Purchas his pilgrimes. part 1 In fiue bookes. The first, contayning the voyages and peregrinations made by ancient kings, patriarkes, apostles, philosophers, and others, to and thorow the remoter parts of the knowne world: enquiries also of languages and religions, especially of the moderne diuersified professions of Christianitie. The second, a description of all the circum-nauigations of the globe. The third, nauigations and voyages of English-men, alongst the coasts of Africa ... The fourth, English voyages beyond the East Indies, to the ilands of Iapan, China, Cauchinchina, the Philippinæ with others ... The fifth, nauigations, voyages, traffiques, discoueries, of the English nation in the easterne parts of the world ... The first part.

CHAP. XII. Enquiries of Languages by EDW. BREREWOOD, lately professor of Astronomy in Gresham Colledge.

GReece, as it was anciently knowne by the name of Hellas, was inclosed betwixt the Bay of Ambracia, with the Riuer Arachthus, that falleth into it on the West,* 1.1 and the Riuer Peneneus on the North, and the Sea on other parts. So that Acar••a∣nia and Thessalie, were toward the Continent the vtmost Regions of Gre••ce. But [ 10] yet, not the Countries onely contained within those limits, but also the King∣domes of Macedon, and Epirus; being the next adioyning Prouinces (Maced••n toward the North, Epirus toward the West) had anciently the Greek•• tongue for their vul∣gar language: for although it belonged originally to Hellas alone, yet in time it became vulgar to these also.

Secondly, it was the language of all the Isles in the Aegaean Sea; of all those Ilands I say, that are betwixt Greece and Asia, both of the many small ones, that lie betweene Candie and Negro∣pont, named Cyclades (there are of them fiftie three) and of all aboue Negropont also, as farre as the Strait of Constantinople.

Thirdly, of the Iles of Candie, Scarpanto, Rhodes, and a part of Cyprus and of all the small Ilands [ 20] along the Coast of Asia, from Candie to Syria.

Fourthly, not only of all the West part of Asia the lesse, (now called Anatolia, and corrup••ly Natolia) lying toward the Aegaean Sea, as being very thicke planted with Greeke Colonies:* 1.2 of which, some one, Miletus by name, is registred by Seneca, to haue beene the Mother of seuentie fiue, by Plinie, of eightie Cities; But on the North side also toward the Euxine Sea, as farre (saith Isocrates) as Sinope, and on the South side respecting Afrique, as farre (saith Luci••••) as the Chelidonian Iles, which are ouer against the confines of Lycia with Pamphylia. And yet although within these limits onely, Greeke was generally spoken, on the Maritime Coast of Asia, yet be∣yond them, on both the shoares Eastward, were many Greeke Cities (though not without Barbarous Cities among them.) And specially I find the North coas•• of Asia, euen as farre as [ 30] Trebizond, to haue beene exceedingly well stored with them. But, it may bee further obserued likewise out of Histories, that not onely all the Maritime part of Anatolia could vnderstand and speake the Greeke tongue, but most of the Inland people also, both by reason of the great traffike, which those rich Countries had for the most part with Grecians, and for that on all sides the East onely excepted, they were inuironed with them. Yet neuerthelesse, it is worthy obseruing, that albeit the Greeke tongue preuailed so farre in the Regions of Anatolia, as to bee in a manner generall, yet for all that it neuer became vulgar, nor extinguished the vulgar languages of those Countries. For it is not onely particularly obserued of the Galatians, by Hierome,* 1.3 that beside the Greeke tongue, they had also their peculiar language like that of Trier: and of the Carians by Strabo, that in their language were found many Greeke wordes, which doth manifestly import it [ 40] to haue beene a seuerall tongue:* 1.4 but it is directly recorded by Strabo (out of Ephorus) that of sixteene seuerall Nations, inhabiting that Tract, only three were Grecians, and all the rest (whose names are there registred) barbarous; and yet are not omitted the Cappadocians, Galatians, Lydi∣ans, Maeonians, Cataonians, no small Prouinces of that Region. Euen as it is also obserued by Plinie and others, that the twentie two languages,* 1.5 whereof Mithridates King of Pontus is remembred to haue beene so skilfull, as to speake them without an Interpreter, were the languages of so ma∣ny Nations subiect to himselfe, whose dominion yet wee know to haue beene contained, for the greatest part, within Anatolia. And although all these bee euident testimonies, that the Greeke tongue was not the vulgar or natiue language of those parts, yet, among all none is more effectual, then that remembrance in the second Chapter of the Acts, where diuers of those Regions, as Cappadocia, Pontus, Asia, Phrygia, and Pamphylia,* 1.6 are brought in for instances of differing [ 50] languages.

Fiftly, Of the greatest part of the Maritime Coast of Thrace, not onely from Hellespont to By∣zantium (which was * 1.7 that part of Constantinople, in the East corner of the Citie, where the Ser∣raile of the Great Tu••ke now standeth) but aboue it, all along to the out-lets of Danubius. And yet beyond them also; I find many Greeke Cities to haue been planted along that Coast (Scylax of Carianda is my Author, with some others) as farre as the Strait of Caffa, and specially in Tau∣rica. Yea, and beyond that Strait also Eastward, along all the Sea Coast of Circassia, and Men∣grelia, to the Riuer of Phasis, and thence compassing to Trebizond, I find mention of ma∣ny scattered Greeke Cities: that is, (to speake briefly) in all the circumferences of the [ 60] Euxine Sea.

Sixtly, (from the East and North to turne toward the West) it was the language of all the West and South Ilands, that lie along the Coast of Greece, from Candie to Corfu, which also was one of them, and withall of that fertile Sicily, in which one Iland, I haue obserued in good Histo∣ries,

aboue thirtie Greeke Colonies to haue beene planted, and some of them goodly Cities, spe∣cially Agrigentum and Syracusa,* 1.8 which later Strabo hath recorded to haue been one hundred and eighty furlongs, that is, of our miles two and twenty and a halfe in circuit.

Seuenthly, not onely of all the Maritime Coast of Italie, that lyeth on the Tyrrhene Sea, from the Riuer Garigliano, (Liris it was formerly called) to Leucopet••a, the most Southerly point of Italie, for all that shoare being neere about two hundred and fortie miles, was inhabited with Greeke Colonies: And thence forward, of all that end of Italie, that lyeth towardes the Ionian Sea, about the great Bayes of Squilacci and Taranto (which was so thicke set with great and goodly Cities of Graecians, that it gained the name of Magna Graecia) but, beyond that also, of a great part of Apulia, lying towards the Adriatique Sea. Neither did these Maritime parts one∣ly, [ 10] but as it seemeth the Inland people also towards that end of Italie, speake the Greeke tongue. For I haue seene a few old Coynes of the Brutians,* 1.9 and more may bee seene in Goltzius hauing Greeke Inscriptions, wherein I obserue they are named 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, with an ae, and two it, and not as the Romane Writers terme them, Brutij. And I haue seene one piece also of Pandosia, an In∣land Citie of those parts, with the like. Neither was the vulgar vse of the Greeke Tongue, vt∣terly extinct in some of those parts of Italie, till of late: for Galateus a learned man of that Countrey, hath left written, that when he was a Boy (and he liued about one hundred and twen∣tie yeeres agoe) they spake Greeke in Callipollis, a City on the East shoare of the Bay of Taranto: But yet it continued in Ecclesiasticall vse in some other parts of that Region of Italie much later▪ for Gabriel Barrius that but liued about forty yeeres since, hath left recorded, that the Church of Rossano (an Archiepiscopall Citie in the vpper Calabria) retayned the Greeke Tongue and Cere∣mony [ 20] till his time, and then became Latine. Nay, to descend yet a little neerer the present time, Angelus Rocca that writ but about twentie yeeres agoe, hath obserued, that hee found in some parts of Calabria, and Apulia, some remaynders of the Greeke speech to bee still retayned.

Eightly, and lastly, that shoare of France, that lyeth towards the Mediterraine Sea, from Ro∣danus to Italie, was possessed with Graecians, for a 1.10 Massilia was a Colonie of the Phoceans, and from it many other Colonies were deriued, and b 1.11 placed along that shoare, as farre as Nicaea, in the beginning of Italie, which also was one of them.

And yet beside all these forenamed, I could reckon vp very many other dispersed Colonies of [ 30] the Greekes both in Europe, and Asia, and some i•• Afrique, for although I remember not, that I haue read in any History, any Colonies of the Grecians to h••ue beene planted in Afrique, any where from the greater Syrtis Westward, except one in Cirta, a City of Numidia, placed there by Micipsa the Sonne of Masinissa, as is mentioned in Strabo: yet thence Eastward it is certaine some were:* 1.12 for the great Cities of Cyrene and Alexandria, were both Greeke. And it is euident, not onely in c 1.13 Strabo and Ptolemie, but in Mela, and other Latine Writers, that most of the Ci∣ties of that part carried Greeke names. And lastly, Saint Hierome hath directly recorded, that Lybia, which is properly that part of Afrique adioyning to Aegypt, was full of Greeke Cities.

These were the places, where the Greeke Tongue was natiuely and vulgarly spoken, either [ 40] originally, or by reason of Colonies. But yet for other causes, it became much more large and generall. One was the loue of Philosophie, and the Liberall Arts written in a manner onely in Greeke. Another, the exceeding great Trade and Traffique of Graecians, in which, aboue all Na∣tions, except perhaps the old Phaenicians (to whom yet they seeme not to haue beene inferiour) they imployed themselues, A third, beyond all these▪ because those great Princes, among whom all that Alexander the Great had conquered, was diuided, were Graecians, which for many rea∣sons, could not but exceedingly spread the Greeke ••ongue, in all those parts where they were Gouernours: among whom, euen one alone, Seleucus by name, is registred by Appian, to haue founded in the East parts vnder his gouernment,* 1.14 at least sixty Cities, all of them carrying Greek names, or else named after his Father, his Wiues, or himselfe. And yet was there a fourth cause, [ 50] that in the aftertime greatly furthered this inlargement of the Greeke Tongue, namely the im∣ployment of Graecians in the gouernment of the Prouinces, after the Translation of the Imperiall Seate to Constantinople. For these causes I say, together with the mixture of Greeke Colonies, dispersed in many places (in which fruitfulnesse o•• Colonies, the Graecians farre passed the Ro∣manes) the Greeke Tongue spread very farre, especially towards the East. In so much, that all the Orient (which yet must be vnderstood with limitation, namely the Orientall part of the Roman Empire, or to speake in the Phrase of those times, the Diocesse of the Orient, which contayned Syria,* 1.15 Palestine, Cilicia, and part of Mesopotamia and of Arabia) is said by Hierome, to haue spoken Greeke: which also Isidore, specially obserueth, in Aegypt, and Syria, to haue beene the Dorique Dialect. And this great glorie, the Greeke Tongue held in the Apostles time, and long [ 60] after, in the Easterne parts, till by the inundation of the Saracens of Arabia, it came to ruine in those Prouinces, about six hundred and forty yeeres after the birth of our Sauiour, namely, in the time of the Emperor Heraclius (the Arabians bringing in their language together with their

victories, into all the Regions they subdued) euen as the Latine Tongue is supposed to haue perished by the inundation and mixture of the Gothes, and other barbarous Nations in the West.

BVt at this day, the Greeke Tongue is very much decayed, not only as touching the largenesse,* 1.16 and vulgarnesse of it, but also in the purenesse and elegancie of the Language. For as touch∣ing the former. First, in Italie, France, and other places to the West, the naturall Languages of the Countries haue vsurped vpon it. Secondly, in the skirts of Greece it selfe, namely in Epirus, and that part of Macedon, that lyeth towards the Adriatique Sea, the Sclauonique Tongue hath extinguished it. Thirdly, in Anatolia, the Turkish Tongue hath for a great part suppressed it. And lastly, in the more Eastward, and South parts, as in that part of Cilicia, that is beyond the [ 10] Riuer Piramus, in Syria, Palestine, Aegypt and Lybia, the Arabian Tongue hath abolished it: A∣bolished it I say, namely, as touching any vulgar vse, for, as touching Ecclesiasticall vse, many Christians of those parts still retayne it in their Lyturgies. So that, the parts in which the Greeke Tongue is spoken at this day, are (in few words) but these. First Greece it selfe (excepting Epi∣rus, and the West part of Macedon.) Secondly, the Iles of the Aegean Sea. Thirdly, Candie, and the Iles Eastward of Candie, along the Coast of Asia to Cyprus (although in Cyprus, diuers other Languages are spoken, beside the Greeke) and likewise the Iles Westward of Candia, along the Coasts of Greece, and Epirus, to Corfu. And lastly, a good part of Anatolia.

But as I said, the Greeke Tongue, is not onely thus restrained, in comparison of the ancient ex∣tention that it had, but it is also much degenerated and impaired, as touching the purenesse of [ 20] speech, being ouer-growne with barbarousnesse: But yet not without some rellish of the ancient elegancie. Neither is it altogether so much declined from the ancient Greeke, as the Italian is de∣parted from the Latine, as Bell••nious hath also obserued,* 1.17 and by conferring of diuers Epistles of the present Language, which you may find in Crusius his Turcograecia, with the ancient Tongue, may be put out of question which corruption yet, certainly hath not befallen that Language, through any inundation of barbarous people, as is supposed to haue altered the Latine Tongue, for although I know Greece to haue beene ouer-runne and wasted, by the Gothes, yet I finde not in Histories, any remembrance of their habitation, or long continuance in Greece, and of their coa∣lition into one people with the Graecians, without which, I conceiue not, how the Tongue could be greatly altered by them. And yet certaine it is, that long before the Turkes came among them, [ 30] their Language was growne to the corruption wherein now it is, for that, in the Writings of Cedrenus, Nicetas, and some other late Greekes (although long before the Turkes inuasion) there is found, notwithstanding they were learned men, a strong rellish of this barbarousnesse: Inso∣much that the learned Graecians themselues, acknowledge it to bee very ancient, and are vtterly ignorant, when it began in their Language: which is to me a certaine argument,* 1.18 that it had no violent nor sudden beginning, by the mixture of other forreine Nations among them, but hath gotten into their Language, by the ordinarie change, which time and many common occasions that attend on time, are wont to bring to all Languages in the World, for which reason, the cor∣ruption of speech growing vpon them, by little and little, the change hath beene vnsensible. Yet it cannot be denied (and d 1.19 some of the Graecians themselues confesse so much) that beside [ 40] many Romane words, which from the Translation of the Imperiall Seat to Constantinople, began to creepe into their Language, as we may obserue in diuers Greeke Writers of good Antiquitie, some Italian words also, and Slauonian, and Arabique, and Turkish, and of other Nations, are got∣ten into their Language, by reason of the great Traffique and Commerce, which those people exercise with the Grecians. For which cause, as Bellonius hath obserued,* 1.20 it is more altered in the Maritime parts, and such other places of forreigne concourse, then in the inner Region. But yet, the greatest part of the corruption of that Language, hath beene bred at home, and proceeded from no other cause, then their owne negligence, or affectation. As first (for example) by mu∣tilation of some words, pronouncing and writing 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 &c. Secondly,* 1.21 by compaction of seuerall words into one, as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 &c. Third∣ly, [ 50] by confusion of sound, as making no difference in the pronouncing of three vowels, namely ••, i, v, and two Dipthongues ei and ••i, all which fiue they pronounce by one Letter i, as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, they pronounce icos, icon, stithi, lipi. Fourthly, by Translation of accents, from the syllables to which in ancient pronouncing they belonged, to others. And all those foure kinds of corruption, are very common in their Language: for which reasons, and for some others, which may be obserued in Crusius, Burrana, &c. the Greeke Tongue, is become much al∣tered (euen in the proper and natiue words of the Language) from what anciently it was.* 1.22 Yet neuerthelesse it is recorded by some, that haue taken diligent obseruation of that Tongue, in the seuerall parts of Greece, that there be yet in Morea, (Peloponesus) betwixt Napoli and Monem∣basia (Nauplia and Epidaurus, they were called) some fourteene Townes, the Inhabitants whereof [ 60] are called Zacones (for Lacones) that speake yet the ancient Greeke Tongue, but farre out of Grammer Rule: yet, they vnderstand those that speake Grammatically, but vnderstand not the vulgar Greeke. As Bellonius likewise remembreth another place, neere Heraclea in Anatolia,* 1.23 that yet retayneth the pure Greeke, for their vulgar Language. But the few places beeing excepted,

it is certaine, that the difference is become so great, betwixt the present and the ancient Greeke that their Lyturgie, e 1.24 which is yet read in the ancient Greeke Tongue, namely that of Basil, on the Sabbaths and solemne dayes, and that of Chrysostome on common dayes, is not vnderstood (or but little of it) by the vulgar people, as learned men that haue beene in those parts, haue related to f 1.25 others, and to my selfe: which may be also more euidently prooued to be true by this, be∣cause the skilfull in the learned Greeke cannot vnderstand the vulgar.

THe ordinary bounds of the Romane Empire were, on the East part Euphrates, and sometimes Tigris: On the North the Riuers of Rhene and of Danubius, and the Euxine Sea: On the West the Ocean: On the South the Cataracts of Nilus in the vtmost border of Aegypt, and in [ 10] Afrique the Mountaine Atlas. Which, beginning in the West, on the shoare of the Ocean, ouer against the Canarie Ilands, runneth Eastward almost to Aegypt, being in few places distant from the Mediterrane Sea, more then two hundred miles. These I say, were the ordinary bounds of that Empire in the Continent: for although the Romanes passed these bounds sometimes, specially toward the East and North, yet they kept little of what they wanne, but within those bounds mentioned, the Empire was firmely established. But heere, in our great Ile of Britaine, the Picts wall was the limit of it, passing by New-castle and Carleil from Tinmouth on the East Sea, to Solway Frith on the West, being g 1.26 first begun by the Emperour Adrian, and after finished or ra∣ther repaired, by Septimius Seuerus.

To this greatnesse of Dominion Rome at last arriued from her small beginnings. And small her [ 20] beginnings were indeed, considering the huge Dominion to which shee attained. For first, the Circuit of the Citie wall, at the first building of it, by Romulus in Mount Palatine, could not bee fully one mile:* 1.27 for the Hill it selfe, as is obserued by Andrea Fuluio, a Citizen and Antiquarie of Rome, hath no more in circuit: And, that Romulus bounded the Pomerium of the Citie (which extended some what beyond the wall) with the foot of that Hill in compasse Gellius hath left re∣gistred. Secondly, the Territorie and Liberties of Rome, as Strabo hath remembred, extended at the first, where it stretched farthest scarce six miles from the Citie. And thirdly, the first Inha∣bitants of Rome,* 1.28 as I find recorded in Dionysius of Halicarnassus, were not in number aboue 3300. at the most. Yet, with Time, and fortunate successe, Rome so increased, that in Aurelianus his time, the circuit of the Citie wall, was fiftie miles, as Vopiscus hath recorded: And the Domini∣on, grew to the largenesse aboue mentioned, contayning aboue 3000. miles in length, and about [ 30] 1200. in breadth: and lastly the number of free Citizens, euen in the time of Marius, that is, long before forreigne Cities and Countries, began to be receiued into participation of that free∣dome, was found to be 463000. as Eusebius hath remembred: of free Citizens I say (for they one∣ly came into Cense) but if I should adde,* 1.29 their wiues, and children, and seruants, that is, general∣ly all the Inhabitants, h 1.30 a learned man hath esteemed them, and not without great likelihood of truth, to haue beene no lesse, then three or foure Millions.

Beyond these bounds therefore of the Roman Empire (to speake to the point in hand) the Ro∣man tongue could not bee in any common vse, as neither, to speake of our Kings Dominions in Ireland, Scotland, nor Northumberland, as being no subiects of the Roman Empire. And that with∣in [ 40] these bounds it stretched farre and wide (in such manner as I will afterward declare) two principall causes there were. One was the multitude of Colonies, which partly to represse re∣bellion in the subdued Prouines, partly to resist forreigne Inuasions partly to reward the ancient Souldiers, partly to abate the redundance of the City, and relieue the poorer sort, were sent forth to inhabit in all the Prouinces of the Empire: Another was the Donation of Romane free∣dome, or Communication of the right and benefit of Romane Citizens, to very many of the Pro∣uinciall, both Cities and Regions. For first, all Italie obtained that freedome in the time of Sylla and Marius,* 1.31 at the compounding of the Italian Warre, as Appian hath recorded: All Italie I say, as then it was called, and bounded, with the Riuers of Rubicon and Arnus, that is, the nar∣rower part of Italie lying betwixt the Adriatique and the Tyrrhene Seas. Secondly, Iulius Cae∣sar in like sort infranchised the rest of Italie,* 1.32 that is the border part, named then Gallia C••salpina, [ 50] as is remembred by Dion. But not long after, the forreigne Prouinces also, began to bee infran∣chised,* 1.33 France being indued with the liberty of Roman Citizens by Galba, as I find in Tacitus; Spain by Vespasian, as it is in Plinie. And at last, by Antonius Pius, all without exception, that were subiect to the Empire of Rome, as appeareth by the testimonie of Vlpian in the Digests. The benefit of which Romane freedome, they that would vse, could not with honestie doe it, remay∣ning ignorant of the Romane Tongue.

These two as I haue said, were the principall causes of inlarging that Language: yet other there were also of great importance, to further it. For first, concerning Ambassages, Suites, Ap∣peales, or whatsoeuer other businesse of the Prouincials, or Forreignes, nothing was allowed to behandled, or spoken in the Senate at Rome, but in the Latine Tongue. Secondly, the Lawes [ 60] whereby the Prouinces were gouerned, were all written in that Language, as beeing in all of them, excepting onely Municipall Cities, the ordinary Roman Law. Thirdly, the i 1.34 Praetors of the Prouinces, were not allowed to deliuer their Iudgements saue in that Language: and wee

reade in Dion Cassius, of a principall man of Greece, that by Claudius was put from the order of Iudges, for being ignorant of the Latine Tongue: and to the same effect in Valerius Maximus,* 1.35 that the Romane Magistrates would not giue audience to the Graecians, (lesse therefore I take it to the Barbarous Nations) saue in the Latine Tongue. Fourthly, the generall Schooles, erected in sundry Cities of the Prouinces, whereof wee finde mention in Tacitus, Hierome, and others (in which the Roman Tongue was the ordinary and allowed speech,* 1.36 as is vsuall in Vniuersities till this day) was no small furtherance to that Language. And, to conclude that the Romans had ge∣nerally (at least in the after-times, when Rome was become a Monarchie, and in the flourish of the Empire) great care to inlarge their Tongue, together with their Dominion, is by Augustine in his Bookes de Ciuit. Dei, specially remembred. I said it was so in after times, for certainly,* 1.37 [ 10] that the Romanes were not very anciently possessed with that humour of spreading their Lan∣guage, appeareth by Liuie, in whom we find recorded, that it was granted the Cumanes,* 1.38 for a fa∣uour, & at their Suit, that they might publikely vse the Roman Tongue, not fully one hundred and fortie yeeres before the beginning of the Emperours: And yet was Cuma but about one hundred miles distant from Rome, and at that time the Romanes had conquered all Italie, Sicilie, Sardinia, and a great part of Spaine.

But yet in all the Prouinces of the Empire, the Romane Tongue found not alike acceptance, and successe, but most inlarged and spread it selfe toward the North and West, and South bounds: for first, that in all the Regions of Pannonia, it was knowne, Velleius is mine Author: Secondly,* 1.39 that it was spoken in France and Spaine, Strabo: Thirdly, that in Afrique, Apulcius: And it see∣meth [ 20] the Sermons of Cyprian and Augustine, yet extant (of Augustine it is manifest) that they preached to the people in Latine. But in the East parts of the Empire, as in Greece, and Asia, and so likewise in Afrique, from the greater Syrtis Eastward, I cannot in my reading find that the Roman tongue euer grew into any common vse. And the reason of it seemes to be, for that in those parts of the Empire it became most frequent, where the most, and greatest Romane Colonies, were planted. And therefore ouer all Italy, it became in a manner vulgar, wherein I haue obser∣ued in Histories, and in Registers of ancient Inscriptions, to haue beene planted by the Romanes at seuerall times aboue one hundred and fiftie Colonies: as in Afrique also neere sixtie (namely fiftie seuen) in Spaine nine and twentie, in France, as it stretched to Rhene twentie sixe, and so in Illyricum, and other North parts of the Empire, betweene the Adriatique Sea, and Danubius [ 30] verie many. And yet I doubt not, but in all these parts, more there were, then any Historie or ancient Inscription that now remaynes hath remembred.

And contrariwsie in those Countries, where fewest Colonies were planted, the Latine Tongue grew nothing so common: as for example heere in Britaine, there were but foure: 1 Yorke,* 1.40 2 Chester, 3 Caeruske in Monmouth-shire, and 4 Maldon in Essex (for London, although recorded for one by Onuphrius, was none, as is manifest by his owne k 1.41 Author, in the place that himselfe alleadgeth) and therefore we find in the British Tongue which yet remaineth in Wales, but little rellish (to account of) or relikes of the Latine. And, for this cause also partly the East Prouinces of the Empire, sauoured little or nothing of the Roman Tongue. For first in Afrique beyond the greater Syrtis, I find neuer a Romane Colonie: for Onuphrius, that hath recorded l 1.42 In∣dicia [ 40] Cyrenensium for one, alleadging Vlpian for Author, was deceiued by some faultie Copie of the Digests. For the corrected Copies haue Zernensium, and for Indicia, is to be read In Dacia, as is rightly obserued (for in it the Citie of Zerne was) by Pancirellus. Secondly in Egypt, there were but two: and to be briefe, Syria onely excepted, which had about twentie Romane Colonies, but most of them late planted, especially by Septimius Seuerus, and his Sonne B••ssianus, to strengthen that side of the Empire against the Parthians (and yet I finde not that in Syria, the Romane Tongue, euer obtained any vulgar vse) the rest, had but verie few, in proportion to the largenesse of those Regions.

Of which little estimation, and vse of the Roman Tongue, in the East parts, beside the want of Colonies fore-mentioned, and to omit their loue to their owne Languages, which they held to be more ciuill then the Romane, another great cause was the Greeke, which they had in farre [ 50] greater account, both for Learning sake (insomuch that Cicero confesseth, Graeca (saith he) legun∣tur in omnibus fere gentibus, Latina suis finibus, exiguis sane, continentur) and for Traffique,* 1.43 to both which, the Graecians, aboue all Nations of the World were anciently giuen: to omit, both the excellencie of the Tongue it selfe▪ for found and copiousnesse, and that it had forestalled the Ro∣mane in those parts. And certainly, in how little regard the Romane Tongue was had in respect of the Greeke in the Easterne Countries, may appeare by this, that all the learned men of those parts, whereof most liued in the flourish of the Romane Empire, haue written in Greeke, and not in Latine: as Philo, Iosephus, Ignatius, Iustine Martyr, Clemens Alexandrinus, Origen, Eusebius, Athanasius, Basil, Gregorie Nyssene, and Nazianzene, Cirill of Alexandria, and of Ierusalem, Epi∣phanius, [ 60] Synetius, Ptolemie Strabo, Porphyrie, and verie many others, so that of all the Writers that liued in Asia, or in Afrique, beyond the greater Syrtis, I thinke wee haue not one Author in the Latine Tongue: and yet more evidently may it appeare by another instance,* 1.44 that I finde in the third Generall Councell held at Ephesus, where the Letters of the Bishop of Rome, hauing beene

read by his Legates, in the Latine Tongue, it was requested by all the Bishops, that they might be translated into Greeke, to the end they might be vnderstood. It is manifest therefore, that the Romane Tongue was neither vulgar, nor familiar in the East, when the learned men gathered out of all parts of the East vnderstood it not.

OF the weake impression therefore of the Romane Language in the East, and large enter∣tainment of it in the West,* 1.45 and other parts of the Empire, and of the causes of both, I haue said enough. But in what sort, and how farre it preuailed, namely, whether so farre, as to ex∣tinguish the ancient vulgar Languages of those parts, and it selfe, in stead of them, to become the natiue and vulgar Tongue, as Galateus hath pronounced touching the Punique, and Vines with [ 10] many others of the Gallique and Spanish, I am next to consider.

First therefore, it is certainly obserued, that there are at this day, fourteene Mother Tongues in Europe (beside the Latine) which remaine, not onely not abolished, but little or nothing alte∣red, or impaired by the Romanes. And those are the 1 Irish, spoken in Ireland, and a good part of Scotland: the 2 Brittish, in Wales, Cornwaile, and Brittaine of France: the 3 Cantabrian neere the Ocean about the Pyrene, Hils, both in France and Spaine: the 4 Arabique, in the stée∣pie Mountaines of Granata, named Alpuxarrae: the 5 Finnique, in Finland, and Lapland: the 6 Dutch, in Germany, Belgia, Denmarke, Norway, and Suedia: the old 7 Canchian, (I take it to be that, for in that part the Cauchi inhabited) in East Frisland, for m 1.46 although to strangers they speake Dutch, yet among themselues they vse a peculiar Language of their owne: the 8 Sla∣nonish, [ 20] in Polonia, Bohemia, Mosconia, Russia, and many other Regions (whereof I will after in∣treate in due place) although with notable difference of Dialect, as also the Brittish and Dutch, in the Countries mentioned haue: the old 9 Illyrian, in the Ile of Veggia, on the East side of Istria in the day of Liburnia: the 10. Greeke, in Greece, and the Ilands about it, and part of Ma∣cedon, and of Thrace: the old 11 Epirotique n 1.47 in the Mountaine of Epirus: the 12 Hungarian in the greatest part of that Kingdome: the 13 Iazygian, in the North side of Hungaria be∣twixt Danubius and Tibiscus, vtterly differing from the Hungarian Language: And lastly, the 14 Tarturian, of the Precopenses, betweene the Riuers of Tanaas and Borysthenes, neere Meotis and the Euxine Sea, for, of the English, Italian, Spanish, and French, as being deriuations, or rather degenerations, the first of the Dutch, and the other three of the Latine, seeing I now speake one∣ly of Originall or Mother Languages, I must be silent: And of all these fourteene it is cer∣taine, [ 30] except the Arabique, which is knowne to haue entred since, and perhaps the Hungarian, about which there is difference among Antiquaries, that they were in Europe in time of the Ro∣mane Empire, and sixe or seuen of them, within the Limits of the Empire.

And indeed, how hard a matter it is, vtterly to abolish a vulgar Language, in a populous Countrey, where the Conquerers are in number farre inferiour to the Natiue Inhabitants, what∣soeuer Art be practized to bring it about, may well appeare by the vaine attempt of our Nor∣man Conquerour: who although hee compelled the English, to teach their young children in the Schooles nothing but French, and set downe all the Lawes of the Land in French, and in∣forced all pleadings at the Law to be performed in that Language (which custome continued till [ 40] King Edward the Third his dayes: who disanulled it) purposing thereby to haue conquered the Language together with the Land, and to haue made all French: yet, the number of English farre exceeding the Normans, all was but labour lost, and obtained no further effect, then the mingling of a few French words with the English. And euen such also was the successe of the Frankes among the Gaules, of the Gothes among the Italians and Spaniards, and may be obserued, to be short in all such conquests, where the Conquerors (beeing yet in number farre inferiour) mingle themselues with the Natiue Inhabitants. So that, in those Countries onely the mutation of Languages hath ensued vpon Conquests, where either the ancient Inhabitants haue beene destroyed or driuen forth, as wee see in our Countrey to haue followed of the Saxons, vi∣ctories, against the Brittaines, or else at least in such sort diminished, that in number they [ 50] remained inferiour, or but little superiour to the Conquerours, whose reputation and authoritie might preu••••le more then a small excesse of multitude. But (that I digresse no further) because certaine Countries are specially alleaged, in which the Romane Tongue is supposed most to haue preuailed, I will restraine my discouse to them alone.

And first, that both the Punique and Gallique Tongues, remained in the time of Alexan∣der Seuerus the Emperour (about two hundred and thirtie yeeres after our Sauiours birth) appeareth by Vlpian, who liued at that time, and was with the Emperour of principall re∣putation, teaching, that o 1.48 Fidei commissa might bee left, not onely in Latine, or Greeke, but in the Punique or Gallique, or any other vulgar Language. Till that time therefore, it seemeth euident, that the Romane Tongue had not swallowed vp these vulgar Languages, and [ 60] it selfe become vulgar in stead of them,* 1.49 But to insist a little in either seuerally. First, touching the Punique, Aurelius, Victor hath recorded of Septimius Seuerus, that he was, Latinis lite∣ris sufficienter instructus, but Punica eloquentia promptior, quippe genitus apud Leptim pronintiae Africa. Of which Emperors sister also dwelling at Leptis (it is the Citie wee now call Tripoly

in Barbarie) and comming to see him, Spartian•••• hath left written, that shee so badly spake the Latine tongue (yet was a 1.50 Leptis a Roman Colony) that the Emperour blushed at it.* 1.51 Secondly long after that, Hierome hath recorded of his time, that the Africans had somewhat altered their language from the Phoenicians: the language therefore then remained, for else how could hee pronounce of the present difference? Thirdly, Augustine (somewhat younger then Hierom, though liuing at the same time) writeth not onely, that b 1.52 hee knew diuers Nations in Afrike, that spake the Punike tongue, but also more particularly in c 1.53 another place, mentioning a knowne Punike prouerb, he would speake it (he said) in the Latine, because all his Auditors (for Hippo, where hee preached was a Roman Colony) vnderstood not the Punike tongue: And some other d 1.54 passages could I alleadge out of Augustine, for the direct confirmation of this point, if [ 10] these were not euident and effectuall enough. Lastly, Leo Africanus, a man of late time, and good reputation, affirmeth, that there remaine yet in Barbary, very many descended of the old Inhabi∣tants, that speake the African tongue, whereby it is apparent that it was neuer extinguished by the Romanes.

Secondly, touching the antient Gallike tongue, that it also remained, and was not abolished by the Romane in the time of Strabo, who flourished vnder Tiberius Caesars gouernment, it ap∣peareth in the fourth Book of his Geography, writing that the Aquitani differed altogether in lan∣guage from the other Gaules, and they somewhat among themselues. Nor after that in Tacitus his time, noting that the language of France, differed little from that of Brittaine. No, nor long after that in Alexander Seuerus his time, for beside the authoritie of Vlpian before alleadged [ 20] out of the Digestes, it is manifest by Lampridius also, who in the life of the said Alexander, re∣membreth of a Druide woman, that when hee was passing along, in his Expedition against the Germaines through France, cried out after him in the Gallike tongue (what needed that ob∣seruation of the Gallike tongue, if it were the Romane?) Goe thy way, quoth shee, and looke not for the victory, and trust not thy Souldiers. And though Strabo bee alleadged by some,* 1.55 to proue the vulgarnesse of the Latine tongue in France, yet is it manifest, that he speaketh not of all the Gaules, but of certaine onely, in the Prouince of Narbona, about Rhodanus, for which part of France there was speciall reason, both for the more ancient and ordinary conuersing of the Romanes, in that Region aboue all the rest: for of all the seuenteene Prouinces of France, that of Narbona was first reduced into the forme of a Prouince: And the Citie of Nar∣bona [ 30] it selfe, being a Mart Towne of exceeding traffike in those dayes, was the e 1.56 first for∣raine Colonie that the Romanes planted out of Italy, Carthage onely excepted: And yet fur∣thermore, as Pliny hath recorded, many towns there were in that Prouince, infranchized, and in∣dued with the libertie and right of the Latines. And yet for all this, Strabo saith not,* 1.57 that the Roman tongue was the natiue or vulgar language in that part, but that for the more part they spake it.

Thirdly, concerning the Spanish tongue: Howsoeuer Vines writ, that the languages of France and Spaine were vtterly extinguished by the Romanes, and that the Latine was become f 1.58 Ver∣nacula Hispaniae, as also Galliae & Italiae; and g 1.59 some others of the same Nation vaunt, that had not the barbarous Nations corrupted it, the Latine tongue would haue beene at this day, as [ 40] pure in Spaine, as it was in Rome it selfe in Tullies time: yet neuerthelesse manifest it is, that the Spanish tongue was neuer vtterly suppressed by the Latine. For to omit that of Strabo, h 1.60 that there were diuers languages in the parts of Spaine, as also in i 1.61 another place, that of the speech of Aquitaine was liker the language of the Spaniards, then of the other Gaules: It is a common consent of the best Historians and Antiquaries of Spaine, k 1.62 that the Cantabrian tongue, which yet remaineth in the North part of Spaine (and hath no relish in a manner at all of the Roman) was either the ancient, or at least one of the ancient languages of Spaine. And although ^l Strabo hath recorded, that the Romane tongue was spoken in Spaine, yet hee speaketh not indefinite∣ly, but addeth a limitation, namely, about Baetis. And that in that part of Spaine, the Romane tongue so preuailed, the reason is easie to be assigned by that wee finde in Pliny. Namely, that in [ 50] Baetica, were eight Roman Colonies, eight Municipall Cities, and twentie nine others indued with the right and libertie of the Latines.

Lastly, to speake of the Pannonian tongue (Pannonia contained Hungarie, Austria, Stiria, and Carinthia) it is certaine that the Roman did not extinguish it: For first, Paterculus (who is the onely Author that I know alleadged for that purpose) saith not, that it was become the lan∣guage of the Countrey, for how could it, being but euen then newly conquered by Tiberius Caesar? but onely that in the time of Augustus, by Tiberius his meanes the knowledge of the Romane tongue was spread in all Pannonia. And secondly, Tacitus after Tiberius his time hath recorded,* 1.63 that the Os. in Germany might be knowne to be no Germanes, by the Pannonian tongue, which * 1.64 a little before in the same booke, he plainely acknowledged to be spoken euen then in Pannonia.

[ 60] And as for these reasons, it may well seeme that the Roman tongue became not the vulgar lan∣guage in any of these parts of the Empire, which are yet specially instanced, for the large vul∣garity of it: So haue I other reasons to perswade mee, that it was not in those parts, nor in any other forraine Countries subiect to the Empire, either generally or perfectly spoken. Not

generally (I say) because it is hard to conceiue, that any whole Countries, special∣ly because so large as the mentioned are, should generally speake two languages, their owne Natiue and the Romane. Secondly, there was not any Law at all of the Romanes, to inforce the subdued Nations, either to vse vulgarly the Romane tongue, or not to vse their owne natiue languages (and very extreame and vnreasonable had such Lords beene, as should compell men by Lawes, both to doe, and to speake onely what pleased them.) Neither do I see any other necessitie, or any prouocation to bring them to it, except for some speciall sorts of men, as Merchants, and Citizens, for their better traffick and trade, Lawyers for the knowledge and practise of the Romane Lawes, which carried force throughout the Empire (except priuiled∣ged places) Schollers for learning, Souldiers, for their better conuersing with the Romane Legi∣ons, and with the Latines, Trauellers, Gentlemen, Officers, or such other, as might haue occasion [ 10] of affaires and dealing with the Romans. But it soundeth altogether vnlike a truth, that the poore scattered people abroad in the Country, dwelling either in solitarie places, or in the small Towns and Villages, either generally spake it, or could possibly attaine vnto it. An example whereof, for the better euidence may at this day bee noted; in those parts of Greece, which are subiect to the Dominions of the Turks and Venetians:* 1.65 for as Bellonius hath obserued, the people that dwell in the principall Townes and Cities, subiect to the Turke, by reason of their trade, speake both the Greeke and Turkish tongues, as they also that are vnder the Venetians, both the Greeke and Italian, but the Countrey people vnder both gouernments, speake onely Greeke. So likewise in Sardinia, as is recorded by * 1.66 others, the good Townes by reason of the Spanish Gouernment and Trade, speake also the Spanish tongue, but the Countrey people the naturall Sardinian language one∣ly: [ 20] And, the like by our owne experience wee know to bee true, in the Prouinces subiect to our King, namely, both in Wales and Ireland. It seemeth therefore that the Romane tongue was neuer generally spoken in any of the Roman Prouinces forth of Italy.

And certainely much lesse can I perswade my selfe, that it was spoken abroad in the Prouinces perfectly. First, because it seemes vnpossible for forraine Nations, specially for the rude and com∣mon people, to attaine the right pronouncing of it, who, as wee know doe ordinarily much mi∣stake the true pronouncing of their natiue language: for which very cause, wee see the Chaldee tongue to haue degenerated into the Syriake among the Iewes, although they had conuersed seuen∣tie yeeres together among the Chaldeans. And moreouer, by daily experience wee see in many, [ 30] with what labour and difficulty, euen in the very Schooles, and in the most docible part of their age,* 1.67 the right speaking of the Latine tongue is attained. And to conclude, it appearth by Augu∣stine in sundry places, that the Roman tongue was vnperfect among the Africans (euen in the Colonies) as pronuncing ossum for os, floriet fo•• florebit, dolus for dolor, and such like, insomuch that hee confesseth, hee was faine sometimes to vse words that were no Latine, to the end they might vnderstand him.

* 1.68THe common opinion, which supposeth that these Nations in the flourish of the Romane Em∣pire, spake vulgarly and rightly the Latine tongue, is, that the mixture of the Northerne bar∣barous Nations among the ancient Inhabitants, was the cause of changing the Latine tonge [ 40] into the languages which now they speake, the languages becomming mingled, as the Nations themselues were. Who, while they were inforced to attemper and frame their speech, one to the vnderstanding of another, for else they could not mutually expresse their mindes (which is the end for which Nature hath giuen speech to men) they degenerated both, and so came to this medly wherein now wee finde them.

Which opinion if it were true, the Italian tongue, must of necessitie haue it beginning about the 480. yeere of our Sauiour: Because, at that time, the Barbarous Nations began first to inha∣bite Italy, vnder Odoacer, for although they had entred and wasted Italy long before, as first, the Gothes vnder Alaricus, about the yeare 414: Then the Hunnes together with the Gothes, and the Heruli, and the Gepids, and other Northerne people vnder Attila, about An. 450. Then the Wan∣dales [ 50] vnder Gensericus, crossing the Sea out of Afrike, about An. 456. (to omit some other inua∣sions of those barbarous Nations, because they prospered not) yet none of these, setled them∣selues to stay and inhabite Italy, till the Heruli, as I said vnder Odoacer, about An. 480. or a little before entred and possessed it neere hand twenty yeeres, Hee being (proclaimed by the Romanes themselues) King of Italy, about sixteene yeeres, and his people becomming inhabiters of the Countrey. But, they also, within twenty yeeres after their entrance, were in a manner rooted out of Italy, by Theodoricus King of Gothes, who allotted them onely a part of Piemont aboue Tu∣rin to inhabite: for Theodoricus being by Zeno then Emperour, inuested with the title of King of Italy, and hauing ouercome Odoacer, somewhat afore the yeere 500. ruled peaceably a long time, as King of Italy, and certaine others of the Gothes Nation succeeded after him in the same gouern∣ment, [ 60] the Gothes in the meane space, growing into one with the Italians, for the space neere hand of sixtie yeeres together. And although after that, the Dominion of Italy was by Narses a∣gaine recouered to the Empire in the time of Iustinian, and many of the Gothes expelled Italy, yet farre more of them remained, Italy in that long time being growne well with their seed and po∣steritie.

The Heruli therefore, with their associates were the first, and the Gothes the second of the barbarous Nations that inhabited Italy. The third and the last, were the Longbards, who comming into Italy about the yeere 570. and long time obtaining the Dominion and possession, in a manner of all Italy, namely aboue two hundred yeeres, and during the succession of twenty Kings or more, were neuer expelled forth of Italy, although at last their Dominion was sore bro∣ken by Pipin King of France, and after more defaced by his sonne Charles the Great, who first re∣strained and confined it to that part, which to this day, of them retaineth the name of Lombar∣dy, and shortly after vtterly extinguished it, carrying away their last King captiue into France. Now although diuers * 1.69 Antiqua••ies of Italy there bee, which referre the beginning of the Italian tongue, and the change of the Latine into it, to these third Inhabitants of Italy the Longbards, by [ 10] reason of their long and perfect coalition into one with the Italian people: yet certainely, the Italian tongue was more antient then so, for besides that there remaines yet to bee seene (as men * 1.70 worthy of credit report) in the King of France his Library at Paris, an Instrument writ∣ten in the Italian tongue, in the time of Iustinian the first, which was before the comming of the Longbards into Italy: another euidence more vulgar, to this effect, is to be found in Paulus Diaco∣nus his Miscellane History: where wee read that in the Emperour Mauritius his time, about the yeer 590. when the Langbards had indeed entred, and wasted Gallia Cisalpina, but had not inuaded the Roman dition in Italy, that by the acclamation of the word Torna, Torna, (plaine Italian) which a Roman Souldier spake to one of his fellowes afore, (whose beast had ouerturned his bur∣then) the whole Army (marching in the darke) began to cry out, Torna, Torna, and so fell to [ 20] flying away.

But the French tongue, if that afore mentioned were the cause of it, began a little before, in the time of Valentinian the third, when in a manner all the West part of the Empire fell away (and among the rest, our Countrey of England, being first forsaken of the Romans themselues, by rea∣son of grieuous warres at their owne doores, and not long after conquered and possessed by the Saxons, whose posteritie (for the most part wee are) namely, about the yeere 450▪ France be∣ing then subdued and peaceably possessed by the Franks and Burgundions, Nations of Germany: the Burgundions occupying the Eastward and outward parts of it, toward the Riuer of Rhen••, and the Franks all the inner Region. For although France before that had beene inuaded by the Wandali, Sueui, and Alani, and after by the Gothes, who hauing obtained Aquit••yn for their Seat and Ha∣bitation, [ 30] by the grant of the Emperour Honorius, expelled the former into Spaine, about A••. 410: yet notwithstanding, till the Conquest made by the Franks and Burgundions, it was not generally, nor for any long time mingled with strangers, which after that Conquest began to spread o∣uer France, and to become natiue Inhabitants of the Countrey.

But of all, the Spanish tongue for this cause must necessarily bee most antient: for the Wandali and Alani, being expelled France, about the yeere 410, beganne then to inuade and to inhabite Spaine, which they held and possessed many yeeres, till the Gothes being expelled by the Franks and Burgundians, out of France into Spaine, expelled them out of Spaine into Afrike (the Barba∣rous Nations thus like nailes driuing out one another) and not onely them, but with them all the remnants of the Roman Garrisons and gouernment, and so becomming the entire Lords and quiet [ 40] possessours of all the Countrey, from whom also the Kings of Spaine that now are be descended. Notwithstanding, euen they also within lesse then three hundred yeeres after, were driuen by the Saracens of Afrike, into the Northerne and mountainous parts of Spaine, namely Asturia, Biscay, and Guipuscoa, till after a long course of time, by little and little they recouered it out of their hands againe, which was at last fully accomplished by Ferdinand, not past one hundred and twenty yeeres agoe, there hauing passed in the meane time, from the Moores first entrance of Spaine at Gibraltar, till their last possession in Granada, about seuen hundred and seuenty yeeres.

Whereby you may see also, when the Roman tongue began to degenerate in Afrike (if that also, as is supposed spake vulgarly the Latine tongue, and if the mixture of barbarous people [ 50] were cause of the decay, and corruption of it) namely, about the yeere 430. for about that time, the Wandali and Alani, partly wearied with the Gottish warre in Spaine, and partly inuited by the Gouernour Bonifacius entred Afrike, vnder the leading of Gensericus, a part whereof for a time, they held quietly, for the Emperour Valentinianus gift: But shortly after, in the same Empe∣rours time, when all the West Prouinces in a manner fell vtterly away from the Empire, they al∣so tooke Carthage; and all the Prouince about it, from the Romans. And although the dominion of Afrike was regained by Bellizarius to the Empire almost 100. yeeres after, in Iustinians time, yet in the time of the Emperour Leontius (almost 700. yeeres after our Sauiours birth) it was lost againe, being anew conquered, and possessed by the Sarracens of Arabia (and to this day remai∣neth in their hands) bringing together with their victories, the language also, and religion (Ma∣humatanisme) [ 60] into all that coast of Afrike, euen from Aegypt to the Strait of Gibraltar, aboue 2000. miles in length.

About which time also, namely during the gouernment of Valentinian the third, Bulgariae, Seruia, Boscina, Hungarie, Austria, Stiria, Carinthia, Banaria and Sueuia (that is, all the North∣border

of the Empire, along the Riuer Danubius) and some part of Thrace, was spoiled and posses∣sed by the Hunnes, who yet principally planted themselues in the lower Pannonia, whence it ob∣tained the name of Hungarie.

Out of which discourse you may obserue these two points. First, what the Countries were, in which those wandring and warring Nations after many transmigrations from place to place, fixed at last their finall residence and habitation. Namely the Hunnes in Pannonia, the Wandales in Afrique, the East Gothes and Langbards in Italie, the West Gothes in Aquitaine and Spaine, which being both originally but one Nation, gained these names of East and West Gothes, from the position of these Countries which they conquered and inhabited, the other barbarous Nations of obscurer names, being partly consumed with the warre, and partly passing into the more fa∣mous [ 10] appellations. And Secondly, you may obserue, that the maine dissolution of the Empire, especially in Europe and Afrique, fell in the time of Valentinian the third, about the yeere 450. being caused by the barbarous Nations of the North (as after did the like dissolution of the same Empire in Asia, by the Arabians in the time of Heraclius, about the yeere 640.) and together with the ruine of the Empire in the West by the inundation of the foresaid barbarous Nations, the La∣tine tongue in all the Countries where it was vulgarly spoken (if it were rightly spoken any where in the West) became corrupted.

Wherefore if the Spanish, French and Italian tongues, proceeded from this cause, as a great num∣ber of learned men, suppose they did, you see what the antiquity of them is: But to deliuer plain∣ly my opinion, hauing searched as farre as I could, into the originals of those languages, and hauing pondered what in my reading, and in my reason I found touching them, I am of another minde (as [ 20] some learned men also are) namely, that all those tongues are more ancient, and haue not sprung from the corruption of the Latine tongue, by the inundation and mixture of barbarous people in these Prouinces, but from the first vnperfect impression & receiuing of it, in those forraine Coun∣tries. Which vnperfectnesse notwithstanding of the Roman tongue in those parts, although it had, as I take it beginning from this euill framing of forraine tongues, to the right pronouncing of the Latine, yet I withall easily beleeue, and acknowledge that it was greatly increased, by the mixture and coalition of the barbarous Nations. So that me thinkes, I haue obserued three de∣grees of corruption in the Roman tongue,* 1.71 by the degeneration whereof, these languages are sup∣posed to haue receiued their beginning. The first of them was in Rome it selfe, where towards the [ 30] latter end of the Common-wealth, and after, in the time of the Empire, the infinite multitude of seruants (which exceedingly exceeded the number of free borne Citizens) together with the vnspeakeable confluence of strangers, from all Prouinces, did much impaire the purenesse of their language, and as Isidore hath obserued, brought many barbarismes and solaecismes into it. Inso∣much, that Tertullian in his time, when as yet none of the barbarous Nations had by inuasion touched Italie (for he liued vnder Sept••mius Seuerus gouernment) chargeth the Romans to haue re∣nounced the language of their fathers.* 1.72 The Second step, was the vnperfect impression (that I touched before) made of the Roman tongue abroad in the forraine Prouinces among strangers, whose tongues could not perf••ctly frame to speake it aright. And certainly, if the Italians them∣selues, as is remembred by Cicero, failed of the right and perfect Roman pronounciation, I see not [ 40] how the tongues of strange Nations, such as the Gaules and Spaniards were, should exactly vtter it. And the Third, was that mixture of many barbarous people (to which others attribute the beginning of the languages in question) which made the Latine, that was before vnperfect, yet more corrupt then they found it, both for words and for pronouncing: So that, I rather thinke the barbarous people to haue beene a cause of increasing the corruption, and of further alteration and departure of those languages from the Roman, then of beginning them. And me thinkes I haue very good reasons so to be perswaded, beside all the arguments aboue mentioned, which I pro∣duced, both for the remaining of the vulgar languages, and for the vnperfect speaking of the Ro∣man tongue in the Prouinces. First, because the Gothes, Wandales, Langbards, as also the Franks and B••rgundians language was, by the consent of * 1.73 learned men, the Germane tongue, which hath [ 50] but small affinitie or agreement with either the Italian, French or Spanish tongues. Secondly, be∣cause among all the auncient writers (and they are many) which haue written of the miserable changes made in these West parts of the World, by those infinite swarmes of barbarous people, I finde not one, that mentioneth the change of any of these languages to haue beene caused by them: which me thinkes some ancient writers among so many learned, as those times, and those very Countries, abounded withall, and whose writings yet remaine, would certainly haue recor∣ded.* 1.74 But though we finde mention in sundry ancient writers, of changing these languages in∣to the Roman (whom yet I vnderstand of that vnperfect change before touched) yet nothing is found of any recharging of those languages from the Roman, into the state wherein now they are. But it is become a question onely of some late searchers of Antiquity, but of such, as determine in [ 60] this point, without either sound reason or good countenance of Antiquitie.

THese reasons perhaps (ioyned with the other aboue alleadged, whereby I endeuoured to proue that the Latine tongue perfectly spoken, was neuer the vulgar language of the Ro∣man

Prouinces) may perswade you as they haue done mee, that the barbarous Nations of the North, were not the first corrupters of the Latine tongue, in the Prouinces subiect to Rome, nor the beginners of the Italian, French and Spanish tongues: yet some difficulties I finde (I confesse) in writers touching these points, which when I haue resolued my opinion will appeare the more credible.

One is out of Plutarch in his Platonique questions,* 1.75 affirming that in his time all men in a man∣ner spake the Latine tongue.

Another before touched that Strabo recordeth the Roman tongue to haue beene spoken in Spaine and France, and Apuleius in Africke, which also may appeare by sundry places in Augu∣stine,* 1.76 [ 10] whose Sermons seeme (as Cyprians also) to haue bin made to the people in that language.

A third, how it falleth if these vulgar tongues of adulterate latin be so ancient, that nothing is found written in any of them of any great antiquity?

A fourth, how in Rome and Latium, where the Latine tongue was out of question, natiue, the latine could so degenerate, as at this day is found in the Italian tongue, except by some forraine corruption?

To the first of these I answere, either, that as Diuines are wont to interpret many generall propositions; Plutarch is to be vnderstood de generibus singulorum, not de singulis generum: So that the Latine tongue was spoken almost in euery Nation, but not of euery one in any forraine Nati∣on: [ 20] Or else, that they spake the Latine indeede, but yet vnperfectly and corruptly, as their tongues would frame to vtter it.

To the second I answere: first, that Strabo speaketh not generally of France or Spaine, but with limitation to certaine parts of both, the Prouince of Narbon in France, and the Tract about Boetis in Spaine. Secondly, that although they speake it, yet it followeth not, that they speake it per∣fectly and aright (except perhaps in the Colonies) so that I will not deny but it might be spoken abroad in the Prouinces, yet I say it was spoken corruptly, according as the peoples tongues would fashion to it, namely in such sort, that although the matter and body of the words, were for the most part Latine, yet the forme, and sound of them varied from the right pronouncing: which speech notwithstanding was named Latin, partly for the reason now touched, and partly [ 30] because they learned it from the Romanes or Latines, as the Spaniards call their language Romance▪ till this day, which yet we know to differ much from the right Roman Tongue:* 1.77 and as N••thar∣dus (Nephew to Charles the Great) in his Historie of the dissen••ion of the sonnes of Ludoui••us Pius called the French then vsuall (whereof hee setteth downe examples) the Romane Tongue, which yet hath no more agreement with the Latine then the French hath that is now in vse. Thirdly, to the obiection of Cyprians and Augustines preaching in Latine,* 1.78 I answere that both a 1.79 Hippo, whereof Augustine was Bishop, and b 1.80 Carthage, whereof Cyprian was Archbishop, were Roman Colonies, consisting for the most part of the progenie of Romans, for which sort of Ci∣ties, there was speciall reason. Although neither in the Colonies themselues (as it seemeth) the Roman tongue was altogether vncorrupt, both for that I alleadged before out of Spartianus of [ 40] Seuerus his sister dwelling at Leptis, and for that which I remembred out of Augustine for Hippo, where they spake c 1.81 Ossum and d 1.82 Floriet, and ^e Dolus, for Os and Florebit and dolor (and yet were both Leptis and Hippo Roman Colonies:) And yet it appeareth further by Augustine, that in their translations of the Scriptures, and in the Psalmes sung in their Churches, they had these cor∣ruptions, where yet (as it is like) their most corrupt and vulgar Latine had not place.

To the third I answere, that two reasons of it may be assigned: One, that learned men would rather write, in the learned and grammaticall, then in the vulgar and prouinciall Latine. Another, that the workes of vnlearned men would hardly continue till our times,* 1.83 seeing euen of the lear∣ned ancient writings, but few of infinite, haue remained. Furthermore it is obserued of the Ger∣maine tongue, by Tschudas and of the French by Genebrard, that it is very little aboue 400. yeeres, [ 50] since bookes began to be written in both those languages, and yet it is out of all doubt, that the tongues are much ancienter.

To the fourth I say, that there is no language, which of ordinary course is not subiect to change, although there were no forraine occasion at all: which the very fancies of men, weary of old words (as of old things) is able enough to worke, which may be well proued by obseruations and instances of former changes, in this very tongue (the Latine) whereof I now dispute.* 1.84 For Quin∣tilian recordeth, that the Verses of the Salij which were said to be composed by Numa could hardly be vnderstood of their Priests, in the latter time of the Common-wealth, for the abso∣lutenesse of the speech. And Festus in his booke de verborum significatione,* 1.85 who liued in Augu∣stus Caesars time, hath left in obseruation, that the Latine speech, which (saith he) is so named of [ 60] Latium, was then in such manner changed, that scarsly any part of it remained in knowledge. The Lawes also of the Roman Kings, and of the Decemuiri,* 1.86 (called the Lawes of the twelue Tables) collected and published in their owne words by Fuluius Vrsinus are no lesse eui∣dent testimonies, if they be compared with the later Latine, of the great alteration of that language.

Furthermore, Polybius hath also recorded, that the articles of league, betwixt the people of Rome and of Carthage,* 1.87 made presently after the expulsion of the Kings from Rome, could very hardly in his time be vnderstood, by reason of the old forsaken words, by any of the best skilled Antiq••aries in Rome. In which time notwithstanding, they receiued very few strangers into their Citie, which mixture might cause such alteration, and the difference of time was but about three hundred and fifty yeeres. And yet to adde one instance more, of a shorter reuolution of time, and a cleerer euidence of the change, that the Roman tongue was subiect to, and that, when no forraine cause thereof can be alleadged: there remaineth at this day (as it is certainely * 1.88 recorded) in the Capitall at Rome, though much defaced by the iniury of time, a Pillar (they call it Co∣lumnam rostratam, that is, decked with beakes of ships) dedicated to the memory of Duillius a [ 10] Roman Consull, vpon a nau••le victory obtained against the Carthaginians, in the first Punicke warre, not past one hundred and fifty yeeres before Ciceroes time, when the Roman tongue as∣cended to the highest flourish of Elegancie, that euer it obtained: And thus the words of the Pillar are (those that may be read) as I finde them obserued, with the later Latine vnder them. Exemet. Leciones. Macistratos. Castreis. Exfociont. Pucnandod. Cepet. En{que}. Nauebos. Marid· Exemit. Legiones. Magistratus. Castris. Effugiunt. Pugnando. Cepit. In{que}. Nauibus. Mari. Consol. Primos. Ornauet. Nauebous. Claseis. Paenicas. Sumas. Cartaciniensis. Dictatored. Altod. Consul. Primus. Ornauit. Nauibus. Classes. Punicas. Summas. Carthaginiensis. Dictatore. Alto Socieis. Triresmos. Naucis. Captom. Numei. Naualed. Praedad. Poplo▪ &c. Socijs. Triremes. Naues. Captum. Nummi. Naual••. Praeda. Populo, &c. [ 20] Where you see in many words, e. for i. c. for g. o. for u. and sometime for e. and d. superfluously added to the end of many words. But (to let forraigne tongues passe) of the great alteration that time is wont to work in languages, our own tongue may afford vs examples euident enough: wherein since the times neere after, and about the Conquest, the change hath beene so great, as I my selfe haue seene some euidences made in the time of King Henry the first, whereof I was able to vnderstand but few words. To which purpose also, a certaine remembrance is to be found in Holinsheds Chronicle, in the end of the Conquerours raigne, in a Charter giuen by him to the Ci∣tie of London.

* 1.89BVt if the discourse of these points of Antiquitie, in handling whereof I haue declared, that [ 30] while the Roman Empire flourished, it neuer abolished the vulgar languages, in France, or Spaine, or Afrique, how soeuer in Italie. If that discourse I say, moue in you perhaps a desire, to know what the ancient vulgar languages of those parts were: I will also in that point, out of my reading and search into Antiquitie, giue you the best satisfaction that I can.

And first for Italie: Certaine it is, that many were the ancient tongues in the seuerall Prouin∣ces of it, tongues I say, not dialects, for they were many more. In Apulia, the Mesap••an tongue: In Tuscanie and Vmbria, the Hetruscan, both of them vtterly perished: Yet in the booke of anci∣ent Inscriptions,* 1.90 set forth by Gruter and Scaliger, there be some few Moniments registred of these languages, but not vnderstood now of any man. In Calabria both the higher and lower, and farre along the miritime coast of the Tyrrhene Sea, the Greeke. In Latium (now Campagna di Roma) the [ 40] Latine. In Lombardie, and Liguria, the old tongue of France whatsoeuer it was. Of which last three, the two former are vtterly ceased to be vulgar: and the third, no where to be found in I∣talie, but to be sought for in some other Countrie. And although, beside these fiue, wee finde mention, in ancient writings of the Sabine, the Oscan, the Tusculan, and some other tongues in Italie, yet were they no other then differing dialects of some of the former languages, as by good obseruations, out of Varro, Festus, Seruius, Paul. Diaconus, and others, might be easily prooued.

Secondly, of France what the ancient tongue was, hath bin much disputed▪ and yet remaineth somewhat vncertaine: Some thinking it to haue beene the Germaine, others the Greeke, and some the Walsh tongue.* 1.91 But, if the meaning of these resoluers be, that one language, what∣soeuer [ 50] it were, was vulgar in all France, they are verie farre wide, Caesar and Strabo hauing both recorded, that there were diuers languages spoken in the diuers parts. But, to omit the speech of Aquitaine, which Strabo writeth to haue had much affinitie with the Spanish: And, of that part (in Caesar called Belgia) that at the Riuer of Rhene confined with Germanie, which for that neighbourhood, might partake much of the Germaine tongue: To omit those I say, the maine q••estion is, about the language of the Celiae, which as inhabiting the middle part of France, were least of all infect••d with any forraine mixture.* 1.92 And certainely, that it was not the Greeke, ap∣peareth out of Caesar, written to Q. Cicero, then besieged by the Gaules) in Greeke, lest the Gaules should intercept his Letters. And secondly, no lesse euidently by Varro, written of the Massilians that they spake three languages, the Roman, the Greeke, and the Gallique tongue: [ 60] And thirdly, the remnants of that tongue, may serue for instance, whereof many old words are found dispersed in ancient writers, that haue no affinitie at all with the Greeke. The Greeke there∣fore, was not the ancient natiue language of the Gaules; Neither was it the Germaine: for else it

had beene but an odde relation and reason of Caesars, that Ariouistus a German Prince, had liued so long in Gallia, that he spake the Gallique tongue: And that of Tacitus,* 1.93 that the Gallique tongue proued the Gothines to be no Germaines: And that of Suetonius, that Caligula compelled many of the Gaules to learne the Germaine tongue. But Hottoman (of all that I haue read) speaking most distinctly, touching the originall and composition of the French tong••e, diuideth it as now it is spoken, equally into two parts, of which he supposeth the one (and I thinke it is rather the grea∣ter part) to haue originall from the Latine tongue: and the other halfe, to be made vp, by the German and Greeke, and Brittish or Walsh words, each almost in eq••all measure. Of the deducti∣on of the French words from the Greeke, you may read Perionius, Postell, and others: Of those from the Germaine, Tschudus, Goropius, Isacius, &c. Of the Walsh, Lhuid, Camden, &c. Which [ 10] last indeede for good reason, seemeth to haue beene the natiue language of the ancient Celtae, ra∣ther then either the Greeke or Dutch tongues: for of the Greeke words found in that language, the neighbourhood of the Massilians, and their Colonies, inhabiting the maritime coast of Pro∣uince, together with the ready acceptance of that language in France (mentioned by Strabo) may be the cause: As likewise of the Germaine words, the Franks and Burgundions conquest, and pos∣session of France, may be assigned for a good reason: But of the Brittish words none at all can be iustly giuen, saue, that they are the remnants of the ancient language. Secondly, it seemeth to be so by Tacitus, written, that the speech of the Gaules, little di••••ered from that of the Brittaines. And thirdly, by Caesar recording, that it was the custome of the Gaules that were studious of the Druides discipline, often to p••sse ouer into Brittaine to be there instructed: wherefore seeing there [ 20] was no vse of bookes among them, as is in the same place affirmed by Caesar, it is apparent that they spake the same language.

Thirdly, the Spanish tongue as now it is, consisteth of the old Spanish, Latine, Gottish, and Ara∣bique (as there is good reason it should, Spaine hauing beene so long, in the possessions of the Ro∣mans, Gothes, and Meores) of which, the Latine is the greatest part (next it the Arabique) and therefore they themselues call their lang••age Romance. And certainely I haue seene an E∣pistle written by a Spaniard, whereof euery word was both good Latine and good Spanish, and an example of the like is to be seene in Merula. But the language of Valentia and Catalonia, and part of Portugall, is much tempered with the French also. Now the ancient and most ge∣nerall [ 30] language of Spaine, spoken ouer the Country before the Romaines conquest,* 1.94 seemeth to me out of question, to haue beene the Cantabrian tongue, that namely which yet they speake in Bis∣cay, Guipuscoa, Nauarre, and Asturia, that is to say, in the northerne and mountainous parts of Spaine, neere the Ocean, with which the Visconian tongue also in Aquitaine, neere the Py∣rene hils, hath as there is good reason (for out of those parts of Spaine the inhabitants of Gas∣coigne came) much affinitie and agreement. And my reason for this opinion is, that in that part of Spaine, the people haue euer continued without mixture of any forraine Nation, as being ne∣uer subdued by the Carthaginians, nor by the Moores, no, nor by the Romans (for all their long warring in Spaine) before Augustus Caesars time, and for the hillinesse, and barenesse, and vnpleasantnesse of the Countrie, hauing nothing in it, to inuite strangers to dwell among [ 40] them. For which cause, the most ancient Nations and languages are for the most part preserued in such Countries: as by Thucydides is specially obserued, of the Attiques▪ and Arcadians, in Greece,* 1.95 dwelling in barren soiles: O•• which Nations the first, for their Antiquitie, vaunted of them∣selues that they were 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and the second, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as if they had beene bred immediately of the Earth, or borne before the Moone. Another example whereof wee may see in Spaine it selfe, for in the steepy Mountaines of Granata, named Alpuxarras, the progeny of the Moores yet retaine the Arabique tongue (for the Spaniards call it Arauiga) which all the other remnants of the Moores in the plainer Region had vtterly forgotten and receiued the Castilian (till their late expulsion out of Spaine) for their vulgar language. The like whereof, is also to be seene in the old Epirotike speech and Nation, which yet continueth in the mountainous part of Epirus, be∣ing [ 50] (for the tongue) vtterly extinguished in all the Country beside. And (to let forraine ins••an∣ces goe) in the Brittaines or Welsh-men in the hilly part of our owne Countrey. What the rea∣son thereof may bee. I will not stand now curiously to enquire: whether that being inured to la∣bour, to watching, to sundry distemperatures of the aire, a••d much other hardnesse (for otherwise their liuing will not bee gotten out of such barren ground) they proue vpon occasion good and able Souldiers? Or, that the craggy Rockes and Hills (like fortresses of Natures owne erecting) are easily defended from forraine Inuaders? Or that their vnpleasant and fruitlesse soile, hath no∣thing to inuite strangers to desire it? Or that wanting riches, they want also the ordinary companions of riches, that is proud and audacious hearts, to prouoke with their iniuries other Nations to be reuenged on them, either by the conq••est or desolation of their Countries? But [ 60] whatsoeuer the cause may be, certainly in effect so it is, that the most ancie•••• Nations and Lan∣guages, are for the most part to bee found in such vnpleasant and fruitlesse Regions: Insomuch that the Byscaynes, who gaue mee occa••••on of this digression, vaunt of themselues among the Spa∣niards, that they are the right Hidalgos, (that is Gentlemen) as some also report of the Welsh-men here in Brittaine to say of themselues, which yet I that am their neighbour (to confesse a truth) neuer heard them say.

Now lastly, touching the Punike tongue, as I am not of Galateus his opinion, that it was vtter∣ly extinguished by the Romanes:* 1.96 So neither can I bee of the phantasie (for it is no better) that many * 1.97 other learned men are: namely, that it was the Arabike, that is to say the same lan∣guage, that is vulgar in Afrike at this day. For it is well knowne to the skilfull in Histories, that the Punikes were of another off-springs (not of Arabian race) and that it is not yet a thousand yeeres, since that tongue was by the Arabians, together with their victories brought into Afrike. And as certaine also it is, that the remnants of the Africans progeny, as * 1.98 Leo Africanus hath re∣corded, hath a different language from the Arabike. But the Punike tongue seemeth to mee out of question, to haue bin the Chananitish or old Hebrew language, though I doubt not somewhat alte∣red from the originall pronuntiation, as is wont in tract of time to befall Colonies, planted among [ 10] strangers farre from home. For first Carthage it selfe, the Queene of the Cities of Afrike (and well might she be termed so, that contained in circuit 24. miles, as Florus in his abridgement of Liuie hath recorded, and by the vtter wall 360. furlongs (that is 45. miles) as it is in Strabo: And held out in emulation with Rome, as is noted by Pliny, 120. yeeres, and to conclude (before the second Punike warre) had in subiection all the Coast of the Mediterrane Sea, from the bottome of the greater Syrtis in Afrike, to the Riuer Ebro (Iberus) in Spaine, which is about 2000. miles of length, that the same Carthage I say, and diuers other Cities of Afrike (of which Pliny nameth Vtica and Leptis, as being the principall) were Colonies of the Phoenicians, and namely of the Tyri∣ans, is not onely by Strabo, Mela, Liuie, Plinie, Appian, and many other certaine Authors, acknow∣ledged, and by none denied, but also the very names of Poeni and Punici, being but variations or mutilations of the name Phoenicij import so much, and lastly their language assureth it. For Hie∣rome [ 20] writing that their language was growne somewhat different from the Phoenician tongue, doth manifestly in these words imply, it had beene the same.

And what were the Phoenicians but Chanaanites? The Phoenicians I say, of whose exceeding merchandizing wee read so much in antient Histories, what were they but Chanaanites, whose very name * 1.99 signifieth Merchants? for, the very same Nation, that the Graecians called Phaenicians (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) and the Romans in imitation of that name Poenos & Punicos,* 1.100 for the exceeding store of good Palmes, wherewith that Countrey abounded: In∣somuch that in Monuments of Antiquitie, the [ 30] Palme Tree is obserued for the Ensigne of Phoeni∣cia: the same Nation I say, called themselues, and by the Israelites their next neighbours, were called Chanaanites. And that they were indeed no other, I am able easily to proue. For first, the same wo∣man that in Mathew is named a Canaanite, is in Marke called a Syropoenician. 2. Where mention is made in Iosua, of the Kings of Canaan, they are in the Septuagints translation named, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. 3. To put it out of question. All that Coast, [ 40] from Sidon to Azzah (that was Gaza) neere to Gerar, is registred by * 1.101 Moses, to haue beene pos∣sessed by the posteritie of Chanaan: Of which coast the more Northrene part aboue the promontory of Carmel,* 1.102 or rather from the riuer Chorseus (Kison the Iewes called it) that neere the promontory of Car∣mell, entreth the Sea to the Citie of Orthosia, aboue Sidon Northward, is by Strabo, Pliny, Ptolomy and others, referred to Phoenicia (although Strabo ex∣tend that name, along all the Maritime Coast of [ 50] Palestina also, to the confines of Aegypt, as Dionysius Periegetes also doth, placing Ioppa and Gaza, and Elath in Phoenicia) which very tract to haue been the seuerall possessions of Zidon, and Cheth, and Girgashi, and Harki, and Aruade, and Chamathi, six of the eleuen sonnes of Canaan (the other fiue inhabiting more to the South in Palestina) they that are skilfull in the ancient Chorography of the Holy Land cannot be ignorant. Seeing therefore out of this part of the Land of Canaan, (for in this part Tyrus was) the Carthaginians, and other Colonies of the Phoenicians in Afrike came,* 1.103 it is out of all doubt, that they were of the Chananites progeny: and for such in very deed, and no other, they reputed and professed themselues to be: for as Austine hath left recorded, who was borne and liued among them, the Countrey people of the Punikes, when they were asked touching themselue•• what they were, they would make answer that they were Channai, meaning, [ 60] as Austine himselfe doth interprete them Canaanites.

Certain therfore it is, that the natiue Punike language was the Chanaanitish tongue: but that I added for explication this clause (or the old Hebrew, meaning by the old Hebrew, that which was vulgarly spoken among the Iewes before the captiuity) you will perhaps suspect my credit,

and bee offended, for I am not ignorant how superstitiously Diuines for the most part are affec∣ted toward the Hebrew tongue: yet when I had set down the Africans language to haue been the Canaanitish tongue, I thought good to adde for plainesse sake (or the old Hebrew) because I take them indeed to bee the very same language, and that Abraham and his posterity brought it not out of Chaldaea, but learned it in the Land of Chanaan. Neither is this opinion of mine, a meere p••radox and fantasie, but I haue * 1.104 three or foure of the best skilled in the language and antiquities of that Nation, that the later times could afford of the same minde: And certainly, by * 1.105 Isaiah it is called in direct termes, the language of Chanaan: And it is moreouer manifest, that the names of the places and Cities of Chanaan (the old names I meane by which they were called before the Israelites dwelt in them, as is to be seene in the whole course of the Bookes of Moses [ 10] and of Ioshuah) were Hebrew names: touching which point, although I could produce other force∣able reasons, such as might (except my fantasie delude mee) vexe the best wit in the world to giue them iust solution, yet I will adde no more, both to auoid prolixity, and because I shall haue in another place fitter occasion.

But to speake particularly of the Punike tongue, which hath brought vs into this discourse, and which I proued before to bee the Canaanitish language: it is not onely * 1.106 in one place pronounced by Augustine (who knew it well no man better) to haue neere affinitie with the Hebrew tongue, which also the * 1.107 Punike wordes dispersed in the writings of Augustine, and others (as many as [ 20] come to my remembrance) proue to be true. But more effectually in * 1.108 another place, to agree with it in very many, yea almost in euery word. Which speech, seeing they could in no sort haue from the Israelites, being not of Abrahams poste∣ritie (both because no such transmigration of them is remembred in the holy Histories, and for that the Punike Colonies, are specially mentioned to haue beene deduced from Tyre, which neuer came into the possession of the Israelites) but from the Canaanites, whose off-spring they were: It followeth thereupon that the language of the Canaanites, was either the very same, or exceeding neere the Hebrew. And certainly, touching the [ 30] difference that was betweene the Hebrew and the Punike, I make no doubt, but the great di∣stance from their primitiue habitation, and their conuersation with strangers among whom they were planted, and together with both the length of time, which is wont to bring alterati∣on to all the Languages in the World, were the causes of it. And although that Punike speech in Plautus, which is the onely continued speech of that language,* 1.109 that to my know∣ledge remaineth extant in any Author, haue no such great conuenience with the Hebrew tongue, yet I assure my selfe the faults and corruptions that haue crept into it by many transcrip∣tions, to haue beene the cause of so great difference, by reason whereof it is much changed from what at first it was when Plautus writ it, about one thousand eight hundred yeeres agoe: And specially because in transcribing thereof there would bee so much the lesse care taken, as the lan∣guage [ 40] was lesse vnderstood by the Writers, and by the Readers, and so the escapes lesse subiect to obseruation and controlement.

MAny are the Nations that haue for their vulgar Language, the Slauonish Tongue in Europe, and some in Asia.* 1.110 Among which the principall in Europe are the Slauonians themselues inhabiting Dalmatia and Liburnia, the West Macedonians, the Epirotes, the Bosinates, Seruians, Russians, Bulgarians, Moldauians, Podolians, Russians, Musco∣uites, Bohemians, Polonians, Silesians. And in Asia the Circassians, Mangrel••ians, and Gazarites. These I say are the principall, but they are not all: for Gesner and Roccha reckon vp the names of sixtie Nations, that haue the Slauonian tongue for their vulgar language. So,* 1.111 that it is knowne to be vulgarly spoken ouer all the East parts of Europe (in more then a third part of the whole) euen [ 50] to the vtmost bounds of it the Riuers of Droyna and Tanais; Greece and Hungary, and Walachia onely excepted. Indeed the Regions of Seruia, Bosina, Bulgaria, Rascia, Moldauia, Rus••ia and Moscouia, namely all the Nations of the Easterne parts, which celebrate their diuine seruice after the Greeke Ceremony, and professe Ecclesiasticall obedience to the Patriarch of Constantinople, writ in a diuers sort of Character from that of the Dalmatians, Croatians, Istrians, Polonians, Bohe∣mians, Silesians and other Nations toward the West (both which sorts of Characters are to bee seene in Postels Booke of the Orientall languages) of which, this last is called the Dalmatian or Illyrian Character, and was of * 1.112 Hieromes diuising, that other bearing for the most part much re∣semblance with the Greeke, is termed the Seruian Character, and was of g 1.113 Cyril••s inuention: for which cause, as Roccha hath remembred, they terme the language written in that Character [ 60] * 1.114 Chiurilizza. But yet notwithstanding the difference of Characters in the writing of these Na∣tions, they speake all of them (the difference of dialect excepted) the same language.

But yet is not the Slau••nike tongue (to answere your question) for all this large extent, the vulgar language of the Turkish Empire. For of the Turks Dominion onely Epir••••, the West part

of Macedon, Bosina, Seruia, Bulgaria, Rascia, and part of Thrace, and that hee hath in Dalmatiae and Croacia (beside the Mengrelli in Asia) speake vulgarly the Slauonian tongue. But no where for the more precise limitation, neither in Asia nor in Europe is that language spoken more Southward, then the North Parallel of forty degrees: some part of Epirus onely excepted: I meane it is not spoken as the vulgar language of any Nation more Southward. For else, being ac∣ceptable and vsuall, as it is in the Great Turkes Serrail at Constantinople, and familiar with most of the Turkish Souldiers, by reason of their Garrisons and other great imployment in those parts toward the confines of Christian Princes, all which parts as before I said (Hungarie and Walachia excepted) speake that language: for these reasons I say, it is spoken by diuers particular men in many places of the Turkish Dominion, and the Ianizares and Of∣ficers [ 10] for the most part can speake it, and many others also of the better sort, but yet the generall and vulgar language of his Dominion (excepting those places afore mentio∣ned) it is not.

But in Anatolia, although the old languages still remaine, being for the most part corrupt Greeke, as also in Armenia they haue their peculiar language, yet is the Turkish tongue very fre∣quent & preuaileth in them both: which being originally none other then the Tartarian tongue, as Michouius,* 1.115 and others haue obserued, yet partaketh much, both of the Armenian & Persian, by reason of the Turkes long continuance in both those Regions, before they setled the Seat of their Dominion, and themselues among the Grecians, for which cause it is not without mixture of Greeke also, but chiefly and aboue all other of the Arabike, both by reason of their Religion writ∣ten in that language, and their training vp in Schooles vnto it, as their learned tongue. And yet al∣though [ 20] the Turkish bee well vnderstood both in Natolia and Armenia, yet hath it neither extin∣guished the vulgar languages of those parts, neither obtained to it selfe (for ought I can by my reading find) any peculiar Prouince at all, wherein it is become the sole natiue and vulgar lan∣guague, but is only a common scattered tongue, which appeareth to be so much the more euidently true, because the very Cities that haue been successiuely the Seats of the Ott••man Sultans; name∣ly, Iconium (now Cogna) in Lycaonia, then Prusa in Bithynia; thirdly, Adrianople in Thrace; and lastly, Constantinople, are yet knowne to retaine their old natiue language, the Greeke tongue: Al∣though the Turkish tongue also bee common in them all, as it is likewise in all other Greeke Cities both of Greece and Asia. [ 30]

But in the East part of Cilicia beyond the Riuer Pyramus, as in all Syria also, and Mesopotamia and Palestina, and Arabia and Aegypt, and thence Westward in all the long tract of Afrike, that extendeth from Aegypt to the Strait of Gibralter, I say, in all that lieth betwixt the Moun∣taine Atlas, and the Mediterrane Sea (now termed Barbary) excepting Marocco, and here and there some scattered remnants of the old Africans in the Inland parts, the Arabike tongue is be∣come the vulgar language, although somewhat corrupted and varied in dialect, as among so ma∣ny seuerall Nations it is vnpossible but it should bee. And although I bee farre from * 1.116 their opi∣nion, which write (too ouerlashingly) that the Arabian tongue is in vse in two third parts of the inhabited world, or in more, yet I finde that it extendeth very farre, and specially where the Religion of Mahumed is professed. For which cause (ouer and besides the parts [ 40] aboue mentioned, in which it is, as I said, become the natiue language) in all the Northerne part of the Turkish Empire also, I meane that part that lyeth on the North side of the Medi∣terrane Sea, as likewise among the Mahumetan Tartars, it is thought not the Vulgar tongue,* 1.117 yet familiar with very many, both because all their Religion is written in that language, and for that * 1.118 euery boy that goeth to schoole is taught it, as in our Schooles they are taught Latine and Greeke: Insomuch, that all the Turkes write their owne language in A∣rabike Characters. So that you see the common languages of the Turkish Empire, to be the Slauo∣nish, the Greeke, the Turkish, and Arabike tongues, seruing seuerally for the parts that I men∣tioned before.

[ 50]

THe Syriacke tongue is certainely * 1.119 thought to haue had beginning, in the time of the Cap∣tiuitie of the Iewes in Babylon, while they were mingled among the Chaldeans. In which long reuolution of seuenty yeeres, the vulgar sort of the Iewes forgot their owne language, and began to speake the Chaldee: But yet pronouncing it amisse, and framing it somewhat to their owne Countrey fashion, in notation of Points, Affixes, Coniugations, and some other proper∣ties of their ancient speech, it became a mixt language of Hebrew and Chalde••: a great part Chaldee for the substance of the wordes, but more Hebrew for the fashion, and so degenerating much from both: The old and right Hebrew remaining after that time onely among the learned men, and being taught in Schooles, as among vs the learned tongues are accustomed to bee. And yet, after the time of our Sauiour, this language began much more to alter and to depart further, [ 60] both from the Chaldee and Hebrew, as receiuing much mixture of Greeke, some of Romane and Arabike wordes, as in the Talmud (named of Ierusalem) gathered by R. Iochanan, a∣bout▪ three hundred yeeres after Christ, is apparent, being farre fuller of them, then those parts of the Chalde•• paraphrase on the holy Scriptures, which were made by

R. Ionathan, a little before Christ, and by R. Aquila, whome they call Onkelos not long after.

But yet certaine it is, both for the great difference of the wordes themselues, which are in the Syriake tongue for the most part Chaldee, and for the diuersitie of t••ose adherents of wordes, which they call praefixa, and suffixa, as also for the differing sound of some vowels, and sundry other considerations: Certaine it is I say that the vnlearned Iewes, whose vulgar speech the Syriake then was, could not vnderstand their 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 & 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is their lec∣tures of Moses and the Prophets, vsed in their Synagogues in the Hebrew tongue. And that seemeth to haue beene the originall reason, both of the publike speeches and declarations of [ 10] learned men to the people, vsuall in their Synagogues on the Sabboaths, after the readings of the Law and of the Prophets, whereof in the o 1.120 New Testament wee finde some mention, and also of the translation of Ionathan and Onkelos, and others made into their vulgar language, for that the difference betwixt the Hebrew and the Chaldee was so great, that the tongue of the one Nation could not bee vnderstood by the other. First, the tongues themselues, which yet re∣maine with vs may bee euident demonstrations, of which wee see that one may bee skilfull in the Hebrew, and yet not vnderstand the Chaldee, and therefore neither could they, whose speech the Chaldee then was (although much degenerated) vnderstand the Hebrew. Second∣ly, wee find that when p 1.121 Ezra, at the returne from the Captiuitie, read the Booke of the Law before the people, others were faine to interprete that which was read vnto them. And [ 20] thirdly, the answere made to Rabshakeh, by the Officers of King Hez••kiah may put it out of que∣stion, willing him q 1.122 to speake vnto them in the Chaldee tongue, that the common people of Ierusalem (in whose hearing it was) might not vnderstand what was spoken. But yet it might bee, that as at this day the Iewes vse to doe, so also in Christs time of conuersing on the Earth, they might also read the Chaldee Targamin (and certainely some r 1.123 learned men af∣firme they did so) together with the Hebrew lectures of Moses and the Prophets; for certaine it is, that Ionathan Ben Vziel, had before the birth of our Sauiour translated, not the Prophets onely into Chaldee, for it is his Paraphrase that wee haue at this day on the Prophets, and the Language which wee now call the Syriake, was but the Iewish Chaldee, although in the after times, by the mixture of Greeke, and many other forraine wordes it became [ 30] somewhat changed, from what in the times afore, and about our Sauiours Incarnation it had beene) but the Pentateuch also: at least, if it bee true which Sixtus hath recorded,* 1.124 namely, that such is the Tradition among the Iewes, and which Galatine writeth, that himselfe hath seene that translation of Iona∣thans,* 1.125 beside that of Onkelos, the beginning of both which hee setteth downe, differing one from another in the first wordes. Which (name∣ly, touching the publike reading of the Chal∣dee Targamin, either together with the He∣brew Text, or instead of it) I may as well con∣ceiue [ 40] to bee true, as that the forraine s 1.126 Iewes, dwelling in Alexandria and others parts of Aegypt, in Asia also, and other Greeke Prouinces a∣broad, vsed publikely in stead of the Hebrew, which now they vnderstood not the Septua∣gints Greeke translation, as is euident in Tertullian: And of some others of them in the Con∣stitutions of t 1.127 Iustinian. Which Iewes for that very cause, are sundry times in the u 1.128 Acts of the Apostles termed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. For by that name, in the iudgement of learned men, the naturall Graecians are not meant, which are alwayes named 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, not 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, But, the Iewes dispersed among the Gentiles, that vsed to read the Greeke Scriptures in their Synogogues.

And here shall be the period of my first Enquiry touching the Languages, and beginning of the second, concerning the sorts of Religions abroad in the World. In discoursing whereof you must [ 50] bee content to accept of Moderne Authors, because I am to intreate of Moderne Matters: And if I hap to step awry where I see no path, and can discerne but few steps afore mee, you must par∣don it. And yet this one thing I will promise you, that if either they that should direct mee, mislead mee not, or (where my reason suspects that my guides wander, and I am mislead) if my circumspect obseruing, or diligent inq••••ring, may preserue mee from errour, I will not depart a haire from the way of Truth.

[ 60]

Notes

• * 1.1

  Of the antient largenesse of the Greeke tongue.

  Strabo. l. 8. non longè à principi••
• * 1.2

  Senec. Consol. ad Helu. c. 6. Pli. l. 5 c. 29. Isocrat. in Panegeric. long. post. med. Lucian. in Dia∣log. de Amarib. non longè. ab Init.
• * 1.3

  Hieron. in Pro∣em. l. 2. com. E∣pist. ad Galat. Strab. l. 14.
• * 1.4

  Lib. citato long. post. med. & Plin. l. 6. c. 2.
• * 1.5

  Plin. l. 7. c. 24. Val. Max. l. 8. c. •• Gell. l. 1••. c. 17.
• * 1.6

  Act. 2.9. & 10.
• * 1.7

  Do••sa. Itin. Constantinopolit. pag. 24. Scyl••x Cariand. in Periplo. Iornand. de Reb. Getic. c. 5.
• * 1.8

  Strab. l. 6. in medi••.
• * 1.9

  G••ltz. in Numis∣mat. magnae Grae∣ciae Tab. 24. Galat. in descrip. Callipolis. Bar. l. 5. de anti∣quit. Calabriae. Rocca Tract de Dialectis in Ita∣lica lingua.
• a 1.10

  Strab l. 4. non long. à princip. Thucid. l. 1.
• b 1.11

  Strab. loco citato. Plin. l. 3. c. 5.
• * 1.12

  Strab. l. 17.
• c 1.13

  Loco iam ci∣tato. Ptol. tab. 3. Afri. Mela. l. 1 c. 8. Hieronin. loco supra citato.
• * 1.14

  Appian. l. de Bellis Syriac.
• * 1.15

  Hiero. vbi super. Isinor. Origin. l. 9. c. 1.
• * 1.16

  Of the decay∣ing of the an∣cient Greeke tongue, and of the present vulgar Greeke. Chap. 2.
• * 1.17

  Bellon. obseruat. l. 1. c. 3. Tu••co∣graec. l. 3. & 5.
• * 1.18

  Gerlech. in Epist. ad Crusium Tur∣cograe••. l. 7. p. 489
• d 1.19

  Zygomal••••▪ in Epist. ad Crus. Turcog. pag.
• * 1.20

  Bell. obser. l. 1. c. 3
• * 1.21

  Vide Crus. Turc. p. 44.224.242.391.398.399. &c.
• * 1.22

  Burran. in Co∣ron. pre••ipsa. Ger••ach. apud Crus. l. 7. Turcog. p. 489.
• * 1.23

  Bellon. obseru. l. 2. c. 111.
• e 1.24

  Burdouitz. in Epist. ad Chitrae, a••u•• illum in li. de stat•• Eccle∣siar. p. 47.
• f 1.25

  Vide Chitrae. loc▪ citato, & Turcog••ae••. Crus. p. 127 & 415. &c.

  Of the ancient largenesse of the Roman tongue in the time of the Ro∣man Empire. Chap. 3.
• g 1.26

  Spartian. in Had••iano & in Scue••o.
• * 1.27

  And. Fulu. l. 2. A〈…〉〈…〉 c. 3. G〈…〉〈…〉 c. 14. Strab. l. 1.
• * 1.28

  Dionys. Hal. l. 2. Antiq. Rom. V••pisc. in Aure∣liano.
• * 1.29

  Euseb. in Chro. ad Olymp. 174.
• h 1.30

  Lipsius de mag. Rom. l. 3. c. 3
• * 1.31

  Appian. l. 1. Ciuil. longe ante med.
• * 1.32

  Dion. l. 41.
• * 1.33

  Tacit. l. 1. Histo∣riar. Plin. l. 3 c. 3. Digest. l. 1. Tit de statu hominum. Leg In Orbe Ro∣mano.
• i 1.34

  Digest l. 42. Tit de re iudica∣ta. Leg. Decret.
• * 1.35

  Dion l 57. Val. Max. l. 2. c. 2.
• * 1.36

  Tacit. l 3. Annal. Hieron. in Ep ad Rusticum. Tom. 1
• * 1.37

  Aug. de Ci. Dei, l. 19. c. 7.
• * 1.38

  Lib. hist. Ro. l. 40.
• * 1.39

  Villei. l. 2. Strab l. 3 & 4. 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 1.40

  1. Eboracum.

  2 Debuna.

  3 Isca.

  4 Camalodunum Onuphr. in Imp. Rom.
• k 1.41

  Tacit. l. 14. Annal. Onuph. l. iam citato.
• l 1.42

  Vide Digest. l. 50. Tit. de Censi∣bus leg. sc••endum Pancirell. id Comment. Noti••. Imper. Orientalis. cap. 138.
• * 1.43

  Cicer. in Orat. pro Archia p••e••••.
• * 1.44

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.45

  That the Ro∣man Tongue abolished not the vulgar lan∣guages, in the forreine Pro∣uinces of the Roman Empire. Chap. 4. Galat. de Situ Iapigia p. 98. Viu l. 3. de tr••∣den. disciplin. & a•• Aug. dec. Dei li. 19. ••. 7. 3 Scal. in Dia∣trib. de ling. Eu∣ropa. 4 M••rul. Cosm. part. 2. l. 2. c. 8.5 Scal. loc. citato
• m 1.46

  Ortel. in tab. Fris Oriental.
• n 1.47

  Scal. loc. citato 13 Bert. in de∣scrip. Hungar.
• o 1.48

  Digest. l. 32. lege Fidei com. missa.
• * 1.49

  Aur. Victor▪ in ••pitom. Septim. S••net.
• a 1.50

  Antonin. in Itinerario. Hie∣ron in Proem l. 2 Com. Epist. ad Gala••. in fine.
• * 1.51

  Spartian. in Se∣uero p••si••ed.
• b 1.52

  August de Ciu. Det. l. 16. C. 6.
• c 1.53

  Id. Serm. 25. de veth. Ap••st.
• d 1.54

  Id. Expos in Chart. Epist ••d Roman. circa med.

  Leo 1. Africa. L. 1. descript. A∣frica. cap. de Ling. Africanis. Strab. l. 4. in pri••cip. Tacit. in Iulio Agricola. L••••prid in A∣lexand. Seuero, longe p••st med.
• * 1.55

  Strab. l. 4. leng. ante med.
• e 1.56

  Vel. Patercul. l. 1.
• * 1.57

  Plin. l. 3. c. 4.
• f 1.58

  Vid. Annot. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 August. de Ciu. Dei. l. 19. c. 7. Id. l. 3. de tra∣dend. Discip.
• g 1.59

  Marin. Sicul••. de Reb. Hispa∣nic. l. 5. c. 4.
• h 1.60

  S••ra l. 3 p••ul. à principio. Id. l. 4. in princip.
• i 1.61

  Marian. de Reb. Hisp. l. 1. c. 5 Marin. Sicul. de reb. Hispan. l. 4. c. vltim. & Alib.
• k 1.62

  S••r b. l. 3. c. 1. Plin. 3 c. 1. Vell. Patercul. l. 2.
• * 1.63

  Tacit. de morib. Ge••m pro••e fin.
• * 1.64

  Lib. ••od. parum à m••di••.
• * 1.65

  Bellon. Obser∣uat. l. 1. c. 4.
• * 1.66

  Gesner. in Mith•• in Lingua Sardic. & Rocra de Dia∣lect. in Ling. Sardec. Porcac••h. l. dello Is••l••. nel. descrit. di Sardigna.
• * 1.67

  Vide August. in Enarrat. Ps. 123. & 138. & l. 2. de doctrin Chris. c. 13. & Tract 7 in Ioan.
• * 1.68

  Of the begin∣ning of the Italian, French, and Spanish languages. Chap. 5.
• * 1.69

  Blond in Ital. Illustrata in March••a Triui∣s••••a.

  Tint•• de••••a No∣bilta▪ diuerona▪ l. 2. c. 2. & alij.
• * 1.70

  Li••s. de Pro∣nuntiat L••ng. lat. cap. 3. & Merul. par. 2. Cosm••gr. l. ••. c. 18. Paul Diac••••. ••ist. Mi••cel. l. 17. longe ante med.
• * 1.71

  Isidor. Origin. l. 9. c. ••. Tertul. in Apo∣loget. adu. Gent. Cap. 6.
• * 1.72

  Cicer. l. 3. de Ora∣tore.
• * 1.73

  Irenic. E••eg. Germ. l. 1. c. 31 Laz••us. l. 10. de Migration. Gent Gorop. Origin. Antw••rp. l. 7. Gesner. in Mi∣thridate▪ Rh••nan lib. 2. Rer. Germ. Leunclau. in Pandect. Tu••ri••. § 71. & Alij multi.
• * 1.74

  Obiections touching the extent of the Latine tongue and the begin∣ning of the mentioned Languages with their so∣lutions. Chap. 6.
• * 1.75

  Plutar. in quest. platonic. quest. 9
• * 1.76

  Strab. l. 3. & 4. Apul. in Florid••••.
• * 1.77

  Nitha. de dissens. filior. Ludou. Pij l. 3.
• * 1.78

  Antonin. in Iti∣n••rario. Plin. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in Epi. l. 8. ad Ca∣ninium.
• a 1.79

  Plin. Sec. Hist. nat. l. 5. c. 4. Vellcius l. 1. Ap∣pian. l. de Bel. P••nicis in fine.
• b 1.80

  En••rr. Ps 138.
• c 1.81

  L. 2. de doc. Chr. c. 13.
• d 1.82

  Tract. 7. in Io∣an••em.
• * 1.83

  Tschud. Descript. A••pinae cap. 36. Gene••r. l. 4. ••hr. Secul. 11.
• * 1.84

  Quintil. Iust O∣rator. l. 1. ca. 6.
• * 1.85

  ••est. in Diction. Latine loqui.
• * 1.86

  F••lu Vrsin▪ not. ad Anton Augu. de Lug••h & ••e∣na••usconsu. ••.
• * 1.87

  Polyb. l. 3.
• * 1.88

  Vid. Paul. Me∣rul. ••os••••. p••r. 2. l. 4 c. 18. & Cel∣sum. Cit. tad. in Tractat. de Orig. ••ng. Vulgaris. Ital. cap. 7. &c.
• * 1.89

  Of the ancient Languages of Italie, Spaine, France and A∣frique. Chap. 7.
• * 1.90

  Inscrip. v••t. pag. 143.144.145.146.
• * 1.91

  Caesar. l 1. de Bel. lo Gallic. in prin∣cipio Strab. l. 4. in princip.
• * 1.92

  Caes. l. 5. de Bello Gallic. long. post med. Varro ap Hieron. in praefat. l. 2. Comment▪ epist. ad Galat. & a∣pud Isidorum li. 15. Orig. cap. 1.
• * 1.93

  Caes. l. de Bello Gallico. Ta••i•• l. de 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Germa∣nor prope fin••m. Su••••on in C••li∣gula c. ••7. Ho••tom. in•• ••an. c••gall. c. 2. Pe••••on l. de Cog∣nat Li••g G. & Graecae P. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. l. de 12. Li••g. ••schud in 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Rhet. Al••. c. 8. Go••op. in Fran∣cicis. Isac. in Glossa∣rio Pr••••••o gal. Lhuid in D••••cri▪ Britan. Camden in B••itannia. Strab. l 4. Tacit in ••ulio Agricola. Cae•• l 6 de Bel. Gallico.
• * 1.94

  Merul. ••osmogr. part. 2. l. 2. c. 8.
• * 1.95

  Thuord l. 1. paul. a pr••ncip.
• * 1.96

  Gal••t. de situ. Iapyg. pag. 98.
• * 1.97

  Gesner an Mi∣thridate. in Ling. Afric. & Arab. Roccha de dia∣lect. in Ling. Arabica. Postell. de Ling. 12. in ling. Arab. Mas. in Gram. Syriaca. prop. Init. Bibliand. de ration. Lin∣guar. Schidler. in Lex. Penta∣gl••tto in voce 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Marc. Gal••ott. de doct. promiscua. c. 6. & ali•• multi
• * 1.98

  Leo Afric. l. 1. Descrip. Afr. cap. de L••ng. Africae. Flo. in Epitom. Liu. l. 51. Strab. l. 17. Plin. l. 15. c. 18. Strab. li. citato. Mela. l. 1. c. 7. Li••. li. 33. Plin. l. 5. c. 19. Appiā. l. de Bel. Punicis in principio. Curtius. l. 4. & Alii plures.
• * 1.99

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉▪ Arias Mont. lib. Chanaan. c. 8. Postel. in de∣scrip. Syriae. c. de Syriae Nominib. Matth. 15.22. Mark. 7.26. Ios. 5.1.
• * 1.100

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in the Greek signifieth the Palme, for as tou∣ching the deduction of the name Phoenicia, either from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 by Montanus, or from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 by Postellus, signifying the delicacy of the Inhabitants by the first, and their obseruation or adoration of the fire, by the second, they are but late sprung fan∣tasies, and haue not any ground of reason at all: for as much, as in all the Hebrew writings of the Bible, that Country is neuer termed by any name soun∣ding toward Phenicia, but in the Greeke onely. But in many old coynes that I haue seene, I haue noted the Palme Tree, as the speciall cognisance of Phoe∣nicia, (as I haue also the Oliue branch, and Conies to be of Spaine: the Horse of Mauritania: the Ele∣phant, or the spoile of the Elephant of Afrike: the Camell of Arabia: the Crocodile, or the Bird I••is, of Egypt: and diuers other specialties for other Coun∣tries:) And namely I haue seene sundry old Coynes of the Emperour Vespatian, of seuerall deuices and imagery, stamped for a memoriall of his conquest of Iudaea, and taking of Ierusalem (for the Inscription is in euery of them, Iudaea capta) & in each of them, I especially obserued a woman sitting in a sad and mournefull fashion, with her backe to a Palme tree: wherein, I make no doubt, but the desolate woman signifieth Iudaea, and the Palme, Phoenicia, euen as Phoenicia is immediately toward the North, at the backe of Iudaea.
• * 1.101

  Gen. 10.19.
• * 1.102

  Strab. l. 16. non long. ante med. Plin. l. 5. c. 12. Ptolem. Tab. 4. Asiae. Dionys. A∣lex. in Periegesi.
• * 1.103

  Aug. expos. in∣choat. epist ad Roman. in med.
• * 1.104

  Postel lib. de Phoenic. lit. c. 2. §. 5. Arias Mon∣ta. L. Chana•• c. 9 Genebrard. l. 1. Chr••n an Dilu∣uij 131. Sca••ig. ad fest. indict. Sarra. & in ep. a•• Vbert. & ad Tomson.
• * 1.105

  Isa. 19.18.
• * 1.106

  Aug. in ser. 35. de verb Dom. in Euang. see. Luc.
• * 1.107

  As in the Punike tongue Salus three. Augustin. in expos. inchoat. epist. ad Roman. Heb. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Edom, bloud. Enar. Psalm. 126. Heb. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Mamon, lucre, De Sermon. Dom. in Mont. l. 2. c. 14. Heb. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Bal. the Lord. Quaest in Iudic. cap. 16. Heb. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Samen, Heauen. Ibid. Heb. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Messe, to annoint. Tract. 15. in Ioan. Heb 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Alma, a Virgine. Hieron. in c. 7. Isai. Heb. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Gadir. a fence or wall. Plinie. l. 4. c. 22. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. and some other that diligence might obserue.
• * 1.108

  Aug l. 2. ••ent. litter Petil••ani cap. 104.
• * 1.109

  ••leut. in 〈…〉〈…〉 Act. 6.
• * 1.110

  Of the large∣nesse of the Slauonish, Tur∣kish, & Arabike languages. C. 8.
• * 1.111

  Gefner. in Mi∣thrid. in Ling. Illyricca. Bocchae in Ap••end de di∣alect. in Illyrica.
• * 1.112

  Pastell. de 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Dalmat ••occh. in 〈…〉〈…〉 161 & ••••
• g 1.113

  Roccha. lib. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 pagpunc; ••••
• * 1.114

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 pag. ••••••.
• * 1.115

  Michou. l. 1. de Sarmatia. c. 15. Rocch de dialec. in ling. Tur••ica.
• * 1.116

  Postell. in p••ae∣fat. Grammat. Arabic. Ludo∣uic. Reg. l. 8. de Vicissitud. Rer. ad finem.
• * 1.117

  Of the Syriake and Hebrew tongues. Ch. 9.
• * 1.118

  Bellon. Obser∣uat. l. 3. c. 12.
• * 1.119

  Masuis in praefat. Grāmat. Syric. Sixt. Se∣nen. Biblioth. sanctae. l. 4. in voce. Thargum. Canin. in praefat. I••stitat. Syric. Ar. Montan. de ratione Mazzo∣rethan Apparat. ad Bibl. Reg Fa∣brit ••n praesa∣tad. Lexic. Syro∣chaldaicum. Genebrard. l. 2. Chronog. ad An. 3690. Bellarm. l. 2. de verbo Dei c. 4. & 15. &c. Posseuin. Appa∣rat▪ sacr. in Dic∣••i••••e. Biblia.
• o 1.120

  Act. 13.15.
• p 1.121

  Nehem. ca. 8. v. 7.8, 9.
• q 1.122

  Reg. l. 2. ca. 18 v. 26.
• r 1.123

  Iu••••us in Bel∣larm. Cont. 1. l. 2. c. 15. §. 11.
• * 1.124

  Sixt. Senens. ••iblioth. Sanct. l. 4. in dict. on. Syra editio. Galatin. de Ar∣can. Catholicae Verit. l. 1. c 3.
• * 1.125

  for of that part of the Chalde•• Pa••aphrase, which we haue in the Complutense, and King Philips Bibles, on the Bookes of Moses, Onkelos is the Author: of that on Iosuah, the Iudges, the Booke of the Kings and of the Prophets, Ionathan. Of that on Rut••, Hester, Iob, the Psalmes, and the Bookes of Salomon, R. Ioseph Caecus.
• s 1.126

  Vid. Salmeron. De Canonic••. scriptura. Prole∣gom. ••. in Tomo. 1. & de inter∣pretat. Septua∣gint. Prol. 5. Tertull. in Apo∣logetico. ca. 19.
• t 1.127

  Nouell. 146.
• u 1.128

  Act. 6.1. & 9.29. & 11.20. Scalig. in Chron. Euseb. ad Annū. MDCCXXXIV. & ••un. contra. Bellarm. Con∣trou. 1. l. 2. c. 15. §. 21. & Drus. Praetoritor l. 5. Annot. ad. Act. Ap. 6.1.