Purchas his pilgrimes. part 1 In fiue bookes. The first, contayning the voyages and peregrinations made by ancient kings, patriarkes, apostles, philosophers, and others, to and thorow the remoter parts of the knowne world: enquiries also of languages and religions, especially of the moderne diuersified professions of Christianitie. The second, a description of all the circum-nauigations of the globe. The third, nauigations and voyages of English-men, alongst the coasts of Africa ... The fourth, English voyages beyond the East Indies, to the ilands of Iapan, China, Cauchinchina, the Philippinæ with others ... The fifth, nauigations, voyages, traffiques, discoueries, of the English nation in the easterne parts of the world ... The first part.

§. XI. Probable coniectures of the Course taken in the Ophirian Voyage, and accounts giuen of the three yeeres time spent therein: also of the Course taken in [ 50] like Voyages by the Romans: and the diuers Ports whereto the Spices and riches of India haue in diuers Ages beene brought, and thence dispersed to the seuerall parts of EVROPE.* 1.1

WEe haue now vndertaken a hard taske, where we tell not but spell a Voyage, and from reasonable coniectures grounded on other experiments, gather what is most likely in this of Salomons. D. Dee hath written 23. sheets of paper in examining the miles, the dayes, the way, the employments of the time, and mustering or Men and Ships employed in this seruice. I cannot presume either of so much learning in my Selfe, or so [ 60] much patience in the Reader. Yet I shall bee bold both to follow him, and to adde somewhat for further light. Pliny writes, that in his time this Voyage from Egypt to India was made euery yeer. Euery yeer India consumed H-S 500. (which Iacobus Delachampius in his notes summeth to 1200000. Crownes) of the Roman Empires Treasure yeerely, yeelding merchandises therefore in returne sold at

a hundreth times so much. Their course, hee saith, was from Alexandria twelue dayes by Nilus to Coptus, thence by Camells ouer Land to Berenice two hundreth fiftie eight miles (trauelling most part by night by reason of the heate) in twelue dayes more. From Berenice on the Red Sea, they beginne to set forth at Midsummer, or about the beginning of Dogge-dayes, and in thirtie dayes come to Ocelis in Arabia, (or to Canaan or Muza, if they goe not to India, but for A∣rabian Frankincense and Odours) and from Ocelis in fortie dayes they arriued at the first In∣dian Port Muziris. Remember that in this Course they both tooke benefit of the Mon∣son,* 1.2 and went the neerest way: for so a little before hee mentioneth another Course by the Shoare, Secuta aetas propiorem cursum, &c. donec compendia inuenit Mercator, Lucroque In∣dia admota est. Quippe omnibus annis nauigatur. Hee mentions the Voyage of Onesicritus and Nearchus from India to Tigris, in the bottome of the Persian Gulfe, which helde [ 10] them till the seuenth moneth. So much was Nauigation improued in Plinies time. Their Pepper they tooke in on the Malabar Coast, and returned in December the same yeere. The names which then they gaue to places were quite differing from the Antients; and the like Indian mutations haue continued to our times.

The course to Taprobane had accidentally comne to their knowledge a little before, found in Alexanders time to bee an Iland by Onesicritus, mentioned by Megasthenes. The Anti∣ents deemed it another World. The Sea is f••l•• of shoalds, the North-starre is not seene there, and they obserued their course, by sending out Birds which they carry with them and followed their flight. But in the Empire of Claudius, Annius Plocanus hauing farmed the Customes of the Red Sea, one of his Retainers or Free-men * 1.3 sayling on the Arabian Coast, was by a [ 20] Northerne storme carried alongst the Carmanian shoare to Hippuros a Port therein, and was kindly vsed by the King, who admiring his Roman Relations, sent foure Embassadours backe with him. These related amongst other things, that the side of the Iland which lieth toward In∣dia, is 10000. furlongs * 1.4, and that they had trade with the Seres. I will not recite Nearchus out of Arrianus nor Ptolemey and Marianus, which can little aduantage vs in regard of the lesse know∣ledge of the former, and lesse certainty of the later passing the ignorance of Transcribers, and aboue one thousand yeares darknesse. Yet herein is Ptolemey profitable, where his Longitudes and Lati∣tudes are false, that by his order of position and successiue setting downe of places some know∣ledge may arise. But the length of the way is better knowne by later Writers.

Iohn di Barros hath set downe the coasting distances, from the Bab or Mouth of the [ 30] Red Sea to Cape Nigraes, the Southerly part of Our Peguan Ophir, whose Portugall leagues (al∣lowing for each three English miles, and a fifth part of a mile) come to 5769 ⅗ and from that Cape to Singapura is 1008. miles more. From the Bab or Mouth of the Red Sea to the bottom, is by Comito Venetiano, in Ramusio reckoned 1441. miles, and in his returne 1514. the breadth in some places two hundreth,* 1.5 the way full of shoalds, so that it cannot bee sailed neere the shoare but by day. So troublesome is this Sea, and so difficult to bee sayled, that Don Iohn de Ca∣stro (whose voyage followeth at large) spent no lesse then three moneths in the way from the Straits to Sues, from the nine and twentieth of Ianuary, 1541. to the seuen and twentieth of April;* 1.6 and returning the eight and twentieth of April, arriued at the Bab the eighteenth of Iuly; So that here the way is to be weighed by the qualitie as well as the quantitie. Hieronimo da Santo [ 40] Stephano in Ramusio, spent from Cosir to Aden fiftie dayes, almost three hundreth miles South∣ward from Sues, and therefore so much lesse way.

We must here note also that neither the ships, nor their furniture; the shipmen also nor their furniture of skill, could in Salomons dayes, be any way comparable to these later times: and that if three moneths were spent by the Portugall Nauie from Sues to the Bab, we may at least allow so much time to these Ophirians. For if these had more haste, the other had more skill and bet∣ter ships. Neither may we thinke that they durst there saile but by day in Salomons fleete, and therefore were likely to make it longer. The lesse vessels and many men, would require also oftner staies for water and refreshing, besides the seuenth dayes rest, which Salomons seruants according [ 50] to the law, and especially in a Voyage for adorning the Temple, built in honor of the legall wor∣ship, must not breake. Being out of the Straits into the Ocean, they were neither willing nor a∣ble (as appeares by the mentioned Voyage of Onesicritus and Nearchus) to aduenture the sailing beyond ken of Land. And therefore also Ptolemie in his longitudes and latitudes, abates of Marinus and the Mariners reckonings one third part, because of the crooking in their coasting, as euery Bay and point enforced them. And that compendious way mentioned by Plinie was then new in his time, when shipping and the Mariners art had beene by frequent ex∣perience much improued, and from the swadling bands in Salomons time growne to some virili∣ty. So that except forced by distresse of weather we cannot make the Ophirian course but with∣in ken o•• shoare all the way. Now then if it were the seuenth moneth, as we haue read in Plinie, before Alexanders fleet could arriue in Tigris from Indus, in which Arrianus reporteth that there [ 60] w••r•• Phaenician, Egyptian and Cyprian, besides his best Graecian Mariners, they all bring then his subiects; we can allow no lesse to Salomons fleete before it could touch the neerest Indian Port, being no ••esse way. And howsoeuer it may be obiected that triumphall deuotions, and tempests,

and fights, and reparations of the Fleete, tooke vp much of Nearchus his time: I answere, that this Ophirian fleet was neither warranted from enemies nor tempests, & was likely also to spend time in reparations, and in prouisions, and in deuotions, specially that which was peculiar to them, the Sabbaths.

And although single ships in the Arabike gulfe, and in the Ocean might euen then make quick∣er way then this mentioned, yet in that of Castro, of N••archus, and this of Salomon, where care was to keepe a whole fleet together for mutuall helpe and common security, the greater body must needes haue slower motion. Thus then allowing three moneths to the Red Sea, and sixe moneths from thence to India, we shall follow Comito Venetiano, who reckons the one 1514. miles from the [ 10] Straits to Sues inward, and thence outward to Diu 2023. to which adde the coasting about to the Ormuzian strait, and comming to any Port in India, as namely Muziris, or any in the Mala∣bar coast, it could not much lesse then double the length of the way, and therefore the time. By this proportion we should spend the three yeeres in going and returning, if we adde that spaci∣ous way from Muziris to our neerest Port in Ophir: and so should both their labour and ours be vaine, and nothing should be done. Barros himselfe (to make this more euident) hath reckoned short of the way which Salomons Fleet must make in bouts and windings by the shoare, or which he makes no allowance. D. Dee is sparing in this calculation, and yet makes it from Ezion Geber to Cape Negraes 9155. miles; of which we deduct for the Arabike gulfe but 1514. and leaue 7641. remaining. We therefore in regard of the manifold dangers and shelfes of that Gulfe, allow to [ 20] it eighty dayes, of which deducting eleuen Sabbaths, there remaine sixtie nine, to which (one with another) we allow one and twenty miles a day, somewhat more, as much as can conuenient∣ly in that Sea be allowed to a Fleet sailing together. And this allowance is so large, that Castro was eighty eight dayes (and that in the daies of better Nauigation) in the way which we allow to sixtie nine. Now in the Ocean, where they might make better vse of the Monson and Tides, as freed from the dangers which attend the Gulfe, wee will allow thirty two miles a day one with another (the Sabbaoths deducted) which by the yeeres end will bring vs to our Port at Pe∣g••, or some other the neerest to Cape Negraes, where we may harbour our Fleete. For to Cape Negraes it selfe (deducting the one and forty Sabbaths remaining of the yeere) 7641. miles are proportioned in each daies equall sailing, in requisite and direct way, one and thirty miles and 17/244 [ 30] which being very far from any safe Port, must needs make it two & thirty miles the day to bring vs thither, allowing nothing for New Moone, or any other Iewish solemnitie, or other occasionall stay whatsoeuer▪ nor for those bords, gibes and fetching tu••n••s (which Mariners, and specially coast-winders must make) and consequently much superfluous way, which alone (besides force of stormes) would make this thirty two to be aboue forty miles a day ordinary way, broken and whole, one with another.

And if this seeme to any man a small thing,* 1.7 let him consider the weakenesse of Nauigation then, both in skill and shipping: the Phaenicians before this time not acquainted with those In∣dian Seas, but onely with the Mediterranean, as probably may be thought; their vsing the O••re more then the saile, and not daring to saile by night when they could not see shoare, their neces∣sary [ 40] occasions of stay sometimes for watering and prouisions, sometimes by fo••le weather detai∣ned, sometimes for reparations of some of the Fleet occasionally needing helpe, that all the Fleet may keepe together, sometimes for trade by the way, sometimes for healthfull ••••sport, recreati∣on and ioy: and (which is of principall obseruation in those Seas) for expectation of the Mons•••• or season of the wind••, which there keepes an euen course, as out of the following Voyages you shall see. All which laid together, it will not seeme miserably and vniustly done to haue allow∣ed the proportion before mentioned. If you read the first Discoueries b 1.8 on the coast of Africke by the Portugals, and see how little they discouered in a whole Summer, when their skill was not inferiour to these Phaenicians, and experience more, you will thinke me 〈◊〉〈◊〉 if not prodi∣gall in this allowance. Captaine Hawkins in the Hector (a ship no•• the worst of 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and which [ 50] before had beene twice at the Indies) was from the first of Apr••ll 1607. till August 24. 1608. ere he could arriue at the Barre of Sura••▪ in the neerest part of the Indies, almost seuen••••ene moneths space, where no Iewish Sabbath, no•• shore-creeping enforced then stay▪ The Dragon at the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 time was longer in her way to Suma••••••, and I beleeue many of ou•• later Voyages doe not much exceede this proportion. It seemeth therefore to me probable in a round reckoning to allow ou•• one yeere little more or lesse on the Voyage, a second in the stay at their seuerall ports, and in the mines of Gold and Siluer, and for further prouisions of Almug trees, Iuory, Apes and Peacocks; and a third yeere in their returne.

Doctor Dee allowes fiftie miles a day of requisite way, that is 1200. miles euery foure weekes,* 1.9 resting the Sabbath, and forty miles a day within the Gulfe or Red Sea: the miles he computeth [ 60] 9155. and the whole Voyage to be performed in seuen moneths and six and twenty dayes out∣ward, and as much homeward; one fortnight of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 after their landing before they fell to their Mine-workes, to be spent in mind-workes of deuout thankfulnesse, prayers and festiuall reioy∣cing; as much before their shipping for returne, the rest in their workes and purueying of commo∣dities. So that for what I allow a yeere, to each of these he alloweth the space of eight moneths

or there abouts: the third yeere he bestoweth on their businesse, rest, and triumph at home, care of their family and state preparations for the next returne, as trimming the ships (in these times the wormes which in those Seas breede in ships, and eate them, compell vs to sheath them) and o∣ther prouisions. He alloweth 4500, workemen for the mines, not all at once working▪ but in courses, some resting by turnes, others working, and then those succeeding to their workes whiles they againe rested (the workes and yeeldings whereof hee diligently examineth) three hundred for the Almug trees, for Elephants teeth twenty, for Apes and Peacockes ten: one hundred Of∣ficers: in all 5040. To this businesse he holdeth requisite fiftie tall ships, to each ship thirty Ma∣riners, in all 1500. which with the former number make vp 6540. men. Thus he and more then thus with much curiositie of minerall and nauall learning, which cannot here be expressed with∣out [ 10] that libertie of long discourse, which neither the vulgar reader could vnderstand, nor others perhaps (except some few) finde leisure to reade. Otherwise I would haue inserted it.

I honour his great industry, but cannot conceiue that that age yeelded such great ships to car∣rie so manie, nor that they could one day with another make so much way, nor that Salomon would permit so long a stay as a whole yeere, but rather presse new men. As for the Phaenician Mariners, vpon this occasion it is likely that they setled their dwelling at or neere Ezion Geber, as all antiquitie mentioning Phaenicians in the Red Sea, seemeth to argue. And for the seruants of Salomon▪* 1.10 they were the posteritie of the people that were left of the Amorites, Hittites, Periz∣zites, Hi••ites, and Iebusites, which were not of the children of Israel. Their children that were left af∣ter them in the land, whom the children of Israel also were not able vtterly to destroy; vpon those did [ 20] Salomon leuie a tribute of bond seruice vnto this day. But of the children of Israel did Salomon make no bondmen. Thus the holy writ but a few verses before the mention of this Ophirian Nauie. Of these it is said 2 Chro. 2.17.* 1.11 And Salomon numbred all the strangers that were in the land of Israel after the numbring wherewith Dauid his father had numbred them, and they were found an hundred and fiftie thousand and three thousand and sixe hundred. And hee set 70000. of them to be bearers of bur∣thens, and 80000. to be hewers in the Mountaines, and 3600. ouerseers to set the people aworke. If Sa∣lomon would not ease them by courses neerer home (for they were the Israelites which serued by those courses, not these strangers) I cannot here ease them; and if he would not employ the Is∣raelites in the neerer quarries and Forrests, neither would he send them to remoter Mines, a more dangerous and difficult worke. Now some of those hewers in the Mountaines were fittest for [ 30] this hewing and mining in the Mountains for Mettals, to which that place may also be intended and extended. Officers to Ophir and men of command he might haue out of Israel, but for the Oare by Sea and Ore at land, these were likely to be the seruants of Salomon mentioned in the text: the rather because that name euer after continued to them, as you may read euen after the return from the captiuitie in Ezra 2.55. Nehem. 7.60. This hath beene omitted by others handling this ar∣gument, and therefore I am the fuller in it.

Besides, it is as likely (which others also obserue, and before is mentioned, & agreeth to the 666. talents of Gold yeerely) that Salomon after the Temple buildings were ended,* 1.12 emploied Fleetes yeerely to Ophir, one vnder another, that each should make their voiage in three yeers, but of them euery yeere one should returne: which agrees not with D. Dees speculation of a yeers stay. Nei∣ther [ 40] is it probable that in seuen or eight moneths so much Gold and Siluer could be gotten by so vnexpert miners. Nor doth D. Dee ••onsider the Monsons of those Seas which are by six moneths regulated, and not by eight. Nor may we thinke but that many of Salomons seruants setled some abode in the Countrie, so long (at lest if we will permit courses, which I will not much quarrell amongst them) as Salomon vsed the voiage; by whom the Iuorie, Apes, and Peacockes might be procured, and Gems also without any speciall allowance of men each third yeere to that pur∣pose; except as the Fleet in comming or going might touch by the way at each good mart, for which Doctor Dees time of eight moneths seemes also too short. Yet if any approue, and lust to follow him, I haue no Empire ouer opinions.

* 1.13This Ophirian voiage which brought the riches of the East to Ezion Geber, occasioneth a qu••re [ 50] of the voiages of Spices, and the manifold shiftings of the Marts & Ports thereof in former times, i•• a worke of voiages not vnfit for consideration. The first mention of Merchants is of Ishmaelites and Midianites, which trauelled in a Carauan together with Camels carrying spicerie, & balme, and Mirrhe to Egypt. These inhabited not far from Ezion Geber, or the shoares of the red Sea. Whither their Spicerie came out of the Southerne parts of Arabia, or further out of India brought into some Arabian port,* 1.14 is not easie to determin. Their Balme they might haue at Gilead by the way, though Arabia yeelds of that also, as the Myrrhe likewise; what Spicerie the first mentioned is, is not so easie to decide. Iobs mentioning the gold of Ophir, and other passages in that Booke may cause coniecture of an Indian trade in his daies.* 1.15 But this is easily gathered out of Histories that the great Monarchs endeuoured to make them selues Lords of India for the riches aforesaid. Sem••ramis [ 60] is said to haue inuaded India, & to haue beene repelled by Sta••••••bates, which I can beleeue, though not so prodigal of faith as to accept the report of three Millions of foot,* 1.16 and fiue hundred thousand horse in her army; no more then that she was the founder of Babylon. But both Ni••u•• or Ninius (which her husband N••••us had made the sea••e of the Assyrian Empire) standing vpon Lycu•• which

floweth into Tigris; and Babylon feat of the Chaldae••n Empire on Euphrates, Seleucia also & Bagdet of later building not farre from thence, haue in their times beene fitting seats to receiue either by land or sea, or both, the Indian riches, thence to be dispersed to other Marts and thorow the world. The Persians were Lords of India, as both the Scripture & Herodotus affirme,* 1.17 & Alexander aduan∣ced the Macedonian Empire thither also; whose Empire after his death being rent into foure parts, Seleucus possessed Babylonia, and Ptolemeus Egypt, which by the red Sea made most aduantage of the Spicerie.* 1.18

Sesostris (whom Iosephus esteemeth to be Shishak, 2 Chro. 12. the King of Egypt which tooke a∣way great part of these Ophirian treasures) is by Strabo reported the first which subdued Aethio∣pia and Troglodytica:* 1.19 at the straits of Dira (where the red Sea is out sixtie furlongs or seuen miles [ 10] and a halfe broad) left Monuments of his exploits, a pillar engrauen with hieroglyphikes: he pas∣sed thence into Arabia and thorow all Asia. His westerne expedition I omit (Lucan singeth, Ve∣nit ad oc••asum mundi{que} ex trema Sesostris) but it is like that being in the time of Salomon and his e∣mulous ••nemie,* 1.20 that the glory of Salomons Ophirian arts had whetted him to this Asian and In∣dian expedition. Pliny mentions the Tyrians in this coast, and the port Dancon whence Sesostris first of al thought to bring a Nauigable Riuer to Delta of Nilus 62. miles. Necho long after (hee which sew King Iosias) is said to haue sought to make a marriage betwixt the Red Sea and Nilus (the ca••se is euident, the Arabian,* 1.21 Aethiopian and Indian commerce to be ioyned▪ with the Me∣diterra••an) and to haue sent Phoenecians from that Sea vpon discouerie round about Africa; in which ••oiage they spent two yeeres. Cambyses conquered Egypt, and built Cambis•• a Citie on the [ 20] red Sea Darius the Persian pursued Nechos proiect, thinking to perfect a trench from the Riuer to the Sea but was deterred by those which said that Sea was higher then Egypt,* 1.22 and therfore would drown••. Yet did this proiect outli••e the Persian Empire in Egypt, for Ptolemie made a trench 100. foot br••d and 30. deepe, 37. miles and 400. paces, as far as the Bitter fountaines, and then brake off fea••ing••n inundation, the red Sea being found three cubits higher then the land of Egypt. Some (saith Finie) say the feare was, lest Nilus should be corrupted by the Sea water. Yet by three waies did the then passe to Arsinoe built by Ptolemaeus Philadelphus. The Trench still continues, as Fure∣rus a Geman (which saw it in his way to Mount Sinai from Cairo) testifieth.

Cop••s way was found by King Ptolomie, and the Egyptian Exchequer thereby so aduanced, that in A••l••es time, a King nothing frugall,* 1.23 the prodigall Father of prodigious Cleopatra (Strabo cites [ 30] it out ••an Oration of Cicero) the royal reuenues came to 12500. talents, which is of English coine by M. ••erewood•• reckoning two millions, three hundreth forty three thousand & seuen hundreth & fifty ••ounds. And if that he, saith Strabo, which carelesly and negligently administred his King∣dome hd so much reuenue, what may we thinke of the present Roman gouernmēt, the Indian and Troglo••ticall Merchandises being added? For whereas afore scarsly 20. ships aduentured out of the Str••••s, now very great fleets are set forth to India and Aethiopia▪ whence precious Merchandi∣se•• are ••ought to Egypt and thence transported to other places, with the benefit of double cu∣stome 〈◊〉〈◊〉 importation and exportation. But those precious wares haue heauie imposts, because of the Mo••polies, onely Alexandria receiuing and dispersing them. Thus Strabo, who calleth Alex∣andria 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the greatest Mart in the World. How gainfull this trade was,* 1.24 and [ 40] what co••••e they held in this voiage in Plinies time, you haue heard out of him alreadie.

Alexa••dria being orewhelmed with a Saracen Deluge,* 1.25 by Schismaticall Chalipha•• beganne at last to hol vp head againe, and whiles the Mamalukes Empire lasted, was the chiefe Mart for the Spices ••ought to Mecca, and thence carried to Alexandria, the Trade whereof was in the Venetians ••nd, and enriched their Signiorie very much, till the Portugals in our Grandfathers dayes foun the way by Sea into the Indies, whereby both the Moores and Venetians were im∣pouerished▪ This Trade set Henrie that Noble Prince of Portugall on worke to begin that,* 1.26 which was so long ••efore it produced any fruit. Yea, this Indian Trade set Columbus, and after him Ca∣bot on worl to find the way to the Indies by the West; which their industrious simplicitie God rewarded 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a New World by them discouered. But to returne to our Romans, Rham••sio cites [ 50] out of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Law, the Customes for the Indian goods set downe in the Reigne of Mar∣cus and Comodus▪ viz. Cinamon, Pepper long, and white, Cloues, Costus, Ca••camo, Spikenard,* 1.27 Caes∣sia, Frankinc••e, Xilocassia, Myrrhe, Amon••um, Ginger, Malaba••••rum, Ammoniake, Galbanum, Laser, Agol••••um, Gumme Arabike, Cardamome, Carpesium, Silkes, Parthian and Babylonian Workes, Iuorie, Eboni••ll sorts of precious Stones, Pearles, Sardonix, Ceraunia, Hiacinth, Emerald▪ Diamond, Saphire, Callio, Berill, Cilindre, Indian and Sarmatian Clothes,* 1.28 &c. which I haue mentioned that we may see 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Trade then, and now are much alike.

Strabo and linie (before thi•• greatnesse of Alexandria, as it may seeme) extoll Dioscuria•• in the bottome the Euxine or Blacke Sea, where people of seuentie Languages, or as Timosth••nes affirmed, three ••undred seuerall Nations resorted; and after that the Roma••s ••sed one hundred [ 60] and thirtie Int••••pr••••ers in their businesses. In Plinies time this Babylon was wal••e. I imagine that when the Persia E••pire possessed India and Asia minor this Dioscurias was the Staple of Indian Commodities: 〈◊〉〈◊〉 partly by the Persian Golfe as farre as Tigris would permit, & the rest by Land, which is 〈…〉〈…〉 way. Or, as some thinke, and not without cause, those Seas being so in∣fested

with Pirats, as appeares in Plinie, and the Arabs being alway Robbers; they carried their goods vp the Indus (as many still doe from Tatta to Lahor) and thence by Carauan ouer the Can∣dahar and other Hils, the Riuer Oxus, and ouer the Caspian Sea to the Riuer Cyrus, and so to Dios∣curias.

When the Seleucidae succeeded in those parts, it is like that the Trade continued, though wea∣ker, till the Romans drew all to Alexandria: especially the Parthian Empire not permitting such Commerce to their Roman Enemies, as neither the Persians after.

That Barbarous myst of so many Nations which ouercame the Roman Empire, buried this Trade in darknesse, till the Saracens grew to some height, and Bagdet was made the chiefe Seate of their Caliph, builded on Tigris, and commodious to attract the Trade of the East, and disperse it [ 10] to the West. A great part of this Trade after the declination of Bagdet, the East beeing infected with Mahumetan follies,* 1.29 honoured also with colour of Religion, was conueyed by the Arabian Moores, and Moorish Indians to Mecca (the sinke of that Superstition) by the Red Se••, Iudda, and Ziden being their Ports, and thence was much of it carried to Damasco, and thence to A∣leppo, which Trade hath continued to our dayes; and another part to Cairo, hereby flouri∣shing, and thence to Alexandria as aforesaid: which is still vsed also, but much empared, and almost forsaken by the Europaean Nauigations b 1.30 into India.

Whiles the Tartarian Empire flourished, these Indian Wares were carried much (as you may reade in Polo) to Mangi or China; to Cathay, many also carried to Boghar in Bactria, an•• to Sa∣marcand, and thence to other parts. Also in those troublesome times when the Tartars h••d ouer∣runne [ 20] all, and when Boghar was in esteeme for Trade, the Indian Merchandises were shi••ped on the Caspian Sea by Oxus, and thence conuayed to Astracan, on the Riuer Rha, or Volga, ••nd so to Nouogrode, and thence partly ouer-land, partly by water to Caffa, or Theodosia, wher•• the Ge∣nowayes fetched it (who then were of great power in these parts) and dispersed it in Christian Ports; the Venetians and Genowayes being Corriuals in this Trade, as in other things, an•• in those dayes very great. Much also passed to Trapezond, that Citie so flourishing that it becam•• an Em∣pire, a Title too heauie for it, and the ruine both of Constantinople the Mother thus ••eakened, and of it selfe.

Ormuz was famous by this Trade, and Moha in the Red Sea, but both haue their cou••se to A∣leppo; of which our Trauellers shall in due time tell you in the following Discourses. ••nd now [ 30] we see London an Indian Mart, and Turkie it selfe from hence serued with Pepper, and the•• In∣dian Commodities, as Master Mun Deputie of that Company in his following Tracate will shew you.

Thus much of the Ports made famous by Indian Spicerie and Merchandize. Anastasi•• Sinaita affirmeth, that Salomons Fleet made a returne euery yeere, which of the same Fleet canot bee vnderstood. Pineda yeelds to this, but he makes vs more labour about Tharsis, to wh••ch, now wee are returned from Ophir, he enforceth vs to a new Voyage, and to finde Tharsis ••n Spaine. Iosephus Acosta also hath made a scruple both of Ophir and Tharsis, and makes them to ••••gnifie no particular set place, but generall and remote, as India doth now with vs signifie all th•• Easterne World in vulgar appellation. Yee doth he acknowledge the substance of that wee ha••e spoken, [ 40] and professeth to agree with Iosephus, so that with him wee shall haue but a Gramm••r quarrell. We will adde a word of the Phaenicians which here are expressed to haue beene Sol••ons Mari∣ners, and of their ancient Nauigation, and so shall we make an end of our Ophirian Vo••age, which to some Readers will perhaps seeme much longer then three yeeres.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Plin. l. 6. cap. 23▪ As couetous rich men are euer needy & greedy, so In∣dia hath euer swallowed in Trade the wor••ds Trea∣sure, and yet is the Treasu∣ry of the World.
• * 1.2

  Muziris is by some thought to be C••aul by Arrianus in his Periplus 〈◊〉〈◊〉 is placed more Sou••herly, on that which we call the Mala∣bar Coast. D. Dee thinkes it Surat.

  Voyage of O∣nesicritus and Nearchus. Plin. l. 6. c. 22. Voyage to Taprobana.
• * 1.3

  Liber••us.
• * 1.4

  That is 1250. miles which cannot agree to Zeilan but Sumatra: the Easterly ••cit••∣ation al••o vltra ••on••es Emodos and commerce with Seres a∣gree to Suma∣tra.

  Arrian. l. 8.
• * 1.5

  Inf. to. 1. l. 7. c. 6.
• * 1.6

  Cosir.
• * 1.7

  Thirty two miles a day al∣lowed for the whole Voyage one day with another: for what that fra∣ctiō lacks must be allowed ••n going from Cape Negraes either to the mouth of Gan∣ges or Aua, or some other Port.
• b 1.8

  See l. 2. c. 1•• §. 2. A whole age had passed before they discouered farre as the Cape of Good Hope. Sum. ••otal.
• * 1.9

  D. Dees recko∣ning.
• * 1.10

  Salomons ser∣uants sent to Ophir were not Israelites. 1 Reg. 9.20.21.22
• * 1.11

  1 Reg. 5.14.
• * 1.12

  Villa••••••nd. Pineda, &c.
• * 1.13

  First Merchants and the diuers Marts for Spi∣ces.

  Gen. 37.23.28.
• * 1.14

  Ier. 8.22. & 22.6
• * 1.15

  Su••das,
• * 1.16

  See Full. Miscel.
• * 1.17

  Est••. 8.9. Herod. Thalia.
• * 1.18

  Aegyptians.
• * 1.19

  Ios. Ant••q. l. 8. c. 4 Strab. l. 16.
• * 1.20

  2 Chro. 35. Herod. l 4.
• * 1.21

  Pl. l. 6. c. 29. Diod. S. c. l. 1. c 3 Plin. l. 6. c. 29.
• * 1.22

  Some make Psamme••icus •• worker also in this Trench.
• * 1.23

  Arsine•• or Sue••. Furer. voiage ins. l. 8. c. 13. Strab. l. 17.
• * 1.24

  Alexandria.
• * 1.25

  See Leo & 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.26

  See in••. l. 2. c. 2•• §. 2.
• * 1.27

  Pham vol. 1. fol. 371.
• * 1.28

  Dioscu••••••. Strab l 11. Plin. l. 6. c. 5.
• * 1.29

  Bagdet. Mecca.
• b 1.30

  This caused so much wars to the Portu∣gal•• from the Moores, the Mamalukes, and the Turkes: and since from them to Ours and the Dutch. Ant. G••luano & Ramus. Boghar. Astracan. Nouogrode. Caffa. Trapezond. Ormus. Moha. London.

  Lib. 5. cap. vlt. Anastas. Sinaitai lib. 12. Hexam. Pined. de reb. Salom.

  Acosta de Nat. Noui orb. l. 1. c▪ 13, 14.