies, is in histories recorded, to be lacke of roome for ha∣bitation in their owne Countries.

And lastly, to make an end of this tedious discourse, with the end of their imagined tedious iourney: what ancient Geographer or Historian is there (set our Esdras aside) that euer remem∣bred of such a Region as Arsareth, where they are said to haue seated themselues.* 1.888 True it is in∣deede that I finde the Citie of Arsaratha mentioned both in Berosus fragments, and in Ptolomie [ 40] placed neere the issue of the Riuer Araxes into the Caspian Sea: and, it was perhaps one of the Is∣raelitish Colonies, planted in the confines of the Empire of Assyria: for it may well be that Arsa∣ratha, is but 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is the Citie, or the hill of the remainder, or per∣haps 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (the last letter of the first word cut off in the Greeke pronunciation for sounds sake) the Land of the remainder: but the tale of eighteene months iourney, will no more agree with this Citie, then the Region of Arsareth doth, with Geography or History.

So that me thinkes this forged storie of the Israelites voiage and habitation, in such remote re∣gions where neuer mankinde dwelt, sauoureth of the same phantasticall and Talmudicall spirit, that m 1.889 another tale of the same author doth, touching the collection of all the waters, into a sea∣uenth part of the earth, the other fix being left vncouered: or n 1.890 a third, of (the Elephant and the [ 50] Whale) Behemoth and Leuiathan: namely, that God appointed the Sea to one of them, and the Land to the other, because they were so great that the Sea could not hold them both: for else belike, if the Sea had beene large enough, we might haue gone a fishing for Elephants. For how is the Sea gathered into a seauenth part of the earth,* 1.891 whose expansion is not onely by the most skilfull Philosophers esteemed, but found by experience of nauigations hitherto made, to ouer∣spred as neerely as may be discerned, about halfe the compasse of the Earth? Or, being of that breadth, and withall of the depth, that it is knowne to be, how should it not be spacious enough, to receiue Elephants and Whales together? The dimensions of the Elephant, euen of the greatest sort of Indian Elephants, (and the earth breedeth none so large as those of In∣dia) are, saith Aelianus, nine cubits of height (the length in that beast is equall to the height) [ 60] and fiue of breadth, the greatest that haue beene seene in Europe, being o 1.892 obserued to be farre lesse. The dimension of the Whale indeede is farre greater (fiue times saith p 1.893 Aelianus then the largest sort of Elephants.) But yet his ordinary dimension is but six and thirty cubits long, and eight cubits high, as Rondeletius hath obserued. But admit notwithstanding some of them to be fiftie cubits, of which length, Nearchus in Arrianus is said to haue measured one in the East Ocean;

nay, to be six hundred foot long, and three hundred and sixtie foot thicke, as a 1.894 Iuba in Plinie rela∣ted to be found in the Bay of Arabia (where yet, as it is well knowne by the soundings of Nauigators, that Sea is not by a good deale three hundred and sixtie foote deepe.) Or, let them be more yet,* 1.895 euen foure Acres long (that is nine hundred and sixtie foot) as Plinie hath related of some in the Sea of India. For, although the two last reports be in truth no better then fancies and fables,* 1.896 which the impudence of some, hath made the ignorance of others to beleeue, yet I will ex∣clude none, but onely Basil, as intollerably hyperbolicall, affirming namely that Whales are equall to the greatest mountaines, and their backs when they shew aboue the water, like to Islands. But admitting all the rest I say, what proportion haue those dimensions of the Whale and the Ele∣phant, to the huge bredth and depth of the Ocean?

For if I may without offence intersert a short Philosophicall speculation: the depth of the Sea [ 10] (to speake nothing of the breadth, which euery common Map doth represent) is determined by Fabianus in Plinie,* 1.897 & by Cleomedes, to be fifteene furlongs, that is, one mile and seuen eight pars: Or else, eq••all to the height of the greatest Mountaines, to whose height, and the deepenesse of the Sea, the Geometricians (as Plutarch hath recorded) anciently assigned equall dimensions. Or yet rather (if you will any thing respect my opinion) it is a great deale more. For, as for the shal∣low speculation of Scaliger, and b 1.898 others, of the shallownesse of the Sea, determining the height of Hils, farre to surpasse the deepenesse of the Sea: And that in very few places, it attaineth one hundred passes of depth, is indeede true in the narrow Channels and Straits of the Sea: But in the free and large Ocean, it is by the experience of Nauigators knowne to be as false as the Gospell is true. Indeede touching the height of Mountaines, I finde it pronounced by the great Mathe∣matician [ 20] Eratosthenes in Theon,* 1.899 that the highest sort of them, passe not in perpendicular erectnesse ten furlongs (that is one mile and one fourth part) of which height also, it is obserued in Plinie, that Dicaearchus by Dioptricall Instruments, found the Hill Pelius in Thessalie to be, and in Plu∣tarch, that Xenagoras (another Mathematician) obserued the height of Olympus, in the same Re∣gion,* 1.900 sauing, that in this later, there is an addition of twenty passes, for the whole number of pas∣ses, is 1270. Neither doe I finde any greater perpendicular height attributed to Mountaines, by any ancient writer, Cleomedes excepted: who assigneth to the height of Hils, as he doth also to the depth of the Sea, fifteene furlongs. (For Alhazen I omit, because he onely restraineth the height of hils,* 1.901 as namely, not to exceede eight miles, without determining what their height should be) [ 30] But yet, all these, are to be vnderstood, I take it, with relation to the Mountanes in and about Greece, with which themselues were acquainted, which may in no sort compare with the huge Mountaines of vast Continents, such as are the Alp••s in Europe, Atlas in Afrique, Caucasus in India, the Andes in Peru, and such other.

But, whatsoeuer the height of Hils may be aboue the common superficies of the Earth, it see∣meth to me after good consideration, that the depth of the Sea is a great deale more. For declara∣tion of which point, I require to be supposed, first, that the Earth at the first forming of it, was in the superficies, regular, and sphericall: which the Holy Scripture directs vs to beleeue, because the water couered and compassed all the face of the Earth: And secondly, that the face of the Land is in largenesse and expansion, at least equall to that of the Sea: And thirdly, that the vneuennesse [ 40] and irregularitie,* 1.902 which is now seene in the superficies of the Earth was caused (as is noted in Da∣mascen) either, by taking some parts out of the vpper face of the Earth in sundry places, to make it more hollow, and laying them in other places, to make it more conuexe: Or else (which in ef∣fect is eq••i••olent to that) by raising vp some, and depressing others to make roome and receit for the Sea: that mutation being wrought by the power of that word, Let the waters be gathered into one place,* 1.903 that the dry land may appeare. For, as for the fancy of Aquinas, Dionysius, Catharinus, and some other Diuines▪ namely, that that gathering of waters, and discouery of the Earth, was made, not by any mutation in the Earth, but by a violent accumulation of the waters, or heaping them vp on high, it is too vnreasonable. Because it is vtterly against the nature of water, being a flexi∣ble & ponderous body, so to consist, and stay it selfe, & not fall to the lower parts about it, where [ 50] in nature there is nothing at all to hinder it. Or, if it be hindered and restrained supernaturally, by the hand and bridle of the almighty, lest it should ouerwhelme and drowne the Land, it must follow thereof, that God in the very institution of nature, imposed a perpetuall violence vpon nature: And this withall, that at the Deluge, there had beene no necessity at all, to breake vp the springs of the deepe, and to open the Cataracts of Heauen, and powre down water continually, so many dayes and nights together vpon the Earth, seeing, the onely withdrawing of that hand, or letting goe of that bridle, which restrained the water, would presently haue ouerwhel∣med all.

But to come to the Point. It seemeth vpon the former suppositions (of which, the holy Scripture establisheth the first, Experience of Trauellers, and Nauigators the second, and Reason [ 60] the third) that in making estimation of the depth of the Sea, are not to reckon and consider one∣ly, the height of the Hils, aboue the common superficies of the Earth, vnto which the extraor∣dinary depths or whirlpooles, that are found in the Sea, doe properly answere (descening be∣neath the ordinary bottome of the Sea, as the Hils ascend aboue the ordinary face of the Land)

but, the aduantage or height of al the dry land aboue the Superficies of the Sea. Because the whole Masse of the Earth, that now appeareth aboue the waters, beeing taken as it were out of the place, which the waters now possesse, must be equall to the place out of which it was taken, and consequently it seemeth, that the height or eleuation of the one, should answere the depth or descending of the other. And therefore as I said, in estimating the deepnesse of the Sea, wee are not to consider onely the erection of the Hils, aboue the ordinary Land, but the aduantage of all the dry Land aboue the Sea. Which later, I meane the height of the ordinary maine Land, (euen excluding the Hils) is in my opinion more in large Continents aboue the Sea, then that of the Hils, is aboue the Land.

[ 10] For first, that the plaine and common face of the dry Land, is not leuell, or equally distant from the Centre, but hath great decliuitie and descent toward the Sea, and accliuitie or rising to∣ward the Mid-land parts, although it appeare not so to the common view of the Eye, is to rea∣son notwithstanding manifest. Because as it is found in that part of the Earth, which the Sea co∣uereth that it descendeth lower, and lower toward the middest of the Sea (for the Sea which tou∣ching the vpper face of it, is knowne to be leuell by nature, and euenly distant from the Centre, is withall obserued to waxe deeper and deeper, the farther one sayleth from the shoare toward the Maine) Euen so, in that part which is vncouered, the coursings and streamings of Riuers on all sides from the mid-land parts to∣ward the Sea, * 1.904 whose propertie [ 20] we know is to slide from the higher to the lower, euidently declare so much.

And although I am not able pre∣cisely to determine, what the ordi∣narie decliuitie of the earth may be, yet, if that bee conuenient in the workes of Nature, which is requi∣red in the workes of Art, that imi∣tateth Nature, it will be found true [ 30] that before I said: Namely, that in great Continents, through which Riuers haue long Courses, some of one thousand or two thousand miles the height of the ordinarie Mid∣land, aboue the face of the Sea, is more, then of the Hilles aboue the common face of the earth, for Pliny in the deriuation of water,* 1.905 requireth one cubit of declining, in two hundred and fortie foot of proceeding (for he saith, vnum cubitum [ 40] in binos Actus, and Actus as may be obserued in Columella, and others is a dimension of one hun∣dred and twentie foot long) Vitruuius and Palladius in their conduction of waters,* 1.906 require indeed somewhat lesse, namely, that in proceeding of two hundred foot forward there should be allowed one foot of descending downward, which yet in the course of one thousand miles (as Danubius or Wolgha, or Indus, &c. haue so much or more) will make fiue miles of descent in perpendicular account: And in the course of two thousand or more (as Nilus and Niger, and the Riuer of Ama∣zons haue) ten mile or more of like descent.

And although I know well enough, that water being (as it is) heauie and flexible, will slide a∣way at any inequalitie, and therefore am altogether perswaded, that this rule of Vitruuius tou∣ching conueyance of waters, is not to be taken as a rule of necessitie, to bee obserued in the deri∣uing [ 50] of them, as if water could not runne without that aduantage (for in that respect the Con∣ueyors of waters of these times content themselues euen with one inch in sixe hundred foot, as Philander also on Vitruuius, hath obserued) but is rather to be vnderstood as a rule of commodity,* 1.907 namely with relation to the expedition and wholesomenesse of the water so conueyed, lest resting too long in the pipes it should contract from them some, vnwholesome qualitie, or else through the slacknesse of motion, or long closenesse, or banishment from the Aire, it might gather some aptnesse and dispsition to putrifie. Although I say, such excesse of aduantage as in the artificiall conueyance of waters the forenamed Authors require, be not of necessitie exacted, in the naturall deriuation of them: yet neuerthelesse certaine it is, that the descent of Riuers, being as it is con∣tinual, and the course of some of them very long, and in many places swift, and here, and there [ 60] headlong and furious, the difference of height or aduantage, cannot but bee great, betwixt the Springs of Riuers and their Out-lets, betwixt their first rising out of the Earth, and their fal∣ling into the Sea.

Vnto which decliuitie of the Land, seeing the deepnesse of the Sea doth in proportion answer (as I before declared) and not onely to the height of Hils. It remayneth that we esteeme and de∣termine

that deepnesse to be a great deale more, then it hath beene hitherto by Philosophers commonly reputed.* 1.908 And although the deepnesse of the Sardinian Sea (which indeed Aristotle ac∣knowledgeth for the deepest part of the Mediterranean) be specially recorded by Posidonius in Strabo, to haue beene found but one thousand fadomes (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) which is but a mile and one fift part: yet what may the depth in that narrow Sea be, compared to the hollow deepnesse of the v••st Ocean? Or rather (to turne this Instance to our aduantage) if in so narrow a Sea as the Me∣diterrane is (whose breadth attaineth not where it is largest, sixe hundred miles) the depth bee so great, what may we esteeme the deepnesse of the huge Ocean to be, that is in many places a∣boue fiue times as broad? especially, seeing that the broader that Seas are, if they be withall en∣tire, and free from Ilands, they are answerably obserued to be the deeper. [ 10]

But whether haue I bin carried by these Elephants and Whales? to what heights and depths, of Mountaines, and Seas? I pray you pardon me, for I see I haue digressed, that is, transgressed, now I returne into the way againe.

* 1.909NOw, if out of the former long discourse, I should collect a short summe, and estimate the proportion with respect to the whole Earth, that each one of the forementioned Religions, haue to the other. It being first supposed, which vpon exact consideration and calculation, will be found to swerue very little from the truth, that the proportions of Europe, Afrike, Asia, and America, are as one, three, foure and seuen. And that the professors of the forementioned Re∣ligions, possesse the seuerall portions and proportions, of each of them, which is before set downe: [ 20] It will be found I say vpon these suppositions (which the best Geographie, and Histories doe per∣swade me to be true) that Christians possesse, neere about a sixt part of the knowne inhabited Earth: Mahumetans, a fift part (not as l 1.910 some haue exceedingly ouer-lashed, halfe the World or more) and Idolaters, two thirds, or but little lesse. So that if we diuide the knowne Regions of the World, into thirtie equall parts. The Christians part is as fiue, the Mahumetans as sixe, and the Idolaters as nineteene, for the poore dispersed and distressed Christians, which are found in Asia and Afrike, mingled among Mahumetans and Idolaters, I receiue not into this account, both because they are but thinne dispersed, in respect of the multitudes of Mahumetans and Idolaters in those Regions among whom they liue (beeing withall vnder their dominion) and because also, many Mahumetans, are found mingled among Christians in Europe, to recompence and counter∣uaile a great part of that number. [ 30]

Such therefore may be the generall proportion of Christians to Mahumetans and Idolaters, in the Continents of the Earth hitherto discouered, namely, in this our neighbour Continent of the East comprehending Europe, Afrike, and Asia, and in that other Continent of the West, called America, and in the Ilands belonging to them both. But if the South or Antarctique Continent, be so large, as I am verily perswaded it is (euen no lesse, then that of the East before mentioned, which contayneth Europe, Afrike and Asia together) then will the Idolaters be found to surpasse all the other Religions, in exceeding great proportion, for that the Inhabitants of that South Continent are Idolaters, there is no question at all (as I take it) to be made, both because in the parts hitherto knowne, as namely in the Region of Beach, ouer against Iaua, they were found to [ 40] be so: And also, because they are knowne to be no other then Idolaters, that inhabite all those parts of the other Continents, that neighbour most towards them, from whom it is likely, they should haue receiued the change of their Religion, if any were: for first, in Asia, both India, and the Ilands of the Indian Sea, whereof some lie close on the South Continent. Secondly, in Afrike, the Regions about the Cape of Buona Speranza. And thirdly, in America, the Countries that border on Magaglians Strait, which are the neerest Neighbours to the foresaid Continent of the South, are knowne to be all ouer-spread with Idolaters.

Now that the South Continent is no lesse then I before esteemed it, namely, then that of A∣sia, Afrike, and Europe altogether, although I might be probably induced to beleeue so, because it is well knowne, both (touching Latitude) to approach in some parts neere the Equator, and (touching Longitude) to runne along in a continuall circuite about the Earth, fronting both the [ 50] other Continents: Yet haue I also another reason of more certaine importance, to perswade me: Namely, because it is well knowne, that the land to the North side of the Line, in the other Con∣tinents (the old and new world) yet altogether is at least foure times as large as that part of them which lieth to the South.

Now, for asmuch as it is certaine, first by Archimides his rule, * 1.911 * 1.912 that the face of the Sea, is in all parts na∣turally leuel, or equally distant from the center of the water, for which [ 60] equalitie, it hath obtained the name of Aequor and Aqu••, as Gramma∣rians say m 1.913 And secondly, by the Philosophers knowne rule, that the

Earth is equally poyled on both sides of her owne centre. And third¦ly, that the center of the Earth and of the water are al one (both of them being indeed no other then the cen∣tre of the World) which though some phantastical heads haue called into question, yet no sound Philo∣sopher euer doubted of: It follow∣eth [ 10] thereupon, that the earth should in answerable measure and propor∣tion, lift it selfe and appeare aboue the face of the Sea, on the South side of the Line, as it doth on the North. And consequently, that what is wanting in the South parts of the two foresaid Continents to∣wards the counteruailing of the North parts (which is about three fiue parts of both the other Conti∣nents [ 20] layed together) must of ne∣cessity be supplied in the continents of the South. And yet I omit all the Land that may bee about the Artique Pole, beyond the Scythian or Sarmatian Sea, which must be also counterpoysed in that Antarctike continent, for no∣thing comes within the compasse of my vnderstanding, to be hereto replyed, except any would perhaps imagine, that either the Sea on the South side of the Equator, is very shallow, or that the land of that continent may be much higher aboue the face of the Sea, then the land of the other two (and so equall in masse, though lesse in circuit) or that the Earth on the South side of the E∣quator, should be of a more ponderous disposition, then on the North, in which cases, some com∣pensation [ 30] of weightinesse, may be made for the want of extention. But of these three, the ex∣perience of Saylers euidently refelleth the first: who in equall distance from the Land, obserue an equall deepnesse of the Sea, in both South and North Latitude. And neither is there any ex∣perience, nor good reason that can be alleadged to establish either of the la••er: which, but that I haue alreadie too much offended by digressions, I could proue I doubt not against all exception. But this for a conclusion to this discourse, I dare pronounce touching that South continent, that it will certaily befound (in the after-times, when it shall bee better discouered) much larger then any Globe or Map hitherto extant, hath represented it.

Such therefore (as I haue declared) is the generall state of Christianitie at this present in the World, and the proportion of it to other Religions. But because you require yet further to bee [ 40] specially informed of the diuers sorts and sects of Christians that are abroad in the World, and withall of their diuers Regions and Religons, at least of those principall Characters of their Re∣ligion, wherein they specially differ each from other, I will here set downe my second period, touching the generall differences of Religions, and of the seuerall parts of the World where they are maintayned: and will now proceed to that particular consideration▪ touching the Sects of Christianitie, and indeauour to giue you the best satisfaction that my poore reading, and obseruation may inable me to performe.

THe Sects therefore of Christians, that carrie name and report at this present in the World,* 1.914 beside the Protestants and Romans in the West, of whom I will be silent, because you know their condition better then my selfe, are 1 the Grecians, 2 Melchites or Syrians, 3 Geor∣gians, [ 50] 4 Moscouites and Russians, 5 Nestorians, 6 Indians tearmed the Christians of Saint Thomas, 7 Iacobites, 8 Cophites, 9 Armenians, 10 Habassines, and 11 Maronites. Of which eleuen Sects, there be three Principall, namely the Grecians, Iacobites and Nestorians, with which the rest haue, for the most part, either some dependance and deriuation, or neerer conue∣nience and agreement.

The Grecians acknowledg obedience to the Patriarch of Constantinople, vnder whose Iurisdi∣ction are in Asia, the Christians of Natolia (excepting Armenia the lesse,* 1.915 and Cilicia) of Circas∣sia, of Mengrelia, and of Russia: As in Europe also, the Christians of Greece, Macedon, Epirus, Thrace, Bulgaria, Rascia, Seruia, Bosina, Walachia, Moldauia, Podolia, and Moscouia: together [ 60] with all the Ilands of the Aegean Sea, and others about Greece, as farre as Corfu, beside a good part of the large dominion of Polonia, and those parts of Dalmatia, and of Croatia, that are sub∣iect to the Turkish dominion,

Of which great extendment of the Greeke Patriarchs Iurisdiction, if you demand the reason I haue obserued sundry occasions, from whence it hath proceeded. For first, his originall or Pri∣mitiue

authoritie assigned, or rather confirmed to him (as Bishop of the Imperiall Citie) by the Councell of Chalcedon:* 1.916 contained all the Prouinces of Thrace, and Anatolia (Isauria, and Ciliciae only excepted, which belonged to the Patriarke of Antiochia) and they were in all no lesse then twentie eight Romane Prouinces. Secondly, the voluntary submission of the Grecians, vpon their separation from the Latine Church greatly increased it: for thereby not onely Greece, Mace∣don, Epirus, Cardie, and the Iles about Greece (in all seuen Prouinces) came vnder his obedience; but also Sicilie, and the East point of Italy, named Calabria, reuolted from the Bishop of Rome, and for a long time pertained to the Patriarke of Constantinople,* 1.917 as appeareth in the Nouell of Leo So∣phus, touching the order and precedence of Metropolitans, belonging to that Patriarchy. And by the like ordination set downe by Andronicus Paloeologus, in Curopalates, where wee find the [ 10] Metropolitans of Syracusa, and Catana in Sicilie, of Rhegium, Seueriana, Rosia, and Hydru••tum in Calabria, registred among the Metropolitans of that Iurisdiction. Thirdly, it was inlarged by the conuersion of the North Regions to Christian Religion, performed by his Suffragans and Mi∣nisters, euen from Thrace to * 1.918 Russia, and the Scythian Sea (the like whereof was the principall cause, that so farre i••larged the Bishop of Rome his Iurisdiction in the West parts of Europe.) And fourthly, by the Turkes conquests made vpon the Westerne Countries, subiect before to the Bi∣shop of Rome: all which, while partly the former Bishops and Pastors fled, to auoid the Turkes oppression (like the hireling that forsaketh the flocke, when he seeth the wolfe comming) and partly, while the Patriarke of Constantinople, to supply that default, was faine to prouide them of new ministers, they haue beene by little and little brought and trayned to the Greeke Religion. [ 20]

Now as touching the proper Characters of their Religion, I must for the better designing and remembring of them, set before mee some instance or patterne to compare it, and other sects of Religion withall:* 1.919 And that is most fit to be the Romane Church, both because their differences with that Church specially, are in Writers most obserued. So that, by that meanes my discourse may bee the shorter, and yet no lesse perspicuous to you, that know the opinions of the Romane Church so well. The principall Characters then of the Grecian Religion (for none but the prin∣cipall you require) and to mention euery slender difference of Ceremonies, would be but tedious and fruitlesse (and is beside without my compasse) are these that follow.

• 1. That the Holy Ghost proceedeth from the Father onely, not from the Sonne.
• 2. That there is no Purgagory fire. [ 30]
• 3. That they celebrate the Sacrament of the Eucharist in both kinds.
• 4. And in leauened bread, and thinke it cannot bee effectually consecrated in bread vn∣leauened.
• 5. That they reiect extreame Vnction.
• 6. And Confirmation.
• 7. That they deny the soules of holy men to enioy the blissefull vision of God, or the soules of wicked men to bee tormented in Hell, before the Day of Iudgement. Th. a Ies. de Conu∣gent. l. 6. c. 1.
• 8. That they admit Priests marriages, namely, so that they may keepe their wiues married be∣fore their Ordination, but must not marry after Ordination.
• 9. That they prohibite vtterly the fourth marriage, as a thing intollerable. Insomuch, that (as [ 40] we find recorded) their Patriarkes haue for that cause excommunicated some of their Emperors, although they had no issue left of their three former marriages.
• 10. That they reiect the religious vse of massie Images, or Statues, admitting yet Pictures or plaine Images in their Churches.
• 11. That they solemnize Saturday (the old Sabbath) festiually, and eat therein flesh, forbid∣ding as vnlawfull, to fast any Saturday in the yeere, exceept Easter Eue.
• 12. That they obserue foure Lents in the yeere.
• 13. That they eat not of any thing strangled, nor of bloud.
• 14. And lastly, that they deny the Bishop of Romes Primacy, and (reputing him and his Church for Schismatikes) exclude them from their communion: And so haue done, as I find in [ 50] Leo the ninth his Epistles, and in Sigebert, aboue these fiue hundred yeeres. And if you desire to see more differences of the Greeke and Romane Church, you may see them (but they are of lesse importance then those I haue related in Posseuines Booke of the matters of Moscouia.

* 1.920SYrians are the same, that in some Histories are termed Melchites: being esteemed for their number, the * 1.921 greatest sect of Christians in the Orient. The first, being properly the name of their Nation: And the second noting the propertie of their Religion. Surians they were named [ 60] (to let vaine fancies goe) of the Citie of Tyre,* 1.922 which in the ancient language of the Phoenicians, was called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: and certain∣ly,

that Tyre was anciently called Sarra, is recorded by the * 1.923 Roman Writers: and it is also acknowledged by * 1.924 Vitriacus, Niger, Postell and others, that the place of Tyre, (for the Citie was vtterly rui∣ned three hundred yeeres ago) is still cal∣led the Port of Sur, which name it see∣meth to haue obtained, either because it was built on a Rocke, for so Burchardus that viewed the place hath obserued) [ 10] which 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in the Phoenician tongue sig∣nifies: or else as Hierom deriues it, of the straitnesse and scarcenesse of roome, as be∣ing seated in a small Iland (but nineteene miles in circuit, as Pliny noteth) a small Territory for such a City: or perhaps, because it was the strongest fortresse (for that also 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 importeth) of all those Regions, as being founded on a Rocke, enuironed with the Sea (for it was before b 1.925 A∣lexanders time c 1.926 seuen hundred paces distant from the firme land) mightily strengthened by for∣tification of Art, populous as being the Metropolis of Phoenicia, and exceeding rich, as sometime the citie of greatest traffike in the world.

Of this Citie then, both the Region and Inhabitants of Suria obtained their names: but Mel∣chitae [ 20] as I said they were termed, meerely in respect of their Religion, wherein namely they alto∣gether followed the examples and decrees of the Emperours. For whereas after the Councell of Chalcedon, infinite perplexitie and trouble began to arise in the East parts, principally about the opinion of Eutyches and Dioscorus, of one, onely nature in Christ, which that Councell had condemned, but notwithstanding found many that maintained it, and reiected the Coun∣cell in those Easterne Countries: And thereupon the Emperour Leo began to exact (as diuers o∣ther of his Successours afterward did) the suffrages and subscriptions of the Easterne Bishops, for the better establishment of the Councell. Then began they that embraced and approued the au∣thority of that Councell, because they followed the Emperours decrees made in behalfe of it,* 1.927 to be termed by their aduersaries Melchitae, of Melchi, saith Nicephorus (rather 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) which in the [ 30] speech of Syria signifieth a King: (as one would say, Of the Kings Religion) whereas they that opposed themselues to the Councell, were distracted into no lesse then twelue seuerall Sects, and not long after into more, as the same * 1.928 Nicephorus hath recorded.

Now although the Syrians or Melchites, are for their Religion meerely of the Graecians opi∣nions. As:

• 1. That the Holy Ghost proceedeth onely from the Father.
• 2. That they celebrate Diuine Seruice as selemnly on the Sabbath, as on the Lords day.
• 3. That they keepe that day festiuall, eating therein flesh, and fast no Saturday in the yeere but Easter Eue.
• 4. That their Priests and Deacons contract not Marriage, being already in Orders, but yet re∣taine [ 40] their wiues before married.* 1.929
• 5. That the fourth Matrimony is vtterly vnlawfull.
• 6. That they communicate the Eueharist in both kinds.
• 7. That they acknowledge not Purgatory.
• 8. That they obserue foure Lents in the yeere, &c. And in a word, although they bee meere∣ly * 1.930 of the same Religion and communion with the Graecians: yet are they not of the iurisdicti∣on of the Patriarke of Constantinople, but of the Archbishop of Damascus, by the title of the Pa∣triarch of Antiochia. For Antiochia it selfe (where yet the name of Christians was first heard in the world, and was long knowne by the name of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) lying at this present in a manner wast, or broken and dispersed into small Villages, of which onely one, of about sixtie Houses, with [ 50] a small Temple belonging to Christians, g 1.931 the Patriarchall Seat was translated thence to Damas∣cus (where, as is reported, are h 1.932 aboue one thousand Houses of Christians) and there remaineth. For although i 1.933 the Patriarkes of the Maronites, and of the Iacobites, whereof the former keepeth residence in Libanus, and the later in Mesopotamia, intitle themselues Patriarckes of Antiochia, and by the Christians of their owne sects bee so acknowledged: yet doe the Melchites, who re∣taine the ancient Religion of Syria, acknowledge none for Patriarke, but the Archbishop of Da∣mascus, reputing both the other for Schismatickes, as hauing departed from the obedience and communion of the true Patriarke. And yet besides all these, a fourth there is of the Popes de∣signation, that vsurpeth the title of the Patriarke of Antioch. For ^k euer since the Latine•• surpri∣sed Constantinople (which was about the yeere 1200.) and field the possession of the East Empire, [ 60] about seuentie yeeres, all which time the Patriarkes of Constantinople, were consecrated by the Pope: As also, since the holy Land, and the Prouinces about it, were in the hands of the Christi∣an Princes of the West, which began to be about An. 1100. and so continued about eightie yeeres, during which seeson the Patriarkes of Antiochia also and of Ierusalem, were of the Popes conse∣cration:

• Euer since then I say, the Church of Rome hath, and doth still create successiuely imagi∣nary or titular Patriarkes (without iurisdiction) of Constantinople, Antiochia, Ierusalem, and Alexandria, so loth is the Pope to loose the remembrance of any Superioritie or Title: that hee hath once compassed.

* 1.934THe Georgians inhabite the Countrey, that was anciently named Iberia, betwixt the Euxine and the Caspian Sea: inclosed with Sheruan (Media) East: with Mengrelia (Colchis) West: with Turcomania (Armenia the Greater) South: And with Albania (Zuiria) North. The vulgar opinion of Historians is, that they haue obtained the name of Georgians, from their deuotion to Saint George, whom they principally honour for their Patron: and whose Image they alwayes [ 10] beare in their Military Ensignes. But yet (as I take it) this vulgar opinion is but vulgar errour: because I find mention made of the Nation of the Georgians in those parts, both in Mela and Pli∣ny, afore Saint George was borne whosoeuer he was. Touching the properties of whose Religion, this may be sufficient to obserue for all: That * 1.935 it is the same, both in substance and ceremonies with that of the Graecians, * 1.936 who yet are in no sort subiect (neither euer were) to the Patriarke of Constantinople: but all their Bishops (being eighteene) professe absolute obedience to their owne Metropolitan, without any other higher dependance or relation. Who yet keepeth resi∣dence farre off, in the Monastry of Saint Katherine, in the Hill of Sinai. Prateo. de Haeret. sect. verbo Georgiani. Bernard. Lucemburg. in Catalog. Haeret. in Georgiani.

Next these, I must speake a little of their next neighbours, the Mengrelians and Circassians (Colchi and Zychi they were anciently called) seated betweene the Georgians, and the Riuer Ta∣na••s, [ 20] along the Coast of Maeotis and the Euxine Sea, as being also Christians of the Greeke commu∣nion, and beside o 1.937 of the Patriarke of Constantinople his obedience, and ^p conuerted by his Mi∣nisters Cyrillus and Methodius to the Christian Religion. Which Religion notwithstanding at this present is exercised among them, not without some deprauation and mixture of strange fan∣tasies, for the Circassians baptise not their children till the eight yeere, and enter not into the Church (the Gentlemen especially) till the sixtieth (or as others say, till the fortieth) yeere, but heare Diuine Seruice standing without the Temple, that is to say, till through age, they grow vnable to continue their Rapines and Robberies, to which sinne that Nation is exceedingly addicted. So diuiding their life betwixt Sinne and Deuotion, dedicating their youth to Rapine, and their old age to Repentance. [ 30]

* 1.938THe Muscouites and Russians, as they were conuerted to Christianitie by the Grecians. Zo∣nar. Annal. Tom. 3. Cromer. de reb. Polon. l. 3. so haue they euer since continued of the Greeke Communion and Religion.

• 1. Denying the Holy Ghost to proceed from the Sonne.
• 2. Reiecting Purgatory, but yet praying for the Dead.
• 3. Beleeuing that the holy men enioy not the presence of God afore the Resurrection.
• 4. Celebrating the Sacrament of the Eucharist, with leauened bread, and requiring warme water to mingle with the wine.
• 5. And communicating in both kindes; [ 40]
• 6. But mingling both together in the Chalice, and distributing it together with a spoone.
• 7. And receiuing children after seuen yeeres old to the Communion, saying, that at that age they begin to sin against God.
• 8. Omitting Confirmation by the Bishop.
• 9. Denying the speciall efficacie of extreame vnction.
• 10. Excluding the fourth marriage as vtterly vnlawfull; whereas they approue not the se∣cond, as perfectly lawfull, but onely permit it, but tolerate not the third, except on very impor∣tant considerations.
• 11. Dissoluing marriage by diuorcement, vpon euery light occasion or displeasure.
• 12. Admitting neither Deacons nor Priests to Orders, except they be married: but yet * 1.939 pro∣hibiting [ 50] marriage to them being actually in Orders.
• 13. Reiecting carved or massie Images, but admitting the painted.
• 14. Reputing it vnlawfull to fast on Saturdaies.
• 15. Or, to eate of that which is strangled, or of bloud.
• 16. Obseruing foure Lents in the yeere.
• 17. Refusing to communicate with the Roman Church.

And (to conclude) exceping the difference in distributing of the Eucharist, and exacting of marriage to their Priests and Deacons, there is not any materiall difference in points of Religion, that I find betwixt them and the Grecians. With whom, they not onely maintaine Communi∣on, [ 60]

but were also, and that not long since (and of right still ought to bee) of the same Iurisdiction and Gouernment, for x 1.940 their chiefe Metropolitan or Primate (who is the Archbishop of Mosco) was wont to be confirmed by the Patriarch of Constantinople, but is now, and hath beene about some sixtie yeeres, nominated and appointed by the Prince (the Emperour of Russia) and vpon that nomination, consecrated by two or three of his owne Suffragans: Of whom euen all sorts together, Bishops and Archbishops, there are but a 1.941 eleuen, in al that large Dominion of the Empe∣rour of Russia.

Thus is it with those sorts of Christians hitherto related touching their Religion, and Gouer∣nours. All which (as you may easily perceiue) are of the same communion, and in effect of the same Religion with the Grecians: And beside these, some large parts of the King of Polonia his [ 10] Dominion, for Podolia, and for the most part b 1.942 Russia Nigra, or Rubra as some call it (the larger Russia subiect for the greatest part to the Duke of Moscouia, they tearme Russia alba) are of the Greeke Religion. And although the Bishops of South Russia, subiect namely to the King of Po∣lonia, submitted themselues almost twentie yeeres agoe (An. 1594) to the Bishop of Rome, as Ba∣ron. Tom. 7. Annal. in fine. & Posseuin. in Apparsacr. in Rutheni. haue recorded, yet was it not without speciall reseruation of the Greeke Religion and Rites, as is manifest by the Articles of condition extant. ap. Th. a Ies. de Conu. gent. l. 6 pag. 3. cap. 1. pag. 328. & seq. tendered by them to the Church of Rome, and accepted, before they would accept of the vnion. So that it was not any reuolting from the Greeke Religion, but onely (in effect) from the iurisdiction of the Greeke Patriarch, to the Pope, and that also with sundrie limitations, And in c 1.943 Wilna (the Metropolis [ 20] of Lituania.) Although the Archbishop professe obedience to the Pope, yet are there also in that Citie, as Sigismund hath obserued, more Temples of the Greeke Religion (there bee thirtie of them) then of the Roman. ^d Epist. ad Ch••trae. de Relig. Russor. So that if wee should collect and put together all the Christian regions hitherto intreated of: which are all of the Greeke commu¦nion: And compare them with the parts professing the Roman Religion, wee should finde the Greeke farre to exceede, if wee except the Roman new and forraine purchases, made in the West and East Indies.

THe Nestorians, who haue purchased that name by their ancient imitation,* 1.944 and maintayning of Nestorius his heresie, inhabite (though euery where mingled with Mahumetans, or with [ 30] Pagans) a great part of the Orient, for besides the Countreys of Babylon, and Assiria, and Meso∣potamia▪ and Parthia, and Media, wherein very many of them are found, that Sect is spread and scattered farre and wide in the East, both Northerly to Cataya, and Southerly to India. So that in Marcus Paulus his historie of the East Regions, and in d 1.945 others, wee finde mention of them, and of no sect of Christians but them, in very many parts and Prouinces of Tartarie: As namely in 1 Cassar, 2 Samarchan, 3 Carcham, 4 Chin••hintales, 5 Tanguth, 6 Succhuir, 7 Ergimul, 8 Tenduch 9 Caraiam, 10 Mangi, &c. Insomuch, that beyond the Riuer Tigris Eastward, there is not any other Sect of Christians to be found, for ought I can reade, except onely the Portugals, and the conuerts made by them in India, and the late migration of the Armenians into Persia.

The reason of which large spreading and preuayling of that Sect so farre in the Orient, if you [ 40] enquire I finde to that purpose, recorded by Paulus Diaconus of Cos••hoes the King of Persia, that hee for the mortall hatred hee bare the Emperour Heraclius, by whom hee had beene sore affli∣cted with a grieuous warre, inforced all the Christians of the Persian Empire to Nestorianisme permitting no Catholickes to remayne in all his Dominions. By whose preaching, the Christian Religion being farre there inlarged and propagated into the East (as it seemes both because those of the Persian Dominion, were more Eastwardly then other Christians, and because it is certaine that all of them till this day acknowledge obedience to the Nestorian Patriarch in Mesopotamia, which Countrey was then part of the Persian Dominion:) It is no wonder if sowing their owne Tares and Christs wheat together, they propagated with the Gospell also their owne heresie. Shortly after which time, the Sarracens of Arabia (Mahumetans) conquering Persia, and bring∣ing [ 50] their Religion, together with their victories into all that large Dominion,* 1.946 there remayned but little outward meanes and slender hope of their repayre and reformation from any sound part of the Church (from which they were more now then afore diuided) except what affliction and time, and the grace of God might worke and repayre in them.

Now touching their Ecclesiasticall gouernment: The Patriarch of the Nestorians, to whom all those of the East parts, acknowledge obedience (a number of whose Suffragan Bishops an•• Me∣tropolitans, you haue reckoned vp in Sanders booke de Visibili Monarchia, and whom they call Ia∣celich, saith Paulus Venetus Brochardus, and others, but mistake it (or else they of the East pro∣nounce it amisse) for Catholick, as is obserued by Leunclauius) hath his seat in the Citie of Mu∣zal, on the Riuer Tygris in Mesopotamia, or in the Patriarchall Monasterie of Saint Ermes fast by [ 60] Muzal. Th. a Ies. l. 7. pag. 3. c▪ 4. In which Citie, though subiect to Mahumetans, it is e 1.947 re∣corded, that the Nestorians retayne yet fifteene temples, being esteemed about fortie thousand Soules. Th. a Ies. l. 7. par. 1. c. 4. and the Iacobits three. Which Citie of Muzal, I either take with Masius and Ortelius, to bee the same, that anciently was called Selutia (and in Plinie Se∣leutia

Parthorum) both because Seleutia was, as Strabo saith, the Metropolis of Assyria, euen as * 1.948 Musal is recorded to bee: And also, because I finde the Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction of those parts committed by the fathers a 1.949 of the Nicene Councell, to the Bishop of Seleucia, assigning him with all, the name of Catholicke, and the next place of Session in Councels after the Bishop of Ierusa∣lem, which name and authoritie in those parts, the Bishop of Mosal now hath. Or if Seleucia were some other Citie, now destroyed, as for certaine reasons I am induced rather to thinke, yet at least, the Patriarchall Seate was from Seleucia translated to m 1.950 Mu∣zal, for the opinion of Scaliger, namely, that Seleucia was the same, [ 10] that is now called Bagded, or new Babylon, my obseruations in Geo∣graphie and Historie, will not suffer mee to approoue. First, because Se∣leucia is remembred by Strabo to be three hundred furlongs (seuen and thirtie miles and one or two) Plinie saith, a great deale more, distant from Babylon, whereas Bag∣ded is built close by the ruines of it. Secondly, because I find the position of Seleucia in Ptolemie to be two third parts of a degree, more North then that of Babylon, whereas Bagded is more South. Thirdly, because in Dion, and others, Seleucia is named for a Citie of Mesopotamia, which Bag∣ded [ 20] is not, but in the Prouince of Babylon, as being beneath the confluence of Tigris and Eu∣phrates.

The Bishop of Muzal then, is Patriarch of the Nestorians. But yet at this present, if the a 1.951 Relations of these times be true, there is a distraction of that Sect: which began about sixtie yeeres agoe, in the time of Pope Iulius the Third: the Nestorians in the North part of Mesopo∣tamia (about the Citie of Caramit) submitting themselues to another Patriarch of the Popes e∣recting (that reuolting from the Bishop of Muzal, taking also on him, the title of the Patriarch of Muzal, which the Pope bestowed on him) hauing first rendred and professed obedience to the See of Rome, in which obedience it is said, that those Nestorians about Caramit doe still continue. [ 30]

Now touching the specialties of these Nestorians Religion, in relation to the Roman: they beleeue.* 1.952

First, that there are two persons in our Sauiour, as well as two natures, but yet confesse, that Christ from the first instant of his Conception, was perfect God and perfect man Th. à Ies. Ibid.

Secondly, that the blessed Virgin ought not to bee tearmed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which yet now in some sort they b 1.953 qualifie, confessing her to be the Mother of God the Son, but yet refusing to tearme her the Mother of God.

Thirdly, that Nestorius condemned in the third and fourth generall Councels, and Diodorus Tarsensis, and Theodorus Mops••ostensi••, condemned for Nestorianisme in the fifth, were holy men: Reiecting for their sake, the third generall Councell held at Ephesus, and all other Councels after [ 40] it, and specially detesting (the mall of Nestorianisme) Cyrill of Alexandria, Th. à. Ies. Ibid.

Fourthly, they celebrate the Sacrament of the Eucharist, with leaued bread.

Fiftly, they communicate in both kinds.

Sixtly, they vse not auricular confession.

Seuenthly, nor confirmation.

Eightly, they contract Marriage in the second degree of consanguinitie. Th. à Ies. Ibid.

Ninthly, their Priests after the death of their first wiues, haue the libertie of the second or third or oftner Marriage. Th. à Ies. Ibid.

Tenthly, they haue not the Image of the Crucifixe on their Crosses.

[ 50]

THe Christians of India, vulgarly named the Christians of Saint Thomas, because by his prea∣ching they are supposed to haue beene conuerted to Christian Religion (and his bodie as is thought, remayneth among them, buried in the Citie of Maliapar on the Coast of Chor••m••ndel) inhabit in the neerer part of India: namely, in that great Promontory, whose base lying be∣tweene the Out-lets of the Riuers Indus and Ganges, stretcheth out the sides farre toward the South (well nigh 1000. miles) till meeting in the point of Comori, they make, together with the base line forementioned (betwixt Cambaya and Bengal••) the figure almost of an Equilaterall Triangle. In the more Southerly part of this great Promontory, I say neerer to Cape Comori, a∣bout the Cities of Coulan and Cranganor on the West side, and about Maliapar and Negapatan, on the East side, doe these Christians of Saint Thomas dwell, being esteemed afore the Portugals [ 60] frequented those parts, about c 1.954 15000. or d 1.955 16000. Families, or after anothers account e 1.956 70000. persons: but on the West Coast, the farre greater number of them is found, and especially their habitation is thickest, about Angamale, f 1.957 15. miles from the Citie Cochi•• Northward, where their Archbishop keepeth residence.

Now as touching their gouernment: Their Archbishop till twentie yeeres since or little more, acknowledged obedience to the Patriarch of Mozal, * 1.958 by the name of the Patriarch of Babylon, as by those Christians of India he is stil tearmed: & certainly that the Patri∣arch of Mozal, g 1.959 challengeth their obedience, as being of his Iurisdicti∣on, appeareth by the profession of Abil-Isu, a Patriarch of Mozal, of Pope Pius the Fourth his Inuesting (Anno 1562.) as is to bee seene in [ 10] h 1.960 Sanders Booke de visibili Mo∣narchia, But then, the Archbishop of these Indians, reuolting from his former Patriarch, submitted him∣selfe by the Portugals perswasion, to the Bishop of Rome, retayning not∣withstanding, the ancient Religion of his Countrey, which was also permitted by the Pope. In so much, that in a Synod held in Goa, for [ 20] that purpose, hee would not suffer any alteration to bee made of their ancient Rites or Religion, as one that liued in those parts at that time hath recorded. But that Bishop being dead, his successour in another Synod, held by the Archbishop of Goa, at i 1.961 Diamper, not farre from Maliapur, Anno 1599. made profession, together with his Suffragans, and Priests, both of the Roman obedience and Religon, renouncing in such direct sort, the Patriarch of Mozal, and Nestorianisme, that they deliuered vp all their Bookes, to the censure of the Archbishop of Goa, and suffered their Lytur∣gie, in the points that rellished of Nestorianisme to bee altered, euen in such sort as now it is to be seene in the last Edition of Bibliotheca veterum Patrum.* 1.962

[ 30] But before this alteration of their Religion was procured by the Portugals, those Christians of India were Nestorians, as hauing the dependance that I related, on the Patriarch of the Nestori∣ans, they could not well be any other. Some specialties of whose Religion I find thus recorded.

1. That they distributed the Sacrament of the Eucharist in both kinds.

2. That they celebrated it with bread seasoned with Salt, (pane salato, saith my Historian) and in stead of Wine (because India affordeth none) in the iuyce of Raisons, softened one night in water and so pressed forth.

3. That they baptized not their Infants till they were fortie dayes olde, except in danger of death.

4. That they vsed not Extreame vnction.

[ 40] 5. That thei•• Priests were married, but excluded from the second Matrimony. Osor. de Rob. E∣manuel. l. 3.

6. That they had no Images of Saints in their Churches, but onely the Crosse.

7. That detesting (the Mall of Nestorianisme) Cyrill of Alexandria, they honoured Nestorius and Dioscorus as Saints, which yet mee thinkes were strange, beeing of so contrary opinions, as they were, the first, for two persons in Christ, as well as two natures: the second, for one na∣ture, as well as one Person; but it may be that Dioscorus is by the Relater mistaken for Diodorus, who was indeed a great Nestorian, and for it condemned in the fift generall Councell.

8. That they denyed the Primacie of the Pope.

9. That their New Testament which in their Churches they formerly read (and still doe) in [ 50] the Syriak tonge, was by the Nestorians in sundry places, which are now altered by the Romanes, corrupted to the aduantage of that Heresie, wherein yet, I thinke the Reporter is deceiued: be∣cause the same corruptions obiected to them (whereof some are no corruptions at all, but agree rightly with the originall Text, much better then doth the vulgar Latine, by ••omparing where∣of he examines them, and censures them for corruptions) the same I say, are found in the Syriaque Edition that we haue, being so farre from being corrupted by the Nestorians that it was brought out of Mesopotamia into Europe (to bee printed by Moses Marde••u••, from the Patriarch of the contrary Sect, namely, of the Iacobites. But yet notwithstanding, I am indeed certainly perswa∣ded that the Syriaque n 1.963 Translati∣on of the New Testament (whoso∣euer [ 60] was the Author of it) is no∣thing neer of that Antiquitie,* 1.964 which the Syrians (as Bellarmine and o∣thers report of them) pretend it to

be, namely to haue beene the work of Saint Marke. First, because Saint Marke dyed in the eighth yeere of Nero,* 1.965 as Hierome with others hath certainly recorded, after which time many parts of the New Testament, were written: as name∣ly Saint Iohns Gospel, the Acts of the Apostles (for all the History from the 24. Chapter to the end, relateth occurrents after Saint Markes death) the Epistles of Saint Paul to the Galathians, Ephesians, Philippians, Colossians, to Philemon, and the second to Timothy. Secondly, because that Syriaque Translation is not to be found once mentioned, in any of all those ancient and learned Writers, that liued in those East parts, and diligently sought out and obserued the seuerall Edi∣tions [ 10] and Translations of the holy Scripture. And thirdly, because the Dialect discouereth it to be of a farre later Age, then that of the Apostles: which they will soone find to bee so (to omit some other Euidences) that shall compare the Syriaque words recorded in the New Testament by the Euangelists (which all are noted by Hierome and by others) with the Syriaque Booke: as for example,* 1.966 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Mat. 6.25. Mamouno. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Ioan. 19.13. Gephiphto. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Mat. 27, 33. Gogoultho. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Act. 1.19. Chakaldemo, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, 1. Cor. 16.22. Moraneto. And to be short, there is not almost any Syriaque word recorded in the New Testament, which varieth not from that ancient pronouncing that was vsual in the Apostles time, either in consonants, or vow∣els, or both: which could not be the alteration of any short course of time.

[ 20]

* 1.967THe Iacobites obtained that appellation, as Damascene and Nicephorus haue recorded, of one Iacobus surnamed Zanzalus, of Syria, who liuing about Anno 530. was in his time a migh∣tie inlarger of Eutiches Sect, and maintayner of his opinion, touching the vnitie of nature in our Sauiour: And his followers are at this day in great numbers, knowne by the name of Iacobites, in Syria, in Cyprus, in Mesopotamia, in Babylon, and in Palestine, For, the Patriarch of Ierusalem who keepeth his residence still in Ierusalem, (in which City, there yet remaine a 1.968 ten, or more, Chur∣ches of Christians) is also a Iacobite. But although in all these forementioned Regions, these Ia∣cobites are found (where they be esteemed to make about b 1.969 160000. Families) or rather c 1.970 50000. as Leonard the Bishop of Sidon, the Popes Visiter in those parts hath recorded. ap. Th. à Ies. l. 7. p. 1. cap. 14. yet chiefly they inhabit in Aleppo of Syria, and in Caramit, and the Mountaine Tur of Mesopotamia: But yet their Religion vnder other Titles, is extended much farther, in so much [ 30] that it is recorded to bee spread abroad in some d 1.971 forty Kingdomes.

All which Iacobites of the places before specified, haue, and long haue had, a Patriarch of their owne Religion (for I find the e 1.972 Patriarch of the Iacobites spoken of in the Emperour Heraclius his time) to whom they render obedience. The Patriarchall Church of which Sect, is in the f 1.973 Mo∣nasterie of Saphran, neere to the Citie of Merdin in the North part of Mesopotamia: But the Pa∣triarch himselfe, keepeth ordinary residence in the Citie of Caramit, the ancient Metropolis of Mesopotamia, and which at this day, consisteth for the greatest part of Christians, for that Ca∣ramit * 1.974 is the same Citie, which the ancient Writers cal∣led Amida, Sabellicus, and others haue left obserued, and [ 40] Amida to haue beene anciently the Metropolis of Meso∣potamia,g 1.975 I find in the subscriptions of the ancient Councels plainly recorded.

But till Eutichianisme so mightily preuailed in those parts, as to worke in them a detestation of the Councell of Chalcedon,h 1.976 and a departure withall, from their ancient obedience: They be∣longed till then I say to the Iurisdiction of the Patriarch of Antiochia, as beeing i 1.977 Prouinces of the Diocesse of the Orient, which we find in the k 1.978 second generall Councell, to be the circuit and limitation of that Patriarchs authoritie, which is the reason that the Patriarch of the Iacobites, keeping euer the name of Ignatius, intitleth himselfe Patriarch of Antiochia: And that the l 1.979 Patriarch of Ierusalem, who is also as I said a Iacobite acknowledgeth him (as some record) for superiour: Hauing therein (if it be so) but in some sort returned to the ancient obedience, where∣in [ 50] the Bishops of Ierusalem stood to the Patriarchs of Antiochia, euen till the time of the Coun∣cell of Chalcedon: for then began Ierusalem, to be erected into a Patriarchship: And (as we reade in the m 1.980 actions of that Councell) with the consent and allowance of the Patriarch of Antiochia, the three Prouinces of Palestina, which till then (Anno 451.) belonged to Antiochia, were withdrawne from it,* 1.981 and assigned to the Bishop of Ierusalem for his Patriarchall Iurisdiction.

Now as touching the Characters of their Religion.

1. They acknowledge but one nature, and but one will and one operation, ex catechism. Iaco∣bitar. ap. Th. à Ies. l. 7. p. 1. c. 15. in Christ (as there is but one person) and in token of that, they make the signe of the Crosse, with one finger onely, which the other Christians of the East doe with two. [ 60]

2. They signe their Children before Baptisme, many in the Face, some in the Arme, with the signe of the Crosse, imprinted with a burning Iron.

3. They vse Circumcision. Saligniac. Itin. Tom. 8. c. 1. euen of both Sexes. Vit••iac. vt ibi.

4. They confesse their sinnes to God onely, not to the Priest, and as others record, but ve∣ry

seldome, so that many communicate without Auricular Confession. Leonard Sidon. ap. à Ies. l. 7. p. 1. c. 14.* 1.982

5. They admit not of Purgatorie; nor of Prayers for the dead. Th. à. Ies. l. 7. p. 1. c. 23.

6. They consecrate the Eucharist in vnleauened Bread. Salign. Itin. Hieros. Tom. 8. c. 1. They minister the Sacrament of the Eucharist in both kinds.

7. The Priests are married.

8. They beleeue all the soules of iust men to remayne in the Earth till the Day of Iudgement, expecting Christs second comming, ex Catechism. Iacobit.

9. They affirme the Angels to consist of two substances, fire and light. ex Catechism. Iacobit.

[ 10] 10. They honour Dioscorus and Iacobus Syrus as Saints, but yet condemne Eutyches as an He∣retike. Patriarch. Iacobit. ap. Th. à Ies. l. 7. p. 1. c. 14.

These are the Properties (that I find registred) of the Iacobites Religion, namely of them, that are properly so called, and still retayne the ancient opinion of Iacobus. Syrus. But it seemeth, that their principall errour, and which occasioned their first Schisme and Separation from the Church, Namely, the Heresie of Eutiches touching one nature in Christ, is for the most part, long since abolished: for as Vitriacus hath long agoe recorded,* 1.983 they denied to him (then the Popes Le∣gate in those parts, and demanding the question) that they beleeued one onely nature in Christ: And being further asked, why then making the Crosse, they signed themselues onely with one finger, their answere was, that they did it in acknowledgement of one diuine Nature, as also they [ 20] did it in three seuerall places, in acknowledgement of three persons in that one nature. And be∣sides of late time, Leonard another Legate of Pope Gregories the Thirteenth in those parts, hath recorded of the Patriarchs profession made to himselfe, that although they held indeed but one personated nature to be in in Christ, resulting of the vnion of two natures not personated, yet they acknowledged those two natures to be vnited in his person, without any mixtion or con∣fusion, and that they themselues differed not in vnderstanding, but onely in tearmes from the La∣tine Church. Th. à Ies. l. 7. p. 1. c. 14. And although (as it is storied by some Writers of these times) some there be among them that still retaine that errour, yet certainly, that it is no generall and re∣ceiued opinion among them, is most manifest, for we haue extant the confessions of the n 1.984 Iaco∣bites of Mesopotamia, and of those of o 1.985 Aegypt, and p 1.986 of Aethiopia, and of q 1.987 Armenia, [ 30] that is to say▪ all sorts of Iacobites, out of which it is euident, that that errour of Eutiches, is cleer∣ly renounced, as articularly acknowledging that the humane nature of Christ was taken of the Virgin, and of the same substance with ours, and remayned, after the adunation with the Deitie without any mutation of properties) distinct from the diuine nature r 1.988 All which the Heresie of Eutiches denied.

THe Sect of Christians named Cophti, are no other, the Christians of Aegypt: And, it is the name of their Nation, rather,* 1.989 then of their Religion (in respect whereof they are meerely Iacobites) for as Masius hath obserued, the Aegyptians in some ancient Monuments are tearmed Aegophti, whom vulgarly we name Cophti, or Copti, and so they also name themselues, as may [ 40] be seene, in the Confessions of these Aegyptians recorded in Baronius. And certainly, that the Ae∣gyptians themselues, name their Countrey Chibth, Ortelius after Theuet hath recorded: As also it is obserued by Scaliger, that in the Talmud it is called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. And, by Drusius, out of R. Dauid, and R. Shelomo, that Aegypt is by them named 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, but not without some traiection of let∣ters 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 R. Dauid in praef. l. Radic. R. Shelom. in Exod. 13.

But touching their Religion (to omit curiosity about the name (they differ not, as I said from the Iacobites. Insomuch that (as Damascen hath obserued) the same Sectaries, that first were tearmed Aegyptij, because among the Aegyptians, that Heresie of one onely nature in Christ, found the mightiest patronage, were after of Iacobus Syrus aboue mentioned, named in Syria, Ia∣cobites. And till this day Seuerus, Dioscorus and Iacobus, the principall parents and patrons of [ 50] that Sect, are by the Aegyptians honoured in the memorials of their Lyturgies. Th. à Ies. lib. 7. pag. 1. cap. 5.

1 Vsing Circumcision: Yet I am not very certaine whether for Religion, or (which I obserued it before to haue beene) as an ancient custome of that Nation, which custome yet is reported Th. à Ies. l. 7. p. 1. c. 6. Boter. p. 3. l. 3. de Christ. de Egitto, to be now abrogated among them, by the perswasion of the Bishops of Romes Legates in a Synod held at Caire about thirtie yeeres agoe, Anno 1583.

2. They conferre the inferiour sacred orders (vnder Priesthood) euen to Infants presently af∣ter Baptisme, altogether, their Parents promising for them and performing in their steads (till they be sixteene yeeres old or thereabout) what they promise in their be••alfes, namely chastitie, [ 60] and fasting euery Wednesday and Friday, and in the foure Lents of the yeere. Th. à Ies. l. 7. p. 1. c. 5 They repute not Baptisme of any ••fficacie, except ministred by the Priest and in the Church in what necessitie soeuer. Th. à Ies. l. 7. p. 1. c. 5.

3. Neither baptize their children afore the fortieth day, though they should die without Bap∣tisme. Th. à Ies, Ibid.

4. Ministring the Sacrament of the Eucharist in both kinds.

* 1.9905. They minister the Sacrament of the Eucharist in leauened bread. Th. à Ies. ibid,

6. Giue the Sacrament of the Eucharist to Infants presently after their Baptisme. Id. Ibid.

7. To sicke persons they neither minister Extreame Vnction, nor the Eucharist. Id. Ibid.

8. Althouugh they acknowledge the Holy Ghost to proceed from the Father and the Sonne, yet in relating o•• the Nicene Creed, they leaue out those words (and from the Sonne) as the Gre∣cians doe Id. Ibid.

9. They admit not of Purgatorie nor of Prayer for the dead. Th. à Ies. l. 7. p. 1.23.

10. They contract Marriages euen in the second degree of consanguinitie without any dispen∣sation. Tecla. Abissin. ap. Th. a Ies. l. 7. p. 1. c. 13. [ 10]

11. They obserue not the Lords dayes, nor other Feasts, except in the Cities. Tecla. A∣bissin. Ibid.

12. In celebrating of the Eucharist, they eleuate not the Sacrament. Tecla. Abissin. Ibid.

13. Reiect all the generall Counc••ls after that of Ephesus, expresly condemning the Councell of Chalcedon. Id. Ibid.

14. Reade the Gospel of Nicodemus in their Lyturgies. Prateol. de Heresib. in Cophti.

15. Repute the Roman Church hereticall, and auoid the communion and conuersation of the Latines, no lesse then of Iewes. And although Baron. in fin. Tom. 6, Annal. haue registred an Am∣bassage from Marcus the Patriarch of Alexandria to Pope Clement the Eighth, wherein hee is said to haue submitted and reconciled himselfe and the Prouinces of Aegypt to the Pope, yet the [ 20] matter being after examined was found to bee but a tricke of Imposture, as Th. à Ies. l. 7. p. 1. c. 6. hath recorded.

* 1.99116. Maintayning the opinion of one nature in Christ: yet in such sort, that although in the generall position touching one nature in our Sauiour, they follow Eutyches, yet in the speciall de∣claration, at this day they differ very much from him. For they acknowledge him to bee truly, and perfectly both God and man: And, that the Diuine and humane natures, are become in him one Nature, not by any confusion or commixtion of them, as Eutyches taught: but onely by coadundation. Wherein although they Catholikely confesse, that there is no mutation of pro∣perties in either nature, being vnited in Christ, from what the diuine and humane natures seue∣rally obtaine in seuerall Persons: Yet beeing not well able (as it seemes) to distinguish betweene the nature and the Person, they dare not say there be in Christ two Natures, for feare they should [ 30] slip into Nestorius Heresie of two Persons. Which Heresie of one onely Nature in our Sauiour, beginning with Eutyches, although after dispersing it selfe into many branches, hath euer since the time of the Councell of Chalcedon, by which Eutychianisme was condemned and for it, the Patriarch of Alexandria l 1.992 Dioscorus deposed, beene nourished and maintayned, as by other Christians of the East, so specially by the Aegyptians. Insomuch, that not onely sundry Patri∣archs of Alexandria, and Antiochia (but specially of Alexandria) together with many other Bi∣shops of the East parts, their Suffragans, and adherents, are recorded to haue maintayned and aduanced, that Heresie of Eutyches, but we find moreouer, many Synods of those parts, registred or remembred in Euagrius,* 1.993 Leontius, Nicephorus, and the Booke called m 1.994 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, brought to [ 40] light by Pappus, &c. wherein (in the behalfe of that Heresie) the Decrees of the Councell of Chalcedon were condemned. In which Councell, although we reade of the greatest Confluence of Bishops, that euer met about the Establishment of any point in Christian Religion (& yet beside the six hundred and thirty Bishops present in that Councell, there are extant in the n 1.995 Booke of Councels, the Suffrages of about thirtie Prouinciall Synods, that by their Ep••stles to the Em∣perour Leo, confirmed it, together with all the Bishops of the West, by whom it was likewise receiued) yet notwithstanding all this, that Heresie so preuailed in the East parts, and specially in Egypt, whereof we now entreate, that from that time to this it was neuer cleered of it. But as there was neuer Heresie that so grieuously wounded the Church of God▪ as that of Eutyches (except perhaps Arrianisme) so was no part of the Church so deeply and deadly wounded by it, as that of Egypt. So that, euen at this day, although the wound be in some sort healed, yet the [ 50] wemme or skarre still remayneth. For it is not many yeeres, since by certaine Iesuites, Agents for the Bishop of Rome, some conferences were had with the Patriarch of Alexandria and his Synod,* 1.996 wherein, although they confessed (if true relation be made of that conference) that Christ is true God and true Man: yet did they purposely refraine from mentioning two natures in Christ, lest they should by little and little sl••p into the Heresie of two persons.

Now as touching their Ecclesiasticall gouernment they are subiect to the Patriarch of Alex∣andria, o 1.997 whose Patriarchall Seat is at this present translated (and so long hath beene) to the Citie of Caire, in * 1.998 either of which Cities, (Caire and Alexandria) there remaine at this day, but three Christian Temples api••ce. Whereas Burchardus recor••eth of his time (about three hundred and twentie yeeres agoe) that in one of them (Caire) there were aboue fortie, Burch. [ 60] descr. ter. sanct. par. 2. c. 3. But yet, to the Iurisdiction of this Patriarch belong, not onely the na∣tiue Christians of Egpypt, who are but very few, considering the exceeding populousnesse of that Nation (for they are esteemed as I said before, not to passe fiftie thousand.) which in Burchardus

his time, are by him recorded to haue beene aboue 300000. Id. p. 2. c. 3. together with the small remainder of Christians, that are found about the Bay of Arabia, and in Mount Sinaï Eastward, or in Afrike as farre as the greater Syrtis Westward: but the Christians likewise of Ethiopia ac∣knowledge obedience to him.* 1.999 For although Aluarez in his Storie of Ethiopia haue related (as he doth also some other matters touching the ancienter condition of the Church, too grossely and boldly) that the Christians of Nubia till their defection from Christianitie, were of the Popes dependance and Iurisdiction, and receiued their Bishops by his consecration (and say nothing of the Patriarch of Alexandria) yet certainly, that they were not so, is manifest, for besides that Saligniacus (himselfe the Popes Protonotary, and whose trauell had taught him some know∣ledge of the East parts, directly denieth the Nubians professing of obedience to the Bishop of [ 10] Rome, obseruing, that they were gouerned by a Prelate of their owne, whome they termed the Priest of the Law. Itiner. Tom. 8. c. 2. Beside that direct testimony of his I say, there bee other Euidences. First, because there cannot be produced any Instance, out of any Ecclesiasticall Hi∣storie, either ancient or moderne (as I am certainly perswaded) to that effect. Secondly, because the Fathers of the Nicene Councell, as we find in n 1.1000 Gelasius Ciziranus, are knowne to haue as∣signed Ethiopia, whereof Nubia is a part, to the Patriarch of Alexandria his Iurisdiction. Third∣ly, because the Patriarchship of Alexandria, lyeth directly betweene Nubia and Rome, as beeing immediatly at the backe of Egypt. Fourthly, because the Nubians were in Religion Iacobites,* 1.1001 as a Roman Cardinall Vitriacus Bocardus, and others haue recorded, and as their baptising with fire remembred by Burchardus and Saligniacus did manifestly import Burch. descr. t••rr. sanct. p. 2. c. 3.5.7. [ 20] Saligniac. Itin. Tom. 8. c. 2. of which Sect the Patriarch of Alexandria is knowne to be which, had the Pope the assignement or confirmation of their Prelates, it is vtterly vnlike they should haue bin. Fiftly, because in time of their necessity, being left destitute of Bishops and Ministers, if they had pertained to the Bishop of Rome his Iurisdiction, they would rather haue had recourse to him, for repaire of the decayed and ruinous state of their Church who both plentifully could, and no doubt readily would haue releeued them, rather, then suffered them to depart ••s they haue done, from the Christian Faith: To him I say, they would rather haue resorted for supply, then to the King of Habassia o 1.1002 (as they did) beeing of another Patriarchall Iurisdiction. Certaine therefore it seemeth, that Nubia while it was Christian, belonged not to Rome but to Alexan∣dria: By whom, if the Nubians in their distresses were not releeued, no man can wonder, that [ 30] knoweth the great want and misery of the Church of Egypt.

NOw touching the Habassines, or mid-land Aethiopians,* 1.1003 whether they haue obtained that name, by reason of their habitations (in houses) which the Aegyptians called Auase••, as Strabo hath obserued (for the ancient Bookes haue 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 not 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) in difference from them, which dwelling neerer the Bay of Arabia, were called Troglodua (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) because they dwelled in Caues, not in Houses, as Plinie and others haue recorded: whether I say,* 1.1004 for that rea∣son they haue obtained the name of Abassins, or no, let more curious men inquire. But as tou∣ching their Religion, they are in manner meere Iacobites: And their King (whom by error we call Prestor Iohn) is sundry times in Histories termed the Prince of the Iacobites. And their leauing [ 40] out of their memorialls (in * 1.1005 their Liturgy) the Councell of Chalcedon, by which the heresie maintained after by Iacobus Syrus was condemned, whereas the Councells of Nice, of Constanti∣nople, and of Ephesus are remembred, doth import so much. And in very deed considering the dependance, that the Church of Habassia hath of the Patriarke of Alexandria, it is almost vn∣possible but they should be so; for as Zaga, Zabo, an Habassine Bishop hath left recorded, although they haue a Patriarke of their owne, whom they call in their owne language Abuna, (our Fa∣ther) and hee chosen by the Habassine Monkes of Saint Antonies Order remaining in Ierusalem, yet are they limited to chuse one of the Iurisdiction of Alexandria, and a * 1.1006 Monke of Saint An∣tonie he must be. And beside that, the confirmation and consecration of him belongeth to the Patri∣arke [ 50] of Alexandria, and by him he is sent with Ec∣clesiasticall charge into Habassia. And (to be short) their prayer in their * 1.1007 present Liturgie, for the Pa∣triarke of Alexandria, terming him the Prince of their Archbishops, and remembring him before their owne Patriarke, euidently declareth their dependance and subiection to that Sea. Which su∣preme Ecclesiasticall power touchi•••• Aethiopia, to haue belonged very antiently to the Patriarke of Alexandria, may appeare by the Arabike Booke of the Nicene Councell,* 1.1008 translated by Pisa∣nus, where that authoritie is found assigned to the Patriarke of Alexandria, touching that Abuna [ 60] of Aethiopia (by the name of Catholike) and withall, to that Catholike of chiefe Bishop of Ae∣thiopia, the seuenth place in the Sessions of generall Councells, namely, next after the Bishop of Seleucia (whose Seat was next the Patriarkes of Ierusalem) by the Decree of the same Nicene Fathers was allotted.

But if you desire a register of some speciall points of their Religion;

* 1.10091. They circumcise their children the eight day, after the manner of the Iewes: Euen Females also as well as Males, wherein they differ from the Iewes.

2. They reuerence the Sabbath (Saturday) keeping it solemne equally with the Lords day.

3. They eat not of those beasts, which in the old Law are censured for vncleane.

4. They consecrate the Sacrament of the Eucharist in vnleauened bread: contrary to the cu∣stome of all the East, the Armenians excepted. Neuerthelesse Tecla an Habassine Monke and Priest, saith that they celebrate ordinarily in leauened bread, but on the day of the institution of the Lords Supper (the Thursday before Easter) they do it in bread vnleauened ouer al Habassia. an. Th. a Ies. l. 7. p. 1. c. 13. [ 10]

* 1.10105. And communicate in both kinds, which they receiue standing. And all of them, as well of the Laity as Clergy at leastwise euery weeke, the Priest ministring the bread, and the Deacon the wine with a spoone. Tecla. Abissin. Ioel. Zag. Zab. de rel. But yet onely in the Temple; it being not lawfull for any (not the King or Patriarke) elsewhere to communicate. After the re∣ceiuing whereof, it is not lawfull for them to spit that day till the setting o•• the Sunne. Zag. Zab. ibid.

7. And that euen to their yong Infants, presently after they are baptised: * 1.1011 which in their Males is fortie dayes after their birth, and in Females eightie (except in perill of death, for then they are presently baptised. Tecla. Abissin. ib.) till which time be complete, their women also enter not into the Temple. Zag. Zab. ibid.

8. They professe but one Nature and one Will in Christ, yet without any mixtion or confusi∣on [ 20] of the Diuine and Humane substances. Tecla. ap. Th. a Iesuit. l. 7. pa. 1. c. 13.

9. Beleeue the reasonable soules of men, to bee traduced from parents by seminall propagati∣on. Zag. Zab. de Relig. Aethiop. in fine. Th. a Ies. l. 7. p. 1. c. 8.

10. Beleeue the soules of the Infants departing afore Baptisme to bee saued, because they are sprung from faithfull parents, and namely the vertue of the Eucharist, receiued by the mother af∣ter conception to sanctifie the child in her wombe. Zag. Zab. ibid. Th. a Ies. l. 7. p. 1. c. 8. Aluar. hist. Aethiop. ca. 22.

11. They presently vpon commission of sinne resort to the Confessour, and at euery confession (though it were euery day) receiue the Sacrament of the Eucharist. Zaga Zabo▪ ibidem.

12. They haue onely painted, not massie Images in their Churches. Tecla. vbi supra. [ 30]

13. They accept onely the three first generall Councells, reiecting that of Chalcedon, for de∣termining two Natures to be in Christ, and for condemning Dioscorus the Patriarke of Alexan∣dria. Tecla. Abis. ib.

14. Eleuate not the Sacrament in celebrating of the Eucharist, but keepe it couered: neither reserue it after the Communion.

15. To excommunicate obstinate sinners, is peculiar to their Patriarke, which yet is not vsu∣all among them,* 1.1012 except in case of Murther, Zag. Zab. ibid.

16. Their Priests, and other inferiour Ecclesiasticall Ministers (as also Monkes) liue by their labour, hauing no tithes for their maintenance, nor being suffered to craue Almes. Zag. Zab. loc. citat••. [ 40]

17. But the conferring of Bishoprickes, and other Ecclesiasticall Benefices (except the Patri∣archship) belongeth onely to the King. Zag. Zab. ibid.

18. Vse neither confirmation, nor extreame vnction.

* 1.101319. Admit the first marriage in their Bishops and Priests, but not the second, except their Pa∣triarch dispense.

20. Eat flesh euery Friday (as on other dayes) betwixt Easter and Whitsunday: as on euery Saturday also through the yeere,* 1.1014 except in Lent.

21. Baptise themselues euery yeere on the day of the Epiphany, in Lakes or Ponds.

Concerning which first and last points, namely, of their Circumcision and annuall Baptismes, I haue somewhat to obserue: Namely, first, touching their Circumcision, that they obserue it, not [ 50] so much perhaps of Religion, as of an ancient custome of their Nation. For although their circum∣cising on the eight day, semeth to imply that they receiued it from the Iewes, yet their circum∣cising of both sexes,* 1.1015 as certainly agueth that they did not so. And if the Habassines bee of the race of the ancient Aethiopians, the doubt may bee the lesse: because Herodotus and others haue recorded it, for an ancient Ceremony of that Nation. Or, if they bee not of the Aethiopian race, but of the progeny of the Arabians, as by Vranius in Stephanus Byzantius it should appeare, re∣cording them for a Nation of the Arabians, neere to the * 1.1016 Sabaeans: euen in this case also, the occasi∣on and originall of circumcising among the Abas∣sines will bee discerned well enough: namely, be∣cause it is specially storied to haue been a very an∣cient Ceremony among the Arabians: among whom it might haue beginning, by reason of the

descent of many of the Arabians, from Ismael, and sonnes of Abraham, by Keturah, planted in Ara∣bia, of which Sh••ba by name recorded for one. But yet if the Abassines obserue circumcision, not, as an ancient National Custome,* 1.1017 but in any sort for Religion sake, then it may be excused in such manner, as b 1.1018 one of their owne Bishops hath pro∣fessed, namely, that it is done onely in remembrance and loue, and imitation of our Sauiour, be∣cause he was circumcised, and not for any other opinion of holinesse at all.

And secondly, touching their annuall baptisings in the Feast of the Epiphany, which they (with many Ancients of the Church) suppose to be the day of our Sauiours Baptisme, it is decla∣red [ 10] by the c 1.1019 Aethiopian Bishop aboue mentioned to bee practised among them, not as any Sacra∣ment, or any conceit of sanctification to bee obtained by it, but onely as a memoriall of Christs baptisme, because as on that day he was baptised in Iordan. Euen as the d 1.1020 Moscouites also do the like on the same day in Riuers, and for the same reason, which appeareth the more euidently to bee so, because this yeerely baptising is no ancient Ceremony of the Habasins, but a fashion of late ta∣ken vp among them, as Aluarez that liued long in those parts hath related, as being namely the institution of e 1.1021 his grandfather, that then reigned in Habasia, being about one h••ndred yeeres agoe.

THe Armenians, for Trafike to which they are exceedingly addicted, are to be found in mul∣tudes, [ 20] in most Cities of great Trade, specially in those of the Turkish Empire,* 1.1022 obtaining more fauour and priuiledge among the Turkes, and other Mahumetans, f 1.1023 by a patent graunted that Nation vnder Mahumets owne hand, then any other sect of Christians. Insomuch that no Nation seemeth more giuen to Merchandize, nor is for that cause more dispersed abroad, then the Armenians, except the Iewes. But yet the natiue Regions of the Armenians, and where they are still found in the greatest multitude, and their Religion is most supported, are Armenia the Greater (named since the Turkes first possession of it Tu••c••monia) beyond Euphrates, and Arme∣nia the Lesse on this side Euphrates, and Cilicia, now termed Ca••mania.

Now the Armenians touching their Ecclesiasticall gouernment, were anciently of the Iuris∣diction of the Patriarke of Constantinople, as being g 1.1024 Prouinces of the Diocesse called Pontica, [ 30] which together with the Prouinces of the Diocesses Asiana, and of Thrace (three of the thirteen Diocesses, into which the whole Empire was diuided) were by the Councel of Chalcedon, assigned or else confirmed to the Patriarke of Constantinople, for his iurisdiction. But at this day, & very long since, euen before Photius his time (as is euident by his circular Epistle) the Armenians are depar∣ted, both from the gouernment of that Patriarke, & from the communion of the Grecians (whom at this present, they haue in more detestation then any other S••ct of Christians) and that principal¦ly, for the very same occasion,* 1.1025 for which the Iacobites of Syria withdrew their obedience from the Patriarch of Antiochia, namely, the Heresie of one onely nature in Christ. And euer since that depa••ure, they acknowledge obedience, without any further or higher dependance, to two Patriarckes of their owne: whom they terme Catholikes. Namely one of the [ 40] greater Armenia, the families vnder whose iurisdiction exceede the number of 150000. beside ve∣ry manie Monasteries. Leonard. Sidon ••pisc. ap. Th. a Ies. l. 7. p. 1. c. 19. who at this present h 1.1026 keepeth residence, in the Monasterie of Ecmeazin, by the Citie, &c. Leonard. Sidon. episc. ap. Tho. a Ies. loc. citato. by the Citie of Eruan in Persia, being translated thither by occasion of the late warres betwixt the Persians and the Turkes: but his ancient seate was Seb••stia, the Metropolis of Ar∣menia the greater: And the other Patriarch of Armenia the lesse, the Families of whose iu∣risdiction are esteemed about 20000. Leonard. Sidon. vbi. supra. who anciently kept at k 1.1027 Meli∣tene, the Metropolis of that Prouince, but now is resident in the Citie of Sis, not farre from Tar∣sus in Cilicia, the middle limit on Interstitium, of those two Patriarchs Iurisdictions, being the Riuer Euphrates.

[ 50] Such at this present is the state of the Armenian Church, and the iurisdiction of their Patriarchs, But it should seeme, by that I finde recorded, by Otho Phrisingensis, vpon the report of the Le∣gates of Armenia, sent from the Catholique, to the Bishop of Rome in his time,* 1.1028 that the iuris∣diction of the Catholique of Armenia was then farre larger, as namely, that he had aboue a thou∣sand Bishops vnder his obedience: Except Otho perhaps mistooke, as I verily beleeue he did, obe∣dience for communion•• for as touching the communion, which the Arminians maintained with other Iacobites, it extended indeede very farre: But the iurisdiction of Armenia, for ought I can finde in any record of antiquitie, contained onely foure Prouinces, namely, the two Arme∣niaes before mentioned, the greater and lesse, and the two Prouinces of Cilicia. In which small circuit, that such a multitude of Bishops should be found, is vtterly vncredible, especially because [ 60] we finde registers extant, both of the Bishops of the two Armeniaes,* 1.1029 in the Nouell of Leo. So∣phus the Emperour, touching the precedence of Metropolitans: and likewise the Bishops of Ci∣licia, in c 1.1030 Guilielmus Tyrius: and all of them put together, exceede not the number of thirtie. And although I finde that ^d Iustinian diuided the two Armeniaes into foure Prouinces (which yet to haue beene after reduced againe into two, the Nouell of Leo euen now mentioned assureth

vs) yet were not for that cause▪ the number of Bishops encreased any whit the more.

* 1.1031 Now, touching the properties of their Religion.

1. They are charged with the opinion of one nature in Christ: yet not as Eutyches imagined it one, namely, by a permixtion and confusion of the diuine and humane natures; but yet by such a coniunction and coalition of them, that they both together, make but one compounded nature in our Sauiour, as the body and soule, but one compound nature in man. But neuerthelesse, it seemeth by the confession of the Armenians, which we haue extant touching the Trinitie, sent by the mandate of the Catholique of Armenia, to the Patriarch of Constantinople, not fiftie yeeres a∣goe, that at this present, they haue vtterly renounced that phantasie.

2. They beleeue the Holy Ghost proceedeth onely from the Father.

3. They celebrate the Sacrament of the Eucharist with vnleauened bread (as the Romans doe.) [ 10]

4. They denie the true body of Christ to be really in the Sacrament of the Eucharist vnder the Species of Bread and Wine. Guido Sum. de heresib. They mingle not water with wine in the Eu∣charist. An ancient opinion and propertie of theirs, for I finde it * 1.1032 recorded of them (and condem∣ned) in the sixt generall councell. But they retaine it notwithstanding still.

5. They receiue Infants presently after baptisme to the communion of the Eucharist▪ affirming that baptisme cannot be conferred without the Eucharist Guid. Sum. de heresib.

They denie the vertue of conferring Grace, to belong to the Sacraments. Guido loc. alleg. They reiect Purgatorie, and pray not for the dead. Th. a Ies. l. 7. p. 1. c. 17.

7 They beleeue that the soules of holy men obtaine not blessednesse till the vniuersall iudge∣ment. Th. a Ies. l. 7. p. 1. c. 17. They admit married Priests, and as Burchardus hath recorded, descr. [ 20] terr. sanct. pa. 2. c. 2 §. 9. admit none to be secular Priests, except they be married. They rebaptise those that come to their communion from the Latine Church. Guid. Sum. de heresib. but exclude their second marriage.

8. They abstaine from eating vncleane Beasts.

9. They eate flesh on fridaies betweene Easter and Ascension day.

10. They fast Lent most strictly, without Egges, Milke-meats, Flesh, Oyle, Wine, &c. onely with Fruits, Herbs Roots, and Pulse.

11. They celebrate not Christmasse day when other Christians doe (Decemb. 25.) but fast on it: and instead of it, celebrate the feast of our Sauiours Baptisme, namely, on the day of the E∣piphanie. [ 30]

12. They solemnise the feast of the Annunciation, the sixt day of Aprill. The purification the foureteenth of February, &c.

THe Maronites who were so named, not of an heretique called Maron, as many falsely write, Prateol. de sect. Hereti••. in verb. Maronitae. But of a holy man of that name, for wee finde mentioned in the Booke of Councels the Monasterie of Saint Maron. Concil. Constantinop. sub. Men. act. 5. the Monkes onely whereof at first were termed Maronites: they are found in small numbers, in Aleppo, Damascus, Tripolie of Syria, and in Cyprus: But their maine habitation, is in the Mountaine Libanus. Which although it containe in circuit about a 1.1033 seuen hundred miles, and [ 40] is possessed onely in a manner by the Maronites, who for that priuiledge, namely to keepe them∣selues from the mixture of Mahumetans, pay the Turke * 1.1034 large tribute: yet of all sects of Christians, they are the least, as being esteemed not to passe in all b 1.1035 12000. houses, (all in scattered Villages) beside a few Monasteries, by reason of the indisposition of Libanus in most places, for frequent habitation. For beside the craggednesse or steep∣nesse of tha•• Mountaine, which maketh many parts of it in a manner inaccessible, the higher Ridges of it (which by Brocardus his relation are so eminent, that they may be discerned fortie leagues off) are also couered in a manner continually with snow, [ 50] which it retaineth, as Tacitus with c 1.1036 others, hath left recorded, notwithstanding the heate of that climate, euen in the neerest approach of the Sunne. And is scarcely, as hath beene obserued by Postell, in one Summer of thirtie to be found cleare of it: for which very cause and no other, that mountaine seemeth to haue gotten the name of Lebanon. For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in the ancient language of those parts (the Phaenician or Hebrew tongue) signifieth White, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Whitenesse: Euen as, for the like whitenesse of Snow, Gerundensis hath remembred Ca••us (the highest part of the Py∣rene hills) to haue obtained that name. And as Festus supposeth the Alpes, for the same cause, to haue gayned theirs, that in the Sabine dialect being termed (saith hee) Alpum, which the Romans in theirs named Album. For so touching the originall of the name Libanus, had I much rather thinke, then bee led by the phantasie of Isidorus and some * 1.1037 others, namely, that Libanus, should [ 60] purchase that name of Franckincense which the Grecians call 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and the Iewes 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 For, if it bee not true▪ which yet Theophrastus and Plinie write, that Franckincense is gotten onely in Arabia foelix, (according with that of Virgil, Solis est Thurca virga Sabaeis) by reason of which propertie of place, to burne incense is termed in Tertullian, aliquid Arabiae incendere: if that I say

bee not true, for indeede, I finde in Dioscorides, record of Franckincense gotten in India, and in Pedro Cieza of the like in some part of America,* 1.1038 yet is there no mention or remembrance in any historie of nature, or other, as I take it, that Franckincense was euer gotten in the Hill of Libanus.

The Patriarch of the Maronites (to come neerer to our purpose) who is noted to bee a Monke of Saint Antonie, and to haue vnder his iurisdiction a 1.1039 eight or nine Bishops, keepeth residence for the most part in Libanus, in a Monasterie of Saint Anthonie, and now and then in Tripolie: And is one b 1.1040 of them, that challenge the title of the Patriarch of Antiochia, keeping euer the name of Peter as the Patriarch of the Iacobites, the other challenger of the same dignitie, doth of Ignatius. But touching Religion, the Patriarch of the Maronites professeth obedience at this [ 10] present, to the Bishop of Rome, yet but lately, in Clement the eight his time: And both hee, and all the Maron••tes, are become of the Roman Religion (being the onely Nation of the East, ex∣cept the Indians, lately brought also to the Roman Communion, that acknowledgeth that obedi∣ence) and haue * 1.1041 a Seminary in Rome of Gregorie the thirteenth his foundation, for the trayning vp of the youth of their Nation in that Religion. But before that alteration, these were the Cha∣racters of sheir Religion.

1. That the Holy Ghost proceedeth onely from the Father. Th. a Ies. l. 7. p. 2. c. 6.

2. That the soules of men were all created together from the beginning. Id. loc, citato.

3. Not to baptise male children together. Interrog. Patriarch. Maronit. ap. Th. a Ies, lib. 7. pa. 2. ca. 5.

[ 20] 4. That Heretiques returning to the Church are to be rebaptised. Th. a Ies. l. 7. p. 1. c. 6.

5. That the childe is made vncleane by the touch of the mother till she be purified, which af∣ter a male childe is 40. daies, and 80. after a female, for which reason they baptise not their Infants afore those termes. Th. a Ies. loc. citat.

6. That they celebrated the Sacrament of the Eucharist in both kindes. Posseuin. Appar. sac. in Maronitae. Patriarch. Maronit. Interrog. 3. ap. Tho. a Ies. l. 7. p. 2 c. 5.

7. And in leauened bread. Th. a Ies. l. 7. p. c. 6.

8. Distributing to all the Communicants each one a peece of the same Bread (which they con∣secrate in great Masses) together with these words of the Gospell, he blessed, and brake, and gaue to his Disciples, saying, take, eate, &c. Mat. 26.26. ••d. Patriarch. Interrog. 3. ap. Th. a Ies. loc. citat.

[ 30] 9. To distribute the Sacrament of the Eucharist to children before the vse of reason, and first presently after baptisme. Th. a. Ies. l. 7. p. 2. c. 5. §. 9. & cap. 6.

10. Not to reserue the Sacrament of the Eucharist. Patriarc. Maron. vbi supra.

11. Nor to carry it to any sicke person in danger of death. Th. a Ies. l. 7. p. 2. c. 5.

12. To omit confirmation by the Bishop. Patr. Maron. Int. 2. vbi supr.

13. To exclude the fourth Matrimonie, in euery person as vtterly vnlawful. Id. Ibid. In∣terrog. 5.

14. That marriage is not inferiour to single life. Th. a Ies. l. 7. p. 2. c. 6.

15. Vtterly to dissolue Matrimonie in case of adultery and marry another. Patr. Maronit. Inter. 5. vbi supra.

[ 40] 16. That the Father may dissolue the matrimonie of his Sonne or Daughter if hee mislike it. Th. a Ies. l. 7 p, 2. c. 6.

17. Not to ordaine yong men Priests or Deacons except they were married. Patriarch. Ma∣ronites Inter. 6. vbi supra. Posseuin. in Appar. sacr. in Maronitae. But yet to restraine their second marriage. Th. a Ies. Ibid.

18. To create children fiue or six yeares old Subdeacons. Patriarch. Maronit. Inter. 5. vbi supra.

19. That no man entreth the Kingdome of heauen before the generall Iudgement. Th. a Ies. l. 7. p. 2. c. 6.

20. Not to fast on the Lords day, nor on the Sabbath. Th. a Ies, loc. citat.

21. In the daies of fasting not to celebrate Masse till the Euening. Patr. Maron. ap, Th. a Ies. l. 7. p. 2. c. 5.

[ 50] 22. Not to eate of any thing strangled or of bloud. Id. l. 7. p. 2. c. 6,

23. To exclude women during their monthly issues both from the Eucharist, and from the Church. Patriar. Maronit. Interr. 8. vbi supra.* 1.1042

24. Their maine Errour was, the heresie of the Monothelites, touching one onely will and action in Christ. Which errour although they renounced about 400. yeeres agoe, and reconciled themselues then to the Roman Church, at wha•• time those parts of Palestine and Syria, were in the Christians hands, as * 1.1043 Iacobus a Vitriaco, and Guilielmus Tyrius, the one Bishop of Acon,* 1.1044 and the o••her of Tyre, haue recorded: yet shor••ly after, when those parts were by Saladin, the King of Aegypt and Syria▪ recouered from the Christians, those Maronites relapsed, and forsooke agai••e [ 60] the Roman communion, till the late times of Pope Gregorie the XIII. and Clement the VIII. with whom they ag••ine renewed it.

And this heresie of the M••nothelites, springing out of that bitter roote of the Iacobites, touch∣ing one onely nature in Chr••st, was the last of that long and wicked traine of heresies, which vpon the contempt of the councell o•• Chalcedon, exceedingly wasted and ruined the East Church, for

after that the detestation of Nestorius heresie, touching two persons in our Sauiour (condemned in the third generall Councell) had so immoderately distempered the phantasies of Eutiches in Constantinople, and the Patriarch of Alexandria, Dioscorus, with other their adherents, that they thought not themselues safe enough from the heresie of two persons, till they were fallen into the other & opposite extremitie of one nature in Christ; the Diuine and humane natures in Christ (in their conceits) by permixtion and confusion of substances, and of properties growing into one, vpon their adunation: and withall, that the humane nature of Christ, was not consubstan∣tiall to ours, but of another kinde, and condition; which phantasies the fourth generall Councell condemned, After I say, this heresie of Eutiches and Dioscorus, had growne to that head in Ae∣gypt and Syria, that like a violent and furious streame, whose course would not be staied, it bare [ 10] downe before it all oppositions, and among the rest, that great and reuerend Councell of Chaice∣don, that had condemned it, and was contemned by it, it gaue occasion for an infinite traine of he∣resies to follow at the breach, which it had made.

* 1.1045For first (to omit infinite extrauagant branches that sprang from it, and infinitely deformed the Church, renting with many schismes the vnitie, and with as many heresies wounding the faith of it.) It drew after it the heresie of the passiblenesse of the Deitie, because the Deitie of Christ, was b••come (in their conceits) the same nature with the Humanitie, that was passible. Secondly, (the absurditie of that being discerned) it occasioned another extremelie opposite, namely of the Impassibilitie of the Humanitie of our Sauiour (but on the same ground) because namely, it was become one nature with the Deitie, which now wee know to bee vnpassible. Thirdly, when the fondnesse of both were discouered, it bred a great deuice, touching one nature in our Sauiour (as [ 20] the wit of Heretikes will better serue them to deuise a thousand shifts to delude the truth, then their pride will suffer them once to yeeld and acknowledge it) It bred I say a new deuice, name∣ly, to be one, not by permixtion or confusion of substances, as Eutyches first taught, but onely by composition, the Deitie and Humanitie, by coalition becomming one nature in Christ, as the Bo∣die and Soule grow into one nature in Man. And fourthly, when this fantasie began also some∣what to abate and relent in many: yet still a fraction, as it were, or rather a consequent of it was retained (for indeed it implieth by necessarie consequence the vnitie of nature) namely, that there was but one Will, and one Action of both natures in the person of our Sauiour. And God knowes what a traine and succession of heresies might haue followed these, if that Lord, whom they had infinitely wronged, by their wonton and wandring conceits of him, had not, to stop the course and [ 30] streame of their wickednesse and follie, brought on them the Sarracens of Arabia. For euen while the Church, speciallie that of the Eastene parts, was in a great perplexitie and trauell with the heresie of the Monethelites (which I last mentioned) the Mahumetans of Arabia, like a mightie inundation brake forth, and ouerwhelmed all, and them first, that first and most had wronged the Sonne of God, by fostering the forenamed heresies, and the infinite brood that sprung of them, I meane Egypt and Syria, and to this day both they and the neighbouring Nations, that had beene infected by them, remaine in thraldome. But yet, as in the diseases and distemper of our bodies, contraries are vsually healed by contraries, so seemeth it to haue fallen out in the distempers of these mens religions: for as worldly prosperitie and wantonnesse of wit (ordinarie companions) wherewith these Nations in those times abounded, bred in them their ordinarie children, name∣ly, [ 40] prosperitie of the world, pride, wantonnesse of wit, error, which couple in matter of Faith and Religion, is wont to produce no better issue then heresie. So on the other side, hauing now at length their hearts humbled, and their wits tamed by that pouertie and affliction, wherein the tyrannie and oppression of the Arabians and Turkes hath long holden them, it seemeth the Lord hath taken pittie on them (as it is his propertie not to dispise humble and broken spirits, and to remember mercie in the middest of iudgement) and reduced them, or most of them, to the right acknowledgement of his Sonne againe. For certainly, that they and other Chtistiads of the East, haue (at least in these later times) disclaimed and abandoned, those hereticall fancies touching our Sauiour, wherein by their misleaders they had beene anciently plunged (and which many [ 50] Christians of these West parts still charge them withall) doth manifestly appeare:f 1.1046 First, of * 1.1047 the Ia∣cobites,g 1.1048 & secondly of Nestorians, by their seuerall confessions, translated out of the Syriacke tongue by Masius, & extant in Bibliotheca Veterum patrum. Thirdly, of the ^a Armenians, by their owne con∣fession also, translated by ••retorius. Fourthly, of the ^b Cophti, by the profession of their faith extant in Baronius. Fifthly, of the c 1.1049 Habassines, by the relation of Zaga Zabo, a Bishop of their own. Sixt∣ly, of the d 1.1050 Indians, by their reconcilement to the Church of Rome, mentioned by Posseuine. And seuenthly, of the e 1.1051 Maronites, by their like reconcilement, recorded by him and by others.

* 1.1052ANd thus haue I related the seuerall sects of Christians that are abroad in the World, with the places of their habitations, & the special characters (that are recorded of their Religions. One point notwithstanding of their difference, haue I left purposely as yet vntouched, both for the [ 60] amplenesse o•• the matter, and because I conceiue you would haue it declared seuerally. Namely, touching the different languages, in which all these seuerall sorts of Christians celebrate their Li∣turgies or Diuine Seruice.

But first to speake a word or two, of the publique Seruice of the Iewes, and of the Mahume∣tans, in their Synagogues, and Meskeds (seeing I intreated before of those Religions.) The Iewes where they obtained libertie for their Synagogues, celebrate theirs in the ancient Hebrew tongue, as Michonius, with many others hath related,* 1.1053 and as is manifest by their owne editions of their publique Praiers, printed both at Venice and in Polonia, in that language.

But the Mahumetans haue theirs in the Arabique tongue (the natiue language of their Prophet) as Georgeuitz, Richerius, and sundry others haue recorded: So that not onely in A••••bia and Ae∣gypt, and Barbarie, and Palestine, and Syria, and Mesopotamia (in which parts the Arabique tongue is become the vulgar language) the Alcoran is read, and their publique deuotions exercised, in A∣rabique: [ 10] but also in Greece, and Natolia, and other parts of the Turkish Dominion, where the Greeke, and Turkish, and Slauonique tongues are vulgar, as also in Persia, in Tartarie, in India, where they haue other natiue, and peculiar languages, the Mahumetans reade the Alchoran * 1.1054 (which they suppose were profaned if it were translated into vulgar tongues) and performe their publique de∣uotions in that language.

But Christians in celebrating of their diuine Liturgies, d••ffer touching the language very much, Indeede I finde it recorded in Durandus (but vpon what warrant and authoritie I cannot finde) that till the time of Hadrian the Emperour (that is about an hundred and twentie yeeres after Christ) their Liturgies were all celebrated in the Hebrew tongue: And then, the Orientall Church began, first to celebrate them in Greeke. Indeede mee thinkes it is possible, that the Christians of [ 20] the Gentiles might in honour of the Apostles, retaine the Apostles Liturgies, in the verie tongue wherein by the Apostles themselues, they had beene first ordayned, for it is not to bee doubted, but * 1.1055 many yeares passing (about tenne) after our Sauiours assention, before the Apostles left Sy∣ria, and sundred themselues to preach the Gospell abroad in the world among the Gentile and forraine Nations. It is not to bee doubted I say, but the Apostles, while they remayned in Iurie, ordayned Liturgies in the Iewish tongue, for the vse of those Iewes, whom they had conuerted to Christianitie: which Liturgies by the Christian Disciples of the Iewish Nation, dispersed in ma∣ny Prouinces of the Gentiles, might together with Christian Religion, bee carried abroad, and gladly entertayned among the Gentiles. This is possible I say, but if it bee also true (as I haue not obserued any thing in antiquitie shat may certainly impeach the truth of it) yet that which is [ 30] spoken by Durandus of those Liturgies in the Hebrew tongue, must bee vnderstood (I doubt not) of the Hebrew, then vulgar and vsuall, that is to say the Syriacke tongue: not onely, because in that language wee finde them in these times, celebrated by the Christians of the East: but also because I can conceiue no reason, either, why the Liturgies should bee ordayned by the Apostles in that language which the Iewes themselues (the learned excepted) vnderstood not, if it were done for the Iewes: or else why the Gentiles should translate them (or vse them so translated) out of the Hebrew into the Syriacke, seeing both were to them alike, vulgarly knowne, and not vn∣derstood. But howsoeuer it was in that most ancient and primitiue state of the Church, in and immediatly following the Apostles times, the difference certainly among Christians in these pre∣sent times, in that behalfe is very great, some of them celebrating their Liturgies in their owne [ 40] natiue and vulgar, and some other in learned and forraine tongues.

The Christians then (to speake first of the first sort) that celebrate them in their owne vulgar languages, are the Armenians, Habassines, Moscouites with Russians, Sclauonians, and Prote∣stantes.

For that the Armenians (howsoeuer otherwise in their ceremonies belonging to Diuine seruice they approach neerer as * 1.1056 Bellonius and others report, to the Rites of the Latine Church, then any other sect of Christians) that they I say exercise their common diuine seruice in the Armenian tongue, Iacobus a Vitriaco, Brocardus, Michouius, Breitenbachius, and many o••hers, some of their owne experience, and others of certaine Relation, haue left recorded. And namely, as touching the translation of the Holy Scripture, into the Armenian tongue, which at this present, is in so∣lemne vse among them, the Armenians themselues as a 1.1057 Sixtus Senensis hath recorded, attribute [ 50] it to no other Author then to Chrysostome: who also, out of the historie of George Patriarch of Alexandria, written of the life of Chrysostome, remembreth it specially to haue beene Chrysostoms worke after his banishment from Constantinople, while he liued in those parts of Armenia, to which as we reade in b 1.1058 Sozomen, he was by the Emperors decree confined, and there dyed. And cer∣tainly, that the holy Scriptures were translated into the Armenian tongue before Theodorets time, who liued soone after Chrysostome, for he flourished about the yeere 440. Theodoret himselfe (al∣though he name not the Author of the Translation) hath left recorded: as I finde also acknow∣ledged by Angelus Roccha, in his discourse of the Vatican Librarie, not onely that Chrysostome is said to haue translated of the Scriptures into the Armenian tongue, but, that hee is also celebra∣ted [ 60] among the monuments of the same Vatican, as the c 1.1059 Inuentor of the Armenian Characters still in vse.

And touching the Habassines, Aluarez a Portugall, that ••iued many yeeres among them, hath not onely left recorded, that they reade Scriptures in the Tigian tongue, which is a dialect of the Habassin, (for Tigia hee noteth to bee that part of Habassia, which first receiued Christianitie) in∣to

which language Sabellicus Supplem. Histor. lib. 8. recordeth both the Olde and New Testament to haue beene translated out of the Chaldee. But n 1.1060 he, with many others, that they celebrate their Liturgie in their owne language, though the Chaldee bee esteemed among them▪ as their lear∣ned tongue,* 1.1061 which also the Liturgie it selfe (you may finde it in the new Edition of Bibliotheca veterum Patrum) if you marke the long answers of the People to the Priest, in their prayers doth euidently import.

And no lesse certeine is it also, of the Muscouites and Russians, that their Liturgies are likewise ministred in their vulgar tongue (being a kind of Slauonian) though sometimes intermingling Greeke Hymnes, as Guaguinus hath obserued: Descript. Moscou. ca. 2. as is testified by Mathias Michou, by Sigismund, by Posseuine, by Theues, and sundry others. [ 10]

And as e••ident is it of the Illyrians, whom we commonly call Slauonians that they also ex∣ercise their publike Diuine Seruice in their owne language: which to haue beene allowed them by the Pope, at the suit of Cyrill their Bishop, or as p 1.1062 others say, of Methodius (but the difference is of no importance, for they both liued in the same time, and were companions in preaching the Gospel▪ to barbarous Nations) Aeneas Siluius and others haue recorded. And in particular of the Liburnians (the more Westerly part of the Slauonians) it is affirmed by Auentine: and of the Dal∣matians (the more Easterly part of them) by Angelus Roccha, that they celebrate their Liturgies in their owne language: Which Roccha saith the Dalmatians are most certainly perswaded to haue beene of Hieromes deuising. But yet in determining the Antiquitie of that Custome, Roccha that referreth it to Pope Paul the second is greatly mistaken: Because wee find it to haue beene [ 20] much more anciently granted them by Pope Iohn the eighth, that they might both read the Scriptures, and celebrate Masse in their owne tongue, as appeareth by the same q 1.1063 Popes Epi∣stle extant to Sfentopulcher. And euen Roccha himselfe (forgetting himselfe) confesseth it in ano∣ther place, to haue beene obtayned of the Pope by Cyrill, who was about six hundred yeeres anci∣enter then Paul the second. And certainly (now I am speaking of Popes) of no other Iudge∣ment touching Diuine Seruice in vulgar Tongues, seemeth Pope Innocent the third to haue beene (and perhaps it was also the Decree of the Councell of Lateran) charging that in Cities, where there was concourse of diuers Nations,r 1.1064 that differed in Languages and Ceremonies, Diuine Ser∣uice and the Sacraments should be celebrated according to that difference.

But to speake a little in particular of the vulgar translation of the holy Scriptures vsed among [ 30] the Dalmatians: It is not onely affirmed by sundry Writers to be the worke of Hierome, but Hie∣rome himselfe in his Epistle to Sophronius, seemeth to s 1.1065 some learned men to intimate so much: But yet there is another translation also of the Scriptures into the Slauonicke Tongue, later then that of Hieromes, as t 1.1066 Scaliger hath obserued, being written in the Seruian Character (as the for∣mer is in the Dalmatian) vsed in Rascia, Bosina, Bulgaria, Molda••ia, Russia, Moscouia, and o∣ther Nations of the Slauonian language in the Easterne parts, that celebrate their Liturgies after the Greeke Ceremonie, and professe obedience to the Patriarch of Constantinople: Of which la∣ter translation t 1.1067 Methodius the companion of Cyrill, in preaching the Gospel to Gentile Nations, is certainly reported to haue beene the Author. Which Cyrill (if you question what he was) was neither hee of Alexandria, nor hee of Ierusalem, as Mutius Pa••sa hath vainely imagined, but [ 40] ano••her farre later then either of them, whom in the Slauonicke tongue they call Chiurill, one that liued about the yeere 860. namely, hee that in the time of the Emperour Michael the Third, and Pope Nicholas the First, together with Methodius, first brought the Mengrelians, Circassians, and Gazaraus, and after that u 1.1068 many of the Slauonians) to the faith of Christ, as Michouius hath recor∣ded. N••ither need wee any other testimony to refell the fantasie of Pausa, touching Cyrill of Ie∣rusalem, then Pa••sa himselfe, as namely acknowledging that Cyrill was the Inuenter of another sort of Illyrian Characters, then by Hierome had beene formerly deuised (for of the Dalmatian Characters, that are vsed in Dalmatia, Liburnia, Istria, Morauia, Silesia, Bohemia, Polonia, &c. Hie∣rome is acknowledged to bee the Author.) It could not bee therefore Cyrill of Ierusalem, as being ancienter then Hierome, and by him registred in his Catalogue of Writers. And indeede (to [ 50] make an end) what reason or occasion might the Bishop of Ierusalem haue to diuise Characters for the Illyrians?

But to intreat a little more (on this occasion) of translations of the holy Scripture, made by the ancient Fathers into vulgar languages: Besides those alreadie mentioned, of Hierome and Chrysostome, by the one into the Dalmatian, and by the other into the Armenian tongue; It is al∣so recorded by Socrates and Nicephorus, and sundry x 1.1069 others of Vulphilas, Bishop of the Gothes one more ancient then either of the former, for hee flourished in the time of Constantius the Em∣perour, and was successour to Theophilus, whose subscription wee find in the first Nicene Councell (being the same man, to whom the Inuention of the Gothicke Alphabet is likewise attributed by the same Authors) that hee translated the holy Scriptures into the Gothicke tongue. A Copie of [ 60] which translation is remembred by Bonauentura Vulcanius, to be yet remaining in some Librarie of Germany: And it may bee that the Gothike translation of the foure Euangelists, mentioned by

Gruter in the Booke of ancient Inscriptions, to bee of a thousand yeeres antiquitie, and re∣maining in the Abbey of Werdin, might bee part of that translation of Vulphilas: But yet, that besides these translations into vulgar Languages, hitherto mentioned of Vul∣philas, Chrysostome, and Hierome, the holy Scriptures were likewise anciently transla∣ted into the languages of many Nations, is affirmed by Hierome: And in particular (al∣though the translators names bee not recorded) into the Egyptian, Persian, Indian,* 1.1070 Scy∣thian, and Sarmatian Tongues, nay into all the Languages of other Nations, as Theodoret, that flourished in the time of the Ephesine and Chalcedon Councels (almost 1200. yeeres agoe) hath left testified: As also in the following times (yet ancient) wee read of the like translations of the Scriptures, to haue beene made by b 1.1071 Iohn Archbishop of Siuill into the Arabike, about Ann. 717 [ 10] which then was the vulgar speech of that part of Spaine, and some part of it into the Saxon or English by Beda about the same time: Into the Slauonike by c 1.1072 Methodius, about An. 860. &c. Into the Italian by d 1.1073 Iacobus de Voragine, about An. 1290, &c.

And now, to intreate of those sects of Christians that celebrate their Liturgies in learned and forraine tongues; which the vulgar people doe not vnderstand: I finde onely three languages wherein they are all performed. Namely, the Greeke, the Latine, and the Chaldee, or Syriacke Tongues.

And first, touching the Chaldee or Syriacke, in it are celebrated the Liturgies of the Nestorians, as Vitriacus, Barbosa, Villamont, Botero, and others haue recorded: for Genebrard, that pronoun∣ceth peremptorily the Hebrew tongue, and not the Syriacke to be the vsuall language, wherein all [ 20] the Orientall Nations minister their Diuine Seruice, bewrayes but too much, both his boldnesse and his ignorance, as being not able, I am certainly perswaded, to produce any History or other lawfull testimony that recordeth the Liturgies of any Christians in all the East, to be performed in the Hebrew tongue. But yet it may be obserued, that where in sundry Writers we find it men∣tioned, that the Nestorians exercise their Diuine Offices in the Chaldee, we are not to vnderstand them of the pure and ancient, but of the degenerate or Iewish Chaldee, which beside the Chaldee and Hebrew, whereof it is principally tempered and compounded, hath much mixture also both of Greeke and Arabicke, such as the Iewes language was, after our Sauiour and his Apostles time, that is (in a word) the Syriake, for the Iewish Chaldee (to declare this point a little better) is of two sorts: One of those that returned not againe after the captiuitie to Ierusalem, but setled them∣selues [ 30] to inhabite about Babylon, whose language (although somewhat degenerating also from the right Chaldee) is termed the Babylonian tongue, of which sort the Iewes Dialect of Neardea in Mesopotamia (the compilers of the Babylonian Talmud) was: The other of those that returned from the captiuitie, whose language is properly termed the Syrian or Ierusalem Chaldee, varying somewhat farther from the natiue Chaldee then the former, by reason of the mixture of forraine words Arabicke, Greeke, Roman, and others, which in course of time it contracted: In which Dia∣lect, the Talmud and Targum, both named of Ierusalem, and the bookes of their later Rab∣bines are written. And in the second sort of Chaldee, is the holy Scripture by the East Christians translated, and their Liturgies at this day celebrated.* 1.1074

Secondly of the Indians, that they in like sort performe their Liturgie (not in the Hebrew, as is [ 40] confidently affirmed by Genebrard, but) in the Chaldee or Syriacke, is testified by Osorius, Posseuine, Linschot, &c. and confirmed by their Liturgie extant in Bibliotheca Veterum Patrum, which is there remembred to be translated out of the Syriacke.

And so doe thirdly the Iacobites: Namely, they of Mesopotamia, of Babylon, of Palestine, of Sy∣ria, and of Cyprus, which are peculiarly knowne by that appellation. Of whom Vitriacus long since obserued, that they read the Diuine Scriptures in a language vnknowne to the Lay people: And that the language by the New Testament e 1.1075 brought frō them by Moses Mardenus in Europe to be printed (for the more commodious dispersing of it abroad into their Churches) we now cer∣tainely know to bee the Syriacke tongue, euen as it is also knowne and f 1.1076 recorded touching the rest of their Diuine Seruice, that it is performed in the same Syriacke language, which they terme the Chaldee. And it is thought, that the Liturgie commonly termed Anaphora Basilij, which we [ 50] haue by Masius translated out of the Syriacke into Latine (and is found in Bibliotheca Vetrum Pa∣trum) is the Iacobites Liturgie: which language,g 1.1077 although it be now vnknown among them (their Clerkes or learned men excepted) yet that it was vulgarly vnderstood, when that Liturgie was first ordained, the long answeres of the people to the Priest in their prayers, which wee finde in it may bee demonstrations. But touching the Old Testament, which they haue also (as Arrias writes he hath heard from their owne Relations, and Postell, that he hath seene) vsuall in all those East parts in the Syriacke tongue, it is specially ob••erued by Arias Montanus, to be translated, not out of the Hebrew, but out of the Greeke of Origens Emendation.

And fourthly, of the Cophts or Christians of Egypt, it is likewise h 1.1078 obserued, that [ 60] they celebrate their Liturgies in the same language: (reading yet the Gospell after it is done in the Chaldee, in the Arabicke tongue, which is now, and long hath beene the vulgar language of Egypt.) And it may further appeare, beside the testimony of Histories, by the Liturgie of Se∣uerus Patriarch of Alexandria in vse among them, translated out of Syriake into Latine, by Guido Fabritius.

And fifthly, the Maronites in their Liturgies (which Posseuine obserueth to be the Liturgies of Peter,* 1.1079 of Iames, and of Sixtus) vse the same Syriacke language (the Arabicke being also their v••l∣gar) as beside Posseuine, Postell also, and Villamont, and others haue recorded.

And so doe sixtly and lastly (to make an end of this reckoning) the poore Christians of the Isle of Zocotora (and Iland after Barros his dimension of sixtie miles in length, and twenty seuen in breadth) without the Bay of Arabia, for although I find it questioned touching the Religion, whe∣ther they be Iacobites or Nestorians; Iuan Barros affirming the first (and it may seeme so for their neerenesse to the Dominions of Habassia) and A••anias,* 1.1080 prouing the latter because they are vncir∣cumcised, which Iacobites are not, & professe obedience to the Patriarch of Mozal, who is known to be Patriarch of the Nestorians:* 1.1081 yet in this they both agree, that their Diuine Seruice (such as it [ 10] is) is performed in the Chaldee tongue. And although Botero relate it to be done in the Hebrew, yet he meaneth (out of doubt) not the ancient and pure Hebrew, but the latter or degenerate language of the Hebrew, that is to say the Syriacke. As the other also that affirme the publike and solemne deuotions,* 1.1082 either of these Zocotorini, or any other Christians in all the East, or South parts of the world, to be read in the Chaldee, require also the like interpretation: Namely to bee vnderstood, not of the right, and Babylonian, but of the Iewish and corrupted Chaldee.

But now to speake of those Christians, that celebrate their Liturgies in the Greeke tongue: I obserue them to be these.

1. The Grecians themselues: Namely, all they whose vulgar speech the Greeke tongue is, in∣habi••ing in Greece, and a great part of Natolia, of Macedon, and of Thrace, together with all the Ilands of the Aegaean Sea,* 1.1083 and the other many scattered Ilands, about the Coast of Greece. But yet [ 20] they doe it, not in the present vulgar, but in the pure and ancient Greeke tongue, whereof as I be∣fore obserued,* 1.1084 the common people vnderstand but little: vsing namely, on festiuall daies the an∣cien•• Liturgie of Basil, and on common dayes that of Chrysostome, as Ieremy a late Patriarch of Constantinople hath recorded. And namely, as touching the holy Scriptures, vsing the Septuagints Greeke translation, and specially that of Lucians Emendation. At least it was so with them in Hieroms time (and I find no mention at all recorded of any alteration) who obserueth the Edition of the seuentie Interpreters by Lucianus, to haue beene receiued in vse from Constantinople, as farre as Antiochia: As also that of Origens Emendation, from Antiochia to Egypt, and in Egypt that of Hesychius. But (howsoeuer it may bee touching the Edition vsuall among them) yet certainly, that the Grecians haue not the Scriptures translated into the vulgar Greeke, the i 1.1085 Grecians them∣selues [ 30] haue directly recorded.

2. The Syrians, namely those, that for distinction of Religion from the Iacobites (who likewise inhabite Syria) are termed so, that is to say the Melchites, for they hauing the Arabicke for their vulgar language) as they agree in other points of their Religion and Ceremony, and order of Diuine Seruice with the Grecians, so doe they as touching their Liturgie in language also, as is obserued by k 1.1086 Vitriacus, Haitho, Breitenbachius, and many others.

3. The Georgians, who hauing for their vulgar speech, a peculiar language of a middle temper (which well agreeth with the position of their Countrey) betwixt Tartarian and Armenian, as Gesner, and Postell, and Roccha, in their bookes of languages haue obserued, exercise notwithstan∣ding their Liturgies in the Greeke tongue, as l 1.1087 Iacobus a Vitriaco, Gesner, Postel, Roccha, and diuers [ 40] others haue certainly recorded.

4. The Circassians: who yet in such sort celebrate their Diuine Seruice in the Greeke, that their Priests themselues, by reason of their grosse ignorance, vnderstand not what they read m 1.1088 as Inti∣reano (that liued among them) hath remembred.

5. And lastly, in the Greeke tongue are celebrated the Liturgies of all the Monasteries, that are of the Greeke Religion, wheresoeuer dispersed within the Turkish Dominions, in Africke or Asia: As in Mount Sinai, the Cities of Petra and Eltor in Arabia: In Ierusalem, Alexandria, Damascus▪ and in sundry other places as Bellonius with others hath left recorded.

And to come at last to the Nations that celebrate their Liturgies in the Latine tongue: To [ 50] speake of them, euen this little will bee enough: Namely, that all the Christians, that are found of the Roman Communion in America and in Africa, celebrate their Liturgies in the Roman tongue. As all likewise in Europe (except the Slauonians aboue mentioned.) And in Asia, except the two new Roman purchases of the Maronites in Syria, and of the Christians of Saint Thomas in India, who retaine still the old accustomed language, which as I obserued before, is in the Li∣turgies of both those Nations, the Syriacke tongue.

I haue thought good to adde this note in the conclusion, that Christian Religion may seeme iustly to be diuided into foure parts, in regard of her professors thorow the World: of which the Grecian Faith possesseth one, reckoning to them the Russian; the Romanists or Papists another; the Protestants (by their aduersaries, and by the intemperate zeale of some Lutherans, and other factious persons, made more to disagree then indeed they doe, as by the Harmonie of Confessions appeareth, and by their vniforme acknow∣ledgement [ 60] of all the maine points of Religion; their differences being about circumstances, rites, manner of presence, and some more abstruse points then whereof the vulgar is capable) these by a generall name called Protestants, may bee reckoned for a third part, perhaps not all so great in multitudes as either of

the former, but more flourishing then the first in splendor of power and learning, onely by an Inquisiti∣on inferior to the second; and in numbers as many as all other professions of Christianitie, here reko∣ned a fourth part.

CHAP. XIIII. Relations of diuers Trauellers, touching the diuersities of Christian Rites and Tenents in diuers parts of the World.

[ 10]

§. I. TECLA MARIA an Abassine, his answeres to questions touching the Religion of the Abassines and Cophti.

YOu haue read in Aluares, Bermudez, and the Iesuites Relations,* 1.1089 large Relations of the Abassine Faith, and of the Portugalls remaining in Habassia, as also of three Patriarchs sent thither from the Pope, but refused by the Abassine. [ 20] These Portugalls dwelling there sent one Tecla Maria,* 1.1090 an Abassine Priest in their behalfe to Rome, who before the Cardinalls made answere as follow∣eth Iuly 1. 1594.

The Reuerend Brother Tecla Maria, sonne of Tecla Nebiat, of the Citie Henza Mariam, of the Prouince of Xe••a, of the Kingdome of Ethiopia Priest and Monke, of the Order of Saint An∣tonie, and of the Monastery Libanus of the same Prouince, aged fortie fiue yeeres, at the command of the most Illustrious, and most Reuerend Lord Cardinall of Saint Seuerine Protector of the E∣thiopian Nation, to certaine interrogatories made in the Arabike to him, thus answered.

Being asked what the Ethiopians beleeue of God and the holy Trinitie, he answered;* 1.1091 Wee be∣leeue in one God and three persons, the Father, Sonne, and Holy Ghost. The Father is vnbegot∣ten, [ 30] the Sonne begotten onely of the Father, the Holy Ghost proceeding from the Father and the Sonne. Being asked, whether the Holy Ghost proceeds from the Father and the Sonne, as from two beginnings, and two spirations, or as from one beginning and one spiration, he answe∣red, As from one beginning, and one onely spiration. Being asked of the Incarnation, hee answe∣red, That the Person of the Sonne, the Word of God the Father was incarnate by the Holy Ghost of the Virgin Mary.

Being asked how many Natures, Wills,* 1.1092 and Operations the Ethiopians professe to be in Christ our Lord, he answered, That the Ethiopians beleeue after the vnion one Nature, one Wil, & one O∣peration, yet without mixtion and without confusion: in which opinion he confesseth, that the Ethiopians and Cophti▪ and other Easte••ne Nations erre from the truth. Being asked whether they [ 40] hold one Nature in Christ resulting from two, hee answered, The Ethiopians say not so, but simply professe one Nature without mixtion and without confusion, and affirme that to bee Diuine.

Being questioned of Images, he answered,* 1.1093 That amongst the Ethiopians they are onely pain∣ted and not carued or grauen, which the Ethiopians haue in great veneration, in respect of repre∣sentation and relation, and incense them. Being asked of the Canonicall Bookes of both Testa∣ments, hee answered,* 1.1094 That both the Testaments are diuided amongst them into eightie one Bookes, all which are had in Egypt, but without booke he could not remenber their names.

Being asked how many Generall Councells they hold, he said, That they hold onely three,* 1.1095 the Nicene, Constantinopolitan, and Ephesine, which he had read, but could not now recite. Touching [ 50] the Chalcedon Councel, he said, They condemned it, because it determined two Natures in Christ, and condemned Dioscorus the Patriarke of Alexandria. How many vniuersall Councells were held after, he answered, He knew not.

He acknowledged seuen Sacraments * 1.1096 instituted by Christ, Baptisme, Confirmation,* 1.1097 the Eucha∣rist, Penance, Vnction, Order, and Matrimony. Being asked in what formall words the Ethiopians baptised, he answered, That after many prayers they say, I baptise thee in the name of the Father, and of the Sonne, and of the Holy Ghost: The matter, hee said, was naturall water; the Minister, a Priest, or in his absence a Deacon, besides whom hee neuer saw any to baptise: their Males after fortie dayes, and Females after eightie dayes, except in danger of death, and then they baptise presently. Being asked, whether the Ethiopians circumcise their children ••hee answered, That [ 60] from ancientest time to this day in all Ethiopia, they circumcise their children in their owne hou∣ses without any Ceremony, but for a certaine ancient Custome, cutting away the Prep••••e from the Males, the Nympha from the Females: being asked, whether they beleeue Circumcision ne∣cessary to saluation, he answered, They know that it is now ceased,* 1.1098 and that it is no longer neces∣sary.

Being asked, why the Ethiopians are said to be baptised with fire, and to signe in the fore∣head: hee answered, That there is none in Ethiopia which is baptised with fire, but in some Pro∣uinces onely they marke themselues with a razor in the forehead, either for the health of their eyes and sight;* 1.1099 or, as some say, by the command of a certaine King of Ethiopia, to differ from the Mahumetans. Being asked why they baptise themselues euery yeere, he answered, That the E∣thiopians euery yeere for the solemnitie of the Epiphanie goe forth to a Riuer, and there many prayers are said by the Priests, and all are washed in the Riuer; and many stay there all night with great festiuitie for deuotion of the Baptisme of our Lord Iesus Christ; but no man bapti∣seth himselfe as they say.

* 1.1100Being demanded of Confirmation, the Matter, the Forme, the Minister, he answered, Confirma∣tion [ 10] with vs is conferred by a Priest, together with Baptisme, and the Infant is anointed with Chrisme in the forehead, in the name of the Father, Sonne and Holy Ghost: asked of the effect thereof, he said he knew not, but hee beleeueth that it is giuen, that a Christian may be confirmed in the faith. Being asked, whether Chrisme bee made amongst them euery yeere, hee answered; Chrisme is sent them from the Patriarch of Alexandria, by whom alone it is made and not by the Bishop, and is sent euery seuenth yeere and seldomer, with the Pilgrimes which returne from the pilgrimage of the Holy Land, and the old Chrisme is preserued in all Churches. Being asked whereof it was made, hee said, Of Balsam and Oyle, and of many Flowers and odorife∣rous things.

Being interrogated of the Sacrament of the Eucharist, and the matter thereof, hee answered, That the Matter is Bread of Bread-corne, and Wine of the Grape; but in many Prouinces of E∣thiopia, [ 20] in Wine pressed out of Raisins washed with water, and steeped in the same water the space of certaine houres. Being asked what are the words, whereby the Bread is transubstantiated into the Body, and the Wine into the Bloud, he answered, They are those words when the Priest saith, And he tooke Bread in his hands, and lifting vp his eyes to Heauen vnto God his Father, he bles∣sed, saying, Take yee and eate yee, this is my Body. And likewise taking the Chalice, he blessed and sancti∣fied saying, Take yee and drinke ye••. This is the Chalice of my Blood, which shall be shed for you for the remission of sinnes. The Minister, he said, is the Priest onely, and the effect remission of sinnes. Being asked whether all the Ethiopians are communicated in both kindes? he answered, That all the E∣thiopians, both Clerkes and Laymen are communicated vnder both kinds: the Priest ministers the [ 30] body, and the Deacon the bloud in a spoone. Being asked whether Infants are communicated, he•• answered, That Infants on the day of their baptisme are communicated in this manner: The Priest puts his fore-finger in the Chalice, and being dipped in the bloud, he puts it in the Infants mouth. And after baptisme, till they be ten yeeres old, the Priests little finger is put in the childs mouth without the bloud, for deuotiōs sake. Being asked, whether they celebrate in bread leauened or vn∣leauened, and what they thinke of him, which celebrates in vnleauened, he answered, The Ethio∣pians celebrate in leauened bread, & they which celebrate in vnleauened make the Sacrament also. And we thorow all Ethiopia, on Mandie Thursday euerie yeere, in the Supper of the Lord, in me∣moriall hereof celebrate in vnleauened.

Being asked what the Ethiopians thinke of Purgatory, hee answered, The Ethiopians beleeue [ 40] that the soules after death are detained in a certaine place, called in the Ethiopian tongue Mecan aaraft, that is, the Place of lightning, in which the soules of the penitent are kept, which haue departed out of the world, not hauing finished the satisfaction of their sinnes. Being asked whether the soules of the good presently after death enioy happinesse, and those of euill men hee punished in Hell, Hee answered, There are some in Ethiopia, which thinke that the soules of the good rest in Paradise terrestriall in which Adam was created, vntill the Day of Iudgement. There are others which beleeue that the soules of the iust, presently after death enioy their Creator in Paradise.

* 1.1101Also being asked what sinnes, and how many are mortall, he answered, Those are mortall sinnes which are done against the Lords commandements, which are so many that I cannot number. Be∣ing [ 50] asked whether the sinnes of the Will, which passe not into outward act, bee mortall, Hee an∣swered, they are mortall, when a man hath giuen consent to the desire and concupiscence.

Being asked whether any man can be saued without the faith of Iesus Christ, the Mediator of God and men;* 1.1102 he answered, None can be saued. Being asked of them which are now in the law of nature, to whom no knowledge of the Gospell hath comne; he answered, I beleeue that God also hath prouided for them, that by some meanes they may be saued, when they shall haue kept the precepts of Nature.* 1.1103 Being asked what the Ethiopians thinke of Indulgences, hee answe∣red, I beleeue they are acceptable amongst all, and they call them Benedictions, but I desire to vnderstand the vse of them.* 1.1104 Being asked of Inuocation of Saints, hee answered, that the In∣uocation of Saints is very well approued amongst the Ethiopians, and all doe professe their inter∣cession [ 60] with God.

* 1.1105Being asked of Simony, and of those which by fauour or compact are ordained Priests, Bishops, or Patriarch; he answered, that it is forbidden by the holy Canons.

Being asked what difference there is betwixt the Ethiopians and the Cophti, in matters of faith;

he answered, that there is no difference betwixt them, and they agree in all things; for they are vnder the obedience of the same Patriarch. But in some things I haue seene them to differ; namely, the Ethiopians contract not in degrees prohibited; But the Cophti contract in the second, and the degrees after it euery where with license, and without the license of their Bishop and Pa∣triarch. Also the Copht•• in the Country and Villages keepe no Lords daies▪ nor holy daies,* 1.1106 but onely in Cities, which the Ethiopians doe euery where. Also the Ethiopians keepe the Sabbath (or Saturday holy) which the Cophti doe not. Also the Ethiopians euery where thorow all Ethio∣pia circumcise their Sonnes and Daughters; but some Cophti, onely at Cairo within these few yeeres circumcise not. Also in the ceremonies of the Masse the Cophti differ much from the E∣thiopians; [ 10] For the Priests of the Cophti celebrate without the Vestments called Planetae, and the Deacons without the Dalmatik Vestments▪ & with their head couered with a wollen Tobalea, and neuer eleuate the Lords body and the Chalice in their Masses; which ceremonies are not amongst the Ethiopi••ns, Being demanded if he knew in what things the Ethiopians and Cophti differ from the faith of the holy Catholike Roman Church; hee answered, they differ principally in these things. They inuocate Dioscorus of Alexandria, and Iames the first his Disciple, and Seuerus Antiochenus in the Churches with the holy Fathers. They receiue not the Chalcedon Councell, and Saint Leo Pope. They professe in Christ our Lord one onely Nature, will, and operation. They recite the thrice holy Hymne with addition of those words, which was crucified for vs; yet with this exposition that the three sanctifications be applied to the most holy Trinitie, & those words,* 1.1107 [ 20] which was crucified for vs, onely to our Lord Christ. The Cophti and Ethiopians vse circumcision, and these also obserue the Sabbath.

Being asked when, where, of whom and what orders he had taken: hee answered, when I was fifteene yeeres old,* 1.1108 in the Church of Saint Mary in the Monasterie of Denob of the Prouince Xeua in Ethiopia, I was entered in orders by Ioseph a C••phtite, Archbishop of Ethiopia,* 1.1109 in this man∣ner: The Archbishop before the celebration of Mas••e shaued my head in fiue places, in forme of a crosse, and annointed me with Chrisme in the forehead, reciting praiers in the Egyptian tongue, and breathed in my face; and the same houre, in time of the celebration, made me an Ostiarie, and Lector or Psalmist, and Acolyte, and Nefcadeacon or Subdeacon, and Deacon of the Gospell, and gaue me the holy Communion: and a long time after, when I was thirty yeeres old, in the Ci∣tie [ 30] Bed in Dembia of Ethiopia, in the Church of Saint George, I was ordered Priest by Archbishop Marke, the successour of the said Ioseph.* 1.1110 Being asked whether hee heard the Archbishop vtter in colla••ing orders, the formall words of each order; he answered, The Archbishop vttered them, but I heard not, nor vnderstood, because he celebrated in the Egyptian tongue, whereof I was vt∣terly ignorant. Being asked whether any materiall was deliuered by the Archbishop in collati∣on of each order, and whether he touched the same with his hands; namely, whether in making him Ostiary the Keyes of the Church, and opened the doore, and sounded the Bell; in the Le∣ctorship, the Booke of Lessons, or touched the Psalmist, in exorcistship the booke of exorcisme or Missall; in Acolythship the Candlesticke, with the candle put out and an emptie pot; in Sub∣deaconship, the empty Chalice with an empty patene ouer it, and pots with wine and water, and [ 40] the basen with a towell, and the Booke of the Epistles, and whether the Amice was by the Archbishop put on his head, and the maniple on his left arme, and whether hee was vested with the Tunicle: and in his Deaconship, whether he touched the Booke of the Gospels, and the stole was put on his shoulder, and he vested with the Dalmatike: and in being orderest Priest whether he touched the Chalice with wine and water, and the patene with the ••oste, and whether the Archbishop and Priests imposed hands on his head, and whether the stole was applied to his breast in manner of a crosse, and whether he put on the ca••ule without the planet, and had his hands touched with the Oyle of the Catechumeni: He answered, I certainly know, that I in all the said orders had no materiall or instrument deliuered me by the Archbishop in collation of the Orders, nor did I touch any such, nor was I vested with any vestiment peculiar to any order, nor [ 50] did the Archbishop impose hands on me, nor were my hands annointed with holy Oyle. He said also, our Archbishop in Ethiopia giueth orders to 2000. and more at one time, and to each giues sixe orders together, without examination before, and without enquirie, examination, choise, approbation, writing, or register, and in regard of the multitude, cannot giue to each and euery of them any materiall to be touched: and in the same manner it is obserued in all ordinations by our Archbishops successiuely; although it be otherwise obserued in Egypt, where so great a multi∣tude is not ordered at once together, and some competent matter is deliuered to be touched of the ordained. Be••ng asked whether he knew the said Ioseph and Marke, Bishops aforesaid, to haue beene Schismatickes, and without the communion of the holy Roman Church: he answered, that hee knew not so much. Yea, he rather certainly beleeued at that time, that they were Catholikes, [ 60] as also all the Ethiopians and Cophti, and that they obeyed the Apostolike See in all things, and held communion with the holy Roman Church; and beleeued that all Christians did agree in matters of Faith; but he learned the th••••gs before said, when afterwards hee was at Ierusalem and in Egypt.

§. II. Relations of the Iacobites and Armenians, written by LEONARD Bishop of Sidon, Pope GREGORIE the 13. his Nuncio to the Easterne parts.

THe Iacobite Nation is dispersed thorow the Cities, Lands, and Townes of Syria, Mesopo∣tamia and Babylonia,* 1.1111 obtaining the number of 50000. houses, most of them poore, and liuing on daily labour. In Aleppo and Caramit are many rich families which liue on Mer∣chandise. [ 10] Their Patriarchall Church is in Mesopotamia without the Citie of Morad••m, in the Monastery Zafram; but the Patriarch resideth for his greater commoditie and quiet in the Citie Caramit. This Nation is subiect to the Patriarch Dauid, but is gouerned of the Bishop Thomas, Vi∣car G••nerall and brother to the said Patriarch. Vnder whose obedience liue at this time Iohn the Metropolitan of Ierusalem, by the Iacobites stiled the fifth Patriarch: Michael Archbishop of Damasco.* 1.1112 Iames Archbishop of Edessa called Orfa, or Raha. Mi••as Archbishop of Saur, Effrem Archbishop in the same Prouince, Iames Archbishop of Bisuaria, Abraham Bishop of Aata••ra. Melchez Bishop of Saint Melchi in Tur, Iesu Bishop of the Monasterie Deiriloemor, Abelmedich in the Prouince of Tur, Elias Bishop in Salach, Elias Bishop of the Monasterie Saint Crosse in Zaz, Gazel Bishop in Tarach. Dauid Bishop in Maaden, Pilat Metropolitan in Musal and the East Gazel Archbishop of Miaferichin, the Archbishop of the Monasterie of Mar Abihai, Ananias Bi∣shop [ 20] of Saint Bertonias, Iohn Bishop of Hartbert, Isaac Archbishop of Cyprus, Simeon Archbishop of Caramit, Habib. There are many Monasteries of the same Nation, Churches, Religions, and Dea∣cons,* 1.1113 and Clergie men innumerable, which I could not visit, being reiected by the said Vicar Ge∣nerall Thomas: Yet I visited the Temple of the Iacobites in Tripoli, A••••aui••, Damasco, Neph, Ie∣rusalem, Aleppo, Orfa, Orbis, Mar Abihai, Gargar, amongst the Churches of which parts I found those of Ierusalem and Aleppo well furnished, but the rest without Images and ill gouerned. For the Sacrament was kept in wodden pyxes without light or lampe; and the baptismall Funts wan∣ted water,* 1.1114 for at euery baptisme they blesse the Funts anew: the ornaments of the Altars also were most vile, and the office of the Masse was performed verie basely and carelesly. Of the holy Oyles, onely Chrisme was kept in Churches: this is called Miron and is blessed of the Patriarch euery [ 30] seuenth yeere with many flowers and odoriferous things. They haue not the Oile of the Catachu∣meni, and for the Oile of extreame vnction, the Priest blesseth it in lights set on foure parts in manner of a crosse, and therewith anoints the sicke, after many Gospels and Praiers recited. The Sacrament of Confession is rarely frequented, and many communicate without auricular confes∣sion. The Patriarch professed that they held the same in substance with the Roman Church, but the Greekes and Latines could not attemper such words and tearmes as the Iacobites in those things had done.

* 1.1115Of the Armenians the said Bishop of Sidon testifieth, that they are subiect to two principall Patriarkes, one of Armenia the Greater, the other of Armenia the lesse. The former resideth in the Monastery and Church of Ecmeazin, neere the Citie Eruan in Persia: the other in the Citie [ 40] Cis of Cilicia, now called Caramania. Other Patriarkes are sometimes by the fauour of the Turks created amongst them, and are exacters of Tributes which the Armenian Families are bound to pay the Turkes. Others also are elected Coadiutors of the same Patriarkes with consent of the Bishops and people. Further there are others, Primates or rather Patriarkes of the same Nation in the remotest parts of Persia & in Constantinople, which although legally they are subiect to the Patriarke of Armenia maior,* 1.1116 yet sometimes doe not acknowledge him. The Families subiect to the Patriarke of the Greater Armenia exceed the number of 150000. besides very many Mona∣steries,* 1.1117 Bishops, Religious persons and Deacons. Their Preachers are called Mortabiti, and are obeied by the people, as the Patriarke himselfe. In the Prouince Neuuam, in Persia also, in two Cities there liue Catholike Armenians subiect to an Archbishop of the Dominican Order, and [ 50] other Friers of that profession,* 1.1118 which obserue the Latine Rites, and liue vnder the obedience of the Roman Sea.

The Patriarke of Armenia Minor hath vnder his Iurisdiction foure and twentie Prelates, Archbishops and Bishops,* 1.1119 and the Election of the Patriarke belongs to 12. Bishops neerer the Patriarchall Church. Yet sometimes the Armenian people by fauour and command of the Tur∣kish Officers create their Patriarks, and after obtaine the consent of the Bishops and Archbishops, and by the fauour of the principall people, a Coadiutor with future succession is deputed to him, who of a Master and Preacher, after the death of the said predecessor, is receiued and confirmed by the people for Patriarke. To this Patriarke are subiect about 20000. Families; and they liue in the Villages, Castles and Cities of Cilicia and Syria: there are twentie Monasteries each con∣tayning [ 60] 100. Religious, 300. Priests, Deacons and Cl••••kes many, which liue of Almes, and of their owne industry.

§. III. Of SIMON SVLAKA a Papall Easterne Patriarke amongst the Chal∣daeans: and of diuers others thither sent. Of A••DESV, AATALLA, DONHA his Successours.

AMongst the Asian Nestorians,* 1.1120 there haue beene some Roman Catholikes which haue ex∣hibited obedience to the Pope. Some of those which professed Simon Sulaka, a Monke [ 10] of Saint Basils Order to be their Superiour, calling themselues Chaldaeans and Assy∣rians, acknowledged Pope Iulius the Third, and reiected the name of Nestorians. Su∣laka was by the Pope confirmed Patriarke of that Nation with the Title of Mozal, which Church his aduersary possessed. He returned to Caramit, and there ordained certaine Archbi∣shops and Bishops, and reiected the Nestorian Inuocation, which at that time was vsually made by the Deacon in the Church. He sought to spread the Roman faith, but by the policy of the Antipatriarke Dry he was taken and slaine by the Turkes. The confession of faith by the same Sulaka made at Rome is extant in Bibliotheca Patrum.

The Bishop Ariensis a Dominican was sent by the Pope to visit and confirme this Church, who hauing reformed some things, was driuen with some Assyrians to flee to Ormus and Goa, where [ 20] hee dyed.

His companion Frier Anthonie, with the Archbishop Ermetes Elias Disciple of Sulaka, visited many Christians in Cochin and India of Saint Thomas, and after his returne was made a Bishop by the Pope. To Sulaka succeeded Abdesu of the same order of Saint Basil, which was at the Councel of Trent vnder Pope Pius the Fourth, & from him carried with him the Title of Mazal, and returning to Caramit ••nd Seert, ordained many Priests, Bishops and Archbishops,* 1.1121 and many Cities of the Chaldees yeelded him obedience, but soone after hee died in the Monastery of the City Seert: and Aatalla a brother of the same Order succeeded, and after him Donha Simon the Archbishop of Gelu and Salamas renounced the Antipatriarke, and was elected Patriarke by the Prelates of that Nation, and confirmed by Gregorie the Thirteenth, to whom he sent Arch∣bishop [ 30] Ermes Elias in his name to exhibit obedience. Who returned with his Patriarchall Pall from Rome 1582, But hitherto they haue nothing of Mozal but the Title,* 1.1122 the other Patriarke possessing the See, and they are glad to seeke a place of residence where they can, as at Caramit, and this last at Zeinalbach. The richest and mightiest of that Nation are at Mozal and Gesire, and acknowledge the other Patriarke, lately called Elias, resident in the Patriarchall Monastery of Saint Ermes neere Mozal. He hath vnder him two and twentie Bishops▪ aboue sixe hundred Territories, of which two and twentie are flourishing Cities, each contayning fiue hundred Ne∣storian Families, and in Masul 1000. each hauing about fortie persons: the other Territories haue two or three hundred Nestorian Families. They haue thirtie Monasteries of Saint Antho∣nies Order in which fifteene or twentie Monkes liue: and in that of the Patriarke seuentie. [ 40] The Patriarke and Bishops must bee Monkes They extend to Baldach and the East Indies.

§. IIII. Of the Cophti, their Synod at Cairo, the Iesuites being the Popes Agents, and of STEPHEN COLINZAS message to the Georgians, and two Iesuites sent to the Maronites.

POpe Gregorie the Thirteenth sent diuers messages to the Cophti, whereby a Synod was [ 50] procured at Cairo,* 1.1123 in December 1582. which had three Sessions to reconcile them to the Roman Church. At the first were present Bishops and principall men. At the third, the same men, with the Iesuites, especially Iohn Baptista Romanus.* 1.1124 In the first were o∣pened the causes of their decession in the Conuenticle of Ephesus assembled by Dioscorus, where∣by Eutyches his Heresie which denied two natures in Christ was begun, condemned after in the Chalcedon Councell. They desired to search their Writings which were few and eaten wi••h Age. And in the second Session was much alteration, and the matter put off to the third. In that third the Law of Circumcision was abrogated first; and after that Anathema was denounced a∣gainst such as should spoile Christ of either. Yet for all this the Vicar of the Patriarke then being, [ 60] resisted the subscribing, and a quarrell was picked by the Turkes against the Popes Agents, as i•• they sought to subiect the East, to the Pope, or the King of Spaine. They were therefore cast into Prison, and their redemption cost 5000. Crownes.

At Cairo is a Librarie in which are kept many Bookes of the ancient Doctors in Arabike, as of Saint Ierome, Gregorie Nazianzene, Saint Basil, &c. and the men haue good wits, and some there∣by

prooue learned. In the time of Pope Clement the Eighth, Marke the Patriarke sent a Sub∣mission to the Pope, as was pretended; but it prooued to be the Imposture of one Barton.

Paul the Third also sent to the Georgians, Anno 1545. Stephen Colynza elect of Neuuan in Armenit,* 1.1125 his Nuncio to the Kings of Georgia and Armenia. The Georgian King writ backe to the Pope, his Letter beginning. Miseratione Dei Symeon Rex Cardely totius Iberiae & Orientis. Excelse & splendissime, & sanctissime, & beatissime Domine noster, Pater noster & Papa, Pastor Pa∣storum, Princeps Principum, & decime tertie Apostolorum, Pater noster & Papa Magnae Romae, aurea tuba, organum Dei inflatum, Petre index & clauicularie Regni coelestis, Paule Doctor gentium, qui ascendit vs{que} ad tertium coelum, &c. Hee proceedeth in swelling Titles of vanitie ascribed to the Pope, and saith so much that all his zeale and profession was spent, as it seemeth, in that Epistle; [ 10] for little effect hath since appeared.

Pope Clement the Eighth sent two Iesuites with a Bishop to the Maronites in Mount Libanus, Hierom Dandin a Diuine being principall. The cause of sending was, that it might by the eyes be discerned,* 1.1126 whether the costs bestowed at Rome on the Seminary of Maronites were well be∣stowed. The Pope sent the Patriarch a whole Vestiment of Silke wrought with Gold for a Pa∣triarchall Mosse, and many Chi••ts of Bookes in the Chaldaean Tongue printed in the Citie, con∣tayning the Lyturgies of Saint Iames, Saint Peter, and Saint Sixtus, they hauing no Bookes but written, and those torne or erroneous: with Seruice-bookes to God and the Blessed Virgin. For they vse the Chaldee Tongue as wee doe the Latine. Out of the Seminary was sent one to bee a Coadiutor to the Patriarch and made Bishop, and another Coadiutor to him in his Bishopricke. Their common Language is Arabike. The Pope sent also siluer Chalices, and Iron Instruments [ 20] to make the Hosts and sacred Vests for other Priests by the said Dandin. He staid two monethes with his companion a Priest, in the Monasterie of the Patriarke, in which time the old Patriarke died, and the other was substituted by a Synod according to the custome. The Patriarkes per∣formed all kind Offices to the Iesuites, as did also the Monkes which liue sparingly, eating little but Rice, Herbs and Broth. The Priests liue single, but are addicted to no Studies of Learning, and spend the rest of their time in tilling the ground,* 1.1127 or stirring vp others thereto, that they may haue to liue on, and to pay their Tributes. Their women are very modest and chast, neither haue they any mercenary Harlots. They haue a place at the entrance of the Church by themselues and when Seruice is done they depart first, no man stirring till hey be all gone. Dandin altered, diuers things amongst them,* 1.1128 as to reserue some cases to the Bishop or Patriark••, not to constraine [ 30] Priests to marrie before they tooke Orders, that some of the Seruiarians should be appointed on some Holy dayes to preach, and write cases for others to learne, where as before they had no Sermons, but sometimes a Homily; to vse no other Missals then such as had beene sent from Rome; that other Bookes should bee examined; not (as before) to admit Children to the Eu∣charist,* 1.1129 &c.

He which will read more of these Maronites, may read out of themselues and others in this Worke, as also touching them and all other Christians in the East in Master Brerewoods Enquirie hereto annexed: also Thomas à Iesu our Author is farre more ample in these things, then agreeth with our scope. I thought good yet to adde out of a Manuscript aboue a doozen yeeres since com∣municated to me by the Right Reuerend Father in God Docter Vsher, Lord Bishop of Me••th, [ 40] copied out of a Iesuites written Catalogue of Heresies, these Errours as they are there recited by the Iesuite, and gathered out of the Maronites Bookes

Errores ex libris Maronitarum excerpti 1580. sunt autem huiusmodi.

• 1 CHristus caput est diuinitatis.
• 2 In Christo vna tantum est natura.
• 3 In Christo vna tantū est operatio, vna voluntas.
• 4 Natura inuisibil•••• in Christo est passa.
• 5 Trinitas est passa.
• 6 Trisagium recitandum est cum illa additione, Qui crucifixus est pro nobis.
• 7 Christus non est mortuus vt alij homines.
• 8 Christus descendens ad inferos omnes filios Adae liberauit.
• 9 Christus post resurrectionem vnam habet na∣turam.
• 10 Anima sanctorum patrum deductae sunt à Christo ad Paradisum terrestrem: animae vero eorum qui nunc moriuntur, aut illuc trā∣sount, aut in proprijs corporibus detinentur, vel circa sepulchrum, vel descendunt ad locum te∣nebrosum, [ 50] pro meritorum vel demeritorum di∣uersitate.
• 11 In die iudicij noua corpora animabus crea∣buntur.
• 12 Spiritus sanctus à patre procedit.
• 13 Baptismus non debet ministrari nisi à Sacer∣dote.
• 14 Apostata, vt haeretici, sunt rebaptizandi.
• 15 Energumeni non sunt baptisandi, nisi mortis articulo. [ 60]
• 16 Masculus in baptismo non debet suscipere foe∣minam, nec è contra.
• 17 Baptismus non debet dari in quadragessima.
• ...

• 18 Parvulus baptizatus non debet tangi à matre quae patitur fluxum sanguinis ne eum polluat.
• 19 Mater non potest lactare suum infantem ratione chrysmatis cum est baptizatu••.
• 20 Angelus custos tribuitur in baptismo homini.
• 21 Chrysma debet consici ex varijs rebus, & coqui ig∣ne ex 5••••. libis facto.
• 22 Forma confirmationis haec est. Vngo te hoc chrys∣mate in vitam aeternam, vt sis haeres regui coele∣stis in nomine P. F. & S.S.
• [ 10] 23 Sanguis Christi potest consecrari ex aqua, ex v∣uis siccis expressa.
• 24 Summus Episcopus potest consecrare sanguin••m sine corpore.
• 25 Forma consecrationis hac est. Benedixit & dinisit vnicui{que} discipulorum partem, & fecit vt essent, corpus Dominicum, quod datur in vitam mundi in remissionem peccatorum. Item benedixit & sanctificauit, & diuisit aequaliter ad bibendum illum Apostolis suis electis, & fecit possidere il∣lum [ 20] sanguinem viz. ••ovam Testamentum Disci∣pulos suos.
• 26 Sub speciebus panis & vini est corpus & sanguis sed non anima Christi.
• 27 Eucharistia consecranda feria quinta in Caena Domini, debet consecrari per totum annum.
• 28 Sacerdos qui nunquam celebrat, non peccat.
• 29 Licet sacrum facere super librum Euangelij.
• 30 Qui non est dispositus ad communicandum, non de∣bet sacro interesse.
• [ 30] 31 Dignius 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Eucharistiam infa••s quam adul∣tus.
• 32 Infantes Christi sanginem sumere debent.
• 33 Impedit comunio••em digitum ari insuisse, aut os ab∣luisse.
• 34 Absoluere poenitentes est super eius caput recita∣re orationem Dominicam.
• 35 Impositio manuum Apostolorum super baptizatos erat absolutio à peccatis.
• 36 Peccata minima sunt aperienda in confessione.
• [ 40] 37 Peccata spiritualia ne in mortis articulo d••mitti possunt.
• 38 Mali Sacerdotes non habent vsum clauium.
• 39 Post mortem redditur ratio commissorum peccato∣rum ab anno 12.
• 40 Oleum extrema vnctionis debet benedici à 7. Sa∣cerdotibus.
• 41 Matrimonium in lege veteri erat institutum tan∣tùm ob prolem.
• 42 Matrimonium non est validum sine Sacerdotis [ 50] benedictione.
• 43 44 Non potest pater & filius contrabere cum matre & filia, vel duo fratres cum duabus sororibus.
• 45 Quartae nuptiae & deinceps sunt illicitae.
• 46 Ob multas causas licet vxorem dimittere, & aliam ducere.
• 47 Vsus Matrimonij in Quadragesima est pec∣catum irremissibile.
• 48 Paradisus terrestris fuit creatus ante omnia.
• 49 Adam fuit formatus ex terra Paradisi.
• 50 Adam & Eu•• ante peccatum erant circun∣dati pelle, vt non posset cognosci vtrum mai vel foemina esset.
• 51 Sacerdos erat Abel & non Cain, & ideo Deo placuit illius Sacrificium, non ••••tius.
• 52 N•••• tempore dilu••ij in Arca sacrificanit.
• 53 Filij Israel qui adorarunt nitulum, & bi∣berunt erus puluerem, mugiebant vt bones.
• 54 Iudai in deserto ferebant lapidem secum in quo 12. fontes manabant.
• 55 Christus factus est Sacerdos à Iohanne Bap∣tista.
• 56 Maria apparuit Christus in forma hortulani.
• 57 Apostoli vs{que} ad Pentecostem fuerunt in statu pe••cati.
• 58 Christus fecit Apostolos Diaconos cum in∣sufflavit ijs Io••. 20. Sacerdotes vero cum ascendit in Coelum.
• 59 Anima Beata Virginis fuit primum omnium creata.
• 60 Omnes credentes, etiam haretici sunt in statu salutis.
• 61 Non licet occidere hominem etiam publica authoritate.
• 62 De••s promisit Mosi visionem diuinitati•• con∣iunctam cum anima Christi, quo modo solum est visibilis diuinitas.
• 63 Sancti patres in limbo carebant spe exeundi.
• 64 Damnati non torquentur die Dominica.
• 65 Damnatorum poenae minuuntur per sacrificia.
• 66 Ioseph sponsus Beatae Virginis habuit qua tuor filios.
• 67 Virginitas non est praeponenda matrimonio.
• 68 Mendacium officiosum licitum est.
• 69 Iudaei coegerunt Beatam Virginem potare a∣quam amaram propter suspicionem adulterij.
• 70 Dies Veneris est celebrandus vt Dominicus.
• 71 Phara•• non meretur poenam, quod Deus cor eius indur auerit.
• 72 Vestes Sacerdotales si lacerentur & id genus alia, amittunt consecrationem.

I haue hither also translated some obseruations of Christopher Angel••s a Greeke Monke and Priest, which hath liued many yeeres in England, and some fiue yeeres since gaue mee a Greeke * 1.1130 Booke printed by him in London, touching their present Rites, both in their Churches and Mo∣nasteries. Many things I could haue added touching the Greekes, and their moderne Language, State and Religion, out of Crusius, Ieremias the Patriarke and others. But this man being a Tra∣ueller, I chose rather to let you heare him in that wherein he hath beene bred. As for dogmati∣call differences you haue had them before, and the present Greekes are not ordinarily so learned as to giue you a perfect account thereof.

[ 60]

§. V. Of the condition of life in which the Greekes now liue, and of their rites of Fasts, Feasts, and other obseruations, gathered out of the Booke of CHRISTOPHEROS ANGELOS, a Greekish Monke and Priest.

THe ancient * 1.1131 Graecians heard Iohn the Euangelist speaking in the thirteenth of the Apoc. and first verse. And I s••w a beast rise out of the Sea, and power was granted him to make [ 10] warre with the Saints, and to ouercome them, and power was giuen him ouer euery Kindred and Tongue, and Nation, and all that dwelt vpon the Earth worshipped him, whose names are not written in the Booke of Life of the Lambe, who was slaine from the beginning of the World: if any man haue an eare let him heare. If any leade into captiuity, he shall goe into captiuitie: if any kill with a sword hee must be killed with the sword, and that which followeth. The Greekes hauing this pro∣phesie and many others of this kind of holy men, when they saw the Turkes come, said, This is the Beast, that Saint Iohn speaketh of, and would not fight with the Turke. They fought a little in the beginning, but afterward yeelded; and for this were not carried away captiues. In like manner they carried all their goods with them, and bought all of the King of the Turkes. This thing also did the Monkes, and redeemed their Monasteries, and fields; and houses, and whatso∣euer [ 20] they possessed before. Therefore to this day, they retaine all their old Bookes, and obserue their Countrey Lawes, and liue as the Christians and Monkes in former ages, if the Christians shall at any time get the superioritie. But let vs returne to our purpose.

Each of the Males pay Tribute to the Turkish King, as likewise the women: that is to say, that the men, dwelling in one house from twentie yeeres, and vpwards pay yeerely six shillings. But if they be striplings, that is to say, fifteene yeeres old they pay three only, if they are passed fifteene, pay foure or fiue, till they come to the age of twentie yeeres. They will giue this taxe, because the Lord saith, be wise as Serpents. They are mindfull also that Iohn saith, Apoc. 7.14. Those are those which came out of great tribulation, and washed their garments, and made them white in the bloud of the Lambe. Moreouer, they pay another custome. That is to say, when the Army [ 30] goeth to warre; they are wont to contribute certaine pieces of monie, to buy bread and flesh, to sustaine the Armie, they doe not yet all equally pay this: but sometimes twentie, sometimes ten shillings in euery house, sometimes more hauing respect to the Armie. But all the houses doe not contribute alike in this as in the former. In that the rich and poore pay the same summe, in this no man giues beyond his abilitie. There is also another dutie: to wit, when the Kings spies are sent to exact Tribute of the Christians, in the iourney the Christians which dwel there, allow them victuals. And thus much concerning their Tributes.

The tithing of their children is in this manner. When as first the Turke exercised authoritie ouer the Greeks, in euery Citie & Prouince he took an account of the houses, and euery fourth yeere, of ten houses took one of their children. There was at that time in one Citie a hundred housholds of [ 40] ten times ten houshold he chuseth one. Afterwards after that foure yeeres were expired, he took ten other children of the second, that is to say, of the next house, not of that former whereof he tooke before. And so they doe euery foure yeeres vntill all the houses bee finished. And then againe they beginne to take children at the first house, vntill they returne againe to the first. Af∣ter forty yeeres are past they returne againe to the first house, and after this manner they doe with the other Houses, Cities and Prouinces. They haue another vniust custome of gathering children, that is to say, when the Ianizaries goe from the King to gather Boyes through the Prouince, that is subiect to them, where they ought to gather them: Passing through the Pro∣uince as many Boyes as they find in the way, they take without tithing, saying, those Boyes are our prey. But if it happen, that any children among them that are vniustly taken, bee of those [ 50] houses, which are to giue a Boy, then they will take no other Boy of those houses, whereof that Boy was, because they may not take two Boyes out of one house in the same yeere; therefore when the Boyes fathers heare that the Ianizaries come to gather Boyes, they hide their Boyes before they come, some in Mountaines, some in the houses of the great men that are Turkes, be∣cause those Rulers are Citizens, and the Greekes friends, and therefore desire to keepe the Greekes sonnes safe, and after they restore againe their sonnes, sometimes the Boyes flie into the Moun∣taines, and the Ianizaries take the Boyes Father or Mother, and punish them with death. And when the children heare that their parents are punished, they come of their owne accord, and are deliuered: sometimes the childrens parents die of the punishment for their sonnes, and thus much concerning their children. [ 60]

The Greekes obserue foure Lents euery yeere. The first is called the great and holy Lent: this continues eight and forty dayes together before Easter.* 1.1132 They fast in that holy Lent eating dry things for the tithing of their soule. On Annuntiation day they eate fish, and feast for ioy of the Annuntiation, therefore there remaine only fiue and thirtie daies for the tithing of the yeere,

which are fiue times seuen, which make fiue and thirtie daies. Because that for seuen weekes to∣gether they fast before Easter, fiue daies in euery weeke, that is to say, Monday, Tuesday, Wed∣nesday, Thursday, and Friday: they fast not on Saturday and Sunday, because they eate Oile and drinke Wine twice in a day, therefore they are not called fasting daies, but only after a sort.* 1.1133 Some of the Laicks in those fiue daies of the weeke eate Oile, and drinke Wine, because they respect not the tithing of soules

The Fasts of the Monkes differ from the Laicks fasts; for the Laicks may sometimes eate Oile, and drinke Wine in those fiue daies, and haue absolution of the spirituall (Priest) when they con∣fesse to him their particular sinnes. But the Monkes may not eate Oile, nor drinke Wine those [ 10] fiue daies: for when they confesse, they are punished according to the Canons, vnlesse they haue some disease, or some other necessitie.

Their second Lent, is called the Lent of dayes,* 1.1134 because they fast fortie daies together before Christmasse. They fast in those daies, first, in the honour of Christ: Secondly, because Moses fasted forty dayes, and then merited (or obtained) to conuerse with God: and receiue the stonie Tables of the Decalogue. To our example, Moses fasted there forty daies, that he might speake with God and receiue the Tables. But we fast so many daies, that wee may meete Christ borne for our sinnes, as the Wisemen did with gifts, and as the shepheards spake with the Angels, and were thought worthy to see an Armie of Angels, and to worship Christ. Wee also confessing our sinnes, and fasting and keeping vnder our bodie, worship Christ.

[ 20] The third Lent is called the Lent of the holy Apostles Peter and Paul.* 1.1135 It beginnes one weeke after Wh••tsontide; and continues to the nine and twentieth day of the month of Iune, that is to say, to the Feast of Peter and Paul.

Their fourth Lent beginnes from the first day of August,* 1.1136 and continues to the fourteenth day of the same month, because on the 15. day they celebrate a great Feast to the Virgin Mary, who on that day ascend••d from Earth to Heauen, from corruptible things to incorruptible, and went to her Sonne, and to her God and our Lord Iesus Christ and our God, Amen: in her honour they fast fourteene daies.

But these fasts differ from the great Lent, for in the Lent of Christmasse,* 1.1137 and of Peter and Paul, they eate fish twice in a day: but in our Ladies Lent they eate no fish, yet they eate [ 30] twice a day.

They beginne to fast after this manner: the tenth Sunday before Easter Sunday, to wit,* 1.1138 the ninth weeke before Easter; that Weeke is called, the calling weeke, and the Sunday of the Publi∣can and the Pharisie, for on the tenth Sunday they reade the Gospel of the Publican and the Pha∣risie, that they may learne humilitie, and abase themselues, and not iudge and condemne others, as the Pharisie iudged the Publican and was punished; and they sing at E••ensong, and the day fol∣lowing before day (that is, the tenth Sunday before Easter) these Songs, with a great and drie voice, and very often melodiously, so that all may heare: Let vs a••oid the Pharisies boasting, let vs learne the Publicans lowlinesse, and others of this kind: and they confesse their sinnes, and par∣don the wrongs of their Enemies, that they may be pure in heart when they begin to fast. The [ 40] following Sunday (which is the ninth Sunday before Easter, and the eighth weeke, that Sunday is called the Sunday of the second comming, and the iudgement of our Lord Iesus Christ) wherefore on this day they read the Gospell, then they shall see the Sonne of man comming in the clouds; and the rest that followes. And the Prophesie of Daniel the Prophet, viz. Behold the thrones were set, and the ancient of daies sat downe, and the Bookes were opened to iudgement. And they read in the Church these words of Christ, and of the Prophesie of Daniel singing with a drie and great voice, so that all may heare and many tremble, for all heare, that iudgement and vengeance is at hand.* 1.1139 They feast verie much this Sunday, and giue manie almes, and procure friendship with their ene∣mies, and will neuer iudge nor backbite them after they are made friends, nor remember the in∣iurie so long as they liue, because Paul faith, neither thiefe, nor euill speaker, &c. shall inherit the [ 50] Kingdome of God. This is called Shrouesunday, because on this day is an inhibition from flesh; for in the day following (that is) Monday, they begin to fast onely from flesh, and eate Egges, M••lke, Cheese, Butter, and such kinde of meates; that come from flesh all the weeke, but on Satur∣day and Sunday, which is called the eighth Sunday before Easter, and the seuenth weeke before Easter.

The eighth Sunday before Easter is called Cheese sunday, because they eate Cheese and Egges, and all kindes of white meates: and the Greekes doe greatly reiect this day, because the day following (that is to say) Monday, they begin to fast. The day is called the fall of A∣dam, because on that day is read the fall of Adam, that is, how Adam and Eue ate of the Tree of knowledge, and for that vnbridled lust of eating, were cast out of Paradise; be∣cause [ 60] they neglected the o••inance of God, therefore they were banished, and because after the fall of Adam then went out of Paradise, and mourned because hee was deceiued, by his cursed desire to eate, and was so made the seruant of the D••uell, therefore they giue large almes, and commiserate their enemies (as we said before) and now they doe these things that they may be pure in heart, when they begin to fast: But they begin to fast on Munday, to wit,

the first day of the seuenth weeke before Easter, and they fast fiue daies, viz. Monday, Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday, and Friday, but they fast eating dry things, that is to say, they eate Beanes, Pease, with Vinegar they boile Herbes in water, and eate them with Vinegar, Raisons, Figges, dried Apples, dried Peares, dried Cherries, and Honie. These they boile altogether in wa∣ter: they eate the Fruit, but drinke the broth as wine, &c. On Saturday and Sunday (which is called the Lords day, they eate Oile, and drinke Wine: and after this manner they liue euerie weeke vntill Easter.

They fast also two daies euerie weeke throughout the whole yeere, viz. Wednesday and Fri∣day.* 1.1140 They fast on Wednesday, because on that day Iudas tooke monie to betray Christ, and they are afflicted with Christ by fasting. But on Friday they fast because Christ was crucified, and [ 10] they are in heauinesse with Christ, because he saith, when the Bridegroome shall be taken from them, then shall my Disciples fast.

On euery Saturday, and other feasts throughout the yeere, the Greekes are wont at euening to goe to the Temple.* 1.1141 All the Grecian women and children rise very timely, that is to say, the se∣cond houre after midnight on euery Sunday, and Feast day, to goe to the Temple; and leaue at home one boy or one girle, to keepe the house, and they continue there singing all the night till morning; when the Sunne riseth, they goe out, and returne home: they 〈◊〉〈◊〉 idlely, and eate not nor drinke, till the ninth houre after midnight. But at the ninth houre the Priest runnes to the Temple, and prepares those things that belong to the liturgie, and takes one loafe which a wo∣man or pure man made the day before (that is, some man which knew not his wife the day [ 20] before, or a woman which knew not her husband, that is, on Saturday night, or otherwise from the euening of Friday till the morning light of Saturday, lay not together.) That man or that wo∣man, baketh and kneadeth meale, and makes that loafe on Saturday, or another day. Hee must needes be pure which shall make this bread: before they put this Bread into the Ouen, they signe it with a certaine peece of wood engrauen with letters, viz. Iesus Christ ouercomes: and then they put it into the Ouen marked with these letters, viz. Iesus Christ ouercomes. This Bread signifies the Virgin: as the Virgin was pure, so a pure man must bake that bread: this Bread the Priest takes in his hands, and blesseth, saying, In the memory of our holy vnspotted Lady Mother of God, &c. and other praiers, and consecrates that Bread to the Virgin, and after this the Priest hath a little speare, in forme of the speare wherewith the Souldiers pierced Christ, and the Priest taketh the little speare, and cuts off some fouresquare peece of the outside of the loafe, which containeth [ 30] those letters, Iesus Christ ouercomes, typifying Christ, who was borne of the Virgin Mary; and of this Bread they make their Eucharist: the Eucharist being administred, the Priest or Deacon de∣uides that greater part of bread which was left into verie small peeces, of which bread wee say, that it is the body of the Virgin: and of this bread hee distributes to them which tooke Christs bodie, and to as manie as fasted all that day, who neither eate nor dranke any thing. They call this kinde of bread the reward, because they giue it ••o all those which are, and which are not par∣takers of the Lords supper as a certaine diuine gift. Those things being finished they goe out of the Temple, and again gather themselues to euening Praiers, which custome is obserued through∣out the whole world.* 1.1142 [ 40]

Moreouer, they fast the foureteenth day of September, in honour of the crosse, which was found on that day,* 1.1143 and they celebrate the feast of the crosse, abstaining from white meates, because on that day they kisse the crosse of Christ, and they desire to kisse it fasting. They fast also the fift of Ianuarie from all white meates, because the sixt day of that moneth Christ was baptised, accor∣ding to the Greekish custome. Moreouer the Priests that day hallow water, whereof the Laickes drinke, and that they may be pure drinking of that holy water, they fast the day before, that is to say, the fift of Ianuarie.

They obserue no fasting the fourth and sixth day of the weeke: for they eate flesh on Wed∣nesdaies and Fridaies, and all white meates which come from flesh, as Egges, Butter, Milke, Cheese, &c. from the day of Christs natiuitie to the foureteenth day of Ianuarie, that is, from the [ 50] 25. of December to the foureteenth of Ianuarie, they fast not; yet they fast the fift of Ianuarie that they may drinke holy water the sixt day, whereof we spake before. If the natiuitie of Christ happen on a Wednesday, or a Friday, the common people eate flesh, and all white meate: but the Monkes onely white meates without flesh, in honour of Christs Natiuitie. Also on the sixt day of Ianuarie, whereon Christ was baptised, the Laicks eate flesh and all kinde of white meates, as we said before: but the Monkes eate onely white meates.

Notwithstanding in the eleuenth weeke before Easter, they eate flesh on Wednesday and Fri∣day:* 1.1144 the reason whereof is this. In times past there were certaine Heretickes, which had an excellent good Dogge, who were accustomed to tye Letters about his necke, and send him to their friends two or three daies iournie from them, who when they had read the Letters, sent [ 60] backe others to them by the same Dogge, and this they did diuers times; At the length the Dog died and returned not, then those Heretickes for griefe fasted Wednesday and Friday, that they might deride the Orthodox Christians, who fasted those daies in honour of Christ: but when the Christians vnderstood this, they decreed in the eleuenth weeke not at all to fast with them, but to eate flesh on Wednesday and Friday. They call this weeke Archburch.

Moreouer, throughout Easter weeke, that is, from the resurrection of Christ vntill the Sun∣day following they eate flesh and white meates. The Fathers call it the weeke of renouation. Af∣ter the same manner, on the day of Penticost they eate flesh, and make merrie, but on the Mun∣day next following that feast, they abstaine from flesh and all white meates, because the Priests on that day after Noone gather the people into the Temple, and all the people kneele in the same place, and the Priests pray, that the holy Ghost would descend vpon them, as it did formerly on the Apostles on the day of Penticost. And therefore they fast on that Monday, that is the day fol∣lowing, but on Wednesday and Friday of that weeke, they eate flesh for ioy of the holy Ghost: but the Monkes eate onely white meates.

[ 10] The Greekish Bishops haue a custome, that at three set times they giue the Priests spirituall gifts, as Christ at three times especially gaue to his Apostles spirituall gifts,* 1.1145 and when they had receiued this fauour thrice, then they were perfit; that is to say, the Apostles receiued the first gift when he gaue them authoritie and power ouer all diuels, and to heale diseases, Luke 9.1. hee gaue them the second on the day of his resurrection, when he said to them, Iohn 20.22. Receiue the holy Ghost: whose sinnes you remit, they are remitted to them, &c. The third gift he gaue them in the feast of Penticost, when he sent his holy spirit vpon them: which being finished, the Apo∣stles were perfect. After the same manner the Grecian Bishops make other Bishops; first the Bishop makes this or that man a Priest, but no confession, onely to sacrifice and sanctifie. But after that the Bishop vnderstands that that Priest is a Scholler and learned, then on the day fol∣lowing hee giues him power to be a Confessor, and if hee bee vnlearned hee onely Sacrifi∣ceth. [ 20] And if hee deserue to bee a Bishop, on the third day two or three Bishops make him a compleate Bishop, and by reason hereof euery Priest hath not power to heare Confessi∣ons, but hee onely who hath authoritie from the Bishop: the Priests desire for the most part that the people confesse their sinnes to them in the Temple, sometimes also in other places,* 1.1146 either in a priuate house, or in the fields, but no man is present besides themselues, whether it be in the Church or out of the Church.

The Greekes pray in the Temple standing vpright.* 1.1147 But they haue some high seates in the Temple, such as are in many Colledges, and they may sometimes sit in them, and sometimes stand. When the Priests Preach, then the lay people sit in those seates, yet they stand when they [ 30] sing. But when they come into the Temple, euery one takes his proper place, and then standing with his Hat off, bendeth downe the three former fingers of his right hand; which being done, he intimates that there are three persons in one deitie. And these fingers thus bended downe, he first laies on the forepart of his head; signifying thereby that the holy trinitie is in heauen. Then he remoues them to his belly, signifying, that the Sonne and the Word of God descended to the earth, and tooke flesh, and was crucified, and buried for our sinnes. Then hee placeth them on his right shoulder, signifying that Christ is risen from the dead, and sits at the right hand of the Fa∣ther, as Dauid said, Sit at my right hand, till I put thine enemies vnder thy feete. Then hee laies them on his left shoulder, intimating that Christ should not set vs at his left hand at the last day, but deliuer vs from that, as he hath taught vs, deliuer vs from euill: and againe when he saith, Then [ 40] will hee place the Sheepe at his right hand, and the Goates at his left: and euery one in these seuerall spaces of time, that is from the first period of time, wherein hee puts those three fingers on his head, vntill the laying them on his left shoulder, saith these words; Lord Iesus Christ, Sonne, and Word of God, be mercifull to me a sinner; and he bends his body, and so this figure signifies the signe of the Crosse, that is, putting his fingers first on his head, after on his belly, then on his right shoul∣der, and lastly on his left: these actions make a Crosse, and signifie the Crosse whereon Christ was crucified for our sinnes. And thus euery one makes this figure three or foure times, and then sits downe on his seate.

The Greekes haue a custome that the better sort of them receiue the Sacrament of the precious body and bloud of Christ, once, twice, thrice, or foure times in the yeere, yet confession of their sinnes must goe before to some spirituall Priest (they call those spirituall Priests, who haue autho∣ritie [ 50] from the Bishop) And whosoeuer hee bee which will confesse himselfe to such a kinde of Priest, ought to come to him. And the Priest asketh him, what he desires? hee answereth,* 1.1148 say∣ing, I desire to confesse my sinnes. Then the Priest goeth with him to the Temple, and there in some priuate place he begins to teach him, saying: See, the Angell of God stands before thee to receiue thy confession. Take heede therefore, that thou concealest no sinne, neither for shame, nor for any other cause, for I am a sinner like thy selfe. Then the Greeke begins to confesse his sinnes parti∣cularly: which being done, the Priest saith againe, take heede that you ouerslip no sinne through forgetfulnesse. Then more seriously then before hee lookes into himselfe, and what∣soeuer sinnes he can remember hee ingeniously confesseth to the Priest. But if hee can remem∣ber [ 60] no more, he tels him, he hath confest all that hee remembers. Then the Priest imposeth him penance, that he fast so many daies, and giue so many almes: which being finished, hee blesseth him in these words; According to the power which Christ gaue his Apostles, saying, whatsoeuer you shall binde on earth, shall be bound in heauen; and whatsoeuer yee shall loose on earth, shall be loosed in heauen: Againe, according to the power which the Apostles gaue the Bishoppes, and the Bishoppes

gaue mee, be blessed of the Father, of the Sonne, and of the holy Ghost, and let thy portion be with the iust. Which short benediction being ended, he makes a longer prayer ouer his head: who ariseth and leaueth some money in the place for the Priest to pray for him afterward. And so hee goes forth and performes whatsoeuer the Priest enioynes him. And when the time comes that he must receiue the Lords Supper, he must goe to that Priest or some other, who must pray ouer his head, he in the meane time kneeling.

* 1.1149All the Greekish Temples haue a certaine place, distinct from the rest of the Temple, wherein Priests, Deacons, and Subdeacons onely enter, and wherein they performe their holies, and when the Priest will giue the holy Sacrament to them that will receiue it, hee stands at the doore of that place, and they that desire to receiue it come neere the doore, and stand right before it. [ 10] They come after this manner: when the time drawes neere to receiue it, they come before the doore where the Priest celebrates his holies and bend their knees to the East,* 1.1150 and worship God. Then they turne to the West, and kneeling, say to the people, Blesse vs brethren, wee haue sinned in word and deede. And the people answere, saying, God pardon you brethren: then they turne to the South side of the Church, and say the same words to them as before, and they answere in the same manner. In like fashion they turne themselues and kneele to the North side of the Church, saying as before, and receiuing the same answere. After this they all come neere to doore of the place where the Priest performes his holies, and the Priest comes forth holding the Sacrament in his hands, and stands in the middle of the doore, and giues to euery one the body and bloud of our Lord, the Bread and Wine mingled together, saying, N. N. seruant of God, receiueth in the name of the Father, and of the Sonne, and of the holy Ghost. And [ 20] in the very particle of time, wherein they receiue the Sacrament euery one with a lowe voyce saith to himselfe, Lord I will not kisse thee as Iudas, but as the Theefe I confesse thee, remember mee O Lord when thou commest in thy Kingdome: And after these words hee takes the Sacrament. And after that holy receiuing, presently hee receiues of the same Priest, a small portion of the Bread, called the diuine gui••t, whereof we spake before, when we mentioned the Greekish praiers of the whole yeere.* 1.1151

The Greekes haue certaine small Vessells in the Church called Fonts, wherein they baptise Infants in this manner;* 1.1152 when the time comes to baptise an Infant, the kindred of the childe heat water with sweet smelling hearbs, and put the water into the foresaid vessell, but whiles the wa∣ter warmes, the Priest prayes and puts Oyle into the water. After the prayers, the Priest taketh [ 30] the childe in his armes, and puts the whole Infant thrice quite vnder the water, saying N. N. the seruant of God is baptised in the name of the Father, then hee ducks the Infant, and drawes him out and then addes, and of the Sonne, and then againe ducks him, and drawes him out, and lastly addes in the name of the holy Ghost, and then againe ducks the Infant and pluckes him out, that is three times diuing him the water, and pulling him out of the water, as Christ said to his Disciples, goe forth baptising in the name of the Father and of the Sonne and of the holy Ghost. All which being fini∣shed, hee reades certaine prayers, as heere in Great Brittaine, and restores the childe to his Kinsfolke.

* 1.1153It is a custome amongst the Greekes to excommunicate those that are grieuous offenders (be∣cause Saint Paul saith, when you are assembled together, and my spirit also deliuer that man ouer to Sa∣tan; [ 40] and againe reproue him seuerely) for example sake. A certaine wicked man hath borne false witnesse, or dealt iniuriously with some man, the man wronged, cites this false witnesse before some Priest, or Bishop, and the Bishop asketh the false witnesse whether his testimonie bee true or not: the witnesse affirmes his testimonie to be true; then the Bishop or Priest puts on his Pon∣tificall attire (whether hee be in the Church, or elsewhere) which garments signifie the seamlesse and purple coat of Christ and other things. And at that time the Bishop or Priest is a tipe of Christ, because of those holy Garments, and the grace which he receiued of the Bishops. Then he com∣mands the false witnesse to stand before him, and begins that Psalme, wherein it is said, O God be not silent of my praise, because the mouth of the sinner and deceitfull was opened against mee, and the rest which followes in that Psalme; then hee addes certaine prayers; and after saith, by the authoritie [ 50] which Christ gaue his Apostles, viz. Whatsoeuer you shall loose in earth shall bee loosed in heauen, and whatsoeuer you shall binde in earth, shall bee bound also in heauen: And by the authoritie which the A∣postles gaue to the Bishops, and the Bishops gaue mee, by this authoritie I excommunicate thee; thou shalt not conuerse with Christians, and shalt be separated from the Father and the Sonne, and the holy Ghost; and from the three hundred and eighteene Fathers, Diuines of the Nicene Councell, and from all Saints▪ and thy portion shall bee with the Diuell, and Iudas and thou shalt bee indissoluble for euer as stones and Iron for a testimonie, vnlesse thou repentest. These things being done, hee dismisseth him. And if the false witnesse doe not afterward repent, but die in his opinion; after a yeere (for the Greekes are wont to digge vp the Sepulchres of those, which died in the former yeere, and also the sepul∣chre of that false witnesse) and they finde him entire, his bodie blacke, his hayre yet rem••yning [ 60] and his nayles white, and they cast him out of the Sepulchre, and set him bolt vpright against a wall and hee stands firmely of himselfe, as a solid piece of timber: and if you strike his belly it will sound like a drumme, and therefore he is called Timpaniaeu••. See also Cas••••an•••• in H••st••∣rian

in his histories calls an excommunicate person Timpaniaeum. If you doubt, you may speake to your Merchants to enquire in Palaea-patia, Thessalonica, Alexandria, Constantinople or any where else, you may also enquire of the Greeks that are in England, who will certifie you of the truth.

About threescore yeeres since or somewhat more, the Iewes which inhabited about Cairo, bit∣terly enuied the Christians; for they saw that the Gouernour was very courteous, and therefore they consulted together to giue him a double tribute for the Christians, so that he would destroy them because Christ spake falsely, saying, Whosoeuer hath Faith as a graine of Mustard seede,* 1.1154 shall say to this Mountaine, passe hither or thither, and it shall goe. Math. 17.20. and if they drinke any deadly thing it shall not hurt them, Mar. 16.19. Then the furious Gouernour called the Patriarch, [ 10] and said, your Religion is false, because Christ said whosoeuer belieueth in mee although he drink any deadly thing, it shall not hurt him: And presently commanded the Patriarch, that he should drinke poison before him, without making the signe of the crosse, because the Iewes had enfor∣med him, that the Christians wrought magically by it, for when they make the signe of the crosse, then the poison looseth his efficacie, and therefore the Gouernour commanded the Patri∣arch, that he should not make the signe of the crosse, when he drunke the poison. Then the Pa∣triarch calling the people, praied and fasted with them three daies, and the third day tooke the Communion with them, and they went all to the Gouernour. Then the Gouernour being pre∣sent and all the Iewes, one of the Iewes brought a cup full of strong poison, and gaue it the Patri∣arch to drinke: Then the Gouernour said to the Patriarch, holding the cup in his hand, take [ 20] heede you make not the signe of the crosse on the cup; then the Patriarch blessing the cup mi∣stically, asked the Gouernour, saying, where will you that I drinke, on this side, or on this, or on this, or on this? and by this meanes he laid his fingers on the foure sides of the superficies of the cup, sanctifying the cup mistically. Then the Gouernour said to the Patriarch, drinke where you will, not knowing that the Patriarch had blessed the cup with the signe of the crosse: after this the Patriarch dranke off the whole cup. And after hee had drunke, he bad them bring him some water, and they brought some: then he put a little water into the cup, and washed it. Then he said to the Gouernour, I haue drunke all the poison, let a Iew drinke onely this water that is in the cup, that we may see his faith; then the Patriarch offered the cup to the Iew that first brought it him, that he might drinke it: but the Iew would not. Then the Gouernour threatned him, [ 30] saying, drinke, that we may see also thy Religion. And so the Iew dranke the water in the cup, and presently burst in ••under. Then the Iewes gaue great quantitie of monie to the Gouernour, saying that the Patriarch had wrought witchcraft: but Christ saith whosoeuer hath faith as a graine of mustard seede, shall say to this Mountaine, remoue thither, and it shall remoue. Now let the Patriarch call that Mountaine which is ouer against vs, and if it come to vs, then let the Christians slay vs. Then againe the Prince said to the Patriarch, that hee should call the Moun∣taine, or otherwise the Christians must die. Then the Patriarch besought the Gouernour to grant him three daies, that the Greekes might take counsell together: but the Patriarch and people praied with teares daie and night, and on the third day, according to their custome they recei∣ued the Lords Supper; and after they had done, they all assembled together both Greekes, Turkes, [ 40] and Iewes, and came to the appointed place, and then the Patriarch stretching out his hand to∣wards the Mountaine, said, In the name of the Father, and of the Sonne, and of the holy Ghost, Moun∣taine, come hither; and sodainely it cloue in peeces, and came to them. But all feared least it should couer them. Then the Gouernour said to the Patriarch, command that the Mountaine stand still, then againe stretching out his hands, the Patriarch blessed the Mountaine, saying, stand Moun∣taine, and the Mountaine stood there: and from that time the Mountaine was called Stand-Mountaine vnto this day: but in Turkish it is called Dourdag, that is, Stand-Mountaine. Then the Gouernour said to the Patriarch, that the Graecians should kill the Iewes: but the Patriarch an∣swered the Gouernour, wee Christians are not accustomed to kill men; but for their punishment let them cause that the water which runs beneath Cairo, may come into Cairo▪ that all men in the [ 50] Citie may drinke of it at the Iewes cost, which to this day is done.

The Greekes also haue Monkes, but onely of the order of Basil the great.* 1.1155 But this order is di∣uided into three orders, the first is called Monasticall, the second is Anachoreticall (which liue apart) the third Asceticall, or if you will Exerciticall.

The first Order which is called Monasticall is in this manner: there are Monasteries amongst the Greekes, both great and little; some of them haue fiftie Monkes, others a hundred,* 1.1156 some one hundred and fiftie, some two hundred, others three hundred, others foure hundred, and others more. But the Monkes of this first Order liue a common life; for they all dine and sup together with their Gouernor at the same table: And neither the Gouernors meate nor drinke differs from the rest of the Monks, whether they be illiterate or wise.* 1.1157 And whensoeuer the Gouernor eates or [ 60] drinkes, they all eate the same bread and the same meate, and drinke the same drinke. But for decencie▪ the Gouernour, Seniors, and Priest, differ in their garments. Most of the Monkes of this first Order labour with their hands: but the Priests and Deacons labour not, but attend to reading and ecclesiasticall functions: but the rest liue by the labour of their hands, some make the

Monkes shooes, some spin Sheepes wooll, and Goates haire, some are Brasiers, and make Hatchets of Brasse,* 1.1158 others betake themselues to keepe flockes of Sheepe, and hire mercenarie Shepheards to serue them: and are conuersant with them a yeere, and when a yeere is past, they goe to the Monasterie and tarrie there, others goe to keepe Horses, and remaine out a yeere, and then o∣thers are sent out by the Ancients of the Monasteries, and according to this manner the ancients send out Monkes yeerely to keepe Horses, Oxen, Bees, Sheepe, and other businesses, and after a yeere they returne to the Monasterie, and in this manner liue the Monkes in the Monasteries: many Priests also are sent by the ancients into Walachia, Moscouia, and Iberia, that whatsoeuer the Kings giue them, they may carrie to the Monasterie, and they abide in the Monasterie, and others are sent forth, and thus liue the Monkes of the first Order in their Monasteries, [ 10]

* 1.1159They weare a hat on their head, which hides their eares, signifying that they heare nothing, neither learne mens vices, but are accounted as deafe men: as Paul saith, bee children in malici∣ousnesse. They weare also another Hat vpon that which represents the figure of a Sepulcher, and hides the head, and hangs downe almost to the girdle, intimating that hee which weares this figure is dead from worldly things, neither ought hee which is cloathed in this habit to be care∣full about worldly affaires, that is, about honours, riches, kindred, friends, fauour with men, nor cherishing the body, but account himselfe to be dead, not as if hee were really dead, but with a kinde of preoccupated opinion of death, as the Lord saith; Whosoeuer will come after mee, let him deny himselfe, and take vp his crosse and follow mee: And Dauid, Wee are killed all the day long for thy sake. [ 20]

The second Order of Monkes is called Anachoreticall, or Heremeticall, that is, when there is any rich man,* 1.1160 that cannot liue in the Monasterie, then hee giues as much monie to the Monasterie as will buy a house, and the Monks liuing in the Monasterie giue him some great house, which is di∣stant two or three miles from the Monasterie, wherein hee liues with two or three poore Monks, as the Monasticall do in Monasteries: but that house hath a Church, Vine-yard, Oliue-yard, Nuts, Cherries, Almonds, and other things necessarie to liue on abundantly. And this is the second Or∣der of Monkes of Basil the great.

The third Order of Monkes is called Asceticall, or Exerciticall, that is, the Order giuen to exercise,* 1.1161 for these are exceedingly exercised in vertue: these liue a strict and rigid life, they are content onely with little houses or Caues, and haue neither Vineyards nor Fields; yet some of them haue great Vines, but make no Wine of them, but nourish them to eate the Grapes: [ 30] they haue also Figge trees, and such like things, wherewith they liue, namely Beanes, Cher∣ries, Apples, Chesnuts boild on the fire with water. They gather also in the Spring time Ap∣ples, Parseley, Figges, Cherries, and cut them in peeces, and dry them in the Sunne: and these thus prepared they eate with bread the rest of the yeere, once in a day, and twice on Feast daies: some eate once onely on Feast daies: these get their liuing by their sweate and labour: For the Greekish Church doth not suffer Monkes or Hermites to begge; because they remember that Paul saith,* 1.1162 Hee which will not worke, let him not eate. But sometimes some rich Grecians send almes to the Monasteries, and to the Hermites, and these exercised men receiue them: but the course of their life is such; some make vpper Garments of Goates and S••eepes wooll, which the Monks [ 40] weare vpon their Garments: some make Hats of straw, some make wodden Spoones, and some of them write Bookes; and all these hand-wrought things they giue to the Monkes dwelling in Monasteries, and they supply the Hermits with all necessaries: and this is the third Order of Hermit Monkes. I write these things, because I am an eye-witnesse, and speake certainely, truely, and boldly. This is the third Order of the Monkes of Basill the great.

* 1.1163The fasting of the first and second Order, that is of the Monasticall, and of those who are Go∣uernours of two or three Monkes is on this manner: They fast through the whole yeere, euerie weeke thrice, Monday, Wednesday and Friday: they fast on Monday, because on Saturday and Sunday they eate twice in a day, and they eate Fish, and Butter, and Egges, and Milke, and Cheese, and Oyle, and Wine: but that their concupiscence may not be encreased, they fast on [ 50] Monday: on Tuesday and Thursday, Saturday and Sunday, they eate twice those things which I mentioned before. The fast of the three daies is in this manner: the second houre after noone they pray in the Temple, and going out they goe to the Table, and eate Beanes with broth, without Oyle and Butter, and some Hearbes with Vinegar, or Pease, or other pulse boiled with∣out Oyle ot Butter, &c. at euening they goe to the Temple, and after praiers going out, they sit neere the Temple, and the Butler is wont to goe round about carrying a Cup full of frag∣ments of Bread, and g••ues to euery one of the Monkes a peece of Bread, and a cup of water: the yonger sort take them, but the elders receiue nothing; but after they haue sit a while, they goe againe into the Temple, and pray, and sometimes the space of an houre, sometimes halfe an houre; and when they goe forth, the Gouernour stands in the Church Porch, euerie Monke [ 60] when hee goeth out at the doore prostrates himselfe before him, saying, blesse Lord; but the Go∣uernour answers, saying, God grant thee this my Sonne, and so againe they returne to their hou∣ses, and it is not lawfull for any, any longer to speake together, and so they begin to pray in

their houses, and performe their priuate deuotions, and kneeling before God, euery one to aske pardon for himselfe, and for others a whole houre, and then they goe to sleepe till the clocke sounds midnight, and then they all rise, and goe all to praiers, vntill morning, and then go∣ing out of the Temple, they goe about their priuate arts, and worke almost till dinner; and then they goe to the Temple before dinner, and when they are come from thence, they goe to dinner as the day before, and when they rise from dinner the Gouernour stands in the doore of the dining roome, and euerie Monke going forth prostrates himselfe before the Gouernour, saying, blesse Lord, and the Gouernour answereth, saying, God pardon thee my sonne. But in the time of their great Lent, they bow themselues before the Gouernour, both in dinner time, and after supper in the Temple answering in the same manner: and thus doe they through∣out [ 10] the whole yeere. Moreouer, if any of the Monkes chance to sleepe, and not rising at the beginning when they beginne to pray but the first houre of praier, which is called midnight, is past, and hee riseth after midnight; hee on that day dineth not with the other Monkes, but whiles the rest are eating, hee stands at the entrance to the Table before them all, and bowes himselfe before all that are eating, saying, Haue mercy on mee O God, according to thy great mer∣cie, &c. vntill all of them rise from dinner; and when they rise, all would goe forth together, but hee fal•• on the ground and saith, O holy Fathers, blesse mee an idle person, because I haue sinned; and euery one of his brethren saith, God pardon thee brother: and when all are gone out, then hee eates: and they doe after this manner both the elder and yonger Monkes: they doe this willingly, that all may haue a good example to rise alwayes at the time of the [ 20] first Prayer.

The third order of Monkes is called the exercised Order, these exercised eate all the yeere once in a day, except on solemne daies, and feast daies, and often then also they eate but once;* 1.1164 if they dine they sup not; as we declared before of the fasting of the first and second order of Monkes.

The Monkes also haue foure Lents in the yeere as the Laickes. The first Lent is called the great and holy Lent, as is said before, because it is the tithing of their soules for the yeere, because in the eighth weeke the Laickes pardon their enemies, and confesse and prepare themselues, that when the holy Lent comes they may be pure in heart, and supplicate God for their sinnes. After the same manner also the Monkes vntill the seuenth weeke before Easter, forgiue one another their trespasses, and prepare themselues that they also may be pure in heart: they beginne to fast [ 30] from Munday, that is the seuenth weeke before Easter: they fast Munday and Tuesday: but one Wednesday they eate: but on the two former daies they eate nothing. But some on Tuesday a∣bout the Euen eate a morsell of bread with water; and after Wednesday they begin daily to eate once vntill Saturday. On Saturday and Sunday, on these two daies vntill Easter they eate Oile, and drinke Wine; but on the fiue other daies of the weeke they eate once, and eat dried Apples, and such like things (whereof we said the exercised eate) they eate, and the Monkes in the great Lent. But some of the Monkes of the two Orders, and of the Exercisers and Heremits, in the great Lent often in three daies eate once. But in the great Euen wherein Christ was crucified, all the Monkes fast all the daies, and neither dine nor sup,* 1.1165 but only eate a little bread on Satur∣day, and drinke Wine moderately, that they may abide in the Church, for they watch all night [ 40] singing for ioy of the Resurrection of Christ.

The Greekish Monkes haue an order to rise to pray euery night an houre and an halfe after midnight: but on Sundaies one houre after throughout the whole yeere. They watch from the Euening till Morning on Dominicall Feasts, and on the Feasts of great Saints, that is; in the night of the Resurrection of Christ, and of the Ascension: Pentecost and Iohn the Baptist, and the foure and twentieth of the month of Iune, on the Feast of Peter and Paul, on the sixt day of August: because on that day they celebrate a great Feast for the Transfiguration of Christ on Mount Thabor: And it is called to this day, the day of the transfiguration of Christ. Moreo∣ouer, rich and poore celebrate a great Feast, and watch all the night the fifteenth day of August; because on that day Mary a Mother and a Virgin was translated from Earth to Heauen: and so [ 50] on other Feast daies as on Christs Natiuitie.

The Grecian Monkes haue a custome, that when a Laicke will be made a Monke, he first goeth to the Monasterie; and there the Gouernour asketh him what he would haue;* 1.1166 to whom hee an∣sweres that he would be made a Monke. The Gouernour replies: it is necessary that you remaine three yeeres in the Monasterie, in which time you may proue and examine your selfe. After the three yeeres finished, if he like not to be a Monke, he may goe away and marrie a wife; but if hee like,* 1.1167 then the Gouernour taketh him, and leading him to the Temple thus speaketh to him: Behold, the Angell of the Lord expecteth that he may receiue the confession: take heed therefore that thou desi∣rest not to be a Monke because of any affliction (that is lest thou shouldst haue killed any, and therefore for feare of death commest hither; or hast grieued thy parents, or hast desired to haue carnall pleasures with [ 60] some and couldst not, and for easing thy griefe comes to be made a Monke, and not for loue to God &c.) Then he which is to be a Monke answereth, not so honorable father, but I desire to liue a quiet and peacable life, and to abstaine from worldly troubles and tumults, to fast▪ watch, and in peace to pray vn∣to God. Then the Gouernour replies againe: therefore doest thou desire to renounce the world, and

worldly pleasures for the loue of God? hee that is to be a Monke answereth, yea truly honourable Father, God willing: Will you forsake Father and Mother, Brethren, Marriage, the ioyes and delights of this world? (as Christ saith, Whosoeuer leaueth Father and Mother, &c. for the loue of Christ) he answeres, yea truly, honourable Father, God willing, and after this manner answeres to euerie In∣terrogatorie. Then the Gouernour after Praiers attires him in a Monkish Habit; and with a paire of Cissers cuts from his head a few haires, and fastens them mingled with Bees Waxe in some corner neere the Sacring place, signifying that hee is consecrated to God, nor henceforth hath power ouer his owne bodie, to marrie a wife: because Christ saith, No man putting his hand to the plough, and looking back•• is fit for the Kingdome of God.

The Greekes obey the diuine Law verie strictly: when as the Lord saith Forgiue and it shall bee [ 10] forgiuen you,* 1.1168 they forgiue their enemies their offences: euery one saith particularly these words, I heartily forgiue mine enemies that God may forgiue me. Also they obey the lawes of the holy Apo∣stles for example, where Paul saith, Let euery soule bee subiect to the higher powers; for there no power but of God. They obey diligently also the precepts of the Fathers which are according to the Lawes of God.

* 1.1169Moreouer, the Greekes celebrate the Feast of Easter according to the ancient custome for these reasons: first, that they may neither keepe it before the Iewes, nor with the Iewes, as it sometimes happens that this new Passeouer is obserued by the Latines, before the Iewes, and somtimes with the Iewes. Secondly, because the holy Nicene Councell that first and vniuersall one saith, if any celebrate Easter before the Iewes, or with the Iewes let him bee accursed. Thirdly, because neere the Riuer Nile,* 1.1170 and the Citie Cairo, is a great wonder the earth casting forth dead carkasses (that [ 20] Countrie begins to cast them forth on the great day of Thursday before the Feast in which day Christ made his mysticall Supper) but it casts forth dead bodies daily till the day of Ascension, that is, the day on which Christ ascended into Heauen, viz. till the fortieth day after Easter, and after that day it ceaseth to cast forth any. This wonder both Graecian and Turkish Merchants mention, as many as come from those places into Greece: as also others testifie, who goe to Ie∣rusalem to worship Christs Sepulchre, and after they goe to that place, where the bodies are cast out of the Earth, to see the Miracle: but his Miracle is according to the number of the old Feast. The Greeks did decree twentie yeers since to celebrate the feast according to the new number, but the bodies were neither cast forth according to that time; neither did the holy light shine, as it was wont yeerely to shine in the holy Sepulchre of Christ about the ancient time of Easter:* 1.1171 then [ 30] the Greekes staied til the ancient time of Easter, about which time the holy light shined in Christs. Sepulchre, as it was wont yeerely, and the earth neere Nile cast forth dead bodies: and then the Greekes kept the Feast, saying: behold, God sheweth vs the true time of Easter, and wee care not for humane wisdome.

The Greekes say, that the Crosse is Christs Scepter, and his two edged Sword; and as a Soul∣dier fights with his Sword, and ouercomes his enemies, so Christ also because hee was crucified, ouercame the Deuill, he could without the Crosse haue saued man, and vanquished the Deuill; but he would not, because it seemed good to him to doe so: but as when a great King goeth to warre,* 1.1172 he sends his Scepter before him, and armeth his Souldiers with strong weapons, that they may fight with their enemies, and that the people may know the King comes: whence it comes [ 40] to passe, that the glorie of the King is spread all abroad, before he comes to that place, whither he sent his Scepter before him; after the same manner also our Lord Iesus Christ doth, he defends vs Christians, armed with his Crosse, which Crosse signifies the Passion of Christ, and wheresoeuer the Crosse appeares, hauing this Title written on it, Iesus Christ ouercomes, Christ is preached and praysed: but not euery Crosse, or thing like a Crosse is called the Crosse of Christ, but that which is inscribed with this Title, Iesus Christ ouercomes; that is called the Crosse of Christ, whether it be of siluer or of metall, or of wood, these Letters consecrate that Crosse to Christ: for that Crosse signifies that Christ was crucified for our sinnes, and ouercame our enemies: therefore Dauid saith, Lord, in thy light we shall see light: the light of the Father is the Sonne, the [ 50] light of the Sonne is the Crosse, &c.

The Patriarke of Constantinople hath now vnder him seuentie and foure Metropolitans; but there are more then thirtie of these, that haue not Bishops vnder them, of those which haue, this hath one, this two, this three, &c. all the Bishops are seuentie two or seuentie and three. But all the Bishops and Metropolitans are almost a hundred and fiftie. The Patriarke of Constantinople hath his proper Seate only at Constantinople. Hee hath for his maintenance from that Citie a piece of Gold at euery Marriage. And he hath twelue pence of euery house once in three yeeres throughout his whole Prouince; viz. of euery Prouince of the Metropolitanes that haue their Seates subiect to him: he hath also a certaine small gift of the Deacons and Priest when he giues them their Orders. Also euery Priest in that Citie yeerely giues him a piece of Gold. When rich Christians die, they leaue to the Patriarkes of that Church; houses, fields, sheepe, wealth, &c. [ 60] And euery Metropolitane and Archbishop when they are consecrated by the Patriarke giue him some small gratuitie. And euerie Metropolitane yeerely giues the Patriarke, this man twentie pound, that thirtie, another fiue and twentie pounds for the Kings Tribute. Of which wealth

the Patriarke giues annually 6000. pieces of Gold in name of all the chiefe Priests:* 1.1173 that the Tur∣kish King may let the Patriarke remaine in Constantinople, and the Greekish Metropolitanes, Archbishops and Bishops in his whole Kingdome; and obserue the Christian Religion. The Pa∣triarkes seruants, and of all the chiefe Priests are Monkes.* 1.1174 Seuenteene or more Priests and Ministers eate of the Patriarkes bread. Hee hath two Chaplaines, two Deacons, a Steward, Chappell Clearke, two Singers, a Porter, a Horse-keeper, and a Keeper of his great Seale, and and another of his Priuie Seale.

In like manner euery Metropolitane and Archbishop hath a proper Citie:* 1.1175 these also receiue a small reward for the election of Bishops. Also they receiue yeerely of euery Bishop, twentie, [ 10] fifteene, or ten pounds. Moreouer, of the Deacons and Priests a small gratuitie for their imposi∣tion of hands. Moreouer, euery Priest yeerely giues to the Metropolitane or Archbishop a piece of Gold: they take also at euerie Wedding a piece of Gold; and Almes for bu••ying the dead, as is said of the Patriarke. Moreouer, yeerely of euerie Family in the Citie a bushell of Corne, and Wine, and Oile, and Silke, and of these things the Metropolitans liue.

After the same manner the Bishops take a small reward of the Deacons and Priests for Imposi∣tion of hands: they also receiue yeerely of euerie Priest a piece of Gold, and as much for euerie Marriage, also as much of euerie Family yeerly in his Prouince, besides a bushell of Corne, Wine, Oile, and Silke.

The Priests liue of the superfluitie of the Church, that is to say, some Churches haue fields, [ 20] vineyards, houses and such like: but if the Church hath not plentie of those,* 1.1176 euerie house∣holder giues the Priest yeerely a bushell of Corne (a Bushell signifies here the third part of a horse load.) Moreouer the Greekes haue yeerely sixe and thirtie feast daies, twelue of them are called Dominicall, that is, pertaining to Christ and the blessed Virgin, the other foure and twentie are of Saint Iohn the Baptist, of the holy Apostles and famous Martyrs: on all these Feast daies the Priest must administer the Communion: and euerie Family giues to the Priest two pence, hee prayes particularly for euerie donor, before he begins to sacre. Moreouer, on these Feast daies, the Greekes entertaine many strangers: and sometimes make fiue or sixe Feasts in a Village, and the Priest must be present at euerie Feast, and blesse the viands, and they giue the Priest bread, flesh, wine, monie and other things which will be sufficient for his Family the whole weeke, and thus [ 30] doe the Priests liue.

Moreouer, if any liuing in the Cities or Prouinces of the Greekes will be made Deacons,* 1.1177 they must first marrie: and then the Bishops make them Deacons. But if they will not marrie, they must first be made Monkes, and then the Bishops with their Suffrages make them Monkish Deacons, and they may not after marrie, because the Bishops haue separated them.

Also, the Monkes sleepe alwaies with their Coats girt about them: so also the Laicks sleepe with their wiues with their clothes on: because Paul saith;* 1.1178 I would haue those that haue wiues to be as if they had none, and those that haue none, as if they had.

[ 40]

CHAP. XV. Collections out of PETER STROZA, Secretary to Pope PAVL the Fifth, his Treatise of the Opinions of the Chaldaeans, touching the Patriarke of Babylon, and the Nestor∣rians in Asia.

IT happened that amongst those poore men, whose feet were on Maundie Thurs∣day, [ 50] according to the wonted Solemnitie, washed by Pope Paul the Fifth, in the first yeere of his Papacie, there were two Chaldaeans, one a Monke, the other a Lay-man, which a little before had made their Pilgrimage to Rome; which car∣ried some presents to Elias the Patriarke of Babylon from the Pope, and gaue him a Booke of the profession of faith, propounded to the men of the East which came to Rome; whereby, and by their extolling the Popes gentle vsage, the said Patriarke Elias sent Legates to the Pope to giue him thankes and to acknowledge him for their common Father and Lord, with acknowledgement of his subiection & profession of the same faith, indeuouring to make it appear that the difference betwixt Rome & them was only in words & not in sense. These Legates fell amongst Theeues; and others were sent, which with much difficultie came to Rome, [ 60] where hearing how odious the name of Nestorius was, to decline the suspition of Nestorian He∣resie, they tooke some pages out of the Bookes of their profession and rites, being perswaded there∣to by a Iew lately conuerted. They returning in this manner, and little being done, Elias consul∣teth with his Bishops, and sends Adam the Archdeacon of the Patriarchall Chamber, Abbot of the Chaldaean Monkes, to render account of their faith, and humbly to desire correction, if

ought therein were erronious. Hee brought a Letter and profession the third yeere after the de∣parture of the former. The Letter is this.

From the Patriarchall Chamber, Prayers and Blessings be giuen to you.

* 2.1FRom humble Elias of the East, who by the grace of God serueth the holy See of Babylon, continuall adorations, and perpetuall inclinations & euerlasting kneelings before your holy feet: O blessed Father, and head of Fathers, Sunne of Christianitie, and Name on which is situated the aedifice of the Church of Churches; my Lord, and my Father the Pope, Lord (and) Father of all the Patriarches which are in the Vniuerse. Your Charitie towards vs may be pleased to take notice, that your Letters haue come to vs, and your firme Faith, and the blessing which you sent my lowlinesse; and I receiued blessing together with my people, and haue giuen thankes to Christ, for that I am made worthy of the blessings of your Holinesse, and [ 10] of your illustrious memorie, and you haue numbred me among the sonnes of your Father-hood besides my merits. I presently sent a thanksgiuing and letters, and my Faith. But wicked men met my Legates, and tooke all things from them, and they returned to me emptie: againe I sent others, which came not to your Holinesse, which grieued mee with my Bishops and Archbishops, and I said, What shall I doe? I cannot goe, because the Princes our Oppressors permit mee not; neither can I goe to Ierusalem: they hold vs as Slaues, and permit vs not to doe our will. At last I sent thy Faith and letters of thy puritie, with my faith∣full Sonne and Counsellour Father Adam, to shew them in all our Regions, that we might see what was fitting to bee done of vs Orientalls, and he remained in these Regions a whole yeere: and wee all consulted together, and haue sent to your Holinesse the same Father Adam; and I haue sent with him my Faith and letters, and said that hee should treat with your Holinesse of these things further then is written, because [ 20] hee is the Head of Fathers and Abbat of the Orientall Monkes, and wee haue none of more note, as all the East confesseth. And now, O Father, with bowed head wee adore before thy Seat without fraud and guile, & thy Precept is receiued of me according to his Precept, which deliuered thee the Keyes. Nor will I deny that voyce spoken to Peter, I haue giuen thee the keyes, and what thou shalt bind on Earth shall be bound in Heauen, and what thou shalt lose on Earth shall be losed in Heauen. And I will not resist as doe others, Heretickes against the precept of the holy Apostles, and orthodoxe Fathers, which affirmed that the See of Great Rome should hold the principalitie, and she is the Head of all Sees: farre be it from me,* 2.2 but I confesse that the Roman Church is the Mother of Churches, and he which doth not confesse it, let him be Anathema. And our Babylonian See is not elected of it selfe, as of other Heretikes, which haue multiplied Patriarches in the world without Law, but by the Precept of the Pope, and counsell of the [ 30] Roman Church, was the See of Babylon chosen, and so it is found written amongst vs in the Chronicles, namely, that the Orientall Fathers were ordained at Rome. But afterwards it came to passe, that when they sent men for Confirmation they were slaine in their iourney, and when they did so a long time, all pe∣rished. This being told to the Church and Pope, the Pope decreed in a Councell and said, Let vs ordaine them a Patriarch, and let vs permit them to chuse their Patriarches, that they die not in the way for Confirmation, nor any euills happen to them, and so we should sinne, and they remaine without the Roman fold. And thus wee haue receiued power till this time, and we haue done nothing of our selues, as the rest, which haue troden vnder foot the Canons of the Apostles, and Lawes of the Fathers, and haue filled the Earth with Patriarches without * 2.3 need. For this cause the See of Babylon was called the Fifth, for the [ 40] foure Sees of the foure Euangelists; and because the Patriarch was elected with the Roman Confirma∣tion▪ and he hath giuen vs power to make Pastors, then was the See of Babylon called, which doth accom∣pany the foure Sees, and is numbred the fifth, as one of them. For, O Father, behold my Faith hath come to your Holinesse with letters, and you may see if there be fraud in our profession, or error, or recoiling from our Mother the Roman Church. Admonish, and we will doe, teach, and we will obey. And if in all things we be true before your See, and there be no fraud in our faith, we desire of your benignitie, that you forget not the pouerty of your seruants, because many of our profession haue vndergone dangers when they haue come to you. For some haue dyed, others were slaine by enemies, and few haue returned. And let this suf∣fice your Holinesse from our lowlinesse, that from the furthest parts of the East, we heare * 2.4 your Precepts on our heads and eyes, and we come against all Nations with our bloud, and sustaine calamities that we [ 50] may adore before your Excellency, and we lowly and subiect may receiue blessing from the Great Mother Church of Paul & Peter. Who vrgeth vs to do this, but the Christian faith, and your loue to our lowlinesse? And let this suffice that we haue shewed to your Wisdome. But this whole labour we sustaine for the Roman Church; and your Ministers at Ierusalem hold all that are of my profession, as forrainers and rebells from the Church of Rome, and doe not gratifie vs as before, because their Interpreters are of professions which hate vs, and those your Ministers enquire not the truth. Wee desire your Holinesse to admonish them, and to hold those of our profession, as of yours, and to bee gentle to them. I haue sent Letters to your Teachers, to command those of our profession in Ierusalem, because it was written in our Annalls that our Archbishop, which was in Cyprus, and those of our profession which inhabit•• Ierusalem, and the Clergie in the Monastery of Saint Iames in Nisibis, are numbred amongst the [ 60] sonnes of the Church of Rome for your Fatherhoods loue to our lowlinesse. And now who am I, and all mine, and all the Easterne part? Wee are lisping before your Holinesse, but as obedient ser∣uants, are subiect to your Lordship, and with a mind farre from schisme kisse your holy feet, and ear∣nestly desire health to your Holinesse, and flee to your praiers, and the praiers of your fellow seruants Peter

and Paul, that wee may bee made worthy of the remission of sinnes in the terrible Iudgement Day of God the Word, to whom, and his Father and the Holy Ghost, bee honour and glorie for e∣uer Amen.

His profession of the Faith followeth, part whereof wee haue translated: Wee beleeue in God the Father, who is the Maker of Heauen and Earth, and all things therein visible and in∣uisible. And in the Sonne which is of him, and which is equall with him in Essence, and is not lesse then his Father and Maker of all things. And the Spirit of Sanctitie, which proceedeth from the Father, and is not b••getter nor begotten, and hee is a glorious substance, and equall in sub∣stance with the Father and the Sonne. The Father is Begetter, and not begotten; and the Sonne is [ 10] begotten, not begetter, and the Spirit of Sanctitie proceeding, not begetter nor begotten, &c. God the Word descended into the Virgin and was ioined with Man, which was compact in her in the power of the Spirit of Sanctitie, and was made one with man, as the coniunction of fire with Iron. And wee beleeue that hee receiued a body and soule, and vnderstanding, &c. And though they say against vs, that wee confesse not that the Virgin is the Mother of God * 2.5 but the Mother of Christ, that is, the Mother of Christ God ouer all: yet this is nothing, for this is set for the confirmati∣on and reprobation of the false opinion of Apollinaris, which said that the Deitie was without Hu¦manitie, and to the confusion of the wickednesse of Semystius, which said, That Christ is a meere Man, to wit, Humanitie without Diuinitie, &c. Wee in the denomination of Christ comprehend the two Natures, of the Deitie of the Humanitie, and confesse not a simplicitie in Christ as they tra∣duce [ 20] vs, &c.

In another Epistle written by the said Elias to the Pope, hee confesseth that the differences acknowledged are brought to these heads. First, The Lord Pope, with all the Fathers of the Great Church of Rome, call the Virgin Saint Mary the Mother of God: but wee of the East call her the Mother of Christ. Secondly, They confesse two Natures of Christ, two Powers, and two Wills: but wee confesse one Power and one Will. Thirdly, They confesse one Person in Christ, and wee confesse two Persons. Fourthly, And they say that the Spirit proceedeth of the Father and the Sonne, and wee confesse that the Spirit proceedeth of the Father. Fifthly, Also the Fathers of Rome say, that that which comes out of our Lords Sepulcher * 2.6 is not true light, and wee with all ours receiue it as true light. Hee saith, hee consulted with Adam aforesaid, and with Gabriel the [ 30] ancientest Archbishop and chiefe Grammarian in his Iurisdiction: which Gabriel answered, That they had receiued of their Ancestors▪ that there is no diuision twixt vs and the Church of Rome, but in Ceremonies, and they in all their Regions obserue their owne Ceremonies: and as farre▪ saith hee, as I can vnderstand, there is none other diuision but that one vnderstandeth not the other. But touching thy request, behold Father Adam is before thee, which hath beene proued in the desert from his youth. And I said to our Father Adam, What sayest thou of these things? Hee answe∣red, giue me three dayes space, and the third day, I will answere as much as my infirmitie is able, and as much as may suffice, and the third day hee brought his writing; and it pleased mee and all mine. And I gaue him Letters with my Faith and Thy Epistles and Faith, and sent him to the Countries and our Flocke, writing that if they had any thing to answere, hee should bring it. A yeere after hee returned [ 40] with Letters, that all of our profession submitted themselues. And now I haue sent him, &c.

The Treatise of the said Adam in seuen Chapiters, is published by the said Stroza the Popes Secretary, in which hee laboureth to reconcile the Roman and Orientall Churches in the diffe∣rences aforesaid; which by the said Stroza is learnedly discussed, and the truth enucleated and cleared from Nestorian shuffling, which the learned Reader may peruse in Stroza him∣selfe; the vnlearned could hardly doe it, though wee had troubled our selues to trouble him with the Translation. The effect was, Adam was reclaimed in those points aforesaid to the Orthodoxe Faith, and sent with the Popes Breue (published also in the Booke aforesaid) dated on the fiue and twentieth of March, 1614. And Adam wrote another Treatise in main∣tenance of his corrected faith learned at Rome, by him dated, Ann. 1974. Regis Graecorum, Romae. Diebus beatissimi Patris & Petri nostri temporis, Domini Papae Pauli Quinti, cuius oratio nobiscum [ 50] sit; all published together by the said Stroza.

Godignius and Myraeus say, that Iohn Antonie Maarierius, and Peter Metoscita two Ie∣suites, were sent backe with this Adam by the Pope, to make a more full reducing of the Nestorians.

[ 60]

CHAP. XVI. A briefe suruey of the Ecclesiasticall Politie Ancient and Moderne, or of the seuerall Patriarchs, Archbishops and Bishops Sees thorow the Chri∣stian World: also of the Iesuites Colledges and numbers, and of other Monasticall Orders.

AVbertus Myraeus hath written a Treatise, called Notitia Episcopatuum Orbis Christi∣ani; and another of Ecclesiasticall Politie, or the State of Christian Religion in Europe, Asia, Africa, and the New World diuided into foure Bookes; and as ma∣ny [ 10] more of Monasticall originalls; out of whom principally, and out of some o∣thers I thought fit to collect such things as might serue for our present Historicall purpose; for the Readers knowledge as well of the extension of Christian Reli∣gion in these times, as the opinions and differing rites before deliuered.

Our Author begins with Italy, as being himself more then enough Italionated. The Princes now potent in Italy, are the Pope, the Spaniard (which is King of Naples, Sicil and Sardinia, and Duke of Millaine) the Prince of Piemont (which now is the Duke of Sauoy) the Great Duke of Tuscaine, the Dukes of Mantua, Mutina & Parma; the Republikes or free States of Venice, Genua, and Luca. Rome is the Seat of our Authors Religion, and by him honoured with that blasphemous title of Vrbs Aeterna (as for Terrarum domina,* 2.7 vrbium Regina, Orbis compendium, they are giuen too, but [ 20] too compendious) and was indeed of principall respect in the Church of Christ, euer since the Apostolicall preaching of the Gospell, and the Apostle of the Gentiles testified that their faith was then renowmed thorow the whole world; which was so fattened with the bloud of their Pri∣mitiue Bishops and Martyrs,* 2.8 that no where was a more fertill haruest then there, during the Raigne of the Ethnike Emperours. Constantine subiecting his Imperiall Scepter to the Crosse, her Bishops also receiued greater splendor of power and pompe, and being the Imperiall Citie, was therefore reputed the first See or Seat of the Patriarches, which then were three, the Roman, Alexandrian,* 2.9 and Antiochian: which diuided the Ecclesiastical Iurisdiction of the Roman World (so they called their Empire) betwixt thē: the Constantinopolitan being after both added to the num∣ber, [ 30] & preferred aboue the Alexandrian and Antiochian; and equalled also with the Roman, sauing his meere primacie of Order (for the same cause that now it was also become New Rome, and the Imperiall Citie) by decree of the Councell of Constantinople, A. 381. and more plainely expressed by the Chalcedon Councell, A. 451.

As for reasons drawne from Scripture, I haue prayed for thee, I will giue thee the Keyes, feed my Sheepe, &c. now adayes alledged as proper causes of Papall preeminence, the ancient Councells knew them not, but alledged meere ciuill respects of the Imperiall residence and power: which yet so puffed vp the Imperious spirits of their successors, that in Gregories dayes the Constantino∣politan would needs be stiled Vniuersall Bishop, which Gregory then withstood as Antichristian; and yet in few dayes after his death, his successor Boniface obtained of Phocas the murtherer, that [ 40] swelling and exorbitant Primacie and Papacie,* 2.10 in Ecclesiasticalls, to the Roman See, by Phocas (to make sure of the Romans, in that slippery state of his new gotten Empire by bloud and treason) made the Head of al Churches. Which power could yet, neither by Phocas bee graunted any further then the Roman Empire extended, nor was euer acknowledged in the remoter parts of the world, till in these last times pouertie hath made some of the poore Patriarchs (I had almost said Parrats, whom their belly and externall respects haue taught their 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which was neuer with reall subiection acknowledged) yea the others Patriarches of the Empire to this day gainsay it,* 2.11 and by long vse, the Constantinopolitan is stiled Oecumenicall or Vniuersall Pa∣triarch, the Roman vniuersall Pope (which title of Pope, was in ancient times commonly giuen to other Bishops, as in Saint Augustines and others Epistles is seene, and the name of Archbishop [ 50] and Patriarch giuen as preeminent Titles to the Roman Bishop, yet extant in the Roman Coun∣cells) who now hauing gotten a Spirituall Papacie, Gregory the seuenth aboue 1070. yeeres after Christ, began to turne the same into a Papall Monarchie, which his successours haue more fully effected, not onely in the absolute Principalitie of the Churches Patrimonie, but in a wide-mouthed challenge of Supremacie to depose Kings, and dispose Kingdomes in that hypocriticall pretended ordine ad Deum. But this you shall finde in other Authors, and I but touch it and now returne to our Myraeus. The Ierosolimitan Bishop, in honour of that holy Citie was dignified with that Patriarchall honor,* 2.12 but later: for the Councell of Nice left to the Bishop of Caesaria his Me∣tropolitan right entire: the Councell of Chalcedon gaue him the Title, which some say Leo the Bishop opposed so much in pretence of the Nicene authoritie, that it was not fully ratified till [ 60] Iustinians time,* 2.13 in the fifth Councell, A. 553. Now for a fifth See at Babylon you haue heard Elias (a lye as I conceiue) not to be found I thinke ratified by any good History: nor were the most parts of his Iurisdiction euer subiect to the Roman Empire.* 2.14

The Roman or Westerne Patriarch had sixe Diocesses, Italy, Illyricum, Africa, The Galliae, Spaines,

and Britaine, which were subdiuided into seuerall Prouinces, of which Italy is said to haue seuen∣teene, Illyricum seuen, Africa sixe, Galliae seuenteene, Hispaniae sixe, and Britaine fiue, Britannia Pri∣ma, Br. Secunda, Maxi••a Caesariensis, Flauia Caesariensis and Valentia: by Gregory the Great re∣duced to the two Archbishoprickes of Canterbury and Yorke, and long after Saint Andrewes and Glasco, two other in Scotland, and foure in Ireland, by authoritie of Pope Eugenius, An. 1151. Ar∣mach, Dublin, Cassiliensis and Tnamensis. Thus much generally and briefly for the West. Now for the Easterne World, it was diuided into seuen Diocesses or Regions, Oriens, Egyptus, Asiana,* 2.15 Pon∣tica, Thracia, Macedonia and Dacia. Of the Orientall part (more properly called) Antioch was chiefe Citie, of Egypt Alexandria, of the Asian Ephesus, of the Pontike Caesarea, of Thracia. Constan∣tinople, of Macedonia and Dacia Thessalonica, till Iustinian made Iustiniana Prima the Metropolitan [ 10] of Dacia. The Constantinopolitan had three Diocesses acknowledged by the Chalcedon Councell, Asiana, Pontica, Thracia. Asiana had eleuen Prouinces, Pontica as many, Thracia sixe. Macedonia had anciently sixe Prouinces, Dacia fiue. In the time of Leo Emperour,* 2.16 which began to reigne An 1386. the Constantinopolitan had eightie one Metropolitans subiect to him (and before the Norman Conquest many more, when Sicilia, Calabria, and many Cities of the Kingdome of Naples were subiect to the Greeke Empire) and eightie three Archbishoprickes in the same Leos time.

To the Patriarch of Alexandria the Councell of Nice ascribeth Egypt, Lybia, and Pentapolis:* 2.17 After that there were numbred sixe Prouinces, Egypt, Thebais, Lybia Superior, Lybia Inferior, or [ 20] Pentapolis, Arcadia and Augustamnica, and after ten. The Patriarch of Antioch had the East Dio∣cesse, in which were fifteene Prouinces, Syria prima and secunda; Palestina prima, secunda,* 2.18 Saluta∣ris; Phoenicae prima and secunda, Cilicia prima and secunda, Cyprus, Euphratensis, Mesopotamia, Osrbaena, Arabia, Isauria. When the Frankes had conquered the Holy Land, the Antiochian had sixe Archbishops onely subiect to him, Tarsus, Edessa, Apamia, Helioplis, Conzensum and Manu∣strensem: Tyrius reckons thirteene Metropolitans in the first times,* 2.19 besides nine Cities Metropo∣litans not Suffragans, and twelue Archbishoprickes, which it seemeth were also autocephali, as the former. But afterwards Ierusalem was decked with Antiochian spoiles,* 2.20 the three Palestinas being added to the Ierosolimitan Patriarch. Tyrius addes two other taken from the Alexandrian Patriarch, Rubensis and Berytensis, in later times stiled Petracensis and Bostrensis; and vnder the [ 30] Frankes, Tyre, Caesarea, Nazareth and Petracensis.

Other Patriarchs there are of lesse note, as of Seleucia,* 2.21 whom Filesacus suspected to haue remo∣ued his See to Armenia; of Ethiopia (who is neuerthelesse subiect to the Patriarch of Alexan∣dria) of these the Seleucian was to haue the sixt place, the Ethiopian the seuenth in Councels,* 2.22 and they both with the Armenian were stiled Catholici. The Patriarch of Aquileia is mentioned by Paulus Diaconus, and it is propable that when Aquileia was taken by the Lumbards,* 2.23 the Patri∣arch remoued to Gradus, and was called the Patriarch of New Aquileia or Gradensis. Friuli also hath had that title, and Venice hath succeeded in that Aquileian and Gradensian Patriarchate, A. 1450. by grant of Pope Eugenius. The Pisan Prelate hath beene also stiled Patriarch, and the To∣letane in Spaine, as also the Valentian, and the Archbishop of Goa, and the Archbishop of Can∣turbury [ 40] * 2.24, Ments, Lions, and Bituricensis, but not so commonly and constantly. The Iacobites, Ne∣storians, Maronites, Cophti, and other Easterne Sects with their Patriarchs wee haue alreadie con∣sidered. There are also Franc-Armenians vnder the Archbishop of Nexiuanum, in whose Iuris∣diction are the Townes Abbaran, Abbragon, Carna, Saltach, Hascassen, Meascen, Carsan, Xhabun, G••uhug, Caragus, Chensug, and Artach; in which are Monasteries of Dominicans. Azarias Fri∣donius an Armenian, A. 1604. was made Archbishop of Mexiuan, in Armenia Maior, sixe daies iourney from Tauris. Hee was a Dominican, and came from Armenia in Rome, and out of his writing this is related. The Georgians were wont to bee subiect to the Patriarch of Constanti∣nople, but now are diuided. (The Russians also haue procured their Metropolitan the title of Patriarch, as wee shall see in D. Fletchers Relations. They tell also of a Patriarch at Damascus, at [ 50] Mosul, Cairo, and other places which professe the former titles.) But let vs looke backe to Rome, where Myraeus next to the Pope the Prince, as he cals him, of all Patriarchs and Bishops placeth the Cardinalls.

The Priests and Deacons of Rome haue growne with the Papacie to a strange Prelacie vn∣knowne in the first thousand yeeres after Christ, to be not only aboue Bishops and Archbishops,* 2.25 and other names of Ecclesiasticall greatnesse, but to be Peeres to Kings and Emperours and Con∣iudices terrarum orbis, (as Pope Pius the Second cals them.) Of these sixe are Cardinall Bishops, Ostia, Porto, Sauina, Palestina, Fr••scati, Alba: the Cardinall Priests and Deacons haue their names of the Parish Churches in Rome, (all which Cardinals were wont to bee but twelue, and, when a Prelate from any place was chosen, as appeareth in our English Ecclesiasticall Storie, by [ 60] Wendouer, Paris and others, he left his former Prelacie and Residence, and attended the Pope, as one of his Priuie Counsell, and another succeeded to his former place: since which time, within these three hundred yeeres, they haue not only increased the numbers at pleasure, and chosen the principall Prelates of other Nations; to make themselues strong in each Nation, permitting them there still to reside; but haue procured the noblest persons for bloud, and most eminent for

power in each Kingdome to admit of that dignitie, and haue heaped greatest preferments in eue∣ry Countrey on their Cardinals, which only shea••e the fleece; and neuer see the face of their in∣numerable flockes.)

Besides, this preferring of Priests and Deacons to Patriarkes, in Rome it selfe (as representing the whole Church) they haue instituted fiue Patriarchall Churches, viz. S. Iohn Lateranes, S. Pe∣ters,* 2.26 S. Pauls S. Maries the greater, S. Lawrences. The Church of Laterane hath an Arch. pres∣byter who is a Cardinall. S. Peters beareth the Title of the Church of Canstantinople, and hath an Arch-priest Cardinall. S. Pauls represents the Church of Alexandria, hath an Abbot and Monkes. S Maries designes the Church of Antioch, hath an Arch-priest, Cardinall and Canons as Lateran and S. Peters. S. Lawrence represents the Church of Ierusalem; it once had an Abbot [ 10] and Monkes, now is in Commenda, and hath Canons Regulars.

* 2.27The Bishoprickes of the Romane Prouince are Sutri-Nepi, Ciuita-Castellana-H••rti, Viterbo-Tuscanella, Bagnarea, Oruieto, Perugia (an Vniuersitie) Città di Castello, Ciuità de Plebe, Castro, Arezzo, Spoleto, Terni, Narny, Amelia, Todi, Rieti, Foligno, Assisi (the Countrey of S. Francis) Ti••oli, Anagna, Verulo, Terracina, Sezza, Segni, Alatro, Fiorentino, Ancona-Humana, Loretto-Ricanati, Ascoli, Iesi, Osmo, Fano, Camerino. Luca hath the Pall.

The Archbishop of Rauenna hath these Suffraganes, Adri, Comachio, Faenza, Brentinore, Forli Cesena, Sarsina, (Countrey of Plautus) Rimini, Imola, Ceruia, Fanestria, Ferrara (an Vniuersitie) The Archbishop of Bologna instituted 1583. hath Bologna (an Vniuersitie) Parma (an Vni∣uersitie) Placenza, Reggio, Modema, Crema, Borgo di S. Domino. The Archbishop of Fermo erected [ 20] by Sixtus the Fi••th, hath Suffraganes, Macerata (an Vniuersitie) Tolentino, San Seuerino, Montalto, Ripa, Beneuent and Auin••on follow in their places.

* 2.28In the Kingdome of Naples, the Archbishop of Napoli (an Vniuersitie) Pozzuolo, Nola, Cerra, Ischia, Auersa (an exempt) to which are vnited Cuma and Atella. The Archbishop of Capua hath Suffraganes,* 2.29 Teano, Calui, Caserta, Gaiazzo, Carinola, Sergna, Sessa, Venafro, Monte Cassino and Saint Germano, Aquino, Pondi, Gaieta, Sora. The Archbishop of Salerno hath Salerno (an Vni∣uersitie) Capaccio, Pulicastro, Sarno, Acierno, Marsico, Campagna, Nocera delli Pagani, Nusco, Cana.* 2.30 Vnder the Archbishop of Amalfi are the Bishops of Capri, Scala-Rauello, Minori, Lettre. Vnder the Archbishop of Sorrento are Vico, Massa, Stabia. The Archbishop of Conza hath Mu∣ro, Satriano Cagiano, Lacedogna, S. Angelo di Lombardi-Bisaccia, Monte Verde. The Archbishop of Cirenza and Matera hath the Bishop of Venosa, Tricarico, Potenza, Grauina-Anglona, Monte [ 30] Peloso. The Archbishop of Tarento his Suffraganes are Motula, Castellaneta, Oria. Vnder the Archbishop of Brindisi are Hostuni, Nardo, M••nopoli. Vnder Otranto, Lecce, Capo di Leuco, Ca∣stro, Gallipoli, Vgento. Vnder the Archbishop of Bari and Canosa, Bitonto, Gio••enazzo, Ruvo, Conuersano, Mo••eruino, Pulignano, La••iello, Bitetto, Catzeri, Molfetta an exempt. The Archbi∣shop of Tranni and Salpe hath Bisiglia, Andri. To the Archbishop of Manfredonia and Citta di S. Angelo are subiect, Vests, Melphi-Rappollo. The Theatine Archbishop erected in Ciuita di Chieti, Anno 1526. hath Suffraganes, Ortona, Citta di Penna-Atri, Valua-Sulmona, Aquila, Marsi, Te∣ramo, Ciuita di Cali. The Archbishop Lancianensis hath no Suffragane Bishop. Pius the Fourth ad∣uanced it. The Bishop of Triuento is an exempt. The Archbishop of Reggio is ouer the Bishops [ 40] of Catanzaro, Crotone, Tropea, Oppedo, Bone, Nicastro, Nicotera, Gieraci, Squillaci, Mileto. The Archbishop of Cosenza and Monte alto hath Marterano, S. Marco, Bisignano, Cassano. The Arch∣bishop of Rossano hath no Suffragane. The Archbishop of San Seuerina hath Vmbriato, Belcastro, Isola, Cariati, Strongoli. The Archbishop of Beneuento in the Popes Iurisdiction, hath Ascoli, Te∣lese, S. Agatha delli Goti, Alife, Monte Marano, Auellino-Fergiente, Vico della Baronia, Ariano, Botano Bouino, Vulturara and Monte Coruino, Larino, Termoli, San Seuero, Troia, Guardia Alfa∣nae. So that in the Kingdome of Naples, besides the Popes Beneuento, there are nineteene Arch∣bishoprickes.

* 2.31The Iesuites haue in the Continent of Italy (besides the Prouinces of Sicilia and Sardinia) foure Prouinces, the Roman, Neapolitan, of Millaine, and of Venice. The Romane Prouince hath at [ 50] Rome, Domu•• professa, Collegium Romanum, Domus probationis, the Colledge of the Paenitentiarie, the German Colledge, the English Colledge, the Roman Seminarie, the Colledge of Maronites, the Scots Colledge. The Residence at Frascati, the Colledges of Tiuoli, Loreto, Perugia, Fiorenza, Siena, Macerata, Ricanati, Sezza, Ancona, Monte Santo, Monte Pulciano, Fermo, Citta di Castello, Ascoli, Sora. In this Prouince are seuen hundred fortie seuen of the societie. The Prouince of Na∣ples hath in Naples Domus professa, the Colledge, the House of Probation, the New House profes∣sed. The Colledges of Cata••zaro, Nola, Lecce, Bari, Salerno, Consenza, Barletta, Chieti, Aquila, Be∣neuento, House of Probation at Atri, Colledges of Bouino, Trepia, Massa, Castell à Mare, Capua, Mol∣fetta, the Residences of Monopoli, Taranto, Paula. In this Prouince are fiue hundred ninety foure of the societie. In the Prouince of Millaine, are at Millaine the House professed, and the Colledge [ 60] Breiden; at Genua the House professed, the Colledge, and the House of probation; the Colledges of Turino, Como, Vercelli, Mondeui, Cremona, Bastia, Nizza, Alexandria, the House of probation at Arona, and the Residence of Pania. In this Prouince are foure hundred and eleuen of the Compa∣ny. The Venetian Prouince hath the professed House at Venice, the Colledges of Pado••a, Ferra••a,

Balogna, Brescia, Forli, Parma, with another there for the Nobilitie Piacenza, Verona, Mantoua▪ Mirandola Reggio, Faenza, Castiglione, the houses of probation at Nouellara, Imola, Busseto, the Residences of Candia and Vic••nza. In this Prouince are three hundred seuenty three of the So∣cietie.

Sicilia hath three Archbishoprickes, first the Panormitan,* 2.32 to whom are subiect the Bishops of Mazara, Girgenti. Malta is gouerned by their great Master and Knights Hospitulars. The Archbishop of Messana hath vnder him the Bishops of Lipari, Patt••, Cifalu. The Archbishop of Mons Regalis hath Catania and Siracosa. In it also are Iesuites Colledges,* 2.33 Houses and Residences one and twentie. Fellowes sixe hundred thirtie eight.

[ 10] The Ile and Kingdome of Sardinia hath had fourteene Episcopall Cities,* 2.34 and now hath accor∣ding to Ferrarius, three Archbishoprickes, Calaris, Sassaris, Arborea, and Bishops, Vi••••a Ecclesiae▪ Bosa, Algarium, Castrum Aragonense, and Laesa.

The Archbishop of Calaris or Caglari is Primate of Sardinia and Corsica. His Suffraganes are Doli, Yglesia••-Solci. Suel is vnited to the Archbishop. The Archbishop of Sassaris or Torre Sas∣sari hath Algar, Bosi, Empurias, Terra Noua. The Archbishop of Arborea hath Vsse••••a, Terra Alba, S. Iusta. In Sardinia are Houses, Colledges and Seminaries of Iesuites eight, and in them one hundred and ninetie of that Societie and Prouince.* 2.35

Millaine is the Seat of the Spanish Viceroy and Counsell, and also of an Archbishop, to whom are subiect the Bishops of Cremona, Lodi, Nouarra, (Birth-place of Peter Lumbard) Alessan∣dria [ 20] della Paglia, Tortona, Vigleuano, Bergamo, Brescia, Vercelli, Aste, Casale di Monferrato, Alba, Acqui, Sauona, Vintimiglia, Pauia hath the Pall and is an Vniuersitie.

E••ruria is for the most part subiect to the Great Duke of the Family of Medices,* 2.36 in which Florentia, Pisa and Siena haue beene Free States. Charles the fifth, Anno 1530. created Alexan∣der de Medices his Sonne in Law Duke of Florence,* 2.37 whose Sonne Cosmus by Pope Pius the fifth was created Great Duke of Toscaine, Anno 1569. This Cosmus instituted the Knight Order of Saint Stephen against the Turkes. The Archbishop of Florence or Fiorenza hath Suffragans, Fie∣zola, Pistoia, Volcerra, Colle, Burgo S. Sepulchro, Serzana, Monte Pulciano, where Cardinall Bel∣larmin•• was borne, and Cortona are Exempts. The Archbishop of Siena (which is also an Aca∣demie) hath Soana, Chiusi, Grosseto, Massa-Populonia, Pientia, Monte Alcino. The Archbishop of [ 30] Pisa (an Vniuersitie also) hath Suffragans Ciuitella, Aiazzo, Sagona, Aleria.

Mantua famous for Virgils birth hath a Duke of the Family Gonzaga; Duke Vincent,* 2.38 A. 1608. instituted the Military Order of The Redeemer Iesus Christ, in honour of his bloud supposed there kept. Mutina and Rhegium haue a Duke of the Este Family, reuolued to the Papacie, An∣no 1598. Vrbinum of the Family Roborea and Parma, and Placentia of the Farnesian. Vrbino hath an Archbishop and sixe Bishoprickes subiect, the Leopolitan, Pisaurian, Calliensis, Eugubinus, Foro-Semproniensis, and Senogalliensis. Parma and Placentia with Burgo in that Principalitie are Suffra∣gans to the Archbishop of Bologna.

Venice, Genua, Luca, and Ragusi are Italian Free States; the chiefe is Venice,* 2.39 and said to incline to the French, as Genua the next, to the Spaniard: Ragusi supports it selfe by fauour of the Turke, [ 40] paying a yeerely pension to him. Luca hath a Bishop subiect to the Pope only, and vsing a Pall. Ragusi (in times past Epidaurus) is in Dalmatia, Italionated in language and conditions:* 2.40 it hath an Archbishop, to whom are subiect the Bishops Stagnensis, Tribuniensis, Marcatensis, Rodonensis, Garzalensis, Stephanensis and Curzolensis.

In the State of Venice are two Patriarkes, one of Venice, which succeeded to Gradus,* 2.41 the o∣ther of Aquileia: and foure Archbishops, Spalatensis, Iaderensis, Corcyrensis, and Candrensis. The Patriarke of Venice hath Suffragan Bishops, Chioza, Torzello, both Ilands. The Patriarke of A∣quileia resideth in Vdene, and to him are subiect the Bishops of Como (Countrey of both Plinies) Verona, Pado••a, Vizenza, Treoizi, Concordia, Zeneda, Feltre, Ciuida di Bellun, Pola, Parenzo, Tri∣esti, Petin, Capo d' Istria, Citta Noua, Trento and Mantoua are Exempts. The Archbishop of Spa∣latro and Salona, Primate of Dalmatia and Croatia, hath Suffragans, Sogna, Nona, Faro-Lesina, [ 50] Tran, Sanadria, Scardona (subiect to the Turke) Tina, Almiza. The Archbishop Iaderensis, or of Zara a Venetian Iland, hath Suffraganes, Arbe, Viglia, Ossaro. The Archbishop of Corcyra, or Corfu, hath the Bishops of the Ilands Cefalonia and Zante. The Archbishop of Crete or Candie hath vnder him the Bishops of Canea, Rettimo, Sittia-Hierapetra, Cheronesso, Mellip••tamo, Ar∣chadia, Sicchimo, Budoa sometimes subiect to the Seruian Archbishop. Some adde Catharensem and Curzulensem.

Genua hath in times past extended their Empire to Caffa in Taurica, Cyprus, Chio and Lesbos,* 2.42 and to Pera. It now commandeth almost all Liguria and Co••sica. To the Archbishop of Genua are Suffragans, Albenga, Bobi, Brignale, Noli, Mariana-Accia, Nebio. To the Genuois are thirteene [ 60] Dioceses subiect, but some of the Bishops acknowledge the Archbishops of Millaine and Florenc••. Sixe Bishopricks are in the Iland and Kingdome of Corsica, subiect to that State, Mariana, Aleria, Nebiur••, Sagonia, Aciensum and Adiacium. Malta hath a Colledge of Iesuits.

SPaine first attempted, and one of the last of the Roman Prouinces pacified in the declining of the Empire,* 2.43 was possessed by the Wandals, Sueues, and Alans, whom the Gothes had expelled Gaule. The Gothes expelled thence by the Frankes, chased the Wandals and Alans out of Spaine, and destroyed the Sueues. The Saracens Anno 720. expelled the Gothes, and could not by the Gothicke remnants be quite exterminated till Anno 1492. at which time the New World also was added to the Spanish Fortunes by Colons Discouerie, and by the Match of the Heire of the Houses of Burgundie and Austria, with the Heire of Arragon and Castile, and since by Conquests &c. The Castilan hath in few yeeres from an estate in comparison of some other Kingdomes, poore and almost contemptible growne to the present puissance and almost terrible greatnesse. In Spaine and Portugall are these Archbishoprickes, whose names and reuenues out of a Manuscript [ 10] * 2.44 are thus deliuered.

Toledo, his Reuenues are said to bee 320000. Duckets, more then of diuers Kingdomes. Si∣uill, 113000. Duckets. Granado, 80000. Duckets. Lisbone, 130000. Duckets. Saragosa, 70000. Duckets. Valentia, 90000. Duck••ts. Tarragena, 80000. Duckets. Burgos, 90000. Duckets. Santiago, 100000. Duckets. Brago, 90000. Duckets. He omits Euora, which he reckons among the Bishops, being latelier exalted to the Pall. Myraus reckons them thus, Toledo, Burgis, Com∣postella, Siuill, Granado, Caefaraugusta, Tarragona, Valentia, Brararensis, Lisbone and Ebora. To the Archbishop of Toledo, Primate of Spaine are Suffragans, the Bishops of Cordoua, Segouia Cuenca, Sequenza (an Vniuersitie) Iaen, Cartagena or Murcia, Osma, Valladolid instituted by Clement the Eighth, Anno 1595. made an Vniuersitie also. To the Archbishop of Brugis in olde Castile are subiect Pamplona chiefe Citie of Nauarre, Calagorra, Palencia. To the Archbishop of Compo∣stella [ 20] or Santiago in Galaecia, the Bishops of Salamanca an Vniuersitie erected, Anno 1240. A••ila, Placenzia, Lugo, Astorga, Zamora, Orense, Tuy, Badaios, Mondonedo, Coria, Ciuita Rodrigo, Leon exempt, and Ouiedo exempt. To the Archbishop of Siuill in Baetica are subiect Guadix, Cadiz, and the Bishop of the Canaries. To the Archbishop of Granada, erected by Alexander the sixth, Malaga and America. To the Archbishop of Caesauraugusta, or Caragosa in Aragon, Huesca an old Vniuersitie, Iaca, Barbastro, Tarazona, Teroel, Albarazin. To the Arch. of Tarragona in Catalo∣nia, Tortosa, Lerida an Vniuersitie, Barcelona an Vniuersitie, Vicz, Girona, Vrgel, Elna, Solsona, Perpimian, by Paulus quintus. To the Arch. of Valencia, Segorue, Orihuela, Mallorca. To the Arch. of Braga in Portugall, Porto, Viseo, Guardia, Lamego, Miranda, Leyra. To the Arch. of Lisbone, [ 30] Coymbra, an Vniuersitie; Portalegre, Ceuta in Africa, Funchal in Madera, Angra in Tercera, Con∣go in Africa, Cabo Verde, or Sant Yago, San Thome, both in the Ilands so called, (the Bishop of Brasil) at San Saluador, or the Bay of all Saints (lately taken by the Dutch.) To the Archbishop of Euora, erected 1540. The Bishops of Silues in Faro, Eluas, Tanger in Africa vnited with Cen∣ta. Pope Adrian the sixth, Anno 1523. gaue the Kings of Spaine power to elect and present their Bishops, as Mariana reporteth.

My Manuscript reckoneth not so many, nor goeth to Africa and the Ilands, and perhaps some of the Bishops in that time might be vacant or holden by Commenda, and so the Title drowned. The names differ somewhat, perhaps by false writing, which may be helped by the former Ca∣talogue. For the valuations I thought them not vnworthy recitall together as they are in the [ 40] said Booke expressed, although I must intreate the Readers patience for misse-writing the names by some vnlearned transcriber, which yet I present as I found.

	Duckets.		Duckets.		Duckets.		Duckets.
Sobrack	50000.	Camaria	50000.	Corona	50000.	Osina	46000.
Torrossa	50000.	Cordoua	56000.	Rodrigo	65000.	Ayda	48000.
Tuy	45000.	Cartagena	50000.	Quadripp	64000.	Placentia	53000.
Vigue	58000.	Cadona	56000.	Quembra	75000.	Valentia	54000.
Alueria	55000.	Pamplona	83000.	Quardio	47000.	Solomonea	65000.
Visio	50000.	Corria	58000.	Questarie	47000.	Segeruia	69000. [ 50]
Astorga	65000.	Dadies	50000.	Ayne	480000.	Segouia	65000.
Auela	60000.	Sequensa	60000.	Lomego	53000.	Seluia	53000.
Badaies	5600.	Quembra	57000.	Leon	57000.	Malorca	57000.
Barcelona	75000.	Euuora	74000.	Lerida	64000.	Mandanedo	63000.
Camora	57000.	Euua	58000.	Lugo	50000.	Oporta	69000.
Callahora	65000.			Maliga	64000.	Ouensa	58000.

Damianus à Goes addeth that the Clergie of Spaine haue twice as much Reuenues as the Bi∣shops, besides Impropriations of Tithes they granted by the Pope to the King and Grandes: and that besides all this, the Monasteries and Abbeyes Reuenues, exceed those of the Clergie.

There are also in Spaine certaine Militarie Orders instituted to free the Countrey from the [ 60] Moores. Such were the Orders of Saint Iames, with a long red Crosse, of Alcantara with a square red Crosse of Calatrana with a square greene Crosse: which were by Pope Adrian appropriated to the King: besides the Orders of Christ and others.

There are also Iesuits diuided into fiue Spanish Prouinces: the Prouince of Toledo hath Col∣ledges, Houses and Residences one and twentie, in them fiue hundred and seu••ntie Iesuites.* 2.45 The Prouince of Castile eight and twentie, in them sixe hundred and thirteene. The Prouince of Aragon fourteene, and Iesuites three hundred and ninetie. The Baetike Prouince foure and twen∣tie, and sixe hundred Iesuites. The Prouince of Portugall eighteene, and sixe hundred and eightie of the Societie. The Ile Maiorica hath a Bishop and Vniuersitie. The Canaries haue a Bishop al¦so. So haue the Ilands of Cape Verd with a Colledge of Iesuites. Tercera likewise: and in it and Saint Michaels are Iesuites Colledges. Madera hath a Bishop and Iesuiticall Colledges.

IN France are numbred one hundred and seuenteene Diocesses, fourteene of which haue A••ch∣bi••hoprickes, [ 10] which are these, with their one hundred and three Suffragans.* 2.46 The Primate Archbishop of Lion•• hath Austun, Langres, Mascon, Challon Sur Saone. The Archbishop of Rone in Normandie, Baieux, Aurenches Eureux, Sais, Lizieux, Constances. The Archbishop of Tours, hath Mans, Renes, Angers an Vniuersitie, Nantes an Vniuersitie, Cornouaille, Vannes, Leon, Tri∣quier, Saint Brieu, Saint Malo, Dol which weareth a Pall, and is exempt. The Archbishop of Se••s, Chartres, Auxerre, Trois, Orleans an Vniuersitie and Dutchie of the Kings second Sonne, Paris an Vniuersitie and seate Royall, Meaux, Neuers. The Archbishop of Rhemes, Duke and Chiefe Peere of France, hath Soissons, Challon, Laon, Senlis, Beaunais, A••iens, N••yon, Bouloigne Surmer. The Archbishop Bituricensis, or of Bourges Primate of Aquitaine an Vniuersitie, hath Suffragans Clermon, Rodes, Albij, Caors, Limoges, Mende, Le Tuy, Castres, Vabres, Tulle, Saint [ 20] Flour. The Archbishop of Bourdeaux hath Agen, Engoulesme, Santonge, Poitiers an Vniuersitie, Perigeux, Condom, Maillezais, Luzon, Sarlat. The Archbishop of Auch hath A{que}, Letoure, Saint Bertrand de Comenge, S. Legier de Conserans, Aire, Basas, Tarbe de Bigorre, Oleron on Bearn, Les∣car, Baionne. The Archbishop of Narbonne, Beziers, Agde, Carcassone, N••smes an Vniuersitie, Lodeue, S. Pont de Tomiers, Alec, Mompelier an Vniuersitie, Vzes. The Archbishop Aquensis, or of Aix in Prouence, hath Suffragans the Bishops of Ries, Apt, Freius, Gap, Cisteron. The Arch∣bishop of Vienne, Geneue (now residing at Anessy in Sauoy) Grenoble, Viuiers, Die-valence, both Vniuersities, S. Iean de Maurienne vnder the Duke of Sauoy. The Archb••shop of Embrun hath Digne, Grasse, Vence, Senez, Clandeuez, Nice in Sauoy. The Archbishop of Arles, Marseille, S. Paul de Tricastin, Tolon, Orange, the Principalitie of the Prince of Orange, an Vniuersitie and seat [ 30] of a P••rliament. The Archbi••hop of Tolose (an Vniuersitie) hath Pasmires, Montautban, Mire∣poix, La Vaur, Rieux, Lombes, S. Papoul. Foure of the former Bishops, Maurianensis, Geneuensis Niceensis and Arausionensis are not subiect to the French King: in whose roome you may adde Me••emsem, Tullensem, Virdumensem and Bellicensem to make vp the former number.

In France also are the Chiefes or Originals of many Orders,* 2.47 as the Chuniake Order in the Dio∣cese of Matiscon founded Anno 910. by Abbat Berno▪ Grandemont founded by Stephen, Anno 1126. Cartusia Maior by Bruno 1084. Cistercium 1098. Praemonstratum 1120. In the Diocesse of Laudun. Ceru•• Frigidi by Iohn Matha 1136. Vallis Scholarium in Champaine by William an Eng∣lishman 1218. Fons Ebrald•• in the Diocese of Po••tiers by Robert Blesels 1117. The Hospitulars of Saint Anthonie in the Diocese of Vienna, by Gasto 1121. Our Ladies Charitie 1300. S. Bernard [ 40] de poenitentia, or the Reformed Cistercians by Iohn Barrerius 1600. The Willielmites by Saint Will∣liam Duke of Aquitaine. The Militarie Orders of the Holy Ghost by Henry the Third, and of Saint Michael, and of Saint Mary of Mount Carmel, and of Saint Lazarus approoued by Paul the Fifth.

The Iesuites haue fiue Prouinces in France, the Prouince called of France,* 2.48 hath fourteene Houses, Colledges and Residences; the Prouince of Aquitaine ten, in which Prouince are two hundred and eightie Iesuites. The Prouince of Lions fourteene, in them foure hundred and se∣uentie. The Prouince of Tolose eleuen, in them three hundred and ten. The Prouince of Cham∣paine ten, and two hundred twentie sixe Iesuites.

In France, though not in the French subiection is the Country of Auinion, in which Citie the Popes resided seuentie yeeres together. The Archbishop hath three Suffragans, Carpe••tras,* 2.49 Cabal∣lon, [ 50] Vaison. In Sauoy is the Archbishop Tarentasiensis, to whom the Bishops Augustanus and Sedu∣nensi•• are Suffragans. Piemont is subiect to the same Duke, the Metropolitan Ci••ie whereof is Taurinum, Seat of the Dukes and an Vniuersitie, to which are subiect the Bishops Eporediensis, Montis Regalis and Fossanensis; Saluzo is an exempt.

The Duke of Sauoy is Chiefe of two Military Orders, Of the Virgins Annuntiation, and of SS. Maurice and Lazarus. Loraigne, sometimes a Kingdome, now a Dutchie,* 2.50 hath Nancie the Metropolitan Citie, Pontamousson an Vniuersitie ruled by Iesuites, S. Nicola is of next note. Lo∣raine is subiect to diuers Bishops, amongst others, Metensis, Tullensis and Virdunensis Impe••iali Ci∣ties [ 60] wonne by Henry the second.

The Principalitie of O••ange, hath the B. of Orange as is said, and an Vniuersitie:* 2.51 it is subiect to the house of Nassau, Henry of Nassau marrying the Sister and Heire of Philibertus Cabillonensis Vi••ero•• of Naples, slain at the siege of Florence, A. 1530. Renatus son of Henry was slai••e 1544. William his brothers sonne succeeded and was traiterously murthered at D••lse 1584. His sonne

Philip-Gulielmus after long detention in Spaine, died at Brussels An. 1618. and left his Brother Prince Maurice his Heire by Testament: whose Arts, experience and exploits Militarie haue attracted into a stupendious gaze the Eyes of all Europe,

* 2.52His Name admits vs into Gallia Belgica, or the Low Countreyes, or seuenteene Lands, of which foure are Dukedomes, Brabant, Limburg, Lutzenburg and Gelderland: seuen Counties or Earledomes, Flanders, Artois, Hanalt, Holland, Zeland, Namur and Zutphen: the Marquisate of the Holy Empire, and fiue Lordships of East Frisland, Mechlin, Vtrecht, Ouerisel, and Gronin∣gen. In these are two hundred and ten Cities walled and ditched about, Villages sixe thousand three hundred, besides Monasteries, Forts, Palaces and Mannor-houses almost innumerable. That part which obeyeth the Archdutchesse is Romish, that which acknowledgeth the States [ 10] gouernment is of the Protestants faith, not without Arminian and other fancies amongst many of them.

In times past there were but foure Belgian Bishoprickes, of Cambray, Arras, Tournay and V∣trick. But King Philip the second (seeking to alter the gouernment, which occasioned the Wars and this Diuision, whereby about one halfe of the Countrey haue not only defended their Liber∣ties, maugre the Austrian Greatnesse, American Treasures, Sp••nish Ambition and Italian Soul∣dioury, to the Worlds amazement, many hundred thousands o•• Christians beeing slaine to pur∣chase the Spaniard this losse; but haue acquired a Free Estate, with wealth and honour, and by them haue beene so acknowledged, whom they would willingly with conseruation of their Liberties haue obeyed) Philip the second (his losse made me almost lose my selfe) Anno 1559. [ 20] procured the Pope to constitute three Archbishoprickes, and fifteene Bishoprickes (his Inquisi∣tion shall escape our inquisition) the Archbishop of Mecholon, to whose Iurisdiction are sub∣iect the Bishops of Antwerpe, of Bruges, Gant, Iperen, Rurmund, Hertogenbosch: the Arch∣bishop of Cambray, whose Suffraganes are Arras, Tournay, Saint Omer, Namur. The Archbishop of Vtrecht hath Deuenter, Groeninghen, Harlem, Lee••warden, Middleborgh.

The Iesuites haue there two Prouinces, Flandra-Belgica which hath eighteene Houses, Colledges and Residences,* 2.53 in which there are of that crue sixe hundred and seuenteene. And Gallo-Belgica which hath twentie Houses, Colledges, and Residences, and sixe hundred fif∣tie two Fellowes of that Order, beside Augustinians, Dominicans, and I know not what others. [ 30]

GErmanie hath seuen Archbishoppes Mentz, Collen, Trier, all three Electors; Meydburg Salisburg, Breme, Bessanzon. To the Archbishop of Mentz (an Vniuersitie) are subiect Bi∣shops Wormes, Wirtzburg an Vniuersitie, Speir Aichstet, Strasburg, W••rden, Chur, Heildesheim, Paderborne, Costnitz, Halberstad, Ausburg. Bamberg is exempt. To Coloigne, are Suffraganes Liege, Munster, Minden, Osenbrug. To Trier, Metz, Toul, Verdun, all in Loraine and now French. To M••ydburg, M••yssen, Merseburg, Brandeburg, Hauelburg. To Salisburg (an Vniuersitie) Freysingen, Regenspurg, Passa••, Brixen, Goritz, Lauenmutz, Seckaw Vienna in Austria, is an Vniuersitie and exempt; Newstat and L••sbach are also ex∣empt. [ 40]

* 2.54To Breme are subiect Lubeck, Rathenburg, Sw••rin. To the Archbishop of Ves••ntionensis or Besanzon (an Vniuersitie) are subiect Basel an Vniuersitie, Losa••ne, Bellay en Bresse. All these, as also the Bishop of Trent are Princes of the Empire, and Lords in Temp••ralibus, except Lauenmuch, Seckaw, Chiemse, and Goritz. Meydburg and Breme, and eight Bisho∣prickes are Protestants.

The late Warres haue since our Authors writing so altered the face of things in Germanie that iust account cannot bee giuen of their Religion and State so vnsetled. And how can things be well setled where the Foxes haue so many Burrowes.* 2.55 The Iesuites haue (as some say) three score Colledges in Germanie, deuided into three Prouinces.

The Prouince of Higher Germanie hath thirteene Colledges, two Houses, three Residen∣ces, [ 50] fiue hundred fortie sixe Iesuites. The Prouince of Rhene hath three and twentie, and in them sixe hundred and one. The Prouince of Austria fiue and twentie, and fiue hundred fiftie three of the Societie.

* 2.56The Switzers, Cantons are thirteene, Episcopall Cities sixe, Lucerna, Vri, Suitz, Vnderwalden Zugh, Friburg: Iesuites Colledges two, at Lucerne and Friburg. They are also in great part sub∣iect in Spirituals to the Bishops of Constance, and of Basel, whose Seat is now at Bruntutum. Lausanna hath a Bishop subiect to the Archbishop Bezanzon.

* 2.57The Grisons are diuided into three leagues, in which Chur is a Bishop subiect to Mentz. The Valesins haue seuen Communalties, one of which Sedunum hath a Bishop. Pomerland is a Duke∣dome and hath foure Cities, Stetin, Caminum sometimes a Bishops See, Griphswald an Vniuer∣sitie, [ 60] and Wolgastum.

* 2.58In Bohemia, Prage is an Archbishopricke, to which are Suffraganes, the Bishops of Olu∣unctz in Morauia, and L••ttomssensis in Bohemia. In Silesia, V••atislauia or Preslaw is a Bi∣shopricke.

In Hungaria, Strigonium hath bin the Seat of the Archbishop & Primat, which being taken by the Turk, i•• is remoued to Tir••auia, and hath six Suffragans, Nitrich, Raab, Agria vnder the Turks,* 2.59 Vaccia, Quinquecclesiae vnder the Turke, as is also Vesprin. Colocia is an Archbishop in Pannonia inferior, vnder which are the Bishops of Agram, Fairwar in Transiluania, Varadin, Sirmisch, Conad, Bossina. Transiluania hath an Vniuersity at Claudiopolis and a Seminary. In Austria Vienna is also an Vniuersitie before mentioned: There and at Oenipont in Triol and at Prage in Bohe∣mia Ferdinand the Emperour founded Iesuites Colledges. Brixina is Suffragan to Salisburg. Grath hath an Vni••ersity and Colledge of Iesuites, and is a Metropolitan Citie; the Bishop Seco∣uien••is there, and Gurcensis & Lauentinensis in Carinthia are subiect to the Archbishop of Salisburg.

The Kingdome of Poland containeth the Prouinces of Lituania, Masouia, Samogitia, Cnia••ia,* 2.60 [ 10] Liuoni••, Varmia, Prussia Regalis, Russia Nigra, Volhima, Podol••a, and others. There are two Arch∣bishops of the Latin Church, Guesnensis the Primat, and Leopoliensis. To the former are subiect these Bishops, Krakow, Poznan, Ploczk, Mied••ikie, Preslaw in Sile••ia, Leb••••, Vladislaw, Chemnicz, Lucko, Vilen••ki or Wilde, Wenden, Warmerlant an exempt. Le••polis or Lu••ow is in Russia Nigra, and hath Suffragans Przemyst, Chmielnick, Kiou, Cami••nick. All these together with the Bi∣shop Culmensis are Senators or Councellors of the State, except Preslaw and Lebus. There are also eight Russian or Greeke Bishops in Poland, Kiou the Metropolitan, Vlodomir, Luceor••ensis, Polocensis, Praemissiensis or Przemyst, Leopoliensis, Chelmensis and Pinscensis, which were re∣ceiued into Communion by Pope Clement the eighth. Russia Nigra is subiect to the Pole and Russia Alba to the Moscouite. There liue also in Poland many Armenians which haue a Bi∣shop [ 20] of their owne, Resident at Leopolis. The Russian Bishops haue no Parliament voyce. The Iesuites haue two Prouinces in these parts, that of Poland containing fifteene Colledges, Houses, and Residences, and 459. Iesuites, that of Lithuania as many, and Iesuites 3 36.* 2.61 Prussia is diuided into Regalis and Ducalis. The former hath two Bishops, Varmiensis which resideth at Brunsberg, and Culmensis: the Ducal had two, but extinct with the Order of the Dutch Knights, the one of Kinningsberg, the other at Mariaewerda, The Marquesse of Brandenburg possesseth the Countrey.

ENgland hath two Archbishops, Canterbury and Yorke.* 2.62 The Archbishop of Canterbury is Pri∣mate [ 30] of all England, and Metropolitan, the other Primate of England and Metropolitan. To the former are subiect the Bishops of London, Winchester, Couentree and Lichfield, Salisbury, Bathe and Welles, Lincolne, Excester, Hereford, Norwich, Eli••, Rochester, Chi••hester, Worcester, Saint Dauids, Bangor, Landaff, Saint Asse, Peterburrow, Gloster, Oxford and Bristol. To the Archbishop of Yorke, Durham, Chester, Carlile, to which is added Sodorensis, or the Bishop of Man.* 2.63 Scotland also hath two Archbishops, one of Saint Andrewes, and the other at Glasco. Suffragans to Saint Andrewes the Primate of Scotland, Myraeus reckoneth the Bishops of Dunckeld, Aberdin (an Vniuersitie) Morauiensis resident in Elgin, Dumblain, Brechin, Rosse, Cathnes, Orcknay: to Glasco, Galloway, Lismor, Colmkil. His Maiestie hath beene such a restorer, as he may in some sort bee reckoned the Founder of the present Episcopal, both Sees and Gouernment in that Kingdome.* 2.64 At the dissoluti∣on [ 40] of the Bishops they erected Superintendents, changing a good Greek word for a bad Latin, but reseruing to those Superintendents the greatest part of Episcopall power; and after some Chan∣ges, his Maiestie hath reduced it to the present state.

Ireland hath foure Archbishops. To the Archbishop and Primate of Armah are subiect, Du∣nensis, Conner, Derry, Mieth, Clocher, Ardache, Kilmore, Rapho, Dromore, Kiloom, Dondalck. To the Archbishop of Dublin (an Vniuersitie) Kilkenny or Osserriensis, Kildar••, Feru••, Leghlin, Glend••∣lagh. To the Archbishop of Cashel, Limricke, Lismor, Rosse, Waterford, Emmelen, Corcke, Lym∣bricke, Clon. To the Archbishop Tuamensis, Galuben, Achade, Alache, Olfin, Roscoman, Clonfert, Kill••loe. Thus Myraeus.

Denmarke hath the Archbishop of Lunden erected 1092. Primate of the Kingdome,* 2.65 Suffra∣gans, Roschilt, Odensee, Slezwick, Rype, Wiburg, Arhusen. Norway hath Nidrosia the Metropoli∣tan [ 50] See, and Suffragans, Bergen, Staffanger, Hammar, Groenlands, Scalholt, Hola.* 2.66 In Suecia the Archbishop Vpsaliensis hath subiect to him the B B. of Scar, Lincopen, Stengenes, Abo, Aroefen, Villimen. Thus Myraeus, who addes a little of Russia and Greece, which you shall find more full in the Discourses of those parts, both precedent and following: as likewise touching the Chri∣stians of Asia, Maronites, Iacobites, Nestorians, &c. handled by Myraeus in his second Booke. The Archbishop of Goa hath subiect to him the Bishops of Cochin, Malaca, Macao, Iapon, Ma∣laban, Meliaxor or San Thome. The Archbishop of Cranganor (erected by Paul the Fifth, 1608.) is called also the Archbishop of the Christians of San Thome: hee hath no Suffragans. Myraeus reckons Iesuites Ho••ses, Colledges and Residences in the East Indian Prouince of Goa 15. and 280. [ 60] of the Societie. In the Prouince of Malabar 14. in them 150. For China and Iapon you shall learne better in our Relations then in Myraeus. In the Philippinas he reckons nine Residences & one hun∣dred Iesuites. Neither shall wee need his instructions of Africa in his third Booke, our Relati∣ons being farre more full and certaine: as also of the New World handled in his fourth Booke▪ Hee numbers therein fiue Archbishops, the first of Mexico, whose Suffragans are the B B. of

Tlaxcala in Pnebla de los Angelos, Mechoacan in Valladolid, Guaxara in Antequera, Guadalaxara, Guatimala in Saint lago, lucatan in M••rida, Chiappa, Honduras in Truxillo, Vera Paz, Nicaragua in Leon. This Archbishop, and those of Lima and Domingo were founded by Charles the Fifth, confirmed by Paul the Third, A. 1547. The Archbishop of Saint Domingo hath Suffragans Port Rico, Sant Iago de Cuba, Venezuela, some adde Margarita. To the A. of Lima, Cuzco, Are∣quip••, Truxillo, Guamanga, Quito. Paul the Fifth erected two Archbishop Sees, Plata or Potosi in Charcas, to whom are subiect the Bishops of Baranca, Paz, Santiago in Tucuman▪ Bu••nos Ayres, Pana••••a, Santiago in Chili, Imperial, Nuestra Sennora de la Assumpcion, Paraguay: the other Arch∣bishop is of Saint Faith of Bogot in New Granado, to whom are subordinate the Bishops of Po∣p••yan, Carthagena, Saint Martha; Manilia is an Archbishopricke in the Philippinas, to which are subiect the Bishops of Cagayan, of the Name of Iesus; and Cacerensis. Mexico and Lima are [ 10] Vniuersities. The Iesuites Dominicans, Franciscans, Carmelites, and the Fathers of our Lady of Pitie are many, besides Priests, Canons, Inquisitors, &c. The Iesuites haue foure Prouinces: that of Peru hath Seminaries, Residences, Colledges and Houses of probation thirteene, and therein 370. of the Societie: that of Paraguay ten, and therein 116. that of New Granado seuen and 100. of the Company: that of Mexico fourteene, and therein Iesuits 340. In Brasil they haue in nineteen Houses, Colledges, and Residences 180. Iesuites.

And thus haue we audited Myraeus his accounts of Bishops and Iesuites, names not otherwise sutable but by Papall Arts. For what concord hath Antiquitie and Noueltie, Iesus and Iesuites, Catholike and Romish, Apostolicall Institutions with Apostaticall? Neither hath the Church wanted Bishops in all ages and places Christian since the Apostles, or knowne Iesuites in any age [ 20] but this last, or in any Church (except as busie bodies) but the Romish: so that what they obiect to vs, is truely their owne with aduantage, to be both Nouatores (L••iola being farre later then Luther) and Veteratores too; like the Gibeonites, which fained themselues Ambassadors, and tooke old Sackes vpon their Asses,* 2.67 and old Bottells for Wine both rent and bound vp: and old Shooes and clouted vpon their feet; also the raiment vpon them was old, and all their prouision of bread was dried and mouled: Thus pretended they remotenesse being neere neighbours, to delude the Israelites; as these neerer vs in time, then those others to Ioshua in place and habitation) chant nothing so much as Catholike and Old, when Time knew them not till yesterday, nor doth any Place yet know them but such as are Romish, except in Trauells and Treasons: their old, old, old, being but the [ 30] old Serpent, the old Man, and old refined rubbish to build their new Babel. Nihil mihi antiq••ius, said one in another case, 〈…〉〈…〉. The ancient gouernment of the Church by Bishops, by Papall Monopoly vsurped, was set on foot by weakning Episcopall power in ex∣empted Monasteries, that so all Monasteries might become Papall Forts, and in manner all the learned and leasurely pennes might plead for the Patron of their exemption; furthered by both the one and the others inuestitures first, and dependance after, with subiection denied to Kings; and when the Waldenses began to shake downe the Lateran, the Pope dreamed that Dominike, or as the Franciscans will haue it, that Francis supported the Lateran, which proued not a dreame in their new deuised Orders of Friers, which maintained the Papacy with no lesse reputation of learning and fulnesse of commission in those dangerous daies, then the Iesuites haue done since Lu∣ther; [ 40] which all the Deuills could not haue kept from falling both then and since, if they had not found such old-shooed Ambassadours to trauell ouer the World for their Mother Babylon, and their Father the Pope, palliated with the name of the Catholike Church. I wil not trouble you with re∣citation of their other orders particularly, but out of Myraeus wil tel you that the Benedictine Or∣der can glory beyond the Iesuiticall in 52000. Monasteries, 15000. Writers,* 2.68 44000. Saints, 4000. Bishops, 1600. Archbishops, 200. Cardinalls, and 25. Popes, which in succession of times they haue had. And if the Iesuite pretend his Tàm marte quàm mercurio, his mustering of Armies against the Heretickes, and setting Europe in the present combustion; the Benedictine can produce Mar∣tiall Orders, affixes to his profession, instituted for better purposes against Mahumetans, the Templaries (sometimes as proud as the proudest of Iesuites) the Knights of Calatraua, of Al∣cantara, [ 50] Montesia, and Mercedis in Spaine, of Christ, of Auise, of Ala in Portugall, of Saint Mau∣rice in Sauoy,* 2.69 of Saint Steuen in Toscanie, and others elsewhere. The Augustinians haue 555. Mo∣nasteries in Italy, and in Europe, as Volatteranus writeth 4000. and besides other subdiuided Or∣ders, haue also their Military Knights of Rhodes or Malta, the Dutch Knights of our Lady in Germany and Prussia, the Knights of Saint Iago in Spaine; of Saint Lazarus of Ierusalem, of Iesus Christ instituted by Dominike against the Albigenses, of Saint Mary of Mount Carmel and Saint Lazarus (the former Lazarites being vnited to the Maltases) instituted by Paul the Fifth. But Monastike Religions, notwithstanding their vow of chastitie haue so multiplied in the West, (for in the East few Orders are found to this day) that Benedicts Order hath procreated 23. Au∣gustines, 28. and that later of Francis 15. And for the Indiuidualls they are like the Grashoppers [ 60] of Egypt, Pauperis est numerare pecus, The Pope is not so poore as to bee able to number his Crea∣tures. Of the Franciscans alone Sabellicus numbers in his time at once liuing 90000. and addes that the Generall to that Order offered to Pope Pius against the Turke, 30000. able warriers of this Seraphicall Family without detriment to their Holies. They haue (saith hee) filled the wo••ld,

being diuided into fortie Prouinces, each Prouince into Custodiae, Wards or Wardenships, & these subdiuided into Conuents and Places. These mortified Minors had in that time found the way,* 2.70 fiue of them to the Papacy, 26. to the Red Hat: as for in••eriour Prelacies who can number them? The Dominicans in the same time (abo••e six score yeeres since 21. Prouinces, Conuents 4143. in them liuing 26460. Friers, and of them about 1500. Masters (or Doctors) of Diuinity, besides ma∣ny of them in Armenia and Aethiopia▪ or Ab••ssia, Constantinople anticipating the Iesuites glory in this kind, the Augustinians also were then numbred 30000. the Carmelites more, not to speake of the rest. This course of life first beg••n by deuouter persons to auoid persecution▪ Antony and others which made vse of Deserts, and a solitary life to escape the Sword, and the Worldes in∣fection by vice together: was after imitated by good men, both for their owne deuotions, freed [ 10] by this meanes from secular interruptions, and fitted for the seruice of the Church both in Faith by Doctrinall studies, and exercises in their Monasticke Schooles, and also in charity by benefi∣cence therein to the poore, with the labours of their hands; and lastly, degenerated into smoakie superstition and ambition, of getting the glory of the World; with wealth and ease by seeming denialls thereof; and became a refuge, and sinke-sanctuary to Malecontents, Bankrupts, men in danger of Law, and weary of the crosses which attends each vocation (God hauing set downe this rule to all men, to eat their bread in the sweat of their browes, which these seeme to illude) that they which cannot bee In negotio sine pericul•• (to vse the Orators words) may bee In otio cum dignitate. A master-piece of hypocrisie, which in another sence, and by another course can say with the A∣postle, as hauing nothing, and yet (euen carnally) possessing all things.

[ 20] But who will hope to number the persons of each Order termed Religious, when the Orders themselues cannot bee reduced to due order or number? All Historians in manner mention them, but none can name them all, much lesse marshall them. Ioannes Wolphius in his Centenaries of Me∣morable Readings, thus expresseth many of them with the times of their Originall. A. D. 341. Thabenesiotarum. 366. Ordo Publiae, 384. Order of Saint Basil. 399. Of Saint Augustine. 422. Of Paul•• Romana. 495. Canonissarum Regularium: also Ordo Canonicorum. A. 530. Apostolicorum: al∣so Benedictinorum: also Scholasticanarum Benedictinarum. 595. Gregorianorum. 610. Gerundinen∣sium. In the seuenth and eighth Centenary none. In the ninth A. 912. Ordo Cluniacensis. 950. Ca∣maldulensium. 977. Canonicorum Secularium. A. 1012. Hospitularij. 1017. Humilitati. 1030. Ordo Ieiu••antium. 1046. Lazaritarum. 1050. Luce••lani••rum. 1076. Grandi••ontensium. 1080. Carthusien∣sium. [ 30] 1059. S. A••tonij de Vienna. 1098. Ordo Cisterciensis A.D. 1110. Templarij. 1113. Bernhardini. 1119. Pramonstratens••s. 1121. Militiae Calatrauae. 1137. Ordo Rob••rtinorum. 1148. Gilbertinorum. 1160. Carmelitarum. 1170. Ordo Militum D. Iacobi de spatha. 1190. Ordo Teutonicorum Mariano∣rum. 1190. Franciscanorum. 1200. Cruciferorum. 1201. Ordo S. Spiritus Hospitaliorum. 1202. Gladiferorum. 1205. Dominica••orum. 1211. Ordo S. Trinitatis, siue Equitum de Redemp∣tione Captivorum. 1214. Ordo Militiae Montesiae. 1215. Ordo Eremitarum S. Pauli. 1217. O. Vallis Scholarium. 1228. O.S. Clarae. 1232. Or. Militiae S. Mariae. 1250. Ordo de Obseruantia Minorum & Praedicatorum. 1252. Ordo Fratricellorum Beghardorum, Beghinarum, seu Beguttarum. 1257. O. Bethlehemitarum 1258. O. Bonorum hominum. 1273. O. Augustinensiu•• Eremitarum & Guilhelmi∣tarum. 1282. O. Seruorum S. Mariae. 1297. Coelestinorum. 1300. Militum Sepulchri Domini. 1303. [ 40] Sarabitarum. 1323. Militum Iesu Christi. 1326. Alcanthare militum. 1349. Flagellantium. 1350. Charteriorum Equitum. 1360. Equitum Stellae. 1365. O. Iesuatorum. 1366. Ordo Saluatoris siue Sco∣pet••norum. 1370. S. Brigittae. 1371. Turlupinorum. 1399. Albatorum. 1400. Vallis Vmbrosae. 1405. Hieronymitarum. 1407. Can••nicorum. S. Georgij in Alga. Also Mendicantium D. Hieronimi. Also S. Spiritus. Also Montoliuitensium. 1408. Canonicorum Lateranensi••m Congregationis Frisonariae. 1409. S. Iustinae. Also Mauritianorum Equitum. 1420. O. Equestris Annuntiationis B. Mariae. 1429. O. Eq. Aurei Velleris. 1433. S. Ambrosij ad Nemus 1453. O. Equitum S. Spiritus. 1455. S. Catherinae Senensis. 1464. Equitum Lunae. 1469. Equitum S. Michaelis. 1499. Ordo poenitentium mulierum seu meretricum. 1500. Ordo peregrinorum pauperum. 1506. Ordo Indianorum. 1529. O. Sodalitatis diuini amoris siue Theatinorum. 1537. O. Paulinorum siue Gastalianorum. 1540. O. Iesuitarum, siue Societatis [ 50] Iesu. 1549. Capucinorum. 1561. O. militum S. Stephani. 1571. Ordo minorum Iesu Mariae seu Tertiario∣rum. 1579. O. Eq. S. Spiritus.

Vnto these Orders whereof some time is set, may bee added many others of whose Originall no certaine time is deliuered. Wolphius hath in Alphabeticall order named these of that kinde, Ord. Ambrosianorum, Antonianorum, Fratrum de Armenia, Ordo Equestris de Auis. Batutinorum. Bonae voluntatis. Bursfeldensium. Canonicorum Regularium, differing from the former. Capellano∣rum, Challomerianorum, Cellariorum, Clauigerorum, Constantinopolitanorum militum, Crucif••rorum another kind. O. Fratrum Crucis, O. Stellatorum Crucis, O. Forficerorum. O. Genettae Equestris. O.S. Gertrudis Monialium, O. Fratrum Helenae, O Fratrum de Hispania, Or. Histricis Equestris. O. Hospi∣talariorum. O. Fratrum D. Iacobi. O. Ignorantiae. O. Ioannitarum de ciuitate. Ordo Vallis Iosaphati. O. [ 60] Iosephi. Or. militum de Labanda. Lazari seu Magdalenae. Linonchlen••orum. Monialium S. Mariae. O.S. Mariae nouus. Conceptionis Mariae. O. ex Fratrib. martyrum. Maturinorum. Me••sae Orbiculari•• (Knights of the Round Table) O. Pauperum Voluntariorum. O. de Corbullo S. Petri. O. S. Petri i•• Schunbach. O. Purgatorialium. Rebag••norum. Reclusorum siue Inclusorum. O. S. Ruffi. Ordo Monachae

vel Sacerd. libera. Scalae dei. Sclauonianorum. Fratrum ex Scotia. S. Sophiae sine Gratiae. Speculariorum. Stellatorum. Militum S. Thomae. Vespillonum. Fratrum de viridi vallo. O. Valetudinario-seruientium. Vngarici eq. O. Wenceslaitarum. Zambonitarum. Zupfnonnarum.

But it is time to haue done, lest such vncouth names make some Reader feare hee shall thereby coniure vp some Deuills, ordered to disorders. I could also out of History adde others, but these are more then enough, Papall Orders enough to breake all Christian orders and rules of simplicitie and sanctititie, with their superstition and hypocrisie. Of their rules, habits, and other superstiti∣ons (vnderstand this of the later, for the ancient were both without vow, and fit Schooles and Seminaries for the Church, as our Vniuersities now) the same Wolfius, Hospinian and other Authors haue written at large. [ 10]

CHAP. XVII. A Discourse of the diuersity of Letters vsed by the diuers Nations in the World; the antiquity, manifold vse and variety thereof, with ex∣emplary descriptions of aboue threescore seuerall Alpha∣bets, with other strange Writings.

[ 20]

GOD the giuer of euery good gift, hath endowed Man (created after his owne Image) with diuers priuiledges aboue other sensitiue Creatures, not onely with dominion ouer them, but with Reason and Speech, both aboue their Naturall capacities:* 2.71 By the one he composeth naturall syllogismes in himselfe, proposing to his Vnderstanding, disposing in it, and by his Will electing what seemes best of those things, which the externall Senses, as the Cinque-Port-Intelligencers haue brought in, and the Internall, the Common sense, Phantasie, and Memory, as Reasons handmaids haue prepared to Discourse. By the other, as a Sociable creature, hee imparteth those Mind-con∣ceptions vnto other men, and those which are many persons, are made as it were one body rea∣sonable. God hath added herein a further grace, that as Men by the former exceed Beasts, so [ 30] hereby one man may excell another; and amongst Men, some are accounted Ciuill, and more both Sociable and Religious,* 2.72 by the Vse of letters and Writing, which others wanting are estee∣med Brutish, Sauage, Barbarous. And indeed much is the litterall aduantage; by speech we vtter our minds once, at the present, to the present, as present occasions moue (and perhaps vnaduisedly transport) vs: but by writing Man seemes immortall, conferreth and consulteth with the Patri∣arkes, Prophets, Apostles, Fathers, Philosophers, Historians, and learnes the wisdome of the Sages which haue beene in all times before him; yea by translations or learning the Languages, in all places and Regions of the World: and lastly, by his owne writings suruiueth himselfe, re∣maines (litera scripta manet) thorow all ages a Teacher and Counseller to the last of men: yea hereby God holds conference with men, and in his sacred Scriptures, as at first in the Tables of [ 40] Stone, speakes to all. And whereas speech pierceth the Eare (pierceth indeede and passeth often, in at the one, and out at the other) Writing also entertaineth the Eyes; and so long, by our owne or others reading, speakes to either of those nobler Senses, as wee will, and whereof wee will our selues; husht and silent at our pleasure; alway free from feare, flattery, and other humane passi∣ons. Therefore the dead were esteemed the best companions and faithfullest Counsellors, in Al∣fonsus his opinion, namely, in their Writings still liuing to performe those Offices: and want of Letters hath made some so seely as to thinke the Letter it selfe could speake, so much did the Americans herein admire the Spaniards,* 2.73 seeming in comparison of the other as speaking Apes.

Thus excellent is the vse of letters: how ancient, vncertaine. Iosephus mentions Writing anci∣enter then the Floud, by which, knowledge of Astronomy was commended to posteritie in two [ 50] Pillers, the one of Stone, the other of Bricke, to outliue those two dismall destructions which A∣dam had prophecied should befall the World, by Fire and VVater: that of Stone remaining to his time.* 2.74 Plinie conceiteth an eternity of Letters, as of the VVorld and Mankind: and supposeth that the Assyrian were such: elsewhere attributing their inuention to the Phoenicians, as of A∣stronomie also, and the Arts of VVarr and Nauigation, and after others opinion to the Egyptians, after others to the Syrians. It is, I see not how probably by some affirmed, that Moses first recei∣ued Letters in the Two Tables of the Law written by the finger of God. Master Fuller is of o∣pinion that the Phoenicians themselues learned them of Abraham,* 2.75 who seemeth to him, as likely in his long stay with the Canaanites to haue taught them Letters, as to haue instructed the Egyp∣tians in so short a space, in Astronomie and Arithmetike, which Iosephus affirmeth. And most [ 60] probable it seemeth that in blessed Sh••ms posteritie by Heber, Noah had left the best Arts of the former VVorld. Iob is by some, vpon good reasons, holden ancienter then Moses, who yet often speakes of Bookes and writing,* 2.76 as a thing then familiarly vsed.

Another no lesse controuerted question is of the ancientest kind of Letters, which Postellas.

Scaliger & others thinke to be the Phoenician, or as now they are called, the Samaritan, at first vsed by all the Canaanites (of which the Phoenicians were a part) and Hebrewes;* 2.77 but after the depor∣tation to Babylon, the Cuthaeans or Samaritans still continued them (being taught by the Israeli∣tish Priest) but the Iewes grew into vse of others, which Scaliger saith, are nuperae ac nouitiae ex Syriacis deprauatae; illae antem ex Samaritanis; quod cùm luce clarius sit, tamen quidam semidocti, semi∣theologi, & vt signant••us loquar semihomines, Iudaicas literas verè Hebraicas esse priscas audent deie∣rare, &c. And after; Visuntur hodie Sicli qui quotidi•• Ierosolymis effodiuntur, & sub regibus Iuda in vsu fuerunt. In illis nummis eadem litera incusae sunt, quae in scriptis Samaritanorum leguntur; and thinkes it extrema insaniae & imperitiae to thinke that the elder Hebrewes had any other.

Saint Ierome also affirmeth, that Esdras was Inuenter of the present Hebrew Letters after the [ 10] Captiuitie. His words are, viginti & duas literas esse apud Hebraeos, Syrorum quo{que} lingua testatur, quae Hebraeae magna ex parte confinis est. Nam & ipsi 22. elementa habent, eodem sono, sed diuersis cha∣racteribus. Samaritani etiam pentateuchum Moysitotidem literis scriptitant, figuris tantum & apici∣bus discrepantes. Certum{que} est Esdram, post captam Hierosolymam, & instaurationem templi sub Ze∣rubabel, alias literas reperisse, quibus nunc vtimur, quùm ad illud v{que} tempus, ijdem Samaritanorum & Hebraeorum characteres fuerint.

Postellus attributeth the reason of this new Inuention to the difference of Religion,* 2.78 which be∣gan in Ieroboam, but became worse in those Cuthaans & other strangers which were placed by the Assyrians in the Cities of Samaria, whose irreconciliable hatred I haue elsewhere shewed in my Pilgrimage. He alledgeth also such Coines, said to be as old as since Salomons dayes, seene by him,* 2.79 [ 20] (two of which shall follow with their Letters.) Hee addeth that the Iewes affirmed the same, which still hate the Samaritans, but highly prize those Coines as their owne Antiquities; the Inscription whereof being Ierusalem the holy, could not proceed from the Cuthaean Samaritans,* 2.80 which worshipped in their Mountaine, (as the Samaritan woman said to our Sauiour) and not in Ierusalem. Postellus saw a Grammar in their Letters, but the Language Hebrew, the Exposi∣tion Arabike; the Characters their owne, which now also want the points which in Saint Ieromes dayes they had.

Scaliger sheweth further how the ancient Greeke or Ionik•• Letters (like in forme to the pre∣sent Latine, which seeme thence deriued) were by Cadmus carried from Phoenicia,* 2.81 and communi∣cated to the Greekes, of him called by Herodotus 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which both hee and Pa••∣sanias [ 30] affirme that they had seene; and of which Plinie testifieth, Gentium consensus tacitus pri∣mus omnium conspiraui••, vt Ionum literis vterentur. Of these anon you shall see an example. Sca∣liger addeth that the Chaldees fashioned theirs from the Phaenician, now vsed by the Nestorians and Maronites. These haue both Capitall Letters and lesser: from which Chaldee Letters the moderne Iewish and Arabike are deriued, the Chaldee being in a meane betwixt the Phoe∣nicians and them.

Our Learned Countreyman Master Fuller,* 2.82 as hee will not yeeld that the ancient Hebrew was the Phoenician Language; so neither will subscribe to this opinion, which maketh the mo∣derne Hebrew Letter to be of later deuise. But as the Egyptians had two sorts of Letters, one sa∣cred and hieroglyphicall, the other vulgar; and as with vs the writing proper to the publike [ 40] Courts in Court and Chancerie hands differ from the common writing: so the Hebrewes also might haue a two fold writing, the one in ciuill and common affaires, still read in the Samaritans Bookes and Coines; the other Ecclesiastike or sacred, vsed by the Priests and Leuites, and in which the holy Scriptures are preserued; which then became Secular and Vulgar, when their e∣mulation against the Samaritans admitted nothing common betwixt them, especially in Letters, which it appeareth they learned of one of the Samaritan Priests of Bethel, of Ieroboams insti∣tution, and not of Leuiticall race.* 2.83 For it is probable that Ieroboams baser Priests either could not, or would not write in that Leuiticall and Priestly Character, but retained vnto all purpo∣ses that which before had beene admitted only to ciuill affaires. He conceiueth them to bee both of Israeliticall originall; and if either be ancienter, the sacred (still stiled Hebrew) to haue the [ 50] preheminence, Ecclesiasticall things being of more Antiquitie then ciuill; in which sense Irenaeus calleth the ancient Hebrew Letters, Sacerdotales;* 2.84 these being also more simple and vniforme then the Samaritan, as is seene in the Iod, which our Sauiour citeth as the lest of Letters, which yet in the Samaritan is multiforme and large. How euer the case stands herein, it is euident they are both very ancient, and as it were Mother-letters to the rest of the World: which as wee haue noted alreadie of the Chaldee, Ionike and Latine, so may it be obserued in the principall of those others which we shall anon present to your view.

Plinie reporteth that Cadmus brought sixteene Letters into Greece,* 2.85 to which in the Troian Warre Palamedes added foure others Θ Ξ Φ Χ, and after him Simonides other Ζ Η Ψ Ω. Ari∣stotle saith there were eighteene ancient Α Β Γ Δ Ε Ζ Ι Κ & & Lgr; Μ Ν Ο Π Ρ Σ Τ Υ Φ, to which Epi∣carmus [ 60] added Θ Χ, or rather Palamedes: veteres Graecas fuisse easdem pene quae nunc sunt latinae, he auerreth out of a Brazen Table in the Palace inscribed NAVSIKRATES TISA∣MENO ATHENAIOS (so Scaliger expresseth it) in later Letters 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Scaliger also out of an old Scholy vpon Euripides his Orestes, affirmeth that

the old Greekes had seuenteene Letters, sixteene of Cadmus his Inuention, and Υ added there∣to, and thinkes this to be Aristotles assertion, who would neuer haue reckoned φ for one, being of later inuention. These seuenteene are Α Β Γ Δ Ε Η Ι Κ Λ Μ Ν Ο ΠΡ Σ Τ Υ. Before Θ Φ Χ were inuented by Simonides, saith Marius Victorinus, they vsed to place after Τ, Π, Κ, the aspirate H, as ΤHΕΟΣ, ΠHΙΛΟΣ, ΚHΡΟΝΟΣ for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. But let the studious herein read Scaligers whole Discourse or Digression in his Notes vpon Eusebius his Chronicle, who also giueth the examples mentioned by Herodotus: ΑΜΠHΙΤΡΥΟΝ. Μ. ΑΝΕΤHΕΚΕΝ. ΕΟΝ. ΑΠΟ. ΤΕΛΕΒΑΟΝ. in the moderne Letters, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, The like he doth in diuers others. But an old Inscription [ 10] in Ionike Letters I could not but transcribe from him. It was ingrauen in a Piller in Via Appia, thence remoued to the Farnesian Gardens; whereby it appeares that these Ionike Letters conti∣nued in Italy long after they had ceassed in Greece.

ODENI. ΘEMITON METAKINESAI
EK. TO. TRIOΠIO. HO. ESTIN. EΠI. TO
TRITO. EN. TEI. HODOI. TEI. AΠΠIAI.
EN TOI. HERODO. AΧROI. O ΧAR
LOION. TOI. KINESANTI. MARTVS. [ 20]
DAIMON. EN HODIA. KAI. KORES
ANAΘEMA. KAI ΧΘONION. ΘEON. KAI. ❀.

The same Inscription in later Greeke Letters.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 [ 30]
〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. ❀

* 2.86Plinie saith that the Pelasgi first brought Letters into Italy: Heurnius cites these Verses out of an old Booke touching the Inuenters of Letters.

Moses primus Hebraicas exarauit literas: Mente Phoenices Sagaci condiderunt Atticas: [ 40] Quas Latini scriptitamus edidit Nicostrata: Abraham Syras & idem reperit Chaldaicas Isis arte non minore protulit Aegyptias: Gulfila prompsit Getarum quas videmus vltimas.

But who is so literate as to reduce the Letters of each Nation to their first founder? it see∣ming probable, that as Nations became more ciuill, so some more Heroike Spirit in each Na∣tion deuised new of himselfe, or deriued the old from some other Nation, or made a mixture of both: besides that the conquered Nations vsually haue receiued in some part both Language, [ 50] and Letters, with their Lawes from the Conquerors:

We see still that those which teach short writing, can and doe deuise new Characters daily for that purpose; that others ordaine Cyphres or Characters only knowne to those whom the Au∣thour shall impart the skill vnto; and these diuersified ad libitum, as any intends to impound or pale in his secrets or mysteries of State, or Art; some of which perhaps in processe of time haue beene made vulgar and ordinary Letters. These mysticall Writers haue also deuised other Arts of concealement, as writing with Allume water, not to be read after it is once dried, but laid in water; with an Onyon, to be read at the fire, &c.

Now for the varietie and differing formes, Art hath superabounded: both in the subiect and instrument,* 2.87 some writing with Pencils as the Iap••nites and Chinois, others with Pens, others [ 60] with Instruments of Iron as the Malabars, of Gemmes, Brasse also, or other metall, in Table-bookes, Leaues, Barkes, Wood, Stone, Aire, Sand, Dust, Metall, Paper, Cloth, Parchment, and innumerable other materials: in the forme also and manner, with Quippos in Stones or Threads, as in Peru; with Pictures in Mexico, and the Egyptian Hieroglyphikes; with Characters,

each expressing a word or thing, not a letter, as the Chinois, Iaponites, and our Arithmeticians and Astronomers in the figures of their Arts; some with fiery Torches,* 2.88 as you may read in Captaine Smiths following Relations; the most haue vsed letters, which by Art are disposed to frame all words, and hath beene the most complete kind of writing which euer was. But Babel neuer had more confusion of languages then Letters haue sustained alteration, differenced both by place and time, yea and by the humours of men. Thus not onely diuers languages haue diuers letters, but the same language, as it changeth with time, so the letters also are diuersified, as in the Ionike and later Greeke▪ hath beene obserued, from both which the Moderne Greekes write much diffe∣ringly. In this our Countrey wee haue had manifold successions of letters in succeeding ages, as is most easie to be seene in well furnished Libraries,* 2.89 and that especially of the Miracle of industry [ 10] in this kind, Sir Robert Cotton, both in Bookes, Chartells, and Letters. The Conquerour (as In∣gulfus, Edmerus and others then liuing obserue) would not indure the English Language or Let∣ters,* 2.90 whereby the Saxon Letters are now commonly extinct. And both all Records of old, and the diuers Courts of this Kingdome, yea euery Copy-booke, and each writing Masters Master∣piece hanged forth to publike view, easily manifest the passed and present varietie of Letters in common vse at the same time. It is impossible therefore to giue an example of all, either Letters or Languages. Yet in this so Generall a History, I thought it would minister some delight to the Reader, to haue a taste of that immense varietie, which here out of Thesius Ambrosius, Postellus, Duretus, Scaliger, Gramaye, Lazius, &c. we exhibite.

Let the Reader take notice also of the varying in lines, some reading (as the Latines, Greekes,* 2.91 [ 20] and most of the Europaeans) from the left hand to the Right sidewayes; the Hebrewes, Ara∣bikes, and most of the Indians (except the Malabars and Siamites) from the right to the left: the Iugres, Cathayans, Tartars, that is the most of the Easterne and Northeasterne Asians write their lines downeward, and multiply them from the left hand to the right,* 2.92 as you may see in the Iaponian charters following. And in Patane they vse three, both languages and sorts of writing: the Malayan, which I haue seene in Arabike characters written from the right hand; that of Siam from the left, and that of China downewardes. The people of Tangut (North-neighbours to China) are said to write from the right hand to the left, and to multiply their lines vpwards. The Mexicans had writings in forme of a wheele, which were read from the Center vpwards to the Circumference.* 2.93 In Honduras they had Bookes of Paper made of Cot∣ton-Wooll, [ 30] or the inner Barke of Trees, or of Metleleaues, folded like Broad-cloathes, the writing whereof was partly painting (where such things as had forme or figure were therein represented) partly in Hieroglyphicall characters, as Fishhookes, Starres, Snares, Files, &c. In these they kept their Records. And our Heralds Art keepeth records of pedegrees in a kinde of Heiroglyphikes, not much vnlike. To let passe Magicall characters, Thesius Ambrosius hath pub∣lished a confused kind of scroll, the Copie of one (hee saith) written by the Deuill. I had ra∣ther mention that which Eusebius in the life of Constantine recordeth written by Diuine hand, which some say was the Crosse, but by his description appeareth rather to haue beene the two first letters of Christs name, χ and ρ combined, with promise of victory to the pious Em∣perour, not in that signe (of the Crosse) but in Christ himselfe, to whom be glory for euer, Amen.

[ 40] The Phoenician or Samaritan Letters, which some say were the Mosaicall and first Hebrew, with the Names of the elder and later Syrians, and the Ionike and later Greeke Letters answering them, and answered by the Latine, we haue transcribed out of Ioseph Scaliger in this forme and order.

Appellationes Syrorum posterierū.	Appellationes Syrorum veterum.	Phoeniciae litterae.	Graecae literae recentiorum & Ionum veterum.	Latinae.
Olaph.	Alpha. א	〈☐〉〈☐〉	Α Α Α	A αλφα.	A.
Beth.	Betha. ב	〈☐〉〈☐〉	Β.	βητα.	B.
Gomal.	Gamla. ג	〈☐〉〈☐〉	Γ Γ	Γ γαμμα.	C.
Dolath.	Delta. ד	〈☐〉〈☐〉	D Δ.	δελτα.	D.
He.	He. ה.	〈☐〉〈☐〉	E Ε	ει	E.
Wau.	Wau. ו	〈☐〉〈☐〉	ς Ϝ 〈☐〉〈☐〉.	〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉	F.
Zoe.	Zetha. ז	〈☐〉〈☐〉	Ζ.	ζητα.	G.
Heth.	Hetha. ח	〈☐〉〈☐〉	Η.	ητα.	H.
Teth.	Tetha. ט	〈☐〉〈☐〉	θ Θ Θ.	θητα.	. . .
Iud.	Iota. י	〈☐〉〈☐〉	Ι.	ιοτα.	I.
Chuph.	Kappa. כ	〈☐〉〈☐〉	Κ.	Καππα.	K.
Lomad.	Lambda ל	〈☐〉〈☐〉	Λ L.	λαμβδα.	L.
Mim.	Me. מ	〈☐〉〈☐〉	Μ Μ μ.	μυ.	M.
Nun.	Nun. נ	〈☐〉〈☐〉	Ν Ν.	νυ.	N.
Semchath.	Simcha. ס	〈☐〉〈☐〉	Ξ ξ	ξι.	. . .
E.	Oe. ע	〈☐〉〈☐〉	ο □.	ου.	O.
Phe.	Phe. פ	〈☐〉〈☐〉	Π Π.	πι.	. . .
Tzode.	Tzode. צ	〈☐〉〈☐〉	〈☐〉〈☐〉 〈☐〉〈☐〉.	〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.	P.
Kugh.	Kophe. ק	〈☐〉〈☐〉	〈☐〉〈☐〉 〈☐〉〈☐〉.	〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.	Q.
Resch.	Roe. ר	〈☐〉〈☐〉	Ρ Ρ.	ρο	R.
Schin.	Schin. ש	〈☐〉〈☐〉	S Σ Σ ʗ γ.	〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. σιγμα	S.
Thau.	Thau. ת	〈☐〉〈☐〉	Τ.	ταυ.	T.
			Y V υ.	υ.	. . .
			Φ Φ Φ ψ.	φι.	. . .
			χ 〈☐〉〈☐〉.	χι.	. . .
			Ψ.	ψι.	. . .
			Ω ω ω ◆ ω. ω.	〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.	X.

BY the figure of these Characters it is easie to bee gathered that the Letters (which Herodotus calleth 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, seene by him in the Temple of Apollo Ismenius at the Boeotian Thebes 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) were deuised by Cadmus, with no great alteration in the most from the Phoenician, except in the turning them from the right had posture to the left, and adding sometimes, sometimes cutting off some patticks. The Latine no lesse seemeth deriued from the Ionian, and are in the most the very same. Your eyes may easily discerne and iudge; and Scaligers Commentary is well worth your consultation herein, too long to transcribe or translate hither. Of the twenty two all had not the vse of Letters and Elements of writing amongst the Ionians, but sixteene onely: the rest were called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is notes, to wit, of Spirit or Numbers: and [ 60] therefore the first note s stands for the numerall VI. F is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in steed of Wan, wher∣of the Aeolians had frequent vse, which called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, & therefore was not reputed a Let∣ter, because it might be taken away without change to the word; it stands also for a note of the

spiritus lenis, as in that hexametre [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] it is neither Conso∣nant nor Vowell, there being a Synalaeph•• for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and no Position in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. H with the old Iones was as H with the Latines, as in that HODOI in the former Inscription is seene: they also vsed E onely, both long and short syllable, as in the same Inscription KINESANTI sheweth, and TEI for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Beda lib. de Indigitatione hath touching those 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 these words; Graec•• omnious suis literis exprimunt numeros. Verum toto Alphabeti sui charactere in numerorum figuras extenso, tres, qui plus sunt, numeros, notis proprijs quae ex Alphabeto non sunt depingunt. Prima est s quae dicitur Epi∣simon, & est nota numeri VI. Secunda est G, quae vocatur Kophe, & valet in numero XC. Tertia est 〈☐〉〈☐〉 quae dicitur Enneacosia quia valent DCCCC. But let the learned read Scaliger himselfe.

[ 10]

The Hebrew Letters and Names thereof now in vse are these.

[illustration] obelisk

• Aleph א
• Beth ב
• Gimel ג
• Daleth ד
• HE ה
• Vau ו
• Zain ז
• Cheth ח
• Teth ט
• Iod י
• Caph כ
• Lamed ﬥ ל
• Mem ם מ
• Nun ן נ
• Samec ס
• Ain ע
• Phe ף פ
• Tsadi ץ צ
• Coph ק
• Rec ר
• Cin ש
• Thau ת

[illustration] obverse of Samaritan coin

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

[illustration] reverse of Samaritan coin

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

[illustration] obverse of Samaritan coin

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

[illustration] reverse of Samaritan coin

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

I haue also added two Coines of the old Samaritan letters, the higher described from Postellus his Introduction of twelue languages, the lower from Bezas larger Annotations, Matth. 17. His words are Huius vero numi, id est dimidij Stateris argentei, qui quatuor Drachmarum erat quales ipsi Iudaei olim signarant, veram imaginem hic exprimendam curaui, expressam ex vero & puri pu••i argenti num••, mihi à sido illo Christi seruo D. Ambrosio Blaurero, donato. Habet autem hic numus Samaritanis li∣teris

insignis, vna ex parte vrnam illam sacram, in qua recondita fuit Manna, superposita litera Aleph, qua declaratur simplex hic fuisse siclus, duarum videlicet drachmarum, cùm duplex esset drachmarum quatuor, cum inscriptione [SCHEKEL IISRAEL] id est, Siclus Israel: ex alteravero, Virgam illā Aaronis florentem, cum inscriptione [IERVSCHALAIM KODSCHAH] idest Ierusalem Sancta. That of Postellus (of Siluer also) differeth somewhat in the figure and the superscription S. B. which (I conceiue) signifieth that it was a double Shekel.

I haue added an Obeliske or Columne inscribed with Egyptian Hieroglyphikes, copied out of Gramaye; and in the basis thereof haue added another described out of Laurentius Pignorius his Mensae Isiacae expositio, where the Reader may feast himselfe with Characters of that kind. I also haue elsewhere giuen some of those Egyptian figures.* 2.94 These I thought good to adde for illustra∣tion of that mention of the Crosse in the Ecclesiastical History against the Egyptian figures in the Temple of Sarapis, which occasioned the conuersion of many Ethnikes to Christianity.

The Alphabets following wee haue distinguished by figures, for the Readers better vnderstanding of the exposition added. Wherein we haue most followed Gramayes.

[illustration]

• 1 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• 2 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• 3 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• 4 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• 5 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• 6 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• 7 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• 8 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• 9 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

1. THe first is that of the Alans or Lumbards, set forth by Patricius: other haue beene pub∣lished by Bonauentura Vulcanius in his Specimen Variarum linguarum, and others. 2. The old Aleman Alphabet of Trithemius, much different from those of de Bry, Hermannus Hugo, and Iames Bonauentura. 3. An olde Magicke Alphabet of Homorius Thebanus, of which there are other kinds too many. 4. An Alchymicke of Cid Abdalla, of which the Africans haue other sorts. 5. Gramay saith, it is an old English Alphabet sometimes published by Sir Thomas Moore. 6. The A B C. vsed by the Priests of Iupiter Ammon, deuised by Mercurius Aegyptius. 7. The Abassine attributed to Salomon; many others by many others are so inscribed. 8 The Assyrian, ascribed to Abraham. 9. The old Apulian, which inuerted and read from the bottome is one kind of the Armenian fathered on Saint Iohn Chrysostome.

[illustration]

• 10 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• 11 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• 12 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• 13 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• 14 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• 15 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• 16 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• 17 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• 18 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• 19 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

The 10. is an old Asian Alphabet ascribed to Peter the Hermit. 11. The old Attike of Iamael Megapolius. 12. The old Norman A. B. C. of Rollo. Duret and others haue other kindes. 13. The old Alphabet of the Baleares so described by Cid Yahia. 14. The Sueuian or old Frisian. 15. The old Cantabrian of Charles the Great. 16. The Bohni-Seruian or Slauonian of Saint Cyrill, that also diuersified. 17. The Burgundian or Astrologian of Ismael. 18.19. running or ••ast hand with Ciceros and Cyprians notes.

[illustration]

• 21 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• 22 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• 23 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• 24 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• 25 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• 26 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• 27 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• 28 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

20.21.22. are Cabalisticall Alphabets attributed, one to the Angell Raphael, the next to E∣noch, the third to Abraham: of which sorts Duret, Postell••s and others haue deliuered, with like credit to these. 23. The old Celtike of Doratus 24. The Carnike or Finnike of Vlphila. 25. The old Saxon of Otfridus Monachus. Lazius, Munster, Theseus Ambrosius, &c. haue described o∣thers. 26. The Punike. 27. The Cretan or Phrygian of Hercules. 28. The Chaldean of Abra∣ham, that also varied by others.

[illustration]

• 29 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• 30 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• 31 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• 32 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• 33 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• 34 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• 35 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• 36 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• 37 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

29. The old Corsica•• Alphabet. 30. The old Cimbrian of Hichus. 31. The old Danes 32. The old Dacian. 33. The old Dalmatike of Methodius. 34. Lumbard notes of Ciceroes Tiro. 35. The East Frankes of Hanibald. 36. The old Galles of Wastnaldus. 37. Gallograecian of Rotila. 38. Old German of Faramund.

[illustration]

• 38 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• 39 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• 40 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• 41 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• 42 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• 43 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• 44 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• 45 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• 46 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• 47 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

39. The Georgian of Saint Iames. 40. Old Gotike. 41. Getike or Massagetike. 42. Old Spanish-Gotike of Rodericus. 43. Old Scythian-Hunnike of Attila. 44. Two old Hetrurian. 45. Old Heluetian-Saxon▪ of Charles the Great. 46. Illyrian of Saint Ierome. 47. An African Alphabet in the last page of Gramayes Specimen linguarum & literarum vniuersi orbis: which hee thus nameth in their order; the first A••ps, A. the word signifieth an Eare. The second Ech, E. and both representeth and signifieth an Eye. The third Ifr. a Nose. I. The fourth Ombr O. The Tongue. 5. Vuld, a Hand. V. 6. Lambd. L. the Earth. 7. Mah, the Sea. M. The 8. Nisp. the Aire. N. 9. Rasch, Fire. R. 10. Bap. the Sunne. It is a B. and with a dash P. 11. Cek. The Moone. C. and with a dash K. 12. Dagt, the Sword of Mars D. and T. 13. Goreq. G. Mercurie. [ 60] 14. Vaf. Venus, V. and with a dash F. 15. Siach. Saturne. S. and with a dash X. 16. Theus. Iupiter.

It signifieth nothing but is added to the beginnings and ends of periods. They read, as the Hebrewes, from the right hand to the left, and the line should haue beene set the other way.

[illustration]

• 48 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• 49 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• 50 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• 51 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• 52 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• 53 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• 54 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• 55 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• 56 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• 57 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• 58 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

48. The Aethiopike Al∣phabet, with the Letter A. added thorowout. 49. Syriak. 50. Arabike. They haue diuers other sorts of Letters, as in Erpennius, Postellus, Megiserus and others which haue writ∣ten of them is seene. The Turkes also vse the same Letters and Points, or notes of vowels, howsoe∣uer their Language diffe∣reth much, being neerer the Persian and Tartarian. 51. Armenian. 52. Dal∣matian. 53. Russian. 54. The Iacobites. 55. Egyp∣tian. 56. Indian. 57. Per∣sian. 58. The old Syriake.

In these wee haue fol∣lowed Gramaye, but could haue giuen more complete and exact Alphabets, if the cutting had not beene so exceeding chargeable; This for a taste may serue, and we all know, that in our own & other Tongues and Nations (as hath been said) the Letters and kinds of writing are exceedingly diuersified: so that for any man to expect all the Let∣ters of all Countries must needs bee impossible, each varying so much in it selfe.

I haue added also this Copie of

[illustration]

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Malabar Writing, read as the Latine from the right hand, written with a needle in a Palme leafe folded vp, of [ 50] which I haue two of great length and many folds.

The China Characters are seene in our Map of China, the Iaponian in the Charter of that Em∣perour to our Merchants in Captaine Saris his Iournall, as also the Indostan and Arabike;* 2.95 the Mexican Hieroglyphikes in a whole Historie therein written. Wee haue ended with our owne ancient Saxon Characters. But first will giue you another sort of Vlphilas Gotike Characters set forth by De Bry. [ 60]

Vlphilas Gotike, and the Saxon Alphabet.

• ...* 3.1〈☐〉〈☐〉
• ...〈☐〉〈☐〉
• ...〈☐〉〈☐〉
• ...〈☐〉〈☐〉
• ...〈☐〉〈☐〉
• ...〈☐〉〈☐〉
• ...〈☐〉〈☐〉
• ...〈☐〉〈☐〉
• ...〈☐〉〈☐〉
• ...〈☐〉〈☐〉
• ...〈☐〉〈☐〉
• ...〈☐〉〈☐〉
• ...〈☐〉〈☐〉
• ...〈☐〉〈☐〉
• ...〈☐〉〈☐〉
• ...〈☐〉〈☐〉
• ...〈☐〉〈☐〉
• ...〈☐〉〈☐〉
• ...〈☐〉〈☐〉
• ...〈☐〉〈☐〉
• ...〈☐〉〈☐〉

	A	a
b	b
c	c
d	d
E	E
e	e
F	f
ʒ	g
h	h
i	i
l	l
m	m
n	n
o	o
p	p
q	q
r	r
S	S
s	s
t	t
u	u
ƿ	w
X	X
x	x
ẏ	y
AE	ae
Þ	Th
ð	th
þ	th
&	and
{that}	that

The end of the first Booke.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Plaut.
• * 1.2

  Terent.
• * 1.3

  Prou. 30.2. 2. Kin. 6.5.
• * 1.4

  Gen. 34.2. Gen. 30.11.
• * 1.5

  See M Sel••en Syntog. 1. De D. Syris.
• * 1.6

  Matth. 6.29.
• * 1.7

  Apoc. ••.
• * 1.8

  Apoc. 21.10, 11, 18, 22, 23.
• * 1.9

  Ac. ••7.
• * 1.10

  Whitak. descrip. q. 5.
• * 1.11

  Hieron. Ep. 84. August. de doc. Christ. l. 2. c. 40. Basil. hom. 24. de legend. lib. Gen∣til. Greg. Nyssens in vit. Mosis. 1. Co. 2.14. 1. T. 3.16.
• * 1.12

  Col. ••. Prou. 1.
• * 1.13

  1. Co. 3.12.
• * 1.14

  Ier. 5••.
• * 1.15

  Ap. 21.24.
• * 1.16

  1. Reg. 10.8.
• * 1.17

  Apoc. 21.18. Vi. P. Pil. l. 8▪ c. 1
• * 1.18

  Apoc. 3.12 & 7 11. c. 15.11.
• * 1.19

  Ps. 16.
• * 1.20

  Ap. 21 22. e. 3.1.15.
• * 1.21

  Philo de vita Mo••. l. 1. Aug. quaest. 39. in Ex∣od d••o i••benti ministerium praebuerunt. Tho. 2.2. q. 104. ar. 4.
• * 1.22

  Aug. de Ciu. D. l. 4 c. 4.
• * 1.23

  Cyp. Ep. ad Donat. l. ••. Ep. ••. Ac. 17.26.
• * 1.24

  Prou. 5.15, 17.
• * 1.25

  Deut. 23.
• * 1.26

  Virg.
• * 1.27

  Ez. 27. & 28.
• * 1.28

  Ez. 27.33.
• * 1.29

  Virg. Ae••.
• * 1.30

  Sunt autem pri∣uata nulla na∣tura. Cic.
• * 1.31

  Horat.
• * 1.32

  Auienus.
• * 1.33

  Omnia rerum vsurpantu erant Aurenus.
• * 1.34

  Ov. Met. l. 1.
• * 1.35

  Ov. Met. l. 6▪
• * 1.36

  Virg. Aen. ••.
• * 1.37

  Rom▪ 2.
• * 1.38

  Rom. 2. Acts 17. 1. Cor. 15. Tit. 1.
• * 1.39

  Man in his fall was robbed of supernaturall, wounded in his naturall gifts. Supernaturall we call those gifts which now are not ob••ained but by Gods free gift, and called the n••w man in right••ousnes & h••l••nesse, Eph. 4. Na••ur••ll, ••hose whi••h r••maine to and in de∣c••yed nature.
• * 1.40

  Fou••e kinds of 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 1.41

  See my Micro∣cosme or Pil∣grime.
• * 1.42

  Pro. 16.31.
• * 1.43

  1 Cor. 6.20. & 7.23. Lu. 11. Psa. 2.
• * 1.44

  Christian li∣berty.
• * 1.45

  Gal. 5. 1 Cor. 7. The Pope de∣nies his bap∣tismall name, the other is re∣baptised.
• * 1.46

  A•• is the vse of some Pa∣rishes after Lamas, &c.
• * 1.47

  Sen Epist. 9.
• * 1.48

  Ad viuendum multis reb opu•• est, ad bene vi∣uendum ••ni∣mo sanc & ••ro∣cto & despicien∣te 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.49

  Laert. in Zen.
• * 1.50

  Laert. in Diog.
• * 1.51

  Tertul.
• * 1.52

  Ioh. 8.
• * 1.53

  Tertul. de Pat. faith of the Philo••opher, caecae viuunt. Ma••. 4. Col. ••. 1. Th••s. 5.
• * 1.54

  Ph. 4.11, 12, 13. Disciplina, Sci∣en••i••, Myste∣rium Imperium est 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ista, Re∣gina artium, quod e••verbis Paulinis apparet 1. C••r. 2.14.
• * 1.55

  Ioh. 15. 1. Cor. 15.
• * 1.56

  Luk. 22. 2 Cor 6.10. 1. Cor. 9.4. Verse 19.
• * 1.57

  ••. Cor. 9.26, 27.
• * 1.58

  & 10.••4, 33. Gal. 1.10.
• * 1.59

  Ephes. 3.
• * 1.60

  Rom. 14.17.
• * 1.61

  Som. Scip▪ Plin. l. 2.
• * 1.62

  1. Co. 3.22▪ Heb. 2.
• * 1.63

  Heb. 12.
• * 1.64

  Apoc. 21.
• b 1.65

  1. Cor. 3. Ps. 39.20.4. v••t.
• c 1.66

  Cyprian▪
• * 1.67

  Heb. 11.1. Rom. 8. Col. 3.1.
• * 1.68

  D. Dee in a M. S.
• d 1.69

  The Sun is, if Art hath rightly measu∣red, aboue 166. times; the greatest stars, about 100. greater then the ear••h. Rom. 10.
• * 1.70

  1. Cor. 7. Ephes. 2.6. Rom. 6.5.
• * 1.71

  Ephes 4.
• * 1.72

  Psal. 16,
• * 1.73

  Sen. de benef. l. 7 c. 4. ad reges po∣testas pertinet, ad singulos do∣minium. Laert. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

  See Laert. in vit. Diog. & Amb. Ep. 7. where you may read Cala∣nus whole Epistle, and in the end of this Booke.
• * 1.74

  Cuncta cupit Croesus, Dio••e∣nes nihilum. Eum maximè diuitys frui qui minimè diuitijs indiget.

  Animus oportet se iudicet diui∣tem, n••n homi∣num sermo, &c. Cic. Coe••o ••egitur qui non hab••t vr••a••.
• * 1.75

  Omnia eius sunt non occupatione sed animo: & vniuersalitas il∣li, non haec singu∣la mancipantur. Tuetur hoc ipso quod intu••tur: Vid. Lip. Ma∣nud. ad Stoic. Phil. l. 3. diss. 11. & seq. Cyp. Ep. ad Do∣n••t. l. 2. Ep. 2. Gen. 25.6. Cic Parad. 5. 1. Tim. 1.8. Amb. Ep. 7. han∣dles this Theme lage∣ly, l••arnedly, g••dly▪ 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: La∣ert. in Zen••ne.
• a 1.76

  Epictetus. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 may be said of a good man, and his affections as Virgil of Augu∣stus, Victorque volentes, Per po∣pulos dat iura vtamque affe∣ctat Olympo. Ep••ct. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. Subducit se cu∣stodiae in qua te∣netur & Coelo reficitur. Sen. Ioh. 14.23. Gal. 2.2.20. Ioh. 6. Cant. 1. Bern. in Cant. 21 Sat••••s est vt me trahas vt vim qualiter comque mihi aut terren∣do, &c. trahe quodammodo in vita•• vt fa••ias voluntariam; trabe, torpentem vt reddas cur∣rentem, &c. Pro. 16 32. Suis ea cuique fing••••ur moribus Ci••. par. 5. 1. Cor. 7.3••. Ps. 62. Iob. 24.
• * 1.77

  Eph. 1. vlt. Pro. 14.17. Lips. Manuduct. li. 2. d. 1••. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Laert. in Zen••reguum potestas nulli obnoxia.
• * 1.78

  Senec.
• * 1.79

  Apoc. 2. & 3. Act. 3.
• * 1.80

  Tim. 6.
• * 1.81

  How good a good and wise King.
• * 1.82

  Sir F. Bacon Aduanc. of Learn. l. 1.
• c 1.83

  The Saxons expelled the Britaines with their learning. The Danes (af∣ter learning had blessed the Christiā Saxons) drowned all learned men, books, schools, arts, with a ••loud, that in K. Alfreds time himselfe writes there was not one Priest could vnder∣stand his Latin Seruice; and till the con∣quest this mist continued in great part, that Pri••st then be∣ing a wonder that knew his Grammer. Al∣fredi epist ••p. As∣ser. Men. Mat. Paris, An. 1067 Clerici ad••o lit. carebant vt cae∣teris st••pori esset qui gram. didi∣cisset.
• * 1.84

  Sir F. Drake was the first Generall that swam about the Globe, Candish the next.
• * 1.85

  In the questi∣on of Antichrist in his Maiesties Monit. Praeface
• * 1.86

  In the Mogols Country (whos Seas were the stage of this war) as I had by relation of Sir Tho. Roe Em¦bassador there.
• b 1.87

  King Iames his Newland.
• c 1.88

  The Whale fishing.
• d 1.89

  In the North∣west discouery by Hudson, But∣ton, Baffin &c. Boe••.

  Mari magno▪ &c See Bests voy∣age.
• * 1.90

  Psa. 144. vlt. Psa. 118.
• * 1.91

  Col. 1. & 2.
• * 1.92

  Tit. 1 vlt. 1 Tim. 4.
• * 1.93

  1 Cor. 7. 1 Tim. 6. Psa. 62. Mat. 6. Luk. 12.
• * 1.94

  Iud. Ep.
• * 1.95

  2 Pet. 2▪
• * 1.96

  Infidels pro∣priety. Ioh. 8.35.36.
• * 1.97

  Eph. 2.10. Col 1.16.17.1
• * 1.98

  Eph 2. Col. 1.
• * 1.99

  Gen. 1.26. & 3••.17.18▪ 19.
• * 1.100

  Gen. 1.7 8.
• * 1.101

  Act. ••7 26.
• * 1.102

  〈…〉〈…〉 19.20.••1.22. 1 ••eg. ••. Gen 47.20. Da••. 4. Ioh•• ••9 11.
• * 1.103

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.104

  Hence came the Law••ers 〈◊〉〈◊〉 vid S.T. Smith•• com∣mon w••••lth. l 3. c. 10.

  See this questi∣on ha••dled more l••rgely in baiting P. Alex his bull. l. 2. c. 1. Read also a Spanish diuine Fr. à Vi∣ctoria in his Re∣lect. de pot. Ecc. & de Indis, He with many ar∣guments con∣futeth this pre∣tended power of the Pope. Ca••e••an also 2.2. q. 66. a. 8. T. Aq. 2.2. q. 10. ar. 1. vid. vict. de Ind. n 31. & per∣totam••ela. in which he prou∣eth the Popes gift, &c. could not giue iust title to the In∣dies, and con∣futeth 7 titles as vniust. 1 King. 2.35. Vict. vbi sup. Bar¦bari sunt veri domini & pub∣licè & priuatim. Ius autem genti∣um ot quod in nullius bonis est, occupanti cedat. d §. fere best. 1 Chro. 18.13. 2 Cro. 21. Rom. 5. & 6 & 7 Gen▪ 4. Gen. 10. Act. 4 32.34. & 45. Luk. 12.14.
• * 1.105

  Thou shalt not steale: this some borderers are reported to hold first put into the deca∣logue by King Hen. 8. They sure are borde∣rers, that is, theeues in di∣uinitie which will t••ke it out of the decalogu
• * 1.106

  Gen. 7.22.
• * 1.107

  Gen. 9.2.
• * 1.108

  Vid. D. Amb. Hexa••m. l. 3. c. 5.
• * 1.109

  This is effe∣ct••d by such as saile about the World, as is knowne of all such as know the Sunnes course.
• * 1.110

  2. Chron. 8.
• * 1.111

  Ecc. 4. Iob 40.
• * 1.112

  Rom. 2.
• * 1.113

  Ab. ••.
• * 1.114

  Rom. 12.
• * 1.115

  Ecc. 2.13.21.
• * 1.116

  Ecc. 1.13.1••.
• * 1.117

  Acost. hist. Ind. l. 3. c. 15.
• * 1.118

  2. Ioh. 2.
• * 1.119

  Psal. 107.
• * 1.120

  1. Sam. 17.
• * 1.121

  1. Reg. 9.26.
• * 1.122

  1. Pet. 3.21.
• * 1.123

  Apoc. 21.22, 23. Gen. 15.1. 1. Cor. 15.
• * 1.124

  I. G••rop Bec••••. Hispanic▪ l. 5.
• * 1.125

  Iosep· Antiq. l. 8. c. 2.
• * 1.126

  Str. l. 16.
• * 1.127

  See li 7. c. 6 §. 4.5▪ lib. 8. c. 13.
• * 1.128

  See li. 7. c. 6. in fine.
• * 1.129

  Ge. 25.25, 30.
• * 1.130

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.131

  P••st. de Origini∣••us.
• * 1.132

  See Satis his voyage l. 4. c. 1. §. 3.
• * 1.133

  Phot. Bib. Co. 1322. & seq. Mela de siti•• orbis 3.7. P••in. l. 6. c. 23. Strab. 16
• * 1.134

  Pineda de reb. Salom. li. 4. c. 10. thinketh this Red Sea to be so named of Red Weeds growing there∣in, so ioyning Suph and Ery∣thraeum in one speculation. But those red Herbs are his creatures: or neither he ci∣teth, not can I find any au∣thentike Au∣thor for them. Agatharchides in Phot••us hath 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.135

  2. Chron▪ 21.8. 2 Re••. 14.22. 2 Reg. 16.6.
• * 1.136

  The Editiō of Brix••••nus hath Idumae: & Syri venerunt, &c. to which a Manuscript of M. Fuller a∣greeth.
• * 1.137

  S••r. l▪ 16.
• * 1.138

  Arriani Peripl••••
• * 1.139

  Hier. de loc. Heb.
• * 1.140

  He which will see more of these Antiqui∣ties let him read M. Fuller.
• * 1.141

  Mystery of the Phoenix.
• * 1.142

  Ezek. 27. & 28.
• * 1.143

  Originall of the ••ables of Bacchus and Hercules.
• * 1.144

  Take away the Greeke ter∣mination and it is euident. P••ut. Symp••s l. ••▪ One makes it 157. & a halfe, the other 150.
• * 1.145

  Hieron. Epist. ad Fabiol.
• * 1.146

  Co••. Venet. Ram. To. 1. See inf. l. 8. c. 1•• of th••se De∣serts and of Sues. Satalia is in Pamphil••a and another (some say) in Cilici••▪
• * 1.147

  1. Cor. 7.4.
• * 1.148

  Gen. 10.26, 27, 28, 29, 30.
• * 1.149

  Sepharuaim. 2. Reg. 17. is a name as like, and true, ad∣ding but a Sa∣mech to Parua∣im a name of a place subdued by the Assyrian••▪ Vega. com. reales l. 1. c. 4.5. See his story Tom. 2. l. 7. c. 13.
• * 1.150

  Lopez de Goma∣ra Gen. hist. c. 52
• * 1.151

  Blas Val. hist. Peru. Acost. hist. l. 1. cap. 13.
• * 1.152

  Lem. de Occultis Nat. mirac. l. 3. c 4.

  Full. Miscel. l. 4. c 19. Ec. 1.10.
• * 1.153

  Ioseph cont. Ap∣pionem.

  See Voss. de hist. graecis in foure Bookes·

  Salomon had all knowledge ne∣cessary to Mo∣rall, Politike and sauing wisdom, and to the ends for which God gaue him so large a heart. But the Sea ha••h bounds, & so had Salomons wisdom. Some∣what was left for Iohn Baptist to be greater then he, or any borne of wo∣m••n. Neither was the know∣ledge of the Compasse ne∣cessarie to Sa∣lomon, who without it could and did compasse the Gold of Ophir.
• * 1.154

  Aboue 13000 miles space. Perhaps the Whale-con∣stellation took vp this Sea Whale into his Chariot, some p••rt of the way.
• * 1.155

  Pl••••ti Mer••••••.
• * 1.156

  Rom. 11.33, 34.
• * 1.157

  Cic. Acada. Ego meas cognitio∣nes sic dirigo, non ad illam par••u∣lam Cynosuram, Qua fidunt du∣ce nocturna Phaenices in al∣tum. vt ait A∣ratus &c. Certior est Cyno∣sura tamen sul∣cantibus aequor, &c. Arat. In the begin∣ning of the second books. The sixth rea∣son.
• * 1.158

  A second 〈◊〉〈◊〉 on for Hispa∣niola.
• * 1.159

  Colon a happier Discouerer of the new World then the old.
• * 1.160

  Third opinion for Soph••la.
• * 1.161

  See inf. l. 9. c. 12
• * 1.162

  Barros Dec. 1. l. 10.
• * 1.163

  T. Lopez ap. Ra∣musium Tom. 1.
• * 1.164

  Infra Tom. 1. pag. 1549.
• * 1.165

  A fourth and fifth opinions.
• * 1.166

  A sixth opini∣on.

  Ios. Acost. l. 1.14.
• * 1.167

  Inf. l. 4. c. 16.
• * 1.168

  See §. 12. for Acos••. opinion. Other opiniōs.
• * 1.169

  Gen. 10.31.32.
• * 1.170

  Prisc. l. 5. Hie••on. ad Ier. 5▪ A••nob. in Ps. 104. Aug de verb. Dom••s 25 cont. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. P••t. l. 3. De C.D. 16.6. &c Ber. A••d••••ie Anteg. l. 2 c. 2.
• * 1.171

  Scalig. in ••ro∣legom. vlt. edit. Emend. Temp. Selden. de D. S. prolegom. c. 2. The Spies ha∣uing such ser∣uile education in Egypt had no meanes ••o learn tongues▪ Gen. 45.12.
• * 1.172

  America newly inhabited.
• * 1.173

  Chaldaea, Syria,
• * 1.174

  See Acosta, and the Picture story To. 2. l. 5. c. 7. & Vega his Inca story, l. 7 c. 13.
• * 1.175

  Montan•• Pha∣leg. Broughtons Concent. see my Pilg. l. 1.
• * 1.176

  Gen. 10.
• * 1.177

  Gen. 25.
• * 1.178

  Iob. 1.15.
• * 1.179

  1. Reg. 10.
• * 1.180

  Gal. 4.
• * 1.181

  Rom. 14.17. Gal. 4.
• * 1.182

  Ortelū Thes. Geogr. in voce Taurus.
• * 1.183

  Ptol l. 7. Tab. 4. Asia.
• * 1.184

  2 Reg. 17.22. & 19.13 Esay 36▪ &c.
• * 1.185

  Hee nameth Mes•• and Se∣phar as ••etter knowne, & but the entry of their further population, ad montes orien••is vsque, as Tre∣melli•••• tran∣slates.
• * 1.186

  Tab. Asiae 11. Indiae ext. Gan.
• * 1.187

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.188

  Herod. Thal. Pro. 6. & 30.
• * 1.189

  Fab. de reb. Met. Pl. l. 6. c. 19.
• * 1.190

  Plut. Alexand.
• x 1.191

  Erannoboa perhaps is now Iem••i. Strab. 1.15.
• y 1.192

  Sanb••l stands where Iemni fals into Gan∣ges.

  D, S. l. 3. c. 10.
• * 1.193

  Mela. l. 4. c. 8. Plin. l 6.21. Solin. cap. 54.
• * 1.194

  See To. 2. l. 1. c. 4 §. 6. ••a. 92. & pag. 394. Cardandan a∣bout the head of Ganges.
• * 1.195

  ••sid. l. 14. c. 3••
• * 1.196

  Aelian de ani∣mal. l. 4. c. 27.
• * 1.197

  See the Glosse & Lyran. in 1. reg. 9.
• * 1.198

  See my Pilgri∣mage Linschoten, Fitch, Balbi, all which haue written of these parts. Aelian de ani••••▪
• * 1.199

  Barthema.
• * 1.200

  Frederik. See l. 10.
• * 1.201

  Fitch.
• * 1.202

  Gansa is a mix∣ture of Brasse and Tim. Balbi began his iourney 1579. he came to Pe∣gu A. 1583. and staid till 1586. in which space was a combat betwixt the Kings of Aua and Pegu on E∣lephance, and the King of A∣ua slaine.
• * 1.203

  P. P. l. 5. c. 3
• * 1.204

  One Copy ha••h 600. ••ar∣ric hath 700.
• * 1.205

  He placeth Ca∣laminhan twixt Pe••u and China neere to Prom.
• * 1.206

  Peregrin. F. M.
• * 1.207

  Pinto c. 39.
• * 1.208

  Peguan tradi∣tion.
• * 1.209

  The cause why Ortelius reiect∣ed the opinion of Iosephus.
• * 1.210

  See Inf. p. 121.
• * 1.211

  See Inf. pa. 468. & 532.
• * 1.212

  Ins. 217 & seq.
• * 1.213

  To. 1. li. 9. c. 12. § 3. To. 2. l. 5. c. 2. § ••. &c. 3 &c. See Brerewood de Numm••s c. 20 22. Pollux invo∣ce ••alentum Hesan 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 & 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Li••. l. 38. Pl. l. 3 c. 3. Hero. Thalia.
• * 1.214

  Gerop. Pine. &c.
• * 1.215

  T••l Ioma fol. 44. Hi••r••n 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 10. Iob 22.24 & 28 16. 1 C••r. 29.4
• a 1.216

  6003550. at halfe a shekel a man ••ay 100. talents and 3550. shekels: so that 600000 pay 300 talents & consequen••∣ly a talent is 6000. halfe shekels.
• * 1.217

  1. Reg. 10.10▪ Exod. 38.24, 25
• * 1.218

  2. Chron. 1.12.
• * 1.219

  Villal. To. 2. Explan. p. 2. c. 44 & seqq.

  Siluer brought home much more then Gold.

  1. Chron. 9.27. & 1. Reg. 10.21 1. Chro 9.23, 24
• * 1.220

  Villap. vbi sup. raiseth the tri∣butes of Israel to 120. talents each Tribe▪ & as much of Hi∣ram (of whose subiection I dispute not, it agreeth with Canaans curse, and the pro∣mise of all Ca∣naan to Israel) which together make 1560. ta∣lēts 26254800. Roman ducats: besides Siluer and all other profits which he brought to∣gether aboue Assuerus, Alex∣ander, the Roman Empire with faire pro∣babilities.
• * 1.221

  Whether Da∣uid sent Fleets to Ophir.
• * 1.222

  1. Chron. 22.1••▪ & 18, 11. D. Dee.
• * 1.223

  1. Chron. 27.25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31.
• * 1.224

  Two remark∣able pillers of Royall Magni∣ficence, Hus∣bandry on Land, and Na∣uigation by sea
• * 1.225

  1. Chron. 17.11, 12. & 20.35, 36▪ 37.
• * 1.226

  D. Dee.
• * 1.227

  1. King•• 20 27.
• * 1.228

  Gemmes.
• * 1.229

  Plin. l. 37. c 4.
• * 1.230

  See C. Saris. l. 4. c. 2.•• Taniapura.
• * 1.231

  Garc. ab Hort•• l. 1. c. 47.
• * 1.232

  Exod. 24.10. Epiphan. ••ibel. de 12. gemmis. Od. Barbosa.
• * 1.233

  Linschot. cap. 86
• * 1.234

  Gar. cap. 49.
• * 1.235

  Lins. c. 87.
• * 1.236

  Pineda de Reb. Salom. l. 4. c. 18. Of Indian store of Iewells and their richnesse see inf. 217.550.558.559. 1. Reg. 10.12.
• * 1.237

  Terrises or ••••aire•• are ad∣ded, 2. Chr. 9.11 Ios. 1.8. c. 2. It seemes to haue bin writ∣ten by M. Hakl. hand, amongst whose papers I had it; & haue here made much vse of it, although 〈◊〉〈◊〉 much later and better in∣telligence be here also cited.
• * 1.238

  The Spanish Bible reads Brasilwood.
• * 1.239

  Plin. l. 13. c. ••6.
• * 1.240

  Of their Trees and of Ele∣phants, see M. Terry l. 9. c. 6. §. 2. of their Apes as big as Grey-hounds ib. §. 3▪ See also Santos, Iobson, Leo and many others in this worke.
• * 1.241

  Peacocks wild, Parrots, Apes, great & white, se•• 436, &c.
• * 1.242

  These Apes are tailed.
• * 1.243

  Plin. l. 6. cap. 23▪ As couetous rich men are euer needy & greedy, so In∣dia hath euer swallowed in Trade the wor••ds Trea∣sure, and yet is the Treasu∣ry of the World.
• * 1.244

  Muziris is by some thought to be C••aul by Arrianus in his Periplus 〈◊〉〈◊〉 is placed more Sou••herly, on that which we call the Mala∣bar Coast. D. Dee thinkes it Surat.

  Voyage of O∣nesicritus and Nearchus. Plin. l. 6. c. 22. Voyage to Taprobana.
• * 1.245

  Liber••us.
• * 1.246

  That is 1250. miles which cannot agree to Zeilan but Sumatra: the Easterly ••cit••∣ation al••o vltra ••on••es Emodos and commerce with Seres a∣gree to Suma∣tra.

  Arrian. l. 8.
• * 1.247

  Inf. to. 1. l. 7. c. 6.
• * 1.248

  Cosir.
• * 1.249

  Thirty two miles a day al∣lowed for the whole Voyage one day with another: for what that fra∣ctiō lacks must be allowed ••n going from Cape Negraes either to the mouth of Gan∣ges or Aua, or some other Port.
• b 1.250

  See l. 2. c. 1•• §. 2. A whole age had passed before they discouered farre as the Cape of Good Hope. Sum. ••otal.
• * 1.251

  D. Dees recko∣ning.
• * 1.252

  Salomons ser∣uants sent to Ophir were not Israelites. 1 Reg. 9.20.21.22
• * 1.253

  1 Reg. 5.14.
• * 1.254

  Villa••••••nd. Pineda, &c.
• * 1.255

  First Merchants and the diuers Marts for Spi∣ces.

  Gen. 37.23.28.
• * 1.256

  Ier. 8.22. & 22.6
• * 1.257

  Su••das,
• * 1.258

  See Full. Miscel.
• * 1.259

  Est••. 8.9. Herod. Thalia.
• * 1.260

  Aegyptians.
• * 1.261

  Ios. Ant••q. l. 8. c. 4 Strab. l. 16.
• * 1.262

  2 Chro. 35. Herod. l 4.
• * 1.263

  Pl. l. 6. c. 29. Diod. S. c. l. 1. c 3 Plin. l. 6. c. 29.
• * 1.264

  Some make Psamme••icus •• worker also in this Trench.
• * 1.265

  Arsine•• or Sue••. Furer. voiage ins. l. 8. c. 13. Strab. l. 17.
• * 1.266

  Alexandria.
• * 1.267

  See Leo & 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.268

  See in••. l. 2. c. 2•• §. 2.
• * 1.269

  Pham vol. 1. fol. 371.
• * 1.270

  Dioscu••••••. Strab l 11. Plin. l. 6. c. 5.
• * 1.271

  Bagdet. Mecca.
• b 1.272

  This caused so much wars to the Portu∣gal•• from the Moores, the Mamalukes, and the Turkes: and since from them to Ours and the Dutch. Ant. G••luano & Ramus. Boghar. Astracan. Nouogrode. Caffa. Trapezond. Ormus. Moha. London.

  Lib. 5. cap. vlt. Anastas. Sinaitai lib. 12. Hexam. Pined. de reb. Salom.

  Acosta de Nat. Noui orb. l. 1. c▪ 13, 14.
• * 1.273

  Acost. de Nat. N. Orb. l. 1. c. 13. & 14.
• * 1.274

  The bounds of Ophir.
• * 1.275

  Rihera, Pineda, &c. 1. Reg. 10 22. 2. Chton. 9.21. Th•• Kings ships w••nt to Tharshish &c. euery thr••e yeeres o••ce came the sh••ps from Tha••sh••sh.
• * 1.276

  Ribera in Ion 1. Cornel. Corn. in Es. 2. Forerius in Es. 2. E••. Saa in Ps. 47 Marin. in Arca. Leo Iud. 3. Reg. 10. Villalpand. in Eze. ••7 R. Mos. Had. in Ps 71.
• * 1.277

  1. Reg. 22.48.
• * 1.278

  Post. de Orig••n.
• * 1.279

  Cha••. 2. Parap. 9. Sam. ib. Rib. in Ion ••.
• * 1.280

  Gen. 10.4.
• * 1.281

  Ios. 15.12.
• * 1.282

  Ionas 1. H••eron. in Ion. 1. Ps. 72.11. By some vn∣discreet and vaine Cutters or Printers flatterie, or ig∣norance insen∣sible of diuine mysteries, in the ••ore∣front of a great Booke, some words of this Psalme proper to Christ are ap∣plied to his Maiesties pi∣cture; Omnes gentes seruient ei, &c. which I mention to vindicate both that Scripture and his M••ie∣stie from ca∣calumnie.
• * 1.283

  See Tom. 2. ••••g. 19.
• * 1.284

  Strab. l. 3.
• * 1.285

  Circumnaui∣gations of A∣frike rare.
• * 1.286

  Herod. l. 4.
• * 1.287

  Plin. l. 2. c. 67.
• * 1.288

  Strab. l. 2.
• * 1.289

  Psal. 72.
• a 1.290

  Gal. 4.
• b 1.291

  Marke 16.15
• c 1.292

  Gen. 1.26.•• 2.7.22.
• * 1.293

  Folly and madnesse of enuie euen in those wis••st cretures taken by a higher Wisdome in their owne craftinesse! who enuying man his Para∣dise lost their owne Heauen and God; yea, left those Thrones and Principali∣ties of Princi∣palities and Thrones to bee by Gods mercie recouered and rep••ssessed by Men whom they had made sinfull, Christ victorious.
• d 1.294

  Ier 15.1.
• e 1.295

  Esay 18.5.
• f 1.296

  1. Iohn 3.
• g 1.297

  1. Cor. 15.
• h 1.298

  Ber. de dilig. Deo.
• i 1.299

  Phil. 2.
• k 1.300

  Ga••. 3.
• l 1.301

  Io. 1.
• m 1.302

  Eph. 4.8, 9.10, 11.
• n 1.303

  Amb. de poe∣nit. l. 2. c. 10.
• * 1.304

  Gal. 5.
• o 1.305

  Gal. 2.
• p 1.306

  Mat. 16.24.
• * 1.307

  Heb. 11.16. Ps. 39.12.
• q 1.308

  Mat. 24.14. Mark. 16. vlt.
• r 1.309

  Luk. 2.
• s 1.310

  Mat. 2.
• t 1.311

  Mat. 9.3••
• * 1.312

  How Bellarmine contradicts himselfe tou∣ching the Pope and Bishops succeeding the Apostles. See Torti Torti p. 248. and how improperly Gregory is cal∣led, our Apostle 325.
• a 1.313

  Acts 10.28. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• b 1.314

  Mat. 23.2. & 5.1. Luk. 4.20.
• c 1.315

  Greg. Ep, 38. &c.
• e 1.316

  Gal. 2.6, 7.
• f 1.317

  Mar. 16.20.
• g 1.318

  Col. 1.6, 23.
• d 1.319

  Vid. Durandi Rat. l. 2. in prin∣cipio.
• h 1.320

  Mat. 28.
• i 1.321

  Rom. 11.12.
• k 1.322

  Sulp. Seuer. l. 2 ••dem ••ed. in 〈◊〉〈◊〉, 13.
• l 1.323

  Bell. de Rom. Pont▪ l. 3. c. 4. Lessius de An∣tich d. 8.
• m 1.324

  Rom. 11.12.
• n 1.325

  Luk. ••.1. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• o 1.326

  Acts 2.5.
• p 1.327

  Rom. 10.18.
• q 1.328

  Chrys. in Mat. hom. 76.
• r 1.329

  Theoph. in Mat. 24.21.
• s 1.330

  Hil. in Mat. Can. 25.
• t 1.331

  Tertul. de re∣sur. carnis c. 22. vid. Down. de Antich. part. 2. ad Lessij. dem. 8. who also citeth Euseb. Hicron. Ambros. Theod. ••gnat••us, &c.
• u 1.332

  Bern. de Pen∣tec.
• x 1.333

  Geneb. Chron. An. 44.
• a 1.334

  Acts 8.1. & 11.19.
• b 1.335

  Acts 10.13.
• d 1.336

  Acts 6.1. & 1. Pet. 1.1.
• c 1.337

  Gal. 2.6, 7.
• e 1.338

  Io. 7.35. V••d. Ios. Scal. Annot. in Euseb. p. 124. & Can. Isag. pag. 278.
• e 1.339

  Scal. cont. Se∣rar. trib.
• f 1.340

  Acts 6.9.
• g 1.341

  Baron. tom. 1. an 45. 1. Pet. 5.13. & Rhem. Annot. o•••• those words (the Church at Babylon saluteth you)
• * 1.342

  Dellarm. de R.P. ••ib••ra in Ap. &c.
• i 1.343

  See this largely proued in Conf. ••aino'd. Ch 6.
• k 1.344

  Onuph in P••at. diu. 3. vit. Pet.
• l 1.345

  Mar. Scot. an. 72. Babyloniam verbo praedica∣tionisillust••auere
• m 1.346

  Euseb. hist. Ec. l. 2. ca. 14.
• n 1.347

  Vlricus Vele∣nus his booke is extant with B. Fisher his an∣swer printed at Antwerpe 1522.
• n 1.348

  Gal. 2.6.
• p 1.349

  Nicep. Cal. Ec. hist. l. 2. c. 35.
• q 1.350

  Metaph. in 29. Iun.
• r 1.351

  O••uph. ad Pla. in vita Petri.
• s 1.352

  In Choropisco∣pos siue coadiu∣to••es sues insti∣tuit. peregrinati∣one deinde per totam ferè Eu∣ropam suscepta.
• t 1.353

  Hier. de script. Eccles. in verbo, Clemens.
• u 1.354

  Iren. l. 3. c. 31.
• x 1.355

  Eus. Chron. & hist. l. 3. c 19.
• y 1.356

  Iren vbi sup.
• z 1.357

  Rufi••. prefat. recognit Clem. ad Ga••dent.
• a 1.358

  Epip••••. haer 27
• * 1.359

  So Damasus in Pontif. sa••••h that Peter or∣dained Linus & Cletus vtpresen∣tialiter omne ministerium sa∣cerdotale exbi∣berent. And Ge∣nebrard. An. 81. saith of Linus & Cletus, eos Pe∣trus chorepisco∣pos fiue coadiu∣tores asciuit. & Marianus Scotus An. 59. Linus coepiscopus sub. Petro A••o••tolo exteriora cura∣uit. An. 70. Cle∣tus coe••••, copus successit. after the p••oofe hereof, out of Pope Leo, ads Post Petrum, imò cum Petro, primus papa S. Clem. Romanam regit eccles.
• a 1.360

  Dorat. Synops.
• b 1.361

  Ap. Hieron. Catol scrip. Eccl.
• c 1.362

  Nic. hist. Ec. l. 2. c. 39.
• d 1.363

  Orig. in Ge. l. 3 Euseb. hist. l. 3. c. 1
• e 1.364

  Greg. Naz. Orat. in Arian.
• f 1.365

  Tert. l. 4. cont. Mart.
• g 1.366

  Iren. l. 3. c. 3.
• h 1.367

  Prochor. in hist. S. Ioan. in Biblioth. pat. to. 2
• i 1.368

  Ba••on. to. 1. An. 44.
• k 1.369

  Metaph. in 5. Septem.
• l 1.370

  Relat. ex Ep. Iesuit. an. 1555.
• m 1.371

  Act. 12.
• n 1.372

  Bar. Mart••. Iul. 25.
• o 1.373

  Annal. to. 1. an. 44.
• p 1.374

  Duodeci•••• tribubus in di∣spersione consti∣tutis. Catolog. Hieron. Dorothei Synopsis. Mer∣mannij thea∣trum &c.
• q 1.375

  Euseb. hist. l 2▪ c. 1. Vid. Epipha. haer. 78. Ab••. l. 6
• r 1.376

  Hier de script. Eccles.
• s 1.377

  Ios. Antiq. l. 20. c 8.
• t 1.378

  Talmud. Bab. de Idol c. 2. Hie∣rosul. Sciabboth. c 14.
• * 1.379

  So Hierom. but Euseb▪ l. 2. c. 22. hath vita cum caeteris A∣postolis▪
• u 1.380

  Euseb. hist. l 5 c. 17.
• x 1.381

  Plin. l. 5. c. 14 longe clariss. vr∣bium Orientis non Iudaeae modo.
• y 1.382

  Mat. 4 & 5.
• z 1.383

  Ps. 76.
• a 1.384

  Es. 2▪ 3.
• b 1.385

  Cl. Espenc. in 1. Tim 4.
• c 1.386

  Ec. 1.7.
• d 1.387

  Gal. 1.19.
• e 1.388

  Act. 15.
• * 1.389

  The other general Coun∣cels were ra∣ther of the Ro∣man, then the vniuersall World; assem∣bled by Roman Emperors only.
• f 1.390

  Ep. haer. 78.
• g 1.391

  As the Pre∣sident of Yorke for the whole Prouince; the Vice-roy of Goa for all the Indies, &c.
• h 1.392

  Bar. p. 325. to. 1
• i 1.393

  Rom. Mart. Mai. 1.
• k 1.394

  Baron. Martyr.
• l 1.395

  Niceph l. 2. c. 40. & li. 8. c. 30.
• m 1.396

  Ori. en. in Gen. l. 3. &c.
• n 1.397

  Euseb. l. 3. c. 1.
• o 1.398

  Naz. hom. ad Arian.
• p 1.399

  Chrys. hom. de 12. Ap.
• q 1.400

  Theod. ad Gent. l. 9.
• r 1.401

  Nic. l. 2. c. 40.
• s 1.402

  O••or. derch. Em. l. 3.
• t 1.403

  M••ff hist. Ind.
• u 1.404

  Act. 8.
• x 1.405

  Dor. Synops. ••n fine.
• y 1.406

  Chrys. hom. de 12. Apost. ex Bar.
• z 1.407

  Soph. ap. Hie∣ron. de script▪ Ec.
• a 1.408

  Soc. l. 1. c. 15.
• b 1.409

  Eus. l. 5. c. 10.
• c 1.410

  In the time of Aurelius and Commodus.
• c 1.411

  In the time of Aurelius and Commodus.
• d 1.412

  Nic. l. 2. c. 39.
• e 1.413

  Hier. vbi sup.
• f 1.414

  Socra. vbi sup.
• g 1.415

  Nic. l. 2. c. 41.
• h 1.416

  Iohn 21.
• * 1.417

  Counterfeits fathered on Apostles, &c.
• i 1.418

  Baron &c.
• k 1.419

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 and Canus com∣plaine 〈…〉〈…〉 hereof, yea D. Ha••d••u, &c.
• l 1.420

  Aug co••. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 & cont 〈…〉〈…〉. l. 1 c. ••••.
• m 1.421

  Hier. de scrip.
• n 1.422

  Clem. Alex. Strom. l. 6.
• o 1.423

  Epiph. haer. 26 Vid. de his Ba∣ron. an. 44. to. 1.
• p 1.424

  Gel. in decret. de lib. Apot.
• q 1.425

  Euseb. l. 1. c. 13
• * 1.426

  Matth. 13.
• * 1.427

  Sophron. & Ni∣ceph. l. 2. c. 40.
• a 1.428

  Gal. 1.
• b 1.429

  Mermannii Theat. Conuers. gent.
• c 1.430

  Bed. & Aug. Script. Niceph. l. 2. c. 20.
• d 1.431

  Vid de his Dorothei Synops. Merman. Baron. &c.
• e 1.432

  Dan 4.2••
• f 1.433

  Esler 8.9.
• g 1.434

  Cic. pro Arc••. Poet.
• * 1.435

  The reason of the name Pa∣gan or Paynim.
• * 1.436

  Rom. 10.18.
• * 1.437

  Sup. c. 1. §. 8.
• * 1.438

  See Brere∣woods Book of Lang. & Acosta de temp. nou. l. 1. c. 18.
• * 1.439

  See my Pilg. l. ••. c. 10.
• * 1.440

  As Canaan was in Abra∣hams time no∣thing so popu∣lous as in Io∣shuas.
• * 1.441

  Acosta rec∣kons the Mexi∣can beginnings out of their owne histories, about An. 900. and Garcilosso de la Vega born in Cusco ••nd of the stocke of the Ingas, be∣ginnes the first Inca after A. D. 1100. which w••re before most sauage.
• * 1.442

  Acost de procur. Ind. Sal. l. 1. c. 2. Veg. tom. 2 lib. 7. c. 13. pag. 1454. Lerius hist Na••. in Era. c 16.
• * 1.443

  Kniuets Iour∣nall.
• * 1.444

  P. Pilg. l. 8. c. 2.
• a 1.445

  Gen. 46.27.
• b 1.446

  E••. 12.37.
• c 1.447

  Num. 1.46. & 2.32.
• d 1.448

  Num. 26.51, 64.
• e 1.449

  Diatrib. de Europaeor. ling. Ios. Scalig. P. Merul. Cos∣mog. part. 2. l. 1. cap. 8.
• * 1.450

  Acosta l. 1. cap. 21. & l. 4. c. 34.
• f 1.451

  Ouiedol 15. c. 1 A few Horses also and mares left by the Ri∣uer of Plate so encreased, that since they haue sl••ine them only for their tailes, to sell to the Negros. Of Conies strange en∣crease, see l. 2. ••. 1. §. 2.
• * 1.452

  2. Chor. 10.3▪4, 5
• * 1.453

  Ap. 2.
• b 1.454

  Theo••. Orat. 5
• * 1.455

  2. Cor. 6.10.
• * 1.456

  Ex. 31. l. 6. & 35.30.
• * 1.457

  ••. Chron. 2.14.
• * 1.458

  1. Cor. 10, 11. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.459

  Psal. 37.4.
• * 1.460

  Of this im∣prouement of Nauigation read the next Chapter.
• c 1.461

  Ps. 2. & 22. Luke 2. Apoc. 7.9.
• * 1.462

  Forbis, Bright∣man, Bernard, &c. in Apoc. Rom. 11.15.
• d 1.463

  Ps••l. 19. Rom. 10.
• e 1.464

  Aug. Ep 78.80. vid. Prosp. de lib. arbit. Syb. Or. l. 3. &c. Bellar. Lessius, &c.

  Vid. Acost. de Proc. Iud. sal. l. 4 c. 2. & de temp. nouis. l 1. c. 17.18 Collect on Good Friday. Except in the quoud••m Ro∣man Empire & the Countries next adioy∣ning, viz the Sweden••, Poles, Norw••gians, Danes, Russes, and other Northerne people most of them lately added to the Church; & the Abassines on the South, & some handfuls on the East; Christianity hath rather bin dispersed in Nations then publikely and generally professed. God grace (if it be his will, for I rather make it an Article of my Charitie then of my faith) a larger Christendome.
• d 1.465

  The greatest and pl••usiblest arguments of Papists drawn from the au∣thority, &c. of the Church, may be with fa••rer shew & ••urer ground applyed to the Iewish Church, which yet apo∣statize.
• e 1.466

  English and Dutch.

  Apoc. 17.13, 16. 2. Reg. 9.22. Ap••c. 17.5. Explo••s of Spaine.
• * 1.467

  Apoc. 17.6. Apoc. 18.6.
• * 1.468

  Vid. Praefat. Mo∣nit. Regis Iacobi.
• * 1.469

  Prou. 21.1:
• * 1.470

  Ez. 29.19.
• * 1.471

  Ez. 27. & Ap. 12
• * 1.472

  So some in∣terprete Gog & Magog. Apoc. 20.8. & Ap. 9. &c.
• * 1.473

  Acts 15. Ep. ad Gal. Col. Phil. Heb. &.
• * 1.474

  Prou. 8.
• * 1.475

  Hos. 1.10.
• * 1.476

  Paradise.
• * 1.477

  Es. 57.31.
• * 1.478

  Babel.
• * 1.479

  Abram and Lot
• * 1.480

  Abraham and Isaac.
• * 1.481

  Iacob & Ioseph.
• * 1.482

  Moses & Aaron. Israels peregri∣nation in the Desert. See it before in Map.
• * 1.483

  Tit. 3.5. Exod. 13.
• * 1.484

  Matt. 7.
• * 1.485

  Matt. 16.24.
• * 1.486

  Saul. Dauid.
• * 1.487

  Ieroboam.
• * 1.488

  Captiuity.
• * 1.489

  Matt. 2.
• * 1.490

  Iob. 1. ••. Pet. 5.
• * 1.491

  Est. vlt.
• * 1.492

  Deut. 16.
• * 1.493

  Act. 2.5, 9, 10, 11
• * 1.494

  Matt. 27.
• * 1.495

  Act. 7. & 13.
• * 1.496

  Deut. 28. Ios. de Bel. Iud. l. 7. c. 24.
• * 1.497

  Gal. Arcan. l. 4.21.
• * 1.498

  See my Pil∣grima••e l. 2. c. 10
• * 1.499

  Dion Adrian.
• * 1.500

  Iewes d••struc∣tions.
• * 1.501

  Iewes dispersiōs
• * 1.502

  See my Pilg. l. 2. c. 21. Rom. 15.26. Rom. 11.15.
• * 1.503

  Ga••. 4 1••. Luc. 15. 〈…〉〈…〉
• * 1.504

  To. 1. l. 8. c. 6.
• * 1.505

  Deut. 2.9, 12, 20
• * 1.506

  Varro distin∣guished Rela∣tions of times into 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: that is, Fabulous, Obscure, and Historicall.
• * 1.507

  Iohn 4.
• * 1.508

  2. Thess. 2.
• * 1.509

  Trauells of Bacchus.
• * 1.510

  Hygin. Fab. 167, Eurip. in Bac.
• * 1.511

  Oros. l. 1▪ •• 9.
• * 1.512

  Her. Euterpe▪ Diod. Sic. l. 1. Fast. l. 3.
• * 1.513

  S••ab. l. 1. Eurip. &c.
• * 1.514

  Theseus & Her∣cules.
• * 1.515

  The Argonauts.
• * 1.516

  Hygin. Fab
• * 1.517

  Diod. Siculus addeth the de∣liuerance of He••••one from the Whale, the killing o•• King Laomeron and taking o•• Troy in their return for breaking his pr••mise of Horses to Her∣cules. l. 4. Harpyes.
• * 1.518

  Diod. maketh Medea and Circe sisters, daughters of Hecate. l. 4.
• g 1.519

  Timaeus saith that they went to Tanais and thence crossed ouer land to the Ocean, and sailed about by Cades into the Straits. Odys. μ▪
• h 1.520

  Strab. l. 1. speaking of the Poets Argonauts saith in quibusdam cum historia consent••t, quae∣dam etiam af∣fingit, morem seruan•• & com∣munem & suum. Cum historia consentit quando Aeetam nominat & Iasonem & Argo &c. Grecian 〈◊〉〈◊〉 against Troy.
• * 1.521

  Trauels of Me∣nelaus. Strab. l. 1.
• * 1.522

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.523

  Trauels of V∣lysses.
• * 1.524

  See of al these in Photius his Bibliotheca. He∣l••od. & Achilles are extant.
• * 1.525

  Ninus.
• * 1.526

  P. Oros. l. 1. c. 4.
• * 1.527

  Diod. sic. l. 2.
• * 1.528

  Niniue builded.
• * 1.529

  Semiramis.
• * 1.530

  The Scripture more truly a∣scribeth Baby∣lon to Nimrod, Niniue to Ashur.
• * 1.531

  Theutamo. Memnon.
• * 1.532

  Ios. S••al. Notae ad Euseb. Chron.
• * 1.533

  Vexores the Egyptian. Tanam.
• * 1.534

  Sesostris.
• * 1.535

  Diod. sic. l. 1.
• * 1.536

  Zerah the Aethiopian. 2. Chron. 9.14 2. Kin. 16. & 17.
• * 1.537

  19.
• * 1.538

  Thearcon. Strab. l. 15.
• * 1.539

  Megasthenes his testimony of old Expediti∣ons.

  Nabuchodon••sor. Idanthrysus. Cyrus. Dan. 2. &▪ 4.
• * 1.540

  Cambyses. Darius. Xerxes. Her. l. 7.
• * 1.541

  Sup. c. 2.5.2,
• * 1.542

  Least Trauel∣lers may be greatest Wri∣ters. Euen I which haue writtē so much of trauellers & trauells, neuer trauelled 200. miles from Thaxted in Es∣sex, where I was borne: herein like a whet∣••••one, which being blunt causeth sharpnesse; or a Candlestick holding many Candles, without which it selfe is vnseene in the darke; and as the Compasse is of little compasse and motion, yet teacheth to compasse the World; or as the Pole-star is lest moued of all, & most of all mouing & guiding the Traueller. Enuy not a marginall roome to him, who hath vied Volumes so spacious to thee; in which, how little is the trauell of the greatest Traueller; or how could a great Traueller haue trauelled of so much.
• * 1.543

  Laer. l. 2.
• * 1.544

  Xenophon.
• * 1.545

  Aristippus.
• * 1.546

  Plato. Laert. l. 3.
• * 1.547

  Euripide••▪
• * 1.548

  Bion.
• * 1.549

  Lacydes. Carneades. Clitomachus▪ Menippus.
• * 1.550

  Aristotle.
• * 1.551

  Calisthen••••▪
• * 1.552

  So the Bar∣ber of Le••is the Eleuenth. Arrian. l. 4. Q. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Plut. Alex.
• * 1.553

  Laert. l. 7.
• * 1.554

  L. 1.8.
• * 1.555

  Pythagoras.
• * 1.556

  Plin. l. 30. c. 1. Iambl. pag. 39.
• * 1.557

  Strab. lib. 15. Curt. 10. Fr. Elian. &c. Amb. Ep. 7. Diod. Sic. l. 4. c. 9 See Vossius of Polybius, & Py∣thias. De hist. graec.

  Herod. l. 4. Scyllax sent by the Persian to discouer the Graecian Coast, before that fa∣mous inuasion.
• * 1.558

  D. Sic. l. 4. c. 7. Sup. c. 1. § 1••.
• * 1.559

  Gadira or Ca∣diz built by the Phaenicians.
• * 1.560

  Goodly Iland.
• * 1.561

  Galuano, Ouied•• and others ap∣ply it to the A∣merican Antiles.
• * 1.562

  Gerardi Io. vos. de histor Grae. l. 4
• * 1.563

  Plin. l. 2. c. 67.
• * 1.564

  Himilco.
• * 1.565

  L. 5. c. 1.
• a 1.566

  & alia qui∣dem fab.
• * 1.567

  Qui Barium n••n odit▪ amet tua carmina Maeui.
• * 1.568

  I. Solin c. 27. Pomp. Mel. de sit. O••b. l. 3. c. 10. Hanno Carthagi∣nens••s, cum per Oceani ••stia ex∣isset, magnam partem eius cir∣cumuectus, non se mari sed com∣meatu defecisse, &c.
• * 1.569

  Pl. l. 2. c. 67▪
• * 1.570

  Thymiaterium.
• * 1.571

  Some make Hanno at l••ast as auncient as Philip ••e Fa∣ther of Alexan∣der: Vossius thinkes him to be that Cap∣taine which was sent a∣gai••st Agatho∣cles, mentioned by Trogus (or his shadow Iu∣stine) l. 22. Liuy men••ions ano∣ther, and Pliny l. 8. c. 16. s••ith of another Hanno that he was exiled for ta∣ming Lyons.
• * 1.572

  See Iobsons voyage and larger no••es. Inf. l. 7.
• * 1.573

  D. Sic. l••.
• * 1.574

  Iambulus twice taken.
• * 1.575

  Iambu•••• in••ula.
• * 1.576

  Inhabitants described.
• a 1.577

  So doe the Nairos now.
• * 1.578

  Clouen tongues. Liers Em∣bleme.
• * 1.579

  Temperate Aire. Homer.
• * 1.580

  This Reed is a iust descriptiō of Maiz, or In∣dian Wheate.
• * 1.581

  Their Letters.
• * 1.582

  China forme of lines in wri∣ting.

  Common wo∣men.
• * 1.583

  Fabulous crea∣tures.
• * 1.584

  Some truths of the Countrey.
• * 1.585

  Iambulus his returne.
• * 1.586

  Alexanders Pe∣digree.
• * 1.587

  His birth.
• * 1.588

  His fragrancie.
• * 1.589

  His youthfull magnanimitie▪
• * 1.590

  Bucephalus.
• * 1.591

  His arts.
• * 1.592

  His first mar∣tiall acts.
• * 1.593

  Isthmus neere Corinth.
• * 1.594

  Diogenes. Delphos.
• * 1.595

  His expedition against the Persians.
• * 1.596

  Clitus saueth his life. His victorie.
• * 1.597

  Second battle. Alexanders v••∣ctory.
• * 1.598

  His tempe∣rance.
• * 1.599

  Cyprus. Tyrus.
• * 1.600

  Ammons oracle
• * 1.601

  Alexandria builded.
• * 1.602

  Embassage f••om Darius.
• * 1.603

  The third bat∣tell with the Persians, and second with Darius.
• * 1.604

  Alexanders victorie.
• * 1.605

  Babylon taken. Susae.
• * 1.606

  Perfepolis bur∣den
• * 1.607

  Dar••us slain by treason of his owne.
• * 1.608

  Hyrcania sub∣dued.
• * 1.609

  Scythian ex∣pedition.
• * 1.610

  Amazonian tale
• * 1.611

  Philotas and Clitus slaine.
• * 1.612

  Bucepha••i••.
• * 1.613

  Hydaspes, per∣haps that which now is called ••hat.
• * 1.614

  Riuer Stura.
• * 1.615

  Ile Crocala. Ile Halitenea. Ile Bubarta.
• * 1.616

  Ile Doma. Sara••ga. Sacalasis. Morontoboris.
• * 1.617

  End of India. The Oritae.
• * 1.618

  All their sai∣ling is with Oares and by shoare.
• * 1.619

  Was not this age thinke you like to ••aile to Peru or Hispa∣niola▪

  Ships a rari••y.
• * 1.620

  The Gadrosi▪
• * 1.621

  The Ichthyo∣phagi.
• * 1.622

  Madners of the Ichthyophagi▪
• * 1.623

  Fish-f••d beasts
• * 1.624

  Whales▪
• * 1.625

  How differs this from a Greenland Whale-voiage?
• * 1.626

  The Carmani.
• * 1.627

  Persian gulfe: he cals it also the red Sea.
• * 1.628

  Armozia, now Ormus.
• * 1.629

  A King worthy of good Sea-seruice.
• * 1.630

  Legend of E∣rythrus drawne from Edom in the Arabicke Gulfe to this Persian, such is the effect of Legends and supersticious-traditions.
• * 1.631

  Beginning of the Persians.
• * 1.632

  Beginning of the Susians.
• * 1.633

  Euphrates and Babylonians.
• * 1.634

  Edit. Paris. 1614. This Tractate is in the Vati∣can, Florentine, and Millan Li∣braries attri∣buted to Saint Ambrose. O∣thers doubt whether that Father bee the Author, or Pal∣ladius, &c. Cotten Trees or Shrubs. Serica is here∣by is knowne to be far short of China, neere which Alexan∣der neuer came Aromata. Muziris.
• a 1.635

  Perhaps the Maldiuas now.
• * 1.636

  Thebaeus in ma∣ny things a fabler.
• b 1.637

  This is not the cause, but Summer and Winter differ in those places neere the hils of Balagate, not so much by heat and cold, as by faire and foule weather; winter being in the same propinquity of the Sunne on one side, and Summer on the other at the same time, to which per∣haps is here alluded. Amb. c••p l. 2. •• ••••. 7. ••dit. Froben.
• c 1.638

  Euseb. de vit Const. l 4 c 50. Indian Embas∣sadors to Con∣stantine, as be∣fore to Augu∣stus.
• * 1.639

  So••. hist. Eccles. l. 1. c. 15. Soz m. hist Ec. l. 2. c. 23.
• * 1.640

  S. Athanasius sends▪ ••rumen∣tius Bishop in∣to India.
• * 1.641

  Iberians con∣uerted.
• * 1.642

  Palladius his swiftnesse and Trauels. Soc. l. 7. c. 19.
• * 1.643

  This was in∣tended the be∣ginning of our promised Eu∣ropean Pilgri∣mage: but no man assisted the Pilgrime, which ••orced him to leaue off, and in to∣ken of his in∣tents to giue this t••ste thereof.
• * 1.644

  The fourth time it is now on the Pres••e. Io. 2.10. Gen. 15.1. 1. Cor. 15.28. Dedit se in me∣ritum, da••its se in praemium. Ber.
• * 1.645

  Luke 15.17. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c.
• * 1.646

  Var. de ling▪ lat. l. 1.
• * 1.647

  Luc. l 9.
• * 1.648

  Sal. Bel. Iug. Aug. C D. l. 16. c. 17.

  Oros. l. 1. c. 2. Paul ••p. ••••uson· Isoc in Pane ••r. Her. l. 4.
• * 1.649

  Hom. Iliad. ••▪ M••schus, Ly••oph Theocr. Apollod. Horat Ouid. Se∣nec. M••nil &c. Euseb. Chron l. ••
• * 1.650

  Gor. Orig. l. 9. ver. by tran∣sposition Eur, as Tereus of Terues.
• * 1.651

  See of this l. 8▪ c. 1.2 3, & 4.
• * 1.652

  Pl••••.
• * 1.653

  Vid. Pancirol. & Salmuth. de de∣perditis & re∣parti••.
• * 1.654

  Ps. 104.••.
• * 1.655

  See B••z. c. ••▪
• * 1.656

  Ios. Scal. op••sc. di••triba de Eu∣rop. l••ng & ap Meru••a. ••. 2. l. 1. c. 8.
• * 1.657

  Seuen parts of of the World.
• * 1.658

  Cap. vlt.
• * 1.659

  Of the antient largenesse of the Greeke tongue.

  Strabo. l. 8. non longè à principi••
• * 1.660

  Senec. Consol. ad Helu. c. 6. Pli. l. 5 c. 29. Isocrat. in Panegeric. long. post. med. Lucian. in Dia∣log. de Amarib. non longè. ab Init.
• * 1.661

  Hieron. in Pro∣em. l. 2. com. E∣pist. ad Galat. Strab. l. 14.
• * 1.662

  Lib. citato long. post. med. & Plin. l. 6. c. 2.
• * 1.663

  Plin. l. 7. c. 24. Val. Max. l. 8. c. •• Gell. l. 1••. c. 17.
• * 1.664

  Act. 2.9. & 10.
• * 1.665

  Do••sa. Itin. Constantinopolit. pag. 24. Scyl••x Cariand. in Periplo. Iornand. de Reb. Getic. c. 5.
• * 1.666

  Strab. l. 6. in medi••.
• * 1.667

  G••ltz. in Numis∣mat. magnae Grae∣ciae Tab. 24. Galat. in descrip. Callipolis. Bar. l. 5. de anti∣quit. Calabriae. Rocca Tract de Dialectis in Ita∣lica lingua.
• a 1.668

  Strab l. 4. non long. à princip. Thucid. l. 1.
• b 1.669

  Strab. loco citato. Plin. l. 3. c. 5.
• * 1.670

  Strab. l. 17.
• c 1.671

  Loco iam ci∣tato. Ptol. tab. 3. Afri. Mela. l. 1 c. 8. Hieronin. loco supra citato.
• * 1.672

  Appian. l. de Bellis Syriac.
• * 1.673

  Hiero. vbi super. Isinor. Origin. l. 9. c. 1.
• * 1.674

  Of the decay∣ing of the an∣cient Greeke tongue, and of the present vulgar Greeke. Chap. 2.
• * 1.675

  Bellon. obseruat. l. 1. c. 3. Tu••co∣graec. l. 3. & 5.
• * 1.676

  Gerlech. in Epist. ad Crusium Tur∣cograe••. l. 7. p. 489
• d 1.677

  Zygomal••••▪ in Epist. ad Crus. Turcog. pag.
• * 1.678

  Bell. obser. l. 1. c. 3
• * 1.679

  Vide Crus. Turc. p. 44.224.242.391.398.399. &c.
• * 1.680

  Burran. in Co∣ron. pre••ipsa. Ger••ach. apud Crus. l. 7. Turcog. p. 489.
• * 1.681

  Bellon. obseru. l. 2. c. 111.
• e 1.682

  Burdouitz. in Epist. ad Chitrae, a••u•• illum in li. de stat•• Eccle∣siar. p. 47.
• f 1.683

  Vide Chitrae. loc▪ citato, & Turcog••ae••. Crus. p. 127 & 415. &c.

  Of the ancient largenesse of the Roman tongue in the time of the Ro∣man Empire. Chap. 3.
• g 1.684

  Spartian. in Had••iano & in Scue••o.
• * 1.685

  And. Fulu. l. 2. A〈…〉〈…〉 c. 3. G〈…〉〈…〉 c. 14. Strab. l. 1.
• * 1.686

  Dionys. Hal. l. 2. Antiq. Rom. V••pisc. in Aure∣liano.
• * 1.687

  Euseb. in Chro. ad Olymp. 174.
• h 1.688

  Lipsius de mag. Rom. l. 3. c. 3
• * 1.689

  Appian. l. 1. Ciuil. longe ante med.
• * 1.690

  Dion. l. 41.
• * 1.691

  Tacit. l. 1. Histo∣riar. Plin. l. 3 c. 3. Digest. l. 1. Tit de statu hominum. Leg In Orbe Ro∣mano.
• i 1.692

  Digest l. 42. Tit de re iudica∣ta. Leg. Decret.
• * 1.693

  Dion l 57. Val. Max. l. 2. c. 2.
• * 1.694

  Tacit. l 3. Annal. Hieron. in Ep ad Rusticum. Tom. 1
• * 1.695

  Aug. de Ci. Dei, l. 19. c. 7.
• * 1.696

  Lib. hist. Ro. l. 40.
• * 1.697

  Villei. l. 2. Strab l. 3 & 4. 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 1.698

  1. Eboracum.

  2 Debuna.

  3 Isca.

  4 Camalodunum Onuphr. in Imp. Rom.
• k 1.699

  Tacit. l. 14. Annal. Onuph. l. iam citato.
• l 1.700

  Vide Digest. l. 50. Tit. de Censi∣bus leg. sc••endum Pancirell. id Comment. Noti••. Imper. Orientalis. cap. 138.
• * 1.701

  Cicer. in Orat. pro Archia p••e••••.
• * 1.702

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.703

  That the Ro∣man Tongue abolished not the vulgar lan∣guages, in the forreine Pro∣uinces of the Roman Empire. Chap. 4. Galat. de Situ Iapigia p. 98. Viu l. 3. de tr••∣den. disciplin. & a•• Aug. dec. Dei li. 19. ••. 7. 3 Scal. in Dia∣trib. de ling. Eu∣ropa. 4 M••rul. Cosm. part. 2. l. 2. c. 8.5 Scal. loc. citato
• m 1.704

  Ortel. in tab. Fris Oriental.
• n 1.705

  Scal. loc. citato 13 Bert. in de∣scrip. Hungar.
• o 1.706

  Digest. l. 32. lege Fidei com. missa.
• * 1.707

  Aur. Victor▪ in ••pitom. Septim. S••net.
• a 1.708

  Antonin. in Itinerario. Hie∣ron in Proem l. 2 Com. Epist. ad Gala••. in fine.
• * 1.709

  Spartian. in Se∣uero p••si••ed.
• b 1.710

  August de Ciu. Det. l. 16. C. 6.
• c 1.711

  Id. Serm. 25. de veth. Ap••st.
• d 1.712

  Id. Expos in Chart. Epist ••d Roman. circa med.

  Leo 1. Africa. L. 1. descript. A∣frica. cap. de Ling. Africanis. Strab. l. 4. in pri••cip. Tacit. in Iulio Agricola. L••••prid in A∣lexand. Seuero, longe p••st med.
• * 1.713

  Strab. l. 4. leng. ante med.
• e 1.714

  Vel. Patercul. l. 1.
• * 1.715

  Plin. l. 3. c. 4.
• f 1.716

  Vid. Annot. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 August. de Ciu. Dei. l. 19. c. 7. Id. l. 3. de tra∣dend. Discip.
• g 1.717

  Marin. Sicul••. de Reb. Hispa∣nic. l. 5. c. 4.
• h 1.718

  S••ra l. 3 p••ul. à principio. Id. l. 4. in princip.
• i 1.719

  Marian. de Reb. Hisp. l. 1. c. 5 Marin. Sicul. de reb. Hispan. l. 4. c. vltim. & Alib.
• k 1.720

  S••r b. l. 3. c. 1. Plin. 3 c. 1. Vell. Patercul. l. 2.
• * 1.721

  Tacit. de morib. Ge••m pro••e fin.
• * 1.722

  Lib. ••od. parum à m••di••.
• * 1.723

  Bellon. Obser∣uat. l. 1. c. 4.
• * 1.724

  Gesner. in Mith•• in Lingua Sardic. & Rocra de Dia∣lect. in Ling. Sardec. Porcac••h. l. dello Is••l••. nel. descrit. di Sardigna.
• * 1.725

  Vide August. in Enarrat. Ps. 123. & 138. & l. 2. de doctrin Chris. c. 13. & Tract 7 in Ioan.
• * 1.726

  Of the begin∣ning of the Italian, French, and Spanish languages. Chap. 5.
• * 1.727

  Blond in Ital. Illustrata in March••a Triui∣s••••a.

  Tint•• de••••a No∣bilta▪ diuerona▪ l. 2. c. 2. & alij.
• * 1.728

  Li••s. de Pro∣nuntiat L••ng. lat. cap. 3. & Merul. par. 2. Cosm••gr. l. ••. c. 18. Paul Diac••••. ••ist. Mi••cel. l. 17. longe ante med.
• * 1.729

  Isidor. Origin. l. 9. c. ••. Tertul. in Apo∣loget. adu. Gent. Cap. 6.
• * 1.730

  Cicer. l. 3. de Ora∣tore.
• * 1.731

  Irenic. E••eg. Germ. l. 1. c. 31 Laz••us. l. 10. de Migration. Gent Gorop. Origin. Antw••rp. l. 7. Gesner. in Mi∣thridate▪ Rh••nan lib. 2. Rer. Germ. Leunclau. in Pandect. Tu••ri••. § 71. & Alij multi.
• * 1.732

  Obiections touching the extent of the Latine tongue and the begin∣ning of the mentioned Languages with their so∣lutions. Chap. 6.
• * 1.733

  Plutar. in quest. platonic. quest. 9
• * 1.734

  Strab. l. 3. & 4. Apul. in Florid••••.
• * 1.735

  Nitha. de dissens. filior. Ludou. Pij l. 3.
• * 1.736

  Antonin. in Iti∣n••rario. Plin. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in Epi. l. 8. ad Ca∣ninium.
• a 1.737

  Plin. Sec. Hist. nat. l. 5. c. 4. Vellcius l. 1. Ap∣pian. l. de Bel. P••nicis in fine.
• b 1.738

  En••rr. Ps 138.
• c 1.739

  L. 2. de doc. Chr. c. 13.
• d 1.740

  Tract. 7. in Io∣an••em.
• * 1.741

  Tschud. Descript. A••pinae cap. 36. Gene••r. l. 4. ••hr. Secul. 11.
• * 1.742

  Quintil. Iust O∣rator. l. 1. ca. 6.
• * 1.743

  ••est. in Diction. Latine loqui.
• * 1.744

  F••lu Vrsin▪ not. ad Anton Augu. de Lug••h & ••e∣na••usconsu. ••.
• * 1.745

  Polyb. l. 3.
• * 1.746

  Vid. Paul. Me∣rul. ••os••••. p••r. 2. l. 4 c. 18. & Cel∣sum. Cit. tad. in Tractat. de Orig. ••ng. Vulgaris. Ital. cap. 7. &c.
• * 1.747

  Of the ancient Languages of Italie, Spaine, France and A∣frique. Chap. 7.
• * 1.748

  Inscrip. v••t. pag. 143.144.145.146.
• * 1.749

  Caesar. l 1. de Bel. lo Gallic. in prin∣cipio Strab. l. 4. in princip.
• * 1.750

  Caes. l. 5. de Bello Gallic. long. post med. Varro ap Hieron. in praefat. l. 2. Comment▪ epist. ad Galat. & a∣pud Isidorum li. 15. Orig. cap. 1.
• * 1.751

  Caes. l. de Bello Gallico. Ta••i•• l. de 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Germa∣nor prope fin••m. Su••••on in C••li∣gula c. ••7. Ho••tom. in•• ••an. c••gall. c. 2. Pe••••on l. de Cog∣nat Li••g G. & Graecae P. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. l. de 12. Li••g. ••schud in 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Rhet. Al••. c. 8. Go••op. in Fran∣cicis. Isac. in Glossa∣rio Pr••••••o gal. Lhuid in D••••cri▪ Britan. Camden in B••itannia. Strab. l 4. Tacit in ••ulio Agricola. Cae•• l 6 de Bel. Gallico.
• * 1.752

  Merul. ••osmogr. part. 2. l. 2. c. 8.
• * 1.753

  Thuord l. 1. paul. a pr••ncip.
• * 1.754

  Gal••t. de situ. Iapyg. pag. 98.
• * 1.755

  Gesner an Mi∣thridate. in Ling. Afric. & Arab. Roccha de dia∣lect. in Ling. Arabica. Postell. de Ling. 12. in ling. Arab. Mas. in Gram. Syriaca. prop. Init. Bibliand. de ration. Lin∣guar. Schidler. in Lex. Penta∣gl••tto in voce 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Marc. Gal••ott. de doct. promiscua. c. 6. & ali•• multi
• * 1.756

  Leo Afric. l. 1. Descrip. Afr. cap. de L••ng. Africae. Flo. in Epitom. Liu. l. 51. Strab. l. 17. Plin. l. 15. c. 18. Strab. li. citato. Mela. l. 1. c. 7. Li••. li. 33. Plin. l. 5. c. 19. Appiā. l. de Bel. Punicis in principio. Curtius. l. 4. & Alii plures.
• * 1.757

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉▪ Arias Mont. lib. Chanaan. c. 8. Postel. in de∣scrip. Syriae. c. de Syriae Nominib. Matth. 15.22. Mark. 7.26. Ios. 5.1.
• * 1.758

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in the Greek signifieth the Palme, for as tou∣ching the deduction of the name Phoenicia, either from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 by Montanus, or from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 by Postellus, signifying the delicacy of the Inhabitants by the first, and their obseruation or adoration of the fire, by the second, they are but late sprung fan∣tasies, and haue not any ground of reason at all: for as much, as in all the Hebrew writings of the Bible, that Country is neuer termed by any name soun∣ding toward Phenicia, but in the Greeke onely. But in many old coynes that I haue seene, I haue noted the Palme Tree, as the speciall cognisance of Phoe∣nicia, (as I haue also the Oliue branch, and Conies to be of Spaine: the Horse of Mauritania: the Ele∣phant, or the spoile of the Elephant of Afrike: the Camell of Arabia: the Crocodile, or the Bird I••is, of Egypt: and diuers other specialties for other Coun∣tries:) And namely I haue seene sundry old Coynes of the Emperour Vespatian, of seuerall deuices and imagery, stamped for a memoriall of his conquest of Iudaea, and taking of Ierusalem (for the Inscription is in euery of them, Iudaea capta) & in each of them, I especially obserued a woman sitting in a sad and mournefull fashion, with her backe to a Palme tree: wherein, I make no doubt, but the desolate woman signifieth Iudaea, and the Palme, Phoenicia, euen as Phoenicia is immediately toward the North, at the backe of Iudaea.
• * 1.759

  Gen. 10.19.
• * 1.760

  Strab. l. 16. non long. ante med. Plin. l. 5. c. 12. Ptolem. Tab. 4. Asiae. Dionys. A∣lex. in Periegesi.
• * 1.761

  Aug. expos. in∣choat. epist ad Roman. in med.
• * 1.762

  Postel lib. de Phoenic. lit. c. 2. §. 5. Arias Mon∣ta. L. Chana•• c. 9 Genebrard. l. 1. Chr••n an Dilu∣uij 131. Sca••ig. ad fest. indict. Sarra. & in ep. a•• Vbert. & ad Tomson.
• * 1.763

  Isa. 19.18.
• * 1.764

  Aug. in ser. 35. de verb Dom. in Euang. see. Luc.
• * 1.765

  As in the Punike tongue Salus three. Augustin. in expos. inchoat. epist. ad Roman. Heb. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Edom, bloud. Enar. Psalm. 126. Heb. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Mamon, lucre, De Sermon. Dom. in Mont. l. 2. c. 14. Heb. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Bal. the Lord. Quaest in Iudic. cap. 16. Heb. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Samen, Heauen. Ibid. Heb. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Messe, to annoint. Tract. 15. in Ioan. Heb 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Alma, a Virgine. Hieron. in c. 7. Isai. Heb. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Gadir. a fence or wall. Plinie. l. 4. c. 22. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. and some other that diligence might obserue.
• * 1.766

  Aug l. 2. ••ent. litter Petil••ani cap. 104.
• * 1.767

  ••leut. in 〈…〉〈…〉 Act. 6.
• * 1.768

  Of the large∣nesse of the Slauonish, Tur∣kish, & Arabike languages. C. 8.
• * 1.769

  Gefner. in Mi∣thrid. in Ling. Illyricca. Bocchae in Ap••end de di∣alect. in Illyrica.
• * 1.770

  Pastell. de 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Dalmat ••occh. in 〈…〉〈…〉 161 & ••••
• g 1.771

  Roccha. lib. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 pagpunc; ••••
• * 1.772

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 pag. ••••••.
• * 1.773

  Michou. l. 1. de Sarmatia. c. 15. Rocch de dialec. in ling. Tur••ica.
• * 1.774

  Postell. in p••ae∣fat. Grammat. Arabic. Ludo∣uic. Reg. l. 8. de Vicissitud. Rer. ad finem.
• * 1.775

  Of the Syriake and Hebrew tongues. Ch. 9.
• * 1.776

  Bellon. Obser∣uat. l. 3. c. 12.
• * 1.777

  Masuis in praefat. Grāmat. Syric. Sixt. Se∣nen. Biblioth. sanctae. l. 4. in voce. Thargum. Canin. in praefat. I••stitat. Syric. Ar. Montan. de ratione Mazzo∣rethan Apparat. ad Bibl. Reg Fa∣brit ••n praesa∣tad. Lexic. Syro∣chaldaicum. Genebrard. l. 2. Chronog. ad An. 3690. Bellarm. l. 2. de verbo Dei c. 4. & 15. &c. Posseuin. Appa∣rat▪ sacr. in Dic∣••i••••e. Biblia.
• o 1.778

  Act. 13.15.
• p 1.779

  Nehem. ca. 8. v. 7.8, 9.
• q 1.780

  Reg. l. 2. ca. 18 v. 26.
• r 1.781

  Iu••••us in Bel∣larm. Cont. 1. l. 2. c. 15. §. 11.
• * 1.782

  Sixt. Senens. ••iblioth. Sanct. l. 4. in dict. on. Syra editio. Galatin. de Ar∣can. Catholicae Verit. l. 1. c 3.
• * 1.783

  for of that part of the Chalde•• Pa••aphrase, which we haue in the Complutense, and King Philips Bibles, on the Bookes of Moses, Onkelos is the Author: of that on Iosuah, the Iudges, the Booke of the Kings and of the Prophets, Ionathan. Of that on Rut••, Hester, Iob, the Psalmes, and the Bookes of Salomon, R. Ioseph Caecus.
• s 1.784

  Vid. Salmeron. De Canonic••. scriptura. Prole∣gom. ••. in Tomo. 1. & de inter∣pretat. Septua∣gint. Prol. 5. Tertull. in Apo∣logetico. ca. 19.
• t 1.785

  Nouell. 146.
• u 1.786

  Act. 6.1. & 9.29. & 11.20. Scalig. in Chron. Euseb. ad Annū. MDCCXXXIV. & ••un. contra. Bellarm. Con∣trou. 1. l. 2. c. 15. §. 21. & Drus. Praetoritor l. 5. Annot. ad. Act. Ap. 6.1.
• * 1.787

  Of the sundry parts of the World inhabi∣ted by Christians Chap 10.

  M••chou. de Sar∣matia. l. 2. c. 3. Boem de Mo••ib. gent. l. 3. c. 7. B••ter. Relat. Par. 3. l. 1. Ziegltr. in Schondia c. de Lapponia. Da∣mian▪ a Goas tract de Lapepijs. Michou. l. 2 de Sarmatia. c. 5. Munster. Cosmo. l. 4. c. 3••. B••ter. Relation pa. 1. l. c. de Bothnia.
• * 1.788

  Of the sundry parts of the World inhabi∣ted by Christians Chap 10.

  M••chou. de Sar∣matia. l. 2. c. 3. Boem de Mo••ib. gent. l. 3. c. 7. B••ter. Relat. Par. 3. l. 1. Ziegltr. in Schondia c. de Lapponia. Da∣mian▪ a Goas tract de Lapepijs. Michou. l. 2 de Sarmatia. c. 5. Munster. Cosmo. l. 4. c. 3••. B••ter. Relation pa. 1. l. c. de Bothnia.
• * 1.789

  Boter. Relat. p. 2 l. 4. nel Relation. del gran. Turco. Georgenitz. de Affliction▪ Chri∣stian. sub ••urca. l. c. de Tributis.
• * 1.790

  Chitrae de statu Ecclesio•• non longe ab initio. Corvat hath more.

  Gerlach in epist. ad Crus. Turco∣graeciae. l. pag. Concil. Carthag. 4. & Conci. Afri∣can. s••u Carth. 6.
• a 1.791

  Martin. Polon. Supp••t. An. 475.
• b 1.792

  Vict. l. 1. de Persecut. Van∣dalec.

  Of the Chri∣stianitie of A∣f••ica, see Santos & Gramays re∣lat. inf. l. 9. c. 12.
• c 1.793

  Pigafer. hist. Regni Congens. l. 2. c. 2.

  In these parts Christianity is lessened.
• * 1.794

  Aluarez. hist. Aet••io••ic. •• 137
• * 1.795

  B••ter. Relat pa. 1. l. •• ca. de 1 popoli del Egitto. Thom••a ••e••. de Conuers. gent. l. 7. par. 1. c. 5. Boter. ••••lat. p. 1. l. 3. c. de Abossia.
• * 1.796

  Horat. Mala∣guz. nel discorso de 1. cinque mas∣sini Signori. See hereof la∣ter and better inte••ligenc•• l. 7 c. 7 & 8 Abassia is reduced now to a small cir∣cuit.

  Boter. loco proxm. citato. Sommar. dei reg∣ni Oriental. apud Ramos. vol. 1. pag. 3••4. Boter. Relat. p. 1. l. 3. c. Loango. An. zichi.

  I doe not think it now to con∣taine halfe so many Christians (which yet are but halfe Chri∣stians) as any one of those foure. The Au∣thor alloweth too much, as Pigafett•• also, & in these times, it is litle, ex∣cept in misery. Better relati∣ons of these pa••ts are since our authors death publish∣ed by G••dig••u••, and out of him translated hi∣ther. l••. 7 c. vlt. Strab. l. 2. Pigafet••. de Reg. Cong l. 2. c. ••0.
• * 1.797

  Paul. Ven••t. l. 3. c. 38.
• * 1.798

  See To. 2. l. •• c •• & l. 3. c. 1. of the Russi••n Christianity.
• * 1.799

  Iacob a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Hist. Orient 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 1.800

  Since the Tar∣tarian times Christianitie is neere extir∣pa••e out of Asia.
• * 1.801

  Paul. Venet. l. 1. c. 8.
• * 1.802

  Scaliger. de Emendat. tempor. l. 7. An∣not. in comput. Ethiop.
• * 1.803

  For Scaligers imagination, that it was the King of the Habassines, that inlarged his Do∣minion so farre, in the North-east of Asia, till he was driuen into Africk by the Tartars, hath neither any foundation at all in historie, not probabilitie in reason. Namely that a King in Africke should subdue the most distant parts of all Asia from him, and there hold residence all the Regions betwixt belonging to other Princes. Moreouer it is certainly knowne of Presbyter Iohn of Asia, that hee was a Nestori∣an, whereas hee of Habassia was, and still is, a Iacobite. Besides, it hath beene recorded from time to time, of the Christians of Ha∣bassia, that they were circumcised, which of those of the East, was neuer reported by any, &c. Scaliger▪ himselfe in his later edition, hath altered his conceit.
• a 1.804

  Vtriac. Hi∣stor Orient. c. 78 Otho. Phrifin∣g••ns. l. 7. c. 33. & 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• b 1.805

  L. 1. c. 45.
• c 1.806

  L. 1. c. 47.
• d 1.807

  L. 1. c. 48.
• e 1.808

  L. 2. c. 39.
• f 1.809

  L. 1. c. 38.
• g 1.810

  L. 1. c 40.
• h 1.811

  L. 1. c. 62.
• i 1.812

  L. 1. c. 63.
• k 1.813

  L. 2. c. 61.
• l 1.814

  L. 2. c. 64.
• * 1.815

  Plat. de Bon••. Stat. Relig. l. 2. cap. 30.
• * 1.816

  Ordat Iudaeus apella. Iesuites can open their mouths wide in extolling their owne ex∣ploits.

  These 12. yeers Christianity hath there gone backward. See l. 5. c. 2. & l. 10. c. 2
• * 1.817

  Amand. Ziric. in Chro. cric. An. 151••.
• * 1.818

  Surius in Chr. ad An. Chr. 155•• Vid. epist. Petri Gauden. in Com. Sedulij advitam S. Francis. p. 22•• & ••pi. Mart. a Va∣lent. Ibid. p. 23••.
• * 1.819

  Ouied Histor. Ind. Occident. l. 17. c. 4.

  Benz. hist. No••••. Orbu. l. 2. c. 19. See ••o. 1. l. 5. c. •• & l. 7. c. ••••. & l. 8. c. 4. &c.
• * 1.820

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 parts of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 w••rld pos¦s••ssed by Ma∣humetan••. Ch. 11 The Religio••s of ••he World brou••ht to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 fou••e heads or generall kinds.
• a 1.821

  Mathia Mi∣chou. de Sarmat. l. 2▪ c. 3.
• b 1.822

  They reach to and beyond the Riuer of Gambra. See Iobson ••nfra l. 9. c. 13. as likewise on the East to Sofala. Santos l. 9. c. 12. fur••her then our Au∣thor hath rela∣ted.
• c 1.823

  Paul Ve••et. l. 3. c. 39. Linschot. l. 1. c. 3.
• d 1.824

  Leo Af••ic l. 1 c. de Relig. ••f••or.
• e 1.825

  The M••g••l as great 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Prince as these, permits all Religions, but his greatest Commanders and best Soul∣diers are com∣monly ••ahu∣metans: Yea his sonnes, &c.
• f 1.826

  See of th••se places inf. l 8. c. 13.
• g 1.827

  Boter. Rel p. 3. l. 2. c. de Maho∣metan.
• h 1.828

  Guaguin. descr. Tartar. in K••r∣gessorum Ho••da.
• i 1.829

  Paul. Venet. l. 1 c. 41.42.43.
• k 1.830

  Id. l. 1. c. 38.40 47.62.63.64. &c.
• l 1.831

  Nicol de conci. Viagin••lle••••ndie. Barbos ap Ra∣mus. Vo••. 1. de V••ag••••. p. 313.318.319. B••t••r. Relat p. 3. l. 2. de Maho∣metan.

  See a perfecter Relation of the Ma••d••••ae l. 9. cap. v••t.
• m 1.832

  Christian Religion (to shew the power and wisdome of Christ) hath contrariwise conquered the Conquerours. And by this meanes the Goths, Hunnes, Vanda••s, Frankes, Sax∣ons, Normans, Danes, and o∣ther Heathen Conquerours of Christians, haue yet beene conquered by their Religion: A grace denyed Saracenicall Conquests, because almost all the Nations which now are Mahumetan, were before in part or who••ly Christians, but rather in Faith then Workes: to which suc∣ceeded the Saracenicall Religion without the Church, and Papall Superstition within, the one professing moralitie of Workes without Faith in him which is, the way, the truth and life; the Other, on that fundamentall Faith of the Trinitie Incarnation▪ &c. building their hay and stubble of Wil-worships and merits of Workes: the one wholly excluding Christianitie, the other corrup∣ting it; both in steed of that great mysterie of godlinesse, our Iustification by faith in Christ, obtruding mans moralitie, and a righ∣teousnes••e of our owne, euen therefore vnrighteousnesse.
• * 1.833

  Bellon. Obser. l. 3. c. 30. Georgiouitz. l. 2. de Rit••b. Turcar. cap. de 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• n 1.834

  See Withers his Seraglio, l. 9. The Saracens at the first were so farre from reiecting Philosophie and Arts, that within the first hundred yeeres after the Hegira, they there most flourished, and Abilqualid Iacob Almansor (whose Captaines conquered Spaine) erected and endowed eightie two Colledges for Arts, as many Hospitals, and aboue fiue hundred M••squits. Himselfe best wed [ 60] euery Thursday in hearing disputations, and in his Librarie which contayned fiue and fiftie thousand Bookes. And after the Barbarian Deluge Christians recouered lost learning by helpe of Arabs.
• * 1.835

  Of the sundrie Regions of the World inhabi∣ted by Id••la∣ters. Chap. 12.
• o 1.836

  Boem▪ de Mo∣rib gent. l. 3. c. 7. Boter. relat p. 3. l. 1. c. Lituania.
• p 1.837

  Leo Af••ican. l. 7. c. de Borno regno.
• q 1.838

  Aluarez. hist. Aethiop. c. 30.
• r 1.839

  Leo Afric. l. 1. c. de vitijs Afror.
• * 1.840

  Strab l. 2. Ptol. in tab. Orb. general.
• s 1.841

  Vid. Ptol. in Tab. orbis vni∣uer. & Merc. in tab. gener. Asiae.
• t 1.842

  Pa. Ven. l. 3 c. 8
• u 1.843

  Id. l. 3. c. 42.
• * 1.844

  Tha. Ies. de Con. gent. l. 1. c. 1.
• * 1.845

  Curdi. See l. 9. c. 4. & 5.
• * 1.846

  Of the Iewes dispersed in se∣uerall parts of the World. Chap. 13.

  Boter. relat. p. 3. l. 2. c. de Gindei
• * 1.847

  Leo African. l. 2. c. 3.6. &c.
• * 1.848

  For of the Iewes, as touching their Religion, there be in these times three sects. The first which is the greatest of them, is named 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 who beside the holy Scriptures, imbrace the Talmud also for Au∣thenticall, and for that cause they are also termed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The second are called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which receiue onely the Scriptures. And the thir•• 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 that is, the Samaritans (at this day but very few) which, of all the holy Scriptures▪ admit onely the Pen∣tateuch or Bookes of Moses: of them all see my Pil∣grimage Lib. 2.
• * 1.849

  Post••l. Descript. Syri••. ca. 1. Geneb••ad. Chron l. 1. Boter. Relat. p. 1. l. 2. c. vitim•• par••e de•••• Tar∣taria & p. 3. l. 2. c. de G••nde••.
• * 1.850

  Leunclau in Pand••ct. H••st. Tu••ci••. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Heb. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Syr.
• * 1.851

  2 Esd. 13. v. 41.42.43.44.45.
• * 1.852

  Leunclau. in Pand. histo••. Turcic. §. 3.
• * 1.853

  Boem▪ de Mo∣rib gent. l. 2. c. 10 Haitti. lib. de Tartaris. cap. 16.
• * 1.854

  Iosep. Acosta D•• Natura Nou. Orb. l. 1. c. 21.
• * 1.855

  Michon. de Sa••∣ma••••••. l. 1. c. 5. Of these Tar∣tars See To. 2. l. 1 & 2 in 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Polo, Haic▪ ••, ••enk••ns. &c.
• * 1.856

  Diodor. Sic l. 1. part. ••. c. 1. Phil. Iudae. l. de Cir∣cumcision. Strab. l. 16. He∣rodot. l. 2. parum. a Med Strab. l. 16. ••ong. ••••st. med
• x 1.857

  Diodor. Sic. l. 3. c. ••. Aga••harchid. l. ••e Mar. ••ubr c. 49 ap. P••ot. in Bibliotheca Cy∣prian l de cir∣cumcision. in principio Niceph▪ Callist. l. 8. c. 3••. I••rem. 9.26. Hieron. in Com∣ment loci iam ci••a••i. Epi••han. Panar▪ l. 1. ••aer. 30.
• * 1.858

  For, that the Israelites and Sarracens are the same Nation, is manifest by Hierome, and Sozomen, and others, which being anciently termed Sc••nitae (as Am••••ianus hath obserued) namely of the Graecians 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉▪ because they dwelled in tents (for such to be the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of their habitation, is not onely affirmed by Hierome Comment. in Isai ca. 21. Sozomen. Histor l. 6. c. ••8. A••••ian. l. 22 post. med. but signified, and not obscurely, by Dauid Psal. 120.5. vid. eti∣am Ierem. 4••.••8.••9. lamenting his dwelling in the tents of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 by which name Arab•••• deserta is t••rmed in the He∣brew) were of their dwelling in the desert, by the Arabians themselues named Sarracens (••or Sarrae signifieth a desert, and Sakan to inhabit, in the Arabia•••• tongue) or else, if not of their place, yet at least (as learned men certainely thinke, Scaliger in Animadu. Eus••b. pa. 17. an. 88. F••ller. Mis∣cellan. Theolog. l. ••. c. 12. of their property, they might obtain that name of Sarracens, namely, because they liued much by rapine (for that the word S••••acke in Arabique doth im∣port) to which aboue all nations they euer were▪ and still are addicted. For the deduction of the name Sarracens, from
• * 1.859

  By Sozomen l. 6. c. 38.
• * 1.860

  Sara, as if they claimed descent from her b••ing in∣deede Haga••••ns (the p••ogeny of H••gar) is a meere fancy and fable▪ They claime it not.
• * 1.861

  Ambr. l. 2. de A∣braham. P••tri∣archa c. 12.
• x 1.862

  Bellon Obs••r. l. 3. c 28. George•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉. l. ••. de 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Tur••ar. c. de Ci••cumci••••••ne.
• x 1.863

  Sar••. de ••iti. gent. l. ••. c. ••0.
• a 1.864

  Pigafet. de Regn. Cong. l. 1. c. 5.

  B••ter. Relat. pa. l. 1. c. Loange.
• * 1.865

  Paul Venet. l. 3. c. 47 Haith. l. de Tartar. c. 1.
• d 1.866

  Vicent. Spec. Histo••ialis ••. 32. c 6.

  Paul. V••net. l. 1. c. 55.

  Guiliel de Rubri. Itin. Tartar. c. 9.
• e 1.867

  Sigism. com. Rer. Mosco••. Guil. de Rubricis Itinerer. Tartar. l. 5.

  Boem. de Morib. gentium. l. 2. c. 10
• f 1.868

  Hero. ••ot. l. 4.
• g 1.869

  Aelian. de Ani∣malib. l. 10. c. 17. 1 Esd. 2.13.
• y 1.870

  Vers. 39.
• z 1.871

  Vers 41.
• * 1.872

  1 Chro. 5.26. 2 Kin. 17.23.
• * 1.873

  If 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 be Cholchi, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Iberia, & 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Armenia, so called for the mountainousnesse of it) & 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Gauza••iae in Media, then al confined together, & bounded the North side of the Assyrian Empire, which stretched Northward, but to that I••thume betweene the Euxine & the Caspian Seas: So that, the Israelites were by that meanes, seated farthest off from their owne Country, and placed in the parts of the Empire most wast & desolate of inhabitants, as the confines of warring Nations vsually are. But if Ca∣lach be Calacine, and Cha••or the hill Chaboras (being part of Tauru••, and seuering Assyria, from Armenia, and Media) and Hara the other hilly parts in the North side of Assy∣ria, as seemeth more agreeable to the obseruations of Ben∣iamin Tudelensis, for about those parts, hee found in his trauaile, the greatest multitudes of the Israelites, then in the places alleadged, I would vnderstand by Ashur, not the Empire or Dominion, but the peculiar Kingdome of Assyria.
• x 1.874

  k. Da••. Kim∣chi & R. Shelo∣mo ex s••ntentia seniorum apud▪ Sixt. Senens. Bi∣bliot•• Sanctae l. 1
• * 1.875

  Abulens. in praef. Paralipom. in Q••••stion. 5.
• * 1.876

  Ioseph. Antl••. l. 11. c.
• * 1.877

  Beniamin 〈…〉〈…〉 70.7•• 〈…〉〈…〉 76.77 〈…〉〈…〉 81.86 〈…〉〈…〉
• e 1.878

  Pag. 75. & 〈…〉〈…〉
• g 1.879

  Pag. ead.
• h 1.880

  Pag. 77.
• f 1.881

  Pag. 76. &c.
• i 1.882

  Pag. 87.
• k 1.883

  And the most high thē shew∣ed them signes and stai••d the springs of the f••••ud (Euphra∣tes) till they were pas••••d ouer. vers. 44.
• * 1.884

  2 Esdr. 13.
• l 1.885

  Iustin. hist l. 2. in princip.
• * 1.886

  They tooke this counsell to themselues that they would leaue the mul••itude of the Hea••h••n ver. 41.
• * 1.887

  And goe forth into a Country where neuer mankinde dwelt. v. 41.
• * 1.888

  Beros. l. 3. Pt••le. Georg. l. 5. c 13. & in Tab. 3. Asiae.
• m 1.889

  Esd. 6.42.
• n 1.890

  Cap. cod. v. 5••.
• * 1.891

  Aelian de Ani∣malib. l. 12. c. 8.
• o 1.892

  Vid. Gill••um in Description. Elephant. c. 6. & Gor••p. l. 2. Orig. Ani••er••ian.
• p 1.893

  Aelian. l. 16. c 12.

  Rondelet. de Pi∣scib. l. 16. c. 11. A••rian. de R••b. Indi••is longa ante 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• a 1.894

  〈…〉〈…〉 Plin. l. 32.
• * 1.895

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.896

  Basil 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ae∣mer. Homil. 7.
• * 1.897

  Fabian apud Pli. l. 2 c. 102. Cl••om. Meteor l. 1. c. 10. Plutarch in Vita Aemilij Pauli. Sc••lig. de Sub••i∣litate. Ex••r••. 38.
• b 1.898

  A••d. Baccius de The••mis l. 1. c 4. & Alij.
• * 1.899

  Th••on. in Com∣ment. Magnae Construction. Ptalom. l. 1.
• * 1.900

  Plin. l. 2. c. 63. Plutarch loc. supra citato.
• * 1.901

  Cleomed. l. 1. Meteor. c. 10. Al••azen de Cre∣puscul. propos. 1.
• * 1.902

  Damascen. l. 2. de fide Orthodoxa c. 10.
• * 1.903

  Genes. 1.9. Aqui••. in Sum. p. 1. q. 69. a. 1. Dionys. Carth. Cathar••n. & A∣lij in Comment. cap. 1. Genes.
• * 1.904

  By which rule of the proceeding of the Riuers by the procliuitie of the earth, & euer sliding from the higher ground to the lower, till they come to the Sea, is euident to be discerned, that in Continents, those Regions are the higher Land from which Riuers streame, and those the lower ground, to which they proceed, and cōsequently, that of all, those are the highest which receiuing no forreine Riuers, to which they giue passage through them, doe send forth the longest Ri∣uers on all sides to the Regions round about them. By which obser∣uation is to be discerned, that Heluetia and Rhetia, sending forth the longest Riuers of Europe, which on all sides descend from them and their Confines, Danubius toward the East, Rhene North, Rhodanus West, beside Ticinus, Addua, and others, that fall into Padus South, are the highest Land of Europe, As the Region of Pamer, and Kirges∣si, with some other neere the crossing of the great Mountaines Tau∣rus and Imaus aboue India, whence are directed, the greatest and lon∣gest Riuers of Asia, Indus and Ganges toward the South, Oxus and Ia∣xartus toward the West, Oechardes North, Cantan East, is prooued by the same reason, to be the highest part of Afrike and Asia, and in my opinion of all the Earth. And as the Region also about the Springs of Nilus, from which beside Nilus, that runneth towardes the North, are sent forth, the Riuer of Magnice, towardes the South, of Zaire West, of Coauo and Zuama East, being (Niger excepted) the greatest Riuers of Afrike, is by the same reason, prooued to bee, the highest part of that Continent.
• * 1.905

  Plin. l. 31. c. 6.
• * 1.906

  Columell. de Re Rustica. l. 5. c. 1. Vitru••. Arc••ite∣ctur. l. 8. c. 7. Pal∣lad. de re Rustica l. 9. tit. 11.
• * 1.907

  Philand. in Vi∣truu. l. 8. c. 11.
• * 1.908

  Arist. Met. l. 2 c 1 Strab l. 1. lo••ge post medium.
• * 1.909

  Of the quanti∣tie and pro∣portion of the parts of the Earth▪ posses∣sed by the se∣uerall sorts of the aboue mentioned re∣ligions. Ch. 14.
• l 1.910

  Pofiel. in praef. Gram. Arabic. Lud. Regius de Vicessitud. Re∣rum. l. 8. in fine.
• * 1.911

  Archim. de Insi∣d••nti••. Aquae l. 1. Propos. 2.
• * 1.912

  For touching the first of these suppositions. It is the propertie of water, euer to fall that way, where it findeth decliuine. Wherefore, if the water, in the vpper face of it, were higher in one place then in another it would necessarily fall from the higher position to the lower, because it is heauie and flexible, and hath nothing in the open and free Sea, to let or hinder it: And consequently, would neuer rest setled and stable, till the face of it were leuelled, in an euen distance from the Centre.

  And touching the second, if the Earth were vne-qually poysed on opposite sides of the centre, then must it follow, that the least and lighter masse of the Earth should presse downe as forcibly, as the grea∣ter and weightier, because it attaineth the centre as well as it. But if it be granted, which reason doth inforce, that the weightier part of the Earth should presse downward, with greater force, and with mo••e right challenge the centre, then the lighter part: it must follow, that the lighter masse or side of the Earth, must yeeld and giue place to the weightier, so farre, till the centre of that whole masse of the Earth take possession of the centre of the world (for till then, one side will be still heauier then the other) and so the opposite halfes of the Earth, in respect of heauinesse, be brought on all sides, about the centre, vn∣to a perfect equilibration.

  And the third may be established, by manifest demonstration. Be∣cause, a clod of Earth, suffered to fall from any point of the Aire, wheresoeuer on the face of the Sea (the same doth water, falling on euen and plaine Land) when all is calme, and the Aire not troubled with winds, nor the Sea with waues, will descend by a perpendicular line, on the face of the water. In such sort I say, that the line by which it falleth maketh exactly equall and right Angles on all sides, with the face of the water whereon it falleth. Therefore it is manifest, that the Earth so falling, tendeth directly to the centre of the water. Because no straight line insisteth perpendicularly, on the face or circumfe∣rence of any speciall bodie (as the water is) except only those that proceed directly to the centre of the Sphere: But certaine it is, that the Earth is withall directly carried toward it owne centre, therefore there is but one common centre of the Water and of the Earth.
• m 1.913

  Varro. l. 6. de ling. Lat. Isidor. Origin. l. 3. c. 12. & Alij.
• * 1.914

  Of the diuers sorts or Sects of Christians in the World, and of their seuerall Regi∣ons. And first of the Grecians. Chap. 15.
• * 1.915

  Bello••. Obser. l▪ •• c. 35.
• * 1.916

  Concil. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. can. 28
• * 1.917

  Nouell. Leon De ••r••ine▪ 〈◊〉〈◊〉 l. 2 〈…〉〈…〉 O∣ri••tals. Curo∣p••lat•••••• O••fic. Pol••t. Constan∣tinop. prope fine.
• * 1.918

  Cromer de∣scrip. Po••on. l. 1. Heidenst. de Bel. Mo••••. l. 1. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Descript. on 〈◊〉〈◊〉 c. 2.
• * 1.919

  1. Concil. Florēt. Sc••••. 18. & se∣quetib. Ierem. Patriarch. Con∣stant. in Resp. 1. ad Germā••s. c. 1 2. Cocil. Florēt. pr••pe Initium. Respons. Graec. ad cardin. Gui∣san. Quest. 9. 3. Resp. cad. grae∣cor. Q. 5. Ierē. Patr. Resp. 1. c. 1 4. Ierem. Resp. ca••. c. 10. & ••1. 5. Posseuin. de Robus Mosco∣uiae pag. 43. 6. Id. l. cita. p. 40 7. Ierem. Res∣pons. cap. 21. 8. Tom••••nionis inter nouel. Cō∣stantin. Par phy∣rogen. in Tomo. 1. Iur. Orienta∣lis. lib. 2. Zonar. Annal. Tom. 3. in Imp. Leonis philosophi. 9. Resp. Graecor ad Guisan. Quaest. 8. Posse∣uin. de reb. Moscou. p. 44. 10. Posseu. l. ci∣tat. p. 41. & 42. Villamont en. Vorag. l. 2. c. 21. & Alii. 12. Posseuin. l. citat••. p. 42. 13. Nilus Episco Thessal. de Primatu Papae Barlaam de primatu Papae & Alii. Leo. 9. epist. 1. ad Episcop. Constantinop. & Acridan. & inpluribus aliis. Sigebe••t. in Chronico ad An. 1054. Posseu. de Reb. Mosco. p. 38. & sequentib.
• * 1.920

  Of the Syrians or Melchites. Chap. 16.
• * 1.921

  Botar. Relat. pa. 3. l. 2. ca. de Melchiti.
• * 1.922

  For Postels fantasie deriuing Suria from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is meere∣ly vaine, and being neuer so named in the Hebrew tongue, but alwayes 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, by which name also it seemeth anciently to haue been knowne, euen among the Grecians, for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 mentioned in Homer, are no other, as Possidonius in Strabo ex∣pounds him, then the Syrians: Strabo himselfe also recording in other places, that the Syrians were called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in his time: And that the naturall Inhabitants of Syria, so called themselues. Yet neuerthelesse they were vulgarly knowne by the name of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 among the Graecians, because the Citie of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, being the maine Mart Towne of all those parts, was the place where they had their Trade and Commerce with those Aramites. But when the Phoenician tongue began to de∣generate into Chaldee, then the name of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 was conuerted into Tur, the later 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 being turned into 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in sound made 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. As they that obserue the differences of the Hebrew and Chaldee, and the transitions of the first into the latter know to be ordinary.
• a 1.922.1

  Postel. in 〈…〉〈…〉. p. 30.
• * 1.922.2

  Gellius. l. 14 c. 6 Festus in Dicti∣one sarra.
• * 1.922.3

  Strab. l 16. in fine.
• * 1.922.4

  Vitria histor. Oriental. c. 4••. Niger in com∣me••••••ar. 4. A••••ae. Postel. in descrip. Syriae. pag. ••0.
• * 1.922.5

  Stra l 〈◊〉〈◊〉 non long. ante finem.
• * 1.923

  Strab. l. 1 post. med. Burch••rd. descr. te••rae Sanctae. Hieron. in lib. de Nominib. He∣braicis. Pl••n. l. 5. c. 19.
• * 1.924

  Vid. Scaliger ad ••es••. in dicti∣one S••rra & Guidon. Fabric. in Grammatic. Chald••••, &c.
• b 1.925

  Q. Curt. l. 4.
• c 1.926

  Plin. loc. cita∣to.
• * 1.927

  Niceph. Calist. Histor. Eccle∣siast. l. 18 c. 52.
• * 1.928

  Lib. 18. c. 45.1.2.3.4.5. Iacob à Vitriaco. Hist. Orient c. 75.
• * 1.929

  4. Villamont. en voyag. l. 2. c. 22.6.7.8. Villamon▪ loco citato.
• * 1.930

  Vitriac. loco iam citato. Sa∣lignicis▪ Itiner. Tom. 8. c. 1. Ba∣mugart. Pere∣grin. l. 2. c 9. & Alij.
• g 1.931

  Bellon. obseru. l. ••. Chi••rae▪ de s••a. Ecclesi. ••. pag. 5. Boter. Relat. p. 3. l. 2. c. de Maro∣niti. Crus. Turco. grar. l. 4▪ p. 296. ex relatione Gerlach••.
• h 1.932

  Boter lo•••• iam ci••ato.
• i 1.933

  Boter. Rel••▪ p. 3. l 1. c. a•• Patria 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 1.934

  Of the Georgi∣ans, Circassians, & Mengrellians Chap. 17.
• * 1.935

  Volaterran. l. 11. c. de sect. Sy∣ri•• Prateol. de sectis. haeret. in Verbo. Georgia∣ni. & alii. Mela. l. 1. c. 2. Plin. l. 6. c. 13.
• * 1.936

  Paul. Venet. l. 1. c. 14. Chitrae. de statu. Ecclesiar. p. 23. & 50. & Alii.
• o 1.937

  Bellon. o••seru. l. 1. c. 35. Mi∣chou. de Sarma∣tia. l. 1. c. 7. Interiano della vita de Zychi c. 1 Anan. Fabrica del Mondo Trat. 2. Boter. par. 3. l. 2. c.
• * 1.938

  Of the Musco∣uites & Russians Chap. 18. Ioan. Metropoli∣tan. Russ. in ep. a•• Episcop. Rom. apud. Sigismud. de Rebus Mus∣cou. p. 31. Guagin. descri••. Muscou, c. 2. Sa∣cran. de errorib. Ruthenor. c. 2. 2. Sigism. l. citat. p. 41. Sacran. de Relig. Ruthenor. c. 2. Scarga. Po∣lon. l. 3. c. 2. 3. Scarga. Polon. l. 3. c. 2. Guaguin descript. Mos∣cou. c. 2. 4 Ioan. Metro∣pol. Russ. vbi su∣pra p. 32. Gua∣gin. descr. Muscou. ca. 2. 5 Sigism. loc. citato. pag. 40. 6. Sigism. loc. citato p. 40. Guaguin. loc. citato. 7. Guaguin. Ibid. 8. Ioan. Metro∣pol. Russ. vbi supra. apud. Sigism. p. 31. Guagin. loc. citato. Sacran. de errorib. Ruthenor. c. 2. 9. Sacran. loc. citato. 10. Sigism. lib. alleg. pag. 47. Posseui••. de Rebus Moscou. pag. 2. Guaguin. Descript. Moscou. cap. 2. 11. Sacran. de errorib. Ruthenor. c. 2. 1••. Sigism. lib. ci∣tat. p. 28. Scarga. de vno pastor l. 3. c. 2.
• * 1.939

  Posseuin. de Reb. Moscou. p. 1. Guaguin. loc. citat. 13. Posseu. lib. allegato. p. 44. 14. Ioan. Metropol. Russ. vbi supr. p. 31. Guaguin. loc. allegato. 15. Posseu. in Moscouia. pag. 42. Sacran. de error. R••then. cap. 2. 16. Guaguin. loc. citat. ••7. Sigism. lib. citato. pag. 33. Boter. Relat. par. 3. l. 1. c. de Moscouia.
• x 1.940

  Posseuin. Rer. M. scou. Com. 1. pag. 1. Guaguin. de∣scrip. Moscou. cap 2.
• a 1.941

  Posseuin. l••co proxime citato Sigism. in Mosco pag. 28.
• b 1.942

  Boter. Rel. pa. 1. l. 1. c Russia. Guaguin. Descr. Moscou. cap. ••.
• c 1.943

  Sigism. de ••••b Moscou. pag 27. Guaguin l••co iam citato.
• * 1.944

  Of the Nestori∣ans. Chap. 19.
• d 1.945

  Guil. de Rubr. Itin. Tart c. Paul. Venet. 1. l. 1. c. 38.2. l. eod. cap. 39.3. cap. ••0 4 c. 47.5. c. 45. & 49.6. c. 48.7. c. 62.8. c. 64. l. 2. c. 39. l. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. c. 61. & 64, &c. Paul. Di••con. Histor. Miscel. lib. 18.
• * 1.946

  S••nd. de Vist. Monarch. l. 7. An. 1556. Paul. Venet▪ l. 1. c. 15. Brocard. Des. Terr. sanct. Le••nclau. Pa••d. Histor. Turc § 3.
• e 1.947

  Aubret. Mirae Noti••••ae Episco. Orb pag. ••5 Mas. in Ortel in Thesaur. in S••∣leuita. Plin. l. 5•• c. 25. Strab. l. 16. long 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Med.
• * 1.948

  Guil. Tyr••us de b••ll sacr l 2. c. 8
• a 1.949

  Concil. Nicen. Arab. l. 3. c. 33. & 34. Vitriac. hist. Ori∣ent c· 31. Tit. de bell sac. l. 21. c. 8. Scal. ad Chron. Euseb. A.M.D. CCX II. Ben in Iti••erar. in Medio. See more ex∣act relations of Bag. l. 9. c. 9. &c. My Pilgrimage l. 3. c. 2. §. 3. Strabo l. 16. Plin. l. 6. c. 26. Ptol. G••og. l. 6. c. 18. & 20. Dion. hist. l. ••0. Plin. l. 6. c. 26.
• m 1.950

  Muzal, the Patriarchall seate of the Nestorians, is either a remain∣der of the ancient Niniue, as Vitriacus, and Tyrius (who therefore in his Historie calleth the Inhabitants of that Citie Niniuites) haue re∣corded: Or at least, built neere the Ruines of it: Namely, ouer a∣gainst it, on the other side of the Riuer Tigris, as by Beniamin, who di∣ligently viewed the place, is obserued, for Niniue (which hee noteth to be dissolued into scattered Villages and Castles) stood on the East banke of Tigris, on Assyria side: whereas Muzal is seated on the Wes•• banke on Mesopotamia side, beeing yet both ioyned together, by a Bridge made ouer Tigris.
• a 1.951

  Boter. relat. par. 3. l. 2. c. de Nestoriani. Tho. à les. de conuers. gent l. 7. par. 1. c. 3. & 4.
• * 1.952

  1 Vtriac. hist. Orient. c. 8.2 Id. loco ci at.
• b 1.953

  Bot. relat. par. 3. l. 2. c. de Nest. Thom. à Ies. de co••. gen. l. 7▪ c. 2.3 Bot. loco pro∣ximo citato. 4 Vitri••c. hist. Orient. 78. Vil∣lamont en Voy∣ages l. 2. c. 23.5 Vill. lo. citat. 6 Et. 7. Sul••••. Nest. profess. tom. 4. Biblioth. Vet. Patrum, p. 1054. 8 Guliel. de Ru∣bric. Itiner. Tar∣tar. c. 17. Of the Indians or Christians of Saint Th••mas. Chap. 20.
• c 1.954

  Sommar••d po∣poli Orient. ap. Ramus. Vol. 1. de Viaggi, p. 332.
• d 1.955

  B••rbosa eod. Vol. p. 312.
• e 1.956

  Bot. rel. p. 3. l. 2 c. della ••oua Christianita d' India.
• f 1.957

  Bot. rel. p. 3. l. 2. c. della vecchia Christ. d' India Th. à Ies. de con∣uer. gent. l. 7. pa. 1. c. 4.
• * 1.958

  For Mozal as I said before, is either Seleucia, or succeeded into the dignitie of it. And Seleucia is recorded to haue bin inhabited by the Citizens of Babylon, whereof it was a Colony: And such a Colony, as in short time ••t exhausted Babylon it selfe, of all the Inhabitants, passing, by reason of the more commodious situation, to dwell at Se∣leucia. So that Seleucia being inhabited by the Babylonians, and so be∣comming in stead of Babylon, the principall Citie of the Prouinces of Babylonia, and Assyria, the Citie obtayned the name of Babylon of her Inhabitants (as well as Seleucia, of her Founder) as Plinie hath re∣corded: And the Patriarch of it, the title of the Patriarch of Babylon. And although Barbosa note, that subordination of the Christians of India, to be to the Patriarah of Armenia (which no doubt he receiued from the Indians relation, among whom he was) yet certaine it is, that he meaneth no other, then this Patriarch of Mozal: because those Armenians which he meaneth, are by himselfe obserued to haue for their vulgar Language the Arabik tongue, and to celebrate their di∣uine Seru••ce in the Chaldee, both which agree with Christians of Mo∣zal, but neither of both with those of Armenia, whose Language both in the vulgar and sacred vse is knowne to be no other then the Arme∣nian Tongue. As also, because the Indians are knowne to haue beene Nestorians, to which Heresie the Armenians were most opposite, as be∣ing in a manner Iacobites. But as it seemeth, that Patriarch is said to haue beene of Armenia, for the neernesse of Mozal to the Confines of Armenia.
• * 1.958.6

  Th. à ••e••. de conu. gent. l. 7. part. 1. c. 4.
• * 1.958.7

  Plin. loco pro∣ximo citato.
• * 1.958.8

  Apud ••amus. vol. 1. de Viaggi. p. 313.
• g 1.959

  Plin. l. 6 c. 26.
• h 1.960

  Sand▪ visib. Monarch. l 7. p. 642.
• i 1.961

  Posseuin. in Apparat. sacro in Diaperiense Concilium.
• * 1.962

  Biblioth. vet. Pa∣trum Auctor. Tom. 2. in sine.

  1 Osorius de rel. Emmanuel. l. 3. Bot. rel p. 3. l. 2 c. della. Vecchia Ch••istianita •• India.

  2 Od••ard. Bar∣bos. p. Ramus. Vol. 1. p. 313.

  3 Nauigaet. Iose∣phi· Indi, inter relationes noui orbis. c. 134.

  4 Ioseph. Ind. ••. citato c. 134.

  5 Os••r. loco ante citato. Posseu. in Appara. sacro in Diamperiense Concil. Thet. co••. l. 10. ca. 15.

  6 Ios. Ind. vbi supra c. 133.

  7 Posseu. loco ci∣tato.

  8 Posseu. loco citato.

  9 Posseu. in Ap∣parat. sacro in Nestoriani. ••idmanstad. i•• praef. Test. Syriac.
• n 1.963

  The Imperfections of the Syriake Edition, consist partly in sun∣dry defects: namely, 1. of all the Reuelation: 2. of the Epistle of Saint Iude; 3. of the second Epistle of Saint Peter: 4. of the second and third Ep••stles of Saint Iohn: 5. of the History of the Woman ta∣ken in adulte••y, in the eight Chapter of Saint Iohns Gospel, contay∣ning the first eleuen Verses: and 6. of the 7. Verse of the 5. Chapter of the first Epistle of Saint Iohn. Of which, the two wants are no lesse found in sundry ancient Greeke Copies, as Erasmus, Beza, Iunius and others haue obserued; And partly; beside these defects, in some (ve∣ry few faulty translations.
• * 1.964

  Bellar de ve••b•• D••i l. 2. c. ••.
• * 1.965

  Hieron. de Scrip. Ecclesiast. in Marc. Erasmus. Beza. ••unius. in Annot. ad loc. praedict.
• * 1.966

  Hieron. l. de no∣minib. Hebr.
• * 1.967

  Of the Iacobites Chap. 21. Damas. l. de hae resib. post med. Niceph. hist. Ec∣clesiast. l. 18. c. 52
• a 1.968

  Chitrae de stat. Ecclesiat. p. 25.
• b 1.969

  Namely 15. Crus. in Turcog. l. 4. p 297.
• c 1.970

  Bot. relat. pa. 3 l. 2. c. de Giacobi.
• d 1.971

  Breitenbach. peregrin. c. de Ia∣cobitis. Vitriac. hist. Orient. c. 76
• e 1.972

  Paul Diacon. hist. Miscel. l. 18. Zonar. Annal. To. 3. in Heraclio
• f 1.973

  M••rae. in noti∣tia. Episcop. orb. pmiddot; 35. Bot. relat. p. 3. l. 2. c. de Giaco.
• * 1.974

  Caramit. is Rara Amida, that is (in the Turkish Tongue) blacke Amida, because it was walled with blacke stone.
• g 1.975

  S••bellic. Sup∣plem. hist. l. 18.
• h 1.976

  Conc. Chal. A∣ction. 1. &c.
• i 1.977

  Notitia pro∣uinciar.
• k 1.978

  Conc. Constan. 1. prim. Con. 2.
• l 1.979

  Mirae. notit. Epis. orbis p. 36.
• m 1.980

  Conc. Chalced. Action 7.
• * 1.981

  1.2.31.4. Iacob. a Vitriaco. Hist. Orient. c. 76. Vil∣lamont. l. 2. c. 22. 2 Bucebing hist. Eccles. par••. 2. p. 331. Saligniac. Itiner. To. 8. c. 1. Th. à Ies l 7. pa. 1. c. 14. 4 Bucebing. loco citato.
• * 1.982

  Alphons. à Castro. l. 4 cont. Heres. Tit. Confessio Baumgar. Itiner. l. 2. c. 9.
• * 1.983

  Vitriac. hist. Orient. c. 76.
• n 1.984

  Tom. 4. Bib∣lioth. vet. Pa∣trum p 1050.
• o 1.985

  Apud Baron. in fine Tomi 6. Annal.
• p 1.986

  Zag. Zabo. de Relig. & Morib. Aethiop. apud Damian. à Goes.
• q 1.987

  Confess Ar∣menior. Num. 26 28.29 &c.
• r 1.988

  Vid. Concil. Chalced. Action. 1. & Theod. de haeres. l. 4. in Eu∣tiche.
• * 1.989

  Of the Cophti, or Ch••istians of Egypt. Chap. 22. Mas. in Syror. Peculio. Baron. in Legat. Eccles Alex. ad sed Apostol. Tom. 6. Annal. in fine. Ortel. in Thesau∣ro in Egyptus. Scal. ad Eusebij Chron. ad An. MDCCXXXIV Drus. de Trih. sect. Iudaeor. l. 2. c. 14. tit. de Philacterij••. Da∣mas. l. de 〈…〉〈…〉. post med. 1 Bot. rel. p. 3. l. 3 c. de Christia▪ del Egitto.
• * 1.990

  2 〈…〉〈…〉 Cosm de Leuant. c. 4••.
• * 1.991

  Thom. à Ies. de conu. gent. l. 7. par. ••. c. 5. 3 Thom. à Ies. loco citato. Bot. loc. cit.
• l 1.992

  Conc. Chalce••. Action 3.
• * 1.993

  Euag. l. 3. c. 5.6.22.30 33. &c. Leont de Sect. Action. 5. Niceph. l 16. c. 2.4. & 5. & l. 18. & sequent.
• m 1.994

  Synod. 97.101.103.108. c. 45.109. &c.
• n 1.995

  Ad fin. Concil. Chal. Tom. 2. Concil. Binij.
• * 1.996

  Bot. relat. par. 3. l. 3 c de Christi∣ani de Egitto.
• o 1.997

  Chitrae de stat. Ecclesiar p. 21.
• * 1.998

  〈…〉〈…〉 Alex. ap. Baron. Tom. 6 in fine
• * 1.999

  Aluarez▪ histor. Ethiop. c. 137.
• n 1.1000

  Nicen. Concil. l. 3. c. 36.
• * 1.1001

  Vitriac▪ hist. Ori∣ent. c. ••6. Br••∣card descript. Terrae. sanct.
• o 1.1002

  Aluarez. loc•• prox. citato.
• * 1.1003

  Of the Habas∣sines. Chap. 23. Stra. l. 2. & l. 17.
• * 1.1004

  Plin. l. 5. c. 8. So∣lin. P••lyhist. c. 3••
• * 1.1005

  Liturg. Ethiop. tom. 6. Biblioth. vet. patrum. pag. 59. & 65. Zag. Zabo. de Relig. & Morib. Ethiop. ap Dami∣an. a G••s.
• * 1.1006

  You may obserue, which I in my reading haue done, that all the Patriarkes and other Bishops of the East, are Monkes, of the Orders, either of Saint Basil, or Saint Anthony, for the Patriarkes of Constan∣tinople, of Antiochia, and of Armenia, are Monkes of Saint Basils Order: the Patriarkes of Alexandria, of Ethiopia, of the Iacobites, and of the Maronites, are of Saint Anthonies: And the Patriarke of the Nestorians either of both.
• * 1.1007

  Liturg. Ethi∣op. Tom. 6. Bibli∣oth. Vet. Pa∣trum▪ p. 62.
• * 1.1008

  Concil. Nicen. l 3. can. 36.
• * 1.1009

  1.2.3.4.5.6.9.10.11. Zag. Zab. de Relig. & morib. Ethiop. ap. Damianum. 4. Aluarez. Hist. Ethiop. c. 11.5. Aluarez. ibi.
• * 1.1010

  Tecla Abissin. ap. Th. a Ies. loc. alleg.
• * 1.1011

  Tecla Abisin. ap. Tho. a Iesu de co••••. vers. gent. l. 7. pa. 1. c. 13.
• * 1.1012

  Aluarez. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. loco.
• * 1.1013

  Zag••. Zabo. loco. citato. Aluarez. lib. citato. c. 5.
• * 1.1014

  Aluar. c. 13. Zaga Zabo, vbi supra.
• * 1.1015

  Herodot. l. 2. par. a Medio. Stephanus By∣zant▪ 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in dictione 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.1016

  Which seemeth to bee true, both because in the Ethiopian Liturgie, they terme their owne King∣dome the Kingdome of Sheba, and also because the Kings of Habassia deduce lineally their descent, from the Queen of Sheba that came to see Salomon which Sheba is to the skilfull certainely knowne to be in Arabia: and either the same that wee call A∣rabia foelix, or some parts of it. And certainly it is obserued by learned men, that Arabia foelix in the Easterne tongue, is named 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as Arabia de∣serta 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and Arabia Petraea, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.1016.9

  Liturg. Ethi∣op. in Tom. 6. Bibliothecae Vet. Pat. p. 59.
• * 1.1016.10

  Zag. Zabo de Morib. Ethiop. apud Damian.
• * 1.1017

  Gen. 25.3. ••. Shindler. in Dictionar. Pentaglot. in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• b 1.1018

  Za••a Zabo vbi supra.
• c 1.1019

  De Religion Ethiop. long. ••••t. med.
• d 1.1020

  Posseuin. de Re••. Moscou. p. 6
• e 1.1021

  Aluarez. hist. Ethiop. c. 95.
• * 1.1022

  Of the Arme∣nians. Chap. 24.
• f 1.1023

  Vid. Postel. lib▪ de 12. Linguis. Tit. de Lingua▪ Armenica.
• g 1.1024

  Notitia pro∣uinciar. Orient. Concil. Chalce∣don. Can, ••8.
• * 1.1025

  Photii epist. en∣cyclica. apud Ba∣ron. Tom. 10. Annal. An. 863.
• h 1.1026

  Mirae Notit. Episc. Orb. p. 36. Boter. Relation. p. 3. l. 2. c. de Dioscoriani.
• k 1.1027

  Concil. Chalced. A••tion. 1. in subscrip. b.
• * 1.1028

  Otho. Phrising l. 7. c. 32.
• * 1.1029

  Tom. 1. Iuris Oriental. l. 2.
• c 1.1030

  De Bel. sacr•• l. 14. c. 12. Nouel. 31. c. 1.
• * 1.1031

  1. Niceph. h••st. E••cle l. 18 c. 53 Confes Armenio. Art. 26, 27, 28, 29.30. &c.

  2 Alfons. a ••astro l. 5. cont. Haeres. Titul. de Deo. H••••esi 12. Boem. de Morib gent. l. 2. c. 10.

  3 Nicephor. loc. sup. citato Litur∣gia. Armen. apud Cassan••rum de Liturgijs.

  4 Niceph. loc•• ••i∣tat. Li••••r Arme∣nior. vbi supra.
• * 1.1032

  Concil. Con∣stant. 3. Can. 32.

  5 Boem. de Mo∣rib gent. l 2. c. 10

  6 Guido in Sum. de heresib. Al••o••s a Castr. l. 12. cont. Haeres. Tit. de Purgato∣rio. haeresi 1. Boem loc. citato.

  7 Bellon. Obser. l. 3. c. 12. Postel. in Lingua Tz••r∣uiana.

  8 Boem. loc. citat

  9 Nichol. Peregr. Orient. l. 4. c. 19· Boter. Rel. pa. 3. l. 2. c. Dioscoriani.

  10 Vitriac. hist. Orient. c. 79.

  11 Vitriac. loc. citato.

  12 Boter. loco. citato.

  Of the Maro∣nites. Chap. 25.
• a 1.1033

  Posseuin. Ap∣par. Sacr. in Ma∣r••nitae.
• * 1.1034

  Namely, for euery one aboue 12. yeeres old 17. Sultanines by the yeere (the Sultanine weigheth a dramme of Gold, about seuen shillings six pence of our money) and for eue∣ry space of ground sixeteene spans square, one Sultanine yeerely, as is recorded by Posseuine.
• b 1.1035

  Boter. Relat. p. 3. l. 2 c. de Ma∣roniti. Posseuin. loci citato. Brocard. in Desc. Terr. sanctae. Tacit. historia••. l. vltimo.
• c 1.1036

  Vitriac. hist. Orient c. 84. Po∣stell descript. Sy∣riae. pag. 53. Gerundens. l. 1. Paralipo••. His∣pa••n. ca. de terra R••scilion. Fest. in Diction. Album. Isidor. Origin. l. 34. c. 8.
• * 1.1037

  Stuk. in Com. ad Arrian. Periplū▪ Mar. Erythrae. p. 47. Adricom. Theatr. terr. sanct. in Neph∣talim. Num. 63. Theophrast. hist. Plantar. l. 9. c. 5.
• * 1.1038

  Plin. l. 12. c. 14. Virg. Georg. l. 2. Tertul. de coron. Milit. circa Med. Dioscorid de Me∣dic maie. l. 1. c. 7
• a 1.1039

  Posseuin. Appa. sacr. in Maronitae
• b 1.1040

  Boter Rel. p. 3. l. 2. c. de Maroni∣ti. Posseuin. loc. citato.
• * 1.1041

  Posseu. loc. citat Boter. loc. citato. Mirae: notitiae Episcop. Orbis. p. 34. Tho. a Ies. de Con••. Gent. l. 3. c. 3.
• * 1.1042

  Vitriac histor. O••••ent. c. 78. Tyrius de Bello sacro l. 22. c. 8.
• * 1.1043

  Vitr••ac. & Tit. locis ••am citatis.
• * 1.1044

  S••ligniac. ••••iner. Tom. ••. c. 2.
• * 1.1045

  Vid Nice••hor. Histor Eccles. l. 18 c. 45. & se∣qu••nt. L••••n••. de St••tis. Actio. ••. 5▪ &c.
• f 1.1046

  Posseuin. Appa. sac. in Nestoriani.
• * 1.1047

  Biblioth. Vet. Patr. Tom. 4. pa. 1049. & 153.
• g 1.1048

  Posseuin. lib. citat. in Maron. Boter Rel. p. 3. l 2 c. Maroniti. Michou. l. 2. de Sarmatia c. 1. Cru•• Turcog. l. 7. pa. 4 §. 7. &c.
• c 1.1049

  Conf••ss▪ Arme. de Trinitat. Art. 26.27.28.29.30
• d 1.1050

  Bar••n. Tom. 6. Annal. in fine.
• e 1.1051

  De Relig. & Morib. Aethiop. ap Domiana Goes.
• * 1.1052

  O•• the seueral languages wherein th•• Li∣turgies of Chri∣stians in the se∣u••rall ••••rts of the Wo••l•• are cele••rated. Chap. 26.
• * 1.1053

  Mich••u. l. 2. de Sarma••••a. c. 1. Cru••. ••urcogr l 7. p. 487. &c. Georgeou. De Ri••id. Turcar. lib. 2. cap. 1. Richer. l. 2. de Morib & Insti•• Turcar. Crus. Turco. l. 7. p. 487
• * 1.1054

  Georgeo. de Riti. Turcar. l. 2. c. de Sacerd. Durand. R••ti••n. diuinor. l. 4. ••. 1.
• * 1.1055

  Vide Baron. Tom. 1. Annal. ad An. Chr. 44 § 14.
• * 1.1056

  Bellon Ols••r. l. 3. c. 12. Vitria•• Hist. Or. c 79. Brocard. descrip. terrae sanct. Michou. de Sar. lib. 2. cap. 1. Breitenbach. Peregrin. c. de Armen. P••stel. de Lingua Armenica. Bellon. loco citato. Nichol. Peregrin. Orient. lib. 4. cap. 19. Villamont de Voyages. l. 2. c 23 Boter. Relat. p. 3. l. 2. & A••ii plures.
• a 1.1057

  Sixt Senens. l. 4. Biblioth. sanct in Ioannes Constantino∣politanus.
• b 1.1058

  Sozomen. Hist. l. 8. c. 22. Theodoret l. 5. de Cu••and. Grecar. Aff••ct. post med Roccha in ••i••liot••eca Vaticana. p. 1.7.
• c 1.1059

  Id pag▪ 155. & Mu•• P••nsa de Biblioth. V••ti••••na pa. 4. dis••••rs. 21. A••uarez histor. Ethiop. cap 15.••
• n 1.1060

  P••st••ll. de 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Indica. T••e••. Cos. l. 2. c. 24. V••lamont. l. 2. cap. 24. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Vet. P••t••to n. 6. p. 55 Mich••••. ••. l. de Sarma••. •• c. 1. Sigis••. l. de Reb. Moscou. p. 46. Posse••••a. l. de Rebus Mosc. p. 4. Theu. Cos. l. 19. c. 12.
• * 1.1061

  Idem. c. 11.
• p 1.1062

  Bapt. Palat. de Rat. scribed. Roccha in Bib∣lioth. Vatican. p. 162.
• q 1.1063

  Auentin. l. 4. A••••al. En. Sil••. in H••st Bohemica. c. 13. Auentin. loc. citat. Rocch. loc. citato.
• r 1.1064

  Epist. 247. Ioan. Papae. 8. in Tom. 3. Concil. par. 2. ap. Bin. p. 990. Roccha. lib. citato p. 168. Concil. Lateran. c. 9. & decret. l. 1 Tit. 31. c. 14.
• s 1.1065

  Iosias de Sacro Vernacul. legen∣do. Postel. de lin∣gua Illyrica. E∣rasm. Declarat. 37. ad censur. theolog. Paris. Sixt. Senens. l. 4. Biblioth. Sanct. in Hieronymus Stridonēsis Sca∣lig. Diatrib. de Linguis Europ. ••. & alii plures.
• t 1.1066

  Sixt. Senens. loco citato. Hie∣ron. in Epist. ad Sophron. Tom. 3. Scalig. loc. iam. citato. Auentin. l. 4. Annal. Pan∣sa de Biblioth. Vatican. par. 4. Discor. 23.
• t 1.1067

  Sixt. Senens. loco citato. Hie∣ron. in Epist. ad Sophron. Tom. 3. Scalig. loc. iam. citato. Auentin. l. 4. Annal. Pan∣sa de Biblioth. Vatican. par. 4. Discor. 23.
• u 1.1068

  Martyrolog. Rom. Mar∣tii. 9. Mi∣chou. de Sarma∣tia. l. 1. c. 7. Postell de Ling. Dalmatica. Rhecoa. Biblioth. Vatican. p. 161. & Alii plurimi.
• x 1.1069

  Socrat. Hist. Eccles. l. 4. c. 27. Niceph. Hist. Eccles. l. 11. c. 48. Tripart. hist. l. 8. c. 13. Paul. Diacon. Hist. Mis••ell. l. 12. Sozomen. l. 2. c. 37. Socrat. l. 2. c. 32. Vulcan. in praef. de Littur. & Lingua. Getarum. Inscrip. Vet. p. 146.
• * 1.1070

  Hieron. in pra∣fat. in 4. Euang. Theodoret. l 5. de Carand. Graecor. Affectibus post med.
• b 1.1071

  Vasco. in Chro. Hisp. ad An 7••7
• c 1.1072

  Ioan. Treuis. l. 5. c. 24.
• d 1.1073

  Auentin l. 4. Annal
• * 1.1074

  Oser. de Reb. Emmanuel l. 3. Posseuin in Ap∣par sacr••n Di••am••erien••e Con∣cilium Linschot. l. ••. c. 15. Bibl. Vet Patr. in Auct••rio. Tom. 2. in fine. Vitriac. Hist. O∣rien••. c. 76.
• e 1.1075

  Sixt. Senens. Bibl. Sanct. l. 4. in Iacobus Ar∣chiepiscopus Gennensis. Vitriac. Hist. O∣rient. c. 77. Bar∣bos. in Vol. 1. de Viaggi. apud Ra∣mus. p. 313. Vil∣lam. l. 2 c. 23. Bo∣ter. Re•• par 3. l. 2. c. de Nestoriani. Genebrard. Chronog l. 3. ad An. Chr. 31.
• f 1.1076

  Vide Wid∣manstad in p••ae∣f••t. Testamenti. Syri••c••••.
• g 1.1077

  Post. de lingua. Chald••••c. Boter. Rel p 3. l. 2. c. de Giaco••iti. Biblioth. Vet. Patr. To 6. p. 27. Arias. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. in Admon•••• ••ae∣six. Bib••••••. Re••. de Ver••ion ••y∣riaca Po••c••••n Lingna Chal∣daica.
• h 1.1078

  ••oter Relat. p. 3. l 3. c. de ••h••i∣stian••••e•• Eg. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.1079

  Posseuin. in Ap∣par. sacro. in Maronit••. Po∣stel. de l••ng. Chal∣daica. Villam. l. 2. c. 24.
• * 1.1080

  Barros. de Asia. Decad. 2. l. 1. c. 3.
• * 1.1081

  Ana••. Fabric. del. Mondo. Trat. 3. p. 292.
• * 1.1082

  Boter. Relat. par. 3. l. 3. de Christi∣ani di Socotena.
• * 1.1083

  Ierem Resp. 1. ad Germanos c. 13.
• * 1.1084

  Hieron. in praef ad Lib. Paralip••.
• i 1.1085

  Theodos Z••go∣mal••in episi ad Cru••. l. Turco· grecae p. 431.
• k 1.1086

  Vitriac. Hist. O••ient. c. 75. Mai••ho. l. de Tortaris. c. 14. Breitenbach Pe∣regrin••c de Su∣rianis. Baum∣gart. Peregr. l 2. c. 9. Villamont. l. 2. c. ••2. Boter. Rel p. 3 l. 1. c. de Melchiti.
• l 1.1087

  Vitriac. lib. citat c 80. Ge••ner. Mithrid in Lingu•• Geor∣gia. Postel de ••2. Ling Tit. de ling. Geo••g. Roccha. de Dialect. in Geor∣giana, & in grae∣ca. Vet Bau••∣gart▪ loc. citat Villamont. l. 2. c. 23.
• m 1.1088

  Interian▪ del∣la vita de. 1. Zychi. c. 1. Bello. Obser. l. 1. c. 35.
• * 1.1089

  L. 7. c. 5. & 7. & 8.
• * 1.1090

  Taken out of Thomas a Iesu de Conuers. om. Gent. l. 7. c. 13. Xe••a or Sua.
• * 1.1091

  Of God & the Holy Trinity.
• * 1.1092

  Abassines are Monothelites.
• * 1.1093

  Pictures incen∣sed.
• * 1.1094

  Canonicall bookes 81.
• * 1.1095

  Gen. Councels
• * 1.1096

  This 〈◊〉〈◊〉 cōmeth neerer the Romis•••• Faith in di••ers thing▪ then the 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 1.1097

  Sacraments.
• * 1.1098

  Baptisme. Circumcisio••
• * 1.1099

  No baptisme with fire.
• * 1.1100

  See sup. Alua∣res l. 7. c. 5. §. 14. whom ī rather beleeue; but this man and Zaga Zabo whom Dam. a Goes publi∣shed, and L. Vrreta, daub ouer as well as they can, di∣uers of the E∣thiopian super∣stitions, & yet this is more credible then Vrreta (a very dunghill of lies) and then Zaga Zabo (too thicke strewed therewith) for which cause I haue omitted them: whereas this in most things of mo∣ment saith the truth, but ex∣cuseth as farre as hee may some of their Rites in Bap∣tisme, Circum∣cision, &c. Consecration. Communion in both kinds. Children com∣municated. Purgatory. Locus alleuiatio∣nis. Soule-sleepe.
• * 1.1101

  Mortall sinne.
• * 1.1102

  Vniuersall grace.
• * 1.1103

  Indulgences.
• * 1.1104

  Inuocation of Saints.
• * 1.1105

  Simony. Difference twixt Abassines and Cophti.
• * 1.1106

  Note.
• * 1.1107

  Holy, holy, holy.
• * 1.1108

  Holy Orders.
• * 1.1109

  Iosephus Coph••••••
• * 1.1110

  Popish rites of giuing Orders.
• * 1.1111

  Iacobites num∣b••rs▪
• * 1.1112

  Their Bishops.
• * 1.1113

  Monasteries and Churches.
• * 1.1114

  Rites.
• * 1.1115

  Armenians. Their Patri∣arks.
• * 1.1116

  Their numbers
• * 1.1117

  Preachers or Masters.
• * 1.1118

  Romish Arme∣nians.
• * 1.1119

  Second Patri∣arch.
• * 1.1120

  I f••are the Po∣pish multipli∣cation making great haruests of little corne: yet I here re••••t what I finde, and wish that a••l N••storians would aban∣don those he∣resies, and in that point be Roman and Ca∣tholike.

  Dry the Patri∣arch.
• * 1.1121

  I thinke hee meaneth Saint Thomas Chri∣stians in India. Abdesu or Abil∣••su.
• * 1.1122

  Of these Nesto∣rians, see Ru∣bruquis, Polo, &c. ••. in To 2. l. 1. & Brere∣w••••ds Enq••••ri•••• following.
• * 1.1123

  Synod at Cairo.
• * 1.1124

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.1125

  King of Georgia his letter to the Pope.
• * 1.1126

  Seminarie of Maronites.
• * 1.1127

  Poore Priests.
• * 1.1128

  Their old rites.
• * 1.1129

  L. 8 c. 6. l. 9. c. 9.
• * 1.1130

  It was prin∣ted also in La∣tine at Cam∣bridge.
• * 1.1131

  Simple silli∣nesse ••ither of this Monke or of this Nation. Or rather base courages palli∣ated with Scripture mis∣applied. The true cause is, that they, wea∣kened by diui∣sions amongst themselues & from the La∣tines; and not assisted from Princes abroad were not able to hold out. An obscure Pro∣phesie ought not to hold mens hands,, except they will be trea∣cherous to their state; for Gods will re∣uealed is the rule of our a∣ctions; vailed prophesies can but f••resigni∣fie euents, be∣ing not terrible till then, and therefore not eligible, as Gods rule, not ours, intima∣ting what hee wils, and not what we ought Deut. 29. Diuers tri∣butes to the Turke. Tithing of their children. Another fa∣shion.
• * 1.1132

  Greekish Lents foure in euery yeere. First Lent.
• * 1.1133

  Saturday and Sunday not fa∣sting.
• * 1.1134

  Second or Ad∣uent Lent.
• * 1.1135

  Third Lent.
• * 1.1136

  Fourth Lent. Assumption.
• * 1.1137

  Difference of fasts in Lent.
• * 1.1138

  Manner of fasting.
• * 1.1139

  O Vti••am.
• * 1.1140

  Two weekely••fast▪ Wednes∣day & Friday.
• * 1.1141

  Saturdaies, Sund••ies, and other holy daies.
• * 1.1142

  Crosse Fast.
• * 1.1143

  Twelfth day holy water. See the Russe and Abassine cere∣monies on that day in their places.
• * 1.1144

  Dog-tale.
• * 1.1145

  Times for Or∣ders.
• * 1.1146

  Confession.
• * 1.1147

  Rites of praier &c. in their Churches.
• * 1.1148

  Rites of Con∣fession.
• * 1.1149

  Their Temples The Quire.
• * 1.1150

  Communion,
• * 1.1151

  Holy bread.
• * 1.1152

  Fonts and Baptisme.
• * 1.1153

  Excommu∣nication.
• * 1.1154

  Christopher Fu∣rer mentioneth this Patriarch and his poiso∣ned Cup, pag. 1376. He was aliue 35. yeers after An. 1565. being then 103 yeers old. That of remouing the Mountain I doubt Graeca fide to haue beene hither added from that which M. Polo relateth, To. 2. pa. 70. For Furer should as wel haue heard this as that, hauing letters of commenda∣tion from him: but he menti∣ons it not. Ad∣dition & mul∣tiplication is no new thing with Miracle-mongers.
• * 1.1155

  Greekish Monk••
• * 1.1156

  Order Mo∣nasticall.
• * 1.1157

  Their life in common.
• * 1.1158

  Hand-labours.
• * 1.1159

  Their habit.
• * 1.1160

  Monkes Ere∣miticall.
• * 1.1161

  Monkes Asce∣ticall, or vacant to stricter ex∣ercises.
• * 1.1162

  No Abby-lub∣bers nor beg∣ging Friers.
• * 1.1163

  Monkes fasts.
• * 1.1164

  Their Lent•• fasts.
• * 1.1165

  Good Friday,
• * 1.1166

  Monkes how made.
• * 1.1167

  Three yeeres probation.
• * 1.1168

  Forgiuing one another. Obedience.
• * 1.1169

  Easter why dif∣ferent from the Latines.
• * 1.1170

  See of this Sandys sup. l. 6. p. 907.
• * 1.1171

  See Fulcherius sup. l. 8. c. 2. p. 1206.
• * 1.1172

  The weapons of our warfare are not carnall but spirituall. 2. Cor. 10.4. Christ cruci∣fied apprehen∣ded by faith, crucifying our old man, and mortifying our lusts.

  All the spiri∣tuall worship of God would be turned to such carnall & bodily rites, as you see in this and almost all the differing Christian sects Patriarke of Constantinople. His G••ergie. His mainte∣nance.
• * 1.1173

  Tribute.
• * 1.1174

  His Family.
• * 1.1175

  Other Bishops.
• * 1.1176

  Priests liuings.
• * 1.1177

  Deacons.
• * 1.1178

  Scripture abused.
• * 2.1

  The Letter of Elias Patriarch of Babylon to the Pope, A. 1610.
• * 2.2

  See what the Popes pre∣sence can doe with a poore Patriarch. Remoue from me vanity and lies—least I be poore and steale, and take the name of my God in vain, Pro. 30.
• * 2.3

  Yea what need, and very needy ones are they, and this too, which makes him tell more then Rome it selfe euer dreamed, of Romes great∣nes in the East, as others haue also done of the South.
• * 2.4

  This is the Easterne fashi∣on to receiue the Letters & Mandates of their Princes on their heads
• * 2.5

  Nestorius him∣selfe in an Epi∣stle to Pope 〈◊〉〈◊〉 hath these words of the blessed Vir∣gin: 〈…〉〈…〉. &c.

  The 〈…〉〈…〉, called Nestorians, & vs.
• * 2.6

  See Fulche∣rius, l. 7. c. 2,
• * 2.7

  Rome.
• * 2.8

  Rom. 1.8.
• * 2.9

  Three Patri∣arches in the Roman Empire. Luc. 2. Constantinople.
• * 2.10

  See Plat. Onup. Baron. and all▪ the Writers of the Popes liues in Bonifac. 3.
• * 2.11

  Onuph. ad Plat. in Bonif. 3.
• * 2.12

  Fiue Patri∣arches.
• * 2.13

  Bellar. & alij.
• * 2.14

  Patriarkship of the West, or Rome.
• * 2.15

  Easterne diui∣sion.
• * 2.16

  Pat. of Constan∣tinople.
• * 2.17

  Pat. of Alexan∣dria.
• * 2.18

  Pat. of Antio∣chia.
• * 2.19

  W. Tyr. ••ist. S.
• * 2.20

  Pat. of Ierusalē.
• * 2.21

  Meaner Patri∣archates.
• * 2.22

  Catholici.
• * 2.23

  Aquileia.
• * 2.24

  See Myr. Notit. Ep. l. 1 c. 14. Glos. d. 21 c. 1 verb. Archie∣piscopus. Az••rias Fride∣nius a traueller
• * 2.25

  Cardinalls. Marc. Cor. Sa••. Cer. R.E. Of these read Onuphr••us lib. ac Epis. tit. & D.C. •• Sacr. C••r••m. R E▪
• * 2.26

  Fiue Patriar∣chal Churches in Rome.
• * 2.27

  Where two are ioyned with this-stroke, it betokeneth an vnion of two Bishoprickes. Rauenna, some∣times compe∣titor with Rome Fermo.
• * 2.28

  Naples. Capua.
• * 2.29

  Salerno.
• * 2.30

  Amalfi.
• * 2.31

  Number of Ie∣suites & their Colledges in Italie.
• * 2.32

  Sicilia the Bi∣shops.
• * 2.33

  Iesuites.
• * 2.34

  Sardinia.
• * 2.35

  Iesuites. Millaine.
• * 2.36

  Toscaine.
• * 2.37

  Great Duke▪
• * 2.38

  Mantua.
• * 2.39

  Foure Italian Free States.
• * 2.40

  Ragusi.
• * 2.41

  Venice. Two Patriar•••• &c.
• * 2.42

  Genua
• * 2.43

  Spaine.
• * 2.44

  The Manu∣script was sometimes presented to Q. Elizabeth: and came to my hand from M. Burrough Controller of the Nauy, not so perfect as I could haue wished: yet as it is, not war∣ranting the authoritie, I haue transcri∣bed somthings thence, and inse••ted with Myraeus. By fault of the transcriber, many names are so falsly written, that I was loth to giue the ad∣uenture to preuent the Readers cor∣rection. Bertius ascribeth but 200000. Duc∣kets to the Church of To∣ledo, and 80000. to the Archbishop. Dam. à Goez & Mar. Siculus haue their va∣luations also but more an∣cient, & much since impro∣ued. This Ma∣nuscript reci∣teth the Dukes, Marquesses & Earles of Spain with their se∣uerall Reue∣nues, which are farre farre lesse then these of the Bishops, the Dukes from 10000. to 70000. which only Bragança exceedeth, and likewise the Marquesses. The Earles from 8000. to 20000. Bertius saith, the Duke of Infantasgi hath 120000. Duckets, and Medina Sidonia 130000. Duc. reuenue. The rest not vnder 40000. Marquesses from 10000 Duc. to 60000. Earles from 10000. to 40000.
• * 2.45

  Iesuites in Spaine.
• * 2.46

  France.
• * 2.47

  Religious and Militarie Or∣ders.
• * 2.48

  Iesuits in France.
• * 2.49

  Auinion the Popes Coun∣ty. Sauoy.
• * 2.50

  Two Military Orders. 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 2.51

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 2.52

  The Low Countries.
• * 2.53

  Iesuites.
• * 2.54

  German Bi∣shops Princes.
• * 2.55

  Iesuites.
• * 2.56

  Switzers.
• * 2.57

  Grizons.
• * 2.58

  Bohemia.
• * 2.59

  Hungaria.
• * 2.60

  Poland.
• * 2.61

  Prussia.
• * 2.62

  England.
• * 2.63

  Scotland.
• * 2.64

  Booke of Dis∣cipline 1560. See the Booke of the Procee∣dings at Perth, Ireland.
• * 2.65

  Denmarke.
• * 2.66

  Sueden.
• * 2.67

  Ios. 9.
• * 2.68

  Thus Myrae∣us Hospinian hath Abbates cruditione & scriptis celebres 15700. Canoni∣zatos 15600.
• * 2.69

  Volat••r. l. 21.
• * 2.70

  Sabel. En. 9. l. 6
• * 2.71

  Rationis & ora∣tionis priuilegia.
• * 2.72

  Manifold and excellent vse of Letters.
• * 2.73

  Who first in∣uented Letters Ios. Ant. l. 1. c. 2.
• * 2.74

  Plin. l. 7. c. 56. Otho Heurnij Chaldai••us.
• * 2.75

  Ful. Misc. l. 4. c. 4
• * 2.76

  Iob 13.26. & 19 23, 24, &c.
• * 2.77

  What Letters most ancient. 2. Reg. 17.17.10. Scal Annat. in Euseb. chron. See those Coines and Letters at the end of this Chapter. Ier. praef. in 1. reg.
• * 2.78

  G. Postell. ling. 12. Alphab.
• * 2.79

  P. Pilg. l. 2. c. 9.
• * 2.80

  Ioh. 4.
• * 2.81

  Ios. Scal. vbi sup▪
• * 2.82

  Ful. Miscella••. l. 4. c. 4.
• * 2.83

  1. Reg. 12.13. & 2. Reg. 17.17.
• * 2.84

  Iren. aduers. h••r. l. 2. c. 41. Mat. 5.18.
• * 2.85

  Plin. l. 7. c. 56.
• * 2.86

  Plin. vbi sup.
• * 2.87

  Differing fi∣gures of Let∣ters, and di∣uersitie of In∣struments and materials.
• * 2.88

  Cap. Smith, inf. l. 8.
• * 2.89

  Why Saxon letters ceased.
• * 2.90

  Varietie of let∣ters vsed with vs at this day.
• * 2.91

  Diuers wayes of Reading.
• * 2.92

  Iaponian Char∣ter l. 4. c. 1. §.
• * 2.93

  Americā books. See a whole History in Pic∣tures. To. 2. l. 5, c. 6.

  Heraldry. Magicall cha∣racters and diabolicall.
• * 2.94

  Inf. pag. 910. Socrat. l. 5. c. 16. Soz. l. 7. c. 15.
• * 2.95

  Tom. 2. l. 2. c. ••. Tom. 1. l. 4. c. 1. Tom. 2. l. 3. c. 23.
• * 3.1

  See of these Gotike Letters, Tom. 2. l. 3 c. 23.