Purchas his pilgrimes. part 1 In fiue bookes. The first, contayning the voyages and peregrinations made by ancient kings, patriarkes, apostles, philosophers, and others, to and thorow the remoter parts of the knowne world: enquiries also of languages and religions, especially of the moderne diuersified professions of Christianitie. The second, a description of all the circum-nauigations of the globe. The third, nauigations and voyages of English-men, alongst the coasts of Africa ... The fourth, English voyages beyond the East Indies, to the ilands of Iapan, China, Cauchinchina, the Philippinæ with others ... The fifth, nauigations, voyages, traffiques, discoueries, of the English nation in the easterne parts of the world ... The first part.

§. VIII. Of Ophir, diuers opinions weighed and censured; whether the Compasse was knowne to the old World; that the remote parts were lately inhabi∣ted, the New World but newly, and a great part thereof not yet.

THis Golden Countrey is like Gold, hard to find and much quarrelled, and needes a wise Myner to bring it out of the Labyrinths of darknesse, and to try and purifie the Myners [ 10] themselues and their reports. And here our best Athenians seeme Owles indeed, which d••zled with Salomons splendour hide themselues affarre off, and seeke for Easterne Ophir in Peru, and the West Indies. Such conceits haue transported Postellus, Goropius Becanus, Arias Montanus, Vatablus, Posseuinus, Genebrard, Marinus Brixianus, Sa, Eugubinus, Auenarius, Garcia, Noble Morney, and many others by their authority. Their reason is spelled out of the Letters of Ophir and Peru, so neere of Kinne. Arias Montanus in his Phaleg is both large and little in this point, saying, both much and nothing; for from the Scriptures stiling the Ophirian Gold 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Par∣uaim, he gathereth that it was brought from the two Perues, one of which he maketh new Spain, and the other that which now is called Peru; or the Northerne and Southerne moyties of Ame∣rica; and that those parts were commonly traded in ancient times. He maketh the rowe of hils [ 20] which runne from Panama, to the Magellan Straits to be Mount Sephir:* 1.1 for so it is said Gen. 10. speaking of Ioktans Sonnes, the brother of Peleg or Phaleg; And Ioktan begat Almodad, and Sheleph, and Hazarmaueth, and Ierah And Hadoram, and Vzal and Diklah, and Obal and Abi∣mael and Sheba. And Ophir and Hauilah and Iobab: all these were the sonnes of Ioktan. And their dwelling was from Mesha, as thou goest vnto Sephar, a Mount of the East; or as Tremellius, ad montes orientis vs{que}.

If learned Montanus had viewed his owne Map only, hee should haue seene his Ophir in the West, and not in the East: and if it be said Salomons fleet went by the East to the Westerne parts of the World, as the Philippinae and Moluccan shippes of the Spaniards vse to doe, yet Moses speakes of the dwelling and habitations (not of Iourneyings and Nauigations) which God after [ 30] the Babylonian conspiracy had alloted to the generations of men; their dwelling must then bee in regard of Moses when he wrote this in the Desert, or of the scattering from Babylon, whereof he wrote. But these parts of America, are more th••n halfe the Globe distant from those places Eastward, and much neerer by the West.

Againe, the name Peru or Piru is a vaine foundation, for diuers places (see Ortelius his Thesaurus Geograph.) haue like, or the same names,* 1.2 neyther is any part of America by the Inhabitants called Peru, but this name was accidentally by the Spaniards ascribed to those beginnings of their Dis∣coueries on the South Sea, and continued to that great Kingdome of the Incas found by Pizarro. Garcilasso de la Vega of the Inca bloud Royall by his mother, sonne to one of the Spanish Conque∣rors, borne and brought vp at Cozco, chiefe City of Peru, sayth that they had no generall name [ 40] for the Kingdome, but Tauantin Suyu, that is, the foure parts of the World; nor acknowledge the appellation of Peru: but the first Discouerers seising on a fisherman in a Riuer, asked him of the Countrey, and he amazed and not vnderstanding them, answered Beru, and annon added Pelu, as if he should say, my name (if you aske me thereof) is Beru, and I was fishing in the Riuer, Pe∣lu being the common name of a Riuer. The Spaniards, as if he had answered directly, corrupted a name of both those words, which they vnderstood not, and called the Region Peru, a name which the Natiues had neuer heard. The like they did in another Prouince, where asking a Na∣tiue what was the name of the Countrey, he answered, Tectetan, Tectetan, that is,* 1.3 I vnderstand you not, which they corruptly called Iucatan and Yucatan, as if the Indian had affirmed that to be the name of the Region. The like casuall names he obserueth of other American places.

The Iesuite Blas Valera, in his History of Peru affirmeth the same,* 1.4 that Peru is not the pro∣per [ 50] name but accidentall, which the Natiues know not. Acosta acknowledgeth it vnknowne to the Naturals, and an occasioned name from a small Riuer, which Vega saith was called so first by those Spaniards, which there tooke the fisherman. Thus the name which they would make as old as Salomon, began but Anno 1515. at the most, and that which is extended to New Spaine, and Peru, was knowne in neither, nor in any place else of the World.

Thirdly, I answere that Peru was not inhabited, nor yet New Spaine, one thousand yeares af∣ter Salomons time; of which I shall speake more anon, and in my following Discourse of the Apostolicall peregrinations.

Fourthly, neither could so long a Voyage then haue beene performed in three yeeres, beeing [ 60] farre more then to haue compassed the Globe, which hath cost Drake and others three yeares worke: where their worke was not in Mynes but in quicke fights.

Fiftly, this could not then be done without the Compasse. Pineda may conceit him••elfe that those times knew it, but the Phenicians haue in no Story left any such memoriall; nor others of

them, yet these were Salomons Sea men. Leuinus Lemnius, and Master Fuller would haue vs be∣leeue that the Ancients had the Compasse within the compasse of their art,* 1.5 by reason of the Phae∣nicians Marine skill and experience, which we say might be as much as it was, by the Starres, the Monsons, the Soundings, and Shores. Another reason is, the Learning and skill of those times, whereof Salomon saith, Is there any thing whereof it may be said, this is new? it hath beene alreadie of old time which was before vs. It might therefore be knowne in those times, and by barbarous in∣uasions be after lost, and by better times restored: I answer that the times were learned before and after Salomon, but when that learning should by Barbarian incursions be lost, I know no••. The Egyptian, Assyrian, Chaldaean inua••ions might rather increase and disperse, then eclipse and abo∣lish learning, being then more learned then the Greekes, who borrowed their very Letters from [ 10] the Phaenicians. The Persian times are knowne, and the Greeke Learning then grew to the highest pitch, when their Empire succeeded, and in loue of Learning exceeded the other. Hippocrates, Socrates, Plato, Xenophon, Aristotle, and before them Pythagoras and other Philosophers flouri∣shed before the Persian ru••nes, and trauelled into the East for that Learning, which they brought into Greece and Italie.

The Romanes borrowed their Arts from the Greekes, neither doe we read of Learning euapo∣rated in Barbarian flames, till the Deluges of those Sauages in the Romane Empire, which yet continued both Empire and Learning in the East, till the West had in good measure recouered it selfe out of those Mysts, and the Barbarous Saracens had growne louers of Learning, and our Teachers.* 1.6 And yet, had there beene such Barbarians which had rooted that skill out of the [ 20] World (which is vnlikely, that Marine skill beeing the best meanes to encrease their Empire, to enrich their Costers, to doe them other seruices in Warre and Peace, the ancient Conquerors vsing Fleets also to their purposes) yet some of the Bookes and Monuments of all Ages, from Salomons time being left to that of the Romans, as appeareth by Iosephus so well acquainted in the Tyrian Libraries, and other Authors of diuers Nations, and by the fragments which are comne to our hands, and by whole Bookes of Voyages in the Indian and Mediteranean Seas, as this Booke will declare; it cannot be but some mention of the act, if no description of the Art, would haue remained to Posteritie.

Now for Salomons testimony, it confuteth those which make him the author and first founder of the Loadstone (which to M. Fuller and others seemeth probable) if nothing were then new; it may aswell be alleaged for many Generations befor, that they also made ships at Esion-geber, to [ 30] goe to Ophir for like Rarities; and against all new Inuentions in any Age: which sense is al∣so contradicted by Salomon in the same Chapter, Verse 16. Where hee saith, that hee had more wisdome then all they that had beene before him in Ierusalem: and 1. Reg. 3.12. There was none like be∣fore thee, nor after thee shall arise any like vnto thee. This was then a new thing vnder the Sunne, this his wisdome, which brands vs for Fooles, if wee make him contradict himselfe and diuine Veritie.

The Scripture would goe one mile with them and shew the vanitie both of men and other crea∣tures, and they post and force it two, applying what Salomon spake of kindes, to indiuiduall acts and euents; which might aswell enforce Platoes great yeere, and a personall reuolution of each [ 40] man withall his conceits, words and acts. The Magnete is no new thing, but this vse of the Magnete was newly knowne two thousand yeares after Salomons death. The Argument to mee seemeth a merrie one, rather then serious, and I will answere it accordingly with a iest. The Iesuite Pineda (which out of Lemnius citeth these Arguments to proue that the Compasse is an∣cient) is no new thing as a Man; but as a person, as a Iesuite (a new order which beganne 1540.) as an Author which conceiteth that that great fish which tooke vp Ionas carried him in three dayes quite thorow the Mediterranean, and round about the African vast * 1.7 Circumference (statim at{que} deglutitur Ionas, reuertitur coetus velocitate incre••ibili ad mare Indicum & Sinum Arabicum, per Mediterraneum & Gaditanum fretum, imma••i totius Africae circuitu, these are his owne words) these a••e new things vnder the Sunne, and this a new interpretation, which himselfe prefaceth with Papae! nouam & inauditam exponendi rationem! These particulars are new, and yet that text [ 50] is true. I wil not adde (that were too serious and seuere) that all Iesuitisme is new, and their Expo∣sitions of Scriptures, Councels, Fathers for the Roman Monarchie, are all new, New-gay-no∣things, Vanitie of vanities and vexation of spirit; yet to lye (the genus generalissimum of Iesuiticall tenents, as they are Iesuites; CHRISTIANS is a name too old for them) is as old as the old Serpent.

But lest I be ouer-bold with our Author, and may seeme to passe from a new argument to an old quarrell, and from ieasting to ierking; I contayne my selfe, lest any Veterator take mee for a Nouelist; and with reuerence and thankes for his better paines, craue pardon for this iocoserium, and come to his third Argument out of Plautus, where in speech of sayling, hee hath these [ 60] words,

* 1.8Huc secundus ventus nu••c est, cape modo versoriam, Hic Fauonius serenus est, isthic A••ster imbricus.

Here Lemnius, Giraldus de Nauigijs, and Calcagninus with others mentioned by him, doe interprete Versoria of the Compasse: whom Pineda beleeueth not, and yet saith, hee hath quod nostro Acostae reddere possimus requirenti aliquod idoneum ex antiquitate huins aciculae testimo∣nium: notwithstanding, hee coniectureth it to bee some pole to thrust the Vessell (if any In∣strument) and acknowledgeth that the Oares and Rodder might bee Versoriae, in regard of tur∣ning the ship, and lastly concludeth it to be spoken without respect to any Nautike Instrument, interpreting Cape Versoriam to returne: and that Pl••utus his actor did point to the Heauens, not to any Instrument, when he said, huc secundus ventus est, hic Fauonius, &c. which seemeth to bee the Poets true sense.

[ 10] Pineda addes, that we ought not to doubt but that Salomon knew this of the Loadstone aswel as other Stones and Herbs. I answer we haue a better Loadstone and Leadstone for one then for the other; the Scripture speaking of him more as a Herbarist, then as a Lapidarie and Mariner. He alleageth, that the attractiue facultie would reueale that Polare. I answere, that experience hath produced many Ages to testifie the contrarie; which knew the one, not the other. His Argument from the store of Load-stones in those Easterne parts, concludes nothing for the skill, any more then that the naked artlesse Indians in Hispaniola were better Gold-smiths then the Europaeans, because they had more Gold. His last Argument is least, from the Diuine Proui∣dence which would not permit men so many Ages to be ignorant hereof. For heere we come to an, O altitudo! O the depth of the riches both of the wisdome and knowledge of God, how vnsearchable [ 20] are his iudgements, and his wayes past finding out? For who hath knowne the minde of the Lord,* 1.9 or who hath beene his Counseller?

I like much better that which Pineda addes of the Ancients abilitie to sayle without kenne of the shoare, without Magneticall helpe, which Strabo, Arianus and Plinie acknowledge: and Aratus saith, that the Phaenicians followed the Load-starre (not the Load-stone) which Tully citeth also out of him.* 1.10

Arrianus mentioneth the helpe of the Monsons (as now they terme them) or seasons of the Windes, obseruing a constant course in the Indian Ocean, which with experience of the frequented Coast, might easily teach Mippalus a compendious passage thorow the Mayne, or at least further from kenne of Land. Whereupon Plinie hauing related the former course, addes [ 30] Secuta aetas propiorem cursum tutiorem{que} &c. Compendia inuenit Mercator, Lib. 6. cap. 23. They also obserued the flying of certain Birds which they caried with them. But al these could nothing helpe to a Peruan Voyage from the Red Sea, where the knowne Starres were laid asleepe in Te••hys lap; where neither Birds carried with them, could instruct to any neere shoare, nor any Birds in the mayne Ocean were to be seene; where the Monsons and Seasons of the winde are so diuersified; where without the Compasse all things are out of compasse, and nothing but mi∣racle or chance (which neuer produce Arts) could saue or serue them. I haue spoken of the Load-stone in another place to which I referre the Reader, least that makes mee wander and drowne, which directeth and saueth others.

Lastly, Peru could not be Ophir, if wee conceiue that SALOMON brought thence Iuorie; [ 40] and Peacockes. For Peacockes they read Parrots, and for Iuorie they are forced to take it vp by the way in some place of Africa or India, which distraction must needs prolong the Voyage, which without such lets could not (as before is obserued) in three yeares bee performed. As for such (Asse for such, I might haue said) which thinke so huge and vast a tract of Land as that New World, might bee now emptie of Elephants which then it had (for it is confessed by all Classike Authors, that America neuer saw Elephant) as England is ridde of Wolues, wherewith it hath sometimes abounded; Why should not other kinds of Creatures bee vtterly destroyed as∣well as these, being more hurtfull to the Inhabitants? I meane, Tigres, Leopards, and other rauenous beasts whereof America hath more then a good many. And if they should destroy E∣lephants for their Iuorie, what piece of Iuorie was euer found in Peru or all America, before [ 50] our men came there? If Salomons men had destroyed all, it were inhumane to interuert after-ages. The hunting of Wolues in the North of Scotland at this day, and the huntings vsed by many Nations, Tartars, Cafres, &c. easily tell vs how England was cleered of Wolues; Armies, or Multitudes in a large Ring, encircling the beasts, & with Fire, Waters, Dogs, Armes, &c. bringing all into a narrow Compasse, and there killing them. But in the New World that would haue re∣quired another World to haue done it. I adde that no Elephant could come into Peru but by Miracle, the cold and high Hilles euery way encompassing, beeing impassable to that Creature, as wee shall see in our Spanish entrance with Horses. Yea, I auerre further, that an Elephant could not liue in Peru, but by Miracle. For the Hilles are cold in extre∣mitie, and the Valleyes, till the Incas made artificiall Riuers were without water, it neuer [ 60] rayning there, whereas the Elephant delights in places very hote and very moist. But I deserue blame to fight with Elephants in America, which is with lesse then a shadow, and to lay siege to Castles in the Aire.

These arguments haue no lesse force against Columbus and Vatablus their Ophir in Hispaniola:* 1.11 which from the Red Sea makes a farther fetch with like or greater improbabilities. This errour

was more fortunate then learned. For out of a right rule that the World is round, and that there∣fore men might sayle to the East by the West, Columbus first, and presently after him Sir Seba∣stian Cabot made their Discoueries,* 1.12 and stumbled on a New World by the way, whereof they had not dreamed.

Cabots Voyage was to seeke Cathay or China. Columbus his intent was for the East Indies, and finding much Gold in Hispaniola, without examining other difficulties, and falsly suppo∣sing himselfe to haue attayned the East Indies, he called that Iland Ophir; which conceit Francis Vatablus receiued.

Now for Sofala or Cefala, many arguments are alleaged by Ortelius (who here placeth Salo∣mons Ophir) and others.* 1.13 And indeed the abundance of Gold, and the excellencie thereof, as like∣wise [ 10] of Siluer, there taken out of the Mynes; Peacocks, or Parrots, whether you choose to inter∣prete; Elephants, Apes, (Monkeyes and Baboones) excellent Woods for such vses as the Al∣muggim Trees were applied; all these, together with the easie Nauigation from the Red Sea thither alongst the African shoare; and lastly the name it selfe may seeme to plead for a Sofalan Ophira, or Sophira (as Iosephus cals it) in this place. Ioaon dos Santos liued eight yeares in those parts,* 1.14 and alleageth many things to this purpose. He saith that neere to Massapa, is a great high Hill called Fura, in the Kingdome of Monomotapa, to which hee will not suffer the Portugals to passe lest the rich Mynes should cause their too potent Neighbour-hood. On the top of that Hill are old ruinous wals of lime and stone. Barrius saith, their are also vnknowne Letters ouer the gate:* 1.15 the people ignorant of such workes, say they were built by Deuils, thinking them im∣possible to men, iudging others by themselues. They are fiue hundred and ten miles from Sofa∣la, [ 20] in one and twentie degrees of Southerly latitude. He coniectureth it to bee Ptolemeys Agy∣simba,* 1.16 the buildings being still called Simbaon••. Thomas Lopez addes, that the Moores affirmed, that their Bookes and ancient Writings contayned, that King Salomon fetched his Gold in his three yeares Voyage from thence.

At that time 1502. there were warres, but formerly the Moores of Mecca and Zidem, vsed to carrie two Millions of Mitigals (which are about eight shillings a piece) yeerely from thence. But to returne to Santos, hee alleageth a Tradition of the Natiues, that these Mynes and Buil∣dings belonged to the Queene of Saba, and that others ascribe them to Salomon, making this Fu∣ra or Afura to be Ophir, See the place, * 1.17 and his pleading of this point, wherein I could be per∣swaded [ 30] to be of his minde, if that Moses did not place Ophir Eastward, Gen. 10.30. Who (it is likely) gaue name to this golden Region.

There are that seeke for Tarshish at Carthage, and some I haue knowne which place Ophir neere Gambra.* 1.18 Of this minde was Captaine Iobson, which trauelled vp that Riuer, nine hundred and sixtie miles, and heard such golden reports of the In-land Countreyes, as this Worke will from him deliuer to you. And indeed I doe easily perswade my selfe, that the richest Mynes of Gold in the World are in Africa; especially in the heart of the Land from the Line to the Tro∣pike of Capricorne. (See our Relations out of Bermudez, Iobson, Battell and others) and I cannot but wonder, that so many haue sent so many, and spent so much in remoter Voyages to the East and West, and neglected Africa in the midst; which perhaps might prooue as much richer as [ 40] neerer, then both the Indies. But Rectum est index sui & obliqui: if wee shew Ophir to bee in the East Indies, it cannot be in America or Africa, vnlesse we be of Acostas opinion, who howsoeuer he thinketh that Salomons Gold,* 1.19 &c. came from the East Indies, yet coniectureth that Ophir and Tharsis signifie no certayne Regions, but are taken in a generall sense, as the word India is with vs, applied to all remoter Countreyes. Ophir might be any of the former, remote farre from the Red Sea.

But I can tell that India receiued his name from the Riuer Indus, still called Sinde, (which hath also foiled all our Geographers hitherto,* 1.20 making it to passe thorow Cambaya, which Sir Thomas Roes Voyage will confute, that it is lesse maruell if Ophir trouble vs so much) and because the Countreves beyond India, were so meanly knowne by their true names, and Indus came from so [ 50] remote Regions, they continued and extended that name to them: and (as euen now you heard) Colon by misprision called America, India, not dreaming of a Westerne, but supposing that by the West,* 1.21 he had arriued in the Eastern India. Now, why Ophir should be so dilated, I see no such rea∣son. Tarshish we shall better examine after. And for others opinions of Ophir to be an Iland in the Red Sea called Vrphe, or Ormus in the Persian, they are not worth examining: beeing not able to yeeld Gold, and the other Commodities which Salomon sought.

The truth of Ophir must as from a deepe Myne bee drawne out of Moses, Gen. 10. Wherein although wee cannot approue the opinion of those which conceiue Moses in that Chapter, to haue set downe the iust number of Languages and Nations, as if there were seuentie two of each▪ and neither more nor fewer; yet it must needs be granted, and the Text plainly auerreth, These [ 60] are the Families of the sonnes of Noah after their generations, in their Nations, and by these were the Nations diuided in the Earth after the Floud:* 1.22 and particularly of the Sonnes of Shem (here questio∣ned) These are the sonnes of Shem, after their families, after their tongues, in their lands, after their Nations. So that wee gather that the first originalls of Nations are there mentioned, such especi∣ally

as concerned his Ecclesiasticall story, or was necessary for the Church to take knowledge of. For neither were they all differing Nations and Languages which hee mentioneth, nor are all Nations or Languages there mentioned. For eleuen of them are the sons of Canaan, which all peo∣pled that little region, which Israel after by Ioshuas conduct possessedial which also spake one lan∣guage, or else Abraham & the Patriarks must haue learned many tongues in their frequent peram∣bulations; which some thinke the same which the Israelites spake, & iudge it euident in the Hi∣story of the first Spies, and of Rahabs entertaining of the later Spies; and that it is called by the Prophet, The language of Canaan, Es. 19.18, and carried thence into Egypt before by the Patriarks, to whom Ioseph spake first by an Interpreter, but in reuealing himselfe, hee with his owne mouth [ 10] (that is, in their tongue) spake vnto them, when the Interpreter and all others were excluded. And in the whole story of the Old Testament, no difference of language is notified in all the commerce and cohabitations of all sorts of both Nations. * 1.23 Priscian saith, Lingua Poenorum Chal∣daeae vel Hebraeae similis: and Saint Ierom, Poeniquasi Phoeni, quorum lingua Hebraeae magna ex parte confinis est. Saint Augustine often saith as much; and diuers wordes of the language confirme it. As for a Shiboleth, and Siboleth, or some difference of Dialect (which wee see with vs almost in euery Shire) wee make not that a difference of, but in the Language. And so it seemeth it was in the first Ages, before Conquest and Commerce brought in so many new wordes to the Punike language. The Punike Scene in Plautus his Poenolus, by * 1.24 Scaliger, M. Selden and others is found a kind of Hebrew, after all those ages and changes. I will not herein contend with M. Fuller and others which haue written contrary. But either they were the same, or not much differing: [ 20] and (which I principally ayme at) all these eleuen Nations had the same language at lest in the Patriarkes times, and not vnlike the Hebrew, which was so little altered, after such altera∣tions of time and place.

Now because that Countrey was giuen to Abrahams posteritie, Moses is more exact in boun∣ding the places, & intimating the peoples, then ••n all Ioktans posterity (which it seemeth peopled one hundred times so much Countrey) as not pertaining to Israels Inheritance▪ and not much to their neighborhood or knowledge. And if Salomon imployed aboue eight score thousands in con∣tinuall workes so many yeeres for the Temple, how many shall we thinke imployed themselues in that Babylonian structure, which occasioned that diuersifying of languages; and which is there∣fore likely to haue happened long after Pelegs birth, by which time the world could not likely [ 30] be so peopled? Neither may wee deny more then ordinary multiplication in those first Ages after the Floud: though we grant a good space after Pelegs birth, for how else could such a mul∣titude haue assembled so soone to such a purpose? Wee see the like admirable increase of the Israe∣lites in Egypt, in despite of bloudy butchery and slauery, which yet asked aboue two hundred yeeres, from seuentie persons. And can any man thinke that where a World was multiplied, that the Fathers had no more Sonnes then are there mentioned? especially seeing of Sems line, Gen. 11. it is said they begat other sonnes: and of them are expressed fiue generations, of the other but two or three, and most of them omitted, except such as most concerned Israel in neighbour∣hood or other affaires. How could Iocktan yeeld thirteene Nations then, when Peleg giues name [ 40] to none, till of Abraham, six generations after, some were deriued? I suppose therefore that Mo∣ses there names not all Nations, as writing not a Story of the World, but those principally which by vicinitie or Inheritance, or future commerce (as this Ophir and his brethren) it behooued the Is∣raelites to take notice of; especially Him, who was to alter Moses his Tabernacle into so glorious a Temple, and to bee so liuely a figure of a greater then Moses and Salomon both. Nor is it likely but that there was a greater confusion of languages, then into so many as can bee gathered in the tenth of Genesis; or that all there mentioned differed in tongue from each other; for so Shem, Cham, and Iapheth should neuer haue vnderstood each other, nor their posteritie. It is probable therefore, that God multiplying the World in so short a space (which, as I said, I rather thinke to haue hapned some good while after Pelegs birth, then at that very time) almost to a miracle, most men of most families were there, and their languages also miraculously multiplied; (The Iewish tradition is that it hapned a little before Pelegs death, as Genebrard obserueth out of them) [ 50] but being a conspiracy against God, many others were not there and retained their ancient Ebrew; especially the pious and religious Patriarkes. Such perhaps was Peleg himselfe, then a man of yeeres, and therefore his name giuen him of that diuision in others. For if any thinke that Pelegs name intimates the building of Babel at his birth, we see that Abraham, Sarah, and Iacob had their names changed in their riper yeeres.

This diuision of languages caused that dispersion, Therefore is the name of it called Babel (or Con∣fusion) because the Lord did there confound the language of all the Earth: and from thence did the Lord scatter them abroad vpon the face of all the Earth. Yet cannot we say that presently this was wholly executed; but euen then so many as spake one language, dwelt together in one Region: [ 60] Other Persons and Families in other Regions, which then were thinly planted, and in processe of time more fully peopled, and Colonies also deriued to people remoter Regions. For although Man, (that is Mankind) hath a right to all the Earth, yet heere there was a very great part of the Earth vnpeopled in Moses time, yea to these dayes of Ours. And if we marke all the Heads

of Families mentioned by Moses, wee shall see none, which at that time had inhabited so farre as this our Britaine: but how much neerer the Regions were to the Arkes resting, and Babels confu∣sion, so much sooner were they peopled. Sure it is that some Ages after, the best and most frequent Habitations, and neerest those parts were but meanly peopled, as appeareth by Abraham, Isaac, and Iacob, Lot, Laban, and their children wandring and remoouing from place to place with their great Flockes and Herds, as if Grounds and Pastures had then euen in the Regions of Syria and Canaan beene of small value. Compare Abrahams time with Ioshua, and you shall see a great dif∣ference, more Cities and Villages seeming then builded, then before were Families of note, and that in foure hundred yeeres space. Ammon, Moab, Ishmael, all the Families of the sonnes of Ke∣turah, and that of Edom, with innumerable other were not in rerum natura, neither the language (which it seemes by mixture with others was altered) nor the Nation. [ 10]

Yea how poore a thing was our Britaine in Caesars time, either for the numbers or ciuilitie? How thinly is all the Northerne America, from thirtie degrees vpwards towardes the Pole in∣habited? a world of Continent by no probabilitie, containing in the whole so many people as some one small Region in Asia or Europe. All Virginia, New-England, and New-found∣land, cannot haue (notwithstanding such commodious habitations and innumerable commodi∣ties) so many Inhabitants, so farre as my industry can search, as this one Citie with the Suburbs containeth, though we adde all euen to the Pole, and take one hundred miles within Land alongst the Coast all the way; which easily argueth the later peopling thereof. Neither is there any thing in all America which doth not indeed proclaime it a New World.* 1.25 For as in the Old World, first there was simplicitie of Herdmen, Shepheards, and Husbandmen; and after that Trades, [ 20] Merchandise, Riches, Cities, Kingdomes, more curious Rites Ciuill and Religious, and some Mo∣numents of them (which those which had, esteemed others for the want therof Barbarians & Sa∣uages, as a wilder kind of men) and this Ciuilitie, Cities, Populations and Kingdomes began in Assyria, Egypt, and other places neerer the first confusion, and after proceeded to Greece (whom the Egyptians called children,* 1.26 as is before said, for their later Ciuilitie, Arts, and Histories) and thence to Italy, which was long swadled in Roman rusticitie, and later attained to politer Scien∣ces; and thence into France (as wee now call it) and after that into Britaine, and later into Ger∣many, all by Roman Conquests and imparting Arts with their Armes: so may wee iudge of the New World, wherein two Empires were growne great, ciuill, rich, and potent, after their man∣ner, as our Mexican and Inca stories will shew in due place. This their greatnesse produced stories [ 30] of their Acts by Quippos, Pictures and other Monuments, which deriued to posteritie the know∣ledge of former times and acts.* 1.27 By which we may gather that the Northerne America was first peopled, and that probably from the Easterne or Northerne parts of Asia; and communicated people to the Southerne parts, the Northerne Antiquities of Mexico, being ancienter then those of Peru. Those first stories also (see them in the Picture-Booke, and in Vega and Acosta follow∣ing) how raw and infantly beginnings and proceedings doe they shew? What barbarisme? Yet neither containing memorialls of one thousand yeeres: So that allow sixe hundreth yeeres to meere breedings and barbarous infancy, with creeping in dispersions, as out of the cradle of A∣merican humanity amongst them, till they were fuller of People and Townes, where one wit whetts another to new deuices, yet we scarcely come to the times of Christ and his Apostles. I [ 40] may adde, that till about one thousand two hundred yeeres after Christ, neither of those Empires were worthy the names of pettie Kingdomes, and euen then had scarcely crept out of the shell.

Now for Ilands in the Seas betwixt Asia and them, as also along the North Sea, as they cal it, on the Easterne shoare of America, in the North and South parts thereof also, these Relations will shew you Worlds of them not yet peopled. The Southerne Continent is yet but saluted on the Shoares and Ilands, of which we may no lesse coniecture much emptinesse. For the fulnesse of the Continent disburthens it selfe into Ilands; and fulnesse of the first peopled parts, Asia, Africa, and Europe, made them seeke to root out one another by the Sword, or to possesse vacant places by Sea or Land, which either chance or industry had found. But except Deucalion and Pyrrha had [ 50] sowne stones to procreate Men, or Cadmus his sowne teeth had procreated Armies, or the Clouds had rained Peoples, as they are said to doe Frogs, I know not how wise and learned men (by their leaues inconsiderately enough) fill China and America with people in those dayes before Moses and Abraham, and find great commerce and knowledge of the New World, when the Old was but yesterday begun. So necessary to Humane and Diuine knowledge is Geographie and Histo∣ry, the two Eyes with which wee see the World, without which our greatest Clerkes are not the wisest men, but in this part blind and not able to see farre off. If any deride this as paradoxicall and new, I say againe, that in America alone, so much as hath beene discouered, and whereof know∣ledge from ey-witnesses hath comne to my hand, partly in the Continent, partly in Ilands, as much (and in great part as commodious for mans vse) as all Europe, is either wholly vnhabi∣ted, or so thinly inhabited, that men roague rather then dwell there, and so as it would feed and [ 60] sustaine a hundreth, perhaps a thousand times as much people by due husbandry.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Gen. 10.26, 27, 28, 29, 30.
• * 1.2

  Sepharuaim. 2. Reg. 17. is a name as like, and true, ad∣ding but a Sa∣mech to Parua∣im a name of a place subdued by the Assyrian••▪ Vega. com. reales l. 1. c. 4.5. See his story Tom. 2. l. 7. c. 13.
• * 1.3

  Lopez de Goma∣ra Gen. hist. c. 52
• * 1.4

  Blas Val. hist. Peru. Acost. hist. l. 1. cap. 13.
• * 1.5

  Lem. de Occultis Nat. mirac. l. 3. c 4.

  Full. Miscel. l. 4. c 19. Ec. 1.10.
• * 1.6

  Ioseph cont. Ap∣pionem.

  See Voss. de hist. graecis in foure Bookes·

  Salomon had all knowledge ne∣cessary to Mo∣rall, Politike and sauing wisdom, and to the ends for which God gaue him so large a heart. But the Sea ha••h bounds, & so had Salomons wisdom. Some∣what was left for Iohn Baptist to be greater then he, or any borne of wo∣m••n. Neither was the know∣ledge of the Compasse ne∣cessarie to Sa∣lomon, who without it could and did compasse the Gold of Ophir.
• * 1.7

  Aboue 13000 miles space. Perhaps the Whale-con∣stellation took vp this Sea Whale into his Chariot, some p••rt of the way.
• * 1.8

  Pl••••ti Mer••••••.
• * 1.9

  Rom. 11.33, 34.
• * 1.10

  Cic. Acada. Ego meas cognitio∣nes sic dirigo, non ad illam par••u∣lam Cynosuram, Qua fidunt du∣ce nocturna Phaenices in al∣tum. vt ait A∣ratus &c. Certior est Cyno∣sura tamen sul∣cantibus aequor, &c. Arat. In the begin∣ning of the second books. The sixth rea∣son.
• * 1.11

  A second 〈◊〉〈◊〉 on for Hispa∣niola.
• * 1.12

  Colon a happier Discouerer of the new World then the old.
• * 1.13

  Third opinion for Soph••la.
• * 1.14

  See inf. l. 9. c. 12
• * 1.15

  Barros Dec. 1. l. 10.
• * 1.16

  T. Lopez ap. Ra∣musium Tom. 1.
• * 1.17

  Infra Tom. 1. pag. 1549.
• * 1.18

  A fourth and fifth opinions.
• * 1.19

  A sixth opini∣on.

  Ios. Acost. l. 1.14.
• * 1.20

  Inf. l. 4. c. 16.
• * 1.21

  See §. 12. for Acos••. opinion. Other opiniōs.
• * 1.22

  Gen. 10.31.32.
• * 1.23

  Prisc. l. 5. Hie••on. ad Ier. 5▪ A••nob. in Ps. 104. Aug de verb. Dom••s 25 cont. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. P••t. l. 3. De C.D. 16.6. &c Ber. A••d••••ie Anteg. l. 2 c. 2.
• * 1.24

  Scalig. in ••ro∣legom. vlt. edit. Emend. Temp. Selden. de D. S. prolegom. c. 2. The Spies ha∣uing such ser∣uile education in Egypt had no meanes ••o learn tongues▪ Gen. 45.12.
• * 1.25

  America newly inhabited.
• * 1.26

  Chaldaea, Syria,
• * 1.27

  See Acosta, and the Picture story To. 2. l. 5. c. 7. & Vega his Inca story, l. 7 c. 13.