Purchas his pilgrimes. part 1 In fiue bookes. The first, contayning the voyages and peregrinations made by ancient kings, patriarkes, apostles, philosophers, and others, to and thorow the remoter parts of the knowne world: enquiries also of languages and religions, especially of the moderne diuersified professions of Christianitie. The second, a description of all the circum-nauigations of the globe. The third, nauigations and voyages of English-men, alongst the coasts of Africa ... The fourth, English voyages beyond the East Indies, to the ilands of Iapan, China, Cauchinchina, the Philippinæ with others ... The fifth, nauigations, voyages, traffiques, discoueries, of the English nation in the easterne parts of the world ... The first part.

CHAP. I. A large Treatise of King SALOMONS Nauie sent from Eziongeber to Ophir: Wherein, besides the Typicall Mysteries briefly vnuailed, and many Morall Speculations obserued; the voyage is largely discussed out of Diuine, Ecclesiasticall and Humane Testimonies: Intended as an historicall Preface to the Histories following.

INtending to present the World to the World in the most certaine view, I thought a world of Authors fitter for that [ 50] purpose, then any One Author writing of the World: whose discourse might haply bee more euen, facile, methodicall, and contracted to a more compendious forme; but could not auoid to be dispendioas (if I may so speake) in the mat∣ter, and to suspend the Readers iudgement for the authori∣tie. Oculatus testis vnus praeestat auritis decem.* 1.1 I had rather heare the meanest of Vlysses his followers relating his wanderings, then wander from the certaintie with Ho∣mer after all his readings and coniectures. Lo here then [ 60] (after my Pilgrimage of the former Nature, for such as better like that course) in open Theatre presented a Shew of Discoueries on an English Stage, wherein the World is both the Spectacle and Spectator; the Actors are the Authors themselues, each presen∣ting

his owne actions and passions in that kind, kindly (in generous and genuine History) acting their acts;* 1.2 not affectedly straining, or scenic-all-ly playing their part; the Arts in∣deed of the Poet, Maker, or Composer, aiming at delight more then truth (Populo vt pla∣cerent, quas fecisset Fabulas) seeking to please the vulgar with fabulous wonders, and wonder-foole fables.

And for a Prologue, behold Salomons Ophirian Nauigation, that Worthy of Men, being most worthy to bee Our Choragus, whose ayme is in this long Worke to fetch from Ophir Materialls for the Temples structure, and to edifie Christs Church, with more full and euident knowledge of Gods Workes in the World, both of Creati∣on [ 10] and Prouidence, then any one Naturall or Humane Historian, yea (absit inuidia verbo) then all hitherto in this (perhaps in any) course haue done. I compare not with Aristotle, Plinie, and others in philosophicall and learned speculation of Reason, but in euident demonstration of Sense, and herein (not to vs Lord, not to vs, but to thy Name be giuen the glory) it exceedeth not modesty to speake thus much in behalfe of this cloud of witnesses which we bring, testifying what they haue seen, that these exceed the former in certainty (relating what they haue seene) and in fulnesse (by aduantage of New Worlds found in, and besides the World knowne to them) no lesse then they are exceeded in Anti∣quitie and learning. [ 20]

For mee, I say with Agur, surely I am more foolish then any man, and haue not the vnderstanding of a man in mee;* 1.3 Alas Master (I may proclaime to each Reader) all is borrowed: I neuer trauelled out of this Kingdome (ingenuously I confesse, it is the totall summe of all my Trauell-readings) the Centre of the Worlds good things, and Heart of her happinesse; and yet (yea thereby) haue, as thou seest, conceiued (where Dinahs gadding gained onely losse) and trauelled of a Gad,* 1.4 a Troup of Trauellers; So said Leah, A troup commeth, and shee called his name Gad. And seeing we haue stumbled on that Word, let it be ominous, so others read it Foeliciter, Bagad, being by the Hebrewes resolued into * 1.5 Ba Mazal tob, that is; Good fortune commeth. I am not Leah, I take no such authority [ 30] on mee, but when shee hath left bearing (when better leisures, quicker wits, sounder health, profounder learning, and all abler meanes looke on) let not Iacobs Bed, for the pro∣pagation and edification of the Church, be enuied to Zilpah, Leahs mayd; And let this my Seruice in conceiuing and nursing vp this Gad be accepted of all Iacobs Friends. And that it might bee accepted, I haue begun (Dimidium facti qui bene cepit habet) with the most acceptable Voyages mentioned in the Old and New Testaments; the one a Type of the other; those of Solomon to Ophir, and of the Apostles about the World.

Salomon was first in time, and shall bee first here; the first in all things which vsual∣ly are accounted first, Royaltie, Sanctitie, Wisdome, Wealth, Magnificence, Munificence, [ 40] Politie, Exploits, Renowme: Salomon in all his glory, is prouerbiall, and He first in these by the first and greatest of testimonies;* 1.6 the particulars of Salomons voyage are recorded in the first, best, and more then humane Histories; Yea the things recorded, are first indeed, before other things, yea before and greater then themselues, and that which the First and Last hath said, is true of them all in typicall relation, A greater then Sa∣lomon is here.* 1.7 Let Salomon then, as elsewhere, so here also haue the preeminence; let Salomons name as the Character of peace and happinesse, boad holy, happy, and peaceable successe to this Work; and let Thy Name, O thou Greater then Salomon, grant protection, assistance, & some part of Salomons wisdome and prosperity to our Ophirian voiage, that [ 50] we may buy of thee Gold tried in the fire to make vs rich in grace, so to prepare vs to that holy Ierusalem,* 1.8 descending out of Heauen from God, hauing the Glory of God; a Citie of pure Gold like vnto cleere glasse, where the Lord God Almighty and the Lambe are the Temple, and the Glory of God doth lighten it, and the Lambe is the light thereof. Be thou, O Christ, in this our Nauigation both Load-starre and Sunne, for direction of our course, and knowledge of our true height and latitude: Let our Sayles hoised vp in thy Name, be filled with inspiration of thy Spirit, and aspiration of thy fauour, till they arriue in the Fair-hauens of humane Pleasure and Profit,* 1.9 thy Churches seruice and edifying, Diuine acceptance and glory. Amen, O Amen. [ 60]

O•• S••lomon the holy Scriptures ••aue thus recorded. 1. Kings 9.26, 27, 28. And King Solomon made a Nauie of Ships in Fzion Geber, which is beside Eloth, on the shoare of the Red Sea in the Land of E••o••. A••d Hiram sent in the N••u••e his seruants, Shipmen that had knowledge of the Sea with the

seruants of Solomon. And they came to Ophir and fet from thence Gold 420. Talents, and brought it to King Solomon. And Cap. 10.11. The Nauie also of Hiram, that brought Gold from Ophir brought in from Ophir great plenty of Almug trees and precious stones; 12. And the King made of the Almug trees, Pillars for the house of the Lord, & for the Kings House; Harps also and Psalteries for Sin∣gers: there came no such Almug Trees, nor were seene vnto this day. 13. Now the weight of Gold that came to Solomon in one yeere was 666. Talents of Gold. 15. Besides that he had of the Merchant-men, and of the trafficke of the Spice-Merchants, and of all the Kings of Arabia, and of the Gouernours of the Countrey. V. 21. And all King Solomons drinking Vessells were of Gold, and all the Vessells of the House of the Forrest of Lebanon were of pure Gold: none were of Siluer, it was nothing accounted of in the dayes of Solomon. For the Kings Ships (the cause is added, 2. Chro. 9.21.) went to Tarshish with the [ 10] seruants of Hiram: euery three yeeres once came the Ships of Tarshish, bringing Gold and Siluer; Iuory, and Apes, and Peacockes. 22. And King Solomon passed all the Kings of the Earth in Riches and Wisdome. 26. And hee reigned ouer all the Kings, from the Riuer, euen vnto the Land of the Phili∣stines, and to the border of Egypt. 27. And the King made Siluer in Ierusalem as Stones, and Cedar Trees made hee as the Sycomore Trees, that are in the Low Plaines in abundance.

§. I. The Allegoricall and Anagogicall sense or application of SOLOMONS [ 20] Ophirian Nauigation.

THis is an extract of Solomons Story, so much as concernes our present purpose, the autho∣ritie whereof is Sacred, a Diuine, infallible, inuiolable, and vndenyable veritie; the fitter ground for many high and worthy consequences hereafter to be deliuered. I shall here leaue to the Diuinitie Schooles, in more leisurely contemplation to behold the Allegoricall sense (shall I say, or application?) wherein Solomon seemes to signifie Christ,* 1.10 his Nauy the Church, (long before liuely represented in that first of Ships, the Ark of Noah) which in the Sea of this variable World seekes for the golden Treasures of Wisdome and Knowledge, with (that plentifull riches) the rich plentie of good Workes. The Seruants of Hiram,* 1.11 the Doctors [ 30] chosen out of the Gentiles, with the learned Christian Iewes (the seruants of Solomon) imployed ioyntly in this Ophirian Discouery, thence bring the rich materialls (as the Israelites the Aegyp∣tian spoyles for the Tabernacle, so these) for building and adorning the Temple (the true sense of Scripture) after long absence by a troublesome Nauigation (in the search of Authors Diuine, Ec∣clesiasticall and Humane, an Ocean of toyle) from their homes. For the naturall man, that abides at home in himselfe, and hath not trauelled from his owne Wisdome and Selfe-conceit, knowes not the things of God, nor the great Mysteries of Godlinesse; he must leaue the Land, his Earthly Wisdome (Terrae{que} vrbes{que} recedant) and lanch into the deepe, there hauing his sayles filled with the winde, the illumination of that Spirit, which leads into all truth; the Scriptures being their Card, the faithful heart the Load-stone, Christ himselfe the Load-starre and Sunne of Truth, as before is intimated. [ 40] Thus shall the Temple, and Church of God be edified, enriched, adorned, after wee haue arriued at Ophir, and haue seene our owne weaknesse, and taken paines in myning Gods Treasures, and vn∣dermining our owne hearts, searching and trying our owne and Gods wayes; casting off, and pur∣ging from vs all superfluous Earth, and detaining the Gold and richer Mettall, which wee may carry and present, as the Talents gained by our Talents, in the best improuement of Gods graces, when wee shall returne to our Solomon, the Iudge of quicke and dead, after our Nauigation and earthly Pilgrimage ended. But alas how many make shipwracke of Faith by the way, and either are split on the Rockes of enormous crying Sinnes, or sinke in the smaller innumerable sands of habituall Lusts, couered with the shallowes (meere shadowes) of ciuill Righteousnesse.

Or if you had rather adioyne to the Allegory, the Anagogicall sense and vse; this History [ 50] will appeare also a Mystery and Type of Eternitie. Euery Christian man is a ship, a weake ves∣sell, in this Nauie of Solomon, and dwelling in a mortall body, is within lesse then foure inches, then one inch of death. From Ierusalem the Word and Law of our Solomon first proceeded, by preaching of Solomons and Hirams seruants, the Pastors and Elect vessells to carry his Name, ga∣thered out of Iewes and Gentiles, which guide these Ships through a stormy Sea, beginning at the Red Sea, Christs bloudy Crosse, which yeelded Water and Bloud, till they arriue at Ophir, the communion of Saints in the holy Catholike Church. Thither by the water of Baptisme first, and by the waters of Repentance, drawn out of our hearts and eyes in manifold Mortifications after; (the feare of God beginning this Wisdome, the windy lusts of concupiscence, and vnstable waues of the world in vaine assailing) they attaine in the certaintie of Faith and assurance:* 1.12 where seeking [ 60] for Knowledge as for Siluer, and searching for her as for hidden Treasures, they doe as it were labour in the Mynes for Gold, which they further purifie by experimentall practise and studie of good Workes: yet not in such perfection, but that to this foundation, Gold, Siluer, precious Stones,* 1.13 some Almug trees are added for the Temples Pillars, oftentimes also of our owne, Hay and Stub∣ble, as worse and more combustible matter ioyned; the Iuory, being a dead Bone may serue for a

secular Throne and worldly vse; but here death is dead; the Apes and Peacockes liuely expresse Hypocrisic and worldly pompe, which in the best of Saints vsually leaue some tincture in their voyage for Heauen. In the returne to Solomon, these shall be burnt (as those were by Nebuzara∣dan) but he himselfe shall bee saued;* 1.14 and the former admitted by that Prince of Peace, the Heauen∣ly Solomon to the building of that Temple in the new Ierusalem, for charitie neuer falleth away. This is that holy Citie figured by that of Palestina, where all is brought to Solomon, that God may bee all in all, as the Alpha which set them forth, so the Omega, who hath made all things for himselfe,* 1.15 for whose will and glories sake, all things are and were created: And the Kings of the Earth bring their glory and honour vnto this Citie. Not that hee needs any thing, but that wee need the same, who in seeing him as hee is, doe all partake of his glory. Happy are thy men (may more truly be said of this Solomons seruants) happy are these thy seruants which may stand in thy [ 10] presence and heare thy wisdome:* 1.16 which may enioy eternitie, signified by Gold, which alone of mettalls neither fire, nor rust, nor age consumeth (and this Citie is pure Gold) and that Inheri∣tance of the Saints in light,* 1.17 figured by Siluer, the most lightsome and delightsome of mettalls to the eye. As for precious Stones, the foundations of the Wall of the Citie are garnished with all manner of them.* 1.18 And touching the Almuggim Trees, whereof Solomon made Pillars for the Temple and Psalteries, euery Tree which here beareth good fruit, and euery one that ouercom∣meth, will this Solomon there make a Pillar in the Temple of his God, and hee shall goe no more out. And they shall serue him Day and Night in his Temple, and hee that sitteth on the Throne shall dwell a∣mong them. These haue also the Harps of God, And they sing the Song of Moses, and the Song of the Lamb, nay these are the Psalteries and Harpes, which filled with all fulnesse of God, alway re∣sound [ 20] praises & thanks vnto the King of Saints,* 1.19 and with euerlasting harmony in that Angellical Quire, are tuned with Alleluiah, and Te Deum, and Holy, holy, holy, in fulnesse of ioy at his right hand,* 1.20 and pleasures for euermore. Thus in diuers respects are they both the Citie, and Temple, and Kings and Priests, and Instruments, and all these, and none of these: For I saw no Temple therein, saith that Seer, for the Lord God Almightie, and the Lambe are the Temple of it. Euen God himselfe shall bee with them, and God shall bee all in all: and as hee is incomprehensible, so Eye hath not seene, nor eare hath heard, nor can the heart of man conceiue what God hath prepared for them that loue him: Coeli coelorum Domino, terram dedit Filijs Hominem. And vnmeet is it for me to attempt so high climing.

Not so the Tropologie or Morall vse, not so the History, for our learning wherein the same is [ 30] written. And although the History in Nature should precede, yet because wee intend the Tro∣pologicall sense or application of this History, as a kind of Preface or preamble to the many Hi∣stories ensuing, wee haue here giuen it the first place.

§. II. The Tropologicall vse of the Story; and of the lawfulnesse of Discoueries and Negotiation by Sea.

[ 40]

HErein therefore Solomon may become a wise guide vnto vs, and first by his example teach vs the lawfulnesse of Nauigation to remote Regions. His particular Dominion is Palestina, his subiect Prouinces added, extend not beyond Egypt and the Riuer Eu∣phrates, as is before deliuered. But God which had enlarged Solomons heart with Wis∣dome, did not enlarge it to iniustice by an ouerlarge conscience: and hee which renounced the price of a Dog and a Whore in his offerings, would not permit the Temple, which sanctifieth the offe∣rings, to bee built and adorned with robbery and spoyle. It remaines then that Solomon had a right, not extraordinary as the Israelites to spoyle the Egyptians, by Diuine especiall Precept; but such a right wherein Hiram was interessed also.* 1.21 The Ebrewes might both at Gods command, who is Lord of all, and in Equitie demand wages of the Egyptians for so long and tedious seruice; which [ 50] ••ad not Diuine Precept and power interposed, the same tyranny which had imposed the one, would haue denied the other. But what had the Ophirians wronged Solomon, of whom and whose Countrey they had not ••eard, that thus by a numerous and strong Fleet hee should enter on their Coasts? We must not thinke godly Solomon to be Alexanders predecessour, whom the Poet calls Terrarum fatale malum & sidus iniquum Gentibu••: whom the Pirat accused as the greater, * 1.22 finding no other difference betwixt them, but a smal Ship and a great Fleet. Remot•• iustitia, quid sunt regna saith Augustine, nisi magna latrocinia, quia & ipsa latrocinia quid sunt, nisi parua regna? And before him Cyprian, * 1.23 Homicidium cum admittunt singuli, crimen est, virtus vocatur cùm publicè geritur. Im∣punitatem acquirit saeuitiae magnitudo. Surely Solomons right was his being a Man, which as a wise & a mightie King of Men, hee might the better exercise and execute. For howsoeuer God hath giuen to euery man & to euery Nation, a kind of proprietie in their peculiar possessions; yet there [ 60] is an vniuersall tenure in the Vniuerse, by the Lawes of God and Nature, still remaining to each man as hee is a Man, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as the common or Royall right of the King or State is nei∣ther confounded nor taken away by the priuate proprietie of the Subiect.

True it is that God, which hath made of one bloud all Nations of men for to dwell on all the face of the earth, and hath determined the times appointed, hath also determined the bounds of their habitation. But not so straitly of Negotiation. In Habitation proprietie is requisite, that euery man may sit vnder his owne Vine, and vnder his owne Fig-tree, and drinke the waters out of his owne Cisterne and running waters out of his owne Well, and that they bee onely his owne, and not the strangers with him.* 1.24 But hee that hath made all Nations of one bloud, would still they should bee as fellow members one of another; (a shadow of which was in the Law, permitting to eat in the neighbours Vineyard,* 1.25 but not to carry forth;) and that there should still remaine mutuall Necessitie, the Mother of mutuall Commerce, that one should not bee hungry, and another drunken, but the superfluitie of one [ 10] Countrey, should supply the necessities of another, in exchange for such things, which are here also necessary, and there abound; that thus the whole World might bee as one Body of mankind,* 1.26 the Nations as so many members, the superabundance in each, concocted, distributed, retained or ex∣pelled by merchandising (as by the Naturall bodily Offices and Faculties in nourishment) where∣by not without mutuall gaine One may releeue others Wants. Non omnia possumus omne••▪ may bee said of Arts; Nec vero terra ferre omnes omnia possunt, may bee added of Regions,* 1.27 each Countrey hauing her owne, both Artificiall and Naturall Commodities, whereby to inrich them∣selues with enriching of others. Thus in old times, Tyrus chief Staple of the worlds Merchandise, and consequently chiefe Store-house of the worlds Treasures; (see the same elegantly & particu∣larly disciphered by the holy Ghost) as it receiued from all parts,* 1.28 so when her wares went forth out of the Seas, shee filled many people, and did enrich the Kings of the Earth, with the multitude of her [ 20] riches and merchandise.

And because no one National Law could prescribe in that wherin all are interessed, God himself is the Law giuer, and hath written by the stile of Nature this Law in the hearts of men, called in regard of the efficient, the Law of Nature, in respect of the obiect, the Law of Nations, whereto all Men, Nations, Commonwealths, Kingdomes and Kings are subiect. And as he hath written this Equity in mans heart by Nature, so hath he therfore encompassed the Earth with the Sea, adding so many inlets, bayes, hauens and other naturall inducements and opportunities to inuite men to this mutuall commerce. Therefore hath he also diuersified the Windes, which in their shifting quarrels conspire to humaine trafficke. Therefore hath hee diuided the Earth with so many Riuers, and made the shoares conspicuous by Capes and promontories; yea, hath admitted the [ 30] Sunne and Starres in their direction and assistance vnto this Generall Councell,* 1.29 wherein Nature within vs and without vs, by euerlasting Canons hath decreed Communitie of Trade the world thorow. And thus hath she taught them who had no other instructor,* 1.30 with dislike and disdaine to admire at such immanity & inhumanity, Quod genus hoc hominum, quaeue hunc tam barbara mo∣rem, Permittit patria? hospitio prohibemur arena! yea whereas by Nature the Earth was common Mother, and in equall community to be enioyed of all hers.* 1.31

Nam propriae telluris herum Natura nec illum, Nec me, nec quenquam statuit:

and howsoeuer this case is since altered in this ele∣ment, lest the idle should liue on the sweate of others browes: yet the other and nobler elements still remaine in greatest part in their originall communitie,* 1.32 and cannot so fully bee appropria∣ted [ 40] to priuare possession, since the supposed Golden age is vanished, and this Iron (or golden in another sence) hath succeeded. Yea, then also the house, wife, children,* 1.33 and such things as are wasted or growne worse in the vse, as meate, drinke, apparell, were appropriate and priuate chat∣tels to the possesser, howsoeuer things immoueable continued the freehold of euery man in the common tenure of common humanity, as still in the life of Brasilians and other Sauages in the fol∣lowing relations is to be seene. By humaine 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and diuine dispensation the Earth was diui∣ded among the Sonnes of Noah.

Communemque prius ceu lumina solis & aurae.* 1.34 Cautus humum longo signauit limite messor.

Thus some things became publike, that is, proper to the Kingdome, State, or Nation:* 1.35 other [ 50] things priuate, as each mans possession, and that also in differing degrees, as the Commons, and Champaine Countries with vs in their differing tenure from grounds inclosed, doe manifestly enough argue. But since that diuision of Languages and Lands; the Poet still proclaimes Na∣tures right,

Quid prohibetis aquas? vsus communis aquarum est. Nec solem proprium Natura nec Aera fecit, Nec tenues vndas. In publica munera veni.

and another:

—Cunctis vndamque auramque patentem.

These so farre as they haue not by possession of other men before,* 1.36 or otherwise by their own Nature cannot be appropriated, are Natures Commons, which both Free-holders as Men, and [ 60] Coppie-holders, as other liuing creatures, Beasts, Fishes, Fowles, and creeping things according to their seuerall kinds do communicate in. If any quarrell this poeticall Proofe; I answere that they were Natures Secretaries in the cases of Reason, and the Common Law of Humanitie, which hauing not the Law, were a Law to themselues,* 1.37 and in like cases therefore produced as good euidence

by the Planter of the Gospel, and Doctor of the Gentiles. And if we will surmount Reason, and appeale to diuine censure,* 1.38 what need we other testimonie then this of Salomon in his best times, and for his best act, imitated herein (though with vnlike successe) by godly Iehoshaphat? These things are also written for our learning to the ends of the World, that wise, magnanimous, fortunate, peaceable and godly Kings might propound this patterne to their industries. Yea, more then in Salomons time is this lawfull to Christian Kings, in regard that the Iewish Pale is downe, and the Church is Catholike, not appropriated to One people, or circumscribed in a circumcised corner, or swadled in a small Cradle, as in that infancie of the C••rcumcision; but open and common to the Communitie of Mankind, to which in this last Age no better meane is left then Nauigation and commerce; wherein though the most aime at gaine, yet God that can raise of stones children to A∣braham, [ 10] and made Dauids Conquests and Salomons Discoueries seruiceable to the Temple, can n•• lesse conuay the Gospel then other Wares into those parts, to whome hee hath giuen such rich attractiues in the East and West, perhaps that this negotiation might further another, in barter and exchange of richer treasures for their temporall.

He which brought the Northerne people being then Pagans, into the Roman Empire, to make them Lords of it and Subiects to him, can of Merchants allured with Gold, make, or at least send with them, Preachers of his Sonne. And if the Deuill hath sent the Moores with damnable Mahumetisme in their merchandizing quite thorow the East, to peruert so many Nations with thr••ldome of their states and persons, out of the frying panne of Paynim Rites, into the fire of Mahumetrie: Shall not God be good to Israel, and gracious to the ends of the earth, so long since giuen in inheritance to his Sonne? [ 20]

§. III. The Tropologicall or Morall vse enlarged and amplified; and a view taken of Mans diuersified Dominion in Microcosmicall, Cosmopoliticall, and that spirituall or heauenly right, ouer himselfe and all things, which the Christian hath [ 30] in and by Christ.

GEnerall Rules haue exceptions. Salomon was iust and wise, well knowing the diffe∣rence of Ezion-Geber and Ophir, and that difference of Dominion which God (that made Man after his Image) hath giuen vs ouer the Creatures, diuersified both in the subiect and obiect. E Coelo descendet 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, was written in Adam by Crea∣tion, in Salomon by Reuelation, before Nature suggested that sentence to Chilo, or the Delphian Deuill (the Ape of Diuinitie) had caused it to be written in Golden Letters on the Front••spice of that Temple. To know a mans selfe aright is annexed to the knowledge of God (in whom wee liue, mooue, and are, of whom and for whom are all things) not his essence, but his expressed Image [ 40] thereof in his workes, of which, Man is in this World the principall; what hee hath receiued, what he hath lost, what he retaineth by Nature, and what he recouereth, and more then recoue∣reth by grace, in and of that diuine resemblance. In the first state all men had a naturall right in common ouer the creatures.* 1.39 But the Deuill (the greatest Incloser) by sinne inclosed these Com∣mons of Humanitie, and altered their tenure from Fee Simple, to meere Villenage: yet so (God in iustice remembring mercie) that some ruines remaine since the fall, not only in the faculties and substance of bodie and soule, but in the personall rights also ouer torpid, vegetatiue, and all vnrea∣sonable creatures, continued to him by that Charter of Reason, which in so well ordered furni∣ture, and so well furnished order as the name 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and mundus import, could not but haue beene confounded, if both the immortall and spirituall part in himselfe, should not haue exercised do∣minion [ 50] in some kind ouer the mortall and bodily; and if in the greater World, the reasonable should not haue disposed of the vnreasonable. As for the conformitie of mans will and actions to God and right, vsing of that right ouer the creature, to the sole glory of the Creator (to whom man is s••bordinate, as the creature to him) this was by the cracke of our earthen Vessell in Mans Fall lost, and as a more subtile and spirituall liquor, ranne out. Yet still remaine in this de∣faced Image some obscure lineaments, and some embers raked vp in the ashes of Mans consump∣tion, which being by naturall diligence quickned, giue liuely expressions of God; and where su∣pernaturall worke recouereth, are more then recouered, internally and inchoatiuely in the state of grace, externally also and eternally in that perfection of glorie.

Hence ariseth to a man a threefold tenure, more and more excellent then any which Littleton [ 60] hath related▪* 1.40 a Microcosmicall in respect of our selues; a Cosmopoliticall in regard of the World; a Catholike, Spirituall, and Heauenly in relation to Christ the Head, his Bodie the Church, and that euerlasting inheritance; besides that (which is the last and least of all) in reference to Politicall

Law and Societie. The first originall of all dominion and right is GOD, who is Lord of all, whose Image as is said is imprinted on and in Man, as otherwise so in this Lordship or right, which he hath first in and on himselfe Microcosmically in the members of his bodie,* 1.41 as the Regi∣ons of this Selfe-kingdome; where the continuall Court of Conscience, the large iurisdiction of Rea∣son (without which a man is, as suspended from the power of himselfe, termed impos sui, besides himselfe, as in drunkennesse and madnesse) the freedom of the Will (which is no longer will, then wil∣ling and cannot be constrained) the Naturall, and Vitall actions wrought within vs, (and yet without vs, without our owne knowledge or direction, and much lesse subiect to the correction of others) the Animall also in externall and internall senses, which cannot but exercise their fa∣culties vpon their due obiects: these all proclaime that the poorest Slaue is Lord by diuine grant, [ 10] euen since the fall, of no lesse then this little-World; yea, while he obeyeth others, he commands himselfe to that obedience; in which selfe-commands is the true exercise of vertue or vice. This Inheri∣tance and Dominion is so naturall that it cannot be alienated, without confiscation of the whole to the eternall giuer of whom he holds it. For euen in and by his eternall Law, is this made the rule of all righteousnesse, to doe as we would be done to, to loue our Neighbours as our selues; and if there were no power in and of our selues, there could neither be vertue nor vice in louing or ha∣ting our Neighbour: if no freedome of will and affections, no reward with God or man; if no gouernment of mans selfe reserued, Martyrs of all men were the most monstrous, which for o∣beying God rather then man, are the most honoured and admired. Once; subiection to God is abso∣lute; to Princes as they are called Gods, and yet die like men, with reseruation; for conscience of [ 20] Gods Commandement, where his reuealed will to the contrary frees not; and yet euen then we must by suffering doe the will of Superiours, thereby to shew our fidelitie in keeping Gods Prouiso, though with losse, of our Wils where we loue, and our liues where wee feare; shewing that we loue & feare him most of all, which yet were neither loue, nor feare, nor vertue,* 1.42 without this liberty of wil and power in our selues. He that ruleth his owne mind is better then hee that w••n∣neth a Citie. This is the greatest conquest, the greatest possession to be master of thy selfe. Nor is this power absolute to our selues ouer our selues: Wee are not our owne, wee are Gods who hath created vs; our Parents which haue procreated vs, our Countries which sustay∣neth vs, our Kings which maintayneth vs; our Neighbours in common humanity: to neglect a Mans fame or life, (much more prodigally to reiect them) is to robbe all these of their [ 30] due in vs.* 1.43

But in Christians it were a deeper Sacriledge: they are not their owne, they are bought with a price (the greatest of prices, the bloud of God) they are gained by conquest, Christ ha∣uing bound the strong man and spoiled his goods; they are giuen by the Father for the Sonnes Inheritance, and in Baptisme haue by mutuall Couenant,* 1.44 giuen ouer themselues to his ser∣uice. The freedome which Christ hath purchased for vs, doth yeeld Libertie, not Licen∣tiousnesse; frees not from duties, to doe what wee lust, but makes vs haue a lust to doe our duties; sweetly inclining the Wil, and renewing the Minde to esteeme the Seruice of God, and of men for his sake, the greatest freedome. Hee then that is Christs, is a new Crea∣ture, to which, bondage or freedome and other worldly respects,* 1.45 are meere respects and cir∣cumstances. [ 40] For hee that is bond, is the Lords freeman, and hee that is free, is the Lords Ser∣uant. It is the Deuils Sophistry, as to separate what hee hath ioyned, so to confound what hee hath distinguished; and it is obseruable, that the Pope and the Anabaptist, which are brethren in this Iniquity, haue first denied their Baptisme, the Seale of their Christianitie. For these many rights doe not subiect vs to many Masters, but subordinate our subiection in the beautie of order. Euen in Politicall or Ciuill right One may be Lord of the Fee; another of the Soile; a third of the way by ingresse, egresse, regresse; a fourth, hath right in the same ground, in time of Faire or Market; the whole Vicinity in Commoning * 1.46 times; and others other wayes: all whose Rights, are subiect to the Right Royall, and Souereigne.

And if in proprietie of strictest Nature, there may bee such communitie of subordinate rights without tumultuous crossing or pernicious confusion, how much more in things more spirituall, [ 50] and more easily communicable? In which respect, the Philosophers, held themselues of them∣selues compleate, and (in whatsoeuer state) sapientem seipso contentum esse, not dependant (where he is properly a man) of other men of the World:* 1.47 not contracting him intra cutem suam (to vse Senecaes words) in this Microcosmicall happinesse, but needing the Cosmopoliti∣call helpe ad viuendum, not ad beate viuendum; to liue at least, howsoeuer to liue well,* 1.48 a sound heart and good conscience are sufficient; to the other food and raiment are necessary, to this ex te nescentia bona: the best societie is of vertuous thoughts which make men, as Scipio said, nunquam minus solos quam cùm soli, nec minus otiosos quàm cùm otiosi sint, but vicious company (as the company of Vices) are the most horrid and desolate Wildernesse. No exile can depriue a [ 60] man of this Citie, no Prison of this Societie, no Pillage of these Riches, no bondage of this Libertie.

In this sence Socrates said he was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 all places his Countrie, all men his Countrimen; in this, Bias, when he had lost all by fortune of warre, carried all his away with him: in this,

Zeno, maruelled at nothing neither in Nature, whose depths cannot be searched, nor in Fortune, whose possibilitie of most licentious effects must be the glasse to view our owne fortune,* 1.49 and to make that light by long premeditation, which others doe by long suffering: in this, Seneca, Coe∣lo tegitur qui non habet vrnam; in this, another Seneca teacheth, Cum Orientem Occidentem{que} In∣straneris animo, cum tot animalia, tantam copiam rerum quas Natura beatissime fundit, aspexeris; emit∣tere hanc Dei voce in omnia mea sunt; in this, Diogenes when Pirats exposed him to sale, profes∣sed his art was to rule men, and bad them sell him to Xeniades, for he needed a Master; from whom when his friends would haue redeemed him, he refused, saying, Lions were Masters, and not seruants of them which fed them;* 1.50 in this, the Stoicks called their poorest Wiseman, rich, free, a King, in this sense Socrates with whom we began, said if his fortune would not sute and sort to [ 10] him, he would make himselfe sutable to his fortune.

So long as life lasteth and humanitie continueth, they are vniuersall possessors of the Vniuerse, in which kind, Aristotle ha••h left more memorable Monuments of Contemplation, then Alexan∣der of Conquest: Natures commons, the Sun, Stars, Heauens, Aire, are common, at least to their mindes in vtmost of miseries, and with internall plentie they supply all externall defects. In this Miscrocosmicall and Cosmopoliticall Wealth, consisted all the Philosophers estate and reuenue, which they called Vertue and Moralitie: which made them Masters of themselues, and there∣by of the World, the iust Circle of the Centre of Humanitie, for which it was created. These things (me thinkes) I see not without pittie, nor can resemble Them more fitly then to Horses of excellent courage; but hood-winked so, that some little transparence of light makes them more importunate to others mischiefes, and their owne praecipice (whence Philosophers haue been [ 20] called Patriarchs of Heretikes) or else like Mil-horses to compasse with this Worlds Wheele the immoueable Centre of Natures corruption,* 1.51 to which they are subiect, no lesse then others which worke at a Querne, and stand still at their Hand-mill, by a larger circumference alway moouing,* 1.52 promouendo nihil, proceeding in true freedome nothing at all. If the Sonne make you free, you shall be free indeed. These, to make the noblest comparison may seeme starres, children of the night, which in their Moralitie gaue rayes of light that to the World made them eminent Ornaments,* 1.53 and may make many of vs ashamed, which in the Daies Sun-shine of the Gospell loue and liue darknesse, and like Owles, Bats, and wild Beasts, hide our selues studiously from the Sun, flie abroad and prey in the darke, fashioning our selues to this World, haue our cogitations and [ 30] conuersations darkened. CHRIST is neuerthelesse to all that haue eyes to see, the Sunne of Righteousnesse, by whome wee are by Regeneration translated from the power of darknesse, and made the children of the day; that wee may know what wee worship, and whom we haue beleeued, not so much talking as walking, euen in this bodily prison, these liberties of the Gospell, being truly (though yet in the imperfect grouth of infancie) restored to our selues, to the World, yea to a more glorious state, whereof Nature could not so much as dreame; that wheras Man had lost both the former by suggestion of Euill, Deuil-Angels, Christ hath exalted farre aboue all Heauens visible, to supply these Thrones of Dominion, which those rebellious Thrones and Dominions lost. The euidence whereof we haue by Faith and Hope, our Head already hauing taken Liuerie and Seisin, and from thence liuing in vs, actuating and moouing vs by his [ 40] Spirit, preparing vs in this fight of militant grace to that light of triumphant glorie.

Euen these first fruits are sweet and solid; I haue learned (saith our Apostle) in whatsoeuer state I am,* 1.54 therewith to be content. And I know both how to be abased, and I know how to abound, euerie where and in all things, I am instructed both to be full and to be hungrie, and to abound and haue need. I am able to all things through Christ strengthning me. This was the true riches not in the Chist, but in the heart, which therefore neither men nor Deuils could take a way. And see his Degrees in this Schoole; first 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I haue learned this Discipline, not in the Schoole of Nature but of Grace, for we are all taught of God: secondly, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 this Science, I know: whereas the wisest of Philosophers professed to know but this one thing that hee knew nothing: thirdly 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and without all con∣trouersie this is a great mysterie of godlinesse, in which the naturall man is not initiated, hee knowes [ 50] not the things of God, nor can know them, for they are foolishnesse to him; but the vnction of the Spi∣rit only enters men in these mysteries (which the word signifieth) after which followes in due or∣der,* 1.55 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. I am able to all things, to doe, to suffer all things, (and therefore Lord of him∣selfe and of the World) but 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Christ enabling; without me saith Christ, yee can doe nothing; and not I, saith Paul but the grace of God in me: whereas those Phi∣losophers hauing no stocke, but their owne, were poore Pedlers, not Royall Merchants, which would seeme to flie but wanted wings, yea life.

And as for this CHRISTIAN selfe and World, and Heauen-interest, it troubles not, interme∣dles not,* 1.56 disturbes not Earthly possessions and powers, for the greatest is a seruant of all, and hee is often poore in secular sense which makes many rich, as hauing nothing, euen then when he possesseth [ 60] all things. Am I not free? haue we not power? saith Paul, Who when he was free from all, made him∣selfe the seruant of all that he might gaine the more; not (as they) running quasi in incertum, and figh∣ting quasi aerem verberans,* 1.57 but in this freedome and rule of the Spirit, beating downe and subdu∣ing the bodie of flesh and mortifying his earthly members, not seeking his owne but the good of others:

As I please all men in all things (lawfull, for of other things he saith, if I should please men,* 1.58 I should not be the seruant of Christ) not seeking mine owne profit, but of many, that they may bee saued. The contempt of riches and greatnesse is the most compendious way to bee rich and great (the con∣tempt I meane, which proceeds from content, not that of the vnthankfull prodigall, nor of the desperate begger) and he can neuer be poore that hath Christ, himselfe, and all things in present possession; God and Heauen in reuersion. This, this is that which lifts vp his thoughts, and so fils them with the fulnesse of God, that he neglects these bas••r and truly inferior matters; and,* 1.59 that which others are vitiously, hee is (and it is his vertue to bee) couetous, voluptuous, ambitious, but the obiects are righteousnesse, ioy in the Holy Ghost, and the Kingdome of Heauen.* 1.60

This whole Globe of Earth and Waters, seemes great to them that are little, but to thoughts [ 10] truly great and like to God, it holds its true place, price, quantitie, that is, the lowest, basest, least. Quid e•• potest videri magnum in rebus humanis, cui aeternitas omnis, totiusque Mundi nota sit magnitud••? said the Orator. Hoc est p••nctum, quod inter tot gentes ferro & igni diuiditur. O quàm ridiculi sunt m••rtalium termini? said Seneca.* 1.61 Scipio was ashamed of the Roman Empires point of this point: and another (haec est materia gloriae nostrae, hic tumultuatur humanum genus, &c.) is ashamed of this stirre for earth by foolish man, not considering quota terrarum parte gaudeat, vel cùm ad mensuram auaritiae suae propagauerit, quam tandem portionem eius defunctus obtineat. Horum agrorum possessione te effers, qui nulla pars sunt terrae? said Socrates to Alcibiades bragging o•• his lands, which yet in an vniuersall Map hee could not shew: whereas the Vniuerse it selfe is not [ 20] large enough to bee the Mappe of the Christians inheritance, whose are the world, and life,* 1.62 and death, and things present and things to come, all are theirs; the third Heauen and Paradise of God their Patrimonie; the Angels their Gard (are they not all ministring spirits sent forth for their sakes that are heires of saluation?) the Deuils, the World, Sinne, Death and Hell their triumph; Paul, Apollo, Cephas, all the Worthies, Elders, Senators & Patres Conscripti of the celestiall Ieru∣salem, those first-borne, whose names are written in Heauen, their Kindred, Brethren,* 1.63 fellow Citi∣zens, fellow members; Christ himselfe their head, their life; and God their portion, their excee∣ding great reward, their owne God amongst them, in a tenure like himselfe,* 1.64 eternall and vnspeakably glo∣rious. The degrees of this Scala Coeli, are mentioned by Paul, b 1.65 All are yours, and you Christs and Christ Gods, and this the descent of our right, God, Christ, all things; God gaue all to his Sonne, [ 30] his Sonne with all to vs. Christ with his bodie is the Centre, and God the Circumference of this mysticall Corporation.

Rowze vp then thy thoughts, O my Soule, let these worldly Pismires toile about their Hils, and busie Bees about their Hiue; and let them in Courts and Suits, where Forum c 1.66 litibus mugit in∣sanum, contest about the shadow of the Asse. Shadowes; obscure & darke shadowes are Time of Aeter∣nitie, Motion of immutabilitie, Earth, of Heauen; and in a vaine shew or shadow walks he, disquieting himselfe in vaine, that heaps vp riches and knowes not who shall gather them. All that I see is mine, said the Philosopher: Foolosopher! that I see not is mine, things seen are temporall, things not seen are e∣ternall; my faith is the euidence of things not seene, my hope were not hope if seene,* 1.67 and my Charitie mind the things aboue, & out of sight, where Christ my loue (so Ignatius called him) sits at the right [ 40] hand of the God of loue, which is loue. And yet if I affect shadowes, this Sunne yeelds so farre to my yet weaker and grosser bodily affects, and whiles it thus shines on my soule, by grace it makes the shadowes as moouing indices of time attend my bodie, this being the prerogatiue of Christian godlinesse, to haue the promises of this life, and that which is to come. Sure if I were in the starrie Hea∣uen, with mortall eyes I could not thence in such distance be able to see this small Globe, whence I see so small the greatest starres,* 1.68 whence the light of the World and King of starres (so much neerer in place, greater d 1.69 in quantitie, more vi••ible in qualitie) seeemes as little, as the head that viewes it. And should this Earth which cannot there be seene, so Eclipse my lower Moon-like borrowed beames by interposition, that all should be shadow in a double night and twofold darknesse? No, No, I will get vp thither, euen far••e aboue my selfe, farre aboue all Heauens, (say not in thine heart, who shall ascend into Heauen? that is to bring Christ from aboue) and thence [ 50] with a spirituall and heauenly eye looke on earth, and not here and hence with a carnall and sen∣suall eye looke on Heauen (this makes the heauenly bodies little, the great light of Heauen eclip∣sed, not in it selfe, but to me by euery interposed Moone, and the Heauen of Heauens wholy, inui∣sible) so shall it not annoy my sense; so shall not my sense of earth annoy my reason; so shall not my reason perplexe my faith, but I shall vse it as not vsing, as not abusing it, to helpe and not to hin∣der my present Pilgrimage.

And thinke not that we speake impossibilities: of euery Christian it is said, conresuscita••it & consedere fecit in coelestibus in Christo Iesu; and we are 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,* 1.70 planted together into the similitude of his resurrection by Baptisme, both in regard of the imputation and infusion. If this high My∣sterie [ 60] be hid, yet, as when thou hast viewed the Sunne, it makes thee vncapeable of seeing the earth, either at that time or for a space afterwards: so the soule that often by deuout contem∣plation is accustomed to view this Sunne, neither can then equally, nor cares much to fixe his eyes on earthly delights after, but hauing drunke of these heauenly waters, is not very thirstie of these muddie Springs, and of troubled Ale after such generous Wines. These things are indeed

effected by degrees, nor can we at once leape from the Cradle to the Saddle, and I suspect the forward Herculean hands that can so soone with new-borne gripes strangle old Serpents: yet is not the Christian alway a Dwarfe, but still growes vp in grace, and is euer growing into him which i•• the head,* 1.71 CHRIST. He is the Alpha and Omega, hee is Lord of all as the Son and Heire, of Man, the World and Heauen; and he with all this right is giuen vnto vs, inhabiting, purifying, quickning Mans heart by faith; whence he also is Microcosmically Master of him selfe, Cosmopoli∣tically of the World, in Catholike Christianitie heire of Heauen; All, of, in, by and for Christ, to whom be glory for euer. Amen.

[ 10]

§. IIII. The Christian and Philosopher compared in that challenge to be rich, free▪ a King▪ that this hinders not but furthers Politicall subiection: and of the happy combination of wisdome and royaltie in SALOMON, as likewise in our dayes.

ALL Arts are but the supply of Natures defects, to patch vp her ragged and worne rents, to couer rather then to cure or recouer Mans fall; euen that King of Arts, the Politicall Art of Kings, is not heire by whole bloud; but the gift of God, begotten since [ 20] the fall, and abundantly argues our vnrulinesse otherwise, which must haue Lords and Lawes to rule vs. By like fauour of God, least mans dissolution should bring a desolation, came in Politicall tenure and Ciuill state and Right amongst men. The lest possession is this, which wee call our proper, as being no part of our selues, and a small part of the smallest part of the Vniuerse: greater is the Vniuerse it selfe, and the greatest right thereto is that which is most vniuersall, whereof the soule is only capable; greater then the greater World is this Little, for whom that was made, yea, for whom the Word, the maker of both was made flesh; and as in it selfe, so also to vs,* 1.72 whom little it aduantageth to winne the whole world and loose our owne soules: greatest of all and Greatnesse it selfe is God, the lot of the Christians inheritance and the portion of his cup, to whom the Father hath giuen the Sonne, and with him all things. These things may concurre and [ 30] did in Salomon, without confusion; that the three last may also be separated from the first, and that subsist without the least knowledge of these last, is a true conclusion. And how many haue much in Politicall and Ciuill possession, which are had and held of the things they haue and hold, as the price of their freedom, not so much as dreaming of any other tenure but propriety, laughing at the Philosopher,* 1.73 and raging at the Christians farther challenge, which yet disturbes not (as not a worldly tenure) Propriety but that positiue sicut erat in principio, (in the fuit of mans incorrupted nature) is now comparatiuely more certaine, more ample by faith, and shall be in saecula saeculorum a superlatiue of fullest happinesse. Euen still proprietie in strictest sence, is the Subiects state and that with many subdiuisions and diuersifications; a higher and vniuersall right appertaineth [ 40] in each mans proprietie to the King, as Lord of all. That naked Cynike, that neither had house nor dish, not only compared himselfe with Alexander, (in emulation of his great Titles, proclay∣ming I am Diogenes the Dogge) but euen great Alexander, had he not beene Alexander, professed hee would wish to bee Diogenes. Neither feare nor desire could any whit dazzle him in that Royall lustre, but beeing questioned by Alexander, if hee feared him not, asked if hee were good or bad; beeing answered, good; and who (saith he) is afraid of good? being bid¦den aske, hee desired no-thing but the restitution of the Sunne which his interposition had taken from him; insinuating a greater riches in Natures inheritance, then in the greatest Kings beneficence; and in his owne mind, then in the Others spatious Empire. Plus era•• quod hic nollot accipere, (saith Seneca) quam quod ille posset dare. Nor had Greece alone such spirits: Calanus in India was more admired of Alexander, then the King of him. Corpora, [ 50] saith he in his Epistle to Alexander, transferes de loco ad locum, animas non coges facere, quod no∣lunt, non magis quam saxa, & ligna vocem emittere. I speake not, as approouing these men in all their speeches and actions:* 1.74 but if they could doe so much in that twilight of Nature, how much more may Christians aspire vnto, on whom, as is said before, the Sun of righteousnesse is risen? These indeed are Children of the day, which know how to honour the King, in that feare of God, which is the beginning of wisdome; which the Cynikes, Gymnosophists and Sto••kes, not hauing at∣tained, dreamed in their night, and did those things rather as men talking and walking in their sleepe, then as men truly knowing what they said and did. Like these Ophyrians wee write of, which possessed much Gold, but Salomon alone knew how to bestow it on the Temple, which sanctifieth the Gold. And yet how farre did these Philosophers Dreames exceed the seeming wa∣king [ 60] and watchfull cares of Croesus and Crassus (which rather in troubled, fe••erous, phrenzie, or Opium sleepes were more fatally perplexed) esteeming Vertue the truest treasure; and Riches ra∣ther to consist in needing little, then holding much, and a contented mind to bee a surer Cosser; then

the bottomlesse Bags of insatiate Auarice; and Natures commons of the Heauens and Elements to be greater possessions, then a few handfuls of inclosed dust; more admiring the Physicians skill,* 1.75 then the Druggists shop full of simples, or the Apothecaries of medicines; more ioying in, more enioying (as the members of the body) the publike then the priuate wealth, more the contempla∣tion, whereby the minde reasonably vseth all things, euen those of others, without further cares, then that proprietie whereby the sense distinguisheth the owner, and addes to this little owne, the great cares of getting▪ keeping, spending, and no lesse feares of loosing, yea (in many a Tantalus) of vsing, as if he were the Gaoler rather then Owner of that wealth which hee lades with Irons and strangles in his Iron Chest, for no other fault, but calling such a Mizer, Master. Quibus hoc sor∣dibus [ 10] emit vt fulgeat? vigilat in pluma; Nec intelligit miser speciosa esse sibi supplicia, & possideri ma∣gis quàm possidere diuitias. The wise man is like Isaac in whom Abrahams seede is called, whom he makes his heire: but these which are called rich, are sometimes like Ismael, thrust out of all; at the best, like the Sonnes of the Concubines, to whom Abraham gaue gifts and sent them away: the Minde, as that which alone is immortall, hath state of perpetuity and inheritance, the Sense in her propriety is capable onely of gifts and moueables.

From this glimpse of reason did those Philosophers the sonnes of Nature (how much more should we the Sons of the free women?) attribute libertie and a Kingdome to their Wise man. Saint Paul more fully, Iusto non est lex posita. Saint Ambrose laden with the spoiles of these Egyptians, therewith adornes the Christian Tabernacle. He is a free man saith he, which doth a 1.76 what he w••ll, [ 20] ^b and liues as he pleaseth, nor can be forced to any thing: now the wise man wils that which is good, hates the euill; not for feare but for loue, obeieth the commandement; seekes not to please the vncertaine vulgar, but his minde hangs euenly in the ballance poized with the sheckle of the sanctuary; not forced by Law, but he is la•• to himselfe, and hath the same written not in tables of stone, but in fleshie tables of the heart,; not fearing the Law, because his debts are acquitted, and can∣not therefore be arrested; not seruant to any, yet making himselfe the seruant of all, for their good; whose seruice to God doth not consume but consummate his libertie, for Gods seruice is perfect freedome; to whom when all things are lawfull, yet nothing is lawfull that is not expedient, that edifies not; who abides founded and grounded on Christ the rocke, and therefore feares not the swel∣ling waues, nor raging windes, fluctuates not with euery blast of doctrine: is not puffed with pros∣perity, [ 30] deiected with aduersity, but like Ioseph (which bought those that bought him, euen all the land of Egypt besides, for Pharao, after himself had bin sold for a slaue) abides himself in whatsoeuer changes of fate and state. He hath subordinated his will to Gods will, and if hee will haue him doe or suffer any thing, possesse or loose either himselfe or ought he hath, it shall be his will also. This made Iob abide himselfe, when he was shaken, and as it were thunderstricken out of all at once: yea, by a sacred antiperistasis he ga••hered his spirits together and not onely not blasphemed, but blessed; then and therefore blessed God, who is no lesse good in taking then in giuing, who hath loued vs and giuen himselfe for vs, before he takes ought from vs, yea therefore takes this that he might giue that (both himselfe and our selfe) to vs. He that looseth his life findes it, and hee that denieth himselfe and his owne will, pu•••• off the chaines of his bondage, the slauery to innumerable [ 40] tyrants, impious lusts, and is thus a free man indeede, freed from the diuell, the world, himselfe, breathing the free ayre of heauen in the lowest and darkest dungeon, yea in the closest of prisons (his owne body) closely by contemplation conue••es himselfe forth to fetch often walkes in the Paradise of God. Once, he loues Christ, hee liues Christ, and therefore cannot be compelled by another, will not be compelled and mastered by Himselfe, longs to be more and more impelled by that Spirit (which sweetly forceth into the desired hauen) and to be drawne by the Father that he may be enabled to follow the Sonne, with whom he is vnable to hold pace; and fearing because he loues, thus desires helpe, that (be it by stripes, or threates, or other tentations) his feete may be made more sure, more swift. He feares God, and therefore feares nothing. And whereas hee that committeth sinne is the seruant of sinne, he is thus not onely set free by Christ, but more high∣ly [ 50] dignified and made a King and Priest to God. He daily sacrificeth praiers, praises, good workes, his owne liuing body in reasonable seruice, not the bodies of dead and vnreasonable beasts; hath al∣way the doore of the heauenly pallace, the eare of the heauenly King open to his intercessions. He is also a King ouer himselfe (a little world, a great conquest) ouer Fortune the magnified Lady of the greater World (which he frames to his owne manners; and if he cannot bend it to h••s will, knowes how to bend his will to it) ouer the Diuell, the God of the World; ouer Death, which hee makes (as Sapores did the Roman tyrant Valerian, and Tamerlane the T••rkish Baiazeth) his foot∣stoole, or stirrop to mount vp to a higher and better life, and like Dauid cuts off the head of this Gyant (which hath defied all the armie of Mankinde) with his owne sword: hee is (a King) ouer the world, which he neither loues (for his heart and treasure is in heauen) nor feares (for what can [ 60] it doe at the worst, but further his heauenly happinesse) nor fashions himselfe to it, but it to him∣selfe, vsing it as not vsing it, not setting his heart on it, for the fashion of this world passeth away, as a Scene, where he but acts a while his part; and a strange Country thorow which he trauelleth to his true home; where his King is gone before to prepare a place for him, and leauing the earnest of his spirit with vs, hath taken our earnest, our flesh, there to take possession, to make intercessi∣on

in the presence of God for vs. Our Head is there already which cannot so farre degenerate as to neglect his body, the reall and liuing parts of Himselfe, the fulnesse of him that fils all in all things:* 1.77 This Kingdome is not meate and drinke, pompe and splendor, and much lesse intruding into the secrets, obtruding on the scepters of their soueraignes, but righteousnesse, peace, and ioy in the holy Ghost, which the Philosophers knew not, and whatsoeuer they haue challenged (as à Ratione Re∣ges) yet in comparison of true Christian•• they were but as Kings in a Play (as Plutarch said of the Stoickes) which talked, stalked, walked on their Stage, and acted that part which in deede and in spirituall right is our reall part and inheritance. And if a Kingdome be a power subiect to none, then euery true Christian is a King (not in Anabaptisticall phrensie to cast off all yoakes of loyalty, to cast out all States and Royaltie, and like their Iohn of Leyden to make himselfe a licentious Mo∣narch, pressed downe meane while with so many enuies, vices, miseries, but) in this, that pecto∣re [ 10] magno, Spemque metumque domat, vicio sublimior omni, Exemptus fatis: in that he obeieth his soue∣raigne not so much of his slauish feare, as because he loues him, and loues that God which hath giuen him soueraignty, and therefore as to the liuing image of God yeeldes obedience to him, not grudgingly or of necessitie but cheerefully, and with a willing heart, making his superiours will to be his owne (because it is Gods) will. And if he commands that which he findes counterman∣ded by the highest Law,* 1.78 he rebels not, reuiles not, Rex est qui posuit metus, Et diri mala pectoris, where he cannot be willing to doe, he will yet be willing to suffer the will of his soueraigne, Oc∣curritque suo libens Fato, nec queritur mori. Thus is this man spiritually a King and Infra se videt omnia, beholds all things beneath him, by suffering, ouercomming; by obeying, ruling, himselfe if not others. In this sence Christ saith of the Church of Smyrna, I know thy pouerty, but thou art [ 20] rich:* 1.79 and of the Laodiceans which esteemed themselues rich, encreased with goods, and needing no∣thing, that they were wretched, and miserable, and poore, and blinde, and naked. Siluer and Gold haue I none, said that rich Apostle, whose pretended successours, out of a will to be rich, haue fallen into tentation, and a snare, and many foolish and noisome lusts: For the loue of money is the roote of all euill, which while these couet after,* 1.80 they haue erred from the faith: and instead of Apostolical, haue pro∣ued Apostaticall, with Babylonicall mysteries confounding things spirituall and externall, enclo∣sing all the commons of the Church and the Spirit, to the onely vse of the Vatican; and then with the spoile of all Christians This spirituall man must iudge all, and be iudged of none, vsurping the rights of, and right ouer Kings, not considering the diuersity of these tenures. [ 30]

But yet (to returne to our Salomon▪ if a man by this Christian wisdome becomes free, rich, a King; what shall a King of men be (with addition of this wisdome) but heroicall,* 1.81 and if not more then a man, yet a worthy of men, and neerest to God? This appeares in Dauid and Salomon, two learned, no lesse then potent Kings, the one gaining greatnesse at home, the other dispersing those raies beyond their owne Orbe, to remotest Ophir. This we see in Philip and Alexander, in Caesar and Augustus. Learning is the best iewell in a Kings Crowne, and Christian wisdome like the verticall crosse vpon it; which both in Bookes (by King Alphonsus called his faithfullest Counsellours) and in their bosomes, speakes that without feare or flattery, which seruants cannot or dare not; makes them to see with their owne eyes, and not onely by experience of others; yea with the eyes of the Worthies of former times, and to conuerse with the Auncients of all ages: and searching into the causes of things to penetrate seasonably into affaires [ 40] which suddenly assault others. But especially in Marine discoueries, we are not so much indebted to the power as the learning of Kings, and both together make a blessed match, and haue produced to the world the best knowledge of it selfe. Salomon is example, who in the writings of Moses, being instructed of Ophyr, attempts the discouery. How little knowledge had the Greekes of Asia till Alexander em∣ploied both Aristotle with great costs, and Himselfe also in discouery of the Lands and Seas, besides Ne∣archus and other his Captaines,? Iulius and Augustus opened the first lights in manner to the Romans, the one in discouery of the world and thk parts adioyning, the other also vnto the Indies. How little of the world hath beene discouered for want of learning by the Turke, Mogoll, Persian, Chinois, and Abassine, howsoeuer called great? how little are most of them all? But what neede I forraine examples? How little in comparison hath our Nation (the Oceans darling, hugged continually in her bosome) discouered and [ 50] made vse of (yea they were the prey of the Easterlings and Lumbards, scarcely knowing their neighbour Seas) before the late eruption of captiued learning in the former age, and more especially in the glorious Sunshine of Queene Elizabeth, and (after that Sunset, Sol occubuit nox nulla sequuta est) in the succeeding, that I say not in Ophyrian regions, exceeding times of King Iames? I dare not presume to speake of his Maiesties learning which requires a more learned pen, and where to speake the truth would seeme flattery; nor yet of that learned Queene, who sometime brake in peeces the artlesse pictures made to represent her (for Apelles is onely fit to paint Alexander, Homer to sing Achilles, and Virgil his Au∣gustus.) Thus a more learned witnesse hath said, and I will recite: that to the last yeare of her life due∣ly and daily shee obserued her set houres for reading;* 1.82 that this part of the Island neuer had 45. yeares of better times, and yet not through the calmenesse of the season, but through the wise∣dome [ 60] of her regiment: the truth of religion established, the constant peace and security, the good administration of iustice, the temperate vse of the prerogatiue not slacked nor much strained, the flourishing state of learning, the conuenient state of wealth and meanes both of Cowne and Sub∣iect, the habit of obedience, and moderation of discontents, notwithstanding the differences of Reli∣gion,

her single life, Romes alarmes, and the neighbour Countries on fire. Hence that felicity of the State, of Religion, and especially of Nauigation, now in threescore yeeres continuance, growne, almost cut of the cradle and swadling cloathes, to the present ripenesse amongst vs. That our Virgin-mother, in her pre∣paration to the Crowne by the Crosse and in happy exploits, another Dauid; in ••are of iust Iudges and Iu∣stice Iehosaphat, in reformation H••zekiah, in restoring the Law that was lost Iosiah, in peace, plenty, successe, magnificence, and (the pillar of all this) Nauigation, another Salomon, and (with greater hap∣pinesse then his) leauing her Name without Salomons imputation of falling to Idolatry, to suruiue her per∣son, and to become her heire and successour in them all: dying in a good age (as is said of Dauid) full of daies, riches, and honour. In these times Britaine hath recouered her eyes and spirits, and hath dis∣couered the Westerne Babylon and her labyrinthian mazes and gyres of superstition, first of all Europae∣an [ 10] Kingdomes: and in maturest order casting off that yoake, which ignorance (caused by irruption of barbarians c 1.83 into all parts of the Roman Empire had brought in as a myst, whereby that Romish mistery of iniquitie might worke vnespied) had put on the neckes and veiled hearts of our forefathers, which by the light of learning was now espied and exiled: and this freedome maintained mangre all the gates and forces of Rome and Hell. Yea, he that commanded Honour thy Mother, made her sexe honorable, and caused that a Woman had the honour ouer that Sisera, that Abimelech, that Holofernes; the sword of a woman preuailed, not by close aduantages but in the sight of the Sun, in the worlds amphitheatre, all Europe looking on and wondring (yea the most, still giddie with that cup, enterposing against her.) This Christian Amazon ouerthrew those Romish both gladiatores & sicarios and (as they write of the Rhino∣ceros) tossed those Buls (which had thought to haue pushed her by their hornes of depriuation and inuasi∣on, [ 20] and the close fights of treason and insurrection, out of England and Ireland) to the admiration of men, the ioy of Angels, and acknowledgement in all of the sword of the Lord and of Gedeon, the pow∣er of the highest perfected in her weakenesse. And (which more fits our Nauigation treatise) this vi∣rago (not loosing her owne virgin-zone) by her Generall* 1.84 first loosed the virgin zone of the earth, and like another Sunne twice encircled the Globe. Learning had edged her sword then, but the successour of this our Debora, like Achilles in the Poets, hath a Panoplie, a whole armor of learned deuise; and like Apollo in the mids of the Muse••, so haue we seene him in the learned disputations of both Vniuersities; such an Apollo whose Oracle discouered the Diuels Master peece and Papall monster peece of powder treason, and brought it to poulder, by the light of his wisedome preuenting those infernall lightnings and sulfurous hellish thunders: whose learned writings as the arrowes of Pythius haue giuen the deepest * 1.85 and [ 30] most fatall wounds to this mystie mysticall Python: whose birth hath made him a great King, whose great learning hath purchased another Kingdome, and made the Schooles to admire him in Diuinitie, the Tribunall in Law, the Senate and Counsell table as the table of Counsaile and Map of humaine wise∣dome: whose armes! but blessed are we that his learning and wisedome keepe vs from their drery noise and dismall experiments; that we in the tragedies of so many Nations are spectators, that the God of peace hath with the Gospell of peace giuen vs a Salomon, truest type of the Prince of peace, whose daies are daies of peace at home, whose treaties propound wayes of peace abroad, whose sun-like raies haue shined not by bare discoueries, but by rich negotiations to this our Salomons Ophir in what part of the world soeuer the quarelsome wits of men haue placed it. If you looke neere hand, Scotland is added, and Ireland now at last made English, dispersing feares by English Cities, and plantations: If you looke further,* 1.86 with [ 40] those which seeke for Ophir in the West Indies, there may you see English Plantations and Colonies in Virginia and other parts of both those supposed Peru's, the Northerne and Southerne America: if to So∣fala on the South of Afrike, or to the East of Asia, there also haue the English fleetes passed, traded (and if you thinke nothing compleate without armes) surpassed, the most aduantagious assailants: that euen the Indians (which yeelde commonly in martiall, alway in Neptunian affaires to the Moores) haue a prouerb, three Moores to a Portugall, three Portugals to an Englishman: whose happy times haue exceeded Sa∣lomons and H••rams discoueries; euen where no writing hath mentioned any name of Noahs Sonnes, where none of Noahs Sons euer yet inhabited, where the Sun it selfe seemes affraid of vncouth Seas, horrid lands, and marine monsters, hiding himselfe diuers moneths in the yeere together, and but peeping when he doth appeare, as it were fearfully prying and compassing about with obliquer beames, there haue the beams of our [ 50] Brittish Sunne descried. b 1.87 named, and exhaled profits from those portentuous c 1.88 Dragons of the Sea (loe these the happiest warres against the beasts by Sea and Land, not like Nimrods hunting of men) and sought new d 1.89 discoueries, notwithstanding the Oceans armies of icie Ilands affronting, till the Sea it selfe (fearing totall subiection) hath embaied it selfe and locked vp all passages by vnknowne lands. And (not to mention the New Wales there discouered) England hath her Virginia, Bermuda, New England; Scotland, a New Daughter of her owne Name; yea, Ireland by the care of the present Deputie is now multiplying also in America, and his Maiestie hath sowne the seedes of New Kingdomes in that New World.

Let not the seuerer sort censure me of presumption, if I thus embellish my ruder lines with these glori∣ous names, wherein I communicating in the publike benefit, at once testifie my feare of God the Authour, [ 60] with mine honour to these two great lights of heauen to our Britaine-World, as actors, autors, instru∣ments, mortall images of the immortall. He alone it is qui tempus ab aeuo ire iubet, and makes our King a defender of the faith by which aeternitie flowes from time well husbanded, & to resemble herein also, 〈…〉〈…〉 c••ncta moueri. In this tranquilitie we may employ our industry in painfull and

gainfull labours. I also in this peace, vnder Israels Salomon, can from the shore behold with safety, with de∣light, & in this glasse let others see, the dangerous Nauigations and Ophyrian expeditions of our Countrie men, & view their warlike fights in the waterie plaine as from a fortified tower (so the Mogols did the bat∣tell of the English and Portugals) not only free from perill, but enioying, some the gaines of their paines▪ o∣thers the sweete contemplations of their laborious actions, all of vs the fruites of our labours and negotiati∣ons at home and abroad, which grow from that Iacobaean tree: whose blossomes are inscribed Beati pa∣cifici. This Worke is the fruite of that Peace, and my Song may be, Deus nobis haec otia fecit, that I may write with Inke at leisure, and (vnder the shadow of this tree) you read with pleasure, what these Pilgrimes haue written with hazard, if not with bloud in remote Seas and Lands.

I flatter not the present, I deuote to future posterity, this monument of praise to the Almighty, who hath giuen vs this Salomon, if not in all dimensions, (neuer was there, or shall be such) yet herein like, [ 10] that wee enioy vnder his wings (in the combustions of neighbour Countries) this our peace, plenty, lear∣ning, iustice, religion, the land, the sea voyages to Ophir, the world, new worlds, and (if wee haue new hearts) the communton of Saints,* 1.90 guard of Angels, saluation of Christ, and God himselfe the portion of our Cup, and lot of our inheritance. Blessed are the people that be in such a case, yea blessed are the people that haue the Lord for their God, This is the day that the Lord hath made, let vs re∣ioyce and be glad in it. And if our times yeelde some exceptions also, and the Traducer impute it to flattery that I bring not euils on the stage: I say that blessed and loyall Shem and Iapheth bid from them∣selues & others that which cursed Cham and Canaan quarrelled: Salomons times yeelded grieuances, and we liue on earth, not in heauen; there is the perfection of wisdome, holinesse, happinesse, whereof Salomons times were a compleate type: we haue the truth in part, but all fulnesse is in him, in whom dwelleth all [ 20] the fulnesse of the Godhead bodily,* 1.91 which to expect here were Epicurisme and state-Puritanisme. Quis me constituit vel iudicem vel indicem▪ Malecontent, I am no Lord of times, nor Prince of Princes (they are both Gods peculiar) I indeuour to keepe me in the offices of my calling, to choose the good part, and in conscience towards God to acknowledge Gods workes in all, and specially in those of whom he hath said, Yee are Gods: To be an accuser is the Diuels office, and they which be euill themselues will onely see euill in others.

§. V. [ 30] Of the proprietie which Infidels haue in their Lands and Goods: of proprietie in the Sea, and of Salomons proprietie of the Sea and Shoare at Ezion Geber.

THus haue wee discoursed of the prerogatiue of Gods peculiar, the right which the true Children of the Church haue in Christ and by him in all things: but what shall we say of propriety? of propriety of Infidels? Christs Kingdome is not of this world, and pro∣perly neither giues nor takes away worldly proprieties, ciuill and politicall interests; but addes to his subiects in these things a more sanctified vse, all things being pure to the pure, im∣pure [ 40] to the impure; for they are sanctified by the word and praier, which Infidels know not. In that interior court of conscience (which in the wicked is defiled) the iust haue before God a iuster vse,* 1.92 vsing the world as not abusing it, not being high minded, nor trusting in vncertaine riches: not setting their heart on them,* 1.93 though they increase, nor loosing their hearts with them in their decrease or losse: not laying vp to themselues treasures on earth where rust and moth and theefe haue power: not singing a requiem, soule take thine ease, thou hast laid vp treasure for many yeeres, when this fooles soule it selfe is the worst thing it hath, and may be turned this night out of that secure body and secu∣red state. But in the outward ciuill Court, and before Men, the Gospell alters not, remoues not the land marke of the law, but as well bids Giue to Caesar that which is Caesars, as to God that which [ 50] is Gods. And therefore the rights of men by the royall or common lawes established (all deriued from that, of Nature, and consequently from God, who is Natura naturans, the creator of Nature) are in conscience of Gods commandement to be permitted to them. Neither without Gods speciall command might the Israelites spoile (as they did) the Egyptians, or inuade the Ca∣naanites. It is Saint Iudes note of filthy Sodomites, fleepers, ignorant, beasts, disciples of Cham, Ba∣laam, and Core, rockes, clouds without water, corrupt trees twise dead, raging waues, wandring starres, to despise gouernment:* 1.94 naturall bruit beasts (saith Saint Peter prophesying of his pretended successors) spots and blots, wels without water, clouds carried about with a tempest, to whom the blacke darkenesse is reserued for euer:* 1.95 promising to others liberty, and are themselues the seruants of corruption (in this sence the seruants of seruants.) Neither could the Diuell deuise a greater scandall to the Gospell, then that it should rob Kings of their supremacy and preheminence, subiects of their lands and state, as [ 60] if to conuert to Christ were to euere out of their possessions, and subuert states: which is the cause of so few Iewes conuerted, and so peruerse conuersions in America, as I haue elsewhere shewed. The Gospell is not a sword to take away earth, but to destroy hell, and addes the Keyes of the King∣dome

of heauen, not a hammer to breake in peeces the doores of earthly Kingdomes: and least of all making instead of Keyes, Picklockes (the note of a theefe, euen though he should enter at the doore and lawfully succeede lawfull Bishops) which open and shut all at pleasure; against which there is but one word of force, and that is, force it selfe and power which their faction cannot o∣uerthrow, the Romish conscience being Lesb••an and leaden, or Iron and running compasse and va∣riation, as the Needle of that See hath touched it to obserue the Pope as the magneticall Pole, which Philosophers say is not that of heauen but of the earth. God hath made vs men, his Sonne hath called vs to be Christians, and this opinion doth turne men into Beasts, yea Christian men into wilde Beasts without all propriety, or any thing proper to humanity, which with the rights [ 10] thereof extends to Infidels.

These hold not Christ, nor hold of him, as ioynt heires: yet are they not without all right,* 1.96 yea of him also they hold in another tenure, not as sonnes, but as seruants (and the seruant abideth not in the house for euer, but the Sonne abideth euer: but if the Sonne make them free they are free indeede?) These hold, in a tenure of villenage not in state of spirituall inheritance, which yet warrants a iust title for the time, contra omnes gentes, against all men (as seruants vse their Masters goods) but be∣ing called by death to giue accompt to their Lord, are dispossessed of all and themselues also for e∣uer: whereas the children here seeme in wardship, and to receiue some short allowance in the nonage of this life, but in the day of death (the birth day of true and eternall life) as at full age, enter into full possession of heauen and earth for euer. That tenure yet of godlesse men (which are without hope, [ 20] without Christ, without God in the world) is a tenure from God,* 1.97 though as is said in a kin••e of vil∣lenage; and warrants against all men, as holden of and at the will of the Lord Christ, by whom and for whom all things were created, and hee is before all things, and in him all things consist. And hee is the Head of the Body the Church. This tenure in capite is the Churches ioynture; that of humane nature, from him whose all things are iure creationis, remaines to forreiners,* 1.98 which are strangers from the Common-wealth of Israel, and from the priuiledges of the Holy Citie the New Ierusalem. For af∣ter the Image of God, by this Image of the inuisible God were all Men created▪ which though it bee in part by sinne defaced, yet through the mercy of God in part remaineth in the worst of men, which still retaine an immortall reasonable spirit indued with vnderstanding, will, and memory (resembling the vnity and Trinity) animating and ruling (how imperfectly soeuer) the organicall [ 30] body, and with it the inferiour creatures: which dominion ouer the creatures is by God him∣selfe reckoned to the image of God; infected with sinne, and infested with a curse; but God euen in the sentencing that iudgement remembring mercy, added thornes, and ihistles, and sorrow,* 1.99 and sweate, but tooke not away the vse; yea he renewed the blessing to all the Sonnes of Noah, and enlarged their commission, indenting in mans heart this naturall right, and in the Beasts this na∣turall awe and subiection, by Natures owne hand writing.

Hee that then blessed them with, Replenish the earth, did confound their Babel building,* 1.100 and scatter them abroad from thence vpon the face of all the earth, to put it in execution, and hath made of one bloud all Nations of men (as is said before) to dwell on all the face of the earth,* 1.101 and hath deter∣mined the times and bounds of their habitation.* 1.102 Thus hee that gaue Canaan to the Israelites is said [ 40] (in a proper sense though differing manner) to haue giuen Are vnto the children of Lot for a pos∣session, the land of the Emims, and the land of the Zamzummims which hee destroyed be∣fore them: as he did that of the Horims to the children of Esau, that as the former generations entered by the Law of Nature, as first finders, so these by the law of Warre, as confounders of the former, and founders of a second state and succession, both guided by the hand of diuine pro∣uidence. Salomon gaue Hiram twenty Cities in recompence of Cedars, and Firre-trees and Gold: and innumerable are the compacts and contracts mentioned in Histories, whereby the rule of Countries and States haue beene made ouer to new Masters, or to the old in a new tenure, as Ioseph bought all Egypt, their land•• and persons to Pharaoh. But in all these workes of Me••, God is a coworker; the most high ruleth in the Kingdomes of Men, and giueth it to whomsoeuer hee [ 50] will, was verified both actiuely and passiuely in Nebuchadnezzar: Cyrus is called his seruant Pilates power is acknowledged by the Lord of power to be giuen from aboue, and to that Ro∣man soueraignty (how vniust soener their conquest was) hee submitted himselfe in his birth (oc∣casioned at Bethlehem by the decree and taxation of Augustus) in his life by paiment of tribute, and in his death by a Roman both kinde and sentence. Per me reges regnant is his Proclamation, whether * 1.103 by diuine immediate vocation as in Moses, or mixed with Lot, or meere, or free choise, or inheritance, or conquest of warre, or exchange, or gift, or cession, or mariage, or pur∣chase; or titles begun in vniust force, or fraud at first, yet afterward acknowledged by those whom it concerned, and approued by time, which in temporall things proscribeth, and prescribeth: by this King of Kings doe Kings reigne, and the powers that be are ordained of God, to which eue∣ry [ 60] soule must be subiect, euen for conscience sake, & propter Deum; Whosoeuer therefore resisteth the power, resisteth the ordenance of God, and they that resist shall receiue to themselues dam∣nation.

This was written when all Kings were Idolaters and Infidels, nor had the World many Ages after euer heard, that Infidelitie, Heresie, or Idolatry were causes sufficient for rebellion in Sub∣iects

or inuasion of Neighbours, as in the many examples of the Israelitish and Iewish Kings, which nei••her inuaded others for Infidelitie, nor were at home depriued for Heresie, though all the neighbours were Infidells, and most of those Kings Idolaters. To vsher Religion by the Sword is scarsly approued amongst Mahumetans, which permit men liberty of soule, though not of body: but to turne all the World into Timars, and Knights or Souldiers fees, is more intolerable. It was barbarous Latine to turne fides into feodum, the title of all, free lands of Subiects holden in fide, in * 1.104 trust of performing rents, seruices, and other conditions annexed to the first Donation by the superior Lord: but this more barbarous Diuinitie, to dipossesse Barbarians of their Inheri∣tance, and by their want of Faith to increase our fees of Inheritance, as if all the world were holden of the Pope in Catholike fee, obtruded on vs for Catholike Faith: Christ came not to de∣stroy [ 10] the Law but to fulfill it; and therefore did not disanull by the Gospel, that naturall Com∣mandement of Alleageance and Obedience to Princes, the Honor due to the Parents of our Coun∣trey. Neither doth Religion make a Father or Mother, but Nature; and it is said, Honour thy Fa∣ther and Mother, without annexion of qualitie good or bad. Nor could Ionathan deny filiall ob∣seruance, or loyall subiection to Saul with such excuse; nor could the Keyes that came later ex∣pell Scepters, which were of more ancient foundation: nor heauenly Keyes open or shut earthly Doores: nor can Infidelitie which concerneth Diuine Law, yea in matters supernaturall, take a∣way that right which Positiue or Naturall Law hath giuen; nor exclude from iust title on Earth, which some hold poena, rather then peccatum, in such as haue not heard: nor can a pretended Vi∣car challenge iustly, what his Lord neuer claimed, what hee also disclaimed: nor did hee send [ 20] Souldiers but Preachers, to conuert the World to the Faith truly Catholike, and therein shewed himselfe a true Salomon, a Prince of Peace, figured by this our Salomon who sent Ships of Merchan∣dise and not of Warre to Ophir. And as for any High Priests Bull (whose roaring might coniure the spirits of Princes, within the circle of Pontificall censure) those dayes knew no such brutish dialect, yea wise and iust Salomon was so farre from fearing or desiring the Bulls of Abiathar, that hee put him out of the High Priests place for intermedling with the Crowne-succession, and set Zadok in his roome. And for Ophir, long before inhabited (as appeareth, Gen. 10.) he did not for the discouery thereof, then new, challenge iurisdiction or Soueraigntie, as Lord of that Sea or Region by him discouered (no more then the Ophirians had beene Lords of Israel, if they had then discouered it) but left things as hee found them, the Countrey appropriate to the Inhabitants, [ 30] the Sea open to such as would and could in like manner aduenture. Otherwise it was with him and his right in Ezion Geber, on the shoare of the Red Sea in the land of Edom. For this was pecu∣liar (both the shoare and sea adioyning) vnto Salomon, chiefe Lord of Edom: which Dauid had before conquered, and so it continued vnder the Kings of Iuda till the euill dayes of Iehoram the sonne of good Iehoshaphat, who made like vse of this Hauen, but with vnlike effect.

True it is that if Man had continued in his first integritie, M••um & Tuum had neuer proued such quarrelling Pronounes, to make warre more then Grammaticall, in setting all the Parts of Speech together by the eares. But sinne entring into the world, yea as an inuading tyrant ruling, it was necessary that proprietie should preuent rapine of the idler and mightier, and incourage the industry of the iust laborer, which for the sweat of his browes might earne and eate his owne bread. [ 40] Thus had Cain and Abel their proper goods, he the fruits of the earth, this of his cattell, the pro∣per Obiects of their labour. And when the whole earth was filled with crueltie, God clensed the confusion of those Fence-breakers by a generall deluge. After the Floud, Noahs Posteritie had the earth diuided amongst them. And in that renouation of the world, in the Golden Age of the Church, when they had all things common; the reason was, as many as were possessours of lands sold them and brought the price: so that they had a iust proprietie of those their owne possessions, and conferred the same to others, and after it was sold the money was their owne, and remained in their owne power. Hee that refused to diuide the inheritance to brethren, would not dissolue and dissi∣pate it to strangers, and abolish one of the precepts * 1.105 of the Decalogue; for stealing in properest sense cannot bee, if there be no proprietie. Wickedly therefore doe the Anabaptists in generall, [ 50] the Papists for their owne aduantage; the one by confusion, the other by combustions, depriua∣tions, and deprauations of estates, remoue the Land-marke. Nor doe others well to take away all Sea-markes and right of Marine proprietie.

The contrary wee see in Salomons Ezion Geber. Thorow other Seas hee sailed by vniuersall and naturall right, in this as his owne proprietie, he builded his Fleet, prepared, victualled, man∣ned his Nauie, and altogether vsed the Sea and Shoares, and Port, as is his proper and iust In∣heritance.

[ 60]

§. VI. The commendations of Nauigation, as an Art worthy the care of the most Worthy; the Necessitie, Commoditie, Digni∣tie thereof.

MAn that hath the Earth for his Mother, Nurse, and Graue, cannot find any fitter obiect in this World, to busie and exercise his heauenly and better parts then in the know∣ledge of this Earthly Globe, except in his God, and that his heauenly good and In∣heritance; [ 10] vnto both which this is also subordinate, to the one as a Booke set forth by himselfe, and written of his Wisdome, Goodnesse, Power and Mercy▪ to the other as a way and passage, in which Man himselfe is a Pilgrim. Now, though I might borrow much from Ptole∣mey, Strabo, and others in Geographies prayse, yet will I rather fixe my selfe on Salomon and his Ophir.

If Wee should respect persons, and be mooued by authoritie, wee haue in this Ophirian Naui∣gation, the patterne of two most worthy Kings, as two witnesses beyond exception, Iewes and Gentiles conspiring; wee haue Reuerend Antiquitie of Time, Sanctitie of Sociall leagues, Holi∣nesse of sacred Designes, Greatnesse of highest Maiesty, Magnificence of brightest Splendour, Munificence of rarest Bountie, Wisdome of iustest Temper, Proui••ions of maturest Prudence; all [ 20] these in this Expedition of Salomon proclayming, that there is no way by Land alone to the top, of humane Felicity (wherin Salomon also was a type of a Greater) but as God hath combined the Sea and Land into one Globe, so their ioynt combination and mutuall assistance is necessary to Secular happinesse and glory. The Sea couereth one halfe of this Patrimony of Man, whereof God set him in possession when he said, replenish the earth and subdue it,* 1.106 and haue dominion ouer the fish of the Sea, and ouer the fowle of the Aire, and ouer euery liuing thing that mooueth vpon the Earth. And when the Sea had, as it were, rebelled against rebellious Man, so that all in whose nosethrils was the breath of life, and all that was in the dry Land died, yet then did it all that time in∣dure the yoke of Man, in that first of ships the Arke of Noah; and soone after the Goad also, when God renewed the former Couenant, and imposed the feare and dread of Man vpon euerie [ 30] beast of the Earth, and vpon euery foule of the Aire, vpon all that mooueth vpon the Earth,* 1.107 and vpon all the fishes of the Sea.

Thus should Man at once loose halfe his Inheritance, if the Art of Nauigation did not inable him to manage this vntamed Beast, and with the Bridle of the Winds, and Saddle of his Ship∣ping to make him seruiceable. Now for the seruices of the Sea, they are innumerable; it is the great Purueyor of the Worlds Commodities to our vse, Conueyor of the Excesse of Riuers,* 1.108 Vniter by Traffique of al Nations; it presents the eye with diuersified Colours and Motions, and is as it were with rich Brooches, adorned with various Ilands; it is an open field for Merchandize in Peace, a pitched Field for the most dreadfull fights of Warre; yeelds diuersitie of Fish and Fowle for diet, Materials for Wealth, Medicine for Health, Simples for Medicines, Pearles and other Iewels for [ 40] Ornament, Amber and Ambergrise for delight, the wonders of the Lord in the Deepe for instruction, variety of Creatures for vse, mul••iplicity of Natures for Contemplation, diuersity of accidents for admiration, compendiousnesse to the way, to full bodies healthfull euacuation, to the thirsty earth fertile moysture, to distant friends pleasant meeting, to weary persons delightfull refreshing; to studious and religious minds (a Map of Knowledge, Mystery of Temperance, Exercise of Con∣tinence, Schoole of Prayer, Meditation, Deuotion, and Sobrietie: refuge to the distressed, Por∣tage to the Merchant, passage to the Traueller, Customes to the Prince, Springs, Lakes, Riuers, to the Earth; it hath on it Tempests and Calmes to chastise the Sinnes, to exercise the faith of Sea-men; manifold affections in it selfe, to affect and stupifie the subtilest Philosopher; su∣staineth moueable Fortresses for the Souldier, mayntayneth (as in our Iland) a Wall of defence and waterie Garrison to guard the State; entertaines the Sunne with vapours, the Moone with [ 50] obsequiousnesse, the Starres also with a naturall Looking-glasse, the Skie with Clouds, the Aire with temperatenesse, the Soyle with supplenesse, the Riuers with Tydes, the Hils with moy∣sture, the Valleyes with fertilitie; contayneth most diuer••ified matter for Meteors, most multi∣forme shapes, most various, numerous kindes, most immense, difformed, deformed, vnformed Monsters: Once (for why should I longer detayne you?) the Sea yeelds Action to the bodie, Me∣ditation to the Minde, the World to the World, all parts thereof to each part, by this Art of Arts, Nauigation.

Neither should we alone loose this halfe of Natures dowrie, without the benefit of this Art, but euen the Earth it selfe would be vnknowne to the Earth; here immured by high impassable [ 60] Mountaynes, there inaccessible by barren way-lesse Deserts; here diuided and rent in sunder with violent Riuers, there ingirt with a strait siege of Sea; heere possessed with wild deuouring beasts, there inhabited with wilder man-deuouring men; here couered with huge Worlds of Wood, there buried in huger spacious Lakes; here loosing it selfe in the mids of it selfe, by showres of

Sand, there remoued, as other Worlds out of the World, in remotes Ilands; here hiding her richest Mynes and Treasures in sterill Wildernesses, which cannot bee fed but from those fertile Soyles, which there are planted, & as it were remoued hither by helpe of Nauigation. Yea, wheras other∣wise we reape but the fruits of one Land, or the little little part thereof which we call our owne lands, hereby wee are inriched with the commodities of all Lands, the whole Globe is epito∣mised, and yeel••s an Abridgement and Summarie of it selfe in each Countrie, to each man. Nor should we alone loose the full moytie of our Demesnes by Sea, and a great part of that other moy∣tie the Land, but the Heauens also would shew vs fewer starres, nor should we grow familiar with the Sunnes perambulation, to ouertake him, to disapoint him of shadow, to runne beyond him, to imitate his daily iourney, and make all the World an Iland, to beguile this Time-measurer in [ 10] exact reckonings of Time, by adding * 1.109 or loosing a day to the Sunnes account. Nor could wee know the various Climates, with their differing seasons, and diuersified affects and effects of the Heauens and Elements. Nor could we measure the Earths true Dimensions and Longitudes, nor know many creatures both vegetable and sensitiue therein (which are our Chattels) nor her high prized Minerals and Gemmes; nor yet could wee know and vse the varietie of Fowle, or (like inferiour Gods) dispose of the winds in the Ayre, bringing constant effects, out of their varie∣tie, and obserue their Seasons to flie with them about the World, had we not these Sayle-wings of shipping; whereby we out-runne the wildest beasts, out-swimme the swiftest fish, out-flie the lightest Fowles, out-stretch the fiercest Windes, out-set the strongest Currents, out-passe most spacious Seas, and tame all Nature to the nature of Man, and make him capable of his Natu∣rall [ 20] Patrimony.

What shal I say of other men? The holiest, the wisest, the Greatest of Men, of Kings, of Kings of Kings (Salomons example speaks all this) hereby honour God, hereby haue made themselues to all Posterities honorable. Wil you haue al commendations at once? Salomon the Epitome of al human worth and excellence, promised by Prophesie before his birth, named by speciall appointment of God when he was borne, founder of (that Miracle of Earth, and mysticall Mirrour of Hea∣uen) the Temple; glorious in his other Erections, Customes, Tributes, Riches, Gouernment, and in (that Soule of happinesse) the happy endowments of the Soule in Visions, Wisdome and Ho∣linesse, in his Fame exceeding Fame it selfe, his Renowme attracting all the Kings of the Earth to seeke his presence, in his Writings elected a Secretary of God to record wisdome to saluation, to all [ 30] Ages and places of the World, in these things passing others, yea surpassing himsefe (euen here may we say,* 1.110 as before is said, is a greater then Salomon) typing the Great Creatour and Sauiour of the World; This first, and most eminent of men, is ••y the first, and best of Stories, set forth as the first Founder of Long and Farre Nauigations, and Discoueries. As for Noahs Arke, it was intended rather to couer and secure from that tempestuous Deluge, and to recouer that handful, the Seed of a New World, from the common destruction, then to discouer New Worlds, or to make Voyages into any parts of the old: though if we should yeeld This the beginning of Na∣uigation (as indeed it was, though not of Discouery) wee haue hereof a greater then Salomon, God himselfe the Institutor and Author, Christs Crosse typed in the matter, Mans Baptisme in the speciall, and Saluation in the generall scope and euent. But for Heathens, Iosephus hath [ 40] shewed that Salomon was ancienter then their Gods, not their Nauigations alone; and that Car∣thage was conceiued many yeares after Salomons death: and for Greece, Plato hath recorded that Aegyptian testimony, that they in all things were children, which yet doted with age, when the Romanes were in the vigor of their youth. The Tyrians indeed were supposed Authours of this Art, but neither could they make this Voyage, but passing ouer Land through the Countries of others, there to build a Nauie, (as in this case they did with Salomon) nor is there record or like∣lihood of any farre Nauigation of theirs till this, yea, it is likely, that heere and hence beganne the greatnesse and supereminent lustre of their Name; the Art which they exercised at, and neere home before, being thus brought out of the Nest, and by Salomons wisedome taught such remote flights. [ 50]

Thus the Author, and thus Antiquity commends Nauigation: and no lesse the ends which mooued Salomon thereto, which were to get Gold, Siluer, Iu••••y, precious Wood and Stones, and other Rarities, which gaue such lustre to his State, ••ewel to his Magnificence, glory to his Name, Ornament to the Temple, splendour to Religion, Materials to the exercise of his Bodie and Minde, that I mention not the Customes increased, others by the Kings example, aduenturing the Seas, and Merchandise quickened. This also he makes the fit Obiect of his Royall thoughts and vnmatchable wisdome; not trusting others care, he went himselfe to Ezion-Geber, to make prouisions for his Nauie; yea, and not leaning to his sole Wisdome, Power, and Successe, entred into league with Hiram, and employed his Ships and Mariners, as he, which hath proclaimed to the World, vae Soli, and esteemed two better then one, and to haue better wages for their labour, and a [ 60] three-fold coard not easily broken.* 1.111 Hee was not like Behemoth, to trust that hee could draw vp Iordan into his mouth, much lesse to make a Monopoly of the Ocean as if the whole East had been crea∣ted for Ezion-geber: but amidsts his incomparable Designes framed of Greatnesse, clothed with Wealth, enliued with Wisdome, attended with Successe and Glory, disdaines not, yea, seekes

assistants, and admits a Heathen Kings Society in this, in the Temples Negotiation; inferring that they neither mind the good of the true Temple, or the Catholike Church, which will not endure Christian compartners in the Voyage to Ophir, which impound the World in a corner, and entile a corner to the World.

And as he sought not to preiudice Egypt, or any of his Neighbours, if out of their owne Ports they intended to seek the World abroad, no more did he prooue iniurious to the Ophirians, with whom he dealt, eyther in their Wealth, hindred, by prohibiting all others to trade with them; or (among his many cares of building) by erecting Forts against their wils, as Prisons of their Li∣bertie, and Fetters of their Captiuity.

For if to doe as we would be done to, be the Law and Prophets, this Prophet of the Law would not [ 10] seeke his owne profit, by inuading the publike of whole Nations remote and to him innocent, and force vpon them so vnwelcome knowledge of God and his people Israel, that through their iniuries his Name might be blasphemed amongst the Heathen:* 1.112 but as he might vse his owne right where were no people, so in places inhabited, not to neglect the security of his own, nor to vsurpe the Souereignty of the Natiues, or preuent and interuert the Rights of common humanity. God that would not (as before is intimated) the price of a Dogge or a Whore, nor the Patrociny of a lie, would not by publike Latrociny haue his Temple adorned, nor suffer his House to bee built with bloud, nor the holy Citie with iniquity. Righteousnesse and Peace kisse each other in Gods Kingdome,* 1.113 and acts of Warre though iust, excluded Dauid from the honour of building the Lords House. It followes then that Salomon was in this Ophyrian businesse, a man of peace, and thereof an ex∣ample [ 20] to all following Discouerers, according to that Christian Rule, as much as is possible to haue peace with all men.* 1.114

As SALOMONS Iustice, so his Wisdome and Prudence is exemplary, which though in him supereminent, yet found (as is alreadie obserued) no meanes at home to maintaine the glory of Salomon, no meanes by Land correspondent to such Magnificence and Munificence, but addresseth himselfe by Sea and long Voyages to seek it: nor doth he esteeme others eyes enough, nor others assistance too much, but surueyes his Nauie himselfe, & is glad of Hirams helpe? Nay, this was not only the subiect of his wisedome, but the furtherer and Purueyor, by new experi∣ments in Minerals, Gems, Beasts, Fowles, Fishes, Serpents, Wormes, Trees, Fruits, Gums, Plants, Men; Climates, Winds, Seasons, Seas, Lands, Soyles, Riuers, Fountaynes, Heauens, and Stars; [ 30] and a World of the Worlds Varieties; of all which howsoeuer he had receiued the mayne stocke of Wisdome by immediate Gift of God, yet did he frugally employ his Talent, and thriftily im∣prooue that Reuenue, labouring to be more wise, and trauelling in Wisdome and Knowledge,* 1.115 and Equi∣tie; and * 1.116 gaue his heart to search and find out wisdome by all things that are done vnder the Hea∣uen, God humbling him with this s••re trauell, although he excelled in wisdome, all that were before him in Ierusalem. Thus Homers Vlysses in the Schooles of diuers Nations & Nauigations is trained to that peerlesse wisdom, & thus Aristotle the chiefest of Natures Schollers, trauelled with Alexan∣ders Purse and Experience to furnish himselfe, and succeeding Ages with Naturall Science and Wisdome. And our Age which God hath blessed beyond many former, produced as Twinnes Nauigation and Learning, which had beene buried together in the same Giaue with the Roman [ 40] Greatnesse, and now are as it were raysed againe from the dead.

Hence it is that barbarous Empires haue neuer growne to such glory, though of more Giant-like stature, and larger Land-extension, because Learning had not fitted them for Sea attempts, nor wisdome furnished them with Nauigation. Thus the Persian, the Mogoll, the Ab••ssine, the Chinois, the Tartarian, the Turke, are called GREAT, but their greatnesse is like Polyphemus with one eye, they see at home like purblind men neere to them, not farre off with those eyes of Hea∣uen, and lights of the World, the Learned knowledge, whereof is requisite to Nauigation. The Chinois at home, is hereby stronger, and so is the Turke: but the other are braued by euery pett••. Pirat on their owne shores: the rest like Ostriches spread faire plumes, but are 〈…〉〈…〉 themselues from the Land: yea, their Lands also (as hath happened ••o the Abassine) and Sea-townes [ 50] taken from them to the downfall of their estate. One Salomon left greater testimonies of greatnesse, by this his wisdome and helpe of Nauigation, t••en many of the later Ottomans, which possessed all Salomons Territories, and perhaps a hundred times so much added. But as God giues huge strength and vast bodies to beasts, yet makes Man by art and reason secure from them, if not wholy their Masters; so to the good of Christendome, hath hee denied Learning to those Barbarians, and skill or care of remote Nauigations, which how otherwise they might infest the World, appeares by their Christian Slaues and vnchristian Pirats, whereof they make vse a∣gainst vs, and whereby their Mediterranean is guarded. But on the Arabian, the Portugals be∣fore, the English since haue put a bridle into the mouth of the Ottoman Horse,* 1.117 and shewed how easie it is to intercept his Maritime incomes, and if not to smother him (as the Floridans serue the [ 60] Whale by stopping the two holes, whereby he breath's) yet to impouerish him by diuerting the riches of the Persian and Arabian Gulphes.

And hereby is euident that as we haue obserued in Salomons Iustice, and Wisdome, so Forti••de it selfe here is exercised, hence increased: nor did Alexander thinke it enough to haue ouercome

men, but would also encounter the vnknowne Ocean. Salomons riches made him eminent and secure, his Nauigations rich. But besides the necessary exercise of Fortitude in the Mariner ex∣posed and opposing himselfe to Step-dame Elements, to Shelues and Rockes from the Earth, Whirle-pooles, Currents, Billowes and Bellowes of the Sea, Tempests, Huricanos, Tufons, Water-spouts, and dreadfull Meteors from the Aire: by Sea-fights is the safest defence of our owne (as the Oracle instructed the Graecians by Wooden-castles, to fortifie against that World of men in Xerxes his Armie) and surest offence to the Enemy. What reputation of courage, what increase of State, did the Portugals hereby attaine in Africa and Asia? cooping vp the Natiues within ••heir shoares, possessing themselues of diuers petty Kingdomes, enriching themselues with the richest Trade in the World, and that maugre the force of the Moores, of the Egyptian and Turkish Sultans? The Sea was the Work-house, and Nauigation the Anuile, whereon the [ 10] fortitude of a Woman, wrought the safetie of her Subiects, and hammered the terrours of that enemy, which was called, Omnium aetatum & totius orbis ampl••ssimi Imperij Monarcha. Nor need I name the Belgian Vnited Prouinces, whose Free estate like another Venus arose out of the Sea, and hath forced Mars to woe this Ladies loue and amitie, when force could not rauish her; which seemes since not only to contemne that force, to neglect this loue, but almost wantonly in many of hers, remembers to forget herselfe in some respects to her quondam best friends, by whose helpe this Neptunian Amazon was secured at home, by whose ayde and example, that I adde not their Name, her Fortune and Fortitude hath attempted bo••h East and West, yea, hath taken away the name of East and West out of the World, and three times compassed the Com∣passe. Thus hath a little remnant of Land by Sea-assistance, swelled to this present greatnesse, and [ 20] filled the remotest Indies with her Martiall and Mercuriall Designes.

Now for Temperance, Salomon himselfe stumbled and fell at that stone; neither are Seà-men vsually on Land the most temperate: Vlysses had not heard of Cyrce or the Syrenes, had hee not aduentured the Sea. Yet let this be a commendation of the Marine art, how euer the Mariner be to blame. It is the excellency of the thing that makes it a strong temptation; strong and sweet wines are commended, though weake braines and distempered heads bee iustly blamed for their intemperance; in the good gifts of God, beautie, wealth, and honor (as the wormes breede in best fruits) are the lists of the lust of the flesh,* 1.118 the lust of the eyes and pride of life, which are not of the Father but of the world. Nor was Heauen to blame for the fall of Angels, or Paradise for that of Men; nor the Sea if her riches make mens mindes sea-sicke, wauering, inconstant, distempered, [ 30] and like the Sea, subiect to tempestuous temptations. Yea, if you looke neerer, you shall see, as men blame and feare death for the last fatall paines, which yet are not properly of death (which is not in possession till paine and sense be quite dispossessed) but of the remainders of life; so deale they with Nauigation in this case, whereas the Sea holds them in good temper, and is a correction house to the most dissolute; but the Land makes them forget the Sea and temperance together. Salomons vxoriousnesse and idolatries were Land beasts, not Sea-fishes: nor could his Apes and Peacocks, the vainest of his Sea wares, teach him that vanitie. The wonders of the Lord in the Deepe teach many,* 1.119 no doubt, deepest Diuinitie and profoundest Temperance, though some froth swims on the top of the Sea, and beates on euery shore where the winde driues it, carried about with e∣uery blast of tentation, to the death of more in the wrongly-accused voyage of the East Indies by [ 40] Bacchus and Venus, then Neptune and Mars, and all such orher supposed Deities, and perhaps (I will not speake Dutch) that scuruy Sea-deuill too. Coelum non animum mutant qui trans mare currunt. They carry their vices with them, which because the Sea, a Schoole of sobrietie and temperance, permits not to practise, breake out on them aland in greater furie. And as Ouied•• tels of Lice, hat they leaue men a litle past the Açores, as they saile to the West Indies, and die and vanish by degrees, nor trouble them in the countrie, but at their returne about the same height (as if they had waited all that while for them) breede afresh; so is it with vices, which being 〈…〉〈…〉 Land, doe finde men on euery shore, where people and plentie offer opportunitie. Once, Earth is predominant as in our complexions, so in our conditions.

Now for the vertues called Theologicall, Faith, Hope, and Charitie, the Sea is a great Temple [ 50] not to contemplate their theorie, but really to practise them. Faith hath her greatest eclipse by interpo••••tion of Earth, as we see in the Moone; but at Sea, Coelum vndi{que}, & vndi{que} pontus, no Earth is seene, only the Heauen (the walls of our fathers Palace) and the inconstant shifting Ele∣ments, which constantly put vs in minde of our Pilgrimage, and how neere in a thin ship, and thinner, weaker, tenderer body we dwell to death, teaching vs daily to number our dayes, and ap∣ply our hearts to wise••ome. And what can more liuely traine vs in Hope then Sea-nauigation, where the life we liue is hope, where as Dauids former deliuerance confirmed him against the vncircum∣cised Philistine,* 1.120 so daily deliuerances from death in so few inches distance by windes and waues, which like the Beare and the Lion alway assault vs, may the better traine vs to the fight with Go∣liah himselfe, and as I haue said (by death escaping death) to cut off Goliahs head with his owne [ 60] sword. But the chiefest of these is Charitie, and the chiefest charitie is that which is most common; nor is there any more common then this of Nauigation, where one man is not good to another man, but so many Nations as so many persons hold commerce and intercourse of amitie withall;

Salomon and Hiram together, and both with Ophir; the West with the East, and the remotest; parts of the world are ioyned in one band of humanitie; and why not also of Christianitie? Si∣don and Sion, Iew and Gentile, Christian and Ethnike, as in this typicall storie? that as there is one Lord, one Faith, one Baptisme, one Body; one Spirit, one Inheritance, one God and Father, so there may thus be one Church truly Catholike, One Pastor and one Sheepfold? And this also wee hope shall one day be the true Oph••rian Nauigation, when Ophir shall come into Ierusalem, as Ierusalem then went vnto Ophir. Meane while, wee see a harmonie in this Sea-trade, and as it were the con∣cent of other Creatures to this consent of the Reasonable, vnited by Nauigation, howsoeuer by Rites, Languages, Customes and Countries separated. Heauen conspires with the inferior Ele∣ments, [ 10] and yeelds, as it were, a Sea Card in the Sun and Stars. The Elements which euery where else are at open warres, herein agree in sweetest symphonie; the Earth yeeding Shores, Capes, Bayes and Ports, as nests; the Aire windes as wings to these artificiall Sea-fowles (so esteemed at their first sight by the Americans, and by the Negros) and the Sea admitting strange Children in∣to her Familie, and becomming a Nurse against her Nature, to the Earths generation. What shall I say more? Omne tulit punctum qui miscun vtile dulci. To the many profitable effects of Nauiga∣tion, many pleasures may be added both of Reason in speculation, and of Sense in more then sensuall delight. Salomon in his Ophirian voyage furnished himselfe with Gold and Siluer, and o∣ther solid commodities: with Almugg•••• trees also, yea with Apes and Peacocks, the one for the musicall delights of the Temple, the other domesticall and naturall. But I am plunged in an O∣cean, [ 20] when I goe about the Oceans praise, which goes about all things: I shall sooner drowne my selfe in these Deepes, then measure the true depth of the Seas commendations, or Nauigate tho∣row the commodities of Nauigation by commerce abroad by his owne, or by Customes at home by others employments. The Text it selfe is a Sea, and needes a better Steeresman to instruct in these Points of Salomons Compasse, which saith more for Nauigation then I can, who yet to shew my loue and honour of that Noble Science haue aduentured to say this, to pay this as Custome for the whole Worke, wherein are returned so many returnes from Sea. And now it is high time we come to the History it selfe, and historicall or litterall sense; the first in our intention, howsoeuer last in execution.

[ 30]

§. VII. Of Ezion Geber, Eloth, and the Red Sea: that of Edom it receiued that name, and communicated it to the Indian Ocean, by the Phoenician Nauigations frequent in those times to India.

ANd King Salomon made a Nauie of Ships in Ezion Geber, which is beside Eloth, on the shoare of the Red Sea in the Land of Edom, &c.* 1.121

This is the first and best testimonie of a holy Nauie. Noah had by Diuine Wisdome [ 40] and Precept built a Ship, which preserued the remainders of the Old, and beginnings of the New World, a figure of that Baptisme which now saueth vs by the resurrection of Iesus Christ. The Temple, a later and liuelier figure of Heauen and Saluation it selfe,* 1.122 must bee furnished with due materialls by a whole Fleet of Ships, which shall not saue alone from dangers, but crowne with fulnesse of ioy and glory; this typically then renewed by Salomon for new supplies euery Trinitie of yeares; but there the Eternall Trinitie shall at once bee the Temple, the Sunne,* 1.123 the excee∣ding great reward, and all in all for euer. No passage was found for Israel out of Egypt to the Wil∣dernesse (a type of the life by Faith) nor for abundance of the Temples riches the shadow of glo∣ry, but by the Red Sea; so meritorious is the blood of our Redeemer, which, by bloody sweat, whippings, and a thorny Crowne, welled Springs of the water of life out of all parts of his body; [ 50] out of his hands and feet yeelded the foure Riuers which watered the Paradise of God; out of his pierced side and heart flowed a sea, a Red Sea of water and bloud to saue, to enrich vs, to purchase our Iustification by Grace, and beginnings of Sanctification growing vnto perfect Glory.

But as all faire things are farre from easie possession, so is it with Heauen, and all her myste∣ries, so is it with vs in this Voyage of Salomon, to know where this Ezion-geber was, from whence he set sayle, and to come to that Ophir, where he made his Voyage: touching both which, things otherwise enough difficult are made the harder by those mysts, which disagreeing opinions haue raised in our way. The Text giueth three markes to know the first, that it was beside Eloth, on the shoare of the Red Sea, and in the Land of Edom. This third marke of Ezion-geber is delinea∣ted by Moses, Deut. 2.8. and before in Num. 33.35. made the two and thirtieth Station of the Is∣raelites [ 60] remouing, or march in the Wilde••nesse. And heerein our Maps of that Chapiter, were in the former Bibles much to blame, which are in that and other respects much amended, in the Map of the Holy Land added to the last Translation. Now that it was on the shoare of the Red Sea, and not on the Mediterranean, this Text proueth:* 1.124 and the conceite of Goropius in this kinde that denieth Idu••••aea to extend to the Red Sea, and auerreth that this Fleet was set forth from the

dumaean Mediterranaean shoare, it is as many other disputations of his, more full of industry then wit, of wit then learning, of learning then iudgement. Strange are his conceptions, and strong his disceptations▪ but hauing weake foundations (grounded commonly on names and wordes buried vnder succession of rubbishes) they proue in the end (as Ioseph Scaliger speaketh) but Doctae nugae, more wordy then worthy guides,* 1.125 which doe but verba dare. Againe, that Iosephus placeth Esion∣geber at Berenice, is either a marginall note of some nouice Geographer crept into the Text, or else an old error; for Bere••ice is on the Aegyptian shore, Esiongeber on the Arabian, Iosephus placeth it neere Elana: and in the Text Eloth is set a guide to Esiongeber. Now Eloth being writ∣ten in the holy tongue 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 was by transmigration shifted and remoued to diuers pronuntiations, a thing vsuall in Ebrew names, both of places and persons. Hee that seeth how [ 10] Iohn or Iames are transported in such vnlike sounds from the Originall, in Greeke, Latine, French, Dutch, Spanish, Italian, English, and other languages, in all so vnlike and diuersified, would scarcely acknowledge them brothers, or to haue any kindred either to the mother tongue, or in th••se many sister languages: and so is it commonly with other names.

Strabo calls it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Iosephus 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Latins Elana, and the Gulfe or Bay neere to it is termed Elaniticus.* 1.126 O•• this place how it lieth▪ and how the Ancients were deceiued, you haue the Relations of Don Iohn Di Castro, from his owne eyes and learned iudgement, supposed to bee the same which is now called El Tor,* 1.127 or Toro. Yea the Red Sea is likeliest to haue receiued that name from Edom, as the Pamphilian, Ionian, Tyrrhene, Brittish, and other Seas are ordinarily so named of the Principall shoares they wash.* 1.128 Castro hath better examined the rednesse then any [ 20] man, and compared the Moderne and Ancient opinions with his owne eyes. And for a Booke-traueller, I must needs applaud Master Fuller, Our Country-man, who in the last Chapiter of the fourth Book of his Miscellanea Sacra▪ hath mustered the testimonies of the Ancients together, and ascribeth the name of Red-sea to Edom,* 1.129 of whom Idumaea tooke name, and of him and it, this Sea. For Ptolemey's Idumea is farre short o•• the Ancient, which contained also Nabathaea and their Citie Petra,* 1.130 whence Arabia Petrea receiued the name; Esaus Sword, (of which his Father had prophes••ed) conquering to both Seas.

This Edom or Esa•• was that Erythras, which the Grecians mention to haue giuen name to that Sea,* 1.131 by translating Edom into Erythras or Erythraeus, as Cephas into Petrus. Postellus had stumbled on this Note, which Fuller more fully and learnedly hath opened, as other things also pertaining to our purpose. That there is a rednesse in some parts of that Sea, by reason of the cleerenesse of [ 30] the water, and abundance of a kind of red Corrall, branching it selfe on the transparant bottoms, Castro hath made euident, but that in a small part of that Sea; the like whereof happneth in other Seas of cleerest waters, which show white from sands, greene from weeds, particoloured with pleasant diuersified hue, as Pineda citeth the testimony of Ferandez obserued neere to Carthagena in America, euery Stone, Shell, or whatsoeuer else was in the bottom, in those liquid waues yeelding so pleasant and various a tincture,* 1.132 as his many Nauigations had no where else obserued; an•• Captaine Saris in this Sea, called anciently Erythraean (which name, besides the Arabike and Persian Gulfes, contained the Indian Ocean, so named as it seemeth, from the frequent Nauigati∣ons out of Eloth and Esion Geber in Edom vnto India) was one night almost terrified with a glare [ 40] yeelding light to discerne Letters,* 1.133 suspected to bee some breach, and proued nothing but Cuttle Fish in the bottome.

But to returne to our Red Sea, Agatharchides in Photius his Bibliotheca, saith it is not called Red of the colour, but 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 of some man which there ruled. The Scriptures call it Siph, Suph, or Souph, translated algosum, caricosum, iuncosum, (to which accordeth Martialls Verse; Quicquid Erythraea niger inuenit Indus in alga) it seemes of the abundance of Rushes and Weeds there growing. The Moores, Turkes, and Traders thereof in later times call it the Sea of Mecca: Mela mentioneth the colour, and the King Eryhras there reigning; Plinie addes for the name, The Sunnes repercussion from the Sand and Land; Strabo cites the same out of Eratosthenes, with a tale of Ctesias of a Fountaine emptying his red-okerie waters thereinto, and the Relation of Boxus a Persian, that Erythras a Persian planted a Persian Colonie in an Iland thereof. Ouranius [ 50] in Stephanus tells of the red adioyning Mountaines: the Poets haue their Perseus, and others their other conceits and deceits, which I leaue to their Authors, as also Pinedas * 1.134 later deuice. The na∣ture of that Sea is better deliuered in the voyages of Castro, Midleton, Saris, Dounton, Haines, and others in these our Nauigations. But for Eloth and Esiongeber, Master Fuller is of opinion that Salomon in his great Wisdome, wanting fit Mariners, sent to Hiram for Tyrians and Phaenicians, and that a large Colonie was sent by Hiram to inhabit those parts, then subiect to King Salomon, by which meanes Solomon and Hiram enter into societie for the Indian traff••ck by that Sea of Edom, so to get the riches of the East in possession. This Colonie numerous and strong he placeth at Esiongeber the Arsenal, or fittest place of building Ships, and at Eloth the fittest Port, Mart, and Staple for the Indian merchandise. Thus hee, and very probably: adding that the Hebrew Aelath [ 60] in the singular▪ and Aeloth in the plurall number, was by the Phenicians turned into Ailath, whose singular is Aila, and plurall Ailan: thence the Greekes Ailae, Ailana, Eilane, Elana, and the Lati••s Aelana, and by inuersion Laeana. This Phaenician Colonie hee obserueth to haue beene of most

name of all other the Inhabitants thereof. For the Iewish yoke was soone shaken off by the Edo∣mites themselues, after Iehoshaphats death, Iehoram rebelling against God,* 1.135 and the Edomites against him. After that Azariah recouered Elath and built it. It continued not long, but Rezin King of Sy∣ria recouered Elath to Syria, and draue the Iewes from Elath, and * 1.136 the Syrians came to Elath, and dwelt there to this day. Thus the Iewes which were the Lords, and receiued the Customes, were expelled; but the Idumaean Natiues and Phaenicians, which might bee vsefull to the conquerours remained, the Tyrians being Syrophaenicians, and speaking the Syrian language, and by their mer∣chandising so profitable to their Kings.

This Elath was after called Albu•• Pagus, by Strabo called the chiefe Mart of the Nabataeans, whence the Indian and Arabian Merchandise was carried to Petra, thence to Rhinoculur•• in [ 10] Phaenicia neere Egypt, and thence dispersed to other places. Thus in the times before the Ptole∣meys. But in Salomons time, and whiles the Iewes ruled there,* 1.137 they were brought to Ierusalem and to Tyrus; and after that to Myos Hormos and Berenice, Aegyptian Ports on the other side of the Red Sea, to be thence conuayed to Alexandria.* 1.138 Arrianus in his time mentioneth the Gar∣rison at Albus Pagus and Custome there taken, the transporting of wares thence to Petra, not∣withstanding the Egyptian flourishing. Saint Ierom also placeth Ailat In extremis finibus Palesti∣nae, adioyning to the Wildernesse and the Red Sea:* 1.139 Vnde ex Aegypto in Indiam & inde ad Aegyp∣tum nauigatur. Sedet-autem ibi legio Romana cognomento Decima; Et olim quidem Ailat à veteribus dicebatur, nunc vero appellatur Aila.

[ 20] Ptolemey placeth Phaenicum oppidum, not far from Elana;* 1.140 the Ile Astarte is a Phaenician memorial also; Plinie mentioneth Gens Tyra, and Herodotus the Syrians on the Red Sea shoare; that I pursue no other Antiquities. These Tyrians it seemeth first began the sailing of the Indian Seas, and Habi∣tation on the Arabian shoares, instructed by the Wisdome, and procured by the Friendship of Sa∣lomon with Hiram: which they continued vnder many State-changes, till the Mahumetan times, the Staple of those Indian Merchandises being altered after the Iewish times, with the chiefe Mo∣narchies, Assyrian, Babylonian, Persian, Ptolemaean, Roman.* 1.141 And this is the onely Phoenix-neast made of sweet Spices, in Nature false (for God made all Fowles at first, and after brought to, and out of the Arke, in both sexes, male and female) but true in this Alegory, the Phaenicians of all the Nations known, being the only skilful Mariners in the Arabian and Indian seas, and from the one, [ 30] by the other, bringing the Spices and Riches of the East into the West, that skill being euer com∣municated not by Generation, but by Industry;* 1.142 which made Tyru•• (as Ezekiel describeth it) the Phoenix indeed of all Cities of Trade in the World. Master Fuller learnedly addeth the Fables of Bacchus and Hercules their Indian Expeditions, to this of Salomon and Hiram,* 1.143 Hercules being adored of the one, and Iehoua of the other, which name by Heathens was peruerted to 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 names of Bacchus in Hesychius; which agreeth to Plutarchs conceit, that the Iewes worshipped Bacchus on their Sabbaths, and deriueth the name Sabbatum from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,* 1.144 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a name of Bacchus, as his Priests were termed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Now for that Gulfe in which Strabo placeth Elana, and calls it therefore Elaniticus, and another towardes Egypt, I referre you to Castros following relations, which better knew those parts then Strabo could; Gaza by Stra∣bo [ 40] and Plinies reckoning seemeth to bee about one hundred and fiftie of our miles or more from thence. Salomon went in Progresse to take care of this his Ophirian Fleet from Ierusalem to Esi∣on-geber, almost as farre as from London to Yorke.

Asion Geber in Saint Ieroms interpretation signifieth ligna viri, aut lignationes viri, aut dolationes hominis, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉;* 1.145 whence some gather that much Timber grew there vsefull for building of Ships: perhaps, and I rather beleeue, for the Timbers brought thither as to an arsenall or store-yard for that purpose. For as Woods agree not with Moses his Wildernesse, so I find little men∣tion of Wood in all the Arabike shoare; at lest, later times haue knowne none there. And Soli∣man the Great Turke, A. 1538. is said to haue brought the materialls of the great Fleet which hee built at Sues in the Red Sea, to inuade Dium and expell the Portugalls out of India, from re∣mote Regions, Materiam ex longinquis colligi iussit (Damianus à Goes is our Author) illam{que} sump∣tu inaestimabili ad mare rubrum vebi curauit. Comito Venetiano, who with other Venetians were [ 50] forced to that seruice out of their Ships at Alexandria to goe to Cairo and Sues,* 1.146 more particular∣ly rela••eth that Sues is in a Desert place where no Hearb of any sort groweth, where the Arma∣da for India was made, and all the Timbers, Ironworkes, Tackling, Munitions were brought from Satalia and Constantinople by Sea to Alexandria, and thence carried on the Nile by Zerme (Boats, or Rafts) to Cairo, and thence on Camells to Sues. This Voyage is eightie miles▪ in which is nei∣ther habitation, nor water, nor any thing for life: they carry Nilus water on Camells when the Carouans goe thither. In the Pagans times, it was a great Citie and full of Cisternes, and had a trench from Nilus which filled all their Cisternes, destroyed by the Mahumetans▪ so that now they fetch their water sixe miles off from brackish Wells. There the Turke built a Fleet of seuen∣tie [ 60] six Vessells of all sorts, &c.

Don Iohn di Castro speakes of this Fleet of Salomon, and sayth, the Timber whereof it was made was brought from Libanon and Antilibanon (so little signe saw hee, or heard of any Trees or Wood•• in these parts) and saith, that from Toro all the Coast is West, and without any Port

[illustration]

HONDIVS his Map of the Deserts and Israels Pere∣grination therein.

but Sues, and that therefore Cleopatras Fleet was brought by Land from Nilus, to Sues ouer the Isthmos. This is in 29. degrees 45. minutes, supposed Arsino•• of the Ancients, Some say, Ciuitas Heroum; and said to be the Turkes Arsenale for his Armada, for those Seas, the Materials being brought from Caramania: which at Castros being there, consisted of one and forty great Gallies and nine great Ships. It seemeth by Sir Henry Middletons Story following, that their strength in those Seas is weake in later times. As that whole Wildernesse yeelded nothing for mans life, but their food was Manna from Heauen, and their apparell was by heauenly power preserued, so here Salomons wisdome is freely giuen, and his Materials for an Ophirian Fleet, and Temple stru∣cture must be not naturally there growing. His Mariners also must be borrowed, to shew that [ 50] the iust liue by faith, and in matters of grace, wee haue nothing which wee haue not receiued, not growing out of the naturall powers of free will,* 1.147 but framed out of the will freed by diuine grace, agreeing to which Mystery nothing of the Temple was framed in Moriah, nor the noyse of a Hammer once heard; the Tabernacle before built also of Egyptian spoyles; and Israel inheri∣ted Cities which they builded not, and Vineyards planted by them: and lastly, Christ himselfe was crucified without the gate, that neither Iew nor Ierusalem may challenge either Monopoly or Merit, but all may bee ascribed to meere mercie and free grace, Non nobis domine, not to vs Lord, not to vs but to thy Name be giuen the glory.

[ 60]

§. VIII. Of Ophir, diuers opinions weighed and censured; whether the Compasse was knowne to the old World; that the remote parts were lately inhabi∣ted, the New World but newly, and a great part thereof not yet.

THis Golden Countrey is like Gold, hard to find and much quarrelled, and needes a wise Myner to bring it out of the Labyrinths of darknesse, and to try and purifie the Myners [ 10] themselues and their reports. And here our best Athenians seeme Owles indeed, which d••zled with Salomons splendour hide themselues affarre off, and seeke for Easterne Ophir in Peru, and the West Indies. Such conceits haue transported Postellus, Goropius Becanus, Arias Montanus, Vatablus, Posseuinus, Genebrard, Marinus Brixianus, Sa, Eugubinus, Auenarius, Garcia, Noble Morney, and many others by their authority. Their reason is spelled out of the Letters of Ophir and Peru, so neere of Kinne. Arias Montanus in his Phaleg is both large and little in this point, saying, both much and nothing; for from the Scriptures stiling the Ophirian Gold 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Par∣uaim, he gathereth that it was brought from the two Perues, one of which he maketh new Spain, and the other that which now is called Peru; or the Northerne and Southerne moyties of Ame∣rica; and that those parts were commonly traded in ancient times. He maketh the rowe of hils [ 20] which runne from Panama, to the Magellan Straits to be Mount Sephir:* 1.148 for so it is said Gen. 10. speaking of Ioktans Sonnes, the brother of Peleg or Phaleg; And Ioktan begat Almodad, and Sheleph, and Hazarmaueth, and Ierah And Hadoram, and Vzal and Diklah, and Obal and Abi∣mael and Sheba. And Ophir and Hauilah and Iobab: all these were the sonnes of Ioktan. And their dwelling was from Mesha, as thou goest vnto Sephar, a Mount of the East; or as Tremellius, ad montes orientis vs{que}.

If learned Montanus had viewed his owne Map only, hee should haue seene his Ophir in the West, and not in the East: and if it be said Salomons fleet went by the East to the Westerne parts of the World, as the Philippinae and Moluccan shippes of the Spaniards vse to doe, yet Moses speakes of the dwelling and habitations (not of Iourneyings and Nauigations) which God after [ 30] the Babylonian conspiracy had alloted to the generations of men; their dwelling must then bee in regard of Moses when he wrote this in the Desert, or of the scattering from Babylon, whereof he wrote. But these parts of America, are more th••n halfe the Globe distant from those places Eastward, and much neerer by the West.

Againe, the name Peru or Piru is a vaine foundation, for diuers places (see Ortelius his Thesaurus Geograph.) haue like, or the same names,* 1.149 neyther is any part of America by the Inhabitants called Peru, but this name was accidentally by the Spaniards ascribed to those beginnings of their Dis∣coueries on the South Sea, and continued to that great Kingdome of the Incas found by Pizarro. Garcilasso de la Vega of the Inca bloud Royall by his mother, sonne to one of the Spanish Conque∣rors, borne and brought vp at Cozco, chiefe City of Peru, sayth that they had no generall name [ 40] for the Kingdome, but Tauantin Suyu, that is, the foure parts of the World; nor acknowledge the appellation of Peru: but the first Discouerers seising on a fisherman in a Riuer, asked him of the Countrey, and he amazed and not vnderstanding them, answered Beru, and annon added Pelu, as if he should say, my name (if you aske me thereof) is Beru, and I was fishing in the Riuer, Pe∣lu being the common name of a Riuer. The Spaniards, as if he had answered directly, corrupted a name of both those words, which they vnderstood not, and called the Region Peru, a name which the Natiues had neuer heard. The like they did in another Prouince, where asking a Na∣tiue what was the name of the Countrey, he answered, Tectetan, Tectetan, that is,* 1.150 I vnderstand you not, which they corruptly called Iucatan and Yucatan, as if the Indian had affirmed that to be the name of the Region. The like casuall names he obserueth of other American places.

The Iesuite Blas Valera, in his History of Peru affirmeth the same,* 1.151 that Peru is not the pro∣per [ 50] name but accidentall, which the Natiues know not. Acosta acknowledgeth it vnknowne to the Naturals, and an occasioned name from a small Riuer, which Vega saith was called so first by those Spaniards, which there tooke the fisherman. Thus the name which they would make as old as Salomon, began but Anno 1515. at the most, and that which is extended to New Spaine, and Peru, was knowne in neither, nor in any place else of the World.

Thirdly, I answere that Peru was not inhabited, nor yet New Spaine, one thousand yeares af∣ter Salomons time; of which I shall speake more anon, and in my following Discourse of the Apostolicall peregrinations.

Fourthly, neither could so long a Voyage then haue beene performed in three yeeres, beeing [ 60] farre more then to haue compassed the Globe, which hath cost Drake and others three yeares worke: where their worke was not in Mynes but in quicke fights.

Fiftly, this could not then be done without the Compasse. Pineda may conceit him••elfe that those times knew it, but the Phenicians haue in no Story left any such memoriall; nor others of

them, yet these were Salomons Sea men. Leuinus Lemnius, and Master Fuller would haue vs be∣leeue that the Ancients had the Compasse within the compasse of their art,* 1.152 by reason of the Phae∣nicians Marine skill and experience, which we say might be as much as it was, by the Starres, the Monsons, the Soundings, and Shores. Another reason is, the Learning and skill of those times, whereof Salomon saith, Is there any thing whereof it may be said, this is new? it hath beene alreadie of old time which was before vs. It might therefore be knowne in those times, and by barbarous in∣uasions be after lost, and by better times restored: I answer that the times were learned before and after Salomon, but when that learning should by Barbarian incursions be lost, I know no••. The Egyptian, Assyrian, Chaldaean inua••ions might rather increase and disperse, then eclipse and abo∣lish learning, being then more learned then the Greekes, who borrowed their very Letters from [ 10] the Phaenicians. The Persian times are knowne, and the Greeke Learning then grew to the highest pitch, when their Empire succeeded, and in loue of Learning exceeded the other. Hippocrates, Socrates, Plato, Xenophon, Aristotle, and before them Pythagoras and other Philosophers flouri∣shed before the Persian ru••nes, and trauelled into the East for that Learning, which they brought into Greece and Italie.

The Romanes borrowed their Arts from the Greekes, neither doe we read of Learning euapo∣rated in Barbarian flames, till the Deluges of those Sauages in the Romane Empire, which yet continued both Empire and Learning in the East, till the West had in good measure recouered it selfe out of those Mysts, and the Barbarous Saracens had growne louers of Learning, and our Teachers.* 1.153 And yet, had there beene such Barbarians which had rooted that skill out of the [ 20] World (which is vnlikely, that Marine skill beeing the best meanes to encrease their Empire, to enrich their Costers, to doe them other seruices in Warre and Peace, the ancient Conquerors vsing Fleets also to their purposes) yet some of the Bookes and Monuments of all Ages, from Salomons time being left to that of the Romans, as appeareth by Iosephus so well acquainted in the Tyrian Libraries, and other Authors of diuers Nations, and by the fragments which are comne to our hands, and by whole Bookes of Voyages in the Indian and Mediteranean Seas, as this Booke will declare; it cannot be but some mention of the act, if no description of the Art, would haue remained to Posteritie.

Now for Salomons testimony, it confuteth those which make him the author and first founder of the Loadstone (which to M. Fuller and others seemeth probable) if nothing were then new; it may aswell be alleaged for many Generations befor, that they also made ships at Esion-geber, to [ 30] goe to Ophir for like Rarities; and against all new Inuentions in any Age: which sense is al∣so contradicted by Salomon in the same Chapter, Verse 16. Where hee saith, that hee had more wisdome then all they that had beene before him in Ierusalem: and 1. Reg. 3.12. There was none like be∣fore thee, nor after thee shall arise any like vnto thee. This was then a new thing vnder the Sunne, this his wisdome, which brands vs for Fooles, if wee make him contradict himselfe and diuine Veritie.

The Scripture would goe one mile with them and shew the vanitie both of men and other crea∣tures, and they post and force it two, applying what Salomon spake of kindes, to indiuiduall acts and euents; which might aswell enforce Platoes great yeere, and a personall reuolution of each [ 40] man withall his conceits, words and acts. The Magnete is no new thing, but this vse of the Magnete was newly knowne two thousand yeares after Salomons death. The Argument to mee seemeth a merrie one, rather then serious, and I will answere it accordingly with a iest. The Iesuite Pineda (which out of Lemnius citeth these Arguments to proue that the Compasse is an∣cient) is no new thing as a Man; but as a person, as a Iesuite (a new order which beganne 1540.) as an Author which conceiteth that that great fish which tooke vp Ionas carried him in three dayes quite thorow the Mediterranean, and round about the African vast * 1.154 Circumference (statim at{que} deglutitur Ionas, reuertitur coetus velocitate incre••ibili ad mare Indicum & Sinum Arabicum, per Mediterraneum & Gaditanum fretum, imma••i totius Africae circuitu, these are his owne words) these a••e new things vnder the Sunne, and this a new interpretation, which himselfe prefaceth with Papae! nouam & inauditam exponendi rationem! These particulars are new, and yet that text [ 50] is true. I wil not adde (that were too serious and seuere) that all Iesuitisme is new, and their Expo∣sitions of Scriptures, Councels, Fathers for the Roman Monarchie, are all new, New-gay-no∣things, Vanitie of vanities and vexation of spirit; yet to lye (the genus generalissimum of Iesuiticall tenents, as they are Iesuites; CHRISTIANS is a name too old for them) is as old as the old Serpent.

But lest I be ouer-bold with our Author, and may seeme to passe from a new argument to an old quarrell, and from ieasting to ierking; I contayne my selfe, lest any Veterator take mee for a Nouelist; and with reuerence and thankes for his better paines, craue pardon for this iocoserium, and come to his third Argument out of Plautus, where in speech of sayling, hee hath these [ 60] words,

* 1.155Huc secundus ventus nu••c est, cape modo versoriam, Hic Fauonius serenus est, isthic A••ster imbricus.

Here Lemnius, Giraldus de Nauigijs, and Calcagninus with others mentioned by him, doe interprete Versoria of the Compasse: whom Pineda beleeueth not, and yet saith, hee hath quod nostro Acostae reddere possimus requirenti aliquod idoneum ex antiquitate huins aciculae testimo∣nium: notwithstanding, hee coniectureth it to bee some pole to thrust the Vessell (if any In∣strument) and acknowledgeth that the Oares and Rodder might bee Versoriae, in regard of tur∣ning the ship, and lastly concludeth it to be spoken without respect to any Nautike Instrument, interpreting Cape Versoriam to returne: and that Pl••utus his actor did point to the Heauens, not to any Instrument, when he said, huc secundus ventus est, hic Fauonius, &c. which seemeth to bee the Poets true sense.

[ 10] Pineda addes, that we ought not to doubt but that Salomon knew this of the Loadstone aswel as other Stones and Herbs. I answer we haue a better Loadstone and Leadstone for one then for the other; the Scripture speaking of him more as a Herbarist, then as a Lapidarie and Mariner. He alleageth, that the attractiue facultie would reueale that Polare. I answere, that experience hath produced many Ages to testifie the contrarie; which knew the one, not the other. His Argument from the store of Load-stones in those Easterne parts, concludes nothing for the skill, any more then that the naked artlesse Indians in Hispaniola were better Gold-smiths then the Europaeans, because they had more Gold. His last Argument is least, from the Diuine Proui∣dence which would not permit men so many Ages to be ignorant hereof. For heere we come to an, O altitudo! O the depth of the riches both of the wisdome and knowledge of God, how vnsearchable [ 20] are his iudgements, and his wayes past finding out? For who hath knowne the minde of the Lord,* 1.156 or who hath beene his Counseller?

I like much better that which Pineda addes of the Ancients abilitie to sayle without kenne of the shoare, without Magneticall helpe, which Strabo, Arianus and Plinie acknowledge: and Aratus saith, that the Phaenicians followed the Load-starre (not the Load-stone) which Tully citeth also out of him.* 1.157

Arrianus mentioneth the helpe of the Monsons (as now they terme them) or seasons of the Windes, obseruing a constant course in the Indian Ocean, which with experience of the frequented Coast, might easily teach Mippalus a compendious passage thorow the Mayne, or at least further from kenne of Land. Whereupon Plinie hauing related the former course, addes [ 30] Secuta aetas propiorem cursum tutiorem{que} &c. Compendia inuenit Mercator, Lib. 6. cap. 23. They also obserued the flying of certain Birds which they caried with them. But al these could nothing helpe to a Peruan Voyage from the Red Sea, where the knowne Starres were laid asleepe in Te••hys lap; where neither Birds carried with them, could instruct to any neere shoare, nor any Birds in the mayne Ocean were to be seene; where the Monsons and Seasons of the winde are so diuersified; where without the Compasse all things are out of compasse, and nothing but mi∣racle or chance (which neuer produce Arts) could saue or serue them. I haue spoken of the Load-stone in another place to which I referre the Reader, least that makes mee wander and drowne, which directeth and saueth others.

Lastly, Peru could not be Ophir, if wee conceiue that SALOMON brought thence Iuorie; [ 40] and Peacockes. For Peacockes they read Parrots, and for Iuorie they are forced to take it vp by the way in some place of Africa or India, which distraction must needs prolong the Voyage, which without such lets could not (as before is obserued) in three yeares bee performed. As for such (Asse for such, I might haue said) which thinke so huge and vast a tract of Land as that New World, might bee now emptie of Elephants which then it had (for it is confessed by all Classike Authors, that America neuer saw Elephant) as England is ridde of Wolues, wherewith it hath sometimes abounded; Why should not other kinds of Creatures bee vtterly destroyed as∣well as these, being more hurtfull to the Inhabitants? I meane, Tigres, Leopards, and other rauenous beasts whereof America hath more then a good many. And if they should destroy E∣lephants for their Iuorie, what piece of Iuorie was euer found in Peru or all America, before [ 50] our men came there? If Salomons men had destroyed all, it were inhumane to interuert after-ages. The hunting of Wolues in the North of Scotland at this day, and the huntings vsed by many Nations, Tartars, Cafres, &c. easily tell vs how England was cleered of Wolues; Armies, or Multitudes in a large Ring, encircling the beasts, & with Fire, Waters, Dogs, Armes, &c. bringing all into a narrow Compasse, and there killing them. But in the New World that would haue re∣quired another World to haue done it. I adde that no Elephant could come into Peru but by Miracle, the cold and high Hilles euery way encompassing, beeing impassable to that Creature, as wee shall see in our Spanish entrance with Horses. Yea, I auerre further, that an Elephant could not liue in Peru, but by Miracle. For the Hilles are cold in extre∣mitie, and the Valleyes, till the Incas made artificiall Riuers were without water, it neuer [ 60] rayning there, whereas the Elephant delights in places very hote and very moist. But I deserue blame to fight with Elephants in America, which is with lesse then a shadow, and to lay siege to Castles in the Aire.

These arguments haue no lesse force against Columbus and Vatablus their Ophir in Hispaniola:* 1.158 which from the Red Sea makes a farther fetch with like or greater improbabilities. This errour

was more fortunate then learned. For out of a right rule that the World is round, and that there∣fore men might sayle to the East by the West, Columbus first, and presently after him Sir Seba∣stian Cabot made their Discoueries,* 1.159 and stumbled on a New World by the way, whereof they had not dreamed.

Cabots Voyage was to seeke Cathay or China. Columbus his intent was for the East Indies, and finding much Gold in Hispaniola, without examining other difficulties, and falsly suppo∣sing himselfe to haue attayned the East Indies, he called that Iland Ophir; which conceit Francis Vatablus receiued.

Now for Sofala or Cefala, many arguments are alleaged by Ortelius (who here placeth Salo∣mons Ophir) and others.* 1.160 And indeed the abundance of Gold, and the excellencie thereof, as like∣wise [ 10] of Siluer, there taken out of the Mynes; Peacocks, or Parrots, whether you choose to inter∣prete; Elephants, Apes, (Monkeyes and Baboones) excellent Woods for such vses as the Al∣muggim Trees were applied; all these, together with the easie Nauigation from the Red Sea thither alongst the African shoare; and lastly the name it selfe may seeme to plead for a Sofalan Ophira, or Sophira (as Iosephus cals it) in this place. Ioaon dos Santos liued eight yeares in those parts,* 1.161 and alleageth many things to this purpose. He saith that neere to Massapa, is a great high Hill called Fura, in the Kingdome of Monomotapa, to which hee will not suffer the Portugals to passe lest the rich Mynes should cause their too potent Neighbour-hood. On the top of that Hill are old ruinous wals of lime and stone. Barrius saith, their are also vnknowne Letters ouer the gate:* 1.162 the people ignorant of such workes, say they were built by Deuils, thinking them im∣possible to men, iudging others by themselues. They are fiue hundred and ten miles from Sofa∣la, [ 20] in one and twentie degrees of Southerly latitude. He coniectureth it to bee Ptolemeys Agy∣simba,* 1.163 the buildings being still called Simbaon••. Thomas Lopez addes, that the Moores affirmed, that their Bookes and ancient Writings contayned, that King Salomon fetched his Gold in his three yeares Voyage from thence.

At that time 1502. there were warres, but formerly the Moores of Mecca and Zidem, vsed to carrie two Millions of Mitigals (which are about eight shillings a piece) yeerely from thence. But to returne to Santos, hee alleageth a Tradition of the Natiues, that these Mynes and Buil∣dings belonged to the Queene of Saba, and that others ascribe them to Salomon, making this Fu∣ra or Afura to be Ophir, See the place, * 1.164 and his pleading of this point, wherein I could be per∣swaded [ 30] to be of his minde, if that Moses did not place Ophir Eastward, Gen. 10.30. Who (it is likely) gaue name to this golden Region.

There are that seeke for Tarshish at Carthage, and some I haue knowne which place Ophir neere Gambra.* 1.165 Of this minde was Captaine Iobson, which trauelled vp that Riuer, nine hundred and sixtie miles, and heard such golden reports of the In-land Countreyes, as this Worke will from him deliuer to you. And indeed I doe easily perswade my selfe, that the richest Mynes of Gold in the World are in Africa; especially in the heart of the Land from the Line to the Tro∣pike of Capricorne. (See our Relations out of Bermudez, Iobson, Battell and others) and I cannot but wonder, that so many haue sent so many, and spent so much in remoter Voyages to the East and West, and neglected Africa in the midst; which perhaps might prooue as much richer as [ 40] neerer, then both the Indies. But Rectum est index sui & obliqui: if wee shew Ophir to bee in the East Indies, it cannot be in America or Africa, vnlesse we be of Acostas opinion, who howsoeuer he thinketh that Salomons Gold,* 1.166 &c. came from the East Indies, yet coniectureth that Ophir and Tharsis signifie no certayne Regions, but are taken in a generall sense, as the word India is with vs, applied to all remoter Countreyes. Ophir might be any of the former, remote farre from the Red Sea.

But I can tell that India receiued his name from the Riuer Indus, still called Sinde, (which hath also foiled all our Geographers hitherto,* 1.167 making it to passe thorow Cambaya, which Sir Thomas Roes Voyage will confute, that it is lesse maruell if Ophir trouble vs so much) and because the Countreves beyond India, were so meanly knowne by their true names, and Indus came from so [ 50] remote Regions, they continued and extended that name to them: and (as euen now you heard) Colon by misprision called America, India, not dreaming of a Westerne, but supposing that by the West,* 1.168 he had arriued in the Eastern India. Now, why Ophir should be so dilated, I see no such rea∣son. Tarshish we shall better examine after. And for others opinions of Ophir to be an Iland in the Red Sea called Vrphe, or Ormus in the Persian, they are not worth examining: beeing not able to yeeld Gold, and the other Commodities which Salomon sought.

The truth of Ophir must as from a deepe Myne bee drawne out of Moses, Gen. 10. Wherein although wee cannot approue the opinion of those which conceiue Moses in that Chapter, to haue set downe the iust number of Languages and Nations, as if there were seuentie two of each▪ and neither more nor fewer; yet it must needs be granted, and the Text plainly auerreth, These [ 60] are the Families of the sonnes of Noah after their generations, in their Nations, and by these were the Nations diuided in the Earth after the Floud:* 1.169 and particularly of the Sonnes of Shem (here questio∣ned) These are the sonnes of Shem, after their families, after their tongues, in their lands, after their Nations. So that wee gather that the first originalls of Nations are there mentioned, such especi∣ally

as concerned his Ecclesiasticall story, or was necessary for the Church to take knowledge of. For neither were they all differing Nations and Languages which hee mentioneth, nor are all Nations or Languages there mentioned. For eleuen of them are the sons of Canaan, which all peo∣pled that little region, which Israel after by Ioshuas conduct possessedial which also spake one lan∣guage, or else Abraham & the Patriarks must haue learned many tongues in their frequent peram∣bulations; which some thinke the same which the Israelites spake, & iudge it euident in the Hi∣story of the first Spies, and of Rahabs entertaining of the later Spies; and that it is called by the Prophet, The language of Canaan, Es. 19.18, and carried thence into Egypt before by the Patriarks, to whom Ioseph spake first by an Interpreter, but in reuealing himselfe, hee with his owne mouth [ 10] (that is, in their tongue) spake vnto them, when the Interpreter and all others were excluded. And in the whole story of the Old Testament, no difference of language is notified in all the commerce and cohabitations of all sorts of both Nations. * 1.170 Priscian saith, Lingua Poenorum Chal∣daeae vel Hebraeae similis: and Saint Ierom, Poeniquasi Phoeni, quorum lingua Hebraeae magna ex parte confinis est. Saint Augustine often saith as much; and diuers wordes of the language confirme it. As for a Shiboleth, and Siboleth, or some difference of Dialect (which wee see with vs almost in euery Shire) wee make not that a difference of, but in the Language. And so it seemeth it was in the first Ages, before Conquest and Commerce brought in so many new wordes to the Punike language. The Punike Scene in Plautus his Poenolus, by * 1.171 Scaliger, M. Selden and others is found a kind of Hebrew, after all those ages and changes. I will not herein contend with M. Fuller and others which haue written contrary. But either they were the same, or not much differing: [ 20] and (which I principally ayme at) all these eleuen Nations had the same language at lest in the Patriarkes times, and not vnlike the Hebrew, which was so little altered, after such altera∣tions of time and place.

Now because that Countrey was giuen to Abrahams posteritie, Moses is more exact in boun∣ding the places, & intimating the peoples, then ••n all Ioktans posterity (which it seemeth peopled one hundred times so much Countrey) as not pertaining to Israels Inheritance▪ and not much to their neighborhood or knowledge. And if Salomon imployed aboue eight score thousands in con∣tinuall workes so many yeeres for the Temple, how many shall we thinke imployed themselues in that Babylonian structure, which occasioned that diuersifying of languages; and which is there∣fore likely to haue happened long after Pelegs birth, by which time the world could not likely [ 30] be so peopled? Neither may wee deny more then ordinary multiplication in those first Ages after the Floud: though we grant a good space after Pelegs birth, for how else could such a mul∣titude haue assembled so soone to such a purpose? Wee see the like admirable increase of the Israe∣lites in Egypt, in despite of bloudy butchery and slauery, which yet asked aboue two hundred yeeres, from seuentie persons. And can any man thinke that where a World was multiplied, that the Fathers had no more Sonnes then are there mentioned? especially seeing of Sems line, Gen. 11. it is said they begat other sonnes: and of them are expressed fiue generations, of the other but two or three, and most of them omitted, except such as most concerned Israel in neighbour∣hood or other affaires. How could Iocktan yeeld thirteene Nations then, when Peleg giues name [ 40] to none, till of Abraham, six generations after, some were deriued? I suppose therefore that Mo∣ses there names not all Nations, as writing not a Story of the World, but those principally which by vicinitie or Inheritance, or future commerce (as this Ophir and his brethren) it behooued the Is∣raelites to take notice of; especially Him, who was to alter Moses his Tabernacle into so glorious a Temple, and to bee so liuely a figure of a greater then Moses and Salomon both. Nor is it likely but that there was a greater confusion of languages, then into so many as can bee gathered in the tenth of Genesis; or that all there mentioned differed in tongue from each other; for so Shem, Cham, and Iapheth should neuer haue vnderstood each other, nor their posteritie. It is probable therefore, that God multiplying the World in so short a space (which, as I said, I rather thinke to haue hapned some good while after Pelegs birth, then at that very time) almost to a miracle, most men of most families were there, and their languages also miraculously multiplied; (The Iewish tradition is that it hapned a little before Pelegs death, as Genebrard obserueth out of them) [ 50] but being a conspiracy against God, many others were not there and retained their ancient Ebrew; especially the pious and religious Patriarkes. Such perhaps was Peleg himselfe, then a man of yeeres, and therefore his name giuen him of that diuision in others. For if any thinke that Pelegs name intimates the building of Babel at his birth, we see that Abraham, Sarah, and Iacob had their names changed in their riper yeeres.

This diuision of languages caused that dispersion, Therefore is the name of it called Babel (or Con∣fusion) because the Lord did there confound the language of all the Earth: and from thence did the Lord scatter them abroad vpon the face of all the Earth. Yet cannot we say that presently this was wholly executed; but euen then so many as spake one language, dwelt together in one Region: [ 60] Other Persons and Families in other Regions, which then were thinly planted, and in processe of time more fully peopled, and Colonies also deriued to people remoter Regions. For although Man, (that is Mankind) hath a right to all the Earth, yet heere there was a very great part of the Earth vnpeopled in Moses time, yea to these dayes of Ours. And if we marke all the Heads

of Families mentioned by Moses, wee shall see none, which at that time had inhabited so farre as this our Britaine: but how much neerer the Regions were to the Arkes resting, and Babels confu∣sion, so much sooner were they peopled. Sure it is that some Ages after, the best and most frequent Habitations, and neerest those parts were but meanly peopled, as appeareth by Abraham, Isaac, and Iacob, Lot, Laban, and their children wandring and remoouing from place to place with their great Flockes and Herds, as if Grounds and Pastures had then euen in the Regions of Syria and Canaan beene of small value. Compare Abrahams time with Ioshua, and you shall see a great dif∣ference, more Cities and Villages seeming then builded, then before were Families of note, and that in foure hundred yeeres space. Ammon, Moab, Ishmael, all the Families of the sonnes of Ke∣turah, and that of Edom, with innumerable other were not in rerum natura, neither the language (which it seemes by mixture with others was altered) nor the Nation. [ 10]

Yea how poore a thing was our Britaine in Caesars time, either for the numbers or ciuilitie? How thinly is all the Northerne America, from thirtie degrees vpwards towardes the Pole in∣habited? a world of Continent by no probabilitie, containing in the whole so many people as some one small Region in Asia or Europe. All Virginia, New-England, and New-found∣land, cannot haue (notwithstanding such commodious habitations and innumerable commodi∣ties) so many Inhabitants, so farre as my industry can search, as this one Citie with the Suburbs containeth, though we adde all euen to the Pole, and take one hundred miles within Land alongst the Coast all the way; which easily argueth the later peopling thereof. Neither is there any thing in all America which doth not indeed proclaime it a New World.* 1.172 For as in the Old World, first there was simplicitie of Herdmen, Shepheards, and Husbandmen; and after that Trades, [ 20] Merchandise, Riches, Cities, Kingdomes, more curious Rites Ciuill and Religious, and some Mo∣numents of them (which those which had, esteemed others for the want therof Barbarians & Sa∣uages, as a wilder kind of men) and this Ciuilitie, Cities, Populations and Kingdomes began in Assyria, Egypt, and other places neerer the first confusion, and after proceeded to Greece (whom the Egyptians called children,* 1.173 as is before said, for their later Ciuilitie, Arts, and Histories) and thence to Italy, which was long swadled in Roman rusticitie, and later attained to politer Scien∣ces; and thence into France (as wee now call it) and after that into Britaine, and later into Ger∣many, all by Roman Conquests and imparting Arts with their Armes: so may wee iudge of the New World, wherein two Empires were growne great, ciuill, rich, and potent, after their man∣ner, as our Mexican and Inca stories will shew in due place. This their greatnesse produced stories [ 30] of their Acts by Quippos, Pictures and other Monuments, which deriued to posteritie the know∣ledge of former times and acts.* 1.174 By which we may gather that the Northerne America was first peopled, and that probably from the Easterne or Northerne parts of Asia; and communicated people to the Southerne parts, the Northerne Antiquities of Mexico, being ancienter then those of Peru. Those first stories also (see them in the Picture-Booke, and in Vega and Acosta follow∣ing) how raw and infantly beginnings and proceedings doe they shew? What barbarisme? Yet neither containing memorialls of one thousand yeeres: So that allow sixe hundreth yeeres to meere breedings and barbarous infancy, with creeping in dispersions, as out of the cradle of A∣merican humanity amongst them, till they were fuller of People and Townes, where one wit whetts another to new deuices, yet we scarcely come to the times of Christ and his Apostles. I [ 40] may adde, that till about one thousand two hundred yeeres after Christ, neither of those Empires were worthy the names of pettie Kingdomes, and euen then had scarcely crept out of the shell.

Now for Ilands in the Seas betwixt Asia and them, as also along the North Sea, as they cal it, on the Easterne shoare of America, in the North and South parts thereof also, these Relations will shew you Worlds of them not yet peopled. The Southerne Continent is yet but saluted on the Shoares and Ilands, of which we may no lesse coniecture much emptinesse. For the fulnesse of the Continent disburthens it selfe into Ilands; and fulnesse of the first peopled parts, Asia, Africa, and Europe, made them seeke to root out one another by the Sword, or to possesse vacant places by Sea or Land, which either chance or industry had found. But except Deucalion and Pyrrha had [ 50] sowne stones to procreate Men, or Cadmus his sowne teeth had procreated Armies, or the Clouds had rained Peoples, as they are said to doe Frogs, I know not how wise and learned men (by their leaues inconsiderately enough) fill China and America with people in those dayes before Moses and Abraham, and find great commerce and knowledge of the New World, when the Old was but yesterday begun. So necessary to Humane and Diuine knowledge is Geographie and Histo∣ry, the two Eyes with which wee see the World, without which our greatest Clerkes are not the wisest men, but in this part blind and not able to see farre off. If any deride this as paradoxicall and new, I say againe, that in America alone, so much as hath beene discouered, and whereof know∣ledge from ey-witnesses hath comne to my hand, partly in the Continent, partly in Ilands, as much (and in great part as commodious for mans vse) as all Europe, is either wholly vnhabi∣ted, or so thinly inhabited, that men roague rather then dwell there, and so as it would feed and [ 60] sustaine a hundreth, perhaps a thousand times as much people by due husbandry.

§. IX. IOCTANS Posteritie seated in the East parts of Asia, amongst them, Ophirin India vltra Gangem, where CHRYSE was of old, and now is the Kingdome of Pegu, and the Regions adioyning.

AFrica fell to Chams part, with some adoyning Regions of Asia; Asia it selfe in greatest part to Shem, and Europe with Asia Minor, and the Northerne parts of Asia to Iapheth. Their very names haue left memorialls of them, as Arias Montanus, Iunius,* 1.175 Broughton, and others haue obserued, to whose Commentaries I referre the Reader. [ 10] But for Ioctans sonnes, we find in and neere to India, the prints of all their names. Elmodad hath left his name in the Hill Emodus, whence the Indian Riuers flow, and Comedus, the greatest Hills of Asia, elsewhere called Taurus, and by diuers names as it runneth thorow diuers Coun∣tries, from the one end of Asia to the other: also in the Themeotae or Thetmontae in Sarmatia. Of Sheleph are the Mountaines Sariphi, whence Oxus floweth. Seilon is a famous Iland in these dayes. Of Hazarmaueth, Sarmatia; of Ierah, Aria and Arachosia; of Hadoram the Ori, Oritae, Oxidraca; also the Adraistae, Andresti, Adrestae: Of Vzal, Muziris, Musopalle, Ozoana, Oxus, Vdi••, or Odia a Citie, and Vdezza a Kingdome, in India; Auzacia, a Citie extra Imaum, and Auxacitis. Of Diklah, Delly, Dankalee, Tacola and Tagola; also Dela, Dekaka, the Laos, Bacola, Bengala, and [ 20] (by conuersion of D into R, not vnusuall) Rhacan and Arracan, Orixa; Dandagula and Daedala. Of Obal, the Bolitae and Cabolitae neere Paraponisus; of Abimael the Mount Imaus, and the Malli in India mentioned by Curtius.

Now for Sheba and Hauilah; Cush had Seba and Hauilah, and his sonne Raamah had also She∣ba▪ all mentioned in the same Chapiter: and Iokshan Abrahams sonne by Keturah, begat Sheba.* 1.176 Chush his two sonnes, were Authors of the Sabaeans in Arabia, so famous for the Merchandise of Myrrhe and Frankinsence;* 1.177 some distinguish the Sabaei in Arabia deserta (whose posteritie rob∣bed Iob) from the richer Sabaeans of Sheba in Arabia Foelix,* 1.178 whence that rich Queene called of the South (that Countrey is called Alieman, that is, the South, to this day) came to visit Salomon. Abrahams Sheba had his habitation Eastward in the Northerly parts of Arabia deserta;* 1.179 as if his [ 30] kindred by the flesh, the sonnes of Keturah and Hagar (the carnall Israelites,* 1.180 and such which insist on Iustification by their owne Workes of the Law) should neuer haue to doe with Canaans ferti∣litie and felicitie, the type of Heauen, Righteousnesse, Peace and Ioy in the Holy Ghost;* 1.181 but distract themselues in wandring errors, & a disconsolate miserable estate, as those Arabians do to this day.

Ioktans Sheba was Author of the Sabae beyond Ganges; of Sabana, Sabara, Sobanus; and now Siam, Champa, Camboia, are famous in these parts.

Hauila of Chus is hee which planted that Countrey, at the entrance of Susiana in Persia, com∣mended, Gen. 2. for the Gold. And of him also might Abila in Syria, and Aualites, a Bay and Port on the Red Sea, and the Aualitae p••puls, which thence remoued into Aethiopia, and the Chalybes among the Troglodytae bare names.

Ioctans Hauila might giue name to the Ile Sundiua, the Gulfe Tauai, to Aua, Martauan, Caue∣lan [ 40] also, and Cublan all Kingdomes lately subiect to the King of Pegu. The Auares in the Northerne parts might bee a deduction from him, Chaberis also and the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 a Bactrian Nation, by some called Sauadij, and the Auchaetae, where Hipanis springeth; the Abij and In∣dian Abali, and Zebae; Abarimon also in Scythia, and Iesual, a Kingdome in these daies. Of Iobab came the Iabadij, the Ibi, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (an Indian Nation) the Sobi, and Sarmatian Ibiones; Iacubel also in the Kingdome of Pegu, the Ile Iaua, Iamba, and in old times Barebe and Bepinga.

Some impression of the name of Ophir is left in Ophar, a Sarmatian Riuer, and the Opharitae, and in those names of the Hil Taurus, Paropamisus, Pharphariades, otherwise Pariades, Parthenasis,* 1.182 Par∣tao, Chaboras, Oscobar, Pariedrus, Para; Choatra, Parthaus, Tapurius, Opurocarra, Bepyrrus, Parsue∣tus, Paryadres. I might adde the renowmed Indian Iland Taprobane, the Prasij, Hippuros, the Citie Paraca, Palibothra, Perimula, Doperura, Sobura, Cottobora, Sippara, Mapura, Caespira, Brachme, Brach∣manae, [ 50] Opotura, Pharitras, and other names in Ptolomey, and the Pharasij in Curtius. Also the Hippuri in Plinie, to omit Porus the great King of India, whom Alexander subdued. And many places of principall note in India in these dayes haue such a termination, as Fetipore, Iounpore, Sin∣pore, Merepore, and the like, of more certaintie then the occasionall and yesterday name of Peru.

Thus haue wee brought arguments of names, to find all Ioctans posterity in the way to India, or the Inland Indian Countries, where it is likely they fi••st seated themselues, and afterwardes spread themselues both to the Northerne Sarmatians, and Sythians, and to the Sea Coast Souther∣ly after the Floud, some feare whereof did not a little terrifie the first Ages. At this day Tippara, [ 60] Serepore on Ganges, Caplan, the place where they find the Rubies, Saphires, and Spinells, sixe dayes iourney from Aua, Pegu it selfe, and the Bramas, which founded the New Citie, and which still people the Kingdomes of Prom, Melintay, Calam, Bacam, Miriam; and Purdabin, Purhola at the Spring, and Benpurbat the entrance of Ganges to the Sea; the Straits of Cingopura, with diuers other places in those Regions where wee place Ophir, haue some foot-prints left

of that name after so many Ages. Their Brachmanes, Probar their chiefe God, Talipoies their Priests might be added for sound. But words are windie, sounding and not sound, wordy not wor∣thy arguments, except things agreeing make the truth euident. For accidentally names are the same in diuers Countries, as if any man lust to obserue in a Geographicall Dictionary, hee shall easily see.

These are onely probabilities which are to be weighed with the words of Moses, And their dwelling was from Mesha, as thou goest vnto Sepha••, a Mount of the East; admontes Orientis vsque, Tremelius reades it: Iosephus interpreteth from Assyria to a Riuer of India called Cophene. Sepher is,* 1.183 if ye receiue Montanus, the Per••an Andes, the Mountaines of the West in the Worlds situa∣tion from Babylon, and the place where Moses wrote; Ptolemie mentions Sipphara not farre from Euphrates: Postellus makes it Imaus, Saint Hierom placeth it in India: Sepharuaim of the Assyri∣ans [ 10] (which is perhaps Ptolomies Sipphara,* 1.184 is often mentioned, and confirmeth well that opinion of Iosephus. From Mesa therefore which taketh his beginning East from those parts where Mo∣ses wrote, being also part of that hill Taurus whereto we haue found all Ioktans Sonnes neigh∣bouring (afterwards called Mount Masius, in Mesopotamia) to Sephar, another part of that great hill Taurus,* 1.185 both Eastward, and thence also in processe of time to further Easterly Mountaines, the remotest Easterne parts of Taurus, did Ioktans Posterity spread and disperse themselues; one of the most Easterly whereof we finde this questioned Ophir. Or if any like rather to finde them more Easterly, Plinie mentions the Masuae and Mesae in India, and there also is Ptolomies Sa∣para and Sippara, agreeing with Sephar: Sarpedon also and Sariph are hils so called, parts of Taurus. [ 20]

It remaines then to see whether the Commodities of those parts, and the Voyage thither be correspondent to the Scriptures description. For the Commodities, we will giue both auncient, middle, and moderne testimonies (with this difference, that the auncient and middle are not so particular nor directly expressing and notifying places and things as the last) the rather because this hath beene the stumbling stone to Ortelius, and others, to make them seeke for Ophir else∣where. The Ophirian Voyage (it is probable) comprehended all the gulfe of Bengala from Zei∣lan to Sumatra, on both sides: but the Region of Ophir we make to be all from Ganges to Menan, and most properly the large Kingdome of Pegu,* 1.186 from whence it is likely in processe of time, the Southerly parts, euen to Sumatra inclusiuely was peopled before Salomons time.

In India beyond Ganges, Ptolomie placeth both Argentea and Aurea Regi••. Super Argenteam [ 30] autem regionem, in qua multa dicuntur esse metalla non signata, superiacet Aurea Regi••, Besyngitis ap∣propinquans, quae & ipsa metalla auri quam plurima habet. Arrianus in his Periplus, or Treatise of the sailing about the Erythraean Sea (which as is said before contained the Indian) speaking of Ganges and the rising and falling thereof like Nilus, placeth 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or the Golden Region, neere to it, and addes the reports of golden Mines in those parts. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Marcianus mentions this golden Chersonessus also. * 1.187 Long before them Herodotus in his Thalia relating the Tributes paid to the Persian Monarch, saith, The Indians as they are more in number then other men, so their tribute is greater, 360. talents of Gold: and then addeth the reports of Ants, not so bigge as Dogges, but bigger then Foxes, which cast vp antheaps full of golden sands. Ar∣rianus cites Nearchus and Megasthenes (whom Strabo produceth also) for these Ants, which I [ 40] thinke rather to be an Embleme then a Story.* 1.188 For as Salomon sends the Sluggard to schoole to the Pismire, to learne of that little creature great industry and prouidence, so Salomons and other Princes Mines could not be better expressed then in such an alegory; liuing in darkenesse, and as it were buried aliue, and bearing excessiue burthens, yet baited with poore diet and wages. And thus Georgius Fabritius,* 1.189 Indi suos Metallicos 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 appellarunt, vnde fabulis locus, &c. The like fable they had of monstrous Griffons, thereby expressing the miserable monstrosity of couetous∣nesse. Plinie hath (speaking of the Indian Nations) Fertilissimi sunt auri Dardae, Setae vero argenti. Sed omnium in India prope, non modo in hoc tractu, potentiam claritatemque antecedunt Prasij, amplis∣ma vrbe ditissimaque Palibotra: vnde quidem ipsam gentem Palibotros vocant, imo vero tractum vni∣uersum à Gange. Regi eorum peditum sexcenta M. equitum triginta M. elephantorum nouem M. per [ 50] omnes dies stipendiantur,* 1.190 &c. These Prasij placed neere Ganges, Plutarch cals Praesij, Curtius Pharasij, Diodorus Tabraesij, all which names they which know any thing in Ebrew, can tell how easily they may be deriued from Ophir, passing the Greeke termination after other changes▪ And Palabothra, or Palimbothra is by Arrianus placed at the confluence of the Riuers x 1.191 Erannoboa and Ganges, Strabo speakes of the sailing vp Ganges to Palibothra against the streame, and saith that Ganges descends from the Mountaines and from the plaines takes an Eastward course; then passing by Palibothra a very great Citie, enters the Sea with one channell, although it be the greatest of the Indian Riuers. Master Fitch our Country man spent fiue moneths in passing downe Ganges (he might haue done it sooner) and mentions S••rrepore, which (as Sanbal y 1.192 by the first syllable) may seeme to be the same by the situa••ion, trafficke, and last syllable; and tels of the [ 60] Gold Mines in the way. Diodorus Siculus, speaking of India saith, Nascitur in ea ingens argenti aurique vis, non parum quoque aris, ferrique & orichalci. Another Diodorus in his Geographicall Verses saith of the Indians Gold-mining:

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

and after

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

Pomponius Mela mentions those Ants, More Gryphorum keeping the Gold, cum summa pe••∣nicie attingentium. He, Solinus, and Plinie mention Chryse and Argyre so plentifull of Mettals,* 1.193 that men reported the soyle was Gold and Siluer: so hyperbolicall reports were raised of their store.

But as the ancients knew not these parts of India so well as later times, wee will produce la∣ter [ 10] testimonies. And generally it is esteemed in the remotest East parts, that Gold by reason of the plenty hath not his true and naturall preaeminence aboue Siluer (which ordinarily is twelue to one) but lower by much, in some places more, in some lesse,* 1.194 as the following Relations will better acquaint you. So Marco Polo saith that in the Prouince of Cardandan, they giue one ounce of Gold for fiue of Siluer: Gold being exceeding plentifull, which many brought tho∣row the Desarts to change as aforesaid, the wayes being vnpassible for others. I omit the gol∣den Monument he mentions in Mien. In Tholoman hee saith, is great quantity of Gold. The former place is somewhat Northerly, this Easterly from the necke of the Chersonessus. Nicolo de Conti mentions Bels of Gold commonly sold in those parts, still in vse in Pegu to put in mens yards. Odoardo Barbosa mentions store of Gold at Queda, and in the Kingdome of Pam, in this [ 20] Chersonessus. But I am too suddenly slipt into later times: Long before these,* 1.195 Saint Isidore mentio∣neth Chryse and Argyre plentifull of Gold and Siluer, and those golden Mountaines quos adire propter Dracones & Gryphas, & immensorum hominum monstra, impossibile est. Aelian hath a long discourse of those Gryphons out of Ctesias, keeping the Gold in vast Deserts;* 1.196 of which I no∣ted before, as of the Phenix and the Ants, that a Mysterie rather then Historie is intended, either shewing the barrennesse of Misers producing no good fruites in the mids of golden abun∣dance, but rather ready to deuoure all which came in their clutches; or else intimating the difficulty to get Gold, and manifold dangers in respect of the neighbouring inhabitants,* 1.197 & of fa∣mine in those Deserts. Rabanus Ma••rus, and long after him Nicolas Lyra relate these Beasts pe∣rillous to such as seeke the Gold in these parts. And indeede for wilde Beasts, both Lizards, Ty∣gres, [ 30] and others, I thinke no places more infested then those in and neere Pegu: for which cause the Country and people are forced to build their houses aboue ground, that they may goe vp to them on Ladders. Barros tels of one Tygre which in Malacca seised on a peece of wood to which three slaues were chained, and carried all away,* 1.198 leaping therewith ouer a high wall also. Neither are the Tygres of other Countries comparable to these in these parts, being ano∣ther kinde, called Thoes, or some other kinde, rather then true Tygres, of which are many in A∣frike and America. But leauing the testimonies of auncient and midle times, wee will come to later dayes.

Ludouico Barthema in his third Booke of India, c. 16. much extolleth Pegu for riches (he wrote sixe score yeeres agoe) especially for Iewels, and he saith the King had a Million of Gold in reue∣nue: [ 40] and note that the Bramas Empire or Monarchy was not then begun.* 1.199 Barthema also menti∣ons the Gold in Somatra. Barbosas testimony is before. Caesar Fredericke which was at Pegu, neere sixty yeeres since in the Bramas reigne in Pegu,* 1.200 saith that the King had diuers Magazines full of Gold and Siluer, euery day increased without diminishing. He is Lord also of the Mines of Ru∣bies, Saphires and Spinels. He mentions also Colosses, or prodigious and more then Gyantly statues of Gold and Siluer, the foote as bigge as a mans body: innumerable Varelles or Idoll Tem∣ples couered with leafe Gold, with other things which I omit. Master Fitch,* 1.201 besides the Gold Mines at Patenaw as he descended the Ganges, relates the like golden stories of Pegu (where hee was 1586.) as Fredericke hath related, of houses of the King full of Gold, of guilded Idoll houses and statues. The Merchandise in Pegu, faith he, is Gold, Siluer, Rubies, Saphires, Spinels, Muske,* 1.202 &c. neither is their money of those mettals, but of a kinde of Brasse called Gansa, wherewith [ 50] Gold and Siluer are bought, somrtimes deerer, sometimes cheaper, no lesse then other wares. So also saith Fredericke, saying that euery man may stampe that money at his pleasure, and therewith buy Gold and Siluer, as aforesaid. Gasparo Balbi a Venetian Ieweller was there a little before Fitch, and relateth likewise of the statues, Magazens of Gold, Siluer, Ganza, Iewels, Cloathes, Muske, &c. vnder seuerall Treasurers, and concludeth, that this King, for Gold, Siluer, and Iewels, is the richest King in the world, except the King of Chinae.

But the Iesuites Letters haue best opened these Mines of the King of Pegu. N. Pimenta writes; Fernandus also from Syripore 1599. 16. Kal. Feb. of the state of Pegu; that the Kings Father a Bra∣man had subiected twelue Kingdomes to his scepter, viz. the Kingdome of Cauelan, whence come [ 60] the best Rubies and Saphires: Aua, which hath Mines of Cyprian Brasse, Lead, and Siluer: the Kingdome of Bacan which hath many Mines of Gold: the Kingdome of Iangoma, abounding with Copper, Muske, Pepper, Silke, Gold, Siluer, (all which are also had, saith he, in the rest of the Kingdomes of the Peguan Empire) Cablan abounding with Gemmes, &c. Hee proceedes to

relate the miserable ruine & destruction of that Kingdome, which then had lately happened, not yet recouered, as you may reade at large in him, and in my Pilgrimage. The former King of Pegu is reported to haue cast 366. combalengas of Gold, each containing 180. pound weight, which none knowes what is become of them. This King had 67. Idoll-statues of Gold, adorned with all kinde of Gemmes. He killed 200. Eunuches lest they might disclose his treasures. Andreas Bo∣ues,* 1.203 another Iesuite, relateth the miserable death of the King (in his Letters from Sirian in Pegu, March 28. 1000.) slaine by the King of Tangu, to whom he had yeelded himselfe, who neglecting Siluer, and things of smaller value, onely with Gold and Gemmes laded sixe or seuen hundred * 1.204 E∣lephants, and as many Horses. The King of Arracan tooke his leauings, gleaning so much Siluer as was valued at three Millions besides Ordnance 3300. Peeces. [ 10]

Now for trade of Gold out of the adioyning parts, I covld adde hither out of Fernand Mendez Pinto which trauelled from Timplan in Calaminhan (the Emperour whereof,* 1.205 he saith, hath seuen and twenty Kingdomes subiect to him) to Pegu, An. 1546. then possessed by the Braman Con∣querour. Hee reporteth that the Bramans Monarchy had anciently contained thirteene King∣domes; and that abundance of Gemmes, Gold, Siluer, and innumerable riches are in the Cala∣minhan Empire; in which is no money of Gold, or Siluer, but they trade by weight of Cates, Ta∣dis, Maazes, and Conderins. Hee also reporteth that the Lake Chia••••a containeth in circuit six∣ty Iaons, each of which is three leagues, alongst which are many Mines of Siluer, Copper, Tin, and Leade, which they carry in Cafilas of Elephants, and Badas (I thinke hee meaneth Rhinoce∣rots) to the Kingdomes of Sornan, to wit, Siam, Passiloco, Sauady, Tangu, Prom, Calaminham, [ 20] and returne therefore much Gold, and Diamonds, and Rubies. As for the Mines of Gold neere the Lake Pinator whence the Riuer of Camboia runneth, yeelding yeerely two and twenty Mil∣lions of Gold, and a rocke of Diamants there also, I referre you to the Author, which placeth them further then our limits.* 1.206

* 1.207But if we adde Sumatra (which the most thinke to be Taprobone, in which Ophirs name is e∣uidently seene still) we haue the tradition of the people, the Gold also (Bonferrus a Franciscan hath related that the Peguans are descended of Salomons seruants sent to these Mynes;* 1.208 but I know not whether the Natiues haue any such tradition, perhaps it is the Friers coniecture) as appea∣reth by the following testimonies. And if wee adde the next Neighbour on the West, which now possesseth the Easterne parts of Ganges, and the Kingdome of Bengala, I thinke wee shall vt∣terly take away Ortelius his scruple (Sed hanc Chersonesum auri diuitem olim fuisse,* 1.209 nemo vtterum, [ 30] quod sciam auctor est) ne{que} nunc etiam esse, ex recentioribus palam est:) Onely remember that in the Ophirian Voyage, we take not onely the Chersonesus, but all the Countrey from Ganges, and thence to Sumatra, placing Pegu in the centre as the Ophir of Ophir, or Ophir in most proper sence; annexing the rest, with all the Choromandell coast also, as being subiect to one and the same trade and Nauigation, all on the shoares of the gulfe of Bengala. I like Master Dees similitude, which sets the feete of his Ophirian compasse, one in Zedan, the other in Samatra, the head I place in Pegu. This head is caput caenae, the true Ophir, the other parts of the compasse, the parts cum∣passed and traded in, in this Ophirian Voyage. From Ganges to Menan are diuers Chersonesi, or rather Ilands, in regard of the Riuers which come from the Lake Chiamay; and from Bengala to [ 40] Menan is the Peguan Chersonesus, which perhaps is the true Chryse and Aurea (for that Malaccan Chersonessus hath neuer beene renowned in latter times for any great quantity of Gold that I haue read or learnd, not yet altogether destitute, as we haue shewed; but not sufficient for Salo∣mons Ophir) from which as first peopled, the Inhabitants of Samatra might (as is said) be a Colony.

Whether it were so or no, I dispute not, nor whether it or Zeilan be the true Taprobant; nor whether it were anciently an Iland, and since separated by the Seas irruption: that it is well sto∣red with Golden Mines needes no question, and therefore fit to be saluted by Salomons Naui••, then in their Ophirian Voyage, and by vs here in our Ophirian Discouery. Of Sumatra, Odoardo Bar∣bosa witnesseth that there are many Gold Mines, vi son molte minere d'Oro: and speaking of Me∣nancabo [ 50] one of the Kingdomes in the South part of that great Iland saith, & qui e il principal fonte dell'oro, &c. there is the principall originall of the Gold of that Iland, as well of the Minerals, as of that which is gathered neere the brinkes of Riuers. He wrote An. 1516. and was one of Ma∣gelans companions in his Voyage about the World. Long before him Nicol•• de Conti testified of Sumatra, that in it is abundance of Gold. Andrew Theuet mentions the gold Mines: but wee haue later and better testimonies from our owne men. Captaine Dauis was in that Iland, Anno 1599. and mentions not onely the King of Achens store,* 1.210 but the Mines of Gold and other com∣modities of that Iland: and the Brasse Mines to be also rich in Gold; and (which maketh most to our purpose) a tradition of the Natiues that Salomons Ophirian voyage for Gold was to that Countrey. Sir Iames Lancasters Voyage, and diuers other English Voyages will ratifie Sumatras [ 60] Gold. But what neede we better testimony then the Letter of that King to our King, which this story yeeldeth to your * 1.211 view, and worth your reading. To that, and to Walter Paytons testimony of the Gold of Passaman in this Iland I referre you. Likewise for the next adioyning parts on this side, I will trouble you onely with two testimonies, one of Master Fitch, who trauelling

downe the Riuer Ganges, at Patenaw obserued the golden Mines, where saith he, they digge deepe pits and wash the earth thence taken in great boles, and so finde the Gold: the other of Captaine Hawkins, who bare the name of the English Embassadour in the Mogols Court, and speaking of sixe seuerall treasuries of that King, relates the particulars of that one of Agra, which stands on Iemni or Gemini, a Riuer tributary to Ganges, where his Gold, Siluer, and Iewels may seeme to our poorer World, beyond credit. But I had rather point you to the place,* 1.212 then here trouble you with transcribing. And thus haue we vsed a threefold argument, one of names, a second of si∣tuation, a third of the principall commodities returned, to proue that Ophir was in these parts, and haue before shewed that it could be in none other alleadged. But Gold and Gemmes haue such a lustre, and Salomons other rarities were so precious, that wee may I hope be pardoned to [ 10] take longer view on them, both for our better knowledge in such things, and for better confir∣mation of the Ophirian Pegu, and the Regions adiacent.

§. X. Of the Gold, Siluer, Gemmes, Iuory, Almug-trees, Apes and Peacockes, which SALOMONS Fleet brought from Ophir, with diuers other profitable obseruations inserted.

[ 20]

MEtals are our Mothers hidden treasures, by mens couetousnesse often occasions of her violent rauishments, and no better to her then a Viperous Issue, or as Wormes, or Co-like passions in her entrals. In themselues, and in diuine Ordinance, they are many wayes profitable for medicine against diseases, armour against enemies, ornaments for peace, engines for Warre, Instruments for daily labour, vtensils for daily food, and in money-emploiment, they are All things. Of all Metals Gold hath preeminence, as likest the Sun in purity of substance, glory of splendour, powerfull attraction, longest endurance (in despite of Age and Fire) most operatiue influence, and of base Idolaters most adored. How it is found in Grains, Pip∣pins, [ 30] or Powder, this Booke elsewhere sheweth * 1.213. And although Siluer bee a durable metall, and well induring both times and flames, yet herein is it short of Gold; and notwithstanding the co∣lour is more lightsome, and the sound more delightsome, yet Gold hath in great proportion al∣way beene preferred. Iullius Pollux citeth Menander, and Hesychius, Polemarchus, which make this proportion ten fold, which the Romans also obserued in their agreement with the Aetolians, that if they paid in Gold, one peece should counteruaile ten of Siluer. The old Greekes and Per∣sians seeme to haue obserued the like rate. Plinie mentions at the first coyning, the proportions of fifteene; and neere that, to wit, fourteene and a halfe, is obserued in the Constitutions of Arca∣dius and Honorius. Herodotus makes one Talent of Gold equall to thirteene of Siluer. In Galbas time it was twelue and a halfe. But China and some parts of the East Indies, by reason of plenty [ 40] of Gold, and small store of Siluer, haue diuersly vnderualued the Gold. The most generall, which Plato also approued, and in Plinies time was currant, and is most vsuall in these parts, is ordinarily twelue for one, as an ounce of Siluer fiue shillings, of Gold three pounds.

The purest Gold, and which is as much as may be, purified from all other mixture, is called O∣bryzum, a word procreated in the Mints,* 1.214 & not of Ophirian parentage (Obrizum quasi Ophirizum) and such are (as they say) the Darike coines and our Edward Nobles; not aboue the nintie sixth part being of other mixture. They say (saith Master Brerewood) that it may be so farre refined that onely the three hundred eighty fourth part shall be of other mettall. The Greeke coines of Philip and Alexander admitted a fiftieth part of Siluer, the Romans forty eight,* 1.215 now obserued in Turkish, Hungarian, Spanish, and Venetion coines: those of Rome, Luques, Millaine haue alloy thirty two, French Crownes sixteene, Italian nine, &c. The Talmudists mention seuen kindes of Gold, [ 50] or obserue seuen names by which Gold is named in Scripture: Saint Ierom also intimateth the same, and Pineda hath long discourses of them, which I omit. The Scripture seemeth to ascribe a prerogatiue to the Gold of Ophir, before Salomons time, in Iob, and in Dauids daies, wherby it may seeme that the Voyage to Ophir for Gold was in vse long before Salomon, and some thinke that a great part of Dauids Gold consecrated to the Temple, was by his care fetched thence. For aboue his other preparations, mentioned 1. Chron. 22.14. which were a hundreth thousand talents of Gold, and a thousand thousand talents of Siluer, in the nine and twentieth chapter, he out of his proper goods giueth 3000. other talents of Gold, of the Gold of Ophir, and 7000. ta∣lents of refined Siluer: the Princes offered also 5000. talents of Gold, and 10000. drams, and of [ 60] Siluer 10000. talents, &c.

This is diuersly summed by diuers Expositors differing in their computation of a Talent. Ma∣ster Dee and Master Berewood haue seemed to haue giuen the best construct••on, deriued from Mo∣ses himselfe, Exod. 38.25, 26. which Rabbi Salomon and Lyra, had obserued before them; that a Talent containeth a 1.216 3000. Shekles, which is 375 li. a Talent of Siluer, and a Talent of Gold,

allowing twelue fold proportion, is 4500. li. According to which iust reckoning Salomons foure hundreth twenty Talents of Gold brought from Ophir, came to one million eight hundred ninety thousand pounds. Dauids 3000. Talents of Gold of Ophir, 1. Chron. 29.4. aforesaid, was thirteene millions and fiue hundreth thousand in English money. His Siluer then offered (7000. Talents) is two millions 625000. li. The offering of the Princes (5000. Talents of Gold) was two and twenty millions fiue hundreth and seuen thousand & 500. pounds: and their ten thousand Talents of Siluer came to three millions and seuen hundred fiftie thousand pounds. Salomon had also giuen him by the Queene of Sheba 120. Talents, that is fiue hundreth and fortie thousand pounds. As much was sent him by Hiram. Now the whole Furniture of the Tabernacle was twentie nine Talents of Gold,* 1.217 and 730. Shekles; in our money, one hundreth thirtie and one thousand, fiue hundreth ninety and fiue pounds; the siluer was 100. talents, and 1775. shekles, that [ 10] is, thirtie seuen thousand, seuen hundreth and twentie one pounds seuenteene shillings six pence. Thus hath Master Brerewood cast vp these summes. Now for this Ophirian Gold, Salomon is said, 2. Chron. 8.18. to haue had from Ophir foure hundred and fiftie talents, thirtie more then 1. Reg. 9. are mentioned, which thirtie Talents, it seemeth were spent in wages or other char∣ges, and came not to the Kings Coffers.

But a great scruple remaineth about the 100000. talents of Gold, mentioned before out of 1. Chron. 22.14. which amount to foure hundreth and fiftie millions of English pounds; and the million of Siluer talents to three hundreth seuentie fiue millions of pounds: summes stupendi∣ous and prodigious beyond all that the Persian, Greeke, or Roman Empires euer saw at one time, after greater and longer conquests then Dauids; and such, as euen Salomons wealth had beene by [ 20] much ouertopped by Dauids; which agreeth not either to the History * 1.218, or to the Mystery, that Heauens peace & glory should be surmounted by militant Faith and Grace. Alexander the richest Conquerour, left but eighteene millions and seuen hundreth and 50000. pound of mo∣ney at his death: and in conquest of Darius, had gotten but thirtie two millions 750000. pound•• and Cyrus out of the conquest of Asia gathered but 125. millions, which yet is the greatest sum (except that of Sardonapalus mentioned by C••esias, an Author not much to bee credited) which any Ethnick story mentioneth. Wee must therefore find another acceptation of the word there translated Talent, which is taken sometimes for a lumpe of mettall in forme of a Cake, or else that name Talent is sometimes taken for a small summe, as out of Pollux and Homer, M. Brere∣woods paines haue obserued; who also hauing cast vp the particulars, findeth that such summes [ 30] could not haue beene spent on the Temple, had the Walls and Pauements beene of massie Siluer, the Roofe and all ths Linings of the Walls and the Furniture of solid Gold.

Salomons yeerely reuenue (as some interpret, 2. Chron. 9.13.) was sixe hundreth sixty sixe talents of Gold, besides his Customes, and the rich Presents of Gold and Siluer sent him from the Kings of Arabia and the Gouernours: that lackes but three pounds of three millions in our recko∣ning. Some would make vp this great summe of the Ophirian Gold, and Hirams, and the Queene of Shebas gifts, which all lacke but six talents; as if it were not an Annuall, but Casuall Reuenue, which I cannot approue. Some interpret it of ordinary tributes leuied of his Subiects; some of the posteritie of the Chanaanites (a thing vnlikely) and some of forraine voyages, making him to send euery yeere a Fleet, though none of those Fleets returned till the third yeere. Villalpan∣dus [ 40] * 1.219 makes it but one returne from Ophir, the first, of foure hundreth and twenty Talents, the se∣cond, of foure hundreth and fiftie, the third, of sixe hundreth sixty sixe of Gold, besides Siluer and other goods. And, as for Salomons entire Reuenues, hee with great paines in the auditing, raiseth them higher then the Persians, then Alexanders, then those of the Roman Empire: ari∣sing from his Customes, his Gifts and Presents, Taxations, Tributes, prouisions of Corne, &c. That of the King of Tyrus he reckoneth a tribute, and out of Eupolemus alleageth that the Tyrians were tributaries. Wee may here also remember, that there is no mention of the summe of the Siluer which they brought from Ophir, which is likely was farre more then the Gold▪ insomuch that it was reputed as Stones, and was of none account in the dayes of Salomon. [ 50]

To mee it seemeth that the sixe hundreth sixtie sixe Talents of Gold is spoken onely of for∣raine Gold, partly by Ophirian and other merchandising Trades, and partly by Presenrs; of which the two principall, Hiram, and the Queene of the South are expressed: but it is added of others, That all the Kings of the Earth sought the presence of Salomon, and brought euery man his Present, vessells of Siluer, and vessells of Gold, and Raiment, Harnesse and Spices, Horses and Mules, a rate yeere by yeere. Grant then a Fleet yeerely set forth, which came not home till the third yeere, one suc∣ceeding another (as in the Spanish Fleets to Peru, and ours to the Indies, of which is a yeerely re∣turne, yet not of the same) and these yeerely Presents, there could not be lesse then six hundreth sixty six Talents: besides perhaps, tenne or twelue times as much in Siluer, and all the Spices, Horses, Mules, Customes of Merchants, Tributes of the Edomites, Moabites, and Vassalls, Taxes on his Israelitish * 1.220 Subiects, Reuenues out of his Pastures and innumerable Cattell and husbandry [ 60] of Crowne Lands (wee will not adde, with some, Chimistry; that might haue saued his Ophirian paines) and all the riches left him by Inheritance from his Father. Now that the six hundreth sixtie six Talents is to be vnderstood of Strangers, appeareth in that exception, Vers. 14. where

none but forraine Incombes are mentioned. And hereby most liuely is both the calling of the Gentiles figured, of which the 72. Psalme was by the Spirit of God purposely indited in corre∣spondence of this type, and the Christian Truth; as also the glory of the heauenly Ierusalem, which ariseth not out of the workes of righteousnesse which we haue done, but of free gifts, of which it is said, They shall bring the glory and honour of the Nations into it. Reu. 21. where in vision that glorious C••tie is represented, and correspondent to Salomons type, The Citie was of pure Gold, and the foundations and gates of precious stones, but there is no mention at all of S••luer.

Another question ariseth out of Dauids 3000. Talents of Gold of Ophir,* 1.221 whether hee practised the Ophirian Voyage also: and some suppose that hee ••ad made seuen voyages thither, which rec∣koning 420. Talents a time, makes much about that summe of three thousand Talents. For my [ 10] part, I thinke Dauid a greater Warrior then Merchant, allowing the greatest summes before questioned to be reserued and consecrated out of the spoiles, as himselfe confesseth,* 1.222 In my trouble I haue prepared for the house of the Lord 100000. Talents of Gold, &c. and more plainly, 1. Chroni∣cles 18.11. considering also that it was long before his State could be setled at home, and fitted a∣broad to attend such Nauigations; which likewise haue neither ground in the Sacred Story (for the Gold of Ophir is prouerbiall, vsually in Scripture for fine and pure Gold) nor agree with the type, Dauid one way, Salomon another resembling Christ, and their times the state of the Church▪ likewise that Dauid had much care of husbanding his estate to the best, thrift being the fewell of Magnificence, as appeareth in the particular enumeration of the Officers for his Rents,* 1.223 Store-hou∣ses, Husbandmen in the Field, Vineyards, Oliue-trees, Sycamores and Oyle, Herds in Sharon, and [ 20] in the Vallies, Camells, Asses, Flockes; it is no maruell if such industry acquired such substance in such continuance of time, and that hee said I haue of mine own proper goods of Gold and Siluer which I haue giuen to the house of my God, ouer and aboue all that I haue prepared (to wit, in consecrated spoyles) for the holy House three thousand Talents of Gold of Ophir, &c.* 1.224 This example of Dauid sheweth that it is no impeachment, yea the true aduancement of Honour for Princes to vse all frugall husbandry and meanes of thriuing at home; as that other of Salomon, to adde helpe of Discoueries and Trade abroad (both in a Royall manner by their iust Officers) that Magnificence may stand firme on both legs: the want whereof hath denied that wealth (not to speake of power) these many Ages to many Kings out of farre farre greater meanes (besides other incon∣ueniences to themselues and their Subiects) which Dauid, Salomon, and other Kings in the old [ 30] World had. Once these examples so moued that good King Iehoshaphat,* 1.225 that hee built Cities of store at home, and had many Flockes, and made Ships also to goe to Tarshish, and they made the Ships in Ezion-Geber, the same Port where Salomon made his Nauall prouisions; but ioyning therein with Ahaziah King of Israel, who did very wickedly (So much worse before God is an Ahaziah then a Hiram, the one an honest minded Gentile, the other a schis∣maticall Idolatrous Israelite) that the Lord br••ke the workes, and the Ships were not able to goe to Tarshish.

We haue beene very long in this metall Discourse: yet how much longer was Salomon in his three yeeres Voyage, and how much longer the most of men, which make their whole life a voy∣age to Ophir for Gold and Siluer, thorow so many diuersified Seas of Arts, force, frauds to get those [ 40] metalls which procreated neerest Hell, carry these eager seekers thither altogether? That the Sil∣uer was more by farre then the Gold, was before proued; but the quantitie is not expressed, as not agreeing with Salomons either Litterall Story, or Mysticall Glory.* 1.226 Some thinke that there was in euery voyage 24. times as much Siluer as Gold; both because they conceiue that Nature hath gi∣uen so much more thereof in quantitie, as the qualitie and price is vnderualued; and because all Stories Ancient and Moderne magnifie India for store of Siluer▪ and so prodigious prodigality, to giue Siluer in Ierusalem as stones, must haue a deep fountain for such a flowing streame,* 1.227 besides those other Siluer Hooks and Brooks mentioned in Salomons History. But we will leaue these precious, specious obiects to take view of Gemmes.* 1.228

And herein American Peru, and Sofala are beggarly in comparison of those parts of India, [ 50] where we haue placed Ophir, as the former testimonies well weighed with whatsoeuer can be brought for the other, will easily and superabundantly conuince. In Northerne America are some Turkesses, in the Southerne are saide to bee (which others question) Eme∣ralds, in both Pearles, but not comparable to the Orientall: these Bezars are twice so good; in Spices to make comparison hath no spice of knowledge. And first for the first of gemmes, Diamants, Pliny saith, Maximum in rebus humanis non solum inter gemmas,* 1.229 precium habet Adamas, vnus modo in metallis repertus. Some haue conceited it to dull the Loadstones attraction, and to resist all force of Hammer, which experience hath found contrary. The Kingdomes of Narfinga, Biznagar, Or••ssa, Masul••patan, and all the Coun∣tries on the Choromandel Coast, are the most famous for Rockes of Diamants, and now [ 60] also Soccodanna (where they diue * 1.230 for them as for Pearles) Decan, Delli, and Agra, Tarriam also in the Tract of Malacca, and Iaua. Here then is the Worlds Centre of Dia∣mants, both for the most and best. Garcias ab Horto writes, that he hath seene one of one hundreth and forty Mangels (that is seuen hundreth Graines) another of one hundreth and

twentie, and hath heard of one of two hundreth and fiftie, and a credible man told him that hee saw one as big as a small Hens Egge in Bisnager.* 1.231 This soyle is so diamantine, that where you haue digged and taken them now, in two yeeres space you may dig and find others. Neither is it poyson, as some affirm, but he hath knowne the whole stone, and the powder, taken without hurt.

The Heauen-coloured Sapphire, with some obtaineth the second place, because of the likenesse thereof vnder the feet of the Almightie when hee spake to Moses;* 1.232 of which are store in Zeilan, and the most true, hard & fine as Barbosa testifieth. But M. Fitch and M. Fredericke haue before told you of Mynes of them in Pegu; and these saith Garcias and Linschoten, are esteemed the finest, and are in great plenty. So is there also of the Rubie, a stone of greater value, none in the world ex∣c••eding that King in excellencie and varietie of Gems,* 1.233 as appeareth by generall voyce. Of Ru∣bies, [ 10] the Carbuncle is esteemed the best, the Ballas next, the Spinell in the third place, of fiery co∣lour: there are besides, White, Carnation, halfe White, halfe Red Rubies, others halfe Sapphires, halfe Rubies, and one thousand other sorts, if wee beleeue Linschoten. Garcias ascribeth this to the generation of the Ruby, which at first is whitish, and groweth vnto rednesse in processe of time: and because the Sapphire and Rubie grow in one Rocke,* 1.234 they are found sometimes such participles as is deliuered, Sapphire-rubies, called Nilacandi. The Granado and Hyacinth are also reckoned by some amongst the Rubies, calling the yellowish Rubie the Hyacynth, and the blackish a Granado. These are plentifull in Cananor, Calecut and Cambaia (neerer Westward, and in the way to the Gulfe of Bengala) in Zeilan also, as Nicolo di Conti and Andrea Corsali affirme; Pimenta his testi∣mony of Cauelan and Cablan, two gemme Kingdomes you had before. The Iaspar is found in much plenty in Cambaia; Chrysolites, and Amatists, there and in Zeilan and in Balagate (the Apen∣nine [ 20] of the Great Indian Chersonesus) where they haue also the Alaquera or Quequi, which stay∣eth the issue of bloud presently. Pegu, Brama, Zeilan, yeeld the Cats-eye and Agat, of which the Indians conceiue the owner shall increase in wealth; and Garcias saith, Hee hath tried that no fire can burne a linnen Cloth pressed to the eye of it. The Armenian Stones are found also in Ba∣lagate, the Loadstone in Zeilan, neere to which is the fishing for Pearles, but the best of the world are in the Persian Gulfe neere Ormuz: the Alambie in Cambaia. The Bezar Stones are at Pahan neere Malaca, and Cambaia, taken out of the maw of a Sheepe or Goat. The Berills are in Pegu and Zeilan. The Topaz is almost like a Diamant, and is digged out of the Earth in many places of India. There are White Sapphires and Rubies hardly knowne from Dia∣mants. In Cambaia also is found plentie of the Stone Alambre. There are found in Zei∣lan [ 30] also the Topaz,* 1.235 lagongas and Marucha, whose names I can better giue you then the vnderstan∣ding. There are also many sorts of Stones (you reade Lischoten) as well Precious Stones, as against poyson and other diseases of many properties and vertues: but I haue onely mentioned those that are daily bought and sold, and are commonly knowne. The Emeralds I mention not, though said to bee in these parts, because some doubt of them, and in other parts are found better, wherewith the Venetians haue made good gaine at Pegu in exchange for Ru∣bies: those also of Peru are suspected. For gemmes (wee now conclude) no part of the world but India, could fit Salomons turne; wherein, if Aarons brestplate were so glorious in the Tabernacle, to how precious height will Salomons Temple eleuate our thoughts? and conse∣quently [ 40] both manifest and magnifie the Indian-Ophirian Voyage, these being found either na∣turall in the Peg••an Ophir, or by trade there or in the way from Ophir by the Westerne parts of India, part of the Persian Gulfe, and the shores of Arabia and Aethiopia. Of which, Arabia is said to yeeld the Hemathite, Topaz, Sardonyke, Onyx, M••lochite, Myrrhite, Corall, Andromade, Iris;* 1.236 Aethiopia, the Chrysolite, Chrysolamp, Heliotrope, Hyacinth, Hemathite, Chrysoprase; the Persian gulfe from Babylonia the Sagda▪ & Sardy, and the best Pearles: Aegypt in ordinary trade, the Galac∣tite, Emerald, and Aegyptilla: some of which you had before particularly mentioned in India, and likely enough should there find most of the rest with many other vnknowne, if India were as much frequented with Philosophers from hence as Merchants.

Wee are next to consider the Almug Trees, whereof were made Pillars for the House of the Lord, and for the Kings House * 1.237, Harpes also and Psalteries for Singers: there came no such Almug [ 50] Trees, nor were seene vnto this day. Iosephus Interprets Pine Trees, but saith, they differed from the vsuall, resembling the Timber of the Figge Tree to the eye, but that they were whiter and brighter. There is mention of Algum Trees in Lebanon, 2. Chron. 2.8. which some thinke to bee the same with the former, and the word onely altered by transposition of letters; others, that that transposition intimates no lesse specificall difference in the wood then in the word, though otherwise hauing some likenesse to those of Lebanon, but of greater excellency. D. Dee hath written a laborious Treatise almost wholly of this Ophirian argument (the same yeere in which I was borne, A. 1577. of seuentie sheets of paper) howsoeuer intituled, Of Famous and Rich Disco∣ueries; of which I haue a written Copie, and could willingly but for the length haue published it; which may appeare in this, that he hath ten sheets of paper about these Almug trees, more profi∣table [ 60] to the leasurely Scholler, then commodious to be inserted to so voluminous a Worke, as this Library of ours. Hee there, as Commissioner for Salomons Timbers, like a learned, both Ar∣chitect and Planter, hath summoned a Iury of twelue sorts of Trees (mentioned by diuers Inter∣preters)

to examine or to bee examined rather, which of them were the Almugs here mentio∣ned. I should bring you into a Wood to relate his labours in this kind; the kinds are, the Deale, Boxe, Cedar, Cypresse, Ebonie, Ash, Iuniper, Larch, Oliue, Pine, Oke and Sandall Trees:* 1.238 all which with their seuerall qualities and fitnesse for Royall and Sacred buildings hee examineth by best testimonies, and concludeth nothing absolutely, but inclineth to Iosephus, who either by some Monuments in writing might haue learned, or in some remainders to his time in Instru∣ments Musicall, or other profane or sacred memorialls, might probably bee thought to haue seene thereof. I easily beleeue that these Pines or Thynes (Thyina) or whatsoeuer other Trees,* 1.239 were both odoriferous to the Sent, of beauteous aspect to the Eye, of fittest temper to refract sounds to the Eare, smooth to the Touch, and of long continuance and strong substance for building, there∣in [ 10] to bee seruiceable to all senses. Of which sorts it is euident out of Ancient and Moderne Wri∣ters, and out of the following Relations, that India hath the best in the World.

The liuing Creatures remaine to our ••earth, Elephants, Apes, Peacockes;* 1.240 of which I need say little, saying so much in our following Histories, and hauing said so much already. Elephants come neerest Men in vnderstanding, Apes in forme (Simia quam similis turpissima bestia nobis? said Ennius) and Peacocks for their beauty, as Parrots also, Birds of Paradise, and many other Indian Fowles might be desired. The greatest Elephants are ••ound in all this our Ophirian Tract, from Zeilin to Pegu; those esteemed to haue a naturall preeminence, and these had of late a Po∣liticall, the King of Pegu stiling himselfe, The King of White Elephants, and keeping them Royal∣ly [ 20] attended, his Subiects and Tributary Kings also▪ it is Gasper Balby his report) kneeling to them. Once all India is plentifull of them, and therefore of Iuory; this Countrey also neere Ganges is stored with the Abada or Rhinocerote, whose Horne is (in Bengala, by reason of certaine Hearbs hee there feeds on) a good Counter-poyson. Indian Asse-horne in these parts is also vsed for Bucklers, and drinking Cups, and esteemed a great Iewell, as Master Finch affirmeth, in∣fra Pag. 436.

For Peacocks or Parrats, translate which you will, heere are not onely so many of both,* 1.241 that they flie wild, as the following Relations shew, but for excellency beyond those of other parts; as the Apes also are for their beauty and strength. See Sir T. Ro••, Master Finch, and others Iour∣nalls; or rather talke with our Indian Merchants, which vsually trade and trauell those parts, [ 30] som•• of which in the Mogolls Countrey, carrying with them an English Grey-hound, one of the company shot at a great white shee Ape on a Tree, and wounded her, whereby shee with her Cub fell downe: they set on the Grey-hound, and this Ape before seeking shifts for her Cub, seeing the Grey-hound come, layd it aside and encountred the Grey-hound so fiercely about the necke,* 1.242 that hee dyed within a few houres, the company with their weapons comming in, and killing the Ape (as themselues related to mee) and carrying away the young one. The Countrey peo∣ple, in I know not what superstition forbeare to kill them, whereby they multiply exceedingly. Heere by the way may bee obserued, that it appertaineth to Royall Magnificencie, and dis∣agreeth not to humane Excellency, to procure rarities of liuing Creatures, and to keepe them as testimonies of our admiration of Gods various Workes, and exercise of the Minds Contemplati∣on, the Bodies pleasure, with the right Humane ouer Sensitiue Creatures: which Nature taught [ 40] Alexander; yea Motezuma and the Inca••, in that wilder World; and Diuine Grace our Salomon, as these Scriptures manifest. The imitation of whose Wisdome hath whetted my Studies almost to curiositie, to giue to the World a world of Rarities in that kind, as any occasion offered it selfe in these voluminous Voyages.

§. XI. Probable coniectures of the Course taken in the Ophirian Voyage, and accounts giuen of the three yeeres time spent therein: also of the Course taken in [ 50] like Voyages by the Romans: and the diuers Ports whereto the Spices and riches of India haue in diuers Ages beene brought, and thence dispersed to the seuerall parts of EVROPE.* 1.243

WEe haue now vndertaken a hard taske, where we tell not but spell a Voyage, and from reasonable coniectures grounded on other experiments, gather what is most likely in this of Salomons. D. Dee hath written 23. sheets of paper in examining the miles, the dayes, the way, the employments of the time, and mustering or Men and Ships employed in this seruice. I cannot presume either of so much learning in my Selfe, or so [ 60] much patience in the Reader. Yet I shall bee bold both to follow him, and to adde somewhat for further light. Pliny writes, that in his time this Voyage from Egypt to India was made euery yeer. Euery yeer India consumed H-S 500. (which Iacobus Delachampius in his notes summeth to 1200000. Crownes) of the Roman Empires Treasure yeerely, yeelding merchandises therefore in returne sold at

a hundreth times so much. Their course, hee saith, was from Alexandria twelue dayes by Nilus to Coptus, thence by Camells ouer Land to Berenice two hundreth fiftie eight miles (trauelling most part by night by reason of the heate) in twelue dayes more. From Berenice on the Red Sea, they beginne to set forth at Midsummer, or about the beginning of Dogge-dayes, and in thirtie dayes come to Ocelis in Arabia, (or to Canaan or Muza, if they goe not to India, but for A∣rabian Frankincense and Odours) and from Ocelis in fortie dayes they arriued at the first In∣dian Port Muziris. Remember that in this Course they both tooke benefit of the Mon∣son,* 1.244 and went the neerest way: for so a little before hee mentioneth another Course by the Shoare, Secuta aetas propiorem cursum, &c. donec compendia inuenit Mercator, Lucroque In∣dia admota est. Quippe omnibus annis nauigatur. Hee mentions the Voyage of Onesicritus and Nearchus from India to Tigris, in the bottome of the Persian Gulfe, which helde [ 10] them till the seuenth moneth. So much was Nauigation improued in Plinies time. Their Pepper they tooke in on the Malabar Coast, and returned in December the same yeere. The names which then they gaue to places were quite differing from the Antients; and the like Indian mutations haue continued to our times.

The course to Taprobane had accidentally comne to their knowledge a little before, found in Alexanders time to bee an Iland by Onesicritus, mentioned by Megasthenes. The Anti∣ents deemed it another World. The Sea is f••l•• of shoalds, the North-starre is not seene there, and they obserued their course, by sending out Birds which they carry with them and followed their flight. But in the Empire of Claudius, Annius Plocanus hauing farmed the Customes of the Red Sea, one of his Retainers or Free-men * 1.245 sayling on the Arabian Coast, was by a [ 20] Northerne storme carried alongst the Carmanian shoare to Hippuros a Port therein, and was kindly vsed by the King, who admiring his Roman Relations, sent foure Embassadours backe with him. These related amongst other things, that the side of the Iland which lieth toward In∣dia, is 10000. furlongs * 1.246, and that they had trade with the Seres. I will not recite Nearchus out of Arrianus nor Ptolemey and Marianus, which can little aduantage vs in regard of the lesse know∣ledge of the former, and lesse certainty of the later passing the ignorance of Transcribers, and aboue one thousand yeares darknesse. Yet herein is Ptolemey profitable, where his Longitudes and Lati∣tudes are false, that by his order of position and successiue setting downe of places some know∣ledge may arise. But the length of the way is better knowne by later Writers.

Iohn di Barros hath set downe the coasting distances, from the Bab or Mouth of the [ 30] Red Sea to Cape Nigraes, the Southerly part of Our Peguan Ophir, whose Portugall leagues (al∣lowing for each three English miles, and a fifth part of a mile) come to 5769 ⅗ and from that Cape to Singapura is 1008. miles more. From the Bab or Mouth of the Red Sea to the bottom, is by Comito Venetiano, in Ramusio reckoned 1441. miles, and in his returne 1514. the breadth in some places two hundreth,* 1.247 the way full of shoalds, so that it cannot bee sailed neere the shoare but by day. So troublesome is this Sea, and so difficult to bee sayled, that Don Iohn de Ca∣stro (whose voyage followeth at large) spent no lesse then three moneths in the way from the Straits to Sues, from the nine and twentieth of Ianuary, 1541. to the seuen and twentieth of April;* 1.248 and returning the eight and twentieth of April, arriued at the Bab the eighteenth of Iuly; So that here the way is to be weighed by the qualitie as well as the quantitie. Hieronimo da Santo [ 40] Stephano in Ramusio, spent from Cosir to Aden fiftie dayes, almost three hundreth miles South∣ward from Sues, and therefore so much lesse way.

We must here note also that neither the ships, nor their furniture; the shipmen also nor their furniture of skill, could in Salomons dayes, be any way comparable to these later times: and that if three moneths were spent by the Portugall Nauie from Sues to the Bab, we may at least allow so much time to these Ophirians. For if these had more haste, the other had more skill and bet∣ter ships. Neither may we thinke that they durst there saile but by day in Salomons fleete, and therefore were likely to make it longer. The lesse vessels and many men, would require also oftner staies for water and refreshing, besides the seuenth dayes rest, which Salomons seruants according [ 50] to the law, and especially in a Voyage for adorning the Temple, built in honor of the legall wor∣ship, must not breake. Being out of the Straits into the Ocean, they were neither willing nor a∣ble (as appeares by the mentioned Voyage of Onesicritus and Nearchus) to aduenture the sailing beyond ken of Land. And therefore also Ptolemie in his longitudes and latitudes, abates of Marinus and the Mariners reckonings one third part, because of the crooking in their coasting, as euery Bay and point enforced them. And that compendious way mentioned by Plinie was then new in his time, when shipping and the Mariners art had beene by frequent ex∣perience much improued, and from the swadling bands in Salomons time growne to some virili∣ty. So that except forced by distresse of weather we cannot make the Ophirian course but with∣in ken o•• shoare all the way. Now then if it were the seuenth moneth, as we haue read in Plinie, before Alexanders fleet could arriue in Tigris from Indus, in which Arrianus reporteth that there [ 60] w••r•• Phaenician, Egyptian and Cyprian, besides his best Graecian Mariners, they all bring then his subiects; we can allow no lesse to Salomons fleete before it could touch the neerest Indian Port, being no ••esse way. And howsoeuer it may be obiected that triumphall deuotions, and tempests,

and fights, and reparations of the Fleete, tooke vp much of Nearchus his time: I answere, that this Ophirian fleet was neither warranted from enemies nor tempests, & was likely also to spend time in reparations, and in prouisions, and in deuotions, specially that which was peculiar to them, the Sabbaths.

And although single ships in the Arabike gulfe, and in the Ocean might euen then make quick∣er way then this mentioned, yet in that of Castro, of N••archus, and this of Salomon, where care was to keepe a whole fleet together for mutuall helpe and common security, the greater body must needes haue slower motion. Thus then allowing three moneths to the Red Sea, and sixe moneths from thence to India, we shall follow Comito Venetiano, who reckons the one 1514. miles from the [ 10] Straits to Sues inward, and thence outward to Diu 2023. to which adde the coasting about to the Ormuzian strait, and comming to any Port in India, as namely Muziris, or any in the Mala∣bar coast, it could not much lesse then double the length of the way, and therefore the time. By this proportion we should spend the three yeeres in going and returning, if we adde that spaci∣ous way from Muziris to our neerest Port in Ophir: and so should both their labour and ours be vaine, and nothing should be done. Barros himselfe (to make this more euident) hath reckoned short of the way which Salomons Fleet must make in bouts and windings by the shoare, or which he makes no allowance. D. Dee is sparing in this calculation, and yet makes it from Ezion Geber to Cape Negraes 9155. miles; of which we deduct for the Arabike gulfe but 1514. and leaue 7641. remaining. We therefore in regard of the manifold dangers and shelfes of that Gulfe, allow to [ 20] it eighty dayes, of which deducting eleuen Sabbaths, there remaine sixtie nine, to which (one with another) we allow one and twenty miles a day, somewhat more, as much as can conuenient∣ly in that Sea be allowed to a Fleet sailing together. And this allowance is so large, that Castro was eighty eight dayes (and that in the daies of better Nauigation) in the way which we allow to sixtie nine. Now in the Ocean, where they might make better vse of the Monson and Tides, as freed from the dangers which attend the Gulfe, wee will allow thirty two miles a day one with another (the Sabbaoths deducted) which by the yeeres end will bring vs to our Port at Pe∣g••, or some other the neerest to Cape Negraes, where we may harbour our Fleete. For to Cape Negraes it selfe (deducting the one and forty Sabbaths remaining of the yeere) 7641. miles are proportioned in each daies equall sailing, in requisite and direct way, one and thirty miles and 17/244 [ 30] which being very far from any safe Port, must needs make it two & thirty miles the day to bring vs thither, allowing nothing for New Moone, or any other Iewish solemnitie, or other occasionall stay whatsoeuer▪ nor for those bords, gibes and fetching tu••n••s (which Mariners, and specially coast-winders must make) and consequently much superfluous way, which alone (besides force of stormes) would make this thirty two to be aboue forty miles a day ordinary way, broken and whole, one with another.

And if this seeme to any man a small thing,* 1.249 let him consider the weakenesse of Nauigation then, both in skill and shipping: the Phaenicians before this time not acquainted with those In∣dian Seas, but onely with the Mediterranean, as probably may be thought; their vsing the O••re more then the saile, and not daring to saile by night when they could not see shoare, their neces∣sary [ 40] occasions of stay sometimes for watering and prouisions, sometimes by fo••le weather detai∣ned, sometimes for reparations of some of the Fleet occasionally needing helpe, that all the Fleet may keepe together, sometimes for trade by the way, sometimes for healthfull ••••sport, recreati∣on and ioy: and (which is of principall obseruation in those Seas) for expectation of the Mons•••• or season of the wind••, which there keepes an euen course, as out of the following Voyages you shall see. All which laid together, it will not seeme miserably and vniustly done to haue allow∣ed the proportion before mentioned. If you read the first Discoueries b 1.250 on the coast of Africke by the Portugals, and see how little they discouered in a whole Summer, when their skill was not inferiour to these Phaenicians, and experience more, you will thinke me 〈◊〉〈◊〉 if not prodi∣gall in this allowance. Captaine Hawkins in the Hector (a ship no•• the worst of 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and which [ 50] before had beene twice at the Indies) was from the first of Apr••ll 1607. till August 24. 1608. ere he could arriue at the Barre of Sura••▪ in the neerest part of the Indies, almost seuen••••ene moneths space, where no Iewish Sabbath, no•• shore-creeping enforced then stay▪ The Dragon at the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 time was longer in her way to Suma••••••, and I beleeue many of ou•• later Voyages doe not much exceede this proportion. It seemeth therefore to me probable in a round reckoning to allow ou•• one yeere little more or lesse on the Voyage, a second in the stay at their seuerall ports, and in the mines of Gold and Siluer, and for further prouisions of Almug trees, Iuory, Apes and Peacocks; and a third yeere in their returne.

Doctor Dee allowes fiftie miles a day of requisite way, that is 1200. miles euery foure weekes,* 1.251 resting the Sabbath, and forty miles a day within the Gulfe or Red Sea: the miles he computeth [ 60] 9155. and the whole Voyage to be performed in seuen moneths and six and twenty dayes out∣ward, and as much homeward; one fortnight of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 after their landing before they fell to their Mine-workes, to be spent in mind-workes of deuout thankfulnesse, prayers and festiuall reioy∣cing; as much before their shipping for returne, the rest in their workes and purueying of commo∣dities. So that for what I allow a yeere, to each of these he alloweth the space of eight moneths

or there abouts: the third yeere he bestoweth on their businesse, rest, and triumph at home, care of their family and state preparations for the next returne, as trimming the ships (in these times the wormes which in those Seas breede in ships, and eate them, compell vs to sheath them) and o∣ther prouisions. He alloweth 4500, workemen for the mines, not all at once working▪ but in courses, some resting by turnes, others working, and then those succeeding to their workes whiles they againe rested (the workes and yeeldings whereof hee diligently examineth) three hundred for the Almug trees, for Elephants teeth twenty, for Apes and Peacockes ten: one hundred Of∣ficers: in all 5040. To this businesse he holdeth requisite fiftie tall ships, to each ship thirty Ma∣riners, in all 1500. which with the former number make vp 6540. men. Thus he and more then thus with much curiositie of minerall and nauall learning, which cannot here be expressed with∣out [ 10] that libertie of long discourse, which neither the vulgar reader could vnderstand, nor others perhaps (except some few) finde leisure to reade. Otherwise I would haue inserted it.

I honour his great industry, but cannot conceiue that that age yeelded such great ships to car∣rie so manie, nor that they could one day with another make so much way, nor that Salomon would permit so long a stay as a whole yeere, but rather presse new men. As for the Phaenician Mariners, vpon this occasion it is likely that they setled their dwelling at or neere Ezion Geber, as all antiquitie mentioning Phaenicians in the Red Sea, seemeth to argue. And for the seruants of Salomon▪* 1.252 they were the posteritie of the people that were left of the Amorites, Hittites, Periz∣zites, Hi••ites, and Iebusites, which were not of the children of Israel. Their children that were left af∣ter them in the land, whom the children of Israel also were not able vtterly to destroy; vpon those did [ 20] Salomon leuie a tribute of bond seruice vnto this day. But of the children of Israel did Salomon make no bondmen. Thus the holy writ but a few verses before the mention of this Ophirian Nauie. Of these it is said 2 Chro. 2.17.* 1.253 And Salomon numbred all the strangers that were in the land of Israel after the numbring wherewith Dauid his father had numbred them, and they were found an hundred and fiftie thousand and three thousand and sixe hundred. And hee set 70000. of them to be bearers of bur∣thens, and 80000. to be hewers in the Mountaines, and 3600. ouerseers to set the people aworke. If Sa∣lomon would not ease them by courses neerer home (for they were the Israelites which serued by those courses, not these strangers) I cannot here ease them; and if he would not employ the Is∣raelites in the neerer quarries and Forrests, neither would he send them to remoter Mines, a more dangerous and difficult worke. Now some of those hewers in the Mountaines were fittest for [ 30] this hewing and mining in the Mountains for Mettals, to which that place may also be intended and extended. Officers to Ophir and men of command he might haue out of Israel, but for the Oare by Sea and Ore at land, these were likely to be the seruants of Salomon mentioned in the text: the rather because that name euer after continued to them, as you may read euen after the return from the captiuitie in Ezra 2.55. Nehem. 7.60. This hath beene omitted by others handling this ar∣gument, and therefore I am the fuller in it.

Besides, it is as likely (which others also obserue, and before is mentioned, & agreeth to the 666. talents of Gold yeerely) that Salomon after the Temple buildings were ended,* 1.254 emploied Fleetes yeerely to Ophir, one vnder another, that each should make their voiage in three yeers, but of them euery yeere one should returne: which agrees not with D. Dees speculation of a yeers stay. Nei∣ther [ 40] is it probable that in seuen or eight moneths so much Gold and Siluer could be gotten by so vnexpert miners. Nor doth D. Dee ••onsider the Monsons of those Seas which are by six moneths regulated, and not by eight. Nor may we thinke but that many of Salomons seruants setled some abode in the Countrie, so long (at lest if we will permit courses, which I will not much quarrell amongst them) as Salomon vsed the voiage; by whom the Iuorie, Apes, and Peacockes might be procured, and Gems also without any speciall allowance of men each third yeere to that pur∣pose; except as the Fleet in comming or going might touch by the way at each good mart, for which Doctor Dees time of eight moneths seemes also too short. Yet if any approue, and lust to follow him, I haue no Empire ouer opinions.

* 1.255This Ophirian voiage which brought the riches of the East to Ezion Geber, occasioneth a qu••re [ 50] of the voiages of Spices, and the manifold shiftings of the Marts & Ports thereof in former times, i•• a worke of voiages not vnfit for consideration. The first mention of Merchants is of Ishmaelites and Midianites, which trauelled in a Carauan together with Camels carrying spicerie, & balme, and Mirrhe to Egypt. These inhabited not far from Ezion Geber, or the shoares of the red Sea. Whither their Spicerie came out of the Southerne parts of Arabia, or further out of India brought into some Arabian port,* 1.256 is not easie to determin. Their Balme they might haue at Gilead by the way, though Arabia yeelds of that also, as the Myrrhe likewise; what Spicerie the first mentioned is, is not so easie to decide. Iobs mentioning the gold of Ophir, and other passages in that Booke may cause coniecture of an Indian trade in his daies.* 1.257 But this is easily gathered out of Histories that the great Monarchs endeuoured to make them selues Lords of India for the riches aforesaid. Sem••ramis [ 60] is said to haue inuaded India, & to haue beene repelled by Sta••••••bates, which I can beleeue, though not so prodigal of faith as to accept the report of three Millions of foot,* 1.258 and fiue hundred thousand horse in her army; no more then that she was the founder of Babylon. But both Ni••u•• or Ninius (which her husband N••••us had made the sea••e of the Assyrian Empire) standing vpon Lycu•• which

floweth into Tigris; and Babylon feat of the Chaldae••n Empire on Euphrates, Seleucia also & Bagdet of later building not farre from thence, haue in their times beene fitting seats to receiue either by land or sea, or both, the Indian riches, thence to be dispersed to other Marts and thorow the world. The Persians were Lords of India, as both the Scripture & Herodotus affirme,* 1.259 & Alexander aduan∣ced the Macedonian Empire thither also; whose Empire after his death being rent into foure parts, Seleucus possessed Babylonia, and Ptolemeus Egypt, which by the red Sea made most aduantage of the Spicerie.* 1.260

Sesostris (whom Iosephus esteemeth to be Shishak, 2 Chro. 12. the King of Egypt which tooke a∣way great part of these Ophirian treasures) is by Strabo reported the first which subdued Aethio∣pia and Troglodytica:* 1.261 at the straits of Dira (where the red Sea is out sixtie furlongs or seuen miles [ 10] and a halfe broad) left Monuments of his exploits, a pillar engrauen with hieroglyphikes: he pas∣sed thence into Arabia and thorow all Asia. His westerne expedition I omit (Lucan singeth, Ve∣nit ad oc••asum mundi{que} ex trema Sesostris) but it is like that being in the time of Salomon and his e∣mulous ••nemie,* 1.262 that the glory of Salomons Ophirian arts had whetted him to this Asian and In∣dian expedition. Pliny mentions the Tyrians in this coast, and the port Dancon whence Sesostris first of al thought to bring a Nauigable Riuer to Delta of Nilus 62. miles. Necho long after (hee which sew King Iosias) is said to haue sought to make a marriage betwixt the Red Sea and Nilus (the ca••se is euident, the Arabian,* 1.263 Aethiopian and Indian commerce to be ioyned▪ with the Me∣diterra••an) and to haue sent Phoenecians from that Sea vpon discouerie round about Africa; in which ••oiage they spent two yeeres. Cambyses conquered Egypt, and built Cambis•• a Citie on the [ 20] red Sea Darius the Persian pursued Nechos proiect, thinking to perfect a trench from the Riuer to the Sea but was deterred by those which said that Sea was higher then Egypt,* 1.264 and therfore would drown••. Yet did this proiect outli••e the Persian Empire in Egypt, for Ptolemie made a trench 100. foot br••d and 30. deepe, 37. miles and 400. paces, as far as the Bitter fountaines, and then brake off fea••ing••n inundation, the red Sea being found three cubits higher then the land of Egypt. Some (saith Finie) say the feare was, lest Nilus should be corrupted by the Sea water. Yet by three waies did the then passe to Arsinoe built by Ptolemaeus Philadelphus. The Trench still continues, as Fure∣rus a Geman (which saw it in his way to Mount Sinai from Cairo) testifieth.

Cop••s way was found by King Ptolomie, and the Egyptian Exchequer thereby so aduanced, that in A••l••es time, a King nothing frugall,* 1.265 the prodigall Father of prodigious Cleopatra (Strabo cites [ 30] it out ••an Oration of Cicero) the royal reuenues came to 12500. talents, which is of English coine by M. ••erewood•• reckoning two millions, three hundreth forty three thousand & seuen hundreth & fifty ••ounds. And if that he, saith Strabo, which carelesly and negligently administred his King∣dome hd so much reuenue, what may we thinke of the present Roman gouernmēt, the Indian and Troglo••ticall Merchandises being added? For whereas afore scarsly 20. ships aduentured out of the Str••••s, now very great fleets are set forth to India and Aethiopia▪ whence precious Merchandi∣se•• are ••ought to Egypt and thence transported to other places, with the benefit of double cu∣stome 〈◊〉〈◊〉 importation and exportation. But those precious wares haue heauie imposts, because of the Mo••polies, onely Alexandria receiuing and dispersing them. Thus Strabo, who calleth Alex∣andria 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the greatest Mart in the World. How gainfull this trade was,* 1.266 and [ 40] what co••••e they held in this voiage in Plinies time, you haue heard out of him alreadie.

Alexa••dria being orewhelmed with a Saracen Deluge,* 1.267 by Schismaticall Chalipha•• beganne at last to hol vp head againe, and whiles the Mamalukes Empire lasted, was the chiefe Mart for the Spices ••ought to Mecca, and thence carried to Alexandria, the Trade whereof was in the Venetians ••nd, and enriched their Signiorie very much, till the Portugals in our Grandfathers dayes foun the way by Sea into the Indies, whereby both the Moores and Venetians were im∣pouerished▪ This Trade set Henrie that Noble Prince of Portugall on worke to begin that,* 1.268 which was so long ••efore it produced any fruit. Yea, this Indian Trade set Columbus, and after him Ca∣bot on worl to find the way to the Indies by the West; which their industrious simplicitie God rewarded 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a New World by them discouered. But to returne to our Romans, Rham••sio cites [ 50] out of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Law, the Customes for the Indian goods set downe in the Reigne of Mar∣cus and Comodus▪ viz. Cinamon, Pepper long, and white, Cloues, Costus, Ca••camo, Spikenard,* 1.269 Caes∣sia, Frankinc••e, Xilocassia, Myrrhe, Amon••um, Ginger, Malaba••••rum, Ammoniake, Galbanum, Laser, Agol••••um, Gumme Arabike, Cardamome, Carpesium, Silkes, Parthian and Babylonian Workes, Iuorie, Eboni••ll sorts of precious Stones, Pearles, Sardonix, Ceraunia, Hiacinth, Emerald▪ Diamond, Saphire, Callio, Berill, Cilindre, Indian and Sarmatian Clothes,* 1.270 &c. which I haue mentioned that we may see 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Trade then, and now are much alike.

Strabo and linie (before thi•• greatnesse of Alexandria, as it may seeme) extoll Dioscuria•• in the bottome the Euxine or Blacke Sea, where people of seuentie Languages, or as Timosth••nes affirmed, three ••undred seuerall Nations resorted; and after that the Roma••s ••sed one hundred [ 60] and thirtie Int••••pr••••ers in their businesses. In Plinies time this Babylon was wal••e. I imagine that when the Persia E••pire possessed India and Asia minor this Dioscurias was the Staple of Indian Commodities: 〈◊〉〈◊〉 partly by the Persian Golfe as farre as Tigris would permit, & the rest by Land, which is 〈…〉〈…〉 way. Or, as some thinke, and not without cause, those Seas being so in∣fested

with Pirats, as appeares in Plinie, and the Arabs being alway Robbers; they carried their goods vp the Indus (as many still doe from Tatta to Lahor) and thence by Carauan ouer the Can∣dahar and other Hils, the Riuer Oxus, and ouer the Caspian Sea to the Riuer Cyrus, and so to Dios∣curias.

When the Seleucidae succeeded in those parts, it is like that the Trade continued, though wea∣ker, till the Romans drew all to Alexandria: especially the Parthian Empire not permitting such Commerce to their Roman Enemies, as neither the Persians after.

That Barbarous myst of so many Nations which ouercame the Roman Empire, buried this Trade in darknesse, till the Saracens grew to some height, and Bagdet was made the chiefe Seate of their Caliph, builded on Tigris, and commodious to attract the Trade of the East, and disperse it [ 10] to the West. A great part of this Trade after the declination of Bagdet, the East beeing infected with Mahumetan follies,* 1.271 honoured also with colour of Religion, was conueyed by the Arabian Moores, and Moorish Indians to Mecca (the sinke of that Superstition) by the Red Se••, Iudda, and Ziden being their Ports, and thence was much of it carried to Damasco, and thence to A∣leppo, which Trade hath continued to our dayes; and another part to Cairo, hereby flouri∣shing, and thence to Alexandria as aforesaid: which is still vsed also, but much empared, and almost forsaken by the Europaean Nauigations b 1.272 into India.

Whiles the Tartarian Empire flourished, these Indian Wares were carried much (as you may reade in Polo) to Mangi or China; to Cathay, many also carried to Boghar in Bactria, an•• to Sa∣marcand, and thence to other parts. Also in those troublesome times when the Tartars h••d ouer∣runne [ 20] all, and when Boghar was in esteeme for Trade, the Indian Merchandises were shi••ped on the Caspian Sea by Oxus, and thence conuayed to Astracan, on the Riuer Rha, or Volga, ••nd so to Nouogrode, and thence partly ouer-land, partly by water to Caffa, or Theodosia, wher•• the Ge∣nowayes fetched it (who then were of great power in these parts) and dispersed it in Christian Ports; the Venetians and Genowayes being Corriuals in this Trade, as in other things, an•• in those dayes very great. Much also passed to Trapezond, that Citie so flourishing that it becam•• an Em∣pire, a Title too heauie for it, and the ruine both of Constantinople the Mother thus ••eakened, and of it selfe.

Ormuz was famous by this Trade, and Moha in the Red Sea, but both haue their cou••se to A∣leppo; of which our Trauellers shall in due time tell you in the following Discourses. ••nd now [ 30] we see London an Indian Mart, and Turkie it selfe from hence serued with Pepper, and the•• In∣dian Commodities, as Master Mun Deputie of that Company in his following Tracate will shew you.

Thus much of the Ports made famous by Indian Spicerie and Merchandize. Anastasi•• Sinaita affirmeth, that Salomons Fleet made a returne euery yeere, which of the same Fleet canot bee vnderstood. Pineda yeelds to this, but he makes vs more labour about Tharsis, to wh••ch, now wee are returned from Ophir, he enforceth vs to a new Voyage, and to finde Tharsis ••n Spaine. Iosephus Acosta also hath made a scruple both of Ophir and Tharsis, and makes them to ••••gnifie no particular set place, but generall and remote, as India doth now with vs signifie all th•• Easterne World in vulgar appellation. Yee doth he acknowledge the substance of that wee ha••e spoken, [ 40] and professeth to agree with Iosephus, so that with him wee shall haue but a Gramm••r quarrell. We will adde a word of the Phaenicians which here are expressed to haue beene Sol••ons Mari∣ners, and of their ancient Nauigation, and so shall we make an end of our Ophirian Vo••age, which to some Readers will perhaps seeme much longer then three yeeres.

§. XII. Of Tharsis or Tharshish, whether it bee the same with Ophir, and bot•• some in∣definite [ 50] remoter Countrey; whether it be the Sea, or Tartessus, ••••ny place in Spaine. Of the ancient Nauigations about Africa, and of the Phaenician Antiquities.

* 1.273LEarned Acosta hauing alleaged Reasons sufficient for confuting that ••pinion of Per•••• to be Ophir, an vpstart name, vnknowne to the Natiues; and when•• neither Iuorie nor such precious Gemmes could be brought, and whither Solomon Nauie in those times ignorant of the Load-stone, could not come to f••tch them; 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Eastern•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 [ 60] being fitter then the West for Solomons purposes the concludeth, Ego s••n•• Ophir & Tharsis in diuinis literis sapius non certum aliquem definitum{que} locum sonare sus••icor, sed gener•••• po••ius esse voca∣bulum. idem{que} efficere apud Hebr••o••, quod apud nos vulgo Indiarum vocem. He ••onciueth, that a•• India is a name giuen to any remote, rich, and strange Region very much difer••ng from our••; as

〈◊〉〈◊〉 Mexico, Brasil, Malaca, &c. So likewise Ophir and Tharsis; and as for Tharsis, it signifieth ei∣••••er the maine Sea, or most remote and strange Regions. Thus he coniectureth.

For Ophir we haue before found it, the proper name of a man and of a Region denominated of him; but withal haue acknowledged the Ophirian voyage to comprehend more then the Region of Ophir, including the other Indian Ports wherat they touched and traded in that voyage, especially the two Ilands now called Seilan and Sumatra, and all places on the Coast within the Gulfe of Bengala, which might fit their purpose. It is vsuall now to call an Indian Voyage, not only to Iacatra, Bantam, or Banda, but thereto also they reckon their touching at Soldanha, on the maine of Afrike, or at the Riuer of Saint Augu••tine in the great Iland of Saint Laurence, and the Ilands of Comoro, or Socatra, or wheresoeuer they arriue on the Abash or Mohan shoare in the Red Sea, [ 10] or in any Arabike Port, or in the Persian Gulfe before they come to India: and there also Surat, Diul, Calicut, or wheresoeuer they touch besides on this side or beyond that principal Port where they make their Voyage, as they terme it, that is, where they take in their chiefe ladings. Of which, the following Relations will giue you many instances. So the Straits Voyages, intimate not the meere sayling to or thorow the Straits of Gibraltar, in vulgar appellation, but all Voy∣ages within those Straits whether to Venice, or Ligorne, or Zant, or Constanstinople, or Scanderone, or Alexandria, or in one Voyage to visit many or all of these Ports, is yet called but a Straits Voy∣age. We may yeeld thus much therefore to Acosta, that Ophir,* 1.274 was a proper Countrey (as India also is) extending from Ganges to Menan, and betwixt the Lake Chiamay, and the Gulfe or Sea [ 20] of Bengala; but as it happened, that India being the remotest knowne Region, gaue name in old times to all later Discoueries beyond it, and in after times accidentally to the New World, which the first finders mistooke for Easterne India, so also the Voyage to Ophir, accidentally might giue name to all those Remote parts, and comprehend all the farre Ports, which by occasion of the Voyage to Ophir they visited, lying in the way thither, or somewhat wide or beyond. And as there is a Region truly and properly called India, euen al that which extends from Indus (whence it is so named) to Ganges; which name by others ignorance of the proper names of Regions; was extended further both beyond Ganges, and to all remote Regions, so was there a true Ophir, na∣med of Ophir the sonne of Ioktan, which occasioned other remote Countreyes to beare that ap∣pellation, at least in this Voyage thither.

[ 30] But for Tharsis or Tarshish, or Tharshish; we see Acosta himselfe in his finall vpshot, to make an aut of it, Aut immensum mare, aut regiones semotissimas & valde peregrinas accipi solere. So that his former Proposition admits now another, that either it is the maine Ocean (which I take to be the true sense) or some remote Region. Some are of opinion that the Voyage to Ophir,* 1.275 and that to Tharsis differed, because the Scripture saith, according to our Translation, For the King had at Sea a Nauie of Tharshish, with the Nauie of Hiram once in three yeeres, came the Nauie of Tharshish, bringing Gold and Siluer, Iuorie, and Apes and Peacockes.

Tremellius hath it. Nam classis Oceani pro rege cum classe Chirami erat: semel ternis annis veniebat classis ex Oceano afferens aurum, &c. The Vulgar, Latine and Septuagint, Nauis Tharsis erat regi Salomoni in mari cum nauibus Chiram.

[ 40] Saint Ierome in many places examineth this Tharshish, as in Es. 2. Melius est Tharsis vel mare vel pelagus absolutè ponere, and alledgeth Ionas his fleeing to Tharsis, who from Ioppe could not come to India by Sea,

Most of the late Writers agree with Tremellius, that Tharsis is the Ocean;* 1.276 and make that a difference betwixt Tharshish and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Iam which signifies the Sea, as the Red Sea, or Mediter∣ranean, and withall those lesse collections of waters as the Dead Sea, the Sea of Galilee, and that Brazen Vessell for the largenesse, called a Sea, 2. King. 25.16. whereas Tharshish is only the Maine or large Sea. R. Mose Hadarsan citeth foure significations, Tarsus a Citie of Cilicia, Carthage, India, and the Sea. This place cannot admit Tarsus nor Carthage, beeing in another Sea, to which Esiongeber, on the Red Sea had not beene the Port to haue sailed from, but Ioppe or Tyrus, or some other Hauen in the Mediterranean. Now if any thinke them two Voyages from two [ 50] seuerall Ports, the Scr••pture is plaine, where it is said, Iehoshaphat made ships of Tharshish to goe to Ophir for Gold; but they went not, for the ships were broken at Esiongeber. And lest any might thinke that they were call••d ships of Tharshish, because the materials came from Cilicia, it is more full, 2. Chron. 20.••5. And after this did Iehoshaphat King of Iudah,* 1.277 ioyne himselfe with Ahaziah King of Israel, who did very wickedly. And he ioyned himselfe with him to make ships to go to Tarshish, and they made the ships in Esiongeber. Then Eliezer prophesied, &c. and the ships were broken that they could not goe to Tarshish. Note also that the vulgar translateth in one place Sea, in the other Tharsis.

Some hence gather it to be a Region in India, as that Rabbi,* 1.278 and Ierome also doth in some sort [ 60] auerre, with Iosephus, and many late Writers. But because no such Region in India can be found, hence so many opinions. Postel••us placeth Ophir in the Golden Region where Malaca standeth, but makes Tharsis to extend further, euen to the South Sea; or the Peruan Coast, so that Ophir and Peru are diuorced for a marriage with Tharsis. The Chaldee will haue it Africa,* 1.279 and Ema∣nuel Saa in Angola; Acosta no certaine place; Ribera will haue them two Voyages, and not the

same to Ophir and Tharsis; Pineda and Goropius bring vs to Tartessus in Spaine. But I embrace the opinion of Cornelius Cornelij,* 1.280 Villalpandus (and heerein Ribera also agreeth) which say that o•• Tarshish the Sonne of Iauan, Cilicia tooke name at first, still continued to Tarsus (where Saint Paul was borne, famous in old times by Straboes report for the Vniuersitie and other Antiquities) and the Inhabitants therof, and the adioyning Regions being famous at Sea, might cause that great Sea (as the Scripture cals * 1.281 it, in comparison of the lesser Seas in Iudaea) to be called Tarshish, a name then ea••••ly by the Iewes deriued to all great Seas, whether Mediterranean or Ocean.

Now that w••ich makes Interpreters to question some place in India, or elsewhere, is the phra••e of going to and comming from Tarshish, and bringing goods from thence, a kind of speech which to Pineda seemeth ridiculous, if thereby be not meant some certaine place on Land. Wee [ 10] see at this day the Hill Atlas in Afrike, hath giuen name to that huge huge Ocean, extending e∣uen to the New Worlds of the South and West. The Straits betwixt Spaine and Afrike, giue name with our Mariners to all the Midland Sea within and beyond them. Indus gaue name to India, and all the Ocean adioyning; and the South Sea (the greatest of knowne Seas) is so ter∣med, because Vasques Balboa first saw it lying to the South from him; neither can the Westerne Scite, take away that name Del Sur to this day. Is it then any maruell, that Tarshish the Cilician Sea next adioyning to Iudaea, should giue name to all the deeper and larger parts of the Mediter∣ranean, which they had occasion after to take notice of, and to other Seas from the Red Sea for∣ward more wide and spacious. Pineda himselfe confesseth, that Tartessus which hee would haue to be Tharsis, gaue name not only to Boetica, but to all Spaine. And is it any more ridiculous or absurd to say, the King had a Nauie of Tharshish at Sea, then that which our vulgar Mariners say, [ 20] the Straits fleet is now at Sea, or the Straits fleet is come from Sea, speaking of our Merchants ships, which keep company together in the Seas for feare of Algier Pirats? Do not they cal them Straits Merchandise? and say, that such & such goods are brought out of the Straits, or caried to the Straits, that are sent thorow those Seas, and brought by those Seas to or from any Port therein? And as vsuall a Phrase it is, which Pineda iudgeth so absurde, that a Mariner being asked whither he goeth, should answere to Sea, or that Gold, Siluer, Iuorie, Peacockes and Apes should be said to be brought from Sea: For our Mariners (which learne not their Idiome of Scholers) vse to say, when all their money is spent, they will goe to Sea and get more; that they brought this or that from Sea, that shortly they are to goe to Sea, or haue lately come from Sea, without naming any Port; that such [ 30] a man hath got all his goods by Sea, great wealth hath comne to him by Sea; hee hath had great losse by Sea, and other like p••rases of Sea-men (for so also are they called, in opposition to Land-men, in regard of their Tra••e and course of life, though the habitation of both be on Land.) This then may be the sense: SALOMON had at Sea a Nauie at Tharshish, that is, ships built for long voy∣ages at Sea: as we call men of Warre, or ships of Warre; which are built for that purpose. And how ea••ie is the construction, Iehoshaphat made ships of Tharshish to goe to Ophir, in these words, a Sea-nauie, or ship of the Sea, to goe to Ophir; that is, not such Fisher-boates, as they saw in the Sea of Galilee, or such small Barkes as they vsed in Palaestina to trade from Port to Port, but a Nauie Royall of strong ships able to brooke long Voyages in the Ocean.

* 1.282I also thinke that in regard of the length of those Voyages, in which they were two thirds [ 40] of the time at Sea (after our account) and three whole yeeres in each Voyage from their Land-home, in a kind of eminence, they were in these Voyages said to goe to Tharshish or to Sea. And so Ionas likewise minding to flie from that Land whither he was sent, was hurried in the strength of temptation, a quite contrarie way, whether that ship intended Tarsus in Cilicia, or whither∣soeuer it went, he chusing rather a certaintie of flight then of scite, or setling himselfe any where, as Saint Ierome saith of him, Non ad certum fugere cupiebat locum, sed mare ingrediens, quocunque pergere festinabat. Et magis hoc conuenit fugitiuo & timido, non locum fuge otiosè eligere. sed primam occasionem arripere nauigandi. Likewise in that Psalme which mystically and fully is true of Christ in the calling of the Gentiles; typically and in part verified in Solomon (wickedly and An∣tichristianly since applied to the Pope in many passages of the last Councell of Lateran vnder Iu∣lius [ 50] the Second, and Leo the Tenth) it is said, The Kings of Tharshish and of the Iles shall bring pre∣sents, the Kings of Sheba and Seba shall offer gifts; it is plaine by the Historie of Solomon in Scrip∣ture, and by ioyning of Tharshish and Sheba together, that no Tartessus, nor Angola, nor Peru, are intended; and that Maritime Kings are meant (Tremellius reades Reges Oceani accolae) which ruled in Ilands (which is also added) or Coasts and Ports neere the Sea (sure as Hiram then was, and all remote Maritime Prouinces the Scripture cals Ilands) which vsed also (as in those parts of the East Indies, almost all the Kings are at this day Merchants) trade by Sea, and perhaps en∣ioyed the Title of the adioyning Seas (as his Maiestie is King of the Brittish Ocean, and ano∣ther Pacificus his Predecessor added it to his Royall Title, Ego Edgarus Anglorum Basileus, * 1.283 om∣nium{que}. Regum, Insularum, Oceani{que}. Britanniam circumiacentis, cunctarum{que} Nationum, quae infra [ 60] eam includuntur, Imperator & Dominus. Such were the Kings of Tharshish, whose Customes from the Sea, and Trade by it, made them haue their ships of Tharshish, & wealth from Tharshish: as in later dayes, the Kings of Aden, Ormus and Malacca; and still of Fartaque, Socatra, Calicut, Cochin, Zeilan, Achen, and many others included in the circuit of our Ophirian Voyage are; and might

therefore iustly be called Kings of Tharshish: from all which no doubt either in the course of this Ophirian Voyage and Trade, or otherwise sent by speciall Messengers, Solomon had presents, as i•• 1. Reg. 10.24.25. is expressed.

Pineda himselfe citeth out of Straboes third Booke of the Gaditans (which is Tartessus, or with him Tharshish) pleri{que} mare incolunt, pauci domi desident: and in this respect Tyrus may by the Pro∣phet be called filia Tharsis, daughter of the Sea, as seated in it, ruling on it, and liuing of it. The Chaldee Paraphrase hath the Kings of Tharsis, and the Ilands of the great Ocean Sea; which may bee vnderstood of the Indian Sea: and not as Goropius and Pineda would vrge vs, of Spaine. Pineda citeth Anastasius Sinaita, that Tharsis is Hesperia Regionis Occidentalis; and Fore∣rius [ 10] & Eugubinus to assist Goropius: whose authoritie shall so farre mooue as their reason is weightie.

As for Goropius, his fifth, sixth and seuenth Bookes of his Hispanica are principally spent on Tharshish the Sonne of Iauan, which he writes Tarsees, as signifying in that which he makes the first of Languages (the Dutch Tongue mother of ours) one that dares aduenture the Seas, or one which ••••••••ies in the Seas: therefore also sirnamed Atla•• or Atlant, quasi Hat-lant, or Hate-land, Him he makes with his brother Elisha the peoplers of Spaine, and saith, that of his skill in Astro∣nomie and inuention of the Sphere, he was fabled to beare the Heauens; and to haue named his daughters with names of starres; to haue sailed also to Ophir, so called as ouer the widest Sea, as Peru of a peere there built; and other like collections hee hath very wittie, learned and [ 20] pleasant, not solid enough to conuince, nor so contemptible as very easie to be confuted. Pineda hath written many sheets of paper to honour his Spaniish home with Salomons Voyages for the Temples structure, wherein his error amoris and not amor erroris may plead his excuse, according to that of the Poet, Nesci•• qua natale solum dulcedine cunctos Ducit, & immemores non siuit esse sui. I cannot but maruell, that two so learned men are so strongly carried by so weake reasons as the likenesse of words in Tharsis and Tartessus, when Geographers tell vs of, and themselues con∣fesse, Tarsus in Cilicia, Tarsis in Syria, Tarsius in Pannonia, and a Riuer of that name in Troas, with I know not how many others; and besides, Tartessus being a Phaenicean Colonie might of Thar∣shish or the Ocean receiue the name (whether we intend Gades or Cadiz thereby, or the whole Boetike Prouince as seated in, or on the Sea or Coast, and liuing by Maritime Arts.

[ 30] But of names of places wee haue before spoken how casuall and accidentall they are. Euen Tartarus the name of Hell is neere the former, & Strabo ghesseth that Homer called it so of this Tartessus in the remotest West; which Hellish kindred of termes, me thinks, should not be very gratefull to Spanish eares. Etimologists may easily runne mad if they bee permitted libertie; neither is any argument sound from the sound of syllables without other credible Witnesses.* 1.284 Therefore Pineda addeth the frequent Circumnauigation of Africa in those dayes; of which he citeth one out of Herodotus, of the Phaenicia••s long after this sent by Neco,* 1.285 which makes against him; for Herodotus both doubted of it, as a matter seeming to him incredible, that they should saile beyond the Sunnes course, and therefore could not be frequent; for that Nauigation would haue made both Tropikes familiar: he also saith in hunc modum Africa primum est agnita: if that [ 40] were the first Voyage, Salomons were none, or at least his Title is false,* 1.286 De frequenti & celebri à mari Arabico in Hispaniam nauigatione.

They wintered also by the way, and stayed the growing and ripening of Corne, which argu∣eth no people, at lest no Trade in those parts. His next testimonie is of Setaspes, who hauing de∣floured the Daughter of Zopyrus should therefore haue beene crucified, but by his mothers intrea∣tie Xerxes pardoned him vpon condition of this African Circumnauigation; which argueth the rarenesse of the attempt, as did the sequell also: for hauing sailed out of the Straits, and coasted some parts of Afrike, he returned (in despaire) and said he could saile no further, his ship beeing detained that it could not goe forwards. As for Darius sending to Indus, it is not to this pur∣pose. The fragments of Spanish ships in the Arabike Gulfe is mentioned by Plinie, as a wonder in [ 50] Caius Caesars time;* 1.287 and that of Hanno agreeth not with the Historie which is extant of his Voy∣age, and more credible: and for Eudoxus fleeing the tyranny of Lathyrus, and comming to Gades by that Circumnauigation it was not for Trade, but at a dead lift, to saue his life. Another is said by Antipater to haue sailed from Spaine to Aethiopia, which might be to the neerest Blackes be∣fore he came to that which now is called Guinnee.

And these are all which are brought for tha frequenti & celebri nauigatione, that of Neco and of Eudoxus, and a Spanish wracke, being all that all Age•• could yeeld vnto Plinies time; and all al∣so long after Salomon:* 1.288 and of these that of Eudoxus which is the most likely is farre otherwise told by Strabo, and at large refuted. As for the long tale of Semiramis out of Suidas, it was to In∣dia by the Indian Ocean (if it were at all) and not to Spaine. And out of Silius his Verse, Et cele∣bre [ 60] Oceano at{que} al••ernis astibus Hispal, to gather the Baetike Nauigations to India, round about A∣frica, or to Mexico & Peru, argueth the Author to be Hispalensis; a Baetike wit, rauished with I know not what beatike fancies: as that also that Salomons raigning from Sea to Sea,* 1.289 must be from the Red Sea to the Gaditan, as if from Esion-geber to Ioppe, were not from Sea to Sea.

From hence he turneth to the Phaenician Nauigations, which to mention here is more to our

purpose (they being Salomons Mariners to Ophir) then to his of Tartessus. Plinie and Mala ap∣plaud the Phenicians for inuention of Letters, Astronomie, nauall and militarie Sciences. Caius po∣steritie first in the old World, & Chams in this, florished in Arts and humaine Sciences. Ioshuahs conquest caused many of them, as Procopius and others affirme, to flee into remoter Regions, speci∣ally the Maritime parts of Africa. Commerce added Spaine, and whatsoeuer was fitting to that purpose of trade, Nauigation and riches, especially to the Phenicians, both before and after Car∣thage. Their comming in and thorow Spaine is acknowledged by Varro also (in Vninersam His∣paniam peruenisse) and they were the first discouerers of the Fortunate Ilands in Straboes opinion, and before Homers age held the best places in Africk and Spaine, till the Romans dispossessed them. Carthage in Africa is knowne a Phaenicean Colonie to schoole boies, and Plinie saith, that all the [ 10] Baetike coast was of Phaenicean originall, or of the Paeni, which in authors are often confounded with the former, of whom they proceeded, and as Saint Ierom obserueth, are called Poeni quasi Phoeni, still in great part retaining that language; as is also the name Carthaginian, of whom Polybius testifieth that they possessed all Spaine, from the Strait to the Pyrenaean hils. But be that will view a Map of the Tyrian greatnesse and the auncient Phaenicean Nauigations, Traffiques and Discoueries, let him read the 27. of Ezekiel, with some good commentarie; and from the best eui∣dence it shall appeare that all the best parts and Ports in Asia, Afrike and Europe were then fami∣liar to this Daughter of Tharshish. The Baetike by Strabo are reputed the most learned of the Spa∣niards, vsing Grammer, Poesie, Antiquities, and Lawes as they said 6000. yeeres old; which agree∣eth with their Phaenician originall. To hunt the Legends of Bacchus, & Osiris, I here purpose not, as [ 20] hauing little truth, and no mention at all of Spaine: nor is that more credible of the Phaeniceans besieged by Nabuchodonosor, and relieued from their Phaenicean Colonies in Spaine, and his reuenge vpon them therefore inuading the Spaniards. Aldrete a learned Spaniard reiects both, howeuer Megastenes other where found fabulous, may make somewhat for them.

Yet I beleeue their commerce and Phaenician originall, and great trafficke; their Mines also of Gold and Siluer: but such as yeelded more to the Phaenicians and Carthaginians then all the New World hath hitherto to the Spaniard, or many yeeres after Goropius his hitherto, added by Pineda, Gredat Indaens apella. Yea still Pineda brings testimonies to proue it no lesse rich in Mines; which makes me not a little maruell at their wisedome to be at such cost to fetch so farre off that which they haue so plentifull at home; and that as the throate which swalloweth all the meate and no∣thing [ 30] staies there (it would cause suffocation) so the Spaniards before Columbus his time were so poore and quiet accordingly; and that at that time there appeared so little monie or credit, that the Queene pawned her Iewels to borrow a small summe of 2000. Duckets, or little more; and that since, Spaine hath (except soone after the returne of the Indian Fleete) so little coine stirring but base monies. Shall we thinke them miserable, miser-like, rich-poore, or is it that their Mines seeme wholly recollected in their mindes? they being, if you beleeue Pineda, a Nati∣on opum tam contemtrix quàm lucratrix, ingenio acuto (hoc quor••••dam exterorum ineptissima iuuidia suspiciosum & callidum vocat, saith he) ad magnas res nato (hoc sordida altorum socordia superbiam & tumorem.) I enuie not their happinesse to them so much chanted by this Spaniard, I wish that they were so contented therewith, that they disturbed not the quiet of others; and that as they [ 40] haue their Nauies of Tharshish yeerely bringing Gold and Siluer (as for Apes and Peacockes they neede not goe so farre for them) so they would doe as Salomon, liue in peace with their neighbours and build the Temple at home: which had they done, much of this our paper Nauie of Tharshish had not beene, neither had their Gaditane Tartessus become a pray to Her Nauie of Tarshish, who in her daies was filia Tarshish indeede, not Venus orta Mari, but Cui coniurati venêre ad classica ven∣ti, who defended her owne at home, by home inuading, by hunting her enemies round about the World. Let vs leaue the Spaniards magnifying the present riches of their Mines, as that of Gua∣dalcanal, one of the best in the world by the Kings Treasurer reported in a Letter to our Author, dated 1607. and another of Francisco Tesada his Sonne, so farre extolling the Spanish (hee names diuers) beyond those of Potossi, that whereas a quintall (that is 1600. ounces) of Potosi Ore, or [ 50] earth digged vp, yeeldes but an ounce and halfe of pure Siluer, most of the Spanish yeelde ten oun∣ces of a quintall, some more to 15.30.60. Markes, each of eight ounces. It is fit in a long tractate, and as it were another Voyage to Ophir, to end with Mines: and fitter in Salomons Ophir to end with honorable mention of our Salomon, who without any Hirams helpe, sent her seruants to Ophir and Peru too, and round about the vniuerse to repaire that Temple, and to defend the Faith, which a greater then Salomon had by her in England restored from Babylonish captiuitie: which the greatest powers on earth sought in vaine to hinder, she sailing further by her seruants, raig∣ning longer in her owne person, more glorious in her last daies, then Salomon, and leauing a peace∣able Salomon to succeede her; yea to exceede▪ with addition of another Kingdome; (not a Rohobo∣am, to loose the greatest part of the former.) Him God defend to defend his faith long amongst vs, [ 60] with Salomons vertue and Ophirian magnificence. Amen.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Plaut.
• * 1.2

  Terent.
• * 1.3

  Prou. 30.2. 2. Kin. 6.5.
• * 1.4

  Gen. 34.2. Gen. 30.11.
• * 1.5

  See M Sel••en Syntog. 1. De D. Syris.
• * 1.6

  Matth. 6.29.
• * 1.7

  Apoc. ••.
• * 1.8

  Apoc. 21.10, 11, 18, 22, 23.
• * 1.9

  Ac. ••7.
• * 1.10

  Whitak. descrip. q. 5.
• * 1.11

  Hieron. Ep. 84. August. de doc. Christ. l. 2. c. 40. Basil. hom. 24. de legend. lib. Gen∣til. Greg. Nyssens in vit. Mosis. 1. Co. 2.14. 1. T. 3.16.
• * 1.12

  Col. ••. Prou. 1.
• * 1.13

  1. Co. 3.12.
• * 1.14

  Ier. 5••.
• * 1.15

  Ap. 21.24.
• * 1.16

  1. Reg. 10.8.
• * 1.17

  Apoc. 21.18. Vi. P. Pil. l. 8▪ c. 1
• * 1.18

  Apoc. 3.12 & 7 11. c. 15.11.
• * 1.19

  Ps. 16.
• * 1.20

  Ap. 21 22. e. 3.1.15.
• * 1.21

  Philo de vita Mo••. l. 1. Aug. quaest. 39. in Ex∣od d••o i••benti ministerium praebuerunt. Tho. 2.2. q. 104. ar. 4.
• * 1.22

  Aug. de Ciu. D. l. 4 c. 4.
• * 1.23

  Cyp. Ep. ad Donat. l. ••. Ep. ••. Ac. 17.26.
• * 1.24

  Prou. 5.15, 17.
• * 1.25

  Deut. 23.
• * 1.26

  Virg.
• * 1.27

  Ez. 27. & 28.
• * 1.28

  Ez. 27.33.
• * 1.29

  Virg. Ae••.
• * 1.30

  Sunt autem pri∣uata nulla na∣tura. Cic.
• * 1.31

  Horat.
• * 1.32

  Auienus.
• * 1.33

  Omnia rerum vsurpantu erant Aurenus.
• * 1.34

  Ov. Met. l. 1.
• * 1.35

  Ov. Met. l. 6▪
• * 1.36

  Virg. Aen. ••.
• * 1.37

  Rom▪ 2.
• * 1.38

  Rom. 2. Acts 17. 1. Cor. 15. Tit. 1.
• * 1.39

  Man in his fall was robbed of supernaturall, wounded in his naturall gifts. Supernaturall we call those gifts which now are not ob••ained but by Gods free gift, and called the n••w man in right••ousnes & h••l••nesse, Eph. 4. Na••ur••ll, ••hose whi••h r••maine to and in de∣c••yed nature.
• * 1.40

  Fou••e kinds of 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 1.41

  See my Micro∣cosme or Pil∣grime.
• * 1.42

  Pro. 16.31.
• * 1.43

  1 Cor. 6.20. & 7.23. Lu. 11. Psa. 2.
• * 1.44

  Christian li∣berty.
• * 1.45

  Gal. 5. 1 Cor. 7. The Pope de∣nies his bap∣tismall name, the other is re∣baptised.
• * 1.46

  A•• is the vse of some Pa∣rishes after Lamas, &c.
• * 1.47

  Sen Epist. 9.
• * 1.48

  Ad viuendum multis reb opu•• est, ad bene vi∣uendum ••ni∣mo sanc & ••ro∣cto & despicien∣te 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.49

  Laert. in Zen.
• * 1.50

  Laert. in Diog.
• * 1.51

  Tertul.
• * 1.52

  Ioh. 8.
• * 1.53

  Tertul. de Pat. faith of the Philo••opher, caecae viuunt. Ma••. 4. Col. ••. 1. Th••s. 5.
• * 1.54

  Ph. 4.11, 12, 13. Disciplina, Sci∣en••i••, Myste∣rium Imperium est 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ista, Re∣gina artium, quod e••verbis Paulinis apparet 1. C••r. 2.14.
• * 1.55

  Ioh. 15. 1. Cor. 15.
• * 1.56

  Luk. 22. 2 Cor 6.10. 1. Cor. 9.4. Verse 19.
• * 1.57

  ••. Cor. 9.26, 27.
• * 1.58

  & 10.••4, 33. Gal. 1.10.
• * 1.59

  Ephes. 3.
• * 1.60

  Rom. 14.17.
• * 1.61

  Som. Scip▪ Plin. l. 2.
• * 1.62

  1. Co. 3.22▪ Heb. 2.
• * 1.63

  Heb. 12.
• * 1.64

  Apoc. 21.
• b 1.65

  1. Cor. 3. Ps. 39.20.4. v••t.
• c 1.66

  Cyprian▪
• * 1.67

  Heb. 11.1. Rom. 8. Col. 3.1.
• * 1.68

  D. Dee in a M. S.
• d 1.69

  The Sun is, if Art hath rightly measu∣red, aboue 166. times; the greatest stars, about 100. greater then the ear••h. Rom. 10.
• * 1.70

  1. Cor. 7. Ephes. 2.6. Rom. 6.5.
• * 1.71

  Ephes 4.
• * 1.72

  Psal. 16,
• * 1.73

  Sen. de benef. l. 7 c. 4. ad reges po∣testas pertinet, ad singulos do∣minium. Laert. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

  See Laert. in vit. Diog. & Amb. Ep. 7. where you may read Cala∣nus whole Epistle, and in the end of this Booke.
• * 1.74

  Cuncta cupit Croesus, Dio••e∣nes nihilum. Eum maximè diuitys frui qui minimè diuitijs indiget.

  Animus oportet se iudicet diui∣tem, n••n homi∣num sermo, &c. Cic. Coe••o ••egitur qui non hab••t vr••a••.
• * 1.75

  Omnia eius sunt non occupatione sed animo: & vniuersalitas il∣li, non haec singu∣la mancipantur. Tuetur hoc ipso quod intu••tur: Vid. Lip. Ma∣nud. ad Stoic. Phil. l. 3. diss. 11. & seq. Cyp. Ep. ad Do∣n••t. l. 2. Ep. 2. Gen. 25.6. Cic Parad. 5. 1. Tim. 1.8. Amb. Ep. 7. han∣dles this Theme lage∣ly, l••arnedly, g••dly▪ 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: La∣ert. in Zen••ne.
• a 1.76

  Epictetus. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 may be said of a good man, and his affections as Virgil of Augu∣stus, Victorque volentes, Per po∣pulos dat iura vtamque affe∣ctat Olympo. Ep••ct. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. Subducit se cu∣stodiae in qua te∣netur & Coelo reficitur. Sen. Ioh. 14.23. Gal. 2.2.20. Ioh. 6. Cant. 1. Bern. in Cant. 21 Sat••••s est vt me trahas vt vim qualiter comque mihi aut terren∣do, &c. trahe quodammodo in vita•• vt fa••ias voluntariam; trabe, torpentem vt reddas cur∣rentem, &c. Pro. 16 32. Suis ea cuique fing••••ur moribus Ci••. par. 5. 1. Cor. 7.3••. Ps. 62. Iob. 24.
• * 1.77

  Eph. 1. vlt. Pro. 14.17. Lips. Manuduct. li. 2. d. 1••. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Laert. in Zen••reguum potestas nulli obnoxia.
• * 1.78

  Senec.
• * 1.79

  Apoc. 2. & 3. Act. 3.
• * 1.80

  Tim. 6.
• * 1.81

  How good a good and wise King.
• * 1.82

  Sir F. Bacon Aduanc. of Learn. l. 1.
• c 1.83

  The Saxons expelled the Britaines with their learning. The Danes (af∣ter learning had blessed the Christiā Saxons) drowned all learned men, books, schools, arts, with a ••loud, that in K. Alfreds time himselfe writes there was not one Priest could vnder∣stand his Latin Seruice; and till the con∣quest this mist continued in great part, that Pri••st then be∣ing a wonder that knew his Grammer. Al∣fredi epist ••p. As∣ser. Men. Mat. Paris, An. 1067 Clerici ad••o lit. carebant vt cae∣teris st••pori esset qui gram. didi∣cisset.
• * 1.84

  Sir F. Drake was the first Generall that swam about the Globe, Candish the next.
• * 1.85

  In the questi∣on of Antichrist in his Maiesties Monit. Praeface
• * 1.86

  In the Mogols Country (whos Seas were the stage of this war) as I had by relation of Sir Tho. Roe Em¦bassador there.
• b 1.87

  King Iames his Newland.
• c 1.88

  The Whale fishing.
• d 1.89

  In the North∣west discouery by Hudson, But∣ton, Baffin &c. Boe••.

  Mari magno▪ &c See Bests voy∣age.
• * 1.90

  Psa. 144. vlt. Psa. 118.
• * 1.91

  Col. 1. & 2.
• * 1.92

  Tit. 1 vlt. 1 Tim. 4.
• * 1.93

  1 Cor. 7. 1 Tim. 6. Psa. 62. Mat. 6. Luk. 12.
• * 1.94

  Iud. Ep.
• * 1.95

  2 Pet. 2▪
• * 1.96

  Infidels pro∣priety. Ioh. 8.35.36.
• * 1.97

  Eph. 2.10. Col 1.16.17.1
• * 1.98

  Eph 2. Col. 1.
• * 1.99

  Gen. 1.26. & 3••.17.18▪ 19.
• * 1.100

  Gen. 1.7 8.
• * 1.101

  Act. ••7 26.
• * 1.102

  〈…〉〈…〉 19.20.••1.22. 1 ••eg. ••. Gen 47.20. Da••. 4. Ioh•• ••9 11.
• * 1.103

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.104

  Hence came the Law••ers 〈◊〉〈◊〉 vid S.T. Smith•• com∣mon w••••lth. l 3. c. 10.

  See this questi∣on ha••dled more l••rgely in baiting P. Alex his bull. l. 2. c. 1. Read also a Spanish diuine Fr. à Vi∣ctoria in his Re∣lect. de pot. Ecc. & de Indis, He with many ar∣guments con∣futeth this pre∣tended power of the Pope. Ca••e••an also 2.2. q. 66. a. 8. T. Aq. 2.2. q. 10. ar. 1. vid. vict. de Ind. n 31. & per∣totam••ela. in which he prou∣eth the Popes gift, &c. could not giue iust title to the In∣dies, and con∣futeth 7 titles as vniust. 1 King. 2.35. Vict. vbi sup. Bar¦bari sunt veri domini & pub∣licè & priuatim. Ius autem genti∣um ot quod in nullius bonis est, occupanti cedat. d §. fere best. 1 Chro. 18.13. 2 Cro. 21. Rom. 5. & 6 & 7 Gen▪ 4. Gen. 10. Act. 4 32.34. & 45. Luk. 12.14.
• * 1.105

  Thou shalt not steale: this some borderers are reported to hold first put into the deca∣logue by King Hen. 8. They sure are borde∣rers, that is, theeues in di∣uinitie which will t••ke it out of the decalogu
• * 1.106

  Gen. 7.22.
• * 1.107

  Gen. 9.2.
• * 1.108

  Vid. D. Amb. Hexa••m. l. 3. c. 5.
• * 1.109

  This is effe∣ct••d by such as saile about the World, as is knowne of all such as know the Sunnes course.
• * 1.110

  2. Chron. 8.
• * 1.111

  Ecc. 4. Iob 40.
• * 1.112

  Rom. 2.
• * 1.113

  Ab. ••.
• * 1.114

  Rom. 12.
• * 1.115

  Ecc. 2.13.21.
• * 1.116

  Ecc. 1.13.1••.
• * 1.117

  Acost. hist. Ind. l. 3. c. 15.
• * 1.118

  2. Ioh. 2.
• * 1.119

  Psal. 107.
• * 1.120

  1. Sam. 17.
• * 1.121

  1. Reg. 9.26.
• * 1.122

  1. Pet. 3.21.
• * 1.123

  Apoc. 21.22, 23. Gen. 15.1. 1. Cor. 15.
• * 1.124

  I. G••rop Bec••••. Hispanic▪ l. 5.
• * 1.125

  Iosep· Antiq. l. 8. c. 2.
• * 1.126

  Str. l. 16.
• * 1.127

  See li 7. c. 6 §. 4.5▪ lib. 8. c. 13.
• * 1.128

  See li. 7. c. 6. in fine.
• * 1.129

  Ge. 25.25, 30.
• * 1.130

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.131

  P••st. de Origini∣••us.
• * 1.132

  See Satis his voyage l. 4. c. 1. §. 3.
• * 1.133

  Phot. Bib. Co. 1322. & seq. Mela de siti•• orbis 3.7. P••in. l. 6. c. 23. Strab. 16
• * 1.134

  Pineda de reb. Salom. li. 4. c. 10. thinketh this Red Sea to be so named of Red Weeds growing there∣in, so ioyning Suph and Ery∣thraeum in one speculation. But those red Herbs are his creatures: or neither he ci∣teth, not can I find any au∣thentike Au∣thor for them. Agatharchides in Phot••us hath 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.135

  2. Chron▪ 21.8. 2 Re••. 14.22. 2 Reg. 16.6.
• * 1.136

  The Editiō of Brix••••nus hath Idumae: & Syri venerunt, &c. to which a Manuscript of M. Fuller a∣greeth.
• * 1.137

  S••r. l▪ 16.
• * 1.138

  Arriani Peripl••••
• * 1.139

  Hier. de loc. Heb.
• * 1.140

  He which will see more of these Antiqui∣ties let him read M. Fuller.
• * 1.141

  Mystery of the Phoenix.
• * 1.142

  Ezek. 27. & 28.
• * 1.143

  Originall of the ••ables of Bacchus and Hercules.
• * 1.144

  Take away the Greeke ter∣mination and it is euident. P••ut. Symp••s l. ••▪ One makes it 157. & a halfe, the other 150.
• * 1.145

  Hieron. Epist. ad Fabiol.
• * 1.146

  Co••. Venet. Ram. To. 1. See inf. l. 8. c. 1•• of th••se De∣serts and of Sues. Satalia is in Pamphil••a and another (some say) in Cilici••▪
• * 1.147

  1. Cor. 7.4.
• * 1.148

  Gen. 10.26, 27, 28, 29, 30.
• * 1.149

  Sepharuaim. 2. Reg. 17. is a name as like, and true, ad∣ding but a Sa∣mech to Parua∣im a name of a place subdued by the Assyrian••▪ Vega. com. reales l. 1. c. 4.5. See his story Tom. 2. l. 7. c. 13.
• * 1.150

  Lopez de Goma∣ra Gen. hist. c. 52
• * 1.151

  Blas Val. hist. Peru. Acost. hist. l. 1. cap. 13.
• * 1.152

  Lem. de Occultis Nat. mirac. l. 3. c 4.

  Full. Miscel. l. 4. c 19. Ec. 1.10.
• * 1.153

  Ioseph cont. Ap∣pionem.

  See Voss. de hist. graecis in foure Bookes·

  Salomon had all knowledge ne∣cessary to Mo∣rall, Politike and sauing wisdom, and to the ends for which God gaue him so large a heart. But the Sea ha••h bounds, & so had Salomons wisdom. Some∣what was left for Iohn Baptist to be greater then he, or any borne of wo∣m••n. Neither was the know∣ledge of the Compasse ne∣cessarie to Sa∣lomon, who without it could and did compasse the Gold of Ophir.
• * 1.154

  Aboue 13000 miles space. Perhaps the Whale-con∣stellation took vp this Sea Whale into his Chariot, some p••rt of the way.
• * 1.155

  Pl••••ti Mer••••••.
• * 1.156

  Rom. 11.33, 34.
• * 1.157

  Cic. Acada. Ego meas cognitio∣nes sic dirigo, non ad illam par••u∣lam Cynosuram, Qua fidunt du∣ce nocturna Phaenices in al∣tum. vt ait A∣ratus &c. Certior est Cyno∣sura tamen sul∣cantibus aequor, &c. Arat. In the begin∣ning of the second books. The sixth rea∣son.
• * 1.158

  A second 〈◊〉〈◊〉 on for Hispa∣niola.
• * 1.159

  Colon a happier Discouerer of the new World then the old.
• * 1.160

  Third opinion for Soph••la.
• * 1.161

  See inf. l. 9. c. 12
• * 1.162

  Barros Dec. 1. l. 10.
• * 1.163

  T. Lopez ap. Ra∣musium Tom. 1.
• * 1.164

  Infra Tom. 1. pag. 1549.
• * 1.165

  A fourth and fifth opinions.
• * 1.166

  A sixth opini∣on.

  Ios. Acost. l. 1.14.
• * 1.167

  Inf. l. 4. c. 16.
• * 1.168

  See §. 12. for Acos••. opinion. Other opiniōs.
• * 1.169

  Gen. 10.31.32.
• * 1.170

  Prisc. l. 5. Hie••on. ad Ier. 5▪ A••nob. in Ps. 104. Aug de verb. Dom••s 25 cont. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. P••t. l. 3. De C.D. 16.6. &c Ber. A••d••••ie Anteg. l. 2 c. 2.
• * 1.171

  Scalig. in ••ro∣legom. vlt. edit. Emend. Temp. Selden. de D. S. prolegom. c. 2. The Spies ha∣uing such ser∣uile education in Egypt had no meanes ••o learn tongues▪ Gen. 45.12.
• * 1.172

  America newly inhabited.
• * 1.173

  Chaldaea, Syria,
• * 1.174

  See Acosta, and the Picture story To. 2. l. 5. c. 7. & Vega his Inca story, l. 7 c. 13.
• * 1.175

  Montan•• Pha∣leg. Broughtons Concent. see my Pilg. l. 1.
• * 1.176

  Gen. 10.
• * 1.177

  Gen. 25.
• * 1.178

  Iob. 1.15.
• * 1.179

  1. Reg. 10.
• * 1.180

  Gal. 4.
• * 1.181

  Rom. 14.17. Gal. 4.
• * 1.182

  Ortelū Thes. Geogr. in voce Taurus.
• * 1.183

  Ptol l. 7. Tab. 4. Asia.
• * 1.184

  2 Reg. 17.22. & 19.13 Esay 36▪ &c.
• * 1.185

  Hee nameth Mes•• and Se∣phar as ••etter knowne, & but the entry of their further population, ad montes orien••is vsque, as Tre∣melli•••• tran∣slates.
• * 1.186

  Tab. Asiae 11. Indiae ext. Gan.
• * 1.187

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.188

  Herod. Thal. Pro. 6. & 30.
• * 1.189

  Fab. de reb. Met. Pl. l. 6. c. 19.
• * 1.190

  Plut. Alexand.
• x 1.191

  Erannoboa perhaps is now Iem••i. Strab. 1.15.
• y 1.192

  Sanb••l stands where Iemni fals into Gan∣ges.

  D, S. l. 3. c. 10.
• * 1.193

  Mela. l. 4. c. 8. Plin. l 6.21. Solin. cap. 54.
• * 1.194

  See To. 2. l. 1. c. 4 §. 6. ••a. 92. & pag. 394. Cardandan a∣bout the head of Ganges.
• * 1.195

  ••sid. l. 14. c. 3••
• * 1.196

  Aelian de ani∣mal. l. 4. c. 27.
• * 1.197

  See the Glosse & Lyran. in 1. reg. 9.
• * 1.198

  See my Pilgri∣mage Linschoten, Fitch, Balbi, all which haue written of these parts. Aelian de ani••••▪
• * 1.199

  Barthema.
• * 1.200

  Frederik. See l. 10.
• * 1.201

  Fitch.
• * 1.202

  Gansa is a mix∣ture of Brasse and Tim. Balbi began his iourney 1579. he came to Pe∣gu A. 1583. and staid till 1586. in which space was a combat betwixt the Kings of Aua and Pegu on E∣lephance, and the King of A∣ua slaine.
• * 1.203

  P. P. l. 5. c. 3
• * 1.204

  One Copy ha••h 600. ••ar∣ric hath 700.
• * 1.205

  He placeth Ca∣laminhan twixt Pe••u and China neere to Prom.
• * 1.206

  Peregrin. F. M.
• * 1.207

  Pinto c. 39.
• * 1.208

  Peguan tradi∣tion.
• * 1.209

  The cause why Ortelius reiect∣ed the opinion of Iosephus.
• * 1.210

  See Inf. p. 121.
• * 1.211

  See Inf. pa. 468. & 532.
• * 1.212

  Ins. 217 & seq.
• * 1.213

  To. 1. li. 9. c. 12. § 3. To. 2. l. 5. c. 2. § ••. &c. 3 &c. See Brerewood de Numm••s c. 20 22. Pollux invo∣ce ••alentum Hesan 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 & 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Li••. l. 38. Pl. l. 3 c. 3. Hero. Thalia.
• * 1.214

  Gerop. Pine. &c.
• * 1.215

  T••l Ioma fol. 44. Hi••r••n 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 10. Iob 22.24 & 28 16. 1 C••r. 29.4
• a 1.216

  6003550. at halfe a shekel a man ••ay 100. talents and 3550. shekels: so that 600000 pay 300 talents & consequen••∣ly a talent is 6000. halfe shekels.
• * 1.217

  1. Reg. 10.10▪ Exod. 38.24, 25
• * 1.218

  2. Chron. 1.12.
• * 1.219

  Villal. To. 2. Explan. p. 2. c. 44 & seqq.

  Siluer brought home much more then Gold.

  1. Chron. 9.27. & 1. Reg. 10.21 1. Chro 9.23, 24
• * 1.220

  Villap. vbi sup. raiseth the tri∣butes of Israel to 120. talents each Tribe▪ & as much of Hi∣ram (of whose subiection I dispute not, it agreeth with Canaans curse, and the pro∣mise of all Ca∣naan to Israel) which together make 1560. ta∣lēts 26254800. Roman ducats: besides Siluer and all other profits which he brought to∣gether aboue Assuerus, Alex∣ander, the Roman Empire with faire pro∣babilities.
• * 1.221

  Whether Da∣uid sent Fleets to Ophir.
• * 1.222

  1. Chron. 22.1••▪ & 18, 11. D. Dee.
• * 1.223

  1. Chron. 27.25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31.
• * 1.224

  Two remark∣able pillers of Royall Magni∣ficence, Hus∣bandry on Land, and Na∣uigation by sea
• * 1.225

  1. Chron. 17.11, 12. & 20.35, 36▪ 37.
• * 1.226

  D. Dee.
• * 1.227

  1. King•• 20 27.
• * 1.228

  Gemmes.
• * 1.229

  Plin. l. 37. c 4.
• * 1.230

  See C. Saris. l. 4. c. 2.•• Taniapura.
• * 1.231

  Garc. ab Hort•• l. 1. c. 47.
• * 1.232

  Exod. 24.10. Epiphan. ••ibel. de 12. gemmis. Od. Barbosa.
• * 1.233

  Linschot. cap. 86
• * 1.234

  Gar. cap. 49.
• * 1.235

  Lins. c. 87.
• * 1.236

  Pineda de Reb. Salom. l. 4. c. 18. Of Indian store of Iewells and their richnesse see inf. 217.550.558.559. 1. Reg. 10.12.
• * 1.237

  Terrises or ••••aire•• are ad∣ded, 2. Chr. 9.11 Ios. 1.8. c. 2. It seemes to haue bin writ∣ten by M. Hakl. hand, amongst whose papers I had it; & haue here made much vse of it, although 〈◊〉〈◊〉 much later and better in∣telligence be here also cited.
• * 1.238

  The Spanish Bible reads Brasilwood.
• * 1.239

  Plin. l. 13. c. ••6.
• * 1.240

  Of their Trees and of Ele∣phants, see M. Terry l. 9. c. 6. §. 2. of their Apes as big as Grey-hounds ib. §. 3▪ See also Santos, Iobson, Leo and many others in this worke.
• * 1.241

  Peacocks wild, Parrots, Apes, great & white, se•• 436, &c.
• * 1.242

  These Apes are tailed.
• * 1.243

  Plin. l. 6. cap. 23▪ As couetous rich men are euer needy & greedy, so In∣dia hath euer swallowed in Trade the wor••ds Trea∣sure, and yet is the Treasu∣ry of the World.
• * 1.244

  Muziris is by some thought to be C••aul by Arrianus in his Periplus 〈◊〉〈◊〉 is placed more Sou••herly, on that which we call the Mala∣bar Coast. D. Dee thinkes it Surat.

  Voyage of O∣nesicritus and Nearchus. Plin. l. 6. c. 22. Voyage to Taprobana.
• * 1.245

  Liber••us.
• * 1.246

  That is 1250. miles which cannot agree to Zeilan but Sumatra: the Easterly ••cit••∣ation al••o vltra ••on••es Emodos and commerce with Seres a∣gree to Suma∣tra.

  Arrian. l. 8.
• * 1.247

  Inf. to. 1. l. 7. c. 6.
• * 1.248

  Cosir.
• * 1.249

  Thirty two miles a day al∣lowed for the whole Voyage one day with another: for what that fra∣ctiō lacks must be allowed ••n going from Cape Negraes either to the mouth of Gan∣ges or Aua, or some other Port.
• b 1.250

  See l. 2. c. 1•• §. 2. A whole age had passed before they discouered farre as the Cape of Good Hope. Sum. ••otal.
• * 1.251

  D. Dees recko∣ning.
• * 1.252

  Salomons ser∣uants sent to Ophir were not Israelites. 1 Reg. 9.20.21.22
• * 1.253

  1 Reg. 5.14.
• * 1.254

  Villa••••••nd. Pineda, &c.
• * 1.255

  First Merchants and the diuers Marts for Spi∣ces.

  Gen. 37.23.28.
• * 1.256

  Ier. 8.22. & 22.6
• * 1.257

  Su••das,
• * 1.258

  See Full. Miscel.
• * 1.259

  Est••. 8.9. Herod. Thalia.
• * 1.260

  Aegyptians.
• * 1.261

  Ios. Ant••q. l. 8. c. 4 Strab. l. 16.
• * 1.262

  2 Chro. 35. Herod. l 4.
• * 1.263

  Pl. l. 6. c. 29. Diod. S. c. l. 1. c 3 Plin. l. 6. c. 29.
• * 1.264

  Some make Psamme••icus •• worker also in this Trench.
• * 1.265

  Arsine•• or Sue••. Furer. voiage ins. l. 8. c. 13. Strab. l. 17.
• * 1.266

  Alexandria.
• * 1.267

  See Leo & 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.268

  See in••. l. 2. c. 2•• §. 2.
• * 1.269

  Pham vol. 1. fol. 371.
• * 1.270

  Dioscu••••••. Strab l 11. Plin. l. 6. c. 5.
• * 1.271

  Bagdet. Mecca.
• b 1.272

  This caused so much wars to the Portu∣gal•• from the Moores, the Mamalukes, and the Turkes: and since from them to Ours and the Dutch. Ant. G••luano & Ramus. Boghar. Astracan. Nouogrode. Caffa. Trapezond. Ormus. Moha. London.

  Lib. 5. cap. vlt. Anastas. Sinaitai lib. 12. Hexam. Pined. de reb. Salom.

  Acosta de Nat. Noui orb. l. 1. c▪ 13, 14.
• * 1.273

  Acost. de Nat. N. Orb. l. 1. c. 13. & 14.
• * 1.274

  The bounds of Ophir.
• * 1.275

  Rihera, Pineda, &c. 1. Reg. 10 22. 2. Chton. 9.21. Th•• Kings ships w••nt to Tharshish &c. euery thr••e yeeres o••ce came the sh••ps from Tha••sh••sh.
• * 1.276

  Ribera in Ion 1. Cornel. Corn. in Es. 2. Forerius in Es. 2. E••. Saa in Ps. 47 Marin. in Arca. Leo Iud. 3. Reg. 10. Villalpand. in Eze. ••7 R. Mos. Had. in Ps 71.
• * 1.277

  1. Reg. 22.48.
• * 1.278

  Post. de Orig••n.
• * 1.279

  Cha••. 2. Parap. 9. Sam. ib. Rib. in Ion ••.
• * 1.280

  Gen. 10.4.
• * 1.281

  Ios. 15.12.
• * 1.282

  Ionas 1. H••eron. in Ion. 1. Ps. 72.11. By some vn∣discreet and vaine Cutters or Printers flatterie, or ig∣norance insen∣sible of diuine mysteries, in the ••ore∣front of a great Booke, some words of this Psalme proper to Christ are ap∣plied to his Maiesties pi∣cture; Omnes gentes seruient ei, &c. which I mention to vindicate both that Scripture and his M••ie∣stie from ca∣calumnie.
• * 1.283

  See Tom. 2. ••••g. 19.
• * 1.284

  Strab. l. 3.
• * 1.285

  Circumnaui∣gations of A∣frike rare.
• * 1.286

  Herod. l. 4.
• * 1.287

  Plin. l. 2. c. 67.
• * 1.288

  Strab. l. 2.
• * 1.289

  Psal. 72.