Purchas his pilgrimes. part 1 In fiue bookes. The first, contayning the voyages and peregrinations made by ancient kings, patriarkes, apostles, philosophers, and others, to and thorow the remoter parts of the knowne world: enquiries also of languages and religions, especially of the moderne diuersified professions of Christianitie. The second, a description of all the circum-nauigations of the globe. The third, nauigations and voyages of English-men, alongst the coasts of Africa ... The fourth, English voyages beyond the East Indies, to the ilands of Iapan, China, Cauchinchina, the Philippinæ with others ... The fifth, nauigations, voyages, traffiques, discoueries, of the English nation in the easterne parts of the world ... The first part.

§. XII. Of Tharsis or Tharshish, whether it bee the same with Ophir, and bot•• some in∣definite [ 50] remoter Countrey; whether it be the Sea, or Tartessus, ••••ny place in Spaine. Of the ancient Nauigations about Africa, and of the Phaenician Antiquities.

* 1.1LEarned Acosta hauing alleaged Reasons sufficient for confuting that ••pinion of Per•••• to be Ophir, an vpstart name, vnknowne to the Natiues; and when•• neither Iuorie nor such precious Gemmes could be brought, and whither Solomon Nauie in those times ignorant of the Load-stone, could not come to f••tch them; 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Eastern•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 [ 60] being fitter then the West for Solomons purposes the concludeth, Ego s••n•• Ophir & Tharsis in diuinis literis sapius non certum aliquem definitum{que} locum sonare sus••icor, sed gener•••• po••ius esse voca∣bulum. idem{que} efficere apud Hebr••o••, quod apud nos vulgo Indiarum vocem. He ••onciueth, that a•• India is a name giuen to any remote, rich, and strange Region very much difer••ng from our••; as

〈◊〉〈◊〉 Mexico, Brasil, Malaca, &c. So likewise Ophir and Tharsis; and as for Tharsis, it signifieth ei∣••••er the maine Sea, or most remote and strange Regions. Thus he coniectureth.

For Ophir we haue before found it, the proper name of a man and of a Region denominated of him; but withal haue acknowledged the Ophirian voyage to comprehend more then the Region of Ophir, including the other Indian Ports wherat they touched and traded in that voyage, especially the two Ilands now called Seilan and Sumatra, and all places on the Coast within the Gulfe of Bengala, which might fit their purpose. It is vsuall now to call an Indian Voyage, not only to Iacatra, Bantam, or Banda, but thereto also they reckon their touching at Soldanha, on the maine of Afrike, or at the Riuer of Saint Augu••tine in the great Iland of Saint Laurence, and the Ilands of Comoro, or Socatra, or wheresoeuer they arriue on the Abash or Mohan shoare in the Red Sea, [ 10] or in any Arabike Port, or in the Persian Gulfe before they come to India: and there also Surat, Diul, Calicut, or wheresoeuer they touch besides on this side or beyond that principal Port where they make their Voyage, as they terme it, that is, where they take in their chiefe ladings. Of which, the following Relations will giue you many instances. So the Straits Voyages, intimate not the meere sayling to or thorow the Straits of Gibraltar, in vulgar appellation, but all Voy∣ages within those Straits whether to Venice, or Ligorne, or Zant, or Constanstinople, or Scanderone, or Alexandria, or in one Voyage to visit many or all of these Ports, is yet called but a Straits Voy∣age. We may yeeld thus much therefore to Acosta, that Ophir,* 1.2 was a proper Countrey (as India also is) extending from Ganges to Menan, and betwixt the Lake Chiamay, and the Gulfe or Sea [ 20] of Bengala; but as it happened, that India being the remotest knowne Region, gaue name in old times to all later Discoueries beyond it, and in after times accidentally to the New World, which the first finders mistooke for Easterne India, so also the Voyage to Ophir, accidentally might giue name to all those Remote parts, and comprehend all the farre Ports, which by occasion of the Voyage to Ophir they visited, lying in the way thither, or somewhat wide or beyond. And as there is a Region truly and properly called India, euen al that which extends from Indus (whence it is so named) to Ganges; which name by others ignorance of the proper names of Regions; was extended further both beyond Ganges, and to all remote Regions, so was there a true Ophir, na∣med of Ophir the sonne of Ioktan, which occasioned other remote Countreyes to beare that ap∣pellation, at least in this Voyage thither.

[ 30] But for Tharsis or Tarshish, or Tharshish; we see Acosta himselfe in his finall vpshot, to make an aut of it, Aut immensum mare, aut regiones semotissimas & valde peregrinas accipi solere. So that his former Proposition admits now another, that either it is the maine Ocean (which I take to be the true sense) or some remote Region. Some are of opinion that the Voyage to Ophir,* 1.3 and that to Tharsis differed, because the Scripture saith, according to our Translation, For the King had at Sea a Nauie of Tharshish, with the Nauie of Hiram once in three yeeres, came the Nauie of Tharshish, bringing Gold and Siluer, Iuorie, and Apes and Peacockes.

Tremellius hath it. Nam classis Oceani pro rege cum classe Chirami erat: semel ternis annis veniebat classis ex Oceano afferens aurum, &c. The Vulgar, Latine and Septuagint, Nauis Tharsis erat regi Salomoni in mari cum nauibus Chiram.

[ 40] Saint Ierome in many places examineth this Tharshish, as in Es. 2. Melius est Tharsis vel mare vel pelagus absolutè ponere, and alledgeth Ionas his fleeing to Tharsis, who from Ioppe could not come to India by Sea,

Most of the late Writers agree with Tremellius, that Tharsis is the Ocean;* 1.4 and make that a difference betwixt Tharshish and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Iam which signifies the Sea, as the Red Sea, or Mediter∣ranean, and withall those lesse collections of waters as the Dead Sea, the Sea of Galilee, and that Brazen Vessell for the largenesse, called a Sea, 2. King. 25.16. whereas Tharshish is only the Maine or large Sea. R. Mose Hadarsan citeth foure significations, Tarsus a Citie of Cilicia, Carthage, India, and the Sea. This place cannot admit Tarsus nor Carthage, beeing in another Sea, to which Esiongeber, on the Red Sea had not beene the Port to haue sailed from, but Ioppe or Tyrus, or some other Hauen in the Mediterranean. Now if any thinke them two Voyages from two [ 50] seuerall Ports, the Scr••pture is plaine, where it is said, Iehoshaphat made ships of Tharshish to goe to Ophir for Gold; but they went not, for the ships were broken at Esiongeber. And lest any might thinke that they were call••d ships of Tharshish, because the materials came from Cilicia, it is more full, 2. Chron. 20.••5. And after this did Iehoshaphat King of Iudah,* 1.5 ioyne himselfe with Ahaziah King of Israel, who did very wickedly. And he ioyned himselfe with him to make ships to go to Tarshish, and they made the ships in Esiongeber. Then Eliezer prophesied, &c. and the ships were broken that they could not goe to Tarshish. Note also that the vulgar translateth in one place Sea, in the other Tharsis.

Some hence gather it to be a Region in India, as that Rabbi,* 1.6 and Ierome also doth in some sort [ 60] auerre, with Iosephus, and many late Writers. But because no such Region in India can be found, hence so many opinions. Postel••us placeth Ophir in the Golden Region where Malaca standeth, but makes Tharsis to extend further, euen to the South Sea; or the Peruan Coast, so that Ophir and Peru are diuorced for a marriage with Tharsis. The Chaldee will haue it Africa,* 1.7 and Ema∣nuel Saa in Angola; Acosta no certaine place; Ribera will haue them two Voyages, and not the

same to Ophir and Tharsis; Pineda and Goropius bring vs to Tartessus in Spaine. But I embrace the opinion of Cornelius Cornelij,* 1.8 Villalpandus (and heerein Ribera also agreeth) which say that o•• Tarshish the Sonne of Iauan, Cilicia tooke name at first, still continued to Tarsus (where Saint Paul was borne, famous in old times by Straboes report for the Vniuersitie and other Antiquities) and the Inhabitants therof, and the adioyning Regions being famous at Sea, might cause that great Sea (as the Scripture cals * 1.9 it, in comparison of the lesser Seas in Iudaea) to be called Tarshish, a name then ea••••ly by the Iewes deriued to all great Seas, whether Mediterranean or Ocean.

Now that w••ich makes Interpreters to question some place in India, or elsewhere, is the phra••e of going to and comming from Tarshish, and bringing goods from thence, a kind of speech which to Pineda seemeth ridiculous, if thereby be not meant some certaine place on Land. Wee [ 10] see at this day the Hill Atlas in Afrike, hath giuen name to that huge huge Ocean, extending e∣uen to the New Worlds of the South and West. The Straits betwixt Spaine and Afrike, giue name with our Mariners to all the Midland Sea within and beyond them. Indus gaue name to India, and all the Ocean adioyning; and the South Sea (the greatest of knowne Seas) is so ter∣med, because Vasques Balboa first saw it lying to the South from him; neither can the Westerne Scite, take away that name Del Sur to this day. Is it then any maruell, that Tarshish the Cilician Sea next adioyning to Iudaea, should giue name to all the deeper and larger parts of the Mediter∣ranean, which they had occasion after to take notice of, and to other Seas from the Red Sea for∣ward more wide and spacious. Pineda himselfe confesseth, that Tartessus which hee would haue to be Tharsis, gaue name not only to Boetica, but to all Spaine. And is it any more ridiculous or absurd to say, the King had a Nauie of Tharshish at Sea, then that which our vulgar Mariners say, [ 20] the Straits fleet is now at Sea, or the Straits fleet is come from Sea, speaking of our Merchants ships, which keep company together in the Seas for feare of Algier Pirats? Do not they cal them Straits Merchandise? and say, that such & such goods are brought out of the Straits, or caried to the Straits, that are sent thorow those Seas, and brought by those Seas to or from any Port therein? And as vsuall a Phrase it is, which Pineda iudgeth so absurde, that a Mariner being asked whither he goeth, should answere to Sea, or that Gold, Siluer, Iuorie, Peacockes and Apes should be said to be brought from Sea: For our Mariners (which learne not their Idiome of Scholers) vse to say, when all their money is spent, they will goe to Sea and get more; that they brought this or that from Sea, that shortly they are to goe to Sea, or haue lately come from Sea, without naming any Port; that such [ 30] a man hath got all his goods by Sea, great wealth hath comne to him by Sea; hee hath had great losse by Sea, and other like p••rases of Sea-men (for so also are they called, in opposition to Land-men, in regard of their Tra••e and course of life, though the habitation of both be on Land.) This then may be the sense: SALOMON had at Sea a Nauie at Tharshish, that is, ships built for long voy∣ages at Sea: as we call men of Warre, or ships of Warre; which are built for that purpose. And how ea••ie is the construction, Iehoshaphat made ships of Tharshish to goe to Ophir, in these words, a Sea-nauie, or ship of the Sea, to goe to Ophir; that is, not such Fisher-boates, as they saw in the Sea of Galilee, or such small Barkes as they vsed in Palaestina to trade from Port to Port, but a Nauie Royall of strong ships able to brooke long Voyages in the Ocean.

* 1.10I also thinke that in regard of the length of those Voyages, in which they were two thirds [ 40] of the time at Sea (after our account) and three whole yeeres in each Voyage from their Land-home, in a kind of eminence, they were in these Voyages said to goe to Tharshish or to Sea. And so Ionas likewise minding to flie from that Land whither he was sent, was hurried in the strength of temptation, a quite contrarie way, whether that ship intended Tarsus in Cilicia, or whither∣soeuer it went, he chusing rather a certaintie of flight then of scite, or setling himselfe any where, as Saint Ierome saith of him, Non ad certum fugere cupiebat locum, sed mare ingrediens, quocunque pergere festinabat. Et magis hoc conuenit fugitiuo & timido, non locum fuge otiosè eligere. sed primam occasionem arripere nauigandi. Likewise in that Psalme which mystically and fully is true of Christ in the calling of the Gentiles; typically and in part verified in Solomon (wickedly and An∣tichristianly since applied to the Pope in many passages of the last Councell of Lateran vnder Iu∣lius [ 50] the Second, and Leo the Tenth) it is said, The Kings of Tharshish and of the Iles shall bring pre∣sents, the Kings of Sheba and Seba shall offer gifts; it is plaine by the Historie of Solomon in Scrip∣ture, and by ioyning of Tharshish and Sheba together, that no Tartessus, nor Angola, nor Peru, are intended; and that Maritime Kings are meant (Tremellius reades Reges Oceani accolae) which ruled in Ilands (which is also added) or Coasts and Ports neere the Sea (sure as Hiram then was, and all remote Maritime Prouinces the Scripture cals Ilands) which vsed also (as in those parts of the East Indies, almost all the Kings are at this day Merchants) trade by Sea, and perhaps en∣ioyed the Title of the adioyning Seas (as his Maiestie is King of the Brittish Ocean, and ano∣ther Pacificus his Predecessor added it to his Royall Title, Ego Edgarus Anglorum Basileus, * 1.11 om∣nium{que}. Regum, Insularum, Oceani{que}. Britanniam circumiacentis, cunctarum{que} Nationum, quae infra [ 60] eam includuntur, Imperator & Dominus. Such were the Kings of Tharshish, whose Customes from the Sea, and Trade by it, made them haue their ships of Tharshish, & wealth from Tharshish: as in later dayes, the Kings of Aden, Ormus and Malacca; and still of Fartaque, Socatra, Calicut, Cochin, Zeilan, Achen, and many others included in the circuit of our Ophirian Voyage are; and might

therefore iustly be called Kings of Tharshish: from all which no doubt either in the course of this Ophirian Voyage and Trade, or otherwise sent by speciall Messengers, Solomon had presents, as i•• 1. Reg. 10.24.25. is expressed.

Pineda himselfe citeth out of Straboes third Booke of the Gaditans (which is Tartessus, or with him Tharshish) pleri{que} mare incolunt, pauci domi desident: and in this respect Tyrus may by the Pro∣phet be called filia Tharsis, daughter of the Sea, as seated in it, ruling on it, and liuing of it. The Chaldee Paraphrase hath the Kings of Tharsis, and the Ilands of the great Ocean Sea; which may bee vnderstood of the Indian Sea: and not as Goropius and Pineda would vrge vs, of Spaine. Pineda citeth Anastasius Sinaita, that Tharsis is Hesperia Regionis Occidentalis; and Fore∣rius [ 10] & Eugubinus to assist Goropius: whose authoritie shall so farre mooue as their reason is weightie.

As for Goropius, his fifth, sixth and seuenth Bookes of his Hispanica are principally spent on Tharshish the Sonne of Iauan, which he writes Tarsees, as signifying in that which he makes the first of Languages (the Dutch Tongue mother of ours) one that dares aduenture the Seas, or one which ••••••••ies in the Seas: therefore also sirnamed Atla•• or Atlant, quasi Hat-lant, or Hate-land, Him he makes with his brother Elisha the peoplers of Spaine, and saith, that of his skill in Astro∣nomie and inuention of the Sphere, he was fabled to beare the Heauens; and to haue named his daughters with names of starres; to haue sailed also to Ophir, so called as ouer the widest Sea, as Peru of a peere there built; and other like collections hee hath very wittie, learned and [ 20] pleasant, not solid enough to conuince, nor so contemptible as very easie to be confuted. Pineda hath written many sheets of paper to honour his Spaniish home with Salomons Voyages for the Temples structure, wherein his error amoris and not amor erroris may plead his excuse, according to that of the Poet, Nesci•• qua natale solum dulcedine cunctos Ducit, & immemores non siuit esse sui. I cannot but maruell, that two so learned men are so strongly carried by so weake reasons as the likenesse of words in Tharsis and Tartessus, when Geographers tell vs of, and themselues con∣fesse, Tarsus in Cilicia, Tarsis in Syria, Tarsius in Pannonia, and a Riuer of that name in Troas, with I know not how many others; and besides, Tartessus being a Phaenicean Colonie might of Thar∣shish or the Ocean receiue the name (whether we intend Gades or Cadiz thereby, or the whole Boetike Prouince as seated in, or on the Sea or Coast, and liuing by Maritime Arts.

[ 30] But of names of places wee haue before spoken how casuall and accidentall they are. Euen Tartarus the name of Hell is neere the former, & Strabo ghesseth that Homer called it so of this Tartessus in the remotest West; which Hellish kindred of termes, me thinks, should not be very gratefull to Spanish eares. Etimologists may easily runne mad if they bee permitted libertie; neither is any argument sound from the sound of syllables without other credible Witnesses.* 1.12 Therefore Pineda addeth the frequent Circumnauigation of Africa in those dayes; of which he citeth one out of Herodotus, of the Phaenicia••s long after this sent by Neco,* 1.13 which makes against him; for Herodotus both doubted of it, as a matter seeming to him incredible, that they should saile beyond the Sunnes course, and therefore could not be frequent; for that Nauigation would haue made both Tropikes familiar: he also saith in hunc modum Africa primum est agnita: if that [ 40] were the first Voyage, Salomons were none, or at least his Title is false,* 1.14 De frequenti & celebri à mari Arabico in Hispaniam nauigatione.

They wintered also by the way, and stayed the growing and ripening of Corne, which argu∣eth no people, at lest no Trade in those parts. His next testimonie is of Setaspes, who hauing de∣floured the Daughter of Zopyrus should therefore haue beene crucified, but by his mothers intrea∣tie Xerxes pardoned him vpon condition of this African Circumnauigation; which argueth the rarenesse of the attempt, as did the sequell also: for hauing sailed out of the Straits, and coasted some parts of Afrike, he returned (in despaire) and said he could saile no further, his ship beeing detained that it could not goe forwards. As for Darius sending to Indus, it is not to this pur∣pose. The fragments of Spanish ships in the Arabike Gulfe is mentioned by Plinie, as a wonder in [ 50] Caius Caesars time;* 1.15 and that of Hanno agreeth not with the Historie which is extant of his Voy∣age, and more credible: and for Eudoxus fleeing the tyranny of Lathyrus, and comming to Gades by that Circumnauigation it was not for Trade, but at a dead lift, to saue his life. Another is said by Antipater to haue sailed from Spaine to Aethiopia, which might be to the neerest Blackes be∣fore he came to that which now is called Guinnee.

And these are all which are brought for tha frequenti & celebri nauigatione, that of Neco and of Eudoxus, and a Spanish wracke, being all that all Age•• could yeeld vnto Plinies time; and all al∣so long after Salomon:* 1.16 and of these that of Eudoxus which is the most likely is farre otherwise told by Strabo, and at large refuted. As for the long tale of Semiramis out of Suidas, it was to In∣dia by the Indian Ocean (if it were at all) and not to Spaine. And out of Silius his Verse, Et cele∣bre [ 60] Oceano at{que} al••ernis astibus Hispal, to gather the Baetike Nauigations to India, round about A∣frica, or to Mexico & Peru, argueth the Author to be Hispalensis; a Baetike wit, rauished with I know not what beatike fancies: as that also that Salomons raigning from Sea to Sea,* 1.17 must be from the Red Sea to the Gaditan, as if from Esion-geber to Ioppe, were not from Sea to Sea.

From hence he turneth to the Phaenician Nauigations, which to mention here is more to our

purpose (they being Salomons Mariners to Ophir) then to his of Tartessus. Plinie and Mala ap∣plaud the Phenicians for inuention of Letters, Astronomie, nauall and militarie Sciences. Caius po∣steritie first in the old World, & Chams in this, florished in Arts and humaine Sciences. Ioshuahs conquest caused many of them, as Procopius and others affirme, to flee into remoter Regions, speci∣ally the Maritime parts of Africa. Commerce added Spaine, and whatsoeuer was fitting to that purpose of trade, Nauigation and riches, especially to the Phenicians, both before and after Car∣thage. Their comming in and thorow Spaine is acknowledged by Varro also (in Vninersam His∣paniam peruenisse) and they were the first discouerers of the Fortunate Ilands in Straboes opinion, and before Homers age held the best places in Africk and Spaine, till the Romans dispossessed them. Carthage in Africa is knowne a Phaenicean Colonie to schoole boies, and Plinie saith, that all the [ 10] Baetike coast was of Phaenicean originall, or of the Paeni, which in authors are often confounded with the former, of whom they proceeded, and as Saint Ierom obserueth, are called Poeni quasi Phoeni, still in great part retaining that language; as is also the name Carthaginian, of whom Polybius testifieth that they possessed all Spaine, from the Strait to the Pyrenaean hils. But be that will view a Map of the Tyrian greatnesse and the auncient Phaenicean Nauigations, Traffiques and Discoueries, let him read the 27. of Ezekiel, with some good commentarie; and from the best eui∣dence it shall appeare that all the best parts and Ports in Asia, Afrike and Europe were then fami∣liar to this Daughter of Tharshish. The Baetike by Strabo are reputed the most learned of the Spa∣niards, vsing Grammer, Poesie, Antiquities, and Lawes as they said 6000. yeeres old; which agree∣eth with their Phaenician originall. To hunt the Legends of Bacchus, & Osiris, I here purpose not, as [ 20] hauing little truth, and no mention at all of Spaine: nor is that more credible of the Phaeniceans besieged by Nabuchodonosor, and relieued from their Phaenicean Colonies in Spaine, and his reuenge vpon them therefore inuading the Spaniards. Aldrete a learned Spaniard reiects both, howeuer Megastenes other where found fabulous, may make somewhat for them.

Yet I beleeue their commerce and Phaenician originall, and great trafficke; their Mines also of Gold and Siluer: but such as yeelded more to the Phaenicians and Carthaginians then all the New World hath hitherto to the Spaniard, or many yeeres after Goropius his hitherto, added by Pineda, Gredat Indaens apella. Yea still Pineda brings testimonies to proue it no lesse rich in Mines; which makes me not a little maruell at their wisedome to be at such cost to fetch so farre off that which they haue so plentifull at home; and that as the throate which swalloweth all the meate and no∣thing [ 30] staies there (it would cause suffocation) so the Spaniards before Columbus his time were so poore and quiet accordingly; and that at that time there appeared so little monie or credit, that the Queene pawned her Iewels to borrow a small summe of 2000. Duckets, or little more; and that since, Spaine hath (except soone after the returne of the Indian Fleete) so little coine stirring but base monies. Shall we thinke them miserable, miser-like, rich-poore, or is it that their Mines seeme wholly recollected in their mindes? they being, if you beleeue Pineda, a Nati∣on opum tam contemtrix quàm lucratrix, ingenio acuto (hoc quor••••dam exterorum ineptissima iuuidia suspiciosum & callidum vocat, saith he) ad magnas res nato (hoc sordida altorum socordia superbiam & tumorem.) I enuie not their happinesse to them so much chanted by this Spaniard, I wish that they were so contented therewith, that they disturbed not the quiet of others; and that as they [ 40] haue their Nauies of Tharshish yeerely bringing Gold and Siluer (as for Apes and Peacockes they neede not goe so farre for them) so they would doe as Salomon, liue in peace with their neighbours and build the Temple at home: which had they done, much of this our paper Nauie of Tharshish had not beene, neither had their Gaditane Tartessus become a pray to Her Nauie of Tarshish, who in her daies was filia Tarshish indeede, not Venus orta Mari, but Cui coniurati venêre ad classica ven∣ti, who defended her owne at home, by home inuading, by hunting her enemies round about the World. Let vs leaue the Spaniards magnifying the present riches of their Mines, as that of Gua∣dalcanal, one of the best in the world by the Kings Treasurer reported in a Letter to our Author, dated 1607. and another of Francisco Tesada his Sonne, so farre extolling the Spanish (hee names diuers) beyond those of Potossi, that whereas a quintall (that is 1600. ounces) of Potosi Ore, or [ 50] earth digged vp, yeeldes but an ounce and halfe of pure Siluer, most of the Spanish yeelde ten oun∣ces of a quintall, some more to 15.30.60. Markes, each of eight ounces. It is fit in a long tractate, and as it were another Voyage to Ophir, to end with Mines: and fitter in Salomons Ophir to end with honorable mention of our Salomon, who without any Hirams helpe, sent her seruants to Ophir and Peru too, and round about the vniuerse to repaire that Temple, and to defend the Faith, which a greater then Salomon had by her in England restored from Babylonish captiuitie: which the greatest powers on earth sought in vaine to hinder, she sailing further by her seruants, raig∣ning longer in her owne person, more glorious in her last daies, then Salomon, and leauing a peace∣able Salomon to succeede her; yea to exceede▪ with addition of another Kingdome; (not a Rohobo∣am, to loose the greatest part of the former.) Him God defend to defend his faith long amongst vs, [ 60] with Salomons vertue and Ophirian magnificence. Amen.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Acost. de Nat. N. Orb. l. 1. c. 13. & 14.
• * 1.2

  The bounds of Ophir.
• * 1.3

  Rihera, Pineda, &c. 1. Reg. 10 22. 2. Chton. 9.21. Th•• Kings ships w••nt to Tharshish &c. euery thr••e yeeres o••ce came the sh••ps from Tha••sh••sh.
• * 1.4

  Ribera in Ion 1. Cornel. Corn. in Es. 2. Forerius in Es. 2. E••. Saa in Ps. 47 Marin. in Arca. Leo Iud. 3. Reg. 10. Villalpand. in Eze. ••7 R. Mos. Had. in Ps 71.
• * 1.5

  1. Reg. 22.48.
• * 1.6

  Post. de Orig••n.
• * 1.7

  Cha••. 2. Parap. 9. Sam. ib. Rib. in Ion ••.
• * 1.8

  Gen. 10.4.
• * 1.9

  Ios. 15.12.
• * 1.10

  Ionas 1. H••eron. in Ion. 1. Ps. 72.11. By some vn∣discreet and vaine Cutters or Printers flatterie, or ig∣norance insen∣sible of diuine mysteries, in the ••ore∣front of a great Booke, some words of this Psalme proper to Christ are ap∣plied to his Maiesties pi∣cture; Omnes gentes seruient ei, &c. which I mention to vindicate both that Scripture and his M••ie∣stie from ca∣calumnie.
• * 1.11

  See Tom. 2. ••••g. 19.
• * 1.12

  Strab. l. 3.
• * 1.13

  Circumnaui∣gations of A∣frike rare.
• * 1.14

  Herod. l. 4.
• * 1.15

  Plin. l. 2. c. 67.
• * 1.16

  Strab. l. 2.
• * 1.17

  Psal. 72.